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 Title Page
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 Section I. Fort San Luis: Documents...
 Section II. A Spanish mission site...
 Section III. Excavations at the...
 Appendix. Leon-Jefferson ceramic...
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 Material Information
Title: Here they once stood;
Physical Description: Book
Language: English
Creator: Boyd, Mark F ( Mark Frederick ), 1889-1968
Publisher: University of Florida Press
Place of Publication: Gainesville
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Table of Contents
    Half Title
        Page i
        Page i-a
        Page ii
    Title Page
        Page iii
        Page iv
        Page v
        Page vi
        Page vii
        Page viii
        Page ix
        Page x
        Page xi
        Page xii
    Table of Contents
        Page xiii
        Page xiv
        Page xv
        Page xvi
    List of Illustrations
        Page xvii
        Page xviii
    Section I. Fort San Luis: Documents describing the tragic end of the mission era
        Page xix
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    Section II. A Spanish mission site in Jefferson County, Florida
        Page 105
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    Section III. Excavations at the site of San Luis
        Page 137
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    Appendix. Leon-Jefferson ceramic types
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Full Text

txre Tey onc t *toob

Idealized Reconstruction of a Typical Florida Chapel

.-Il 14

tere bey nce toob

The Tragic End of the Apalachee Missions



Copyright 1951 by the University of Florida

Printed in the United States of America by
The Record Press, Incorporated, of St. Augustine, Florida


To the late fame gllexanber 3obertton, cabolar
anb historian, anb tteretarp of the floriba
6tate Jbigstorical oacietp, in appreciation anb
acdnotolebgment of his stimulating encouragement
to explore the latunae of jfloriba'g colonial historp,.

Sutbor' preface

sidered as distinct and unrelated disciplines, they are, in fact, but
different techniques of approaching historical problems. The present
volume presents a joint historical-archaeological attack on some of
the problems of the Spanish mission era in the Apalachee region of
Florida, and the authors feel that this joint effort has illuminated
the picture of the times to a de ree that would have been impossible
if only one of the disciplines had een employed. It. is to be hoped
that simiIar studies will be conducted, to the end that the documentary
sources may be enriched by the data recovered by excavation and
the archaeological objects may be enlivened by the insight provided
by contemporary documents.
The majority of our acknowledgments have been made at appro-
priate places in the following pages, but we should like to express
our appreciation to the Florida Park Service, under whose auspices
the studies were made, and particularly to Mr. Lewis G. Scoggin,
Director, and Mr. M. B. Greene, Assistant Director, of that Service.
We should also like to thank Mr. James Messer, owner of the site
of San Luis, for his interest in our work and for permitting us to
examine the site.

November, 195o M. F. B.
H. G. S.
J. W. G.



WHEN ONE REFLECTS that the "Mission Era" of Florida's
history lasted for nearly two hundred years, 1567 1763, the im-
portance of a book that deals with the climactic moments of that
period can be readily appreciated. Here They Once Stood focuses
our attention upon the most crucial years of that era. The historical
section comprises documents of the years 1693 to 1708 which include
an eye-witness account of the destruction of the missions of West
Florida by Colonel James Moore of South Carolina in 1704. The
archaiologica sections are studies of two of these very mission sites,
San Luis and San Francisco de Oconee. We have, therefore, for the
first time in print a detailed picture of the Franciscan Missions of
Florida at the very moment of their greatest historical interest.
When James Moore and his army of 1500 Creek Indians and
8o Carolina ruffians marched back to Charleston in 1704, they left
the Florida missions almost completely destroyed. The few that
were left standing were ravaged by other raiding parties in the
succeeding years. In effect the mission era had come to an end, for
even though there was a later revival of the doctrinas, they could
not again attain to their former grandeur. Those Indians who had
escaped Moore's armies fled in terror to the woods (some of them
are reported to have gone as far west as Mobile), thus leaving the
mission provinces almost completely depopulated. It may never be
known exactly how many captives Moore took with him, but by his
own estimate he took several thousands whom he settled in villages
among the Yamassee or sold into slavery. The Franciscan missionaries
were disheartened. With their villages ravaged and several of their
number killed in the fighting, they were forced to abandon West
Florida for a time.
These tragic events wrote finis to an illustrious work that had its
beginning in 1567, when Menendez introduced the first Jesuit
missionaries into Florida. The sons of St. Ignatius Loyola labored
liveye arv-in-Flrida,--3ogia, South Carolina, and Virginia until
their numbers were decimated by treacherous uprisings. They were
succeeded in the work by the Franciscans, the first band of whom
arrived in St. Augustine in 1573. By the time that the Franciscan

were Mbe Once otoob

endeavor had reached its zenith in 1675, there were thirty-four
missions scattered along the coastline from St Augustine up to St.
Citherine's Island, Georgia, _and extending in a secondline westward
ro6m St. Augustineto TlaUhassee. Some seventy friars carried on
the spiritual labors in the crude chapeIs and doctrnas. For most
part they were devoted and zealous men who took on willingly a
life of hardship and loneliness with the hope of converting the Timu-
cuan, Apalachee, and Guale Indians of Florida to Christian ways and
European culture. When Colonel Moore launched his attack against
Ayubale Mission on the morning of January 25, 1704, the "Golden
e"of the Florida missions ha~ong since passed. The settlements
along the coastline of Georgia had been abandoned because of repeated
incursions from South Carolina. Moore himself had descended upon
St. Augustine in 1702 to besiege the town, leaving all the East Coast
missions in ruins as he passed by. Thus it was that the nine flourishing
doctrinas which remained in Timucua and the fourteen in Apalachee
constituted the whole mission field in 7._o4. Moore was striking at
the heart of it. As the Carolinians and their Creek allies marched
back to Charleston, the peace of death settled over the Franciscan
provinces of Florida. Most of the villages had been put to ashes
or depopulated; the few that survived were utterly cowed. Though
some of them were revived after the South Carolina Yamassee Revolt
of 1715, when a few of the Apalachees whom Moore had captured
returned to their former homes, this revival was doomed to failure.
Heretofore, this exciting chapter in Florida's long history has been
known only in outline. Here They Once Stood now gives it to us
in intimate detail. Not only are the historical events themselves told
by eye witnesses in the documents, but the very mode of life of the
Indians in the mission doctrinas is painted in clearly by the archaeo-
logical studies of John W. Griffin and Hale G. Smith. Both the San
Luis and the San Francisco sites figure prominently in the story
described in Dr. Mark F. Boyd's documents. The picture thus drawn
is one unique to Florida. It is interesting in its own right, and need
not borrow from the mission lore of California or the Southwest.
There are no great architectural monuments to be found, no great
churches, no massive structures; the story is one of flimsy buildings,
crude implements, primitive utensils. It is also a story of poverty,
suffering, and bloodshed. As a result of the studies of the San Luis
and San Francisco missions, we can picture for the first time accurately
the forlornness of the Florida mission compounds and the simple



life of their inhabitants. It is to be hoped that these studies only
herald more in the near future.
Here They Once Stood is a significant contribution to a little-
known period of Florida history. It is a shaft of light, like a search-
light in a dark cave, which has focused upon something of great
interest. We look forward to the day when the whole Mission Era
will be floodlighted by the publication of other works of this nature.

Gainesville, Florida Rev. Charles W. Spellman, M.A.
December 4, 1950



AUTHORS' PREFACE ...... ...................... vii
FOREWORD by Rev. Charles W. Spellman ................ ix

effort *an 3Lui: document Desctribing the Tragic Enb of the
I*i6sion era
Introduction ......................................... I
D ocum ents .......................................... 20
i. Royal Cedula. Madrid, November 4, 1693 .......... 20
2. Royal Officials to the King. San Augustin, April 6, 1696 20
3. Governor Torres y Ayala to the King. San Augustin,
April IS, 1696 .................. ...... ......... 21
4. Certification by Officials of the Royal Hacienda of the
Construction Costs of the [Block]house in Apalachee.
San Augustin, July 3, 1697 ....................... 22
5. Royal Cidula. Madrid, March, 1698 .............. 23
6. Don Patricio, Cacique of Ivitachuco, and Don Andres,
Cacique of San Luis, to the King. February 12, 1699 ... 24
7. Don Patricio Hinachuba to Don Antonio Ponce de Le6n.
Ivitachuco, April io, 1699 ........................ 26
8. Don Antonio Ponce de Le6n to the King on Behalf of
Don Patricio Hinachuba. Havana, January 29, 1702 ... 27
9. Royal Cidula. Madrid, May 7, 7oo00 ............... 29
10. An Order from the Governor Don Joseph de Zaiga.
San Augustin, November 5, 1700 .................. 3o
ri." Royal Cidula. Madrid, January II, 1701o............. 32


Sere Tbep Once toob

12. Auto of the Inspector Relating to Apalachee. San Luis,
February 22, 1701 ........ ..................... . 33
13. Order from Governor Zuniga y Zerda. San Augustin,
M arch 14, 1701 ............. ......... .......... 35
14. Governor Zuniga to the King. Upon the raid into Santa
F6 and the expedition upon which Captain Romo was
sent. San Augustin, September 30, 1702 ............ 36
15. Proclamation by the Deputy of Apalachee. San Luis, De-
cember 20, 1702 ..... .... ......... ......... 38
I6. Letter from Diego de Florencia to Governor Zuniga.
San Luis, January 25, 703 . ................... 39
17. Manuel Solana to the Governor. San Luis, February 3,
1703 ........................................... 41
lyo3 ----- -- - ,4
18. Captain Jacinto Roque Perez to Governor Zuniga. San
Luis, M ay 25, 1703 ............................ 42
19. Royal Cidula. Madrid, September 4, 1703 ........... 44
20. Memorandum [undated] by Governor Zuniga ....... 44
21. Order from the Governor. [No place, no date.] ...... 45
22. Memorandum and Accounting for 500oo Yards of Jergueta
That Your Excellency Sent Me. San Luis [no date],
evidently by M anuel Solana ....................... 46
23. Extract from a letter of Governor Zuniga to the King.
San Augustin, February 3, 1704 ................... 48
24. List of friars signing a petition to the King, soliciting
relief following the Ayubale raid. San Luis February 6,
1704 ... ......................................... 48
25. Extract from a letter of Governor Zuniga to the King.
San Augustin, March 30, 1704 ..................48
26. Letter from the Deputy of Apalachee, Manuel Solana,
to Governor Zsuiga, San Luis, July 8, 1704 ..........s50
27. Auto by Governor Zuniga, San Augustin, July 12, 1704 55
28. Council of War. San Augustin, July 13, 1704 ........ 56
29. Royal Officials to Viceroy. San Augustin, July I6, 1704.- 59
30. Royal Officials to Viceroy. San Augustin, August J8,
1704 ...... .......... ............ .... ....... 6
31. Commandant at Pensacola [Joseph de Guzman] to Vice-
roy. Santa Maria de Galve, August 22, 1704 ......... 62

32. Royal Cidula. August 22, 1704 .................. 64
33. Governor Zuniga to the King. San Augustin, September
3, 1704 ... ........................ .... ........ 65
34. Governor Zuniga to the Viceroy. San Augustin, Septem-
ber 1o, 1704 ......................... ....... 67
35. Governor Zuniga to the King. San Augustin, September
IS, 1704 ............................. ....... 68
36. Don Andres de Arriola to the Viceroy. Havana, December
7, 1704 ............................... ...... 69
37. Declaration of Bartholome Ruiz de Cuenca before the
Governor of New Vera Cruz. January 20, 1705 ....... 70
38. Extract made by Don Miguel de Horue, royal notary,
from an anonymous letter for submission to the Viceroy,
New Vera Cruz, February 2, 1705 ................. 72
39. Extracts from the auto of an inquiry into the deaths of the
Fathers in Apalachee, conducted in the convent of San
Francisco in San Augustin, upon order of the Most Rev-
erend Father Fray Lucar Alvarez de Toledo, retired
reader of the secret council of the Inquisition, by the
Licenciate Don Ignacio de Leturiendo, Curate Vicar, and
Ecclesiastical Judge of the city and provinces, in June,
1705 .... ..................................... .. 74
40. Admiral Landeche to the Viceroy. Havana, August iI,
1705 ............................ ....... ........ 82
41. Extract of a letter of Don Antonio de Espinosa to the
Viceroy. Mexico, February 26, 1706 ............ . ... 85
42. Summary of the Martyrdoms experienced in Florida by
the Franciscans. Letter of the Franciscan Fathers to the
King. San Augustin, May 7, 1707 ................... 85
43. Governor Francisco Corcoles y Martinez to the King.
San Augustin, January 14, 1708 ..... ............ go
44. Colonel Moore's Letter to Sir Nathaniel Johnson, I6
April, 1704. [This date is improbable.] ............. 9i
45. Extract of Colonel Moore's letter to the Lords Pro-
prietors, i6 April, 1704.. ........................ 93
N otes .............................................. 97


ere thep O nce btoob

Z Apanish atission bite in 3efferoon County, floriba
The Site and the Excavations ......................... o107
The Buildings and Their Contents ..................... 115
The Leon-Jefferson Period ............................ 129
Summary ....... .............................. 133
N otes ...................................... . . .... 135

Extabations at the Site of *an JLuis

The Site of San Luis ............. ....................... 139
Artifacts from San Luis ................... ........... 145
Conclusions ..................... ....... ........... 55
N otes ......................... ...... ............ 159

Leon-3efferson Ceramic Eppes
Trait Rist of two Spanish Sites of the Misision periob

Leon-Jefferson Ceramic Types .................... . r63
Trait List of Two Spanish Sites ................... . . 175

BIBL IO G R A P H Y .................. ........... 179
I N D E X ............................. .......... . 83
PLATES ................... .......... At end of book


Map of the Southeast at about the Time of
Queen Anne's War 1701 1714 .............. End papers
Idealized Reconstruction of a Typical Florida
Chapel (drawn by Mark F. Boyd) ...................... Frontispiece


I. Map of Missions of Apalachee and Timucua .......
2. Excavation Plan of a Spanish Mission Site ..........
3. Building in Section A ..........................
4. Building in Section D ....... .............
5. Burrow Pit, Section E ........ ..............

(Plates, with facing explanations, appear at end of book.)

I. 0lap of *anu i uis region
II. Tje Jslochfbouse of *an Ruis
III. Page of a Tppical Bocument
IV. erial rVietu of hilltop plateau at fort *an I
V. Religious Objects
VI. Weapons anb Tools
VII. Wlattle anb 3Baub technique
VIII. Construction anb Jarbtware
IX. *rnaments anb 4J*iscellaneou Objects
X. on-aboriginal Potterp
XI. aboriginal potter
XII. original potterp


.... "n

.... 121
.... 125





fort S*an 1uiF:

Documents escrirbing the Tragic Enb of
tbe J*tission tra

Translated and Annotated, Together with an Introduction

Historian, Florida Park Service


HE COLONIAL PERIOD of that portion of
Florida lying between the Suwannee (San Juan
de Guacdra) and .Apaachicola rivers has re-
ceived little attention from historians, and as a
consequence it has become one of the most con-
spicuous lacunae in our knowledge of the history
of the United States. This region, as the
provinces of Apalachee aid Ti ,uqu, is vaguely
known to have been an important field for the
proselyting efforts of the Franciscan fathers, and to have become
the seat of numerous villages or doctrinas of Christianized Indians,
which were finally destroyed by ruthless attacks of pagan Indians who
were instigated by the English settlers in Carolina. Garbled tales of
those days were told by some of the Indians (probably not descend-
ants of the ancient villagers) to the earliest Anglo-Americans who
penetrated this region after the United States had achieved independ-
ence, and who viewed with awe the ruins and relics encountered at
various sites. The unavailability of factual narratives by residents
who passed through the trying times of the mission period has per-
mitted some of their more imaginative successors in this favored
territory to present some highly idealized and romantic concepts of
this period.
Actually there are considerable data bearing on the traditional
identification of the site of San Luis, village and fort, but localization
of the other doctrinas is either unknown or conjectural. Thus, on
the sketch map of the environs of "Apalachy" made in 1767 by
George Gauld and Philip Pittman1 an "Old Spanish Fort" is marked
in the appropriate situation. Pittman,2 speaking of the source of the
Wakulla River, says

it is near where a Spanish Fort formerly stood, and which the
Indians obliged them to abandon many years ago. One can trace

fere Eep @Oncte toob

the ditch, and there remain many broken pieces of Ordinance, and
an entire bell was taken from thence some little time since by the

It is indicated as the "ruins of San Luis Fort and Town" on the Pur-
cell-Stuart map of 1778.'
Although De Lacy4 visited the lower Creek towns in I8oi, it is
uncertain whether his itinerary took him into Apalachee, or whether
his description of the site of St. Lucea (San Luis) is solely derived
from Indian description. He speaks of St. Lucea as being

situated on the top of a steep hill of the form of a horse shoe and
walled in all around with a Citadell, ditch Fosse, Counter Fosse,
Ramparts &c, &c. . The site of it only Remains together with the
Cannon, most of which have lost their arms [sic]5 or have been split
or otherwise broken by the Indians, lying on the ground, most of
them overgrown with grass and weeds, some few of these are, that
if cleaned from the Rust might be again serviceable, the Church Bells
also lye in the same way as does all the other things of that nature,
not touched nor meddled with by the Indians, all of whom still view
the place with Horror.

The credibility of this statement suggests an actual visit, but De
Lacy's account of the conflicts of the early eighteenth century is
highly garbled.
The following three narratives by visitors after the cession of
Florida merit attention:

(i) Williams6 relates under date of October 31, 1823, that

. . meeting an Indian hunter, we inquired of him the situation of
an Old Spanish fort which had been mentioned as being in the neigh-
borhood. The Indian for a quarter of a dollar undertook to guide
us to it and we reached it about 8 o'clock. It is situated on a com-
manding eminence at the north point of a high narrow neck of
highlands surrounded by a deep ravine and swamp. . About 12
o'clock we returned to our camp. . After dinner Dr. Simmons
proceeded to old Tallahassee to visit a very old Indian, who was
said to recollect the capture and destruction of the old fort we had
visited. He informed the doctor that the country was formerly set-


fort san Ruis

tied thick with Spanish villages; that the Yamasses, or bone tribe,
were their allies, but the Muscogees were their enemies and finally
conquered them; that he well remembered when they took the old
fort, or rather when the Spaniards evacuated it in the night, after
laying trains of powder to burst their cannon. . The Yamasses
were nearly destroyed in that war.

(2) A few days after the visit to the site by Williams and Sim-
mons, it was viewed by Captain Daniel E. Burch, of the United
States Army, who was engaged in laying out the road from Pensacola
to St. Augustine. Burch's reports to General Jesup' do not mention
his observations, but the Pensacola Gazette of October 9, 1824, copies
an interview with Captain Burch published in the National Intelli-
gencer, from which the following is condensed:

. . The first is Fort St. Louis, at least its ruins, situated about 6
miles east of Ockolockony, and N. by W. 25 miles from St. Marks.
This place has more the-appearance of having been a fortified town
than a mere fortification. . Fort St. Louis was built on an
elevated spot of ground around a hollow, from the bottom of which
issue 2 springs that furnish an abundant supply of water, but which
after running but a few yards, again sink into the ground. One of
these on being opened by Captain Burch, displayed the wooden box
or trunk in which it had been enclosed; they were overshadowed by
a beautiful live oak tree. . Captain Burch met with an old Indian
[probably the same individual encountered by Williams and Sim-
mons] near Tallahassee of the Creek nation, who appeared to be of
great age, and who informed him that he had been in the war which
had destroyed these settlements. . The Indians had made re-
peated attempts on St. Louis, but were repeatedly repulsed, being
unable to withstand the cannon. They then mustered their whole"
force . endeavoring to starve them out. . The Spaniards pre-
pared everything for evacuating it and retired in the night to the
fort on the Ockolockony. The first intimation to the Indians of the
retreat was the explosion of the fort. . The country having thus
fallen to their hands with the Yamassy tribe of Indians, with whom
the Spaniards had intermarried. . The males were all destroyed
and the women taken for wives or slaves. But the country had been
so entirely cleared that there was no game, and the domestic animals
having been destroyed during the war, the great body of Indians
returned to their nation. The old Indian himself went to the Apalachi-
cola, no Indians lived near St. Louis until the forests grew up, when


ibere bey once toob

he returned. He represents the Spanish population to have . .
had horses but no wheeled carriages. Their principal highway
. . was not more than 6-8 feet wide, but well made, everything
transported on horseback, except hogsheads, which were rolled by
men.8 The Indians had no firearms, being armed with bow and
arrows and clubs. In order to protect themselves from the effect of
the shot, they suspended thick boards about their necks. . The
Indians have preserved a superstitious story, which keeps them at
a distance from St. Louis. . They cannot be prevailed upon to
accompany the whites there, even to show the place.
(3) An anonymous contributor in the issue of the Apalachicola
Commercial Advertiser of June 7, 1843, said of Old Fort St. Louis:
About two miles west of the city of Tallahassee, lie the remains of
what tradition says was once the Spanish fort of St. Louis. Our
attention has been recently directed to these ruins, from the circum-
stance that a very intelligent gentleman, formerly of Georgia, now
of Alabama, has at this time many laborers engaged in excavating
the site of this old fort, on a search after hidden treasure. Whether
or no he may succeed in bringing to light any considerable deposit
of the precious metals is not for us to say. But he has already thrown
up from beneath the soil where they have long been entombed, many
articles which will possess great interest with the antiquarian.
In presenting the tale of these dramatic events, it appears most
fitting to let the story be told by the participants, which is done in the
chronologically arranged documents which follow. The first forty-
three here presented are from Spanish sources, and cover the period
from .693 to 7_S8. They were selected as representative of the period
from the construction, to the destruction, of the blockhouse ofS$an
4Luis, of legendary fame as Fort San Luis. I action clearly
marked finis to what may be recognized as the first mission era.
Documents nueumbered 4, 5, II, 19, 3-3, and 35 werefurished
the writer by the late Dr. James A. Robertson, former secretary of
the Florida State Historical Society, from the John B. Stetson, Jr.
collection of photostats of documents of Spanish Florida from the
Archives of the Indies of Sevilla, Spain. The Stetson collection is
now in the Library of Congress. Photostats of the other thirty-seven
documents, from the same source in Spain, are in the collections of
the North Carolina State Department of Archives and History, and
were made available through the courtesy of the director of the
archives, Mr. Henry Howard Eddy. The last two documents are

fort *an luis

letters of James Moore, which are preserved in the Library of
The documents were transcribed and translated by the writer. Here
and there an undecipherable word is represented by square brackets,
and an occasional untranslatable word is given in its apparent spell-
ing. The handwriting of the various writers did not on the whole
afford any unusual difficulties in transcription, excepting the scrawl
in which Document 20 was written. The problem which this docu-
ment afforded, as well as the necessity for lucid translation of cer-
tain involved passages in Documents 6, 7, 10, 13, 16, and 17, moved
the writer to solicit the aid of Dr. and Mrs. Duvon C. Corbitt, which
was cheerfully afforded, and to whom my sincere thanks are due. I
am also under obligation to Reverend Father Maynard Geiger,
0. F. M., who reviewed the script and offered helpful suggestions
regarding the employment of various religious and ecclesiastical
terms, for which I am equally appreciative, as well as for assistance
from Dr. Irving A. Leonard.
In most i ces the doc re reproduced in their entirety.
The ced las, or letters from the g, being copies, did not bear the
customary formal dosing phrases or signatures. The principal abridg-
ment is in Document 39, which has been stripped of all unessential
paragraphs of legal verbiage. Of particular importance have been the
documents assembled in A. I. 58-2-8:B-, by order of Governor
Zunfiiga at the close of his administration, evidently to serve as his
defense before a residencia; and those in A. I. 58-2-7/2, assembled
by order of the viceroy, the Duke of Albuquerque, to exhibit the con-
cern felt in that quarter over the predicament of Florida, and the
efforts made to render assistance.
It would appear that any attempt to summarize these documents
or to incorporate their substance in a narrative would be superfluous,
as they themselves tell a sufficiently vivid, and on the whole, con-
nected story.
However, a brief sketch of the background against which this
drama was played may be of service to the casual reader, and an
analysis of the sequence of the destruction of the villages, as well as
of the parallel accounts of the important engagements, will afford
a clearer picture. These accounts afford so many tantalizing glimpses
into the social and economic life of the province that one wishes a
satisfying broader view were available.
After the establishment of St. Augustine in 1565, as a consequence

