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Ecological imperialism in the south-central Andes

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Title:
Ecological imperialism in the south-central Andes
Creator:
Defrance, Susan Daggett
Copyright Date:
1993
Language:
English

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Subjects / Keywords:
City of Gainesville ( local )

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Source Institution:
University of Florida
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University of Florida
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Copyright Susan Daggett Defrance. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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31054311 ( OCLC )
AKB9166 ( LTUF )
0030387900 ( ALEPH )

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Full Text
ECOLOGICAL IMPERIALISM IN THE SOUTH-CENTRAL ANDES:
FAUNAL DATA FROM SPANISH COLONIAL SETTLEMENTS IN THE MOQUEGUA AND TORATA VALLEYS
By
SUSAN DAGGETF DEFRANCE

A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY .OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1993

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA LIBRARIES




Copyright 1993
by
Susan Daggett deFrance




ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
A number of funding agencies and individuals made this research possible. The survey, testing, and fieldwork were conducted under grants awarded to Dr. Prudence M. Rice by the National Endowment for the Humanities and the National Geographic Society. Additional research was made possible by a National Science Foundation Dissertation Improvement Grant (No. BNS-9020973) and a Sigma Xi Grant-In-Aid of Research. Funding provided by the University of Florida, Department of Anthropology, included a Charles H. Fairbanks scholarship and several teaching assistantships. The Florida Museum of Natural History, Anthropology Department, provided research assistantships, employment, and lab space for a large portion of the analysis.
The field portion of the project was greatly facilitated by several organizations in Peru. The Museo Peruano de Ciencias de la Salud in conjunction with the Instituto Nacional de Cultura (INC) authorized and granted permission for the excavations conducted by the Moquegua Bodegas Project within Programa Contisuyu. Permission for the shipment of the faunal collections to the University of Florida was granted by the INC. Omar Benites Delgado of the Moquegua branch of the INC, Sonia Guillen of the Lima branch of the INC, and Lucho Watanabe assisted with obtaining permission for the export of a portion of the faunal collections for further study. The Southern Peru Copper Corporation provided housing, vehicles, and various infrastructural support for the project, as well as hospitality. German Mor6n was particularly helpful in negotiating cargo transport of a portion of the faunal material.
Academic advisement for this project and my doctoral research in general has benefitted from interactions with my supervisory committee members. My chair, Dr. Elizabeth S. Wing, has selflessly shared with me her wisdom, motivation, support, and




friendship as I pursued this degree. Zooarchaeological research, and this project specifically, have benefitted from the scholarship provided by Liz Wing. This project could not have been completed without the academic resources Dr. Wing has built with the Environmental Archaeology Laboratory.
Dr. Prudence M. Rice served as director of the Moquegua Bodegas Project and committee member. Dr. Rice welcomed me to the bodegas project and subsequently provided support for two seasons of fieldwork in Moquegua. Despite the fact that I exhibited an inability to distinguish modern dogs from pigs and sheep from goats during our fieldwork, Dr. Rice's faith in my zooarchaeological talents persisted. Pru has commented on various research proposals, provided a wealth of data on the project. and graciously returned to Gainesville for my defense.
My initial interest in the Andean region resulted from conversations with Dr. Michael E. Moseley concerning the maritime cultures of the coastal region. While I eventually pursued a historical dissertation topic, my understanding of the Central Andean region has resulted largely from classes and discussions with Mike Moseley. As director of the Programa Contisuyu, Mike also established and helped maintain the ongoing archaeological research in the area.
My other committee members assisted this project. Dr. Kathleen Deagan's research and that of her students on the archaeology of Spanish colonial settlement have provided the baseline data and established standards for historical archaeology. Her criticisms and comments reflect her diverse knowledge. Dr. Ron Wolff, Department of Zoology, served on my committee and provided insigthful editorial comments on my dissertation.
Other University of Florida faculty and affiliates at other institutions have also
contributed to this research. Dr. Betsy Reitz, University of Georgia, read a draft version of my dissertation and provided exceptional comments and criticisms. Betsy's research, which is of the highest caliber, has been a genuine inspiration. I hope my zooarchaeological endeavors approach her high degree of scholarship. Dr. Bill Marquardt,




has been a source of scholastic insights, occasional employment, and friendship. Dr. Jane Wheeler has provided new insights on camelid domestication and recent results of her analyses of camelid breeds based on DNA reconstructions. Jane is also conducting a DNA analysis of a sample of camelid bones from the Locumbilla bodega and Torata Alta. Dr. Kent Redford commented on early versions of my research proposal.
Several individuals involved in the fieldwork provided information, friendship, or both. Greg Smith, who supervised the bodega excavations, provided invaluable contextual information, most important of which was the temporal placement of the contexts. Mary Van Buren provided similar data for the site of Torata Alta. Greg and Mary, along with Peter BUrgi, Sara Van Beck, John Jones, and Larry Kuznar, contributed to productive and memorable field seasons in Moquegua. The myriad undertakings performed by Gloria Salinas de Portugual during various field seasons, particularly 1991, are appreciated. The Valcarcel family is also greatly appreciated for their hospitality as are Antonio Biondi and the Moquegua men's soccer team.
At the Florida Museum of Natural History several individuals in the environmental archaeology lab contributed to the completion of the project with either their expertise or their support. Particularly helpful have been Sylvia Scudder, Laura Kozuch, Marc Frank, Irv Quitmyer, Lee Newsom, and Tim Young. lrv Quitmyer and Diana Mathiessen also deserve thanks for their assistance in computer matters. Arlene Albert of the Pound Human Identification Lab made an X-ray of a pathological dog element from one of the sites. A variety of other museum personnel assisted with identifications of problematic faunal elements or provided access to their collections. They include Kurt Auffenburg, Bob Chandler, Gary Morgan, Tom Webber, and Laurie Wilkins.
A portion of the drafting was done by skilled cartographer Jan Coyne, Department of Geography, University of Florida. Illustrations of bone elements were drawn by Sue Ellen Hunter. Wendy Thorton and Ken Booth completed the final formatting of this dissertation.




My education and completion of this project have benefitted tremendously from my interactions with other students and colleagues at the Florida Museum and those in the Department of Anthropology. Most notable are Ann Cordell, Thea deWitt, Donna Ruhl, and Karen Jo Walker.
The completion of this degree and preparation of this manuscript, in particular, would not have been possible without the love and support of my family. Jeanne Marie, Michael, and Tim have continued to provide support through the completion of this degree. My parents, Laurette Lewis deFrance and William J. deFrance, provided the love, encouragement, and education that allowed me to achieve this degree. I dedicate this work to them.




TABLE OF CONTENTS
page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .................................................................... iii
LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................ ix
LIST OF FIGURES .......................................................................... xviii
A B STRA CT ................................................................................... xx
CHAPTERS
1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................ 1
IBERIAN AND ANDEAN WORLDS: PHYSICAL AND CULTURAL
SE T T IN G S .......................................................................... 11
Introduction .......................................................................... I 1
Iberian Cultural Background .................................................... 12
Spaniards in the New World: Zooarchaeological Evidence .................... 21
The Andean Physical World ....................................................... 25
Prehispanic Cultural Setting of the South-Central Andes ................... 44
Spanish Colonial Settlement of Peru .......................................... 51
Spanish Colonial Industry and Lifeways in the Moquegua and
Torata V alleys ..................................................................... 62
Sum m ary ........................................................................... 71
3 MATERIALS AND METHODS ............................................... 72
Archaeological Contexts ........................................................ 72
Zooarchaeological Methods ..................................................... 85
4 RESULTS OF FAUNAL ANALYSIS ......................................... 96
Descriptions of Site Samples ...................................................... 96
Characteristics of the Faunal Assemblage ....................................... 131
5 SPANISH COLONIAL ANIMAL USE IN THE SOUTH-CENTRAL
A N D E S .............................................................................. 183
Introduction ......................................................................... 183
Ecological Complementarity and the Spanish Colonial Faunal Record ...... 183 Evidence for Environmental Stress .............................................. 189
The Economic and Subsistence Uses of Animals at Torata Alta and the
M oquegua W ineries ................................................................ 191




Comparisons with the Iberian Model .................................. 201
Spanish Colonial Animal Husbandry Outside of the Andes.............. 202
6 CONCLUSIONS..................................................... 204
Summary of Research .................................................204
Suggestions for Future Research ..................................... 209
APPENDICES
A ANALYZED CONTEXTS ........................................... 213
B IDENTIFIED FAUNA FROM THE MOQUEGUA, BODEGAS, AND
TORATA ALTA..................................................... 228
C JUVENILE AND AGED SPECIMENS.............................. 347
D BONE MEASUREMENTS........................................... 351
REFERENCES................................................................. 374
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH....................................................389




LIST OF TABLES

Table
2-1 First Observations of Old World Species in Peru ................................ 40
3-1 Excavation Units with Analyzed Faunal Material, Locumbilla Winery
(Numbers Correspond to Shaded Units on Figure 3-2) ......................... 77
3-2 Excavation Units with Analyzed Faunal Material, Chincha Winery
(Numbers Correspond to Shaded Units on Figure 3-3) ......................... 80
3-3 Values Used to Determine Sample Size Reliability Based on Point of
D im inishing Returns ................................................................. 89
3-4 Allometric Values and Formula Used in This Study ............................. 91
4-1 Comparative Frequencies of Faunal Assemblages by Site and Time Period ....... 97
4-2 Taxa Identified at the Moquegua Bodegas and Torata Alta (6.35 mm,
1/4" m esh) ............................................................................ 99
4-3 Taxa Identified at the Moquegua Bodegas and Torata Alta, (1.70 mm,
1/16 m esh) ............................................................................ 10 1
4-4 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, Late Contexts (6.35 mm,
1/4 m e sh ) ............................................................................ 102
4-5 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, Middle Contexts (6.35 mm,
1/4 m e sh ) ............................................................................ 10 4
4-6 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega,Early Contexts (6.35 mm,
1/4 m e sh ) ............................................................................ 10 6
4-7 Relative Abundance of Taxa by Class for Locumbilla Bodega ................ 108
4-8 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, Late Contexts (6.35 mm,
1/4 m e sh ) ............................................................................ 1 10
4-9 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, Middle Contexts (6.35 mm,
1/4 m e sh ) ............................................................................ 1 12
4-10 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, Early Contexts (6.35 mm,
1/4 m e sh ) ............................................................................ 1 14
4-11 Relative Abundance of Taxa by Class for Chincha Bodega ...................... 115




4-12 Faunal Material from Yahuay Bodega, Late Contexts (6.35 mm,
1/4 m esh ) ............................................................................. 117
4-13 Faunal Material from Yahuay Bodega, Middle Contexts (6.35 mm,
1/4 m e sh ............................................................................. 118
4-14 Relative Abundance of Taxa by Class for Yahuay Bodega ...................... 120
4-15 Faunal Material from Estopacaje Bodega, Late Contexts (6.35 mm,
1/4 m esh ) ............................................................................. 12 1
4-16 Faunal Material from Estopacaje Bodega, Middle Contexts (6.35 mm,
1/4 m esh) ............................................................................. 122
4-17 Relative Abundance of Taxa by Class for Estopacaje Bodega ................... 123
4-18 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Post-1600 Contexts (6.35 mm,
1/4 m e sh ) ............................................................................ 12 4
4-19 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, 1600 Ash Contexts (6.35 mam,
1/4 m e sh ) ............................................................................ 12 6
4-20 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Pre-1600 Contexts (6.35 mm.
1/4 m e sh ) ............................................................................ 12 7
4-21 Relative Abundance of Taxa by Class for Torata Alta ............................ 130
4-22 Age Groups of Taxa Represented at Locumbilla .................................. 135
4-23 Age Groups of Taxa Represented at Chincha ...................................... 136
4-24 Age Groups of Taxa Represented at Yahuay ...................................... 137
4-25 Age Groups of Taxa Represented at Estopacaje ................................... 138
4-26 Age Groups of Taxa Represented at Torata Alta .................................. 139
4-27 Bone Pathologies from Bodega Contexts and Torata Alta ....................... 140
4-28 Occurrence of Medullary Bone in Chicken (Gallus gallus) Remains ........... 144
4-29 Bone Measurements from Various Taxa ......................... .. .......... 146
4-30 Averages of Lama spp. Bone Measurements ...................................... 148
4-31 Averages of Camelidae Bone Measurements ...................................... 150
4-32 Measurement Data for Modern Camelids ........................................... 152
4-33 Comparisons of Modern Camelid Measurements with the Winery and
T orata A lta S am ples ................................................................... 155
4-34 Averages of Bos taurus Bone Measurements ...................................... 157




4-35 Measurement Data for Modem Bovids .............................. 159
4-36 Averages of Caprini, Capra hircus, andOvis aries Bone Measurements....... 161
4-37 Skeletal Element Categories Used in This Study.................... .............. 164
4-38 Element Distribution for Locumbilla Bodega ...................... .............. 165
4-39 Element Distribution for Chincha Bodega...................................... 167
4-40 Element Distribution for Yahuay Bodega ........................... ............. 169
4-41 Element Distribution for Estopacaje Bodega............................. 171
4-42 Element Distribution for Torata Alta.............. ................. 172
4-43 Bone Modifications from Locumbilla Bodega .................... ............... 174
4-44 Bone Modifications from Chincha Bodega ....................... ............... 174
4-45 Bone Modifications from Yahuay Bodega................ ............. 174
4-46 Bone Modifications from Estopacaje Bodega.................................... 175
4-47 Bone Modifications from Torata Alta............................ 175
4-48 Camelid Bone Artifacts from Torata Alta........................................ 176
A-1 Analyzed Contexts from Locumbilla Bodega, 1/4" (6.35 mm) Samples.......213
A-2 Analyzed Contexts from Locumbilla Bodega, 1/16" (1.70 mm) Samples ....218
A-3 Analyzed Contexts from Chincha Bodega, 1/4" (6.35 mm) Samples ........ 219
A-4 Analyzed Contexts from Chincha Bodega, 1/16" (1.70 mm) Samples........221
A-5 Analyzed Contexts from Yahuay Bodega, 1/4" (6.35 mm) Samples..........222
A-6 Analyzed Contexts from Yahuay Bodega, 1/16" (1.70 mm) Samples..........223
A-7 Analyzed Contexts from Estopacaje Bodega, 1/4" (6.35 mm) Samples........ 223
A-8 Analyzed Contexts from Torata Alta, 1/4" (6.35 mm) Samples................224
A-9 Analyzed Contexts from Torata Alta, 1/16" (1.70 mm) Samples ............. 226
B-1 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 957.5N/1061.5E, Middle
Contexts ........................................................................ .. 232
B-2 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 957.5N/1061.5E, Early
C o n tex ts................................................................................ 2 34
B-3 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 953.5N/1048E, Middle
Contexts.......................................... 235




B-4 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 955.5N/1048E, Middle
Contexts............................. .. .................... 236
B-5 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 954.5N/1050.5E, Middle
Contexts....................... ..... ...................... 237
B-6 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 959.5N/1048E, Middle
Contexts.......................... ........... .. ..... ................ 238
B-7 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 959.5N/1048E, Early
Contexts................................ .... .................. 239
B-8 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 962.5N/1056.5E, Middle
Contexts.......................................... 240
B-9 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 962.5N/1056.5E, Early
Contexts............. ............................ 241
B-10 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 957.5N/1050.5E, Middle
Contexts ....................................................................... .. 242
B-11 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 961.5N/1046.5E, Late
Contexts............................................... 243
B-12 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 961.5N/1046.5E, Middle
Contexts ........................................................................ .. 244
B-13 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 961.5N/1046.5E, Early
Contexts............................................. 245
B-14 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, Elbow Trench, Middle
Contexts.............................. ..... .................. 246
B-15 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, Elbow Trench, Early
Contexts ........................................................................ .. 247
B-16 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 948.5N/1045.5E, Late
Contexts ...................................................................... .. 248
B-17 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 948.5N/1045.5E, Middle
Contexts ...................................................................... .. 249
B-18 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 948.5N/1045.5E, Early
Contexts.............................. .................. 250
B-19 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 953.5N/1045.5E, Middle
Contexts............................................... 251
B-20 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 953.5N/1045.5E, Early
Contexts ........................................................................ .. 252
B-21 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 953.5N/1059.5E, Middle
Contexts.............................. ................. 253




B-22 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 953.5N/1059.5E. Early
Contexts................................. ................ 254
B-23 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 959.5N/1028.5E, Middle
Contexts.......................................... 255
B-24 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 1010N/1040E, Late Contexts .... 256
B-25 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 1010N/1040E, Middle
Contexts................................. .................. 258
B-26 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 984N/1032.5E, Late
Contexts............ ........ ... ... ....... .....................260
B-27 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 984N/1032.5E. Middle
Contexts...... ................ ................................261
B-28 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 984N/1032.5E, Feature 6,
Late Contexts. ............................ ........................ 262
B-29 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 984N/1032.5E, Feature 6,
M iddle Contexts .................................................................. 263
B-30 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 1000N/1020E, Late Contexts .... 264
B-31 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 1000N/1020E, Middle
Contexts................................ ................ 265
B-32 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 958N/993E, Late Contexts ....... 266
B-33 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega. 958N/993E, Middle
Contexts............... ............................ 267
B-34 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 961.5N/IO1001E, Late
Contexts .............................................................................. 268
B-35 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 961.5N/1001E, Middle
Contexts................................... ................ 269
B-36 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 980N/1061E, Middle
Contexts.......................................... 270
B-37 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 980N/1061E, Early Contexts...... 271
B-38 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 1003.5N/1040E, Middle
Contexts ....................................................................... .. 272
B-39 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 962N/1055E, Late Contexts....... 273
B-40 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 962N/1055E, Middle
Contexts ....................................................................... .. 274
B-41 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 962N/1055E, Early Contexts...... 276




B-42 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 964N/1052E, Middle
Contexts............................. ..................... 277
B-43 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 964N/1052E, Early Contexts......278
B-44 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 961.5/1001E, Area 6,
F. S. # 1210 ...................................................................... 279
B-45 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 961.5/1001E, Post Hole 5,
F. S. # 1209 ......................................................... ................279
B-46 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 962N/1055E, Feature 2,
F. S. # 1133.............................. ...............279
B-47 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 957.5N/1061.5E, Zone H,
F. S. # 1599.............................................280
B-48 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 959.5N/1048E, Zone C,
F. S. # 1615............................. ..... ............... 280
B-49 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega. 942.5N/1026.5E, Feature 7B,
Level 1, F. S ........................ ... .................281
B-50 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 942.5N/1026.5E, Zone D,
F. S. # 1215......................................... 281
B-51 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, Block Excavation, Zone F,
F. S. # 1619 ...................................................................... 282
B-52 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1116N/1017E, Late Contexts........ 283
B-53 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1116N/1017E, Middle Contexts...... 284
B-54 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1017N/1009E, Late Contexts........ 285
B-55 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1017N/1009E, Middle Contexts...... 286
B-56 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1015.5N/1008.5E, Late
Contexts.............................. ................ 288
B-57 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1015.5N/1008.5E, Middle
Contexts............. ... ............................... 289
B-58 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1017N/1(X)9E and
1015.5N/1008.5E, Feature 4, M iddle Contexts..................................291
B-59 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1034.5N/1044E, Late Contexts ..... 292
B-60 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1034.5N/1044E, Middle
Contexts ........................................................................ .. 293
B-61 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1136N/1019E, Middle Contexts......294
B-62 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1048N/1000E, Late Contexts........295