'ere bep O nce toob

of the attempted settlement of the French in a location where a
colony might menace the security of the Spanish navigation of the
Bahama Channel, no serious threat to Spanish occupation of the
southeastern North American mainland arose until I670. In that
year the Lords Proprietors of Carolina established a settlement at
the estuary known by the Spaniards as San Jorge (St. George), to
which was given the name of Charles Town (Charleston), located
only a short distance from San Felipe (Port Royal), the arrivals be-
ing welcomed by Indian elements disaffected with the Spaniards. In
an openhanded manner the munificent Charles II had previously
given in 1663 to the Lords Proprietors a grant of which the southern
limit ran to 29 N., an extension sufficient to include the greater part
of the territory in Florida actually occupied by the Spaniards. Shortly
thereafter in the same year, but probably without the knowledge of
either party of the establishment of Charles Town, a treaty was
signed between England and Spain, in which the latter recognized
the settlements then established by the English. This did not estab-
lish a boundary between Carolina and Florida. Despite this conven-
tion, the Spanish authorities in Florida continued to regard the
English as intruders, and delayed proclamation of the treaty for
several years. Imperative economic necessity led the English to
develop trade with the Indians, and traders were soon exchanging
their wares with their back-country neighbors for prisoners of war,
who were enslaved, and for deerskins.
The century following the establishment of St. Augustine was
not, for the Spaniards, wholly one of tranquillity, as raids by pirates
on various points of the coast were not infrequent. These vexations,
however, did not materially retard significant progress into the in-
terior, more particularly along the coast of the present Georgia, then
known as Guale, and westward from St. Augustine through Timuqua
into Apalachee.10 The motivation for this penetration was more par-
ticularly the security of St. Augustine, to be effected through the
conversion and stabilization of the Indians, rather than through
settlement or commerce. The patient efforts of the mission ies re-
sulted in the establishment of numerous village or octrinas of
Christianized Indians. These are tentatively located on figure I.
Proselyting, which had begun in Timuqua in I608, was extended to
Apalachee in 1633. Although the converts for the most part appear
to have accepted the restraint of Spanish discipline, spiritual and
temporal, with surprisingly good grace, their tranquillity was rather

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tere Tbep @nce toob

more apparent than real, as several open revolts to Spanish rule
occurred; and as will be shown in the documents presented, smolder-
ing resentment and open rebellion contributed materially to the final
outcome. It is probable that the Spanish influence and mission settle-
ments had attained their maximum development in Timugua and
Apajachee at the time of the pastoral visit of Bishop Calder6n in
S--The first decade after the establishment of Charles Town was one
of ominous quiet that terminated in I68o when the English incited
a series of Indian raids into Guale, which soon caused the withdrawal
of the mission settlements to the region of the St. Marys River,
although many of the Indians removed to the proximity of the
English settlements. Meanwhile a settlement of Scots under Lord
Cardross had been made at Port Royal in 1683. It was this individual
who, in I685, incited the Yamassee to the raid on Santa Catalina de
Afuica (Ahoica of Calder6n) in Timuqua. In the following year,
however, Port Royal was destroyed in retaliation by a Spanish force.
At this time the Indians living on the Chattahoochee River near the
falls (Apalachicolos to the Spaniards, later known to the English as
the Lower Creeks) became objects of intensified Spanish interest,
probably in an effort to forestall the English in that quarter. In 1679
an effort to effect their conversion was rejected, only to be resumed
with military aid in 1681, with similar insuccess. It did, however,
result in the temporary establishment of the mission of Santa Cruz
de Sabacola near the Chattahoochee and Flint rivers. But Dr. Henry
Woodward, who played such a large part in the early Indian relations
of the Carolina settlements, justified Spanish apprehensions by reach-
ing the Apalachicola River villages in I685. Learning of Woodward's
presence, the deputy governor in Apalachee, Antonio Matheos, led
two expeditions to the Apalachicolos in the same year, with the object
of apprehending the doctor and driving out the English traders.
During the second expedition, he received the submission of eight
towns, and burned four which were recalcitrant-Coweta, Kasihta,
Tuskegee, and Kolomi-but was eluded by Woodward. Despite three
later expeditions in successive years, the Indians could not be dis-
suaded from their preference for the English traders. Finally, in
1689, the Spaniards built a blockhouse near Coweta, where a garrison
was maintained until 1691, when exigencies in St. Augustine required
withdrawal of the small force. The fort failed of its purpose, as the
presence of the garrison and memories of the burned villages impelled

the Indians to leave the Chattahoochee and move nearer to the
English on the banks of the upper Ocmulgee River, which from the
name of the Indian tribes settling there became known as Ochese
Creek by the English-a circumstance which accounts for the English
application of the name Creeks to these Indians. The attitude of the
Apalachicolos was not limited to disavowal of whatever may have
been the claims of the Spanish to their allegiance, but developed into
an animosity expressed by active raids on the mission settlements of
Apalachee and Timuqua, in one of which the mission of San Juan de
Guacara was destroyed. When the Spanish efforts to check the excur-
sions of the English traders proved ineffective, they soon began ,to
range as far westward as the Mississippi River.
Meanwhile a further threat to Spanish possession of the Gulf
Coast arose from another quarter. The exploration of the Mississippi
River by the French was proceeding apace. In 1682 La Salle claimed
the valley of this river for the French crown, and in 1684 he set out
from France to establish a colony on the lower river. He was ship-
wrecked on the Texas coast, and his plans otherwise miscarried. In
1687 he lost his life in an attempt to reach Canada. News of his
project caused consternation in Spanish circles, and numerous expe-
ditions, some of them based on Apalachee, were sent out over several
years to discover his settlement,12 the ruins of which were finally
found in 1689. After some delay arising from this setback, Iberville
was sent out from France to make a fresh effort to colonize the lower
river. Instead, he occupied Mobile Bay, and to the westward estab-
lished Biloxi in 1699. In the meantime the Spanish, aroused over the
incursion of La Salle, sent out an expedition in 1693, under Admiral
Pez and Dr. Sigilenza, to reconnoiter the Gulf Coast from Pensacola
Bay (Santa Maria de Galve) to the mouth of the Mississippi River.
On their return Pez and Sigiienza recommended the occupation of
the former bay. After interminable delay, but finally in a frenzy
stimulated by fear of French designs, Andres de Arriola was sent
from Mexico in 1698 to occupy and fortify the bay. However, Cap-
tain Juan Jordan, who came directly from Spain, anticipated his
arrival by a few days. A settlement and fortification were constructed
at the Barranca. The Spanish occupation came none too soon, for the
force was barely installed in a meager fashion before the French expe-
dition of Iberville appeared off the port, and being refused admission,
proceeded westward to execute the operations already noted.
Despite the hostilities in the Southeast between the English and


fort *an Luis

?|ere T1e4 Onnce toob

Spanish subsequent to the foundation of Charles Town, their home
governments in Europe either had been at peace or had participated
in the coalitions against Louis XIV (166o-1715) of France in the War
of the Grand Alliance, which began in 1689 and terminated with
the peace of Ryswick in 1697. Prior to his death, Charles II of Spain
(1665-1700) willed his dominions to his grandnephew, the Duke of
Anjou, grandson of Louis XIV, who ascended the Spanish throne as
Philip V (1700-1746), thus beginning the Bourbon dynasty. This
defection of Spain to the side of France initiated the so-called War
of the Spanish Succession, which lasted from 1701 to 1714, and in
which the French and Spanish were opposed to the English and
their allies. In England, Charles II had been succeeded by William
II (1689-1702), who was followed by Queen Anne (1702-1714).
Among the English peoples this war is commonly known by the,
queen's name. As a consequence of this realignment, the French and
Spanish began active collaboration.
A more extensive description of the events described in these
documents may be secured from the brief sketch afforded by Bolton,18
or the more adequate account given by Crane.14 Although Geiger's
work15 deals with Franciscan activities in Florida at an earlier period,
his introductory chapter provides an admirable orientation on the
organization of the order.
Several years ago the writer16 undertook a critical analysis of the
available data relating to the missions of Timuqua and Apalachee,
with the hope of tentatively identifying somer of-the sites in middle
Florida where Spanish artifacts have been found. In this effort the
Calder6n letter of 1675"7 was of especial value, for it is likely that
at the time of Calder6n's visit, or shortly thereafter, the mission
settlements were flourishing to a degree never again attained. Those
of Apalachee are stated18 to have comprised, when most flourishing,
fourteen villages with a total population of eight thousand persons.
This number coincides with the number in the 168o list in the Lowery
transcripts. It is unlikely that all these were communities of Apa-
lachee Indians, although it may be presumed that this tribe had
largely been converted. Some of the villages, judging from their
specific names, appear to have been settlements of converts from
tribes to the northward. There is no reason to believe that, once
established, all villages remained continuously at a particular-site.
The biuFTdi-ngs-afit-dwe~lings-were- simply .constructedof materials
collected-in-the vicinity, and it is unlikely that their meager-intrinsic

t 5o -11

fort *an luiz

value would be a deterrent to their abandonment and relocation else-
where, if such exigencies as failing fertility of the soil, a devastating
epidemic,'9 or security were sufficiently compelling. A deliberate
change of site would afford ample opportunity for the removal of
all possessions, and the abandoned structures would quickly disappear
from the site through rotting. Thus the Calder6n letter states that
one league (2.5 miles) was traveled from San Damian de Cupahica
or Escambe to San Luis (1675); and Torres y Ayala in 169320 states
that on his departure from San Luis he crossed the Amarillo (Ock-
locknee) River before reaching the village of San Cosme and San
Damian de Yecanbi, a distance of three leagues. In 1704 Solana21
speaks of Escambe as being only a cannon shot distant from San Luis.
This close proximity to San Luis may have been, of course, a com-
pliance with the order to bring the villagers closer to the fort for
protection. Both the Spanish and English accounts of Moore's raid
specifically mention only Ayubale as a victim, although they admit
there were other sufferers. An analysis of the data of the documents,
undertaken in an attempt to elucidate the time when the individual
settlements were destroyed, is presented herewith:


San Tomais de Santa Fe

San Francisco de Potano

Santa Cathalina de Ahoica
(Afuica, Bolton)

Santa Cruz de Tarihica
San Juan de Guacara


Attacked on May 20, 1702.
Evacuated prior to Novem-
ber 30, 1706.
Uncertain whether this or
San Francisco de Oconi
attacked in 1703, but
this place would appear
more likely.
Apalachee garrison with-
drew to here in 1704.
Evacuated prior to Novem-
ber 30, 1706.
Destroyed in term of Gov.
Cabrera. Destroyed
February 7, 1685.
Fate not mentioned.
Destroyed in term of Gov.
Quiroga (prior to









ert be Once *toob


San Pedro de Potohiriba

Santa Helena de Machaba
San Matheo de Tolapatafi
San Miguel de Asyle
San Lorenzo de Ivitachuco

N.S.P. Concepci6n de Ayubale

San Francisco de Oconi

San Juan de Aspalaga
San Joseph de Ocuia
San Pedro y San Pablo de Patale
San Antonio de Bacuqua
San Cosmo y San Damian
de Escambe
San Carlos de Chacatos
San Luis de Talimali

Nuestra Sefiora de la Candelaria
de la Tama
San Pedro de los Chines
San Martin de Tomole
Santa Cruz y San Pedro de
Alcantara de Ychuntafun

Attacked in 1702, subse- 25
quent to the siege (Piliti-
Raided September 3, 1704. 35
Fate not mentioned.
Raided September 3, 1704. 35
Fate not mentioned.

Never attacked.
Governor Moore claims it
compounded with him.
Destroyed by Moore Janu-
ary 25, 1704.
Probably not the San Fran-
cisco mentioned as at-
tacked in 1703, subse-
quent to the siege. Prob-
ably a victim of Moore.
Destroyed June 23, 1704.
Attacked in 1703.
Destroyed June 24, 1704.
Perhaps a victim of Moore.
Attacked June 29, 1704.

Evacuated and destroyed by
the Spaniards in July,

44, 45

25, 44, 45





Probably a victim of Moore.
Probably a victim of Moore.

Note: The dates, being taken from Spanish sources, are to be regarded as New Style.

It is thus seen that of the nine missions in Timuqua, the fate of
six is described in the documents, and of the fourteen in Apalachee,
the fate of eight is similarly mentioned.


fort an t uiz

In his report of the Ayubale raid, Moore22 specifically mentions
only Ivitachuco and San Luis, and is vague about his operations at
other places. According to his statements, he effected the following
TOWNS Doc. 44 Doc. 45
Ayubale destroyed I I
Surrendering unconditionally 2 2+ 2
Accompanied by:
All people of 3 4
Greater part of 4 4
Destroyed all people of 2 0
Compounded (Ivitachuco) I
St. Lewis I
Population fled but burned
village I 3
Total 15 14
Removed into exile 300 300
Captured as slaves
Men 325
Women and children 4,000
Men i68+
Women and children I,000

According to Zufniga,23 Moore did not approach closer to San Luis
than two leagues, and effected the destruction of five (perhaps in-
cluding Ayubale) places, and was accompanied by the entire population
of two of these, numbering more than six hundred persons. It is seen
that one of Moore's totals24 exceeds the number of known villages,
although the other is consistent with the Spanish enumeration of the
settlements. Moore acknowledges that Ivitachuco and San Luis sur-
vived, leaving twelve to be accounted for. San Joseph de Ocuia was
destroyed earlier, in 1703, leaving eleven. From Document 27 we
learn that Aspalaga, Patale, and Escambe were destroyed in June,
1704, which leaves eight. According to Zunfiga, Moore did not ap-
proach nearer than two leagues to San Luis, which radius would,
according to the distances from San Luis given by Calder6n,25 em-
brace and eliminate Escambe, San Carlos de Chacatos, Nuestra Sefiora


Sere )ep O nce Otoob

de la Candelaria de la Tama, and San Pedro de los Chines. Since
Escambe has already been accounted for, our subtraction leaves five,
the number which Zuiiniga acknowledges as having been lost. Corrobo-
ration for this opinion is afforded by Document 29, dated July I6,
1704, which mentions that the villages had been reduced to four,
which probably did not include San Luis. As a result of this elimina-
tion, one may infer that San Francisco de Oconi, San Antonio de
Bacuqua, San Martin de Tomole, and Santa Cruz y San Pedro de
Alcantara de Ychuntafun, as well as Ayubale, were the victims of
Moore's raid.
As previously mentioned, there is reason to believe that some of
these villages were not peopled by Apalachee Indians. According to
Swanton,26 it would appear that the missions of La Purificaci6n de
la Tama (probably the same as Nuestra Sefiora de la Candelaria de la
Tama) and Assumpcion del Puerto were Yamassee settlements,
whereas San Carlos de Chacatos and San Pedro de los Chines were
Chatot. San Francisco de Oconi was probably a village of Oconee
Indians. The others may have been Apalachee settlements. Especial
interest attaches to Ivitachuco, lying to the eastward on the confines
of Timuqua. A village of this name was encountered by De Soto in
this general location.27 Don Patricio Hinachuba, the cacique of this
village at the period considered, appears to have been a man of con-
siderable character and discernment, and unswerving in his attachment
to the church, if not to the Spaniards. His letters28 afford much insight
into the prevailing situation in Apalachee, and he forecast the later
troubles. His complaints were sympathetically received by the crown,29
but the local officials largely evaded the royal instructions.80 One may
surmise that Don Patricio must also have been held in respect by the
Apalachicolos, as it is difficult to believe that ransom would have
sufficed to spare Ivitachuco had the Apalachicolos entertained an
inveterate hatred for Don Patricio and his people. At any rate, Ivi-
tachuco was the only village to survive the holocaust, and its Indians
the only group to flee eastward to St. Augustine, the others preferring
the vicinity of Pensacola and Mobile.
It is to be inferred that the structures which Moore calls forts with
strong walls, were, as he in fact states, not fortifications, but mud-
plastered walls surrounding the compound attached to the church and
convent. The large mud-walled house was probably the council house..
However, from Document 28 it would appear that ultimately
Ivitachuco and some other places were surrounded by palisades.


fort ban 1uis

In view of the importance of the engagements fought at Ayubale
and Patale, there is some advantage in synthesizing an account of
these affairs from the different narratives.
lonel James Moore surprised the village of u.Ay.lal on the
morning o January 25 (N.S.), 1704, and apparently succeeded in
entering it without substantial opposition other than that afforded by
Indian archers, and in gaining the council house, which must have
been on the central square, adjacent to the church. The opposition
delayed his advance sufficiently to permit Father Angel de Miranda
to gather many Indians, men, women, and children in the church
enclosure, where they stoutly and successfully defended themselves
against direct attack, in which very few of Moore's Indians partici-
pated. An attempt by Moore's men to breach the church doors with
axes was repulsed, with fourteen Englishmen being wounded. Moore
finally succeeded in setting fire to the church early in the afternoon,
and by another assault effected entry, during which he lost three
men. Father Miranda, his munitions exhausted by nine hours' re-
sistance, then surrendered, and in the church and the convent the
English captured twenty-six men and fifty-eight women and children,
the besieged having lost twenty-four men. Elsewhere in the village
the Indian allies captured about as many more.
Word of the surprise attack having reached San Luis, the deputy
governor, Captain' Tna Tizz Mexfi set out immediately for Ayubale
with about thirty mounted Spaniards and four hundred Indians, and
en route spent the night at Patale. On the following m pagbzf.re
resuming march, the force orted to eight by er P
the missionary at Pata who insisted on accompanying them. The
Spanish force found the invaders still occupying Ayubale, which they
surrounded, and in impetuous attacks twice drove the English back
to the council house. Captain Mexfa was wounded, dislodged from
his horse, and with six (or eight) other Spanish soldiers, was captured
and bound. Father Parga, who continued to exhort the living and
minister to the wounded, was captured, and two Spaniards, Marcos
Delgado and Juan Solana, were killed in attempting his rescue. Parga's
body, mutilated by decapitation, was later found in a canebrake. The
munitions of the Spanish force were finally exhausted, whereupon
both Spaniards and Indians fled. Moore claimed that his Indian allies
killed five or six whites, and at least one hundred sixty-eight, and
perhaps up to two hundred, Apalachee Indians. Moore lost one white.
The retreating Spaniards were met next day at Capola by Manuel


were ftey tOnce toob

Solana, Jr. (hijo), who was belatedly bringing up munitions. The
Indian allies of Moore proceeded to wreak vengeance on the cap-
tives by burning at the stake, within sight of the other prisoners,
several Indians, including Antonio Cuipa Feliciano, enija of San Luis,
and Luis Domingo, as well as two Spanish soldiers. During these
events Father Miranda, who was unbound, upbraided Moore for
these barbarities, to which Moore replied that his force of whites was
greatly outnumbered by his Indian allies, whom he could not restrain.
Later, while the Indian raiders were absent searching for cattle, four
of the Spanish soldiers escaped, and Captain Mexia and Father
Miranda were liberated in the hope that they would subsequently
pay ransom to their captors. However, Captain Jacinto Roque, who
had been left in charge at the blockhouse of San Luis, refused to
furnish the ransom. During the fracas four Gallegan recruits from
the Spanish force escaped to Moore, and an Irishman from Moore's
party fled to the Spaniards. As soon as Moore's force left Ayubale,
Father Juan de Villalva of Ivitachuco came over to search for the
body of Father Parga, which was taken to Ivitachuco for burial. With
the final departure of Moore from Apalachee, a small party of
Spaniards and Indians under Captain Roque went to Ayubale to bury
the Christian dead, many of whom gave evidence of having been
subjected to torture. The defeat Moore administered to the Spaniards,
while not so complete as he claimed, was nevertheless a heavy blow
and a severe loss, while the tortures which many prisoners suffered
caused further and extensive desertions of Indians to the English and
their allies. The morale of the remaining Spaniards and Indians was
severely haken.
Though apprehension must have mounted following the disaster
of Ayubale, there does not seem to have been much, if any, distinct
effort to consolidate the population of the surviving villages closer
to San Luis. Another large raiding party, evidently without English
leadership, struck 1 on the night of June 23. a _er t lManuel de
2ie&za was lured to the door of his convent by a friendly hail and
haLt to d-ath, the convent was burned, and many villagers were made
captive. The following day what appears to have been the same band
of raiders struck Aspalaga and made the entire population captive.
One of these, Estevan, who later escaped, reported at the blockhouse
some days later that the departing raiders soon encountered a larger
band, under English leadership, which planned to strike Escambe,
close to San Luis. Meanwhile Adjutant Manuel Solana, who had suc-

fort *an 'uis

ceeded Mexia as deputy, led a small force to reconnoiter Patale. Not
finding the priest or his body, Solana and his party supposed him
to be a captive and followed the trail of the raiders in the hope of
effecting his rescue. In this they were unsuccessful, but they did en-
counter a mortally wounded woman who told them the father had
not been a captive. They returned to Patale, and found his body
while digging in the ruins.
Some encouragement being afforded by the sighting of the Pensa-
cola felucca off the coast on June 28, word was sent to its commander,
Adjutant Juan de Torres, to repair to San Luis with all his force, the
sentinels were recalled from the watchtower at St. Marks, and Don
Patricio was summoned with his warriors from Ivitachuco. Learning
that a raid on Escambe was in imminent prospect, the population of
that village was ordered to take refuge in the blockhouse and, as a
consequence, all except a few who were sceptical of the warning
escaped, although some of the raiders entered the very environs of
San Luis. On the following day most of the expected reinforcements
had arrived at the blockhouse, but a party of drovers who came in
the felucca were killed, as well as the returning sentinels who dis-
obeyed orders as to the route they should follow. It became evident
that the raiders had withdrawn from the immediate vicinity of San
Luis, and word was received that they had retired to Patale, which
was again in their hands. With the removal of the raiders to the
eastward, Don Patricio became apprehensive for the safety of
Ivitachuco and returned there with his force. On the way his party
captured four rebellious Apalachee Indians, who related that the
raiding party was much smaller than supposed. The presence of the
Spanish reinforcement afforded encouragement, and when it was
reported that the raiding party was small, some degree of enthusiasm
for an attack on it developed. The Indians did not share this feeling,
as they refused to participate unless the Spaniards would agree to
fight on foot, a condition which Solana was obliged to accept. Leaving
Captain Roque in the blockhouse with fourteen Spaniards, Solana
set out on the night of July 3 with about forty Spaniards, including
twelve musketeers, ninety-three Indians armed with guns, and sixty
Indian archers, to rendezvous with Don Patricio near Patale. While
Solana's party awaited these reinforcements early in the morning,
some of the enemy came along the path and were, against orders,
ambushed unsuccessfully by some of the Spaniards. Escaping this
attack, they made their way to Patale and aroused their comrades,


were Tep O@nce toob

who, to the number of a few English and two hundred pagans, sallied
forth and encountered the Spaniards on open ground. About two
hours after the fighting began, a rumor became current among the
Apalachee Indians that the enemy was encircling them in the woods
which surrounded the field, and most of them abandoned the fight.
Retreat was now necessary, and as the surviving Spaniards made their
way back to the horses as best they could, the retreat became a rout
in which eleven of the musketeers were lost. Demoralization of those
who attained the blockhouse that night was complete, and most of
the Indians who applied for admission were turned away. The ac-
counts of the Spanish losses are somewhat confusing because the loss
of the drovers and sentinels are included, but it would appear that
at least fifteen failed to return from Patale, including five from the
Pensacola contingent. On July 6 the Adjutant Solana, surmising
that the enemy had withdrawn, sent a group to reconnoiter the field.
The party reported the discovery of two bodies, presumably Christian,
on the field, and in the plaza at the village sixteen burned bodies were
found about the square, bound to the stations of the cross. An escaped
captive who was encountered related that eight Spaniards had been
burned, and several carried off captives. All the Spaniards were now
convinced that the outlook was hopeless, and most of the settlers and
their families implored permission to leave in the felucca for Pensa-
cola. Rumors of a projected overpowering English attack became
current, and the remaining Indians flatly refused to participate in
further resistance. As a consequence, Solana recommended to Gov-
ernor Zilfiiga the abandonment of Apalachee.
From Document 35 to Document 43 of January, 1708, in our
series, excepting Numbers 40 and 41, there is a hiatus of firsthand
accounts of these discouraging developments in Florida. Though not
seen by the writer, the following documents are mentioned as
probably pertinent, in the hope that they may come to the attention
of some subsequent student:
(1) 58-2-8:4. Bitachuco (Ivitachuco), May 29, 1705. Cacique
Patricio to Governor.
(2) 58-2-8:4. Bitachuco, August 23, 1705. Francisco de Florencia
to Andres Garcia.
(3) 58-2-8:4. Bitachuco, August 27, 1705. Francisco de Florencia
to Sr. Cabo de Lachua, Juan Francisco.
(4) 58-1-27:87. San Augustin, April 30, 1706. Royal Officials to
King. The Indians in revolt continue war on the Apalachinos, killed
a chief, carried off a friar.

(5) 58-1-27:90. San Augustin, May 3, 1706. Governor Corcoles
y Martinez to King. Spanish driven out of La Chua, garrison fell
back on San Francisco.
(6) 58-1-27:92. San Augustin, August 13, 1706. Royal Officials to
King. In the last three months twenty-six Spaniards have been killed,
a general falling back on San Augustin, the only place not abandoned.
doseph de la Zfuniga y Zerda was succeeded in the governorship
by Francisco orcoles y Mar probably some time in April of
1706. Zuniiga had distinguished himself by his successful defense of
St. Augustine during the siege by Moore in 1702, and considering the
meager force and supplies available to him, subsequent events herein
described probably could not have taken any different course. But as
the future unfolded and in spite of the later reverses, it was evident
that in saving St. Augustine, he had saved Florida. For this achieve-
ment he was promoted to the governorship of Cartagena, which one
may hope he actually attained. Not until after the return of peace
in 1714 did Apalachee receive further attention from the Spanish
One forms the opinion from the perusal of these documents that
the depopulation of Apalachee was not wholly due to the vicious
attacks of the Lower Creeks, incited and abetted by the English, but
that a formidable element of rebellion on the part of the Apalachians
was an important factor. While the teachings and deportment of the
missionary priests appear to have won the respect and devotion of
many nfluential Indians, this effect was largely nulliied by the treat-
ment they received trom the administrative otfciais and settlers, which
in many aroused a deep-ctied andc slumbering resentment that flared
into open rebeion e erision of their pagan kinsmen wlo
had been liberated from all restraint by their contact with the Enalis
TheSpanis^ bn j permitting Teir proselytes to have
firearms, which the English introduced extensively among their ad-
herents, against whom the Apalachian bowmen were largely defense-
less. Spanish prestige steadily diminished with the regular progression
of unfavorable events, until all substantial Indian support was irre-
trievably lost. Although the outnumbered Spaniards fought bravely
at both Ayubale and Patale, as proved by their heavy losses, they
were, without substantial relief from outside and from the defection
of their Indians, in a hopeless position, faced with the alternatives
of withdrawal or extermination. Their choice was natural.


Fort *an uis


1. Royal Cedula, Madrid, November 4, 1693.81

Don Laureano de Torres y Ayala, my governor and captain gen-
eral of the Provinces of San Augustin of Florida, or the person or
persons in whose charge is the government:
Don Diego de Quiroga, your predecessor, related in a letter of
April Ist of 168832 that he, with the royal officials, had visited those
provinces, among them Apalachee, whose caciques had offered, if
aided with tools, to make at their cost a wooden blockhouse for the
infantry which compose the garrison there, as well as a stone watch-
tower at the port of San Marcos, because it is not sufficiently spacious
[there] for a fort. In view of which, and from the endorsement by
my fiscal, I have decided to inform you of the former, and of the
voluntary offer made by the Indians of the Province of Apalachee, to
aid with their personal labor in the construction of the fabric of a block-
house and watchtower. We are informed that the Governor Pablo de
Hita Salazar in his time constructed a wooden fort in the port of San
Marcos, as you may know; and if [it is] not built as is supposed, you
are to build it, without bothering or obliging the Indians to work
upon it, but persuading them with blandishments, under the exact
[conditions] which they proposed. Of whatever you will do in this,
[you] will give me a detailed account, in order that I may be in-
formed of it.

2. Royal Officials to the King. San Augustin, April 6, 1696."
In a royal cedula of Your Majesty dated December 30, 1693,
Your Majesty was pleased to ask us to be observant of what the
governor of this province is to execute in the matter of the block-
house which he is to build in the Province of Apalachee. Upon the
receipt of the said royal cedula, we inform Your Majesty whether
the Indians of the said province, in fulfilment of what they proposed,
have begun to build the house of wood for the shelter and residence
of the infantry which compose the garrison of that province, giving


Jfort &'an Ruiz

their personal labor and handicraft. Because of their poverty, they
petition that you aid them at Your Majesty's expense with some
sustenance, as they have none, neither tools for its construction, [nor]
spikes, for this is not their responsibility, as was arranged by agree-
ment of the governor and ourselves, of which we have given an
account to Your Majesty, which we will resume on its completion,
[giving] that which has been spent upon it. Our Lord protect the
Catholic royal person of Your Majesty many years, as your vassals
desire. Florida, April 6, 1696.
Thomas Menendez Marques [rubric]
Joachin de Florencia [rubric]

3. Governor Torres y Ayala to the King. San Augustin, April
15, 1696.3
I received a royal cedula from Your Majesty in which you ordered
me to execute the construction of the wooden blockhouse in the
Province of Apalachee, where is situated the garrison of infantry
which Your Majesty has there. After I had gone to that province
on taking possession of this government, much cut timber was found
already weakened from the time elapsed since it was cut. Recognizing
the necessity for the blockhouse, I assembled the caciques and ex-
plained to them [that] the reason they should labor was to assure
the security of the people. In this they willingly concurred, offering
again to cut the timber which was lacking, with the stipulation that
they should have aid from Your Majesty [as regards] tools, and
some corn for their sustenance, which I offered them, to further the
royal service of Your Majesty.
Today it is completed, except for the third part of the roof, and
[there are] placed in it two pieces of artillery, and all the infantry [can
pass] the night in it with security, as can also all the people on the
nights when the alarm is sounded, which happens repeatedly at the
present. The Indians have worked without compulsion more than
they would have voluntarily, and from the royal treasury [have
received] only the assistance of some axes, vasuras, and assorted
nails, [together with] corn for their sustenance. It receives all my
solicitude for its construction, as it is not yet complete, lacking the
third part of the roof, as was mentioned to Your Majesty. I have
considered the representations which the said caciques made to me,
that they are occupied at present with their agricultural labors. Not-


Sere fte Oncte toob

withstanding, I have ordered the deputy whom I have in that province
to pursue the marauding and rebellious Indians who are accustomed
to surprise them, so that as soon as possible the matter may be closed,
upon which I will give a report to Your Majesty. For that which
relates to the stone watchtower, which Your Majesty touched upon
in the royal cedula mentioned, [I may say that] although I arrived
at the said port of San Marcos where it should be,35 I saw no such
thing nor had [it] brought to my attention before its mention by
Your Majesty in the said royal cedula. The only [tower] they have
there is of wood, from where it is possible to see the sea and coast,
and where sentinels are continually stationed. Neither did I find the
fort built by the Governor Don Pablo de Hita de Salazar, as it was
burned and cut down by the enemy, in the government of Don Juan
Marques de Cabrera.6 I have ordered my said deputy to give a report
to the royal comptroller of the cost and amount of the corn, so that
in conjunction with whatever may be spent for the tools, it may be
furnished to Your Majesty on conclusion. Our Lord protect the
Catholic royal person of Your Majesty many years, as Christianity
requires and as we your vassals desire. Florida, April 15, 1696.
Don Laureano de Torres y Ayala

4. Certification by Officials of the Royal Hacienda of the
Construction Costs of the [Block]house in Apalachee. San
Augustin, July 3, 1697.37

The officials of the royal treasury of these Provinces of Florida,
the Captains Don Thomas Menendez Marques, comptroller [by
commission] of Your Majesty, and Joachin de Florencia, who fills
the office of treasurer and storekeeper ad interim by reason of the
absence of the proprietor, and who, by order of Your Majesty, is
engaged in the collection of the subsidy of this presidio:
We certify that from the account and vouchers received in the
auditor's office, there has been prepared a statement of the expenses
incurred in the Province of Apalachee in the construction of a wooden
[block]house for the lodgment and defense of the infantry assigned
there as garrison. The Indians of the said province furnished the tim-
ber and labor as they promised, and as Your Majesty commanded by
your royal cedula, [we] assisted and aided them only with food,
some tools, and spikes, the expense in construction being entirely at


fort &an luis

the cost of Your Majesty; and what has been spent and the time
consumed are shown in the following manner:
Firstly, it appears from two certificates submitted by Captain
Jacinto Roque Perez, deputy [governor] of the said province,
who supervised the said work, that from October 3, 1695, when
it was begun, until its conclusion, there was spent on food for
the Indians, master workmen, and laborers that worked on said
house, 353 measures of corn for their food, which at 2 reals
amount to 88 pesos and 2 reals........................ P 88 R 2
For 6 quintals of new iron at 10 pesos per quintal and 2/2
quintals of old iron at 20 reals, and 6 pounds of steel, all to be
forged and pointed into large and small spikes, with some other
necessary tools, which amount in all to 91 pesos ............ P 91
For three new axes, two adzes, one crowbar, and three augers
which were bought for the said works, at a cost of 29 pesos. . P 29
For two thousand new nails for shingles, which were bought
for its roof, and which amount to 25 pesos .............. .P 25
For 71 pesos which were spent for two blacksmiths who fash-
ioned and dressed the various spikes and iron tools ........... P 71
P 304 R 2
In which manner the cost of the said house amounts to P 304 R 2.
The said 304 pesos and 2 reals, which were spent in that province,
were furnished from the tithes of the years 1695 and '96, as more
clearly appears from the said certifications which we transmit, and
from which it may be clear to Your Majesty. By order of the governor
and captain general we submit the present. In San Augustin of Florida
on the 1st of July, 1697.
Thomas Menendez Marquis
Joachin de Florencia

5. Royal Cedula. Madrid, March, 1698.38

Don Laureano de Torres y Ayala, Knight of the Order of Santiago,
my governor and captain general of Florida, or the person or persons
that govern them:
In a letter of July 3, 1697, you reported that the [block]house in
the Province of Apalachee for the infantry which there constitute
the garrison is completed; that it is sufficiently capacious to shelter


^ere ep O @nce toob

all who reside in the place, some Spanish settlers and all the natives
of the village; that you have therein placed two pieces of artillery
on two travesos which project from the house; and that you submitted
a certificate given on the 1st of July of the same year '97 by the royal
officials of that city. From this it appears that its cost amounted to
304 pesos and 2 reals, in order that I might be pleased to approve it
[what follows in quotation marks is scratched out] . "to the
relief of all the residents of the village of San Luis of Apalachee."
The letter was submitted to my Council of War for the Indies and
examined by the fiscal, and in consideration of [scratched out] the
moderate [insert illegible] expense, which the construction of the
blockhouse entailed, and because there will be no subsequent expense
in maintaining it, and it can serve as a reasonable shelter or defense
for the natives from the incursions which the neighboring Indians
make at the instigation of the English of Saint George (San Jorge),
I have decided to give my approval (as by the present I do) for this
which you have effected, and give you thanks for the care with which
you have attended to its defense and to the security of that province.
Herein I acknowledge I have been well served by your anticipation
of what you would have to execute, and in the letter [I offer] pro-
posals to the Council in order that it may decide whatever is most
advantageous to my service.

6. Don Patricio, Cacique of Ivitachuco, and Don Andres,
Cacique of San Luis, to the King. February 12, 1699.3"
Don Patricio Hinachuba, the principal cacique of the Province of
Apalachee, and Don Andres, cacique of San Luis, in the name of all
the province, and for themselves, humbled at the feet of Your
Majesty (whom God protect), say that in the time when the Sergeant
Major Don Pablo de Hita Salazar was governor of this plaza, he
granted permission for some Spanish families to settle in this province
at the place of San Luis, where are stationed the infantry of its
garrison. One of these families was that of Captain Juan Fernandez
de Florencia, who was deputy [governor] and superior magistrate,
and who has remained until the present, inasmuch as Captain Jacinto
Roque [Perez], the present deputy [governor], got him to establish
a ranch of cattle, swine, and horses, from which we receive consider-
able injury to our fields from his cattle, as well as [from] those of
Diego Florencia and Francisco de Florencia, his brothers-in-law, who


reside with him. Although we have sought redress from various
sources, we have not had it, since they are so powerful, and we are
without a person to protect and defend us. Justice is not administered (')
to us in this, nor in other lesser injuries, [such] as committed by
Juana Caterina, wife of the said deputy, who gave two slaps in the
face to a cacique of [the Indians] of San Luis, because he had not
brought her fish on one Friday, and obliged the village to furnish. !
six Indian women for the grinding every day without payment for
their work; and although this was [contrary to] an order of the
inspector, it is not observed, and notwithstanding, [they] continue
doing it. As also that she be given an Indian to go and come every-
day with a pitcher of milk for the house of the said deputy.
And that they likewise built a house of singular architecture for
the infantry, with notable detriment to us and to the natives, since
in addition to the donation of their personal labor, they brought their
own axes and food, and with the remainder of the timber they made
houses for one of his brothers-in-law and other Spanish settlers. And
as a consequence, the natives of San Luis are found withdrawn a
league into the woods, for their places have been seized for the
Spaniards. For this reason, and because they flee from the continued
labor of the deputy's house, they do not even go to Mass on feast
days. And not only this, but there are many Apalachee Indians with-
drawn to the Province of Guale, where many die without confession,
because they do not understand the language of the missionaries of )
that province. All this is because of the great hardships imposed on
us by the families which are settled in our village of San Luis; and
we are sufficiently annoyed by the said deputy and brothers-in-law,
since they compelled the mico40 of la Tama, who is new in the faith,
[and] who is skilled in tanning, to prepare skins for them without
pay for his work, [because of which] he went to the place of Saint
George; from his revolt we are disconsolate, for fear others may
follow him.
All, Sir, arises from our lack of a protector who was petitioned
[for], to hear our grievances and redress them, for which we ask of
Your Majesty, [whom] God protect, the necessary relief of our
afflictions, [by your] sending us shortly alleviation through your
royal decree, and [by your] appointing for us a person who can de-
fend us, or by giving authority to Don Laureano de Torres y Ayala,
governor and captain general, that for the present we name one to
his satisfaction and ours. Thus we will be relieved from all these


fort *an luis

tere tbeO @nce *toob

grievances and many more, which we have not expressed in order
not to bother Your Majesty, whom God protect and prosper with
succession to the crown as Christianity needs. San Luis, February
12, 1699.
Don Patricio Hinachuba
Don Andres, Cacique of San Luis

7. Don Patricio Hinachuba to Don Antonio Ponce de Leon.
Ivitachuco, April 10, 1699.41

Don Antonio Ponce de Le6n: I wish that the Divine Majesty may
give to Your Grace the most perfect health, which I desire in company
with all your children. I and all my subjects are at Your Grace's
service. Here [we continue] subject to many annoyances and are much
aggrieved for many reasons, the principal being what Francisco
Florencia did this past winter to the pagan Indians of the Province
of Tasquique [Tuskegee]. The said senior having departed on a hunt
for buffalo [civo=cibolo] with forty Chacato Indians, they unexpect-
edly encountered twenty-four Indians coming peacefully to trade in
this province, to sell their buffalo skins, leather shirts, and madstones
[piedras besales=kissing stones, bezoars, madstones]; and having
amicably conversed with them, he asked them where they would
spend the night. They replied they would halt nearby, as they did.
And the said Francisco de Florencia said that he would go to another
part of the woods, and at midnight he returned with his party and
killed sixteen men, the others fleeing. He gathered up the spoils and
brought them to his province, and they painted the shirts in Ayubale;
and it is very well known in this province that they have sold all the
plunder, [and] it is certain that the deed is such that all of us will
have to pay for these activities, since this aggravation has aroused
misgivings, although to this date the opening of hostilities which we
expect has not begun. Furthermore, the cattle of the said Francisco
de Florencia and of the deputy [governor], his brother-in-law, are
within the villages, with no effort made to remove them to their
ranches, and those of the adjutant Salinas in the same manner. Al-
though we have complained to the deputy, since these matters are
his responsibility, he has done nothing, nor has he done anything
about the murders committed by his brother-in-law; and [he has]
even informed the governor that he was attacked by the pagans, when

the truth is quite the contrary, since the very Indians who accom-
panied him are telling the truth, all of which was done without fear
of God. He is also permitting the adjutant Salinas and the said
Francisco de Florencia to detain on their ranches the youths of the
mission, and although our missionary father sent for them, they did
not wish to let them go, and they rear them without learning prayers
or hearing Mass. They also have women on their ranches, and although
on your visit Your Grace ordered that it should not be thus, after
you left the deputy said that [this order] signified nothing; that
what he desired would prevail as indeed [it] did; and it is for this
that we are most unhappy and the natives are fleeing from these
[parts] in disorder. Some have fled to the woods, others to Saint
George with the English, prompted by the heavy labor exacted by
the Florencias for which they are not paid anything; and as we do
not have other support than that of Your Grace, I give you an account
of this and could give you much more except that it would trouble
you; and of all Your Grace will learn from those who go from
here. And as you are our father and defender at this time, attempt
our aid for the love of God, hinting of all this to the Sergeant Major
Don Nicolas Ponce, your father, who has loved and protected us so
much, for as he has been governor of that plaza, he can tell to the
present governor what he should do to give us the comfort that would
be afforded by withdrawing these families to the presidio, as they are
depriving us of our manner of living, and our sweat and labor should
be for God to whom we would leave it; and we ask that His Divine
Majesty protect Your Grace for our protection and aid. Ivitachuco,
April 10, 1699.
I kiss the hands of Your Grace, your great servant and friend.
Don Patricio Hinachuba