B-63 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1171N/1030E, Late Contexts........ 296
B-64 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1171N/1030E, Middle Contexts...... 297
B-65 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1159N/1034E, Early Contexts ........ 298
B-66 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1080N/1032E, Late Contexts........ 299
B-67 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1080N/1032E, Middle Contexts...... 300
B-68 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1031.5N/1020E, Late Contexts ..... 301
B-69 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1031.5N/1020E, Middle
Contexts ....................................................................... .. 302
B-70 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1087N/1048E, Late Contexts........ 304
B-71 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega. 1087N/1048E, Middle Contexts...... 306
B-72 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1034.5N/1044E, Area 2,
F. S. # 85.......................................... 307
B-73 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1034.5N/1044E, Floor 1,
F. S. # 81 ..................................................................... .. 307
B-74 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1017N/1009E, Zone D2,
F. S. # 91 ..................................................................... .. 308
B-75 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1017N/1009E, Feature 5,
F. S. # 87.................... ................ .............. 308
B-76 Faunal Material from Yahuay Bodega, Unit 2, Arch 10, Late Contexts........309
B-77 Faunal Material from Yahuay Bodega, Unit 2, Arch 10, Middle
Contexts............. ......................... .. 309
B-78 Faunal Material from Yahuay Bodega, 993.5N/980.5E, Middle
Contexts ....................................................................... .. 310
B-79 Faunal Material from Yahuay Bodega, 990N/958.5E, Late Contexts.........311
B-80 Faunal Material from Yahuay Bodega, 990N/958.5E, Middle Contexts....... 312
B-81 Faunal Material from Yahuay Bodega, 993.5N/980.5E, Zone C,
F. S. # 68......................................... 313
B-82 Faunal Material from Yahuay Bodega, Unit 2, Arch 10, Extension of
Area 2, F. S. # 27 ................... ................. 313
B-83 Faunal Material from Estopacaje Bodega, 1005.5N/997E, Late
Contexts ....................................................................... .. 314
B-84 Faunal Material from Estopacaje Bodega, 1016.5N/993E, Late
Contexts................................. .............. 315




B-85 Faunal Material from Estopacaje Bodega, 1002N/985E, Middle
C o ntex ts ................................................................................ 3 15
B-86 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench M, Post-1600 Contexts ............. 316
B-87 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench M, 1600 Ash Contexts .............. 317
B-88 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench M. Pre-1600 Contexts ............... 318
B-89 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench G, Post-1600 Contexts .............. 320
B-90 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench G, 1600 Ash Contexts .............. 321
B-91 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench G, Pre- 1600 Contexts ............... 322
B-92 Faunal Material from Structure 250, Post-1600 Contexts ........................ 324
B-93 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Structure 250, 1600 Ash Contexts .......... 326

B-94 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Structure 250. Pre-1600 Contexts.

B-95 Faunal
F. S.
B-96 Faunal
F. S.
B-97 Faunal
F. S.
B-98 Faunal
F. S.
B-99 Faunal
F. S.
B-100 Faunal
F. S.
B-101 Faunal
F. S.
B- 102 Faunal
F. S.

......... 327

Material from Torata Alta, Trench M, ON/OE, Level 1, # 7 3 3 ............................................................................. 3 2 9
Material from Torata Alta, Trench M, ON/OE, Level 2, # 7 3 9 ............................................................................. 3 2 9
Material from Torata Alta, Trench M, ON/1E, Level 3, # 7 5 7 ............................................................................. 3 30
Material from Torata Alta, Trench M, ON/1E, Level 5, # 7 5 9 ............................................................................. 3 30
Material from Torata Alta, Trench M, 1N/1E, Level 2,
# 7 4 0 ............................................................................. 3 3 1
Material from Torata Alta, Trench G, ON/0E. Level 3, # 5 8 1 ............................................................................. 3 3 2
Material from Torata Alta, Trench G, ON/OE, Level 4, # 6 6 1 ............................................................................. 3 3 3
Material from Torata Alta, Trench G, 2N/0E. Level 3, # 6 6 5 ............................................................................. 3 3 4

B-103 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench G, 2N/0E, Level 4,
F S # 7 3 1 ............................................................................. 3 3 5
B-104 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench G, 3.5N/lE. Level 2,
F S # 1 10 7 ........................................................................... 3 36
B-105 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench G, 3.5N/IE Elbow Trench
Extension, Level 2, F.S. # 940 ..................................................... 337




B-106 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench G, 3.5N/IE Elbow Trench
Extension, Level 3, F.S. # 941 ..................................................... 338
B-107 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Structure 250, ON/OE, Level 3a/4,
F S # 10 5 5 ........................................................................... 3 3 8
B-108 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Structure 250, ON/3E, Level 3,
F S # 9 4 6 ............................................................................. 3 39
B-109 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Structure 250, ON/4E, Level 3,
F S # 10 35 ........................................................................... 340
B- 110 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Structure 250, ON/5.5E, Level 3a,
F S # 10 5 1 ........................................................................... 34 1
B-111 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Structure 250, ON/0E, Level 5,
F S # 10 6 5 ........................................................................... 34 1
B-1 12 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Structure 250, ON/OE, Level 5a,
F S # 10 6 8 ............................................................... . ....... 34 2
B- 113 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Structure 250, ON/3E, Level 5. Feature
2 5 F S # 10 2 7 ...................................................................... 342
B-1 14 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Structure 250, ON/3E, Level 6,
F S # 10 29 .......................................................................... 343
B- 115 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Structure 250, ON/4E, Level 5,
F S # 10 3 8 ........................................................................... 34 4
B-1 16 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Structure 250, ON/5.5E, Level 5,
F S # 10 53 ........................................................................... 34 4
B-117 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Structure 250, ON/5.5E, Level 6.
F S # 10 59 ........................................................................... 34 5
C-i Occurrence of Specimens from Newborn and Juvenile Individuals ............ 347
D-1 Descriptions of Bone Measurements ................................................ 351
D-2 Bone Measurements from Locumbilla Bodega .................................... 352
D-3 Bone Measurements from the Chincha bodega .................................... 360
D-4 Bone Measurements from Yahuay bodega ......................................... 366
D-5 Bone Measurements from Torata Alta .............................................. 368




LIST OF FIGURES

Fi~ure
1-1 T he C entral A ndes ................................................................. 2
1-2 Location of the Moquegua and Torata Valleys ................................... 5
2-1 Geographical Divisions of Peru ................................................... 26
2-2 Vegetational Zones Found at Different Elevations .............................. 27
2-3 Location of Wineries Identified in the Moquegua Valley ........................ 65
2-4 Location of Torata Alta within the Osmore Drainage ............................ 69
3-1 Location of the Four Excavated Wineries ......................................... 74
3-2 Analyzed Contexts from the Locumbilla Winery .................................... 76
3-3 Analyzed Contexts from the Chincha Winery ................................... 79
3-4 Analyzed Contexts from the Yahuay Winery ........................................ 82
3-5 Analyzed Contexts from the Estopacaje Winery ................................. 83
3-6 Analyzed Contexts from Torata Alta .............................................. 84
3-7 Relationship Between Number of Individuals and Number of Taxa ...... 88
4-1 Age Groups of Caprines from Winery Contexts .................................. 133
4-2 Age Groups of Bos taurus from Winery Contexts ................................ 133
4-3 Age Groups of Camelids from Winery Contexts .................................. 134
4-4 Age Groups of Camelids from Torata Alta ......................................... 134
4-5 Bone Pathologies on Camelid Specimens from Torata Alta ...................... 142
4-6 Log Ratio Diagram of Selected Lama sp. and Camelidae Bone
M easurem ents ......................................................................... 153
4-7 Log Ratio Diagram of Selected Bos taurus Bone Measurements ............... 160
4-8 Log Ratio Diagram of Selected Caprine Bone Measurements ................... 163

xviii




4-9 Mountain lion (Felis concolor) Humerus with Cut Marks on Distal
Condyles, Torata Alta, Trench G, Pre-1600 deposit ............................. 179
4-10 Camelid Mandible Artifacts from Torata Alta, Structure 250, Pre-1600
C o n tex ts ................................................................................ 18 1
5-1 Percentages of Individuals by Class and Time, Torata Alta ...................... 185
5-2 Percentages of Individuals by Class and Time, Wineries ........................ 187
5-3 Domestic Mammal Individuals and Estimated Meat Weight by Time,
T orata A lta ............................................................................. 19 3
5-4 Domestic Mammal Individuals and Estimated Meat Weight by Time,
L ocum billa W inery .................................................................... 195
5-5 Domestic Mammal Individuals and Estimated Meat Weight by Time,
C hincha W inery ....................................................................... 196
5-6 Domestic Mammal Individuals and Estimated Meat Weight by Time,
Y ahuay W inery ........................................................................ 197
5-7 Domestic Mammal Individuals and Estimated Meat Weight by Time,
E stopacaje W inery .................................................................... 198




Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
ECOLOGICAL IMPERIALISM IN THE SOUTH-CENTRAL ANDES:
FAUNAL DATA FROM SPANISH COLONIAL SETTLEMENTS IN THE MOQUEGUA AND TORATA VALLEYS
By
Susan Daggett deFrance
December 1993
Chair: Elizabeth S. Wing
Major Department: Anthropology
This study presents a zooarchaeological analysis of animal remains recovered from archaeological excavations conducted at five sites in the Moquegua and Torata valleys of southern Peru. Four of these sites are Spanish colonial wineries or bodegas that were established in the Moquegua valley during the sixteenth century and occupied until the late nineteenth century. The site of Torata Alta located in the Torata valley contains sixteenth and seventeenth century deposits associated with an indigenous Andean population living under Spanish control.
I analyzed animal remains recovered from these excavations to identify the
subsistence and economic uses of animals from the early colonial period until the late nineteenth century. The faunal material from the winery contexts indicate that Europeanintroduced species, primarily cattle, sheep, and goats, were widely used throughout the occupation of the sites. With the exception of native Andean camelids, especially the llama, very few local animal resources were used for either subsistence or economic purposes. The animal resources of greatest importance were not obtained through exchange relationships with populations in other ecological zones. Measurements of skeletal




elements suggest environmental conditions in the valley affected the physical stature of the introduced species; however, the diet and economic uses of animals were very conservative, thus indicating little innovation or adoption of unfamiliar, non-European taxa by the sites inhabitants. In comparison to other areas of Spanish settlement, including Florida and the Spanish Caribbean, subsistence and animal husbandry were more similar to the Iberian peninsula than contemporary Spanish settlements in either Florida or the Spanish Caribbean.
Native animal resources are most common in the analyzed samples from the site of Torata Alta. Only a small number of Old World species are present, including either sheep or goats, pigs, and chickens. Camelid herds of at least two species were raised in close proximity to the site based on the identification of juveniles and adult specimens. Other subsistence resources were obtained through exchange with populations in different ecological zones, most notably the Pacific coast. Although the inhabitants of Torata Alta apparently were under Spanish control, their use of animal resources was very orthodox, exhibiting little alteration from prehi spanic patterns.




CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Spanish colonization of the Central Andes brought about rapid and dynamic changes in the indigenous cultural and economic systems. The Spanish colonizers introduced both institutions present in sixteenth-century western European culture and new economic enterprises designed to generate profits for the Spanish crown and to increase the wealth of the colonizers themselves. The interactions between the Spaniards and the indigenous populations of the Central Andes were unparalleled in the Americas because of the combination of distinctive ecological conditions and the existence of an indigenous expansionistic state level of social organization.
The environment of the Central Andes, the region roughly from northern Chile to northern Ecuador, bounded to the west by the Pacific Ocean and to the east by the Amazon rain forest (Figure 1- 1). is extremely harsh because of the combined effects of equatorial and altitudinal conditions. Therefore, human survival and evolution of hierarchical social systems was contingent upon the development of agricultural and pastoral systems that produced an abundance of foodstuffs. The food production systems that evolved in the Central Andean region, and in Peru in particular, were unrivaled in the New World. In addition to cultivatincy a diverse inventory of domesticated plant products, of which tubers were most important, this region is the only New World center of large mammal domestication. Domestic llamas and alpacas were the foundation of a multifaceted herding economy. Spanish settlement of this region resulted in the imposition of European practices on a complex existing social system.
One component of Spanish culture was dependence on a range of animal resources for both subsistence and other economic products. Spanish colonization of new lands was




Figure 1-1. The Central Andes (modified from Moseley 1992).




accompanied by the importation of Old World animal resources and institutions for their management and economic productivity. This study examines the dynamic role of animals in the colonization and settlement of the Peruvian Andes based on archaeological data from five colonial sites in southern Peru. It explores the role of animals in both economic and subsistence realms through a zooarchaeological analysis of faunal remains recovered from archaeological excavations. The changes in human/animal interactions that occurred during the colonial era were important elements in the formation of Spanish Andean culture.
Although neither the role of animal resources in the colonial setting nor the
emergence of Spanish colonial culture in the Andes have been investigated extensively through the use of archaeological data, the nature and extent of other changes the Spaniards imposed upon Peru have been investigated from historical and anthropological perspectives. Early writings were primarily ethnohistorical accounts of the Peruvian past that attempted to document the nature of the Inca state (Cieza de Le6n 1945; Cobo 1979; Garcilaso de la Vega 1966). Many subsequent historical studies focused on the economic and social aspects of Spanish Andean culture (e.g., Borah 1954; Davies 1984: Morner 1987) or the emergence of Peru as an independent nation state (e.g., Dobyns and Doughty 1976). Anthropological perspectives most recently have addressed Indian resistance and the persistence of both prehispanic traditions and consciousness in modern settings (e.g., Adorno 1986; Spaulding 1984; Stem 1982). Archaeological investigations of the colonial period have tended to focus on architectural aspects of larger urban areas or religious orders (Schaedel 1992). Archaeological studies only recently have had the objective of either examining the processes of acculturation that resulted in the emergence of colonial culture or reconstructing the archaeological correlates of colonial life in either urban or rural settings (see Rice and Smith 1989; Smith 1991" Van Buren 1993).
The rural environment of the Central Andes provides an excellent archaeological potential to examine the emergence of colonial culture and the adaptations that both Spaniards and indigenous populations underwent. Large landed estates were established




on the outskirts of urban areas, and it was on these estates that land and labor relationships exhibited the greatest degree of evolution or transformation through time. Agricultural enterprises based on the production of Old World crops or products, particularly wine, sugar, olives, were among the most intensive in terms of land use and labor requirements (Cushner 1980; Keith 1976). Archaeological investigations of these estates can provide economic data useful in reconstructing both the probable trade relationships between the rural domain and the urban one and the degree of isolation characterizing the colonial rural setting. An integral component of the rural agricultural landscape was the use of animals for traction, transportation, subsistence, and by-products (e.g.. wool, hides, tallow, bone). Animal remains are among the most common archaeological materials encountered on historical sites, particularly in habitats where bone preservation is good, such as in the desert terrain of the western Andean slopes of Peru.
One rural agricultural enterprise that has been the subject of archaeological research is the productive wine industry that was established in many of the coastal river valleys of Peru and northern Chile. A multi-year program of investigations was conducted in the Moquegua valley of far southern Peru under the auspices of the Moquegua Bodegas Project directed by Dr. Prudence Rice. Survey of this short, steep, river valley resulted in the identification of one hundred thirty wineries or bodegas (Rice and Ruhl 1989) (Figure 1-2). Subsequently, shovel testing and site mapping were completed at twenty-eight of the wineries (Rice and Smith 1989). The shovel-test data, in combination with archival research compiled by L6pez and Huertas (1990), helped to determine the probable location of sixteenth-century deposits representing the earliest Spanish colonial occupation of the valley. Excavations were conducted at four of the wineries with the anticipation of locating sixteenth-century contexts (Rice 1990; Smith 1991). Research thus far has focused on Spanish colonial adaptation and acculturation as reflected in the material remains at the bodegas (Smith 1991), the production of ceramics within the valley (Rice and Van Beck 1993), and the botanical remains recovered from the bodegas (Jones 1990).




Location of the Moquegua and Torata Valleys.

Figure 1-2.




Extensive excavations also were conducted at another colonial occupation, Torata Alta, which is located to the north in the Torata valley (see Figure 1-1). The site of Torata Alta was either a prehispanic town during the Late-Intermediate period or a colonial reducci6n where the indigenous population of the surrounding countryside was forced to reside during the early colonial period (Van Buren et al. 1993). Artifactual materials from deposits dating from the mid-sixteenth century to the mid-seventeenth century have been used to identify the ethnic composition of the site's inhabitants, to examine socioeconomic variability within the site, and to provide material remains for comparison with the sixteenth-century winery contexts (Van Buren 1993;Van Buren and Biirgi 1990).
The faunal remains recovered during the Moquegua wineries and Torata Alta
excavations are the subject of this dissertation. These remains represent food refuse and remains of animals that served in economic capacities as beasts of burden and providers of fiber, hides, bone. and other products. The objectives of my study are to identify and interpret human/animal interactions in the Spanish colonial experience in southern Peru. Three dimensions of the colonial experience are considered: cultural, geographical, and temporal.
The cultural realm consists of the ethnic affiliation of Spanish colonists and
indigenous populations, their economic undertakings involving animals, and the ideological "orientation" of the colonists and the indigenous population. This dimension includes the more esoteric concepts of food preferences and aversions and economic activities that were considered "Spanish" in nature versus those that were "Indian" (e.g., cattle herding and horse ranching versus camelid pastoralism). When human populations colonize new geographical settings, traditional human/animal interactions invariably are altered. Colonists attempt to maintain their traditional patterns of animal use, particularly those economic endeavors that are dependent on both animal products and services and the use of meat in the cuisine. Although these patterns of animal use resist change, innovations in economic livelihoods and subsistence occurred in the colonial setting because of different




survival rates of imported animals, delayed shipments from homelands, and the introduction of new food items by indigenous populations.
The environmental conditions of the study area, most importantly rugged
topography, high aridity, and low atmospheric pressure, must have exerted selective pressures on the Old World domestic animals living there. The physical adaptability of imported domesticates in the Andean setting would determine whether these animals were available for either economic or subsistence uses. However, the acceptance or rejection of food items, meat sources in particular, may have been influenced by cognitive perceptions of what constitutes appropriate food items. Food may have been one means through which the Peruvian creole populations (i.e., individuals bom in Peru of Spanish ancestry) distinguished themselves from the Indian population or other non-Spanish groups. It is important to consider how both adaptation and cognitive perceptions may have influenced the faunal materials that were deposited at these sites.
Cultural responses to a lack of familiar food items, particularly meat products, may have resulted in the breakdown of food prohibitions, particularly religious restrictions, or the establishment of new food taboos. The concepts of acceptable or preferred versus unacceptable food items also may have shifted in the new setting. In addition to what was consumed, methods of processing such as how and at what age an animal was butchered, preparation of meat including the vessels used for cooking, accompaniments, and consumption patterns such as when and how food was served potentially were modified in the colonial settinal
One goal of this study is to provide idiographic data on the pattern of faunal use that characterized colonial occupations in southern Peru. However, these Peruvian data may also allow us to produce new generalizations about the diversity of animal use in colonial settings, the economic effects of human modifications of animal populations, and the complex relationship between humans and animals in creating a rural landscape.