8. Don Antonio Ponce de Ledn to the King on Behalf of Don
Patricio Hinachuba. Havana, January 29, 1702.42

Don Antonio Ponce de Le6n, chaplain organist in the parish church
of San Augustin of Florida, for Your Majesty:
Prostrated at the royal feet of the Most Catholic person of Your
Majesty, he says that in the time when Don Laureano de Torres Ayala
was governor of these provinces of Florida, in whatever criminal
charges [were] made against the natives of these said provinces, he


Jort *an luis

ftre Tbep Once toob

was always designated as their defender, for which reason they seek
me whenever an injury is done, entreating by means of my small
efforts to provide some relief from their afflictions, as has [been]
done [in the present instance]. The cacique Don Patricio Hinachuba,
who is the greatest of all of the caciques of the Province of Apa-
lachee, [seeks the attention of Your Majesty] by means of the en-
closure, since consideration, although sought, was not received in the
said city of San Augustin, and nothing to relieve the natives was
achieved. Giving charitable attention to the subject of the letter,
[you will see] it is thus that the natives, made obstinate from bad
treatment and continued labor, desert their women and children and
abandon the law of God and gather at the settlement of Saint George
where they live in license, because the families of the Florencias in
the said province, with their cattle, cows, swine, and horses, cause
great damage to the fields of the wretched natives, and employ them
in their service without compensation, together with many other
grievances which are not expressed.
It being necessary, at the pleasure of Your Majesty, to institute
action before [an] ecclesiastical judge, [in order] that these [con-
ditions] be censured and rectified, for if it is not [done] thus, nothing
will be effected, because these people always have cattle by consent
of the governors, through whose aid they effect these injuries, and
from their being related to most of [the families] of the presidio.
The Captain Juan de Ayala Escobar is related to these by marriage.43
Since I have visited those provinces, I have reliable information that
no charges were placed before him, and that he left them in much
discontent; and I am very certain that the withdrawal of the said
families [would] be their chief relief [as well as] desire. Since Your
Royal Majesty (whom God protect) is spending your royal patri-
mony solely for the purpose of converting souls to the holy faith,
there is no reason that for private interests they be lost in the woods
or in the settlement of Saint George. They must have the benefit of
encouragement for their increase, or you will lose a soul. I affirm to
Your Majesty that in the said province I have seen, in the vicinity
of San Luis, the houses of the Indians located a league's distance,
because their building sites and fields have been taken by the Spanish
settlers. The missionary fathers assured me that in the entire year
the [Indians] have not heard Mass because of their dispersion and
flight, so that they will not be ordered about as the Spaniards are
accustomed to do. On a former occasion, letters for His Majesty

Don Carlos II (who rests in glory) were brought to that court by
the hand of the Reverend Father Francisco Gutierrez. These natives
have not had justice, and if some help has come, it is concealed, for
which reason I beg that Your Majesty will be pleased to harken with
all compassion to these wretched Indians, giving them the relief
which they request, in order that these provinces be not destroyed
and made waste, to which I am prompted only by charity and zeal
for the honor of God and the advancement of Your Majesty, whom
heaven protect and favor as Christianity requires. Havana, January
29, 1702.
Prostrate at the royal feet of Your Majesty, which in submission
I kiss.
Antonio Ponce de Le6n

9. Royal Cedula, Madrid, May 7, 1700."
Field Master Don Joseph de Zi'iiga y la Zerda, my governor and
captain general of the Provinces of San Augustin of Florida, or the
person or persons who may be charged with their government:
Don Patricio Hinachuba, the principal cacique of the entire prov-
ince, and Don Andres, cacique of the village of San Luis, in their
names and for the entire province, have written to me in a letter
dated the i2th of February, 1699, of the continuous affronts, vexa-
tions, and annoyances which they receive from the families that in
the time of Governor Don Pablo de Hita Salazar, and with his
permission, went to settle in that province, as well as from its deputy
[governor]. [As a consequence of these conditions], they are driven
from their home sites for the houses which they have constructed,
obliging them to work for them without giving them food or other-
wise compensating for their labor, by which they are obliged to with-
draw to the woods where they do not hear Mass or go to confession,
some even passing to Saint George. He requests me that for the
correction of these evils you appoint some person to protect them,
[or] that I give authority to the governor of those provinces to
select someone to the satisfaction of him and of those Indians, before
whom their grievances may be rectified. His letter and representations
were presented to my Royal Council for the Indies and viewed by the
fiscal, who has approved sending them with this dispatch, [a] copy
of which is signed by my undersigned secretary; and I direct you,
and I command you (as I do), that, informed of its contents, you


jort &an luiB

*ere bep @Once toob

assume the office of magistrate and investigate the allegations of these
unhappy caciques and Indians of the said Province of Apalachee.
If they are found to be so oppressed and annoyed as they give to
understand-and it must be presumed that they are-and upon
finding it to be thus, and after having done this, [you should] make
effective restitution to them of all that in which they have been
injured, and then attend with all the power of the law to the punish-
ment of those who have annoyed them, of which you shall give me
an account by autos at the first opportunity offered, and apply as
many measures as you judge necessary to put a stop to these and
similar injuries.
You should always remember and have ever present before you
that one of your principal duties is to exercise the greatest care so
that the caciques and Indians of the said Province of Apalachee live
without annoyance, and to remove whatever is prejudicial, taking
note that the council will be always observant of the zeal and dili-
gence which they expect of you in this matter and of other [duties]
which are presented by my service, as I desire greatly that these poor
caciques and natives should be well treated, and that you help, pro-
tect, and defend them, as is your duty and as I have ordered in
repeated cedulas to the governors, your predecessors, with which
again I charge you, that thus my resolution and the service of God
be advanced and my [ending].

10. An Order from the Governor Don Joseph de Zatiga.
San Augustin, November 5, 1700."4
Don Joseph de Ziuniiga y Zerda, field master of the Spanish In-
fantry, by the King Our Lord, governor and captain general of this
city of San Augustin of Florida and of all its provinces by His
Inasmuch as it is desirable and necessary to the service of His
Majesty that in the Province of Apalachee there exist that good order
which is required for the preservation of the province, as well as for
the relief of its inhabitants, Spaniards and Indians, I therefore order
and command the Captain Jacinto Roque Perez, my deputy [governor]
of the said Province of Apalachee, to be attentive in the first place
to the protection of the Indians, because of his obligation to them,
and because of the deteriorated condition in which the province is
found; to bring back those who are in a state of servitude in other


fort *an 3uis

parts, sending the soldiers and people that may be necessary to effect
it; and on every occasion when [a violation] occurs, to make investi-
gation, punishing those who transgress in the form which appears
appropriate to the situation (yende a la mano), whether Spaniards,
both settlers and soldiers, in order that they do not commit any
injury whatsoever against them, neither in their fields nor regarding
their stock, [or in] buying them against their wishes or at a low price.
They [are to] be allowed to raise their swine and fowl, and these
are not to be taken from them; and my said deputy will take par-
ticular care not to hinder anyone from coming to this city to sell
bacon, lard, swine, as well as hides and skins, which they have raised
or acquired; because regarding this there have been given me various
complaints, and since [all] this appears to me mischievous, those
who obstruct [this order] will be punished severely.
I likewise order and command my said deputy to notify all the
proprietors of ranches that they shall not for any reason, or purpose,
or need that they may have, sell or kill any calf which has not
attained more than two to three years, under penalty of ten pesos
for the first time; for the second, thirty; and for the third, chastise-
ment and punishment (for non-observance) at my discretion. And in
order to encourage the multiplication of cattle, I have ordered they
should be utilized in the tithes, [and I] order the overseers of the
ranches to promote the increase and procreation of calves. This my
order will be executed without exception, and should it appear to
me that my deputy or those who succeed him tolerate such sales,
they will be punished severely and, furthermore, fined at my discre-
tion; and [the deputies] are not to maintain any reservations against
this mandate for any consideration of fear or other pretext.
And I thus further order and command that if they receive any
complaints from the proprietors of ranches that the Indians are
killing their cattle, they shall carefully investigate; and, identifying
the culprits, they shall punish the s-verely, and report this to me;
and if it is determined that som caciqu or caciques have countenanced
or tolerated, or taken part in it, they shall be punished and make
And because I have understood that the Chacatos, who are under
their jurisdiction, have inflicted some injuries and fatalities upon the
pagans with whom we are trying to re-establish friendship, [to our]
grave detriment and impediment, they shall be given warning and
given to understand my order that when they meet with [these


Indians], whether in settled or unsettled places, they shall comport
themselves in a friendly manner, with all civility and good will. And
those of the said Chacatos who disobey this my said order will be
punished with the greatest severity, as they will experience when
the occasion offers; and this [disobedience] my deputy [governor]
or his successors will not tolerate.
And, finally, he will see that in all the villages the natives are
provided with all supplies necessary for operations of war, which
they can and must arrange, and [that] the infantry likewise be sup-
plied with munitions ready and prepared in such a manner that no
misfortune might arise from lack of preparation. In this my Deputy
Captain Jacinto Roque Perez will behave, as he has to the present,
with the watchfulness, foresight, and care which from his zeal,
bravery, and experience he gave promise, evidencing himself a good
vassal and servant to His Majesty.
This order will be made publicly known at the time it is issued.
It is to be posted in the council houses [bujos=-bujios]; and today,
day of the date, I have sent it to him and simultaneously to the
caciques of the entire province. And he will take one copy of the
aforesaid order along with this original, and place them in the file
of orders and papers in his custody, as a perpetual testimony to the
zeal with which I have devoted myself to the promotion and preser-
vation of the province and its natives, which is in the service of His
Majesty. To that end I order the present sent, signed by my hand
and countersigned by the undersigned notary for the public and
government, given in Florida on November 5, of this year of Our
Lord, 1700.
Joseph de Ziufiiga y Zerda
By order of the governor and captain general. Juan Solana, notary
for the public and government.

11. Royal Cidula. Madrid, January 11, 1701."4
My governor and captain general of the Province of San
Augustin of Florida:
Having very reliable news that the English and Dutch are plan-
ning an invasion and conquest of the Indies, for which purpose they
have assembled a great number of war vessels with a large landing
force, I desire to warn you of these plans so that you will be informed


tere Te Op nce toob

of them and make all preparations that may be necessary for defense
and opposition of any invasion. For this purpose you will avail your-
self of French auxiliary arms, not only of those found in the island
of Santo Domingo and other places in the possession of that crown,
but also of those which recently have been sent to those coasts by
the Most Christian Majesty and my grandfather. And you will like-
wise avail yourself of every means afforded by the million in subsidy
conceded by His Holiness [Pope] Innocent XII from the funds of
the crusades and other resources designed for the expulsion of the
Scots from Darien, since this [threat of war] is but the consequence
of appeasement. And in the war against the enemies of the crown
and of the religion, you will closely attend to this and will report
whenever opportunities offer, after the receipt of this dispatch on
whatever you do by virtue of its authority, being advised that in
conformity therewith, orders are being sent to the viceroys of both
kingdoms, and to the governors of all forts and ports of the Indies,
and that the same advice is given to General Admiral Don Pedro
Fernandez Navarette, to the commanders of the windward fleet, and
to the vessels of Cartagena, with the order that they are not to leave
those coasts until they are so ordered; rather, that they survey those
[coasts] in order to supply their fortifications with the necessities
for their defense. Madrid, IIth of January, 1701. I the Queen; the
Cardinal Porto Carrero; Fray Don Manuel Arias; Don Fernando
de Arag6n; the Bishop Inquisitor General; By Command of the
King, Our Lord; Don Manuel de Aperregui.

12. Auto of the Inspector Relating to Apalachee. San Luis,
February 22, 1701.4'
The Captain Don Juan de Ayala Escobar, deputy judge [juez
comisario] and inspector general [visitador general] of both these
Provinces of Apalachee and Timuqua by nomination and appointment
of the Field Master Don Joseph de Ziuniga y Zerda, governor and
captain general of the city of San Augustin of Florida and of these
provinces by His Majesty:
Whereas in this village of San Luis de Talimali, today, day of
the date of this inquiry [auto], there was delivered to the deputy
Manuel Solana a letter from Field Master Don Joseph de Ziuniga
y Zerda, governor and captain general, in which his lordship ordered'
that he very carefully investigate the peace [treaties] which the


ifort bant lutt

natives of these provinces have covenanted with those of Apalachicolo
and other pagans of that territory, and which today are in effect,
according to the report given by those who have come from these
provinces. The said inspector is suspicious of the said treaties, of
which he [already] has given account to the governor because of [the
conditions] which exist today among the pagan villages influenced
by the English, who have free commerce with them. In regard to
the contents of the letter from his lordship charging him with the
duty of enforcing what he commands in it, from now on the said
inspector orders and commands the deputy and the remaining in-
fantry, and existing settlers and inhabitants, as well as all the natives
of this province, caciques and chiefs, that not for any motive or
pretext [may] they continue to travel or go to the provinces of Apa-
lachicolo to consult and trade with the said pagans, unless they go
with the express permission of the said governor, except that on all
occasions when the said pagans come to barter, they receive them
with all good will, and only continue to buy from them the usual
and customary goods that they bring, [so that] they may not purchase
or trade for any kind of clothing, nor arms, nor anything which may
have been introduced by the English under any pretext. Similarly it
is prohibited that they leave this province, or give either horses or
silver or other thing which might be marketable among the said
pagans, and which were formerly traded [by] said natives among
one another, with the warning that whatever of the contents of this
auto may be violated, either in part or in whole, will be condemned
with all severity on detection by the governor, as it is a matter of the
greatest importance to the service of His Majesty. Of this auto there
will be taken an affidavit to be delivered to the deputy of this province
so that he may give notice of it in each village of the natives, as well
as to the infantry and Spanish settlers present in this said province,
in order that none may allege ignorance; and this auto [shall] be
placed at the end of all of the autos of the inspection, so that it may
be evident for all time.
Dated in this place of San Luis de Talimali on the 22nd day of
February of this year of 1701, and Your Worship signed it in the
company of the witnesses present and of I the notary, of which I
swear. Don Juan de Ayala Escobar; Juan Solana.48


pere bep Once toob

jort *an luis

13. Order from Governor Zuiiga y Zerda. San Augustin,
March 14, 1701.49

Don Joseph de Zuifiiga y Zerda, field master of Spanish Infantry
by the King Our Lord, governor and captain general of this city
of San Augustin of Florida and its provinces by His Majesty:
Inasmuch as from the autos and depositions relating to the expe-
dition and the operations which have resulted from the expedition
that was made by my order to the province of Mayaca, because its
inhabitants had been driven away, and from other reports given me, it
appears that the Ygnaja [enija, hinija] and Timuquan Indians have
done some killings without the consent of their leader on the occasion,
to whom I had issued appropriate orders as to what they had to do;
and they [failed to] manifest the peace and good will which their
deportment should exhibit, by making the said Indians carry the
scalps to the camps [reales] and places where the said leader went.
Thus I am obliged to invoke a suitable deterrent, because His
Majesty has so pointedly charged me with the alleviation, good
treatment, preservation, and increase of the natives of these prov-
inces; and said abuse being so abhorrent in the eyes of God and such
a bad example of the barbarity with which they perpetrated it, and
very foreign to those who profess the evangelical law, I must abolish
at once a custom so devilish as taking scalps, and the massacres they
carried out in order to acquire them, without other motive or cause
than to kill those they meet of different and distant tribes.
I order and command the adjutant Manuel Solana, my deputy
[governor] in the Province of Apalachee, and the deputies in other
provinces, that from now on, and in the future, they do not permit
such practices as dancing with scalps in the council houses [bujios],
that they should avail themselves of other means and identification
to point out as norocos and tascayas those who have taken them in
legitimate war and have occasioned some deaths, giving them to
understand this by interpreters and the best means that you can, in
a manner acceptable to the natives, so that they not persist in prac-
ticing such a diabolical custom, born of and developed in, their
primitive paganism.
This order, or as much of it [as necessary], shall be posted after
it has been proclaimed in the council houses, so that it reaches the
attention of all; and to the caciques of each village [it is] ordered,
that each, in his, should see to the execution and observation of this


Sere Ibep Once toob

my order, with a warning from my said deputies that they observe
this, and that they will proceed against those who conceal it or in
any manner permit it.
And there be published as many [copies as may be necessary] to
send an original to each deputy, leaving a record of this order in the
autos made on this subject, each one acknowledging its receipt,
proclamation, and posting, and each placing one of the originals in
the archives of their province, which by auto of this day, day of the
date, was decreed for the advancement of the service of their two
majesties. Given in Florida, on the 14th of March, 1701.
Don Joseph de Ziuniiga y Zerda
By order of the governor and captain general. Juan Solana, notary
for the public and government.

14. Governor Zuniga to the King. Upon the raid into Santa
Fd and the expedition upon which Captain Romo was
sent. San Augustin, September 30, 1702.50
Sir: I related to Your Majesty how in the past year of 1701 there
came to the Province of Apalachee a hinija [eneha of American
papers] and others of the principal chiefs of the pagans from the
Province of Apalachicolo, offering to renew the peace with the Apa-
lachians and reaffirm the submission previously given to Your
Majesty. Since from the proximity of these places to Saint George,
and the covenant which they have with the English since the year
[16]85, as my predecessors have related to Your Majesty, there
originated disobedience and the breaking of the peace which has
recently occurred. Since the Apalachians have accepted the peace
[treaty], I ordered my deputy [governor] to use every kindness and
friendly practice with the hinija and Apalachicolos, which he did.
Following this, four Apalachians went to the villages of the Apalachi-
colos, by whom they were seized. One of them escaped, and the other
three were killed and sacrificed in a cruel and inhuman manner,
without other motive than [resulted from the fact] that I have been
able to prevent the Apalachicolos from removing horses out of the
Province of Apalachee unless they reimburse the Apalachians with
some of the guns which the English supply them for skins, clothing,
and tools of their fashioning. Along with this agreement, I ordered
the inspector to visit the said province, which proved to be advan-

fort &an luif

tageous, from his recognition that the peace which the said hinijas
had come to re-establish was a subterfuge, since the pagans did not
desire anything except pack horses which the English ask of them
for their traffic. Thus, for vengeance, they treacherously murdered
and caused the death of the three Christian prisoners, which occurred
in 1701. Not being satisfied with the wickedness done, and deliberately
laying waste the woods in an attempt to capture [the place] by sur-
prise, they entered in the dawn watch and burned and devastated the
village of Santa Fe, one of the principal towns of the Province of
Timuqua, Saturday, the 20th of May of this year of 1702, making
an attack on the convent with many firearms and arrows and burning
the church, although not the images which with some risk were saved.
Finally, the fight having lasted for more than three hours, our force
repulsed them, after the hasty strengthening of an indefensible
stockade which served as a fence to the gate of the convent. The enemy
retired with some injury, and although our side had some killed and
wounded, it would not have been large if the adjutant deputy, Juan
Ruiz de Canicares, had not left, with small prudence and but few
men, in pursuit of the enemy, whose number had increased. After
pursuing them for six leagues, they overtook them the same day
after dusk, engaging them briskly, and one soldier that got away
[reports] that one and another up to ten of our Indians died in the
skirmish, because the enemy received them in a half moon [a crescent]
and, closing it, caught many of them in the center, only a few Indians
The Apalachee Indians are now fearful of the hostilities and in-
juries which their villages will have to suffer from the raids the
Apalachicolos will make unless they are curbed and punished until
they cease these invasions.
By letters of July 3rd and August 30th of this year, which they
wrote me through my deputy, they have asked, amid noisy importunity,
permission for eight hundred of them to set forth, including some
Christian Chacatos, to avenge these slaying and hostilities, and at
the same time asked me that I give them some soldiers and a leader
to direct them, upon which, by auto of the 4th of the present month,
I called a Council of War; and on the same day, observing the
clamorous importunity of the Indians, because the said letters were
read in council, and harkening to these and their arguments, and the
charges that the cacique Don Patricio made in his name, it was deemed
expedient to concede them permission, with some soldiers and the


were bjep @mnce toob

leader for whom they asked. I nominated Captain Don Francisco
Romo de Uriza of the infantry, who has been deputy of Guale and
of Apalachee, and who bears the orders of what they have to execute,51
because if no attempt is made to restrain these pagans, their boldness,
as it could not before, will gather strength and vigor, as they have
from killing my deputy in Timuqua by reason of his blunder, in that
he exercised little prudence in setting out in pursuit of the enemy
after he had very well conducted the defense and repulse which he
had given them, and [we are handicapped] by the aid that the English
give them, to whose friendship they incline as barbarians because
they do not impose upon them the law that we do; nor will they
submit either to the parish church or clergy. Once they have achieved
the destruction of the Christian provinces-in the midst of peace
between the two crowns they burned and desolated Santa Cathalina
de Ajoica and San Juan de Guacara, villages of Timuqua, during the
terms of Don Juan Marques Cabrera and Don Diego de Quiroga,
my predecessors-and if [they are] not restrained by this projected
expedition, even though he promised me favorable results through
divine favor, it will be necessary to employ greater severity with
larger forces against the pagans and the English who encourage them
with arms and ammunition, and who even accompany them, for the
opinion exists that an Englishman led the band which entered Santa
Fe. And these Apalachians, Chacatos, and other nations under the
protection of this government being Christians, it has been necessary
for me, for the already expressed [reasons], and in order that the
Indians may not be dismayed and take to the woods, to grant to them
the protection they solicit and the expedition whose completion will
require the entire month of October, of which I judge an account
should be given to Your Majesty, whose Catholic and royal person
may God protect for as many years as Christianity requires. San
Augustin, Florida, September 30, 1702.52
15. Proclamation by the Deputy of Apalachee. San Luis,
December 20, 1702.53
The adjutant Manuel Solana, deputy of the governor and captain
general of this Province of Apalachee by commission and appoint-
ment of Field Master of Spanish Infantry Don Joseph de Ziufiiga
y Zerda, governor and captain general of the city and presidio of
San Augustin of Florida, [of] this province and the others of his
jurisdiction, by the King Our Lord, etc.:

fort ban luiz

Because the hardship [suffered] by the city and presidio of San
Augustin of Florida is public and notorious, besieged54 [as it is] by
sea and land by the English enemies who came from Saint George,
and being without [aid] even up to this date from any of the places
whither the governor sent [for assistance], asking it with his dis-
patches, and finding myself on this occasion with an order from my
governor in which he commands me immediately on its receipt to
set out with the force that may have come from Pensacola and Mobile,
joined with those from this garrison and the other Spaniards in it
and whatever Indians who might be able to leave this province, this
to be [done] in case that greater aid is not expected from any other
quarter. And having arrived at this port in the felucca of Pensacola,
to further [the order], the Ensign Diego de Florencia, whom my
governor had sent with his dispatches and the request for assistance
from Pensacola and Mobile; and having seen the aid which he brought
from both places, which includes one hundred guns, forty arrobas
of powder, and a thousand gunflints from Mobile, and similarly,
from Pensacola, ten infantrymen and the Ensign Francisco de Montes,
their leader; and seeing the scarcity of men; and it being necessary
for me to execute this order and to see that his province is not left
unprotected . from which, and in the interests of His Majesty's
service, I order and command the Captain Don Pedro Bilbao and . .
of the said felucca and the remaining crew of it, that for no reason
whatsoever they should leave the province by sea or land until I
return from my journey or other order is received from the governor,
but that they participate in the garrisoning and safeguarding of this
province under the orders of the leader who remains in my place,
attending first to securing their vessel in the most convenient and
secure position there is . in the interest of His Majesty's service,
and for this . I command and sign in this place of San Luis de
Talimali on the 20oth of December of this year 1702.
Manuel Solana

16. Letter from Diego de Florencia to Governor Zuniga.
San Luis, January 25, 1703.5"
Governor and Captain General:
Having gone to Pensacola to seek the aid which Your Excellency
sought in the exigency of the invasion of that presidio, the winds
were so contrary that the outward journey was extended to ten days


were hbep Once toob

and the return to fourteen; the remainder of the thirty-four were
spent in Pensacola and in a journey to Mobile, where [they] had
the petition of Your Excellency and my authorization to ask as much,
[in the face of] my duty and the great need of that presidio and
these provinces, I was able to secure only ten men with an ensign
from the governor of Pensacola, because that settlement is nearly
without people. Of the few whom they have, the greater part [are]
sick; and from the French governor of Mobile I secured one hundred
new and good guns, one thousand pounds of powder-five hundred
in fine [powder] for the guns, and the other five hundred coarse
[powder] for cannon, but all good-and one thousand flints for
guns. All this will be evident from those receipts I gave to the Sergeant
Major of Pensacola. Because I do not understand French, His Grace
of Pensacola added his entreaty, and simultaneously served to in-
terpret that which the adjutant Manuel Solana gave me, in the
presentation I made to him of all the aforesaid. Your Excellency
will note the prices.
The Frenchman did not have men to spare, because he said he had
very few and many ill, and he has the work of the fort on his hands,
but they agreed to lend two hundred cartridge belts [cananaes]; and
united with [those] of the province of Chicasa [they] will [attack]
the Province of Apalachicolo in the spring. At the same time they
were expecting their fleet from France, which is [composed] of two
ships of the line and two others of moderate size, whose general is
Monsieur de Heveruila, with which force they expect promptly [to
respond] to any order from Your Excellency to aid you and to
serve you.
I went with the force from the entire province which left for the
relief of Your Excellency and your presidio, but our bad fortune"6
dampened our enthusiasm and the fervent desire with which we went
to shed our blood for our King Our Lord, for God, and for our land.
I could not continue the journey as I had obligation [to do], to
place myself at the feet of Your Excellency, because my nephew
[had] an accident, which today detains me with much care and worry,
and because there was no paper, I did not then do it [that is, write].
Now I only ask the Lord to protect the person of Your Excellency
many and happy years, as the living wall of that city, and may it
prosper with much increase. San Luis, 25th of January, 1703.
Governor and Captain General: I kiss the hands of Your Excellency,
your servant and subject. Diego de Florencia [rubric]


lfort *an uis

17. Manuel Solana to the Governor. San Luis, February 3,

I have received two [letters] from the adjutant Fernando Nieto,
which show they are [written] by order of Your Lordship. The
first, dated the ioth of the past month, was received on the 29th at
7 of the night by the hand of Marcos de Reina, in which I was told
that Your Lordship is found indisposed [achacoso], and that I should
forward some chickens by the Indian carpenters. Your Lordship's
poor health makes me grieve much. May Our Lord will that when
this arrives it finds Your Lordship with it [that is, health] and that
you enjoy prosperity. Immediately on receiving the letter, I sent to
the village of Ivitachuco to detain the Indians who were to leave on
the 30th, and sought fifty chickens, and brought them to Ivitachuco
to forward them. Yesterday, the 2nd of the present month, I re-
ceived the other letter from the adjutant by order of Your Lordship,
its date being the 20th of the past month, in which you order me to
secure forty tanned hides, thirty arrobas of tallow, [and] more or
less six hundred skeins of coarse yarn. With regard to the hides to
make shoes, these are not to be found in this province, because with
the incursions of the enemy [we] have not had one who can tan.
With regard to the tallow, I do not know what there is in the prov-
ince, but I will go to San Luis and make search. And in regard to the
yarn, this is being made and as much as can will be sent with the
people of the cava. The bearer of this is Joseph Fuentes, who brings
with him the five Indian carpenters and as many chickens as could
be gotten together in the short time before the departure of the
Indians, and there also go with them the caciques as I have advised
Your Lordship.58 While I am writing this, the Captain Jacinto Roque
arrived at this Ivitachuco and left for San Luis without tarrying. He
delivered to me an auto which he will put into effect immediately
on his arrival in San Luis. I deeply regret not to be capable of that
duty which Your Lordship assigned to me. My insufficiency for it,
as well as [my] being so badly regarded in that presidio, and my
having to impose justice, as I will, will end [with] all that presidio
joined against me. But the only things which matter to me are the
orders which I have from Your Lordship, in which I have not been
remiss, as appears to me from the compliments you have given to
them,59 and from the care exercised to give account to Your Lordship
of that which will offer itself, whom God protect many and for-


there tijep Once toob

tunate years. San Luis, February 3, 1703. Field Master Don . .
Your Lordship's hands, your servant.
Manuel Solana [rubric]
Endorsed: The leader of the squad, Joseph de Fuentes, carried one
of the King's guns, and the cacique of Ivitachuco and him of San
Luis and two others likewise, and say that they received them there,
and [that] another [was given] to the cacique of Escambe.

18. Captain Jacinto Roque Perez to Governor Zuniga. San
Luis, May 25, 1703.60

Governor and Captain General:
I relate to Your Excellency how on Thursday, which they count
as the 24th of the current [month], I arrived at the port of San
Marcos, on [my] return from Pensacola and French [territory],
where I found nothing more than fifty guns and five hundred flints
for them, for which I gave them a receipt in the sum of 503 pesos
and 6 reals. I found the one as well as the other settlement deficient
in men and supplies, so that if their relief is delayed, they will suffer
much misery. For this reason they have not given me what I went
to seek, but they are under promise to give it immediately on the
arrival of their ships. I proposed to M. Berbila the great service that
they would make to the crown if, on the arrival of his brother
[humano=hermano], he would decide to go to that presidio, so that
from there he could go to Saint George. He replied to me that he
would do everything to promote it and that they much desired it.
I also proposed to him that in the interval he should see if, with the
Chickasas, Aibamos, and other neighboring tribes, they could make
war on the A alachicolos, which would be very advantageous. He
replied to me that he laced one essential to do it, since he had nothing
to present to the Indians, neither balls or guns to give them, and that
without some incentive the Indians could not be instigated to make
war, and that he much regretted he could not do it, but that he was
certain, that having the means, they would.
They did not overlook a smack which was in the port discharging
ballast, as an opportunity to send Your Excellency's letter to Vera
Cruz and another from the Sergeant Major Don Francisco Martinez
for the viceroy, to whom I also wrote, giving him an account of all


Jfort ban luis

I had done on order of Your Excellency and [of] the meager re-
sources to be found in the one or the other plaza, for their governors
find themselves so lacking in people, as well as [of] the very evident
danger in which are found that presidio as well as these provinces,
if His Excellency will not provide with promptitude the necessary
measures. It is very likely that the news is already in Vera Cruz,
because at this date it is twenty days since I left the fort of Mobile,
and the smack was to leave within four days of my departure. Don
Francisco Martinez promised me that immediately on the arrival of
his field master he will importune that those provinces should be
immediately aided with one hundred men of those available, and
that if possible he would come with them. I believe that he will do
what he can. Both governors wrote to Your Excellency letters which
I delivered to the deputy of this province.
The journey, Sir, in such a vessel is very slow, and urgency cannot
be assured; the coast is very wild and a slight wind raises a heavy
sea and it is necessary to shorten sail [tirar a baxar], as happened to
me on the outward journey, and the seams opened so it did not appear
the boat would serve. We fixed them the best we could and arrived
at Pensacola sixteen days after our departure from San Marcos, and
from there [to] the French five, and five on the return to Pensacola,
and eight from Pensacola to San Marcos. I was only two days in
Mobile and four in Pensacola, with which all of the time of my
delay was on the sea.
The French are settled sixteen leagues within land, seven leagues
from the villages of the Mobiles. In one year [they] have made a very
elegant fort of four bastions and have placed four cannons in each
one of them, and within the governor's residence, a very elegant
church, storehouse, and guardhouse, which are all joined to the
curtains, the parade ground being in the center, and the whole cov-
ered with oak shingles, one-third [yard] in length and one-half in
width. They have built more than a hundred very pretty houses ip
the plaza, and the lands and forests are very good, [so] that if th y
remain, these will make a great place. They lack only a good p rt,
because its bar has so little water that it only permits entrance of
small smacks. This is all that occurs to me to relate to Your Excel-
lency, who will make me happy if he continues in very good health,
and I ask Our Lord to preserve him for many and fortunate years
with very good effect as I desire. San Luis, May 25, 1703. Governor


J )ere Tbe Once toob

and Captain General: Your most affectionate servant kisses Your
Excellency's hands.
Jacinto Roque Perez [rubric]

19. Royal Cedula. Madrid, September 4, 1703.61
Field Master General Don Joseph de Ziniiga y la Zerda, my
governor and captain general of the Provinces of San Augustin of
Florida, or the person or persons that govern them:
In a letter of the 30th of September of the past year of 1702, you
give a detailed account of the deaths which the pagan A alachicolos
cau&edn thgilage of S F6[by] burning the churches, an you
state that], as a consequence, you organized an expedition against
them, and that in the repulse which they experienced a soldier of
more than forty years of service, called Lorenzo Guerrero, fought
valiantly against them. You request that I should grant to his wife
and children the favors which they expect.
And having submitted [your letter] to my Council of War for
the Indies, and having deliberated upon it, I will give general ap-
proval (as by the present I do) to the preparations you made [que
disteis] to prevent the hostile acts of the pagan Apalachicolo Indians,
in which I acknowledge I have been well served by you.
And as for that which touches upon the wife and children of
Lorenzo Guerrero, I approve doing them the favors, which you will
see from the dispatch bearing the same date as this.

20. Memorandum62 [undated] by Governor Zuniga.6
They have to finish the stockade of the blockhouse of San Luis
and . the Indians [are ordered] to build the enclosure requested
around the convent and church, with a stockade communicating with
the said enclosure of the blockhouse.
The corn which is in the hands of individuals is to be collected and
stored under lock in the blockhouse, with a record and an accounting,
because it is for the benefit of all.
A ration of meat is to be given on the King's account to the infantry,
and to the soldiers of Pensacola, should they remain there until the
arrival of Captain Jacinto Roque from Pensacola.


Jfort San 1uis

A company of horse is to be organized in conformity with the
order that I have given to Don Francisco Roitener; and further
he is to give horses, either as pay or on loan, to all of the soldiers
who do not have them [and] who were deliberately [detailed] for
[this duty] in the present situation, and to exercise much care be-
sides to ensure that they are not lent by those to whom assigned; and
if there is difficulty in securing them on loan, they [are to] be taken
for the King, and he will report the amount and to whom given, in
order that it be repaid from their wages, with the obligation that
even should it be lost, it remains charged to his account unless he
restores a horse, except it already should be lost or killed in fighting.
The twenty-five horses which I asked of the caciques for this
presidio on the account of the King should arrive shortly, with their
saddles if possible, or without.
Whenever the alarm is sounded, a cannon should be discharged
from the blockhouse, which will be the signal for all to gather in
their enclosures and repair to their designated posts, those of the
horse in conformity to the orders which the deputy may have
given. . .

21. Order from the Governor. [No place, no date.]"6

Instructions and regulations to be observed by all on the farms of
the villages, Spaniards as well as natives. My deputies are to order
their execution, as follows:
x. Firstly, they have to proclaim as lost and confiscated the cattle-
bovine and equine-and swine left on the savannahs, as well as other things
left by the Indians who voluntarily departed with the enemy; and if this
should have already been done, to see if there are more to confiscate; and
of all of these there is to be made an inventory and estimate of the
actual property, in order that here may be decreed what may be divided,
in compliance with what the occasion [renders] most necessary to the needs
of the province and its defense.
2. All the properties of our dead or captured Indians are to be given
to the legitimate heirs, and you are to do well [haga bien] for their souls
in conformity [with] what is customary among the natives.
3. It is conceded that all the agans w m r Indians capture may
be retained by them as slaves, and they may sell them where it is convenient,
except that my deputies may not take nor buy anything from them, being


^*efre Tjep Once toob

prohibited from these purchases either directly or indirectly, since by reason
of their deputyships the Indians might yield them gratis. As a consequence
the Indians may flee in order not to be molested, and thus in no manner
are my deputies to take or buy them.
4. That all of the English or Irish, Catholics or non-Catholics, who
wish to come to these provinces from whatever parts, either by sea or land,
will be admitted under the royal pledge of peace with good treatment
and transported by available vessels to Havana or such other places they
may choose, as was done with the Irish Catholic who on a recent occasion
went to surrender at the blockhouse of Apalachee.65
5. That all of the Negroes of Carolina, Christians or non-Christians,
free or slave, who may wish to come, will be given the same treatment
and granted their complete freedom, so that those who do not wish to
remain in these parts may pass to others which appear better to them,
with formal certificates of their freedom granted them under royal pledge.
6. That all the Indian vassals of the King who left voluntarily and
now are repentant, and who wish to return under the Catholic law which
they professed, will be permitted to do so, as from the present if they do,
I give them [permission] in the name of His Majesty; and if they return,
[I promise] to restore their ranches and lands or their value at His
Majesty's cost.
7. That those Indians who wish and may be able to spread this word
in those regions, or who, being by accident captives, divulge it, and flee
after the deed, will be rewarded in the name of the King, when it is
learned that they have communicated these articles.
8. That it is not permitted to export provisions from the province of
Apalachee either by sea or by land to Pensacola or any other place, nor
to make purchases of cattle or of other things, even though these be
insignificant. Those who contravene this order are warned they will be
punished, as will the deputy who may permit it by contrivance, according
to the present regulations. To the greater service of His Majesty and the
encouragement and preservation of this city and said province and its natives.

Joseph de Ziufiiga y Zerda [rubric]

22. Memorandum and Accounting for 500 Yards of Jergueta
That Your Excellency Sent Me. San Luis [no date],
evidently by Manuel Solana.66

Firstly, there were sent in the past year, by the sloop of
which Joseph Antonio was master, 1202 measures67 of corn
and x5o of beans, in the delivery of which to the point of


fort an 1uif

embarkation there were spent 60 measures, all of which together
make 1,412 measures, which were purchased with 353 yards
of jergueta....................................... 0353
Further, for the journey made to the presidio there were
spent 4 measures of corn which I have certified are owed to the
adjutant Joseph Rodriguez, and which were bought with
122 yards of jergueta.............................. 0012
Further, there were burned in the lodge of the Ensign
Diego de Florencia during the raid of the enemy 80 measures
of corn which had been purchased with 20 yards of jergueta.. 0020
Further, there were bought 15 measures of wheat which
were shipped to Havana, and which were [valued at] 15 yards
of jergueta......................... ................ oo0015
Further, there were bought two hogs which were carried to
Your Excellency by Silvester Resio, and which cost 8 yards. ooo8
Further, there were spent in the purchase of thirty-two
chickens that were carried to Your Excellency by Joseph de
Fuentes, 8 yards.................................... 000ooo8
Further, there were spent to purchase eight [deer] skins,
4 yards ......... ................. ............ 0004
Further, there were spent to purchase eight arrobas68 of
tallow, which were carried to Your Excellency by Julio
Dominguez, 8 yards................... ............. 0007
Further, by order of Your Excellency, I gave to the Father
Fray Joseph Balero 12 yards of jergueta................. oo 0012
Further, the interpreter of the King received 8 yards to be
repaid in corn, and died without the means with which to
pay it either in corn or other substance ................ ooo8
Further, there remains owed by the Father Fray Domingo
Criado,69 6 yards of jergueta........................... ooo6
Further, there remains owed by Julio Hurtado 8 yards
which were by his account burned at Ocuia, and [he] has
not since had that with which to pay.. ............ ooo8
Further, there was forwarded in the sloop in charge of
Francisco Fuentes, master, thirty-six measures of corn, which
are [valued at] 9 yards of jergueta .................... ooo0009
Further, there was requested of me by order of Your Ex-
cellency, the jergueta owed the deputy Juan Ruiz Mexia, which
were 36 yards, and which were delivered to him. .......... 0036

501o [sic]

From Your Excellency's greatest servant, who kisses your hands.


ere bep @nce stoob

Notation: By this it is permitted me to say to Your Grace that of my
jergueta which you have, buy fifteen measures of wheat if it is worth
8 reals a measure, and if it is worth less, Your Grace will spend no
more than 15 pesos, and whichever may be bought you will deliver
them to the Reverend Father Domingo Criado, and on this let there
be no lack from any reason. God protect Your Grace. San Augustin,
May 14, 1703. Ziunfiiga [rubric] My deputy, Manuel Solana.

23. Extract from a letter of Governor Zuniga to the King.
San Augustin, February 3, 1704.70
. . And now in a sloop which I have kept in reserve solely for
emergencies, I am sending to Havana an appeal for supplies and
reinforcements, in view of the news which I received yesterday at
one o'clock, of how on the 25th of January of this year,7' the enemy
attacked Ayubale, one of the largest places in Apalachee, and cap-
tured it with a large force on foot, oh, n Indians
with which they have invaded the province, to besiege the blockhouse.
It was my desire to send assistance to the infantry and settlers found
there, as well as to some natives who have joined them, but I find
myself with so few people, and I am disconsolate that I dare not leave
this place without some defense. . .