The geographical element is arguably the most important infrastructural dimension of Peruvian colonial history. The harsh physical geography of the Central Andes fostered the development of distinctive cultural and physiological adaptations. Environmental conditions of the region in combination with previous cultural patterns of animal use affected where Spaniards settled and what resources they imported. Although the environment exerted selective pressures on the imported resources, the colonial legacy of these early introductions endure in Peruvian Andean economy and culture.
The potential capability of introduced animals to modify the landscape was also affected by environmental conditions. Nonnative domesticates. particularly cattle, sheep, and goats, could have contributed to erosion by overgrazing and by destroying crops planted by indigenous peoples. Community isolation may have necessitated the importation of food items from the homeland or the trade of food resources from other geographical areas. As large herds of domestic animals became established communities may have implemented new policies regarding herding practices or grazing rights.
The use of large domesticates probably facilitated population expansion into
Andean habitats. The economic uses of animals expanded once herds were established. Renewable products, such as milk, wool, blood, and manure, would have been extracted from living animals while edible and nonedible secondary products, such as hides, tallow, bone, and horns, could have been obtained following an animal's demise. One can hypothesize that economic changes fostered both the growth of new institutions, for example, guilds, concerning animal use and the implementation of new ordinances or policies regarding the rearing of livestock and the sale and disposal of their products.
The temporal dimension examines whether the use of animal resources changed from the early periods of Spanish occupation, the middle to late sixteenth century, to the late nineteenth century, and if so, what changes occurred. Such questions as increased importation of food, changes in livestock production, and increased or decreased dependence on local resources based on changes in faunal use through time are considered.




Once my analysis establishes the Peruvian pattern, comparisons can be made with other geographical areas dating to the same period.
Although the archaeological correlates of many of these changes may be difficult to discern using faunal data alone, zooarchaeological data from the Moquegua wineries and Torata Alta in combination with the historical record of the South-Central Andes can be used to address a wide range of issues concerning human/animal interactions. The potential range of questions that can be addressed is contingent upon both cultural and historical aspects of the colonial encounter as well as the archaeological record. Important historical variables include both the motives and the political, religious, and gender composition of the Spanish colonizing force and the existing social development and economic systems of the indigenous populations that were contacted. The research potential of the archaeological record is dependent on the preservation of the faunal material, the historical sources that are available to aid in constructing research questions, and knowledge concerning the physical geography of the Moquegua and Torata valleys.
Although new information will be gained for a time period and geographical area for which little information is known, a large number of new questions will be raised as well. Therefore, this study will serve as a foundation upon which zooarchaeological research can build. Future excavations of Andean historical sites will be able to use these results as baseline data upon which to expand faunal research.
This dissertation presents a detailed case study of the faunal material from the
Moquegua wineries and the site of Torata Alta, which is analyzed in light of the three major dimensions: culture, geography, and time. Chapter Two sets the stage for this analysis with a description of the physical and cultural setting of the study area. It is necessary to understand both the cultural milieu prior to Spanish colonization and the physical constraints of the Central Andean region in order to identify and interpret the colonial pattern of faunal use that emerges. Equally important for interpreting the faunal data is the cultural background of the Spanish colonists. Therefore, the chapter also discusses the




economic enterprises of the Spanish colonists in Spain and in the Americas. These reconstructions are based on both historical and archaeological data from other areas of Spanish settlement such as the Caribbean and Spanish Florida. Previous historical and archaeological data are used to construct a number of research questions that examine how animals were employed at the sites and what their roles were in colonial lifeways. These questions are outlined within the historical and archaeological reconstruction.
Chapter Three discusses the samples that I selected to analyze and the methods that I used to quantify the faunal material. Archaeological contextual information of a limited scope and the temporal placement of the samples are provided. The chapter outlines both the zooarchaeological methods used to measure the relative abundances of the fauna and the bridging arguments that allow a researcher to address particular questions through the use of zooarchaeological data.
The composition of the samples and interpretation of the faunal data are the Subjects of Chapters Four and Five. Descriptive data on the relative frequencies of taxa, the representation of different portions of the carcass, and estimates of individual age and body size (Chapter Four) are followed by a reconstruction of Spanish colonial subsistence and the economic uses of animals at the four wineries and Torata Alta (Chapter Five). Comparisons with faunal data from other Spanish colonial sites indicate variability in the use of animals during the colonial era. This nonuniformity in animal use is interpreted in light of the geographic and cultural diversity found in different locales of Spanish settlement.
Chapter Six summarizes the results and outlines unanswered questions. A correctly analyzed body of archaeological data serves two functions. It expands our range of knowledge about a particular culture and time period while simultaneously it elucidates gaps in our knowledge and the need for further research. Therefore, a series of research topics that further zooarchaeological investigations can examine are discussed following the summation of the research.




CHAPTER 2
IBERIAN AND ANDEAN WORLDS: PHYSICAL AND CULTURAL SETTINGS
Introduction
The following discussion presents background information on the physical and cultural dimensions of the study. The first section of this chapter outlines historical and archaeological data on Spanish lifeways in the Iberian peninsula and other New World areas colonized by Spaniards giving particular attention to the history of animal use. Zooarchaeological studies of Spanish colonial sites in the Caribbean and Spanish Florida are reviewed in order to identify geographical variability in colonial animal use.
The Andean setting is examined through a discussion of the geographical composition of both the Central Andean area in general and specific features of the Moquegua and Torata valleys. In addition to physical descriptions, discussions are also presented on the stochastic and constant environmental stresses associated with the region. The former includes tectonism and the climatic phenomenon known as El Nihio and its associated repercussions. The constant stresses are the physiological effects of the rugged high elevation Andean environment on both humans and animals.
In many ways the environment of the region affected the cultural trajectories of both prehispanic inhabitants and Spanish colonists, particularly the economic systems that developed. One objective of this study is to determine what effect Spanish colonization had on the indigenous cultural and economic systems and the role of these systems in Spanish Andean colonial society. Therefore, prehispanic cultural systems are reviewed with an emphasis on the economic livelihoods of the inhabitants.
A discussion of Spanish settlement in the South-Central Andes outlines Spain's
economic enterprises in the region and the role of the Moquegua valley wineries and Torata




Alta in the colonial world. Ethnohistorical and historical studies are used to reconstruct the colonial use of animals in industrial and domestic settings. These historical and archaeological reconstructions in combination with the Andean physical and cultural setting are used to formulate several research questions that this study will address using the zooarchaeological data from the Moquegua wineries and Torata Alta.
Iberian Cultural Back0round
Iberian Livestock Production
The rapidity and ease with which the Spaniards were able to subjugate and
transform such a large portion of the Americas have been attributed to two main factors: 1) depopulation of indigenous inhabitants following the introduction of foreign diseases and 2) the "ecological imperialism" of the Spaniards as manifested by the importation of Old World plant and animal species (Crosby 1972, 1986). Large tracts of land were opened for settlement following the dramatic population declines suffered by native peoples who possessed little resistance to the pathogens that the Spanish colonists transmitted to them. The establishment of new Spanish settlements was accompanied by the introduction of European plant and animal species that were to serve as subsistence items and in economic capacities.
The animals that were transported to colonial settlements were important in the
homeland for their economic value and prestige and as essential elements of Iberian cuisine. The Iberian peninsula is a land of historical, ethnic, and geographical contrasts. The livestock resources that were of greatest importance varied among geographical areas, thus they reflect the historical development of regional differences within pre-expansionistic Spain.
The growth of pastoral and herding aspects of Spanish society was particularly
important during the Middle Ages when Spain experienced a tremendous internal economic boom (McAlister 1984:21-22). Sheepherding prospered in the central and eastern regions




of Arag6n and Castile (Klein 1920). A productive cattle industry developed in the southern portion of Spain, primarily in the region of Andalusia (Bishko 1952). Goats were common in Spain-, however, goats were maintained primarily for home and local use. The Iberian pig was also a resource of value in the acorn woodlands of southwest Spain (Parsons 1962). It was also during the Middle Ages that the horse became both a symbol of Spanish nobility (Denhardt 1975:22-23) and an important component of the cattle ranching industry (Bishko 1952:498). The revenues that were generated by the sale of wool from sheepherding helped to finance Spain's colonial expansion in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries (Vicens Vives 1969:252).
Spain shared with other European countries the emergence of mercantile commerce that resulted in the acquisition of wealth and the production of commodities for centralized sale during the Middle Ages. Economic endeavors based on the production and sale of animal products were a major component of Spain's financial success and facilitated her entrance into a capitalistic export economy. The two most successful livestock resources were cattle and, more importantly, sheep. Although Spain valued both resources for meat and other edible products, the wool that sheep provided and the hides that cattle provided were of the greatest economic value.
Sheepherdin Significantly, both cattle and sheep gained prominence in Spain's New World colonies. Cattle were much more widely distributed and better adapted to the Americas where large herds were established early in the settlement of the Caribbean, Mexico, Central America, and parts of South America (Sauer 1966:156, 181, 194). Although sheep did not adapt to many of the humid, tropical regions of the New World, they proliferated in the Central Andes, particularly in Peru. Today sheep are the most numerous domesticate in the Central Andean highlands (Baker 1982:136), a statistic that reflects both the ability of sheep to adapt to this habitat and their incorporation into the Andean economy.




The role of sheep and cattle in medieval Spain demonstrates the historical
development of marketable commodities that contributed to Spain's rise as a colonial power. Not only did these livestock resources produce commodities that fostered Spain's emergence as a capitalistic economy, institutions concerning land use were designed both to safeguard commodity production and to limit the distribution of land. In regard to the ascent of sheepherding and the production of wool, a series of political events influenced the potential trajectories of Spain's nascent capitalistic and expansive economy. After the expulsion of the Moors from Seville in 1469, the independent crowns of Castile and Arag6n were united. Although these two crowns formed a political union, they possessed different histories and were in very contrasting stages of historical development (Elliott 1963:24). Arag6n was practicing mercantile commerce by the fourteenth century and was therefore more cosmopolitan in perspective. Castile, in contrast, had remained primarily a pastoral and nomadic society with a long, history of defensive military activities (Elliott 1963:31). The high value placed on military service resulted in the distribution of large plots of conquered land to nobles who had served in the conquest (Wolf 1982:112). The result of this process was that approximately 97% of the land was owned by only 2 to 3% of the population (Elliott 1963:11).
With land held by so few it was possible for Castile to easily maintain its pastoral economy. A herding economy also flourished because Spain's soils were rocky and shallow and frequent raids by the Moors made sheep raising preferable to agriculture (Elliott 1963:32). The conquest of land in northern Castile also made it possible for new herding routes to be opened between the north and south. Another factor that dramatically affected the economic development of Castile's sheep economy resulted from the introduction of merino breeds from north Africa into Andalusia in approximately 13(X) (Elliott 1963:33).
The demand for merino wool allowed Castile to expand its economic interactions and establish important commercial ties with the mercantile ports and urban centers of




Arag6n and later with Genoese Mediterranean ports (Wolf 1982:112). Economic ties were created with markets outside of Spain, particularly in the Netherlands, where Castilian wool was processed into cloth (Elliott 1963:33). In addition to economic ties with outside areas, the Castilian crown sought to enhance its revenue through the consolidation of separate Castilian sheep-owners associations into a single sheep-owners guild, the Mesta, in 1273 (Vicens Vives 1969:252). The Mesta, whose members consisted of the landowning nobles, maintained the sheep market and provided revenues to the crown in exchange for economic privileges. Their main duties included overseeing and controlling the seasonal migrations of the sheep from north to south (Elliott 1963:33; Klein 1920).
The production of wool for market triggered a series of economic and
expansionistic endeavors. Initially, wool provided capital, which was then used to increase sheep production and expand the geographical range of sheepherding. The landholding nobles were assured continued success through the rights granted by the Mesta. According to Wolf (1982:113) the pastoral economy inhibited industrial development. Rural peoples were forced to relinquish resources and property by the militarily oriented nobles. The crown financed further military expansion into Europe and the Americas through revenues collected by the Mesta. The dominance of Castilian wool as an exclusive Iberian commodity demanded throughout Europe was replaced by English wool in the midseventeenth century, thus drastically reducing the revenue received by the crown.
The monoculture of sheepherding throttled Spain's industrial growth (Vicens Vives 1969:350; Wolf 1982:113). The nonnoble classes were unable to challenge effectively the landed nobles or to seek employment in other activities. The rural labor force was skilled almost exclusively in pastoral activities including herding, feeding, shearing, and packing raw wool for export. Because Spain's wool was exported, port towns and shipping fleets developed. However, there were apparently no incentives or initiatives to make technological changes for the production of cloth within Spain. Spain's failure to diversify




its industrial base to include technologies for the production of cloth aided England in its rise as a wool and cloth producer.
The wool industry provided Spain with a lucrative commodity that generated
significant profits from approximately the sixteenth to the mid-seventeenth century. Two unfortunate repercussions of this economy were the failure to diversify both the industrial and agricultural infrastructures of the Castilian region. The need for land to supplement the production of foodstuffs, especially grains, increased during the seventeenth century. Although Castile maintained a rural economy, it was unable to increase agricultural production because large amounts of land that been confiscated by the nobles from the agrarian peasants.
In Spain, the historical ascent of wool as a commodity was accompanied by
changes in land use, the implementation of institutions to safeguard wool production, and changes in the self-sufficiency of rural peasants. In the colonial Americas parallel economic transitions occur-red. Although land was not a scarce resource in the colonies, relationships among land, labor, controlling institutions, and the production of livestockrelated commodities to generate profits were similar in Spain and in her colonies.
Cattle ranching. Sheep ranching was profitable in Castile, while cattle ranching
dominated the Andalusian plain. The historical origins of the Iberian cattle industry can be traced to the Middle Ages with the peak of production occurring in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries (see Bishko 1952; Butzer 1988). The rise of cattle ranching in this region of the peninsula has been attributed to four factors, including 1) the presence of preadapted pastoralists with herding experience from other areas, 2) environmental change that included the advance of shrub forest and a decline in agricultural land, 3) the availability of large unpopulated tracts of land where fears of Moorish raids inhibited cropfarming, and 4) hybridized breeds that both were adapted to the humid Andalusian plain and produced durable hides (Bishko 1952:496-497). With the rise of cattle ranching,




management techniques involving long-distance cattle drives, roundup, branding, and the use of the horse to herd cattle emerged (Rouse 1977).
Cattle ranching was divided into two types: 1) municipal ranching, which was
subject to strict regulations that frequently were supervised by the local town government rather than by guild rules as were the sheep herders of the Mesta and 2) seigniorial ranching-, practiced by the nobles, monasteries, and military (Bishko 1952:502). In contrast to the municipal ranchers, seigniorial ranchers operated more freely and were subject to fewer restrictions. The establishment of regulations on almost all aspects of cattle ranching including grazing fights, wages, compensation for crop damage, marketing, butchery, and sale of both meat and hides created a precedent for New World ranchers. Although the sizes of New World cattle herds were larger than those in Spain, similar systems of management and control were applied in the colonies.
The ascendancy of cattle ranching in the colonies reflects the ease with which cattle were able to adapt to the colonial habitats. It also reflects the profitability of cattle over other livestock. Hides produced in the colonies were the foundation of a profitable export economy. Spain was able to import large quantities of low-priced hides as raw materials for a range of leather products. The same scenario does not hold true for wool produced in the New World. The powerful Mesta was able to prohibit the importation of colonial wool through its monopolistic stranglehold. The rise of cattle ranching in the colonies may have been to the detriment of the Iberian ranchers who witnessed cheap imports replace local raw materials. Spain's desire for cheap imports combined with the lack of industrial diversification contributed to her economic plight in the later part of the colonial era. Cattle ranching declined with the influx of cheap imports while sheep raising prospered. When English markets replaced Spain's wool monopoly, Spain became more dependent on her colonies for economic survival.
Sheep and cattle were also important components of Iberian foodways in addition to providing marketable goods. Meat and dietary by-products such as cheese and milk were




essential aspects of Iberian foodways. The following discussion outlines the relationship of animal food products with other subsistence goods in the Iberian diet. Iberian Cuisine
All human groups establish rules for the preparation and consumption of food. The totality of rules and principles concerning all food choices can be called a "cuisine". A cuisine consists of four elements related to what, how, and when foods are eaten (Farb and Armelagos 1980:190). First, a very limited range of available food is eaten. Second, the methods of food preparation are socially defined. The flavorings (e.g., spices, condiments, sauces) used in cooking constitute the third element of a cuisine. The fourth aspect consists of the rules defining patterns of food consumption including how many meals a day are eaten, whether they are eaten with others or alone, ceremonial foods, and food prohibitions or taboos.
In the absence of social upheaval cuisine is very conservative. Although new items may enter the diet, the seasonings used, how food is served, and when meals are consumed are dictated by the original cuisine. The ability to maintain the conservative features of a cuisine were threatened in colonial settings by the unavailability of both familiar food items and seasonings, changes in serving and eating utensils, lack of knowledge concerning methods of food preparation by male colonists, intermarriage with indigenous females, and social interactions with cultures that observed other rules of cuisine. In order to evaluate Spanish colonial changes in cuisine many researchers have acknowledged that a general knowledge of Iberian dietary habits is needed (McEwan 1988; Reitz and Scarry 1985). Spain and Portugual. the countries that formn the Iberian peninsula, share a common history through the twelfth century. Although Iberian cuisine is characterized by a great deal of regional variability (see Townsend 1814), there are many culinary similarities within the peninsula. This discussion outlines aspects of Iberian cuisine in general but focuses onl Spanish foods, flavorings, and terminology. This reconstruction is based on secondary historical sources and travelers' accounts.