24. List of friars signing a petition to the King, soliciting
relief following the Ayubale raid.72 San Luis, February
6, 1704.73
Fray Tiburicio de Osorio Fray Domingo Criado
Fray Lorenzo Santos Fray Ygnacio Cartabio
Fray Philipe Osorio Maldonado Fray Angel Miranda

25. Extract from a letter of Governor Zuniga to the King.
San Augustin, March 30, 1704."7
. . And since in two months of siege they could not accomplish
their aim, they seek [now] to destroy the provinces and terrorize the
Indians, pagan as well as Christian, and have this additional force to
make hostile incursions in these parts as close as sixty leagues either
by sea or land. In the incursions they have made since the siege, San

Jfort ban Jluis

Joseph de Ocuia in Apalachee, Pilitiriva, and San Francisco have all
been destroyed and many Indians killed, and in all they have carried
off more than five hundred prisoners. All this has been related to
Your Majesty, but they have now returned to Apalachee, accom-
panied by the governor who here besieged me, with a force of fifteen
hundred Indians and fifty English, desolating the country, and
assaulting the place of Ayubale on the 25th of January of this year,
which was defended with all bravery by the Indians and the parish
priest Fray Angel de Miranda, who fought from morning until two
in the afternoon, when their munitions gave out. The enemy ad-
vanced to the stockade close by the church and convent, which they
set fire and captured. On the 26th my deputy [governor] in Apa-
lachee, Captain Juan Ruiz de Mexia, with about thirty Spanish
soldiers and settlers, and four hundred Apalachee Indians, sur-
rounded the enemy and killed six or seven of the English and about
one hundred of the pagan Indians, to say nothing of another fifty
killed by the priest Miranda and the Indians of Ayubale, and two
or three English more. But finally, for lack of munitions, my people
were defeated, [and] my deputy was wounded by a ball which toppled
him from his horse. They also killed the parish priest of Patale, who
wished to accompany them, and two soldiers and some Tndians who
were roasted with much barbarity and cruelty by the abhorrent pagans,
who bound them to some stakes by the feet and hands and set them
afire until their lives were extinguished. This was seen by my deputy
and soldiers, whom they stripped and secured in stocks, except Fray
Angel de Miranda, who was unbound. During this cruel and bar-
barous martyrdom which the poor Apalachee Indians experienced,
there were some of them who encouraged the others, declaring that
through martyrdom they would appear before God; and to the pagans
they said: "Make more fire so that our hearts may be allowed to
suffer for our souls. We go to enjoy God as Christians, but when
you die the demons in hell will keep you eternally ablaze, at which
lamentable event Our Lord will not be moved to compassion." . .
The enemy freed my deputy, the priest Miranda, and four of the
soldiers, on the supposition that they could exact a ransom of four
hundred pesos in reals, with five cows and five horses for each. But
Captain Don Jacinto Roque Perez, whom my deputy had left in
command for the defense of the blockhouse of San Luis, sent word
to the English governor that he did not intend to give anything.
Finally, the governor did not attack the blockhouse, but turned away


wtere ieP @nce toob

at a distance of two leagues. On their withdrawal, they left five places
destroyed, and of these, the entire population of two [places] accom-
panied them voluntarily. They carried off all that could be collected,
including cows and horses, and that which could not be carried, they
destroyed and burnt. The enemy carried off more than six hundred
of the Christian Indians. Four of the Gallegan soldiers who arrived
in the past year fled to the enemy from the blockhouse, carrying off
their arms, carabines, pistols, and horses. An Irishman fled to the
blockhouse of San Luis with a flag of peace. He was sent here for
interrogation, and from his examination no cause to justify harsh
treatment was found. He was liberated, as there is no opportunity
for him to communicate with the English prisoners whom I have
here, and he is to be sent to Havana, so that from there they may
send him to those kingdoms, or to New Spain. . .

26. Letter from the Deputy of Apalachee, Manuel Solana,
to Governor Zuniga, San Luis, July 8, 1704."
Most Excellent Sir: I have related to Your Excellency of how on
the 29th of the past month, the Apalachicolo enemies threatened
this blockhouse and the village thereof from the locality of Escamb6
which is a cannon shot distant, having had the day before news by
a former captive who had fled from the enemy force which had en-
tered the village of Patale. [I have also related] that on their de-
parture they encountered another band, among whom they saw an
Englishman and a Negro; that he overheard them say the Apalachicolos
had six hundred men and the rebellious Apalachians fifty; and that
they would that same night, without fail, seize the village of Escamb6.
With this news, which was an act of the Lord, I ordered the with-
drawal of all the people of that place, who were occupied by a festival
honoring Saints John and Peter, which was attended by the people
of this place, men and women. As a consequence, they did not succeed
in securing captives, except for some who were incredulous and re-
mained on the savannah.
By another captive brought in after the first, I had word that the
enemy was not so powerful as the former had told me. He had heard
it said there were three hundred men. On the 28th I also had word
that the felucca of Pensacola had arrived on the seacoast in sight of
the port of San Marcos, for which reason I dispatched some soldiers
to ascertain their motive for coming, since they did not come into the


fort *an 1uit

port. With the news of the presence of the enemy, I sent to recall
the said soldiers, and with them the others on board the felucca,
feeling myself closely beset by the enemy, who descended from
Escambe to a tal bona, which belong to the houses of Captain Jacinto
Roque, and from there did some damage in this place of San Luis;
so that even had I sent out some of our people to repel them, we
could do nothing as we were so few. I sent to call the men from
Ivitachuco, so that joined with those I awaited from the felucca, we
could go out to dislodge the enemy of whom I had news, and raising
the royal [standard].T . He went to the village of Patale where
he also captured the stockade, as had been done in [the village] of
Escambe. Don Patricio, cacique of Ivitachuco, arrived at this block-
house with his people, and immediately went to the meeting point
with forty-five men; and observing that the enemy had retired to
Patale, and not knowing his intention, [but] fearful that he might
have gone to Ivitachuco and would capture the women and children
who had been left with only a few men to protect them, he decided
to return with his force, and asked that I let him have four soldiers
who were in his company. These I gave, and they left from here
by night to travel in greater security. On the road they captured four
insurgent Apalachians of those whom the soldier Joseph Gutierrez
told me had informed him that the enemy numbered no more than
two hundred Apalachicolos and fifty rebellious Apalachians who had
very little ammunition. At this time I already had in the blockhouse
the crew of the felucca, which numbered twenty-three men, only two
of whom were left in the vessel, five having been sent in a canoe to
San Marcos with the provisions and ammunition which they brought
for the people who were to drive the cattle by land to Pensacola,
which was the reason for the coming of the felucca. To these five
men, and the two whom I had as sentinels [at the watchtower], I
sent word of the enemy, and an order that together they should ascend
the river in the canoe to a landing place which is three77 [sic] leagues
from here, and from there they might try to enter the blockhouse.
This they did not do, but went from San Marcos on the royal road
to San Luis, and before they arrived at this place, half a league away,
the enemy captured them.
Finding myself, as I say, with twenty-three Spaniards from Pensa-
cola, as well as those from the garrison, and numerous Apalachians,
they all represented that, in view of the small size of the enemy's
force, it would be a disgrace not to fall upon them [since we had]


lere feOr @nce 6toob

the same news we already had from the captives who had escaped,
namely, that there were no more than two hundred Apalachicolos
and fifty Apalachians. I proposed [this move] to the Indians, and
they replied to me that if the Spaniards would fight afoot as they
do, they would go, but if the Spaniards went on horses, they did not
want to go. I told them that we would all go afoot to the number
of forty-three Spaniards, among them twelve musketeers, ninety-
three Indians with firearms, and sixty archers. I gave twenty balls
with corresponding powder to all who had firearms, since they had
also proposed to me that I should give them sufficient ammunition.
Leaving Captain Jacinto Roque in the blockhouse with fourteen
soldiers and numerous Indians, I set out towards the enemy by night.
Arriving nearby, about half a league from the village of Patale, at
a little later than five in the morning, I halted my force to await the
arrival of the party from Ivitachuco, which I had ordered out to
meet and join forces with me. All came. A troop of the enemy, appar-
ently gone to hunt cattle, as there are none at that place, [passed]
by the spot where we were; as soon as they were seen by my forces,
and in disregard of order and without strength to detain them, some
Spaniards threw themselves upon them and killed four, among them
two rebels: one . Pedro, son of the cacique of Aspalaga the old;
the other of Thomole, called . Francisco. The others having
fled, they carried the news to the enemy, who immediately came out
against us. Since, as related, I had placed the Spaniards afoot, thus
-e.CQuraging the Indians, I attacked [the enemy], and we pressed
them with much torce. 'bince the district was a plain surrounded by
woods, some of our people began to cry out, saying that they were
encircling us, at which outcry our Indians retreated, without my
having any who could detain them. On observing this, the enemy
turned on us with a great deal of bravery, and finding myself with
only the Spaniards, we went to make use of the horses, and already
our Indians had seized some and loosened others. We were laboriously
retreating; he that had found a horse [went] mounted, and he that
had not [went] afoot. They finally defeated us; and those remaining
in the skirmish were either those who made more of punctilio, or
those obliged to retreat afoot [carrying] muskets, since of the twelve
musketeers, only one was saved. Thus it is seen how, captured [or]
defeated as we were, each went where he could. The Spaniards re-
turned to the blockhouse. Most of the Indians took to the woods,
while I exercised all the care that the occasion required in regard to


all who came to the blockhouse that night. At dawn I sent at once
to ascertain whether the enemy remained there or had retired, as I
reasoned that he would withdraw during the night. As best I could I
headed this force with the Spaniards who came out of the conflict.
This skirmish was on the 4th of the current month, and on the 6th
I sent to search for the dead that might be found in the parish . .
of the enemy, so that they might be buried.. Those that went said
they found two dead bodies in the field, and in the square where
the enemy was they found sixteen bodies bound and burned, from
some of which the tongues and ears had been cut. They could not
be identified because of deformation of the bodies from the sun, and
they were buried. And there appeared a captive who had escaped
from the enemy, whom they brought to my presence. He said that
the other day the enemy left hurriedly and slept five leagues from
there, [and] that they did not carry [off] munitions, as those left
by the Spaniards who fled were divided among many.
He said that they burned eight Spaniards whom they had caught
on the day of the skirmish-burned them alive and cut the tongues
and ears from some. Of the Spaniards whom they carried off, bound
and in thongs [cuiros], he did not know anyone except Domingo
Gutierrez, while it seemed to him that sixteen were carried away. He
heard say twelve ribellous Aalachians and ten Apalachicolos were
killed in the skirmish, and that six wounded were carried away. He
also reported that he had heard said that this band came without
permission from Saint George, and that they left hurriedly to meet
in their villages with a very large force composed of all of the tribes
and the English from Saint George. They expect to gather as many
as three thousand men, and to come to settle in this province, since
the lands appear good to the English, and there are many cattle and
many fruits; and they will come to San Marcos after they have readied
ten ships, to make a settlement there, and similarly thirty ships will
go to San Augustin to seize the fort; and having done all this they
will pass to Pensacola to drive out the Spaniards.
The soldiers missing from this garrison number twelve. The two
taken from the lookout were Sebastian de Morales and Bartholome
The ten that were lost in the fight are Luis de Granada, Balthazar
Francisco, Alonso del Pino, Juan de Texada, Juan Antonio Crespo,
Domingo Gutierrez, Joseph Rodriguez, Sim6n de la Cruz, Francisco
Arias, and Benito Garrido.


jfort *an luig

Sere Ebey Once toob

Those missing from Pensacola number ten, the five that had gone
to San Marcos and five that were lost in the fight. The Englishman
who remained here after the last voyage of the felucca fled to the
The Indians told the cacique of this place that the missing number
seven, and that from the village of Escambe five [are missing]. The
number of those who went forth from other villages is not known,
nor whether any are missing. The prisoner said that [the enemy],
for lack of Indians to burn, burned the Spaniards to equalize the
deaths which were inflicted on them, and that this was urged by the
rebellious Apalachians.
As a consequence of this event and the news mentioned, the Indians
are hastily fleeing to the woods. I made them a speech in which I asked
them where they were going, and whether they did not know that
they were going forth to perish, and [said] that if they wished to
leave their lands and their property, it would be better to go to the
presidio where they would not lack lands to plant; that if they wished,
I would write to Your Excellency; and that if I proposed it, that
without doubt His Excellency would send permission for them to
leave and drive the cattle, which to me appeared more suitable, and
not to go to perish in the woods. To all of which they replied to me
that they were weary of waiting for aid from the Spaniards: that they
did not wish merely to die; that for a long time we had misled them
with words, [saying] that reinforcements were to come, but they were
never seen to arrive; that they know with certainty that what the
pagans say, will happen as they say, because all that they have said
up to now has been done, and because they have believed us, they
have [now] finished [with] us; and that if we do not believe what
the pagans say, that we who remain in the blockhouse, they well
know, remain to die; that if they go, it will not be to the Spaniards,
and if they remain until the return of the enemy, it will be in order
[to go] against us, and they will burn us within the blockhouse, while
they escape with their lives. And that in the matter of going to the
presidio, they neither wish that, for they would have there the same
risk should the English surround the fort, and they care not but to
go to the woods or to the isles of the sea, each one to where God will
aid. This is the decision with which they have replied to me.
The priests also say that they do not wish to remain here, that they
would go to the isles, they know not where, and that already they
have written to their prelate. I cannot pacify them, and thus only


fort *an 1uig

await the decision which Your Excellency will take in [the matter].
On the final departure of all, [I ask] should I then enclose myself
in this blockhouse with the infantry which remains to me, or is it
to accompany me? I await a reply as soon as possible. For which, not-
withstanding, I feel that I will be corroborated by sending this letter
by Joseph del Pozo, to whom Your Excellency can give entire credence
to everything of which he may inform you, as a witness who has seen
what has happened here. If it be possible, he will leave on the return
[journey] with the reply as soon as possible.
The families of Spaniards here have many demands on me,
either to allow them to embark in th" elucca or to save their lives.
I have permitted the embarkation of women and children who could
[go], and [ordered] the return of the felucca to transport the images
and ornaments so that they may not be burnt here. The commandant
of the felucca, who is the adjutant, Juan Joseph de Torres, delivered
to me twenty-five skeins of casiamo [matches] for which I gave him
a receipt, which is sent by the Sergeant Major Don Joseph Guzman
who governs that plaza of Pensacola, and for which I gave him a
receipt. I received your letter in which you told me to forward the
[letter] of Your Excellency to Mobile, and on receipt of the reply
will dispatch it. From Don Andres de Arriola I have not [had a]
reply. There remain here at this moment six men from Pensacola
to drive the cattle, if there be any left.
It is impossible to defend this blockhouse with fewer than fifty
soldiers, in addition to those who are [here]; and this is for its se-
curity, not to go forth or to throw at the enemy of the province.
And thus, excepting the best opinion of Your Excellency, my [opinion]
is that those who here remain should be transported to that presidio,
and that all of the cattle be driven, for if not, all will be lost. This is
all that requires the attention of Your Excellency, from whom I
await all help and who [I hope] will view this with mercy and as
expedient. San Luis, July 8, 1704.
Most Excellent Sir, at the feet of Your Excellency, your humble
servant, Manuel Solana

27. Auto by Governor Zuniga. San Augustin, July 12, 1704.T
In the city of San Augustin of Florida, on the 12th of the month
of July of 1704. His Excellency the field master, general of the
armies of His Majesty, Don Joseph de Zifiiga y Zerda, governor


Soere Tbep Once toob

and captain general of this city of San Augustin of Florida and of
its provinces, and governor designate and captain general of Cartagena
of the Indies, by the King Our Lord:
Who said that inasmuch as at about six o'clock this morning, there
arrived in the presence of His Excellency, Joseph del Pozo, soldier
of the garrison of Apalachee with a letter from the adjutant Manuel
Solana,79 his deputy, dated the 8th of the current month, in which
he related that the pagan enemy and the English descended upon the
village of Escambe on the 29th of the past month; that on the 4th
of the present month he had an engagement with them in which our
forces were defeated, and further, how . on the 23rd and 24th
of June they entered in Patale and Aspalaga, killing on the 23rd the
religious teacher, Reverend Father Fray Manuel de Mendoza, the
present definidor, and carried off many prisoners; that on the 24th
[they took as prisoners] all those of Aspalaga; and that he was in-
formed by an Indian, Estevan, that for another incursion, similar to
that experienced in the past month, there is being readied an enemy
force of perhaps three thousand, whose purpose is to destroy the
province. They are to be supported by ten vessels that will [take
them] to that province, and will come to this presidio in thirty, and
will immediately go to Pensacola to dislodge the Spaniards from that
place. Since Your Excellency desires the greatest prudence [exercised
for] the good of their two Majesties, I order and command that at
8 o'clock in the morning there be convened a Council of War of the
officers of the royal treasury, the sergeant major, the captains of
the infantry and artillery, and retired officers of this presidio, to whom
will be read in its entirety the said letter of the 8th of the present
month, so that in their presence may be decided that which is most
practicable, and by this warrant I decree, order, and sign.
Don Joseph de Zuniiiga y Zerda
Juan Solana. Notary [for the] public
and for the government.

28. Council of War. San Augustin, July 13, 1704.80
In the city of San Augustin of Florida on the 12th [sic] day of
July of 1704, being present in this royal house of residence of His
Excellency, Field Master General Don Joseph de Zufiiga y Zerda,
governor and captain general of this said city and its provinces, and
designate of Cartagena of the Indies by His Majesty, Captain Don

fort *an luis

Francisco de Florencia, treasurer and storekeeper of supplies for His
Majesty, and Don Juan de Pueyo, auditor ad interim during the
absence of the proprietary official, judges of the royal treasury and
coffers of these provinces; Sergeant Major Don Enrique Primo de
Rivera, by [commission of] His Majesty; Captains Don Joseph de
Begambre and Don Francisco Romo de Uriza, of the infantry by
[commission of] His Majesty; Diego Dias Mexia, [acting] for the
infantry during the absence of the commissioned officer; Don Joseph
Primo de Rivera, incumbent by nomination of His Excellency;
Captain Don Joseph de Beneditt Horrutiner of the artillery by [com-
mission of] His Majesty i and the retired Captains Joachin de
Florencia, Bernardo Nieto de Carvajal, and Don Juan de Beneditt
Horrutiner-all assembled-was read by me, the notary, the letter
contained in the preceding auto. It was heard and understood by all,
and the contents were discussed at length and wisely by one and
another. What attracted attention was the circumstance that in the
said Provinc .oLAalachee there are no peopleremaing -
parison to the number when there were fourteen villages, in which
were a total of eight thousand persons, of whom not two hundred
remain; and these are prone to leave, some to the woods and others
to the enemy. It appeared most advantageous to the service of God
and of the King tofiestroy the blockhouse and the palisade walls, not
only ofJvitachuco but of the otherpia-Eeseor if they afforded shelter
it is to be expected that whenever the enemy returned with sufficient
force, they could readily capture everything, as the blockhouse lacks
supplies as well as troops. Nor could it be furnished with one or the
other from here, since the presidio does not have [spare] infantry,
and the defense of this presidio must receive first consideration, as
much by reason of the present threat as because of the command of
His Majesty given in various royal cedulas. If this is lost, all the
provinces are lost. Thus it would be better to withdraw without the
few Indians who remain with the cacique, Don Patricio Hinachuba,
who sent a verbal message to His Excellency by Joseph del Pozo, a
soldier, who brought the said letter, indicating that he would willingly
come with his people to this city to die as a good vassal among the
Spanish, and that the statues, ornaments, and other objects of the
Divine Cult, and cattle, horses, cannons, pedreros, arms, and ammuni-
tion would be very advantageous. All should be withdrawn to this
presidio, or to the site of San Francisco Potano thirty leagues away,
with which is incorporated the population of Santa Fe. These could


w ere tbe Once Otoob

be joined by those from San Pedro and San Matheo, thus serving as
an outpost, with some infantry, in the said village of San Francisco.
Notice should be given to Pensacola of this decision and of the threats
posed to that bay by the enemy. If the felucca should have returned
with some news, another needed suggestion may be for them to make
port at San Martin with a pilot, and at the same time lend a boat to
be sent the Havana fleet to give notice of this decision. If some boat
or sloop is ready to sail to the port of San Marcos, it should be
stopped, as should the said felucca of Pensacola, because of the risk of
their capture by some rebellious Apalachee Indians and other enemies
who may be settling there. This decision is to take immediate effect,
not [only] because, [even] should the situation improve, it would
not suit our interest to return and occupy that province and port of
San Marcos, but because for the present it is impossible to protect it.
It has also been found that the Indians have been justified in saying
they have been expecting one confusion after another, as a consequence
of the promises made to them that help would be sent them shortly.
Up to this time none has arrived, for none of the promises made them
could have been fulfilled. In the repeated invasions made in this
region during three years, there have been more than three thousand
killed, and a great number of captives have been carried off. Another
large group, fearful of what might happen, have voluntarily gone
over to the enemy, so that now, as was seen in the last incursion of the
enemy, many of the rebellious Apalachians have increased the size
and strength of the enemy forces with their presence, whereas ours
have diminished. In view of this, His Excellency, though he could
not do otherwise, after viewing things as they are in this presidio,
so destitute of all resources, concurs in everything with the members
of the council with whom he has conferred. For its execution His
Excellency will issue the required orders and inform His Majesty
and the viceroy of New Spain of the last [mentioned], and of the
miserable condition of the said Province of Apalachee and of that of
Timuqua, as well as of the perils with which this presidio is beset.
He has ordered, and commands, that the said auto, letters, and council
[minutes], and the last letters cited in said auto describing the two
raids next to the last, be placed first, and that all relevant testimony
be extracted, and furnished to His Majesty, the said viceroy, and
to other parties concerned. With this formality the said council was
closed, and the minutes signed by His Excellency and all the par-
ticipants. [Signatures of the twelve participants]


Jlort an 1uio

Compared with the auto, council minutes, and other deliberations
of the date mentioned, sent to and retained in my office, so that the
commands of His Excellency, the said governor and captain general,
and the official royal judges may be evident. Given the present in
Florida on the 13th of July, 1704. Written on four sheets with this
my signature and on ordinary paper, since stamped paper is not
available in this presidio, and. in faith thereof, I affix my signature
in testimony of truth. Juan Solana, notary [for the] public and for