The geographic variability of the Iberian peninsula resulted in distinct habitats
where herding activities, fishing, and fruit and vegetable farming prospered (Defourneaux 1979; Vicens Vives 1969). In addition to the herds of sheep and cattle that provided both commodities and meat, goats, pigs, and chickens were locally abundant in some areas for the production of milk, cheese, eggs, and meat. Fishes, including sharks and eels as well as shellfish, were common in the coastal regions. Although less common inland, dried or salt-cured fish were shipped to some interior markets. Religious prohibitions against meat consumption during Lent or on other holy days bolstered the fisheries industry. In some regions, domestic meat sources were supplemented by the hunting of wild game including fowl such as ducks, geese, and partridges and small game animals such as rabbits.
The amount of meat consumed varied by region and socioeconomic status.
According to Townsend's (1814) survey of meat prices in late eighteenth century Spain, mutton was both consistently higher in price than beef and more widespread in its distribution. When pork was available it was usually the most costly meat-, however, it was not commonly sold in the markets Townsend surveyed. Goats and pigs, neither of which were highly valued for commodities other than meat, may have been produced for nonmarket sale; therefore, it is difficult to determine how frequently either kid or pork was consumed. Other researchers contend that meat was a luxury food item that scarcely could be afforded by the general populace (Defourneaux 1979:152; Martinez Llopis in McEwan 1988:55).
Significant temporal differences may have existed in the types and amount of meat consumed from the late fifteenth to the late eighteenth centuries. Unfortunately, historical studies have placed greater emphasis on the role of domestic animal commodities in Spain's economy rather than culinary history. Similarly, consumption patterns of rural versus urban areas apparently have not been studied. Market pricing and increased population density of cities undoubtedly increased prices in the urban settings. However, meat may have been more easily obtained in the rural settings where herds were maintained and




where hunting was common. Because the majority of domestic animals may not have been slaughtered until their utility as either wool or milk producers had waned, meat may have been hard to obtain despite the large herd sizes reported (see Vicens Vives 1969).
Although the place of meat in Spanish cuisine is open to debate, the prominent role of vegetable products in the Spanish diet is not disputed. The subsistence staples for all regions and socioeconomic classes were grains for bread, olive oil, and wine. Fresh bread, preferably wheat bread although rye and barley were available, was the main source of calories and was consumed with each meal, a practice that continues today (Manjon 1990:217).
Olive oil has been a staple since it was introduced to the peninsula by the Romans. The olive tree thrives in the shallow, chalky soils of the region, which are poorly suited for other agricultural products. The operation for harvesting and producing oil in the premechanized era was labor intensive and, therefore, expensive (Manjon 1990:18). Despite the expense of production, large quantities of olive oil were produced both for domestic consumption and for export to the colonies, especially during the sixteenth century (Morgado in Pike 1961:22). Olive oil served dual functions as both the preferred fat for cooking and as an essential subsistence item used both in marinades and for flavor.
Whereas bread and oil provided the major nutritional components of the diet, wine was considered an essential complement. Wine provided some calories, thereby contributing to the nutritional well-being of the Iberians. However, the consumption of wine was valued more highly as a means of distinguishing Spaniards from other ethnic groups. Wine was also an indispensable component of Catholic religious ritual. Wine production originally was concentrated in the northeastern area of Spain, but later expanded into the Andalusian plain and both the Canary and Mallorcan islands when the colonial demand for wine increased (Femnidez-Armesto 1982; Vicens Vives 1969).
Agricultural production of other fruits and vegetables was widespread throughout Spain. Vegetables that were grown include many types of beans, garbanzos, lentils,




onions, artichokes, cardoon, and peas. Mediterranean fruits were common including figs, oranges, grapes, apples, and apricots. Nuts, particularly almonds, were relished plain and as the foundation for many sweet desserts. Several of these crops were introduced to the Iberian peninsula by Muslims who colonized Spain during the Middle Ages (Watson 1974:20). Many of the spices that give Spanish food its distinctive flavor were also grown on a local level by the mid-sixteenth century after the Portuguese explorer Vasco da Gama introduced new spices to the peninsula (Manjon 1990:68). Those most commonly used were the bay leaf (laurel), coriander, cloves, cinnamon, cumin, and garlic.
The inability to acquire similar food items and flavorings in the colonial setting of the New World was potentially a source of consternation amongst colonists. By the end of the sixteenth century all Spanish colonial settlements had imported Old World plants and animals in an effort to develop both self-sufficiency and exportable commodities. The ability to recreate the foodstuffs of the Iberian homeland was dependent on the geography of the colonial setting and the cultures that were encountered. Other aspects of cuisine, such as the method of preparation or the time meals were taken, were subject to change also. The colonial patterns of Spanish cuisine that emerged reflect both pragmatic adjustment to prevailing conditions and resistance to change food habits that were perceived as being "Spanish".
Spaniards in the New World: Zooarchaeological Evidence
The archaeological correlates of Spanish colonization in the Peruvian Andes are just beginning to emerge; however, investigations in other areas of the New World have permitted more holistic reconstructions of Spanish lifeways. A substantial data base relevant to this study has been generated from the Caribbean (Ewen 1987; McEwan 1986; Reitz 1986, Reitz and McEwan in press), Spanish St. Augustine (Reitz 1992; Reitz and




22
Cumbaa 1983; Reitz and Scarry 1985), and from excavations of Spanish mission sites in the southeastern United States (Reitz 1990, 1991).
The site of Puerto Real, located in modern Haiti, was a sixteenth -century Spanish
town engaged in commerce within the Caribbean and beyond. The Spanish foodways and animal economics of the inhabitants have been examined by a number of researchers. Most recently, Reitz and McEwan (in press) have provided a synthesis of a number of previous studies that will facilitate comparisons with the Peruvian collections. The Indian population of Hispaniola was decimated completely within a few years of Spanish colonization. Consequently, large herds of cattle rapidly acclimated to the Hlispaniola environment because of the absence of both human obstacles to herd growth and large native domestic animals (Reitz 1986). The faunal data suggest that an Iberian diet was maintained with the addition of some new food items, particularly pond turtles and marine fishes.
Spanish St. Augustine has also been the subject of intensive zooarchaeological
research (Reitz 1992; Reitz and Cumbaa 1983; Reitz and Scarry 1985). Significantly, these collections span the sixteenth through eighteenth centuries, thus representing a greater chronological range than Puerto Real. In contrast to the pattern exhibited by the Puerto Real faunal collections, samples from the early occupations of Spanish St. Augustine consistently indicate that local faunal resources, particularly estuarine fishes and small game animals, were consumed. The absence of a reliance on Old World domestic mammals has been attributed to two factors: 1) high mortality rates for animals due to poor quality grasslands in the humid swampy coastal plain of northeast Florida and 2) irregular shipments of provisions from Caribbean supply centers. Primary historical accounts of the colonists frequently contain complaints that their diet was inadequate due to the unavailability of meat, despite archaeological evidence that a wide variety of fish and game were consumed (Reitz and Scamr 1985).




Settlement outside of St. Augustine during the seventeenth century included large cattle ranches and an extensive system of missions, some of which maintained large holdings of domestic animals. Although these enterprises may have been sources of meat for the town, the faunal material from a small sample of seventeenth -century contexts in St. Augustine indicates that the use of domestic meat did not increase (Reitz 1992:92). Rather, there was a continuation of the pattern established in the previous century that consisted of a reliance on wild animals and marine fishes with little use of domestic meat sources. Apparently, the cattle ranches and missions contributed little in the way of subsistence resources to St. Augustine proper. Analysis of additional samples from a greater temporal range of seventeenth century contexts may refine this conclusion (Reitz 1992:89).
Studies of faunal samples from excavations at the seventeenth century Spanish
missions also indicate regional differences in the use of resources (Reitz 199 1). Only in the western Apalachee province at the San Luis de Talimali mission do samples indicate a reliance on the use of domestic animals. This mission complex is somewhat anomalous in terms of its size, the range of personnel who occupied the mission including clerical, military, and indigenous individuals, and the commercial activities that took place such as tallow, lard, and hide processing (Reitz 1991:296). Therefore, meat supplies from domestic animals may have been more readily available at San Luis. In contrast, the basic pattern of faunal use throughout the other mission provinces is similar, consisting of a limited use of domestic livestock and extensive use of locally available wild resources (Reitz 1991:301).
The diversity of ecological habitats near St. Augustine, including an extensive estuarine system, in combination with low rates of survival for introduced domestic mammals, particularly caprines, resulted in distinctive patterns of adaptation by the St. Augustinians following social class and ethnic divisions (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983:185). Faunal material from eighteenth century households suggests that peninsulares, recently




arrived colonists born in Spain, attempted to maintain a diet more Iberian in character than either the wealthy or less affluent criollos, or individuals of Spanish descent born in the colony. Although both the higher status peninsulares and the more affluent criollos consumed a very diverse range of local resources such as wild game and estuarine fishes, peninsulares consumed a greater variety of Old World domestic mammals than did the criollo households. Lower class criollos had diets dominated by domestic mammals, especially cattle, and little reliance on local game or fish. Reitz and Cumbaa (1983) hypothesized that lower class Spanish households may have been unable to afford more diverse foodstuffs that required hiring hunters or fishermen.
The exploitation of animal resources in Spanish colonial Mexico, Central America, and other regions of South America has been reviewed by historical scholars (e.g., Borah 1954; Gibson 1964: Newson 1987; Poppino 1949); however, few zooarchaeological investigations have been undertaken (e.g., Emery 1991). Despite the need for zooarchaeological data from other geographical areas, particularly the valley of central Mexico, an assessment of the impact of New World environmental and altitudinal variability on the success of introduced domestic animals can be made through comparisons of faunal collections from the Moquegua wineries and Torata Alta with those from sites in the Caribbean and the southeastern United States. Comparisons of archaeological patterns among these three areas will allow a determination of the degree to which the Peruvian pattern conformed to the Iberian model of subsistence and how much it differed from other areas. The faunal collections of Puerto Real and St. Augustine exhibit variability due to the environmental conditions of these regions and the aboriginal populations that were encountered. The three geographical areas to be compared differ both ecologically and climatically. Nevertheless, the Spanish motives for the colonization of these areas were similar: the economic expansion of Spain's kingdom. The role of animal resources in this process and the emergence of mestizo patterns in the Andes have yet to be defined.




The Andean Physical World
Physical Setting of the Central Andes
One of the world's most varied and extreme environments is that of the Central
Andes. The region extends latitudinally from approximately northern Ecuador to northern Chile (20 north to 20' south). The Pacific Ocean forms the western boundary while the Amazon rain forest constitutes the eastern border. The areal expanse of land within the region is substantial, however, the most impressive feature of the territory is the extreme altitudinal variation, which ranges from sea level along the coast to mountainous elevations in excess of 6000 m.
The geographical terrain can be divided into three major zones (Figure 2-1 and Figure 2-2). The terrain and vegetation associated with these zones is a result of the juxtaposition of the Andean mountains and the Pacific coast. Ahtitudinal variation dictates the vegetational regimes that exist along this gradient (Beals 1969; Troll 1968); therefore, the occurrence of both natural resources and human settlement were influenced strongly by the climatic and topographic conditions.
The western zone consists of a desert coastal plain transversed by a series of fertile river valleys. Arable land is restricted to either the river valleys that flow from the sierra to the Pacific or those areas where irrigation canals can channel river waters to the desert floor. Agricultural products of cotton and maize can be grown in irrigated coastal plots. Portions of the coastal plain can also be cultivated during those rare occasions when climatic conditions cause desert blooms to occur. First, oceanic fogs or garua can cover the desert, resulting in temporary desert grasslands or lomas. And second, coastal rainfall associated with El Nifio conditions also can result in the formation of temporary lakes and ponds that can be cultivated or serve as pasture (Caviedes 1975).
Although arable coastal land is limited, the upwelling currents of the Pacific Ocean sustain one of the world's richest marine biomes. An abundance of marine shellfish and finfish was available in these waters as were other marine products such as salt, seaweed,




Figure2-1. Geographical Divisions of Peru.




cr 1
0

Desert = Sierra and highland j Tropical forest

Figure 2-2. Vegetational Zones Found at Different Elevations (modified from Winterhalder and Thomas 1978).




and fibrous reeds that were used as construction materials (Moseley 1975). Larger marine mammals, such as seals, porpoise, and whales, are also common in the Pacific waters. The coastal setting also serves as a rookery and feeding ground for large numbers of shore birds. The guano, or feces and indigestible refuse (pellets), of these birds has been an important natural fertilizer from prehispanic times to the present (Julien 1985).
The Andean mountain chain forms a central spine of the region that separates the
desert coast from the humid tropical forests of western Amazonia. The northern portion of the Andean chain is lower in elevation and has a higher rainfall than the southern portion of the range. The highland mountain valleys of the northern zone receive sufficient rainfall to produce a wide range of domestic plant resources, including maize, beans, grains, and potatoes (Moseley 1983b: 189).
The southern zone, near the modern Peruvian/Bolivian border and including the
Lake Titicaca basin, is composed of both steep mountain slopes and a high, broad plain, or altiplano. This southern, more arid zone is capable of supporting a greater population density than the northern tract both today and in the prehispanic past (Moseley 1983b: 185). Although the southern altiplano is an inhospitable environment because of high altitude and low temperatures, domesticated plants, including grains (quinoa. cafiihua) and tubers (potatoes, oca, ulluca), can be produced at elevations above 3500 m in the area known as the high sierra (Winterhalder and Thomas 1978). A greater diversity of plant products can be cultivated in the lower sierra (2500 to 3500 m) including maize, beans, squash, pumpkins, and grains.
It is also at the highest reaches of the altiplano above the limits of agricultural production (greater than 3700 m) that highland grassland, or puna, occurs. These grasslands are one of the major regions where domesticated camelids (llamas and alpacas) were maintained in prehistoric times. The puna habitat frequently contains bofedales or zones of highland springs that are inhabited by champa or lacksa-lacksa (Distichia muscoides), a compact, mat-like grass that is desired pasture for camelids (Kuznar




1991:37 1). The wild camelids, guanacos and vicufias, also occur in these highland areas, as do other wild mammals such as white-tailed deer, huemal deer, vizcachas, pumas or mountain lions, and foxes.
Steep mountain slopes descend into the tropical rain forest on the eastern edge of the Andean mountain chain. Abundant highland precipitation in combination with warmer lowland elevations produces a lush forest habitat. Complex river tributaries contain a high biomass of riverine fauna. Tropical domesticates of maize, chills, manioc, and fruits were cultivated on the eastern slopes. Human population densities were lower than in other areas; however, the region produced some indispensable plant products, particularly coca, which was used prehistorically and during the colonial era to mitigate some of the physiological stresses of life on the highland plateaus (Murra 1986). Physical Setting of the MQuegua Wineries and Torata Alta
The Moquegua Drainage is one of the southern-most river valleys of modern Peru. In this portion of the South-Central Andes, the coastal plain is a broad expanse that gradually rises in elevation to meet the Andean foothills. At the middle portion of the larger Osmore valley near the modern township of Moquegua, the Otora, Torata, and Tumilaca tributaries merge to form the single channel of the Osmore River in what is known as the Moquegua valley. A highly fertile strip of land measuring approximately 28 km northsouth by three quarters of a km east-west extends along the river's course before the channel descends underground in a series of springs. The Moquegua wineries are located along this fertile band approximately 70 km from the Pacific coast at an average elevation of 1800 m above sea level.
The site of Torata Alta is located approximately 14 km north of Moquegua in the Torata valley at an elevation of 2500 m above sea level. The site is located on a high plateau on the south slopes of the Torata River valley (Van Buren et al. 1993) overlooking the modern town of Torata. Although the site is at a slightly higher elevation than the bodegas, it lies within the arid low sierra based on the geographical scheme discussed.




Agricultural lands were probably terraced fields irrigated by canal systems that diverted waters from the Torata River. If irrigation systems were in place, the site is at an ideal elevation for the production of a diversity of foodstuffs, especially maize. During the colonial era wheat could have been grown.
Stochastic Environmental Stresses
In addition to the stark geographical contrasts of Peru. the region is subjected to frequent, yet rarely predictable, environmental disruptions of cataclysmic magnitude. The first of these is tectonism, including both gradual alterations of the earth's surface and high intensity seismic and volcanic activities. The Andean mountain chain is highly unstable because there is frequent uplift and thrust of the South American continental plates. Gradual tectonic uplift causes the displacement of canal irrigation systems, thereby resulting in the abandonment of agricultural land (Moseley 1983a). Although the effects of gradual tectonic modifications on the colonial Moquegua valley are not known, these forces probably contributed to the abandonment of lands that formerly were agriculturally productive. Today, the construction of irrigation canals is an ongoing process, indicating that older canals fall into disuse. There does not, however, appear to be widespread abandonment of agricultural lands in the wine-producing portion of the Moquegua valley based on examination of aerial photos (1970 series).
The more visible aspects of tectonism, volcanism and seismic activity, were a disruptive force for the southern Peruvian habitat on numerous occasions during the colonial and later historic periods. The eruption of the Huaynaputina volcano in midFebruary to early March, 1600 affected the entire Moquegua region. Volcanic ash traveled more than 50 km south from the eruption center to settle throughout the Moquegua valley. Ash fall is present in archaeological strata at both Torata Alta and several of the wineries. Locumbilla bodega provides evidence of construction prior to the 1600 ash fall and subsequent reconstruction during the seventeenth century (Smith 1991:200-201). Volcanic activity, including large-scale ash falls, would have devastated crops and caused hardships




for both humans and livestock. On a smaller scale, seismic activity at various times during the centuries of winery production was responsible for cracking the large earthenware jars or tinalas that were used for storing wine. Ultimately, a devastating earthquake is credited as one of the principal causes for the nineteenth century collapse of the wine industry (Rice and Smith 1989).
A second environmental phenomenon that is global in scale vet can have
widespread devastating effects in Peru is the climatic phenomenon El Nifio (the child) that usually begins around Christmas and lasts several months. In Peru an El Nifio is manifested by an influx of warm waters in the Pacific Ocean that override the cold upwelling waters normally associated with the Humboldt cur-rent off the Peruvian and Ecuadorian coast. With the influx of warm water enter a large number of tropical fishes not commonly found along the Peruvian coast. Concomitantly, many species comprising the dense marine biomass of the upwelling currents escape to deeper colder waters or they migrate to different latitudes in search of colder waters. The entire food chain is disrupted resulting in diminished size ranges and reduced reproductive success for many species (Cushing 1982). Consequently large numbers of marine fishes, of which anchovies are most important, are lost from human exploitation. Changes in the composition and density of mollusks, particularly shallow water species, also affect human subsistence strategies (Moore 1991). The repercussions are also felt by other marine fauna. For example. great die-offs of shore birds and marine mammals (e.g., sea lions, seals) frequently accompany El Nifio events due to the disruption of the food chain (Caviedes 1975).
The terrestrial consequences of an El Nifio are much more widespread. The climatic phenomenon causes a severe disruption to normal precipitation patterns. The highlands which generally experience an austral summer rainy season experience drought conditions that can last several months. Consequently, high and mid-altitude crops fail and large herds of highland animals are impacted when suitable pastures become barren.




The coastal desert is impacted by the reverse scenario. Torrential rains fall on the coastal plain resulting in severe flooding, crop destruction, and an increase in human diseases, especially tropical ailments such as malaria and leishmaniasis (Caviedes 1984). Record floods from excess rains have been documented in both recent El Niflo events and in the prehispanic past (Moseley et al. 1992; Nials et al. 1979). Water damage from flash floods are one consequence of coastal rainfall while catastrophic mud flows can also occur (Satterlee 1990; Moseley et al. 1992). Long term disruptions to human coastal settlements are perpetuated by the destruction of coastal irrigation systems that become either filled with mud or completely destroyed (Feldman 1983).
The bodegas project did not identify archaeological evidence of El Nifio events in the excavations. However, it can be assumed that the colonial residents of Moquegua were impacted by disruptive climatic conditions on more than one occasion based on historical accounts of El Nifio phenomena. A survey of historical sources by Quinn et al. (1986:13) reveal that at least seven strong or very strong El Nifios occurred during the seventeenth century alone with very frequent and widespread activity between 1607 and 1624. In contrast to the visible evidence of the Huaynaputina volcanic eruption, archaeological correlates of El Nifio have not been documented at either the wineries or Torata Alta; however, economic repercussions such as reduced trade with the coast or reduced food supplies from the highlands probably were experienced by the Moqueguanos at various times during the colonial era.
Constant Environmental Stresses
Introduction. Spanish colonization of the Central Andes resulted in European colonists encountering one of the worlds most extreme geographical regions. These habitats traverse elevations ranging from sea level along the Pacific coast to highland elevations in excess of 45(X) m. Latitudinally, the Central Andes are within the equatorial tropics. The harsh environment is characterized by high solar radiation, extreme diurnal temperature changes, frequent frosts, high wind, aridity, and low oxygen pressure (Lee




1972; Orlove and Guillet 1985). The contrasting pattern of the eastern tropical lowlands is one of high humidity, dense vegetation, high rainfall, and endemic malaria. The Old World domestic taxa that the Spaniards attempted to establish in these habitats would have been subjected to significant, and in some cases insurmountable, environmental conditions that would have induced physiological stresses. The following discussion explores the types of constant stresses that European introduced animals encountered and how systems of animal production were modified in response to these conditions. The reconstruction of animal productivity in the Central Andes is based on both modem animal distributions and knowledge of the effects of hypoxic conditions on both humans and animals. An historical perspective is provided through ethnohistorical accounts of the early Spanish introductions and archaeological evidence for prehispanic animal use. These data are used to hypothesize the types of stresses Spanish introductions would have faced.
Physiological responses to hypoxia. Of the biological stresses associated with life at high elevations, hypoxia (i.e., the availability of less oxygen than required) is the most detrimental from a physiological viewpoint because it affects all organ systems and physiological functions. It is also not easily altered by either behavioral or cultural responses (Frisancho 1981:102). Hypoxia results from any condition, physiological or pathological, that disrupts the supply of oxygen to the tissues. At high altitude chronic hypoxia results from the decreased partial pressure of oxygen (P 02) in the ambient air. For both native high altitude residents and the sea level immigrant, a variety of coordinated mechanisms operate to increase the oxygen supply and oxygen delivery to the tissue cells. The physiological effects of hypoxia become evident at altitudes greater than 3000 m for a body at rest; however, under conditions of work or exercise hypoxic conditions will be evident above 2000 m (Frisancho 1981:104).
Residents of lower elevations will experience a variety of symptomatic and nonsymptomatic effects upon migration to the highlands. These commonly include reduced work capacity, headache, dizziness, sleeplessness, shortness of breath, and nausea




(Baker 1978, 1982; Frisancho 1975, 1979). After the disappearance of the symptoms of acute mountain sickness, gradual adaptive responses develop. These can begin within hours after exposure and can take months or even years to fully develop. These responses differ in the timing or rate of development and the effect on various physiological systems.
Although a variety of physiological systems are affected, the following focuses on pulmonary functions, blood, anorexia or weight loss, and reproduction. Pulmonary functions are modified by high altitude. At elevations of 2500 m the depth of pulmonary ventilation increases (Sorensen and Servinghaus 1968). The function of increased pulmonary ventilation is to increase the partial pressure of oxygen in the alveoli and improve the oxygenation of blood that flows through the pulmonary capillaries (Frisancho 1981:105). Hypoxia stimulates chemoreceptors that trigger both increased pulmonary ventilation and quickened pulse rate.
Blood volume and hemoglobin production are modified greatly at high elevation (5000 m). A sea level human who migrates to a highland region will experience an increase in both red blood cell production and hemoglobin concentration (5 million to 7 million/cu mm at 5000 m). In conjunction, plasma volume decreases; therefore, total blood volume does not increase significantly despite the increase in red cell volume. The result of these processes is an increase in the viscosity of blood at high altitude as compared to sea level. The "thinner" blood of a recent immigrant exerts much strain on the heart as the heart must compensate for the more viscous blood by doing more work (Frisancho 1981:106). The increased heart rate will eventually subside for those organisms capable of acclimating to the higher elevations.
The increased oxygen-carrying capacity of blood at high altitude affects the ability of oxygen to combine with hemoglobin. Oxygen transport from the lungs to tissue is based on the ability of oxygen to combine with hemoglobin; however, the hemoglobin affinity for oxygen is inversely related to the partial pressure of oxygen. Therefore, at high altitude there is a decreased hemoglobin-oxygen affinity (Frisancho 1981:123). The




decreased affinity for oxygen of hemoglobin appears to be an adaptive response to hypoxia (Bullard 1972; Frisancho 1981).
Weight loss results from reduced food consumption or anorexia at elevations above 3500 m. Reduced body weight occurs not only because of reduced caloric intake, but is also caused by loss of body water (Hannon et al. 1976). Body fluid loss is greater at higher elevations due to increased urine output and greater water loss from the lungs associated with increased respiration. This weight loss occurs to recent immigrants over a short period of time (days to four weeks) and differs from reduced birth weight that is characteristic of subsequent generations of high altitude immigrants.
Nonsymptomatic effects for humans and all mammals include greatly reduced
fertility, especially at elevations greater than 4000 m. For males the effects include reduced sperm counts and increases in the number of abnormal sperm (Donayre 1966). The profound effects of high altitude on spermatogenesis appears to be related to alterations of testicular tissue. Tissue alteration (i.e., damage) resulted in laboratory controlled cat populations after a three day period of high altitude exposure and continued for up to six months (Monge 1948). The effects on women frequently include both disruption of the estrus cycle and the reduced fertilization. Disruption of the estrus cycle is apparently compounded by exposure to cold as evidenced by studies of rats subjected to hypoxic conditions alone and combined hypoxia and cold (Frisancho 1981:112). In addition if fertilization does occur, implantation can be hampered and developmental abnormalities are much greater (Clegg 1978). An additional common feature of all mammalian migrants to high altitude is reduced birth weight (Baker 1982).
Andean adaptations to hypoxia. Identifying and interpreting the stresses that Old World animals experienced in the Central Andes requires a knowledge of the prehispanic systems of domestic animal use and the adaptations (biological and physiological) that these animals had developed or that humans had selected for in the process of domestication. The environment of the region set the parameters within which the indigenous systems of




animal use functioned. However, humans are active agents capable of manipulating natural resources through such processes as plant and animal domestication and land modification. The indigenous cultures of the Central Andes possessed the most diverse inventory of domestic animals in the New World. These included the small domestic guinea pig, the dog, muscovy duck, and two species of New World camelids: the llama and alpaca (Wing 1986). The llama and the alpaca were both the foundation of a highland pastoral economy and were valued in religion, ritual, and as wealth and status items (Shimada and Shimada 1985). Pastoral activities were one component of the general economic system of verticality that involved the exchange of agricultural and horticultural products from different elevational zones (Guillet 1983; Murra 1968).
The Andean pastoral economy had functioned for several thousand years at the time of European contact thus indicating the evolution of a complex system of human/animal interaction in a region of environmental extremes. The llama and the alpaca both served a variety of functions. Today, the llama primarily inhabits high altitude plateaus (altiplano or puna) grasslands greater than 3000 m in elevation; however, in the prehistoric past llamas were bred and maintained in the coastal valleys (Shimada and Shimada 1985). The range of the alpaca is restricted to higher elevations generally greater than 4(X)0 m (Winterhalder and Thomas 1978). The llama provided a number of products, including meat, sinew, hides, dung, and served as a beast of burden. The smaller alpaca was highly valued for its fine wool, but also provided meat (Flannery et al. 1989; Franklin 1982; Orlove 1977).
The biological and physiological adaptations that the domestic camelids have
evolved are genetic rather than behavioral adjustments. According to Bullard (1972:222) all of the mountain mammals studied for physiological adaptations have been either rodents or members of the family Camelidae. There are five physiological generalizations that can be made concerning animals that are native to highland regions as compared to laboratory animals or humans adapted to chronic hypoxia:




1) the leftward position of the oxygen hemoglobin equilibrium curve when
compared on the basis of the P 50 body weight relationship curve; 2) absence of increased hematocrit ratio or hemoglobin concentration in the blood; 3) an expanded plasma volume when compared to the sea-level animals in exposure to chronic hypoxia 4) on the basis of limited evidence, a greater ability for the tissues to function with a low P 02 [oxygen partial pressure] or under anaerobic conditions, 5) again, on limited evidence, a greater ability to regulate tissue P 0"P by maintaining circulatory and respiratory function. (Bullard 1972:222)
In reference to number 1 above, most mammals will undergo both an increase in their hemoglobin concentration and their oxygen equilibrium curve will shift to the right during post-neonatal life. Significantly, and a probable factor contributing to adaptation to hypoxia, is the observation that during fetal and neonatal life most sea-level mammals possess the five adaptations found in high altitude natives of rodents and camelids. Although Bullard (1972) argues that it is far too simple a proposition to conclude that the native high altitude mammal is one that failed to grow up, the physiological evidence indicates that neotenic characteristics are retained by native highland mammals. Other major physiological adjustments to the conditions found at higher elevations include the development of both a much lower red blood cell mass and greater plasma volume for body mass in the camelids. The lower blood cell mass provides increased surface area for oxygen diffusion (Bullard 1972).
The camelids also possess several biological adaptations related to reproduction. Females are characterized by acyclic oestrus whereby ovulation is induced through copulation (Novoa and Wheeler 1984:117). Although some of the shed ova are not fertilized following mating, when fertilization does occur implantation of the embryo occurs only in the more highly vascularized left horn of the uterus (Fernindez Baca 1971) The evolution of reduced natality stress for females seems to be suggested by fertility rates that vary from 85% for the llama to 50-60% for the alpaca (Browman 1987). Births, which are always singular, occur only during daylight hours, an adaptation that may contribute to greater neonate survival.
Camelids also possess adaptations that allow them to efficiently utilize the available graze resources. The predominant type of graze materials available are ichu grass and a




variety of compact, spongy herbaceous plant species (cushion plants) common near the highland springs or bofedales. Llamas apparently consume greater quantities of ichu grass while alpacas graze primarily on the low compact plant forms (Winterhalder and Thomas 1978). The camelids are capable of metabolizing a greater amount of these high cellulose grasses than are introduced species, especially sheep (Vallenas 1970 in Browman 1987). Also, the plantigrade padded feet of the camelids are not destructive on the soft terrain of the altiplano (Ellenberg 1979).
The colonial record of stress. The Spaniards introduced species that were
extremely poorly adapted to the highland regions; therefore their survival was contingent upon acclimatization to the highland conditions. Alternatively, if acclimatization failed, Old World livestock could be established at lower elevations. Humans and other animals must have experienced both symptomatic and nonsymptomatic effects. Short-term symptoms can last from two weeks up to three months followed by acclimatization, the complex of processes by which animals adapt themselves to the environment in which they must live (Williamson and Payne 1978:18). Permanent acclimatization can involve changes in behavior, morphology, or physiology during the lifetime of an organism which may or may not have a genetic basis (Frisancho 1981). The ethnohistorical record and early colonial writings provides insights into the colonial period stresses that forced the modification of human settlement patterns and productive zones for Old World animals.
The same biological stresses experienced by Spaniards also would have impacted
their animal resources. The Spaniards established settlements at high altitudes including the Inca capital of Cuzco (3630 m) and the mining regions of Bolivia such as at Potosf (3969 m); however, settlement as lower elevations were apparently preferred. The movement of the Spanish capital from the highland setting of Jauja (3300 m) to the coastal setting of Lima (150 m) in 1535 reflects the Spaniards desire to occupy lower elevations (Dobyns and Doughty 1976; Monge 1948:34).




The Spaniards modified their behavior to adjust to various stresses. Spanish
women moved from the highland mining center of Potosf to lower elevations during the sixteenth century to increase fertility rates and to reduce spontaneous abortions and neonate mortality (de la Calancha 1639 in Baker 1969). At the sixteenth-century mining center of Potosf the native population of 100,000 continued to reproduce successfully; however, the 20,000 Spaniards either did not have children or their children did not survive. It was not until 53 years after the founding of the city (1598) that the first Spaniard was born. The birth was not attributed to acclimatization of the Spaniard women, but rather, the miraculous workings of Saint Nicholas of Tolentino (de ]a Calancha 1639 in Monge 1948:36). Intermarriages between the native population and the Spaniards of the mining district have been credited with facilitating the adaptive success of subsequent mestizo generations (Monge 1948:38).
Although human movements to lower elevations did occur, efforts were made to establish animal resources in higher elevations for meat and by-products preferred by the colonists. Significantly, the primary graze lands for animal resources were in the highland regions. Available land at lower elevations was valued for agricultural production. Efforts were made to establish sheep and cattle in the highland areas (Gade and Escobar 1982; Orlove 1977). Pigs apparently were allowed to revert to a feral state in lower desert elevations and were not under controlled production during the colonial period (Vassberg 1978). In the central and coastal elevations, llamas probably came into direct competition for resources with European taxa, especially pigs and goats. The modern concentration of domestic camelids almost exclusively in the highlands may represent animals that were displaced from a variety of habitats during the colonial period (Shimada and Shimada 1985).
The ethnohistoric record indicates that by 1557 all of the major Old World species were established in Peru (Cobo 1979; Fernan Gutierrez in Bishko 1952; Garcilaso de la Vega 1966) (Table 2-1). The failure of European animals to reproduce in the highland




Table 2-1. First Observations of Old World Species in Peru (source Garcilaso de la Vega
1966: 512-587).
Pigs 1532
Horses 1532
Sheep 1536-1538
Goats 1536-1538
Cattle 1539
Oxen 1550
Old World Camels 1555-1615
Donkey 1557
center of Jauja, the original Spanish capital, was reported to the Spanish governing body, the cabildo, in the 1530s
nor anywhere in the upland could pigs be raised nor mares nor fowls because of the great cold and sterility of the land and because we have
seen by experience among the many mares that have dropped colts their
offspring usually die (Libros de Cabildos de Lima [1534-1539] in
Monge 1948:34-35).
Significantly, Father Cobo's (1897) sixteenth century account of the valley of Jauja indicates that acclimatization eventually did occur in the region as large quantities of pigs and chickens could be raised there in the later sixteenth century to supply Lima with meat. However, Cobo also noted that horses suffered high mortality rates in the higher colder regions.
Modern distributions of Old World mammalian taxa. The majority of published
accounts have focused on the viability of sheep and cattle at high altitudes as these two taxa have "successfully" adapted to the highland areas and been incorporated into pastoral economic systems (Browman 1987; Gade 1975; Orlove 1977). Modern distributions of mammalian species indicate the effective altitudinal limits of the introduced animal resources. The historical record indicates that animals imported to many highland regions failed to acclimate and deteriorated. The following discussion presents information on the viability of the Old World taxa in the modern Andean environment and biological information concerning the physiological factors that are responsible for the distributions.




Suidae (pigs). Pigs are nonsweating animals that possess poorly developed
temperature control mechanisms (Williamson and Payne 1978:309); therefore, they are very sensitive to diurnal temperature changes. These temperature control mechanisms are less developed in neonates. The attrition rate of a litter of twelve to sixteen unacclimatized piglets would have been substantially high. Pigs prefer humid areas with large amounts of shade (Williamson and Payne 1978:309); however, at least one thickly "furred" pig was observed by Dr. Elizabeth S. Wing (personal communication) at high elevation (4500 m). Undoubtedly, pigs were introduced to highland settlements during the early colonial period; however, their demise may have been rapid unless human intervention provided pigs with temperature-controlled environments such as enclosed areas near the main household structures.
Equidae (horses, donkeys. and mules). According to Baker (1982:131), horses are the third most common Old World species found in the highland zones; however, neither donkeys nor mules are generally found there for extended periods. Horses that are imported from the lowlands will undergo a period of reduced work capacity. Their offspring will not suffer from this symptom; yet, they are commonly smaller than their lowland ancestors. The ability of horses to occupy the altiplano suggest that these animals have undergone dietary adjustments as well. Horses will graze, but their diet is generally supplemented with oats or rye, neither of which can be grown at higher elevations. Horses on the altiplano have either adapted to dietary change or they are supplied oats and rye from lower elevations. Other equid species of donkeys and mules are ubiquitous in the Andean region as beasts of burden. An explanation for their absence from highland regions as permanent residents is not known (Baker 1982).
Bovidae (cattle, oxen). Cattle, the second most common nonindigenous herd animal in the Central Andes, are common to elevations of approximately 3500 m where they provide meat and milk and serve as draft animals. At elevations greater than 40(X) m cattle are susceptible to a fatal form of pulmonary edema known as Brisket Disease in




which fluid fills the lung tissue, eventually causing respiratory failure and death (Baker 1982:131). Cattle also exhibit higher calf mortality rates than either sheep or the camelids, possibly from their slight fur covering (Winterhalder and Thomas 1978). Those that have successfully adapted to the highland are generally smaller in size (319 kg) than their lowland counterpart (454 kg) (Rouse 1977:111, 119).
Bovidae, tribe Caprini (goats, sheep). Domestic goats, a species well-adapted to mountainous terrain and vegetation, are common in the lower sierra slopes but are rare in highland grasslands. Baker (1982:131) suggests that goats are adapted to hypoxic conditions: therefore, their uncommonness on the altiplano is difficult to explain.
Herds of sheep were established in the altiplano of Peru and Bolivia to provide wool for local use (at least until the 19th century) and mutton. Today sheep are the most numerous animal species in the Central Andean highlands (Baker 1982). Acclimatization followed periods of reduced fertility and the production of small-sized individuals. Although they remain small in size, they can be herded at elevations over 4000 m and commonly graze in the same areas as camelids (Flannery et al. 1989: Orlove 1977).
Although both sheep and cattle can be considered fully acclimated to the highlands, they both are more prone to population crashes as a result of stochastic environmental stress, such as drought, than are the camelids. At higher elevations sheep and cattle experience increased neonatal mortality, reduced fecundity, wasting or weight loss, and sheep produce poor quality wool (Browman 1987). Undoubtedly, these perturbations would have been more severe during the early historic period when acclimatization was still in progress.
Fowl: domestic and wild. The effects of high altitude on avian species are less well known than for mammalian taxa. According to Baker (1982:130), there were no domestic fowl species at high altitude that were regularly used for food at the time of the conquest. Today, there are wild species of fowl that appear to be adapted to the highlands; however, domestic species continue to be severely affected by high altitude. There are few domestic




species found above 4000 mn as incubation above this level is extremely hampered (Baker 1982). Baker reports that domestic chickens had a hatchlingY rate of only 16% in controlled studies of chickens at a simulated altitude of 4000 mn in the United States. Selective breeding and incubators appear to be necessary for fowl production in the highlands, a proposition that is highly improbable for highland Peruvian peasants.
Implications for the archaeological record. The archaeological record of early Spanish colonial settlement provides a diachronic perspective on the success rates of introduced animals to the regions of the Central Andes. Mid-sixteenth century settlements at all elevations should contain the remains of a variety of Old World taxa based on historical accounts. Colonial archaeological contexts at high elevations (3000 mn and above) should provide a greater diversity of faunal species in the earlier contexts with a decline in diversity following the presumed inability of animals to acclimate and reach productive levels. Although the Moquegua winery and Torata Alta samples are not from sites characterized by extreme high altitude conditions, they fall within the range at which physiological stress would be induced under work conditions. They are also characterized by latitudinal and desert stresses of extreme aridity, high solar radiation, large diurnal temperature changes, and rocky terrain. High altitude stress also undoubtedly influenced the selection of animals used in trade and transportation to the highlands, especially for trade to the Potosf m-ine. According to modern biological data, both pigs and domestic fowl would be restricted most in their elevational distribution. Acclimatization of cattle, sheep, and horses should be evident by their distribution at both mid and higher elevations. Today at elevations over 30(X) m traditional herding systems remain intact with the incorporation of European species of primarily cattle and sheep. The archaeological record should document early colonial animal distributions and provide insights into the process of acclimatization that Old World taxa underwent during the colonial era. With archaeological data it may be possible to reconstruct the process that resulted in the modern distribution of Andean livestock.