29. Royal Officials to Viceroy. San Augustin, July 16, 1704.8
. And now, Most Excellent Sir, by the latest report from the
deputy of Apalachee, the warnings so often given of the desire of
the enemy to possess that province are seen justified through the
destruction of the native Christians, which they have been accom-
plishing since the date of the [last] dispatch sent to Your Excellency
up to the present. Those unfortunate soldiers, settlers, and natives
experienced death, burning, captivity, and the desolation of the few
places that remain, after they were reduced to four; and the repeated
and frequent raids have left very few people in two [of these]. In
one, they even killed and burned a priest and his sexton in their con-
vent, and are so daring as to come within sight of the wooden block-
house with a garrison that His Majesty has in that province to protect
those places. The deputy set out with some foot soldiers and Christian
Indians to oppose and dislodge the enemy. During the skirmish he
was abandoned by those Indians who accompanied him, and who
joined their own kind, whereupon those who were mounted fled,
leaving behind those who were surrounded by the enemy. Twenty-
two of the infantry, killed or captured, were lost. Among them were
those who had come from Pensacola to drive back cattle for the
subsistence [of that place], of which they are now deprived. The
Indian alcaldes were barbarously burned alive, and sixteen Spaniards
were killed. The remainder were ignominiously carried off naked.
For each death of a wounded enemy Indian, they retaliated by burn-
ing a Spaniard or Indian, as will be evident to Your Excellency from
the enclosed letters.
It is learned from captives who have escaped from these raids that
these adversaries are planning to join with a band of three thousand
pagans raised by the English, and with other rebels, to descend again


je)tre Tjep nce toob

and ravage the few remaining people in Apalachee, capture the block-
house, and burn the infantry. With this news and the events already
experienced, the Indians are quietly passing to the enemy unopposed,
as they have no desire to see themselves killed or captured; they are
leaving their families, who are Christian and loyal to the King, to
be supported by the Spanish. They intimate that even [were they
given] aid and encouragement of future assistance, that because of
their need and the injuries they have received, and in order not to
experience them further, they would quietly desert to the enemy,
for otherwise they would be burned by them. In view of this, and
seeking as a last resort to save the lives of those few soldiers and
settlers who at the price of their ranches and lives have defended
the blockhouse to gain His Majesty's good will, and [to save] the
few vassals who, reduced to only two localities, have remained there,
and to maintain them as friends before they become alienated-since
now because of the meager resources, they could not be aided from
the presidio with men and supplies at a distance of eighty leagues,
sixty of which are depopulated, and only traversed with much risk,
as they are already occupied by the enemy, and a river which cannot
be forded-and since the women and children of some few Spanish
families, as well as some priests, have already fled from the danger,
some to Pensacola, others to some islands, and because of the uncertain
subsistence and loyalty of the Indians-it was decided by a general
council that all would be withdrawn to the presidio, the blockhouse
dismantled and burned, and the cattle that the enemy had left driven
in. [This is done] in order to deprive them of this sustenance-they
have no other-and so that the Indians who can be assembled be also
withdrawn to this place, as was proposed by a chief himself and his
village of Ivitachuco. It is hoped that God may restore this province
and that it may again be garrisoned.
And in this manner, Most Excellent Sir, as a last resort is the
province deserted and abandoned. The enemy will eagerly settle
it, and will go on, as is known and expected, to besiege this place which
is so desired by their royal power, [because it offers] a situation so
convenient to their operations on the mainland through its connection
with the settlements to the north, and with ports on the Gulf of
Mexico, which they much desire to obtain, since now it is free from
the Apalachee. It is known that they are preparing eighteen vessels
for Pensacola and for this place thirty vessels, with men and bombs
that they bring from Europe. This we submit for the serious con-

lJort &an 3uJui

sideration of Your Excellency, so that the condition of this garrison
may be clear. It is exposed to a misfortune (may God not permit it)
from a lack of troops, provisions, and munitions that obliges us to
have recourse to the mercy of Your Excellency, to whom we represent
the foregoing in order that now, from the solicitude of Your Excel-
lency in that kingdom, we may expect of you the help that necessity
requires in this exigency to protect the defenseless lives of this presidio
and free them from the barbarous cruelties of the Indians, and
especially of the rebellious Christians, so that His Majesty will not
lose [the territory] which is now the Province of Apalachee, of Guale,
and part of Timuqua. Of what remains there can be some doubt
because of its vulnerability, and the fear of the natives that God may
withdraw His law from them. Of all of this we are confident, from
the great piety of Your Excellency, on whom alone depend our hopes
and aid today, as now there is no other [recourse] than the aid which
we ask and this place expects of Your Excellency. Our Lady protect
Your Excellency many happy years in the dignity which you merit.
San Augustin, July I6, 1704. Most Excellent Sir: At the feet of
Your Excellency: Your humble servants.
[Captain Don] Francisco de Florencia (Treasurer and
Storekeeper of Supplies)
[Captain Don] Juan de Pueyo
Judges of the Royal Treasury and Coffer
30. Royal Officials to Viceroy. San Augustin, August 18,
Most Excellent Sir:
. We related in the dispatch to Your Excellency, how as soon
as some of the apparently loyal Indians who remained in Apalachee
learned of the withdrawal of the garrison and the retreat of the
natives and cattle, they informed the enemy, who immediately
descended in a large band, in addition to those which were already
in the neighborhood, both groups arriving in the places while our
forces were still in the province. The English immediately occupied
San Luis, whose chief, with his people, sought shelter at Pensacola,
as did those from other villages, pagan and Christian; only the chief
of Ivitachuco, with some few of his people, sought this presidio. It
was impossible to secure cattle, because the Indians, on order of the
enemy, had driven all of them away, as well as all the horses of the
Spaniards. For lack of [these horses] everyone, even the women,

there ETep Once *toob

came afoot, leaving behind, because of the length of the journey, their
scanty possessions, ornaments, bells, and some arms, all of which were
either burned or buried. At the same time, a considerable quantity
of cattle were driven to Pensacola, but they were intercepted by the
enemy, who killed the drovers. These adversaries are more cruel than
the rebellious Christians. In this manner, Your Excellency, was the
province of Apalachee overcome and conquered by the enemy. And
this presidio, in lonely isolation, lacks supplies and defense, and has
no other recourse than the magnanimity of Your Excellency, to whom
we express what is described and the condition in which one finds this
presidio, all of which will be more evident from the more extensive
dispatches included. [We trust] that Your Excellency, with great
foresight, will give that [attention] which the case and occasion re-
quire, and by virtue of this hope, will assist this place in the siege
which we expect. May Our Lady protect, for many fortunate years,
the person of Your Excellency, with the dignity you merit and your
servants desire. Florida, August 18, 1704. Most Excellent Sir: At
the feet of Your Excellency, Your humble servants. Francisco de
Florencia. Don Juan de Pueyo.

31. Commandant at Pensacola [Joseph de Guzman] to
Viceroy. Santa Maria de Galve, August 22, 1704.83
Most Excellent Sir: Having received an order from General Don
.Andres de Arriola- governor and commander in chief of this presidio,
to dispatch the felucca to transport a needed supply of matches re-
quested by the deputy of the Province of Apalachee, I executed the
order by sending them on the 22nd of June in charge of the adjutant
Juan Joseph de Torres, who immediately on his arrival at the Rio de
Lagneus [Ocklocknee River] had news of how the enemy was com-
mitting a thousand excesses in the village of Escambe, on which notice
he dispatched the matches, which arrived in time. There being no
one in the blockhouse of San Luis, the deputy, on learning of his
arrival, sent a detail of four soldiers, asking that he aid him with the
crew of the felucca, for the sake of God and of the King, as he was
in grave straits. On learning this, the adjutant set out with his force
and arrived on the 3rd day of July, the enemy having already with-
drawn to the village of Patale. With this assistance, and in anticipation
of being joined by three hundred Indian warriors and four Spaniards
from the village of Ivitachuco, the deputy proposed to set out in
pursuit of the enemy on the 4th. He departed with forty Spaniards

from both forces, and one hundred and thirty-six Indians, departing
by candlelight to the place where they expected to unite with the force
from Ivitachuco. But in the middle of their way they met a band of
the enemy who began firing on our force, and who were soon re-
inforced by a great multitude of pagans. At this [juncture], more
than one hundred and twenty of the one hundred and thirty-six
Indians of our force deserted to the enemy. When this was observed
by the deputy and adjutant, who were engaged in the midst of the
enemy, they charged upon them and fought them for more than an
hour, after which they retreated to the moat of the village of Patale,
where our force could not make use of their horses. When our force
attempted to retire in order to improve their position, the enemy fell
upon them, killing and capturing twenty-three of the forty. Of the
men from this presidio, eight were killed, three captured, and three
wounded. Following their victory, the pagans burned seventeen in
the village of Patale, after they had previously tied them to stakes
and cut off their tongues, noses, and ears. The others succeeded in
retreating to the blockhouse of San Luis. The adjutant arranged for
his return to this presidio, which was begun on the 23rd of July, and
for transportation of the families of Captain Jacinto Roque Perez,
and Ensigns Diego de Florencia, Juan Sanchez, Miguel Salinas, and
many others who had come to favor this post.
Seeing that I had become responsible for so many people, that such
a multitude of Indians had arrived,84 and that they could not be
maintained here except from the royal supplies, I explained to the
Spanish families, and to the chiefs and principal Indians, my plan
to reduce the half-pound ration of bread from the 1st of August,
under which control the supplies should last to the 6th or 8th of
February. I beg Your Excellency to supply us quickly, as we are
expecting many more people from the neighborhood of Apalachee,
since the Spaniards have abandoned that province and withdrawn the
garrison to San Augustin on order of their governor, burned the
blockhouse, and carried off the artillery if at all possible, as described
in the letter which the deputy wrote me on July 23rd, requesting the
protection of our arms. This is the reason which prompts me to
solicit the benevolent attention of Your Excellency to the repeated
reports which I have had, namely, that in Saint George they are
preparing various vessels in order to occupy and fortify the Province
of Apalachee, and to attack, by sea and land, this presidio, which they
desire as an anchorage for their vessels.

Jort *an uii

On the 22nd of July there arrived at Massacre Island a French
frigate of fifty-six guns, commanded by Captain M. Ducondresi,
who advised me of his arrival. [He stated] that on his departure
from the port of Rochelle on the 19th of April, he left their Majesties
in good health; that our King was in Portugal with seventy thousand
Spaniards and French; that His Christian Majesty has prepared a
heavy fleet which will shortly depart in command of the Admiral,
Count of Toulouse, to impede the designs of the enemy; and that he
will return to France on the last day of this month, stopping at the
port of Havana. At that time I will avail myself to give Your
Excellency this news, hoping that with your great forethought you
will provide for this presidio and the helpless poor who have come
and are coming to its shelter. God protect the most excellent person
of Your Excellency many years in your greater dignity. Santa Maria
de Galve, August 22, 1704. Most Excellent Sir: I kiss the feet of
Your Excellency: Joseph de Guzman.

32. Royal Cidula. August 22, 1704.85
Field Master and General Don Joseph de Ziniiga y Zerda, my
governor and captain general of the Provinces of Florida, and elect
of Cartagena:
In letters of the 3rd of February and 30th of March of this year,
you reiterated the news previously transmitted of the condition of
that plaza and provinces, and of the perils to which they are exposed
from inadequate relief and lack of provisions and men. You reported
that in January of this year the English of Saint George, accompanied
by the governor who, in October of 1702, placed your presidio
under siege, with some Indians and English, attacked the village
of Ayubale, one of the larger of the Province of Apalachee, and
captured it, although [it wqs] valiantly defended by the Indians and
the missionary Fray Angel de Miranda from morning until two in
the afternoon, when their ammunition was exhausted. [You also
stated] that on the following day you sent Captain Juan Ruiz Mexia,
deputy of Apalachee, with some thirty mounted Spanish soldiers and
settlers, accompanied by two hundred Indians; that they encountered
the enemy, many beingkilled as you describe in detail; and that,
finally, for lack of ammunition, our force was routed and the deputy
wounded, while Fray Juan de Parga, missionary of Patale, as well

Sere Tbep Once tbtoob

Jort *an luis

as two soldiers and various Indians, were killed. The deputy, Fray
Miranda, eight soldiers, and some Indians were captured, and were
cruelly treated by the Indians, as you described. You also tell how
they withdrew, their disappointment in failing to secure a ransom
for the prisoners, and how they left four villages destroyed, carrying
off the people from them, their cattle, and everything else they
could carry. There was an Irishman who remained behind with his
weapons and horses and surrendered under a flag of peace, and whom,
you say, you obliged to appear in your presence and found no cause
to subject to rigorous treatment, although he was deprived of the
opportunity to communicate with the English prisoners who are
there. [You state] that you have decided to send him to Havana,
so that from there he may be sent to these kingdoms or to New Spain;
and [you also mention] other topics to which you broadly refer,
relating to the lack of support experienced in that presidio, of the
desirability of putting it in a position for the defense and security of
those provinces, and regarding thedsdgent and depopulation of
Carolina, which should be again repeopled by us.
Having submitted this to my Council of War for the Indies, and
taken council upon all the points which suit our interest as you de-
sire, I have sent to command my viceroy of New Spain and the
governor of Havana to furnish that plaza and presidio with as much
as they can to relieve the need from which you say they suffer. For
other measures, you may prepare the necessary dispatches. In this
[connection], I desire to express my gratitude for the zeal and vigi-
lance which you have given to my greater service, and I commend
you as I approve your disposition of the Irish prisoner. I direct you
to inform me of what you can do for the relief of those soldiers and
Indians who were engaged at Ayubale, and for the children of those
who perished in it, encouraging in my name the missionaries who
you also say are discouraged by the lack of aid. So that neither for
this nor other reasons should their fervent zeal for the aid and
relief of these natives, and of the Holy Catholic faith falter; and
I also thus charge the commissary general of the Indies who resides
at this court. Dated on. . .

33. Governor Zniiga to the King. San Augustmn, September
3, 1704."86
Sir: I relate to Your Majesty how the continued raids and hostilities
of the pagan enemy have continued on the villages of Apalachee,

0ere tbey Oonce Stoob

from large bands of pagan Indians led and aided by the English of
Saint George. re compelled to demoli he blockhouse of
Sn Luis de Talim_, as was ci e upon in general council eld
on July 12th of this year. This was held to be an expedient act, so
that the enemy might not seize the artillery and other supplies there
stored; moreover, because of its strong construction, it would require
much effort to dislodge them. It would have been of great concern
should they have captured the infantry and settlers there situated.
All of these, together with the principal chief of Ivitachuco and his
people, and with the church ornaments and silver ornaments,87 were
brought to this presidio for the best security. As best they could they
fled rapidly, with the expectation that the enemy would return in
still greater force, as they did indeed on the 2nd of August, when
a large body entered San Luis, while the infantry were only sixteen
leagues distant in San Pedro de Timuqua. They did not consider
pursuing them, although they sent a band to pursue those who went
toward Pensacola with a few cattle which they had bought, and who
were all killed and the cattle taken. This Province of Apalachee would
be of great use settled, which would be easy were Your Majesty to
issue an order that there be brought from the Canary Islands two
hundred laboring families, with which encouragement there might
be collected the Indians who have gone to Pensacola, and those who
have fled to the woods, as well as many of those who willingly went
over to the enemy, or those who were carried off as prisoners, some
of whom are already escaping. I have not exerted any effort to pre-
vent the Indians from marauding, or from going with the enemy,
or to Pensacola or to the woods, because of the fear produced by the
three raids which occurred on the 23rd, the 24th, and the 29th of
June; or awareness that they had burned alive some Indians and
soldiers in the last skirmish which they had with my deputy and
soldiers on the 4th of July, which obliged them to abandon the prov-
ince without awaiting further atrocities. And this exodus [of Indians]
has been under way, I believe, since the end of January, when the
governor of Saint George attacked Ayubale, the same who came here
to besiege me, and permitted burning alive in his sight, and carried
off the deputy and Spanish prisoners and a large number of Indians,
of which I have given an account to Your Majesty. And the reason
I do not send the depositions I am now collecting is so as not to subject
them to risk, for we still have enemies in these waters, as they cap-
tured from me a sloop which I had sent to Havana to secure supplies,

fort *an luis

and the leader was obliged to throw in the water the dispatches which
he carried for Your Majesty, who reviewing all will decide and order
that which is your royal pleasure, whose Catholic and royal person
may God preserve many years for the service of Christianity. San
Augustin, Florida, September 3, 1704. Joseph de Zuiiniga y de la
Zerda [rubric]

34. Governor Zu'niga to the Viceroy. San Augustin, Septem-
ber 10, 1704.88
Most Excellent Sir: In compliance with my obligation, I formally
communicate to Your Excellency how the hostilities of the pagan
Indians, led by the English have succeeded in depopulating the Prov-
ince of Apalachee, together with the greater part of Timuqua which
had remained of some consequence. They killed some and captured
others, including some Spaniards, in the last encounter, and the
remaining Indians have fled to Pensacola, according to the reports
I have had, so that the blockhouse which was in that province was
left with only some Spaniards who did not attain thirty in number
and who were of very unproved quality. Consequently, should the
enemy return [to the province], they could readily take it; and
their finding it fortified and with artillery would be sufficient motive
for them to occupy the province. In the light of [these circumstances],
it was decided in council, to destroy the blockhouse and withdraw the
few Spaniards there stationed, since we have not had relief and there
are not sufficient forces for its maintenance, and because it is situated
eighty leagues distant from this presidio. This was executed with
considerable danger, since two days after their departure, the enemy
returned again to the province.
At the moment I believed that the ships of the Windward Fleet
which were in Havana might come to aid this port, even though they
might return shortly after arrival-it would have comforted this
presidio and dismayed the enemy-I received a letter from Don
Antonio de Landeche, commander of the said fleet, in which he said
to me that should I find myself besieged I should inform him, and
that he would not await a reply from me longer than the 15th of
August. You may imagine, Your Excellency, what form this aid
would take, since, should I find myself besieged, I would be prevented
from sending my notice; although everything considered in view of
the present state of affairs, His Excellency should have to perform

Pere Sbep Once toob

that which is most advantageous to His Majesty. I am only respon-
sible for the effort, which in view of what has passed, I should bring
to the attention of Your Excellency, to whom obedience coincides
with my desire that God will protect Your Excellency many years.
Florida, September 10, 1704. Most Excellent Sir: I kiss the hands
of Your Excellency: Your humble servant,
Don Joseph de Ziufiiga y Zerda
Eximo Sr. Duque de Albuquerque

35. Governor Zuiga to the King. San Augustin, September
15, 1704.89
Sir: Although I have expected [aid] from those kingdoms, and
Your Majesty has ordered that there be sent to this plaza, with the
Sergeant Major Don Juan de Ayala, some infantry and provisions,
not even the least relief has arrived at this presidio, from New Spain
or elsewhere. And although I applied to Havana that they send me
two hundred men, in order to put one hundred in Apalachee to
relieve the Indians, the governor sent me only forty-seven, with
orders to Captain Don Jose de Santa Cruz, who brought them, that
he should return immediately, as he did, with more than one half
of them in a sloop which I was sending to Havana in search of sup-
plies, and which the enemy captured. This afforded me some oppor-
tunity for delay, [when] the said governor repeated the order for
the return of the soldiers whom I had here, so that I ordered the
royal officials to inspect those I had here, and advise me about their
return, and other matters pertaining thereto, which was decided in
council, as Your Majesty will see from the testimony of autos, which
I remit with this report. This presidio and province, Sir, finds itself
in a miserable condition, as I have informed Your Majesty. On the
3rd of the current month, and later, my deputy in Timuqua advised
me how they were tricked by the enemies of Apalachee, who defeated,
laid waste, and burned alive the caciques of San Pedro and San Matheo
and their vassals, and in the Lachua cattle ranch, four leagues from
the village of San Francisco, they killed a Negro and captured four.
These inhumanities and atrocities which the pagan Indians inflict are
the causes which dismay the Christian Indians, and for the fear they
have of them, they remove to their lands. And should they invade90
the provinces of the south-Rinconada, Jororo, Mayaca, Tisimea,
Tocuime, and other populations-which although extensive, enjoy

peace, I have no doubt that they will succeed also with these, because
I am without any force, not even that needed for this plaza. And
unless specific orders come from Your Majesty for the depopulation
of Carolina, and the resettlement of Saint George and its farms, this
presidio and these provinces will not enjoy peace and quietude. And
this, Sir, will be very easy, for in Saint George there is no fort or
any formal defense works, and the English inhabitants are few, since
the war they make on these provinces is with the [aid of the] Indians
whom they incite to conflict. These must be driven out and [either]
obliged to come of themselves, or be brought, to the obedience which
for a long time they gave to Your Majesty. The Apalachicolos and
other nations have effected this dislodgment. Seeing that by myself
I could not [do this], I tried to [secure aid] from the governor of
Petit Guave, on authority of the royal cedula of Your Majesty of
January I I, 170i.9 And M. Auger replied to me that he would aid
with supplies and men, which response and promise was effected by
means of Monsieur Francisco Tristan, privateer, who with another,
came at my call from Havana. I do not know the effect which this
will produce, and although they may make some raid, not for [fear
of] this should we refrain from effecting/ the dislodgment of the
English from Saint George and its plantations, and resettle all,
because if we do not make one kingdom of all of this, nothing is
secure, . as Your Majesty will accordingly see. And informed
of all, you will decide what may be most [advantageous] for the
royal service of Your Majesty, whose Catholic and royal person
may God protect many years, as Christianity requires. San Augustin,
Florida, September 15, 1704. Joseph de Zffiiga y Zerda

36. Don Andres de Arriola to the Viceroy. Havana, December
7, 1704.92
Most Excellent Sir: On arrival at this port I found a soldier who
had come from the garrison of Santa Maria de Galve, and from whom
I received the news that the felucca of that bay had gone to the
Province of Apalachee in compliance with orders. I advise Your
Excellency so that assistance may be given that province and the
garrison of the blockhouse of His Majesty be reinforced, and I will
order them to resist the hostilities which the enemy will attempt.
Having departed, they encountered the enemy in increased numbers
in a skirmish, in which one of those from the felucca was killed and

fo art *an uis

were ep O @nce stoob

eight more were carried off as prisoners, as a result of which the
governor of that province decided to demolish the blockhouse, to
which fire was set, upon the execution of which the felucca and its
crew returned to this garrison accompanied by all of the families of
the said Province of Apalachee. Your Excellency will learn of this
in greater detail from the letter of Sergeant Major Don Joseph de
Guzman, I having discharged my obligation to inform Your Excel-
lency, whose most excellent person may God protect in enhanced
dignity the many years which I desire, and is required. Flagship Our
Lady of Guadelupe anchored in this port of Havana, December 7,
1704. Most Excellent Sir: Your Excellency's servant, L.S.P.B. With
all submission. Don Andres de Arriola. Most Excellent Sir, Duke of
Albuquerque, my Lord.