In addition to species diversity an assessment of the impacts of high altitude stress on individuals will be made through the use of biological methods that determine the size of individuals represented in the archaeological record. On the average individuals born at high altitude are smaller than their lowland counterparts. Therefore, one can hypothesize that Old World animal individuals represented at the wineries and Torata Alta would be smaller than those occurring at lower elevations. Data collected from the Peruvian samples will be compared to faunal samples with measured elements from other Spanish colonial sites in nonal ti tudin ally stressed habitats, specifically, Puerto Real, Hispaniola (Reitz 1986; Reitz and McEwan in press.) and Spanish St. Augustine (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983: Reitz and Scarry 1985). In addition to the sizes of the individuals represented at the Moquegua valley, the composition of the assemblage in sterns of animal diversity, both indigenous and imported, will be used to infer whether potential highland stress was a factor in selecting animals used for transportation of wine products to extreme highland regions such as the Potosi silver mine.
Prehispanic Cultural Setting of the South-Central Andes
The prehispanic cultural systems that evolved in the South-Central Andes are among the most complex in the New World. The central Andean region witnessed the proliferation and subsequent demise of multiple hierarchical, tributary cultures characterized by craft specialization, monumental architecture, and economic specialization including the domestication of plants and animals. These social systems began to evolve on the central Andean coast roughly five thousand years ago and culminated in the emergence of the Inca state at approximately A. D. 1470. The development of these cultures reflects the evolution of specialized economic systems adapted to the unique physical conditions of the central Andean region.




The economic systems that characterize Andean cultures are the product of historical development in this complex ecological setting. Systems of production, organization, and technologies evolved, and were maintained, in order to assure the survival and reproduction of a culture. The subsistence system of a culture is the foundation of the economic realm. Food production, the production of surplus food, and the development of subsistence systems in which all individuals need not participate in food procurement or production allowed the proliferation of nonsubsistence aspects of the economic realm to occur. Specialists for craft production and organizational control emerged in the Andean cultures when an abundant food supply was available.
The physical environmental of a culture provides the parameters within which the economy evolves. The environment exerts various types of pressure (e.g., climatic. topographic, biotic) on human cultures. However, humans possess the ability to alter or modify environmental conditions through such activities as plant and animal domestication, construction of irrigation systems, or technological innovations. The economic and subsistence systems that developed in the prehispanic cultures of the South-Central Andes reflect adaptation to the climatic and topographic harshness of the region.
The availability of resources in discrete altitudinally defined zones fostered the
development of a unique economic system that was designed both to buffer against times of hardship or resource failure and to assure that a variety of products from different ecological zones could be obtained. The economic system whereby resources produced in a specific ecological zone are exchanged for products from other zones has been termed verticality (Murra 1968, 1985) or ecological complementarity (Shimada 1985). These two terms are used interchangeably hereafter. There has been much debate in the archaeological literature over both the nature (direct versus indirect verticality) and the prehistoric political implications of this economic system of exchange (see Stanish 1992). The following discussion outlines the probable functional scenario employed in vertical exchange and briefly reviews the relevant arguments in regard to the precolonial Moquegua region.




Ecological complementarity is an economic system that is dependent on the exchange or acquisition of resources from a vertical territory. The system probably evolved as a form of seasonal transhumance prior to the domestication of plants and animals (Rick 1980). Resources later came to be exchanged over a vertical territory, rather than the movement of individuals with the origins of food production through domestication. In its broadest sense, verticality has been interpreted as a risk management system for survival in a "difficult" environment (Browman 1987a, 1987b; Guillet 1983Mayer 1985). Guillet (1983) emphasized that flexible social arrangements, or ones that involve little division of labor by age and sex, and diversification through mixed productive strategies allow humans to use their labor effectively and reduce risks. Significantly, institutions for the organization of land and labor are among the most unique features of verticality.
Researchers have debated the functional mechanisms of verticality based on the
distribution of resources. For Murra (1972) resources occurred in different "islands" that were stratified vertically. Alternatively, Brush (1976) has argued that Andean patterns of zonation can either be compressed, as in short narrow valleys, or they can be of the island type proposed by Murra. Regardless of the degree of compaction or extension of a territory, resources are restricted to specific altitudinal zones. Their distribution results from the topographic and climatic pressures that define the limits of agriculture and herding activities as discussed in the previous section.
The mechanisms by which peoples were able to gain access to these different
resources remains open to debate. Murra's (1964,1968) original verticality hypothesis, based primarily on sixteenth century ethnohistorical accounts of the Lupaqa kingdom located in the highland region of Lake Titicaca, proposed that different ethnic groups practiced a form of direct, and coercive, colonization of territories along a vertical axis. In this scenario, individuals from ethnic groups moved into new territories situated at different elevation to extract resources for the homeland colonizing force. The objective was for




colonists to establish control of many different territories or islands resulting in a "vertical archipelago" of territory.
In Murra's scheme the organization of labor was a unique Andean feature. The ayllu, an endogamous corporate communal structure, was the unit of organization in the Inca period and developed early in the evolution of highland social groups (Moseley 1992:5 1). This structure kept property and labor within the ayllu and made decisions concerning land use, settlement disputes, and the redistribution of resources such as chuho (freeze dried potatoes) and charqui ( dried camelid meat). One of the most important responsibilities of the ayllu leaders would have been to control pasturage rights and access to communal lands needed for camelid herds. The control of resource production was through a centralized political hierarchy during the Inca period; however, the unit of production was still kin-based (Collins 1983). Food surplus was produced to support a ruling elite, craft specialists, and a military complex.
Agro-pastoralism was a major component of the Inca economy and its
predecessors. In addition to the domestication of numerous plant species, prehispanic Peru possessed the widest range domesticated mammals in the Americas, including llamas, alpacas, guinea pigs, and dogs (Wing 1986). All of the larger camelid herds were the property of the ruling elite and were maintained by the citizens as part of their mit'a or state tax obligations (Garcilaso de la Vega 1966). Alpaca herds were raised primarily for their fine fleece and meat. Llamas would have been used for both products such as meat, wool, sinew, and dung (Flannery et al. 1989; Orlove 1977) and as pack animals for long-distance transport in the mountainous terrain (Nufiez and Dillehay 1978). Individuals would have owned smaller herds of camelids for their family needs of meat, fiber, and dung for fuel. Other resources that would have been amenable to small scale familial production (i.e., not subject to exchange) include the cuys (guinea pigs) and fowl.
Subsequently, the model of verticality through direct colonial control has been criticized on two major accounts. First, the model can be viewed as a historically




constructed scenario that fails to consider the social upheaval that the Lupaqa experienced as a result of Spanish colonial settlement. A second criticism is that the model has been transformed from a hypothesis to be tested with archaeological data to an economic ideal that is uncritically projected onto all Andean populations in prehispanic and colonial space and time (Stanish 1992:4).
An alternative model of verticality argues that exchange-based relationships between independent political entities was the means whereby goods or resources were exchanged between territories. This model of indirect verticality was initially proposed by Rostworowski de Diez Canseco (1977, 1981) and applied and expanded by Shimada (1985). Rather than colonization of distant lands, trade (reciprocal exchange) of goods was accomplished between independent craft specialists, fisherfolk, or agriculturalists. This model shares a similarity with Murra's direct verticality model in that both are based on ethnohistorical accounts from the South-Central Andean region.
Most recently, Stanish (1992) has proposed that both models, direct and indirect, are not competing economic concepts; but rather, both are variations of Andean zonal complementarity strategies (Stanish 1992:5). It is argued that the main drawback in testing these models has been, and continues to be, the inability to confidently identify material correlates of either direct or indirect verticality in the archaeological record (Stanish 1992:5). Although it is beyond the scope of this research to review the methods proposed for such a research strategy, the colonial zooarchaeological materials from the Moquegua valley can be used to aid in determining whether Andean verticality continued to function during the Spanish colonial era.
The zooarchaeological data from the wineries and Torata Alta will not be used to determine whether the strategy employed by the occupants of these sites was direct or indirect verticality; but rather, whether any form of vertical resource exchange continued during the colonial era, particularly beyond the sixteenth century. The prehispanic archaeological record of the Otora valley, one of the tributary drainages located at a higher




elevation than the Moquegua valley, suggests that indirect exchange with both the coastal and highland regions was well established in the Late Intermediate (Estuquifia-Inca) period sites based on the archaeological recovery of fish bone, marine shell, and abundant camelid remains in midden deposits (Stanish 1985, 1992). Undoubtedly, this system was altered with the establishment of Spanish colonial settlements and industry in the South-Central Andes. The historical record of Spanish settlement discussed in the following section provides insights into the changes that occurred in the region. The composition of the Moquegua faunal samples is used to help determine whether verticality remained a viable economic strategy for the colonial inhabitants.
Clearly the most unequivocal evidence for vertical exchange would be the recovery of animal remains in habitats other than their natural range. Examples include the presence of marine items or tropical lowland resources in the samples. If remains of marine products are identified, we can assume that trade continued with the coastal populations. Although the majority of valuable tropical products were botanical ones, tropical animals such as peccaries and tropical birds may have been traded.
The continued exchange of products from highland zones may be more difficult to discern using zooarchaeological data alone. In regard to the South-Central Andes, it is difficult to determine from which ecological zone were derived the camelids represented archaeologically. Today camelid herds are concentrated in the highlands where large grasslands are most abundant. Whether camelids were bred and maintained at lower elevations, especially the coastal valleys, is open to debate. Shimada and Shimada (1985) argue that prehistoric herds were raised in the coastal valleys, particularly along the north coast of Peru. They argue that camelids at lower elevations came into competition for food resources with European introduced cattle, goats, and especially pigs; therefore, the modem concentration of camelids at higher elevations reflects post-conquest changes in the distribution of native domesticates. The ethnohistorical record of the coastal valleys is cited as supporting evidence for this hypothesis. According to Cieza de Le6n and Garcilaso de




la Vega (in Shimada and Shimada 1985:21), by the year 1600 all domestic camelid herds inhabiting lower elevations were decimated by either Spanish introduced llama mange or other diseases.
More recently, Van Buren (1993) conducted stable isotope analyses of a sample of camelid remains from Torata Alta in an effort to determine the habitat in which the camelids were raised. Although the isotopic signatures of many Andean plants has yet to be compiled, Van Buren (1993:203-205) drew the cautious conclusion that the Torata Alta camelids were highland imports based on the stable carbon isotope values. This conclusion is consistent with sixteenth century historical sources that indicate highland herds from the Titicaca Basin were traded to lowland populations in exchange for agricultural products (Van Buren 1993:204).
Although it is difficult to distinguish highland-reared animals from those raised at other elevations based on osteological data alone, the age classes of the camelids may provide insights into whether camelids were maintained at the sites or whether they were traded from other zones. If the archaeological contexts contain the remains of camelids representing a range of age classes from juvenile to aged adults, it would suggest that camelid herds were maintained in the Moquegua or Torata valleys. Alternatively, if the camelid remains represent only adult individuals this could serve as evidence supporting exchange with highland centers.
Data on the exchange or trade of resources from other ecological zones are used to aid in determining the degree of self-sufficiency that the Moquegua wineries and Torata Alta experienced during the Spanish colonial period. Evidence for the maintenance of vertical trade networks would both refute historical sources indicating that this system was greatly modified and would provide a model for the colonial transition to a capitalistic export economy.




Spanish Colonial Settlement of Peru
The Hisp~anization of Peru
The motives and methods of the Spanish settlement of Peru are similar to other regions of the New World. Economic incentives, specifically the drive to accumulate wealth, lured the majority of Spanish colonists to Peru. These avaricious desires were fulfilled in 1545 by the discovery of the New World's richest deposit of silver located in the highlands of modem-day Bolivia. Exploitation of the Lerro (hill/mountain) of silver in Potosf set in motion the most lucrative economic undertaking in all of the Americas. The economic and social repercussions of silver mining in Potosf encompassed virtually all of the New World and fueled the nascent capitalism of Europe.
Almost all aspects of Peruvian economy were related to the mining operation either directly through activities such as refining, transportation, and providing provisions or indirectly through the political and administrative decisions made in cities outside of Potosf (Bakewell 1984, 1987). The social consequences were equally profound, especially for the Indian populations that either were required to provide labor for the mining operations or were wage workers attempting to increase their personal wealth (Bakewell 1984, 1987). Indian populations were often displaced great distances from their homelands to be employed in extremely hazardous activities. Indigenous populations that migrated to mining towns are said to have acculturated rapidly due to the predominance of Spanish material wealth (Bakewell 1987:249). One can hypothesize that the more commonly adopted Spanish traits were material culture, particularly clothing. Bakewell (1984:188) also suggests Indian wage earners may have undergone acculturation when they adopted the role of intermediaries between the Spaniards and the coerced native labor forces.
Despite the predominance of aspects of Spanish culture in the mining centers and accelerated rates of acculturation, the demographic composition of mining regions was characterized by an overabundance of male colonists and Indian laborers, some of whom brought their families. The social structure of the frontier mining towns contrasted




dramatically with the demographic composition of both the large urban centers of Peru, most notably Lima and Arequipa, and the smaller rural towns. iEspanic traits and institutions, transplanted during the early years of colonial settlement, were more common in the larger cities. By the mriid-sixteenth century Spanish colonists inhabiting Lima had emulated European society in regard to social stratification, folk customs, court etiquette, and material wealth (e.g., housing, dress) (Lockhart 1968:225). Even in the larger cities gender ratios were unbalanced due to the excess of young unmarried males; however, Spanish women constituted a larger portion of the Peruvian population than most other New World colonial centers (Lockhart 1968:226).
There was apparently little assimilation on the part of Spaniards in the larger cities. The diary of Josephe Mugaburu, a soldier assigned to guard the royal palace in mnidseventeenth century Lima, indicates that the rigid hierarchical system of social stratification between peninsulares, creoles, mestizos, Indians, and slaves persisted (Miller 1975:8-9). These class distinctions endured through the colonial era and gave rise to political and economic conflicts in the eighteenth century (Brown 1986:106- 108).
The degree of Spanish social structure maintained in the more isolated rural
settlements of the Peruvian coastal valleys was probably intermediate between that of the larger urban centers and the mining districts. It is evident from Davies's (1984) reconstruction of colonial landownership in Arequipa that these individuals and families perceived themselves as hispanic and therefore distinct from the indigenous population. The large landed estates established by many of the religious organizations, especially the Jesuits (see Cushner 1980), sought to maintain hispanic traditions of social stratification. However, the isolation of the rural estate was not conducive to the maintenance of many social institutions that were important to the urban dwellers. The aspects of social life (e.g., education, marriages, funerals, fiestas) that distinguished the Spaniard from other ethnic groups were less elaborate in the rural setting.




The less rigid social structure of rural life contributed to mestizo unions between
either Spaniards and Indians or Spaniards and African slaves. The mestizos and mulattos born of these interactions constituted a new peasant class, especially on many of the larger rural estates (Brading 1987:152). In other geographical areas intermarriages between Indian elites and wealthier Spaniards resulted in a type of 'provincial elite" (Spalding 1984:223). Despite the frequency of intermarriages, the Spanish crown refused to revoke its ruling prohibiting Spaniards from living among the Indians. The acculturative effects of mestizo unions are not well documented. From a political standpoint, these unions exacerbated the conflicts between criollos and peninsulares in the eighteenth century as mestizos attempted to gain power and control (Brown 1986).
Although the maintenance of Spanish customs and social standing was important to the colonists, the Andean world and the nature of the colonial encounter exerted new pressures on indigenous and colonial populations, resulting in the emergence of a distinctive Spanish Andean culture. The demographic composition of the colonial population was one such factor. Although the colonial immigrants represented the different geographical regions and social classes of Spain, members of the Spanish peasant class (i.e., agriculturalists and farmers) were the least well represented in Peru. Consequently, Indians and African slaves were more commonly engaged as either domestic or agricultural laborers than were Spaniards (Lockhart 1968:228). The roles of Indians and slave laborers as transmitters of Andean and African cultural traits are poorly understood. Although Spanish social and agricultural activities predominated, non-Spaniards acting as agents of acculturation were undoubtedly influential in the formnation of colonial Andean culture. Land. Labor. and Economiy
The ascendancy of Spanish industry and economy in the rural areas resulted from the interaction of two variables: land and labor, specifically Indian labor. The colonial relationship between land and labor was fluid as a result of the combined forces of royal decrees, declines in Indian population, and increases in the colonial needs for labor and




land. The evolution of these systems are briefly reviewed based on the works of Keith (1976), MacLeod (1987), and Morner (1987).
Following the conquest, the crown attempted to de-emphasize the need for slavery by granting the Spanish immigrants encomiendas, or rights to Indian labor. This system was in place until the end of the sixteenth century; however, the tremendous depopulation of the Indian work force following both the introduction of Old World disease and abuse by the Spaniards forced the crown to modify the labor system. The repartimiento emerged as an assignment of labor for the performance of specific tasks. The repartimiento was essentially the precolonial Andean system of mit'a labor (precolonial draft or labor tax) performed under Spanish supervision. The vast majority of repartimiento service was in the Potosi mine and related activities. Even though this system was corrupt from its inception, it endured through the seventeenth century. With the abolition of the repartimiento, large numbers of Indians who had been moved from their homelands became wage workers whereas others were employed as sharecroppers, yanaconas, in an Andean system corrupted by the Spaniards. The development of free labor occurred first in the cities and involved specialists such as wood carvers and silversmiths. Eventually, free labor expanded to the rural estates where Indians and mestizos were frequently employed as skilled workers in ranching and agriculture (Morner 1987).
Concomitant with changes in labor was the reorganization of land ownership.
Spaniards either forced Indians from the lands or as the Indian population declined lands were taken over. The possession of an encomienda grant served as a rationale for the acquisition of land from Indians occasionally through purchase, but more often through seizure. The surviving Indian population migrated to the higher elevations where land was much more rugged and the altitudinal effects made the land much less desirable to the Spaniards (Keith 1976).
Some land grants were given in the sixteenth century: however, the greatest period of land acquisition was during the seventeenth century. The most prized lands were within




the fertile coastal river valleys where eventually large haciendas were established for the production of sugar, wine, and to a lesser degree olives, rice, cotton, and fodder crops of oats and alfalfa (Morner 1987). Outside of Arequipa within the fertile valleys of the countryside, agricultural enterprises proliferated to provide provisions for both the expanding Arequipan population and the silver mines. One of the most profitable agricultural enterprises in the rural countryside was the wine industry; although sheep and cattle ranches as well as the production of comestibles were common. The majority of rural property owners were from wealthy Arequipan families who had received land grants during the sixteenth century. The possession and profitability of rural estates was viewed by Arequipans as a means of achieving and maintaining social standing and influence in the colonial world (Davies 1984:164).
The initial seizures of land took place on the outskirts of the cities for the production of food crops and livestock. The separation of indigenous populations from their land was also achieved through the politically sanctioned actions of Viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo beginning in the 1570s. Toledo sought to alleviate potential rebellions and to gain greater control of Indian production by consolidating Indian populations through forced resettlement into "reduced villages" or reducciones (see Spalding 1984; Wightman 1990). Ostensibly, the objectives of the Toledo system were to make the Indians easier to manage, govern, and to provide with religious instruction. Indians were not permitted to return to their settlements, a decree that was guaranteed by Spanish destruction of the original villages (Spalding 1984:214).
The organization of both indigenous control and production was not to be altered in the reducci6n. The Andean systems of organization based on the ayullu was unaltered. Command of the reduced population was controlled by local kurakas, or chiefs, who were promoted to the status of lessor nobility by the Spaniards (Spalding 1984:220). The kurakas served as intermediaries between Spanish officials and the Indian population. As representatives of colonial authority the kurakas were educated in the Spanish tradition,




spoke Spanish, and adopted many of the Spanish material trappings including ownership of land and stock raising (Spalding 1984:220).
In regard to the production of foodstuffs, crops could be grown on land outside of the reduccidn settlement while fruit crops were permitted to be grown within the village (Spalding 1984:2 14). The Spaniards encouraged the Indians' production of European fruits and crops in order to supply themselves with both familiar food items for consumption and with tribute items that could be exported for profit. The management of native domestic animals was altered as well in the reducci6n system. Males, who traditionally maintained llama and alpaca herds, were encouraged to engage in agriculture on the reducci6n rather than practice vertical herding (Gade and Escobar 1982). In addition to changes in herd management, recent studies also suggest that control of camelid breeding was disrupted. Comparisons of modern coarse-fibered llama fleece with prehistoric llama samples dating approximately 900 to 10(X) years ago suggest that selective breeding of finefleeced llamas declined probably beginning in the colonial era (Wheeler et al. 1992).
Although the Toledo reforms were intended to allow the Indians to continue the production of goods for their own use, Spanish demands for surplus goods further stressed the declining Indian populations. Little effort was made by the Spaniards to integrate the Indians into the economy. Rather, an extractive economy was imposed on the precolonial Andean system (Spalding 1982). In light of the declining population and excess demands by the Spaniards, the Indians began to disperse from the reducciones in the early part of the seventeenth century (see Wightman 1990). Complaints by the Spaniards were unsuccessful in soliciting royal assistance to resettle the Indian populations (Spalding 1984:225). As the population declined, the Spaniards relied less on indigenous systems of production that had been so critical for their survival in the earlier periods.
Another development that had major repercussions for the communal structure and eventually freed a large labor pool was the rise of individual private property from lands that originally had been held in communal ownership (Celestino 1987). Intermarriagzes in




the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries between Spaniards and Indians created pressure for the establishment of private land ownership. Eventually, legislation decreed that former communal plots were private property. This land came to be owned by a few, consequently, a large labor force was required to seek wage employment in other areas such as on large estates, in coastal towns, or in the mines (Celestino 1987). This decree also led to an alteration of herding practices as communal lands that had been accessible for pasturage were closed to herders.
Once colonial cities were established and the mining industry accelerated production, Peruvian economy developed a regional interdependence for foodstuffs and supplies. Different geographical regions emerged as the centers of production for a variety of essential agricultural and livestock products. The divergence between rural and urban economy was related to the contrast between the specialized agricultural and livestock production that characterized the rural environs and the role of urban cities as distribution centers for importing and exporting products.
The most profitable economic activities of the urban centers were related to
transporting provisions to and from the Potosi silver mine. The port cities of Linma and Arica located in modern north Chile prospered as a result of the movement of goods through the cities (Morner 1987:293). Prior to the opening of the Arica port, all trade to and from Potosi was routed by land through Arequipa thus bolstering the local economy (Davies 1984). Land transportation in the mountainous terrain was accomplished by either llama or mule caravans that used the elaborate and well maintained precolonial road systems. Exchange in the Andes was thereby transformed from a reciprocal system to a mercantile one aimed at producing profit (Pease 1985:152).
The agriculture and livestock that flourished on large rural haciendas and smaller
landholdings were distributed along altitudinal gradients such as those that were used in the precolonial economy. The production of resources was no longer motivated by the need to exchange complimentary products, but rather, by a desire for profit; therefore production




was more intensive. The entire array of fruits, vegetables, and fodder crops that Peruvian colonists imported (see Brown 1986; Crosby 1972: Keith 1976) were planted within the altitudinally discrete production zones of the region. Agricultural products were particularly sensitive to water requirements and frost. The Mediterranean crops of sugar, wine, and olives prospered most in the lower reaches of the irrigated coastal river valleys. In contrast, essential grains of wheat, barley and oats could be grown at elevations up to roughly 3500 m (Winterhalder and Thomas 1978). Significantly, Andean food crops, especially maize, continued to be produced, often side by side with Old World foodstuffs (Morner 1987:307). The production of crops employed a combination of Andean and European technology. For example, the harness plow proved to be of limited use in many locations due to the rugged topographic conditions. Among the Andean technologies that were employed are the chakitaclla (foot plow) and the use of guano (shorebird dung) as a fertilizer. Guano, an organic substance rich in nitrates, was collected on the coast and transported inland great distances during the colonial period for use as a fertilizer, particularly for maize (Julien 1985). Altitudinal features also dictated the zones where Old World animals could be established (see discussion of Constant Environmental Stresses this chapter). The role of animal resources in the colonial economy is addressed in greater detail in the following section.
The Role of Animal Resources in Spanish Peru
Immediately following the conquest, Old World species imported from Mexico quickly expanded across the Andean landscape (Borah 1954). Early ethnohistorical accounts of Peru indicate that the exotic Spanish-introduced taxa rapidly became visible on the Andean landscape (Garcilaso de la Vega 1966). By the 1550s ranches were so well established that manufactured goods came to be the main imports (Borah 1954). The Spaniards created pasture lands for a variety of Old World species including sheep, burros, goats, and cattle (Crosby 1972; Orlove 1977). The combined forces of Andean geography,




existing herding practices, and the economic desires of the colonists influenced where animals were established.
Apparently there were also status differences associated with certain geographical regions and the types of livestock that were raised. According to Lockhart (1968:25) the estancieros (ranchers) who maintained large livestock encomiendas outside of Lima during the mid-sixteenth century occupied the lowest position in Spanish Peruvian society. These individuals commonly were Canary Islanders or Portuguese settlers who spent most of the year living in the Indian villages herding goats, sheep, pigs, or cattle and collecting tribute. In contrast to this subservient position, local kurakas in control during the seventeenth century often sought to increase their status through the ownership of livestock herds (Spalding 1984:220). Gade and Escobar (1982:338) also argue that the Spaniards who occupied the highland reducciones in the Department of Cuzco discouraged Indian participation in commercial livestock herding because they desired to keep this enterprise for themselves as they had in Mexico.
If one considers the Central Andean region as a whole, different areas emerged as centers of colonial economic activity related to either specific animals or their products. The development of textile shops (obrajes) where Spaniards required Indians, primarily females, to produce woolen textiles is one example. Obrajes were established in the precolonial past for the production of camelid woolens and cotton textiles that served as tribute under the Inca state (Moseley 1978:197). The Spaniards adopted this system in the sixteenth century to collect textile tribute made from either camelid or sheep fiber. Textile production as a form of tribute prospered until the Indian population declined in the midseventeenth century (Morner 1987:305). The earliest concentration of shops was near Quito in Ecuador where other industry such as mining did not exist (MacLeod 1987:353); however, textile shops flourished throughout highland rural society in both northern and southern provinces (Morner 1987:305). The large mixed herds of domestic camelids and




sheep that had become common in the highland puna habitats by the mid-seventeenth century supplied the required woolen fiber.
Prior to the eighteenth century, textile production was either coercive based on
Spanish demands (Murra 1982) or primarily for internal needs. By the first half of the eighteenth century mills near Cuzco and Cajamarca were producing cloth for a lucrative export economy (MacLeod 1987:353). This trend continued into the nineteenth century when Peru became one of the leading suppliers of raw wool, both camelid and sheep, to the industrialized centers of England (Orlove 1977). One can hypothesize that the economic changes in wool production are related to both the rise of private ownership of land and herds in the seventeenth century and the collapse of Spanish trade restrictions in 1778 that opened Peru to trade in a variety of products.
Cattle ranches were established in many of the Central Andean valleys at lower
elevations. Cattle ranching in Peru never achieved the same degree of commercial success that characterized either the Caribbean or Mexico. However, large ranches that were established first on the Peruvian coast during the sixteenth century to alleviate shortages of meat eventually were moved to the sierra (Keith 1976). Undoubtedly, hides were produced on the larger estancias and cattle were employed for traction where topography permitted; however, the greatest value of cattle was as a supplier of tallow that was used in the manufacture of candles, an essential item in the deep mine shafts. The South American cattle ranching center that grew in the central region of Chile was the main source of colonial tallow used in Peru (Morner 1987:299). In contrast to Mexico where cattle herding was controlled by Spaniards, Gibson (1987:393) argues that Indians participated more in Peruvian cattle ranching because of preconditioning or "psychological preparation" from llama herding.
Horses, burros, and mules were imported to Peru in the sixteenth century. Horses accompanying Pizarro's forces in 1532 introduced the Andean inhabitants to a new breed of animal. Garcilaso de la Vega (1966) notes that donkeys were first observed in the




Cuzco valley in 1557. The tremendous increase in colonial land commerce necessitated the use of large caravans of sure-footed beasts of burden. The Spaniards relied on the indigenous llama during the early colonial years. Although the llama was the more experienced beast in the Andes, mules are reported to have been adopted for ground transportation by Indian caciques as early as the sixteenth century (Pease 1985:148). The importation and procreation of both burros and mules greatly increased the number of animals that were available for the movement of goods in the mountainous terrain. The vast plains of the Rio de la Plata area emerged as the eighteenth century supply center for mules used in the Andean region (Morner 1987:3 11).
Other animals that were imported, but served only as subsistence items, include pigs, goats, and chickens. The scale of production for these animals was considerably less than that for sheep, cattle, burros, and mules which also served in other economic capacities. Other lesser creatures that were either intentionally or inadvertently imported to Peru are cats, dogs, and rats (see Crosby 1972). In modem Moquegua all of these animals have found niches for themselves as either roof dogs, sewer rats, or the elusive nocturnal felines.
Another important consequence of Spanish settlement was the opening of commercial markets that included the sale of butchered meat. Archival studies have documented colonial restrictions regarding the processing and sale of meat and meat by-products in public markets. The cahildo (Spanish governing body) enacted legislation in the sixteenth century to assure that the meat sold in the Mexico City markets was disease-free, properly weighed, and registered (Dusenberry 1948). Similar decrees were issued in seventeenth century Lima to guarantee that meat sold in the public markets was neither inaccurately weighed nor resold by secondhand retailers (Miller 1971:124, 300). Apparently, the sale of meat to Indians was also restricted during periods of scarcity, especially during the sixteenth century (Keith 1976). Similar restrictions may have been enacted for the Moquegua market during periods of economic hardship.




It is important to note the negative effects associated with the importation of Old
World taxa. In contrast to the less destructive, plantigrade, padded hooves of the camelids, the hooves of the Old World herbivores trampled the delicate highland terrain thereby contributing to erosion (Ellenberg 1979). Introduced sheep also contributed to the decimation of the native livestock through the probable introduction of disease, most notably the scab mite which causes mange (Flannery et al. 1989:102-103). Not only were the herd sizes reduced by imported pestilence, the distribution of Andean domesticates also contracted following the conquest. The concentration of Spanish agriculture and industry in the coastal valleys forced the native herders to retreat to higher elevations. Archaeological evidence for prehistoric llama breeding on the north coast of Peru (Shimada and Shimada 1985) and prehistoric llama and alpaca breeding on the south coast (Wheeler et al. 1992) supports the contention that modem herds are much more restricted in their distribution than was the case in prehispanic times.
It is not known what role colonial economic demands, desires for particular subsistence items, or altitudinal selective pressures played in shaping the faunal composition of the colonial Moquegua valley. Presumably animal resources were also graded along the elevational features of the landscape; however, no previous archaeological data on animal use during the colonial period have been compiled. This zooarchaeological analysis provides empirical data on temporal, functional, and spatial changes in Spanish colonial animal resource use in the Moquegua region.
Spanish Colonial Industry and Lifewavs in the Moquegua and Torata Valleys The Spanish Colonial Wine Industry of Moquegua
The economic and social focus of life in the Moquegua valley from the late sixteenth to the late nineteenth centuries was the wine industry. Reconstructions are presented on both how the wineries functioned based on the architectural remains that still stand in the valley and when wine and wine products were produced based on historical records. This




discussion draws largely on the work of Rice and Ruhl (1989) and Smith (1991). The reader is referred to these sources for additional information on the winery complexes.
Spanish colonists arriving in the New World sought to recreate familiar foodstuffs by planting European crops and importing animals to their new homelands. Prior to the establishment of crops or their products, the colonists were dependent on shipments of supplies from Spain. The Spanish thirst for wine during the sixteenth century was unquenched by the imports due to accelerated rates of spoilage onl the long journeys from Spain and inadequate quantities of wine shipped to the colonies. Consequently, vinestock from the Canary Islands was transplanted to Mexico in the first half of the sixteenth century. Vines were brought to Peru by the mid-sixteenth century with full-scale wine production occurring in both the Moquegua valley and much of coastal Peru by the end of the sixteenth century (Hyams 1965: Cushner 1980).
The Moquegua wine industry was characterized by a boom and bust economic cycle as a result of natural disasters, trade restrictions, war, and pestilence (Brown 1986; Rice and Smith 1989). The fledgling wine industry was disrupted by a volcanic eruption and earthquake in 1600. A minor economic rebound took place during the seventeenth century when markets for wine and wine products opened in both the highlands near Cuzco and in Lima where wine was commonly exported to New Spain. The Spanish protectionist efforts to prohibit the expansion of the Peruvian wine market apparently were not successful in either the New World or Spain. Although trade restrictions were enacted to prevent the export of wine to Mexico, contraband trading was responsible for the movement of large quantities of Peruvian wine (Cushner 1980). Peruvian wines apparently were carried as far as Spain. Townsend (18 14:323) reports that he consumed Peruvian wine while on his travels through Spain in the late eighteenth century.
A new era of profitability did not emerge until the mid-1700s when renewed trade with the highland mining centers of modern-day Bolivia bolstered the economy. The mideighteenth century trade more commonly involved the export of brandy (pisco). a distilled




beverage made from fermented wine (Brown 1986:77). The wine industry flourished until the second half of the nineteenth century when the combined effects of more earthquakes, the Pacific wars with Chile, and infestation of vinestock with phylloxera, an aphid that attacks grape vine roots, contributed to the demise of the wine industry (Rice and Rul 1989; Rice and Smith 1989). Today, wine and pisco production are minor components of the valley's economy where less than 2% of the arable land is planted in vines (ONERN 1976:650 in Rice and Ruhl 1989:500).
An understanding of wine production in the Moquegua valley has resulted from identification, survey, mapping, and excavations of wineries by the Moquegua Bodegas Project (Rice and Smith 1989). Field observations of both large earthenware vessels used for wine storage (tinajas) and well-preserved adobe ruins of former winery complexes sparked interest in the archaeological potential of the wine industry. A survey program initiated by Dr. Prudence Rice in 1985 resulted in the identification of one hundred-thirty bodegas in the valley (Figure 2-3). During subsequent field seasons, shovel test excavations were conducted at twenty-eight wineries and more intensive excavations were carried out at four sites (see Smith 199 1). This project constitutes the first large-scale historical archaeological project conducted in Peru. The analysis of material recovered in the excavations has resulted thus far in the identification of colonial patterns of material culture (Smith 1991), kiln function and distribution (Van Beck 1991), and botanical use (Jones 1990).
Winery ruins located throughout the valley contain several similar architectural features (see Rice and RuhI 1989, Rice and Smith 1989). The winery complexes are comprised of multiple cane-roofed adobe structures. The spatial arrangement generally includes structures in combination with open courtyards, presumably where either live animals could be maintained or products could be loaded for transport. Several of the sites have buildings that presumably served as residential areas while chapels have been identified at a small number of sites. Most of the wineries were constructed on bluffs along




65
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Figure 2-3. Location of Wineries Identified in the Moquegua Valley.




the east and west sides of the valley in nonagricultural lands: however, in the upper, flatter portion of the valley wineries are located on cultivable lands.
A series of industrial features related to wine production occur at most bodega complexes. Grapes were first placed in vats (lagares) where either foot crushing or mechanical devices were employed to reduce the grapes to juice (mosto). From the lagares the mosto was transferred to the large earthenware tinajas where fermentation would take place. At least one large room containing several rows of tinajas that were partially buried below ground surface was present at each winery. Once fermentation was complete, the wine was ready for consumption or for distillation into either pisco brandy or aguardiente (fire-water). Distillery equipment (falcas) were located on adobe platforms usually a short distance from the tinaja rooms. Kilns, also present at several of the wineries, were used to manufacture the large tinajas as well as the smaller boijas ("olive jars" or coarse earthenware jugs used for shipment or storage). Calcination kilns are also associated with some of the wineries (Van Beck 1991:79-81).
In addition to the production of wine, the industrial portion of the wineries
employed a variety of animals in different capacities. The most essential use of animals was for transportation of wine products. Pack animals, either mules or llamas, are commonly cited as having been employed to transport wine or brandy to the highlands (Pease 1985:152: Kuon Cabello 1981:373, 384). The life of an Andean pack animal during the colonial era was not particularly humane. Early eighteenth century accounts indicate that spare mules were often brought along journeys in the event that an animal would tire along the strenuous routes which were lacking in both pasture and water (Frazier 1713 in Kuon Cabello 1981:384). The continual death of pack animals is said to have littered the Peruvian roads with as many mule skeletons as footprints (Kuon Cabello 1981:384). The constant need for replacement animals fueled the mule centers of Chile.
Perhaps the most common industrial role of animals was the production of goatskin winebags that were used for the transportation of wine. Goatskin bags (odres) were




introduced to Moquegua in the mid-eighteenth century as a replacement for the heavy clay botijas that undoubtedly broke frequently (Kuon Cabello 1981:366). The interiors of the skins were treated with tar (brea), a process that no doubt imparted additional savor to wine and brandy that already boasted an infamous reputation throughout the New World (see Crosby 1967:331).
In addition to the burros and mules that served for cargo and transport needs,
sheep, goats, heifers, and bulls commonly were maintained on the wine haciendas (Kuon Cabello 1981:373; Cushner 1980:71-73). Domestic herds apparently were grazed on the lomas vegetation near Ilo that would bloom following the austral winter rainy, or rather drizzle, season. Horses were employed for the numerous trips that were made between the field and the residence (Kuon Cabello 1981:373). Historical sources have provided little information on the number of livestock that were present at any particular bodega for a specific time. However, one quantified account of livestock holdings is recorded in Alonso de Estrada's will issued in Moquegua in 1610. According to this will, Estrada's estate included seven mules, nine burros, and approximately two hundred fifty goats (Kuon Cabello 1981:361). Some of the wineries possessed alfalfa fields to provide pasturage for horses and cattle (Frazier 1713 in Kuon Cabello 1981:373), however, it may have been necessary to maintain large herds of domesticates on pasturage outside of the valley proper.
Historical sources provide some insights into how animals were employed at the wineries. In contrast, very little historical information is available on the dietary role of animals in Spanish Peruvian colonial history, particularly in the rural settings such as the Moquegua valley. One can certainly hypothesize that a hierarchy of food distribution existed on both the larger haciendas where slave labor was common and the smaller rural estates that relied most on sharecropper labor. The zooarchaeological record should help elucidate both the dietary and economic uses of animals that characterized the Moquegua wineries.