37. Declaration of Bartholome Ruiz de Cuenca before the
Governor of New Vera Cruz. January 20, 1705.93
New Vera Cruz, January 20, 1705. Declaration taken by the
governor of New Vera Cruz: Bartholome Ruiz de Cuehta, native of
Arcos de la Frontera and settler in the city and garrison of San
Augustin, Florida, where he was located for sixteen years, says that
two years after the siege of [San Augustin], Florida, he with his
family left for Pensacola, where he located and where he remained
two years, during which period he fell sick. The Sergeant Major Don
Joseph de Guzman gave him permission to leave for treatment, and
with this permission he left for [San Augustin], Florida, departing
on the royal felucca in which he travelled to Apalachee, which they
found had been invaded by the enemy on aint Peter's Day of the
past year 1704. The deputy of Apalachee or ere e mmander
of the felucca to join forces with him to pursue the enemy. This
[order] was obeyed and, leaving the felucca secured, they went in-
land to San Luis, and from there all left in search of the enemy, who
was two leagues distant. Forty Spaniards, one half from the felucca,
and one half from Apalachee, and two hundred Christian Indians of
that province faced the enemy. They fought with the foe, whose
force approximated two hundred pagan Carib Indians and a few
English, for about two hours, in which battle our Indians fled, leaving
the forty Spaniards in the fight. Of this number they captured twenty-
three men, two of whom were burned alive: One of the pair was from
Pensacola and was called Don Pedro Marmolejo; the other, from


fort *an luiz

Apalachee, Balthazar Francisco. They sacrificed them, tying each one
to a cross of fagots rich in rosin, and securing them until they burned.
[The enemy also] carried off twenty-one prisoners to Saint George:
of eleven captives from Pensacola, three were wounded; and twelve
from Florida were included in the twenty-three. They went below
in search of the felucca, and the commander of the felucca decided to
return to Pensacola and give an account of his deeds to his sergeant
major, which he did. Then the declarant remained in Apalachee, and
there came an order from the governor of Florida that the block-
house which was in Apalachee should be destroyed, and that the
garrison which was in it should retire to the presidio of Florida and
abandon the post. This they did, spiking and breaking three pieces94
and four pedreros; and they went to the said Florida, and this
declarant accompanied the said people. And the village of San Luis,
which consisted of two hundred families, was abandoned by them,
and they retired to Pensacola, accompanied by a Frenchman of Mobile
called Joseph Belinda, who had been carried [off] as a prisoner by
the enemy. Eight days after their arrival at San Augustin, there
arrived a French sloop commanded by a Captain Tristan, and a Span-
ish brigantine commanded by a Captain Joseph Pimienta. These were
sent by the governor to Saint George, a settlement of the English who
had invaded and burned the town. Having reached an agreement,
the two captains separated, Captain Pimienta pursuing a different
course, while the French captain sought the port of Saint George,
where he raised the English flag. The pilot at the bar came aboard
the sloop and was made captive, as were two Negroes and two youths.
These were examined, and related that the place had fewer than one
hundred men, as most were on their plantations. And seeing that there
were few men about, they raised anchor and went to a plantation of
the said Saint George, which they robbed of everything upon it, and
[where] they were joined by two other Negroes; whereupon the
alarm was sounded and they returned to San Augustin to give an
account of these events to the governor, who then sent the vessel to
Petit Guave, whose governor had previously offered to supply men
and munitions to the former. Eight days after the departure of this
vessel, a sloop was sighted to the north of San Augustin. The sloop
of that port was sent forth to reconnoiter, and found [the other sloop]
to be an English vessel from Saint George, having on board an
emissary of their Parliament, who said that he brought a dispatch
from the Queen of England, which he must deliver personally into


Joere TbepO nce toob

the hands of the governor of San Augustin. The commander who
made the reconnaissance related all this to the governor, who ordered
that they bring him [that is, the emissary], alone, one league from
the plaza to the locality called N. S. de la Leche, and that the vessel
lie to a dozen leagues distant. He was brought [in] with two Fran-
ciscan friars who had been made captive at the time of the siege. The
emissary delivered the dispatch responsible for his visit, but the
declarant does not know the nature of its contents. When asked if he
did not know what the said dispatch of the Queen contained, he
replied that he did not from personal knowledge, but that he had
heard that a treaty had been made stipulating they should not raise
a force against Saint George, and that likewise Saint George should
not do it against San Augustin. This was believed to be nothing more
than a pretext to enter San Augustin in greater security in order to
acquire news of what they meant to do as a consequence of capturing
the pilot, and to learn as well if we had some expedition in prepara-
tion to invade them. The friars who had been prisoners said that the
Frenchman, Belinda, who had fled, had been subjected to torture,
under which he revealed that the garrisons at Pensacola and Mobile
were small, and that a force of fifteen hundred men was being readied
to go in the spring to Mobile and Pensacola. The declarant left San
Augustin in a sloop for Havana, where he embarked on a brigantine
for Campeche on the same day that Don Andres de Arriola and
Diego Sanchez left, the 12th of December. All left port together,
arrived at Campeche, and revealed to the governor of that province
all that is related herein, and from there passed to.this city.

38. Extract made by Don Miguel de Horue, royal notary,
from an anonymous letter for submission to the Viceroy,
New Vera Cruz, February 2, 1705.95

Two of our privateers, Joseph Pimienta and Francisco Tristan,
arrived at this port with the idea of attacking Saint George by sur-
prise with one hundred and forty men. Upon leaving this port,
Pimienta, who had the stronger vessel and the most men, disobeyed
the order of the governor of this place and went elsewhere. Tristan
obeyed the order, and having arrived at the bar of Saint George,
anchored his vessel and hid all of his men except five who were
dressed as Englishmen. A boat arrived with the pilot of the bar with


fort *an 1uiB

a crew of two youths and two Negroes, who told Tristan to weigh
anchor and follow him. Tristan feigned to raise the anchor, and as
he could not raise it with the five men, he began to upbraid them.
When the pilot observed this he came on board to aid, and was then
given a kick, and his men brought up and made prisoners. The pilot
said that if they were to go up to the place, they would be faced by
only one hundred men, who would be obliged to flee to the woods.
Tristan did not dare to undertake this because he had no more than
forty men, for which reason we lost an opportunity to sack and burn
them in tranquillity. He also seized the sentinel of the bar and raided
a plantation; and through the people there he sent a threat to the
governor of Saint George, [indicating] that if he did not return the
prisoners of this presidio, he might be expected to return shortly
and put all to the knife. This produced among them such fear and
confusion that they sent an embassy to this city in the person of a
gentleman of the Queen of England, who came from Saint George
to investigate them, and who was well received by our governor. They
agreed upon a truce, because we are not in a condition for anything
else, as neither upon sea or land could I defend myself, since Apa-
lachee, Timuqua, and Guale are already devastated, and we do not
have much more territory than extends to San Francisco Potano,
whither the people of Ivitachuco have retired with some Timuquans
and our garrison. Although Tristan arrived at this port and in a few
days left for Petit Guave and Cuba with letters and orders of our
governor to secure men [here several words blurred] destroyed this
thievery of Saint George. The pilot of that port was brought back a
prisoner in order that he might lead us into that port, which was a
matter of great consequence for the ambassador, who was sent to
recover him more than for any other reason, after it was learned
that he had been carried off by Tristan.
Compared with the title of the letter cited, which was sent on the
mentioned date, and which for the purpose of extracting evidence
was shown to me by the said general, in whose defense it is attested
by the treasurer, for submission to the Most Excellent Duke of
Albuquerque, viceroy, governor, and captain general of this New
Spain, which [letter] I communicate in compliance with the order
of the previously mentioned commission in the city of New Vera
Cruz on the 2nd of February, 1705: I make my sign in testimony
of the truth. Don Miguel de Horue, royal notary.


ere Tbep Onte Otoob

39. Extracts from the auto of an inquiry into the deaths of
the Fathers in Apalachee, conducted in the convent of
San Francisco in San Augustin, upon order of the Most
Reverend Father Fray Lucar Alvarez de Toledo, retired
reader of the secret council of the Inquisition, by the
Licenciate Don Ignacio de Leturiendo, Curate, Vicar, and
Ecclesiastical Judge of the city and provinces, in June,
Testimony of Juan de la Cruz:
In the city of San Augustin on the 9th day of the month of June
of this year 1705, before . Don Ignacio de Leturiendo, curate
of the holy parochial church of this city, and interim vicar and
ecclesiastical judge in it and the provinces of its jurisdiction, appeared
Juan Baptista de la Cruz, soldier of this presidio and of the garrison
of San Luis de Talimali, seat of the Province of Apalachee, who
before me the notary, swore by God Our Lord, and [was given] the
sign of the cross in legal form, which the aforesaid returned, and
was charged with the promise to tell the truth; and being asked the
questions required by the tenor of the interrogatory, . said and
declared the following:
(1) To the first question he said that for many years he had seen in
this province of mission villages the Reverend Fathers Fray Manuel de
Mendoza and Fray Juan de Parga, and does not know of what place they
were natives, and has much information concerning the wars in Apalachee.
In reply to the general [questions] of the law97 [he] stated that they
do not concern him and that his age is 35 years. In reply
(2) to the second question, he said that he had seen the said fathers
in different villages setting a good example and teaching the natives. In
(3) to the third question, he said that the witness was in Apalachee
on the occasion of the attack on Ayubale, to which the question refers,
and was one of those who accompanied the deputy, Juan Ruiz Mexia,
and all the soldiers and Christian Indians whom he led. They spent the
night before the battle in the village of Patale, and at dawn the teacher
of that village, who was the said Father Fray Juan de Parga, preached
a sermon in the Apalachian tongue which lasted more than an hour, saying
many things to the natives: that they should go to fight against [illegible]
and pagans that came to disturb the law of God and destroy the Christian
provinces; that all those who may die in that conflict will go to enjoy
God, having engaged in defense of his holy law, and thus they could


fort *an 1uhis

go content; and that he was going gladly with them for the encouragement
of all. These and many other things he told them in the said sermon,
and gave absolution to all Spaniards and Indians; after this he left to
accompany them; and though the deputy once and many times urged that
he not go with them, as he already had given them a good example and
teaching, he replied "No," [and added] that he had to go with his children
and accompany them to the death. Having left on the Ayubale road, by
chance they met the enemy, with whom they began to fight, and twice
the Spaniards and Indians drove back the pagans and English in such a
manner that they retreated to the council house; and the fate of the
English might have been [illegible] the Indians disposed themselves in
such a manner that [they] rapidly regained [the ground]; and our Indians,
being already somewhat short in ammunition because of much firing, had
to retire, because the enemy, who were fifteen hundred, launched some
charges, with which they cut our people and captured the deputy who
had been wounded, and killed a religious, Father Marcos Delgado98 and
a soldier, Juan Solana, and captured others. As it relates to the deaths
of the Indians, whom they burned, he knows their number exceeded forty,
who, tied to stakes, were set afire, until they died. They cut off the head
of Father Fray Juan de Parga, and the pagans brought it to the council
house. This he heard told by the captives, because he was not there, having
withdrawn with other soldiers. He heard say that to an Indian of San
Luis, called Antonio Enixa, they applied fire slowly from morning until
his death nearly at sunset, and that the said Indian exhorted the pagans,
telling them that they should kill him, [for] he would die consoled, in
that as a Christian he would go to enjoy God, while they would go to
hell, and that the Most Holy Virgin was helping him and appeared near.
Thus it was that he was helped [illegible word] courageously to tolerate
the martyrdom which they inflicted upon him. The [illegible word] cuipa
Feliciano, principal [cacique] of San Luis, also preached much, and with
great bravery himself taunted the pagans so that they would torture him,
saying to them that the body would die but that his soul would go to
enjoy God eternally. The body of another man from San Luis, called
Luis Domingo, was slashed with knives, and they stuck burning splinters
into the wounds they had made, but nothing of this could prevent him
from preaching until he died. In reply
(4) to the fourth question, he said that it is true that the missionary
[doctrinero] Father Fray Angel de Miranda was in Ayubale, and that
when the munitions gave out, he fell into their hands and they seized the
said teacher. He was heard to say that as he had seen the martyrdom
experienced by the Indians from their being burned alive, he asked the
[English] governor how he could permit it, as it was not the usage of
war to maltreat prisoners, because the torture was regarded as inhuman,


oere tjep Once &'toob

and that the governor had said to him that the English were eighty and
the Indians were one thousand five hundred, and he could not prevent it.
The Father then went and untied the Indians, and said to the pagans they
should not do that with Christians, nor before them, for which reason they
were taken farther away, according to what the captives said; and of the
captives they made, not one is today in this presidio; and in response
(5) to the fifth question, he said that he knows that on the day of
San Juan there was another raid by a small band of the enemy at midnight,
and that they killed the Reverend Fray Manuel de Mendoza, whom they
found below the wattle and mud wall of the completely burned convent,
according to what he heard said, and that the metal of a small crucifix
which he carried about his neck was half melted by the fire. In reply
(6) to the sixth question, he said that he knows very well, as it is
public and common knowledge, as he has seen, that the said Father Fray
Manuel de Mendoza was very charitable with all the poor Spaniards and
Indians, giving them as much as he had; and on the occasion referred
to in the question, this witness remembers very well that there was much
need in this city, and he gave many alms, in general dividing all that
His Majesty had supplied for his maintenance. In reply
(7) to the seventh question, he said that he was also found in the last
battle fought in Patale in the early part of July; that the adjutant Manuel
Solana, who was deputy, set forth with some soldiers and Indians, and
there were many killed and many captured by the enemy, who also were
many, two or three soldiers and some Indians; and that [in retribution]
for the seventeen pagans who were killed, they burned another seventeen
captives, and among them two soldiers-one who had come from Pensacola,
called Don Pedro Marmolejo, whom they found burned at the foot of a
cross, and another soldier of those of the garrison of Apalachee, called
Balthazar Francisco, native of the Canary Islands. Immediately following
his capture, they cut out his tongue and eyes, cut off his ears, scalped him,
and put a crown on him, which in Indian style is placed on the Indian
warriors when they dance, and which they call tascayas. And they tied
him to another cross, and slashed him all over and placed burning splinters
in the wounds; and as soon as they set him afire, they mocked and insulted
him, laughing on hearing what the said Balthazar Francisco told the pagans
in the Spanish and Apalachian languages, [while] he called on the Most
Holy Virgin to help him, for she would carry him to God with much
pleasure from knowing that he would go to enjoy his holy glory. There
were related many other things which the Indian prisoners who escaped
stated they had heard from the said Balthazar Francisco until he died.
And after the departure of the enemy, the witness and other soldiers went
to search the locality and found the Crosses of Calvary tied to the aforesaid
and fallen to their feet. He replied


(8) to the eighth question, saying that everything he had said and
declared is [a matter of] public truth and notoriety, public opinion, and
fame in this city and all of these provinces, and [that he] will repeat it
if asked under oath, which has been done. So that it is asserted and
affirmed, and [he] does not sign it because he says he does not know [how]
to sign. His Grace the said Vicar: Don Ignacio de Leturiendo.

Before me, Manuel de Quifiones, notary public in the said city on
the said day, month, and year, and immediately before His Grace,
the vicar and ecclesiastical judge, appeared Don Francisco de Fuentes
de Galanca, soldier of this presidio, and one of the Apalachee garri-
son, who before me, the notary public, swore before God Our [Lord]
and [was given] the sign of the cross in legal form, which the afore-
said returned, and [expressed] his obligation to tell the truth, being
asked by the tenor of the questions of the interrogatory, and said
the following:
(1) To the first question he said that he was well acquainted with
the Reverend Father Fray Manuel de Mendoza and Fray Juan de Parga;
that he believes the said Reverend Father is from Rio Seco and Father
Parga a Gallegan-he does not know from what part of Galicia; and
that he has knowledge of the battles in Apalachee as a soldier and participated
in some of them. In reply to the general [questions] of the law, he said
that they did not affect him, and that he is thirty-seven years of age.
He replied
(2) to the second question, saying that he had known the said Fathers
in various places as teachers who gave a very good example and teaching
to the Indians and soldiers; that the said Father Parga gave long sermons
in Apalachee in the language of the Indians as well as in Spanish, preaching
during one Lent in this city in the holy parish church and in the Church
of the Soledad many sermons which were fruitful; and that he had also
seen the Reverend Father Fray Manuel de Mendoza preach to the Indians.
In reply
(3) to the third question, this witness said that although he was not
in the battle of Ayubale, because he was below by the sea as a sentinel,
he heard of the matter referred to in the question from the soldiers and
Indian captives; that the Father was killed in a canebrake and found with
one leg gone and a leather boot on the other, [his body] naked, swollen,
and half decomposed; and that they had carried [the corpse] away for
burial at the village of Ivitachuco as soon as the enemy had left. [Ac-
cording to the witness], the soldiers who had gone to Ayubale to bury
the bodies of the Christians also found many Indians burned while tied
to stakes and trees, and he heard said that two in particular-one the


jfort an uis

Sere Tbep nce toob

enija of San Luis, and the other principal of the said place, [the former]
called Antonio, [the latter] cuipa Feliciano-had also preached long sermons
to the pagans while they were burning. [There was also] another Indian
called Luis Domingo, and these three they burned with fire. It was
related that the others died more rapidly because they applied the wood
all at once, but that all called on God and on His Most Holy Mother,
Our Saint the Virgin Mary. The deputy did not wish the Father to go to
battle, and [the latter] replied that he must go to exhort and encourage
the Indians who were his children, so that they would fight with bravery
in defense of the law of God. He replied
(4) to the fourth question, saying that all that relates to this matter
he heard from the soldiers. In his reply
(5) to the fifth question, the witness said that he went with the party
seeking Father Fray Manuel de Mendoza, who was the missionary [doc-
trinero] in Patale, and who was killed during the enemy's raid, and that
they were in doubt as to whether or not he had been taken away captive,
because he was not found. [Finally,] they discovered him beneath a
fragment of mud wall and burned wattle. Half of his body was burned
to ashes, and the beads of the rosary which he had at his neck, as well
as the body, were charred. A crucifix which he always carried with him
was almost entirely melted, and the body of the Father had been so burned
that when they went to carry it off it fell to powder. He does not know
the manner in which he was killed, and he heard said that the Indians
called on him; in particular, one Apalachee Indian of the same village,
who had rebelliously joined the enemy, called him, saying to him "Good,
you may open, Father, I am Fulano; you do not know me; but look, we
will not do you harm." [Finally, he said] that the Father had opened
the window, and they killed him with a shot, which they discharged as
soon as he opened it; that they immediately set fire to the convent; and
that as the enemy were few, they quickly left. In replying
(6) to the sixth question, he said that all the substance of the matter
is public and notorious in these provinces and that the witness had seen
him many times, because the said Father was a great almoner and friend
of the poor. In reply
(7) to the seventh question, the witness recalled the last battle, in
which they were defeated, because the Indians would not fight for fear
of the past tortures in Ayubale, and because the number of the enemy
was great. Nevertheless, some were killed on the one side or the other.
They captured some soldiers, among them some from Pensacola, and they
burned Don Pedro Marmolejo, and Balthazar Francisco and . a soldier
of Apalachee. These, according to [what] the captives who escaped say,
preached much, [suffered] with great martyrdom, and died calling on
the Most Holy Virgin. In reply


(8) to the eighth question, he reaffirmed his statements and declared
[them] to be the truth, under oath, which is made public and notorious,
asserted and affirmed; and he signed it, and His Majesty's vicar rubricated it.

Don Francisco de Fuentes: Before me, Manuel Quifiones, notary
In this city on the said day, month, and year, there [appeared]
immediately before His Grace the said vicar, curate, and ecclesiastical
judge, Manuel Solana, soldier of this presidio, son of the former
deputy [governor] of Apalachee, who before me the notary, was
sworn by God, Our Lord, and was given the sign of the cross accord-
ing to law, which the aforesaid repeated; and I charged him to
promise to tell the truth, and being questioned by the list of the
questions of the said interrogatory, he said the following:
(i) To the first question he said that he was acquainted with the
Fathers, Fray Manuel de Mendoza and Fray Juan de Parga; that he
does not know from what places they came; and that he participated in
the battles of Apalachee. And he replied to the general [questions] of
the law, saying that they do not affect him, that he is twenty-one years
of age, a little more or less. He replied
(2) to the second question, [saying] that in the time when this witness
was in Apalachee he saw the Fathers giving very good examples and
teaching to all. He replied
(3) to the third question, [saying] that the witness did not go along
when the deputy Juan Ruiz Mexia went to fight the battle of Ayubale,
but that if things went well he was to carry munitions, and that in Capola
he encountered some retreating Indians and Spaniards, and they gave him
account of how the [enemy] had killed the Father Fray Juan de Parga;
that he heard [that the] other Indians had thrown him in a canebrake
and heard him ask them to aid him; and that Marcos Delgado and Juan
Solana-a brother of the witness-went to his aid, and both were killed;
and that they had captured the deputy and the Father Fray Angel de
Miranda who was stationed in Ayubale. On the departure of the enemy,
the deputy sent Jacinto Roque Perez to reconnoiter the vicinity of Ayubale
and bury the bodies of the Christians, and the witness and three [other]
soldiers went along. They were accompanied on this detail by [some]
Indians, and they found many burned bodies and [those] of some women
pierced by sticks and half roasted, many children impaled on poles, and
others killed with arrows, their arms and legs cut off. The Christians
were buried, and of the pagans who died they left many [unburied]
because the entire vicinity of the plaza and council house [bujio] was


Yort *an luit