Torata Alta in the Sixteenth Centuiry
Torata Alta differs from the Moquegua wineries in function, architectural plan,
ethnicity of the occupants, and duration of occupation. The site, located approximately 14 km northeast of Moquegua at an elevation of approximately 2500 m in the dry lower sierra habitat, sits on a hilltop over the Torata River, a tributary of the Osmore River that runs through the Moquegua valley (Figure 2-4). The architectural plan of the site consists of a gridded layout containing twenty-five rectangular residential blocks or kanchas each containing a varied number of rooms. The blocks or kanchas are separated by a regularly spaced grid of streets (Van Buren et al. 1993:137; Van Buren and Btirgi 1990:51). The north central portion of the site contains a rectangular plaza while a church has been identified in the northeast quadrant. The architectural plan and construction techniques contain both Inca and Spanish colonial elements. It remains speculative as to whether the site was constructed as part of Inca expansion into the Torata valley or whether it was constructed entirely under Spanish decree to serve as a reducci6n where the indigenous population of the valley was ordered to settle (see Van Buren 1993).
Archaeological investigations by both Programa Contisuyu and Proyecto Bodegas including site survey, mapping, surface collection, and excavation examined when the site was constructed, the duration of occupation, and socioeconomic variability within the site (Van Buren 1993: Van Buren and BUrgi 1990). The greatest concentration of excavations were placed in the southeastern quadrant where the longest occupational history was present. Excavations indicated that the site was occupied during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Ash fall from the 1600 eruption of the Huaynaputina volcano suggests that the majority of the site was abandoned by the late sixteenth century. Occupation in the southeastern quadrant continued into the seventeenth century: although the entire site was probably abandoned by 1620 when the lower portion of the Torata valley was settled (Van Buren et al. 1993).




Location of Torata Alta within the Osmore Drainage (modified from Aldenderfer and Stanish 1993).

Figure 2-4.




The recovery of both Late Horizon Chucuito ceramics and European material goods led researchers to postulate that the site was established either under the control of the Lake Titicaca Lupaqa or under Spanish control during the sixteenth century (Van Buren 1993; Van Buren and Bdirgi 1989:80). The historical sources examined and material remains found at Torata Alta suggest the site's population probably derived from the altiplano; however, the precise ethnic identity of the inhabitants has remained somewhat elusive (Van Buren 1993:235).
The site may have functioned as a corn-producing center established either in the Late Horizon or early colonial period based on the identification of several batanes or grindstones. Textile production also appears to have been a major economic activity based on the recovery of large numbers of spindle whorls (Van Buren 1993, Chapter 4) It is not known what other types of economic activities took place at Torata Alta. Beginning in the seventeenth century the Torata valley became a center of foodstuff cultivation that serviced both the Moquegua valley and the highlands. Spanish acquisition of cultivable land in the valley may have contributed to the abandonment of Torata Alta.
Although it is still open to debate when and by whom Torata Alta was settled, the
majority of evidence, both archaeological and historical, indicates the site was occupied by an indigenous population with cultural and economic ties to altiplano populations such as the Lake Titicaca Lupaqa. Therefore, analysis of faunal material from Torata Alta is considered to provide baseline data on the use of animal resources by indigenous populations during the early colonial period. If Torata Alta functioned as a colony of highland inhabitants integrated into a vertical exchange network, the faunal assemblage should contain a diversity of species that were acquired from different ecological zones. Analysis of the recovered zooarchaeological materials will also help determine if Spanish animal resources were present in the earliest occupation of the site and if so, other potential economic activities that might have taken place at Torata Alta.




S ummarv
This chapter provided a review of the cultural, historical, and environmental setting of the study area. A variety of cultural and environmental factors affected the emergence of Spanish colonial culture in the South-Central Andes. The Iberian background of the colonists in combination with the indigenous systems encountered in the colonial setting gave rise to unique patterns of colonial culture. The use of animal resources in the colonial Andean setting is one aspect of culture that was subject to change based on the types of animals that were imported to the new setting, their rates of survivorship, and the indigenous resources that were encountered. Although a variety of physical/environmental factors set the parameters within which Spanish Andean colonial culture would develop. the colonists also made choices concerning the subsistence and economic uses of animals.
This study uses our knowledge of colonial history and Andean cultural history to identify several research topics that will be examined through the analysis of the faunal material. First, to what degree were indigenous resources Incorporated into the colonial system? If native resources were used, were these resources acquired from other ecological zones thus indicating that some degree of ecological complementarity was maintained during the colonial era? Second, did the Andean environment affect either the viability of the introduced fauna or the sizes of the imported domestic fauna? Third, what were the economic and subsistence roles of animals on the colonial bodegas? The frequency of native resources versus imported fauna are used to assess the degree of selfsufficiency or dependency that the colonial population experienced. These data are used to determine how closely the Spanish colonial pattern of animal use conformed to the Iberian model as well as how much it differed from other areas of Spanish colonial settlement in the New World.




CHAPTER 3
MATERIALS AND METHODS
Archaeological Contexts
The Moquegua Bodegas Project was initiated in 1985 with the objective to
document the historical and archaeological significance of the Spanish colonial wineries in the Moquegua valley. Under the auspices of this program, survey, mapping, historical (archival) research, shovel testing, excavations, and analysis were conducted at the wineries. Information on these different stages of research have been reported by other scholars. For information on the survey results the reader is referred to Rice and Ruhl (1989). Detailed information on the program of mapping, shovel testing, excavations, and artifact analysis at the wineries is presented by Smith (1991). Relevant historical data, primarily aimed at identifying locations of sixteenth-century occupations, have been compiled by L6pez and Huertas (1990). The archaeological contextual and temporal data presented here are derived from these previous studies.
Torata Alta has also been the subject of archaeological study by a number of
researchers. Members of Programa Contisuyu, C. Stanish (Stanish and Pritzker 1983:9) and G. Conrad, completed the initial survey and mapping of the site. The Moquegua Bodegas Project conducted test excavations and completed additional site mapping in 1987. Subsequent surface collection and excavations were conducted by the Moquegua Bodegas Project (Van Buren 1993; Van Buren and Bfirgi 1990; Van Buren et al. 1993). The most comprehensive report on the archaeological excavations and material culture is provided by Van Buren (1993). Temporal and contextual information for only the bodegas and Torata Alta archaeological contexts from which faunal materials were selected for analysis are reviewed here.




Excavations that were conducted at four of the Moquegua wineries and at the site of Torata Alta were aimed at determining the occupational histories of the sites, identifying different activity areas within the sites, and recovering material remains that could be used to reconstruct Spanish Andean colonial culture. Efforts were made to locate sixteenthcentury deposits in order to permit comparisons with other geographical areas of Spanish settlement in the New World. These excavations produced an abundance of faunal material. I selected a subsample of the recovered faunal material based on three criteria. First, all disturbed contexts were excluded from the analysis. Second, an effort was made to select contexts that represented the functional and temporal range of the sites. And third, all bodega contexts dating to the sixteenth century were included in the analysis. The following discussion briefly identifies the contexts selected for zooarchaeological analysis for each site. Appendix A presents data on the units, levels, temporal placement of the analyzed contexts, and volumetric information on the fine-screened samples. Moquegua Wineries Samples
The Moquegua Bodegas Project conducted large-scale archaeological excavation at the central valley sites of Locumbilla and Estopacaje, the Chincha bodega located in the southern portion of the valley, and the northern valley site of Yahuay (Figure 3-1). Architectural remains are present at all four sites. These sites were selected for excavation based on both the results of a program of shovel testing conducted in 1987 (see Smith 1991, Chapter 5) and historical data suggesting that sixteenth-century occupations were present (see L6pez and Huertas 1990).
The most significant differences within and between the winery deposits are the
degree of preservation and the temporal ranges of the contexts. Temporal assignments into Early, Middle, or Late categories are based on two major chronological markers (Smith 1991:87). All Early contexts are those below the ash fall from the February 1600 Huaynaputina volcanic eruption. Although the earliest historical references to wineries in the Moquegua valley are from the late sixteenth century (see Smith 1991, Chapter 2), Early




Figure 3-1. Location of the Four Excavated Wineries.




contexts date from the initial colonial settlement of Moquegua in 1541 to 1600. Middle contexts span from approximately 1600 to 1775 when European-manufactured ceramics with known dates of production came into use. All Late contexts post-date 1775 and extend to the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Temporal assignments provided by Smith (1991:323-334) are included in the contextual information presented in Appendix A. "Analytical units" comprise all deposits assigned to a single time period for each excavation unit, block, or trench.
The size of excavation units varied depending on the objectives of the excavation.
Units most commonly measured 2 m x 2 m in open or unrestricted areas while smaller units measuring 1 m x 2 m were more common along standing structures. All of the excavations followed natural stratigraphic zones. Arbitrary levels were used only in upper levels of disturbed materials or in those instances where natural layers could not be discerned. Soil samples were collected from features, such as hearths, and defined areas of soil disturbance for processing with fine-meshed screens (1/16", 1.70 mm). All other faunal material was recovered with 1/4" (6.35 mm) mesh screens.
The following discussion outlines the winery excavations and information relevant to the faunal samples. For more detailed information on the excavations see Smith (1991). Locumbilla bodega
Excavations were conducted at Locumbilla over the course of three field seasons (1987-1989); thereby, producing the largest faunal collection from the bodegas. Faunal material from a total of twenty-four excavations units were analyzed (Appendix A) (Figure 3-2, Table 3-1). These units include two trenches and a Block Excavation in an area of dense sixteenth-century deposits. A total of forty-three analytical units (ten Early, twentyfour Middle, and nine Late) are present based on the temporal assignments. The faunal analysis includes eight fine-screened samples from features, post holes, and particularly rich midden deposits.




Figure 3-2. Analyzed Contexts from the Locumbilla Winery (source Smith 1991).




Table 3-1. Excavation Units with Analyzed Faunal Material. Locumbilla Winery (Numbers
Correspond to Shaded Units on Figure 3-2).
Unit Designation Excavation Unit
1 957N/1061.5E
2 962.5N/1056.5E
3 980N/1061E
4 953.5N/1059.5E
5 948.5N/1045.5E
6 953.5N/1045.5E
7 954.5N/1050.5E
8 957.5N/1050.5E
9 955.5N/1048E
10 957.5N/1061.5E
11 957.5N/1050.5E
12 961.5N/1046.5E
13 959.5N/1048E
14 962.5N/1056.5E
15 1010N/1040E
16 1003.5N/1040E
17 1000N/1020E
18 961.5N/IO1000E
19 942.5N/1026.5E
20 959.5N/1028.5E
21 959N/993E




The excavations were placed in areas of both domestic and industrial activity;
however, better preserved faunal materials were generally found in areas farther from the residential structures. This probably relates both to the continual occupation of the residential portion of the site by various itinerant parties, particularly in recent years, and to patterns of trash disposal. The Locumbilla excavations produced the largest sample of pre1600 deposits including evidence of both domestic and industrial refuse as well as structural remains (Smith 1991:205). These deposits are concentrated in the southeastern portion of the site. The majority of the Early Locumbilla contexts are from this sector.
Large-scale excavations were also conducted in the northern portion of the site where the buried ruins of a colonial period kiln were located (see Rice 1994; Van Beck 1991). After the kiln fell into disuse both general debris and refuse from other areas of the site apparently were used as fill. Faunal material from only the 1987 excavations of this area are included in the analysis.
The Chincha bodega, located in the southern portion of the valley, was excavated during the 1988 field season. Faunal material from eleven excavation units representing twenty analytical units were analyzed (Appendix A). The majority of analytical units are from either Middle period (n=10) or Late contexts (n=9). Only one Early context is included in the analysis.
One excavation unit placed in the southern portion of the site produced a substantial deposit of bone refuse. The unit was located in an open industrial area to the west of two tinaja rooms (Figure 3-3, Table 3-2). Unit 1017N/1009E contained both a deep lens of bone approximately 60 cm deep (Zone D) and a definable pit feature of bone (Feature 5). Post-depositional burning apparently took place in the area resulting in the presence of a large quantity of burnt bone in a segment of Zone D. In addition to butchered bone refuse, the deposit also contained a large amount of scrap leather such as rawhide straps and hide portions suggesting that animal and hide processing took place in this area.




Figure 3-3. Analyzed Contexts from the Chincha Winery.




Full Text

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ECOLOGICAL IMPERIALISM IN THE SOUTH-CENTRAL ANDES: FAUNAE DATA FROM SPANISH COLONIAL SETTLEMENTS IN THE MOQUEGUA AND TORATA VALLEYS By SUSAN DAGGETT DEFRANCE A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1993 UNIVERSiry OF FLORIDA immiEs

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Copyright 1993 by Susan Daggett deFrance

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS A number of funding agencies and individuals made this research possible. The survey, testing, and fieldwork were conducted under grants awarded to Dr. Prudence M. Rice by the National Endowment for the Humanities and the National Geographic Society. Additional research was made possible by a National Science Foundation Dissenation Improvement Grant (No. BNS-9020973) and a Sigma Xi Grant-In-Aid of Research. Funding provided by the University of Florida, Department of Anthropology, included a Charles H. Fairbanks scholarship and several teaching assistantships. The Florida Museum of Natural History, Anthropology Depanment, provided research assistantships, employment, and lab space for a large portion of the analysis. The field portion of the project was gready facilitated by several organizations in Peru. The Museo Peruano de Ciencias de la Salud in conjunction with the Instituto Nacional de Cultura (INC) authorized and granted permission for the excavations conducted by the Moquegua Bodegas Project within Programa Contisuyu. Permission for the shipment of the faunal collections to the University of Florida was granted by the INC. Omar Benites Delgado of the Moquegua branch of the INC, Sonia Guillen of the Lima branch of the INC, and Lucho Watanabe assisted with obtaining permission for the export of a ponion of the faunal collections for further study. The Southern Peru Copper Corporation provided housing, vehicles, and various infrastructural support for the project, as well as hospitality. German Moron was particularly helpful in negotiating cargo transport of a portion of the faunal material. Academic advisement for this project and my doctoral research in general has benefitted from interactions with my supervisor)' committee members. My chair. Dr. Elizabeth S. Wing, has selflessly shared with me her wisdom, motivation, support, and

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friendship as I pursued this degree. Zooarchaeological research, and this project specifically, have benefitted from the scholarship provided by Liz Wing. This project could not have been completed v^ithout the academic resources Dr. Wing has built with the Environmental Archaeology Laboraton,'. Dr. Prudence M. Rice served as director of the Moquegua Bodegas Project and committee member. Dr. Rice welcomed me to the bodegas project and subsequently provided support for two seasons of fieldwork in Moquegua. Despite the fact that 1 exhibited an inability to distinguish modern dogs from pigs and sheep from goats during our fieldwork, Dr. Rice's faith in my zooarchaeological talents persisted. Pru has commented on various reseitrch proposals, provided a wealth of data on the project, and graciously returned to Gainesville for my defense. My initial interest in the Andean region resulted from conversations with Dr. Michael E. Moseley concerning the maritime cultures of the coastal region. While I eventually pursued a historical dissenation topic, my understanding of the Central Andean region has resulted largely from classes and di.scussions with Mike Moseley. As director of the Programa Contisuyu, Mike also established and helped maintain the ongoing archaeological research in the area. My other committee members assisted this project. Dr. Kathleen Deagan's research and that of her students on the iirchaeology of Spanish colonial settlement have provided the baseline data and established standards for historical archaeology. Her criticisms and comments reflect her diverse knowledge. Dr. Ron Wolff, Depanment of Zoology, served on my committee and provided insigthful editorial comments on my dissertation. Other University of Florida faculty and affiliates at other institutions have also contributed to this research. Dr. Betsy Reitz, University of Georgia, read a draft version of my dis.sertation and provided exceptional comments and criticisms. Betsy's research, which is of the highest caliber, has been a genuine inspiranon. I hope my zooarchaeological endeavors approach her high degree of .scholarship. Dr. Bill Marquardt,

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has been a source of scholastic insights, occasional employment, and friendship. Dr. Jane Wheeler has provided new insights on camelid domestication and recent results of her analyses of camelid breeds based on DNA reconsffuctions. Jane is also conducting a DNA analysis of a sample of camelid bones from the Locumbilla bodega and Torata Aita. Dr. Kent Redford commented on early versions of my research proposal. Several individuals involved in the fieldwork. provided information, friendship, or both. Greg Smith, who supervised the bodega excavations, provided invaluable contextual information, most imponant of which was the temporal placement of the contexts. Mary Van Buren provided similar data for the site of Torata Aha. Greg and Mar\'. along with Peter Burgi. Sara Van Beck, John Jones, and Larry Kuznar, contributed to productive and memorable field seasons in Moquegua. The myriad undertakings performed by Gloria Salinas de Ponugual during various field seasons, particulariy 1991, are appreciated. The Valcarcel family is also greatly appreciated for their hospitality as are Antonio Biondi and the Moquegua men's soccer team. At the Florida Museum of Natural History several individuals in the environmental archaeology lab contributed to the completion of the project with either their expenise or their suppon. Particulariy helpful have been Sylvia Scudder. Laura Kozuch. Marc Frank, Irv Quitmyer, Lee Newsom, and Tim Young. Irv Quitmyer and Diana Mathiessen also deserve thanks for their assistance in computer matters. Ariene Albert of the Pound Human Identification Lab made an X-ray of a pathological dog element from one of the sites. A variety of other museum personnel assisted with identifications of problematic fauna! elements or provided access to their collections. They include Kun Auffenburg. Bob Chandler, Gar>' Morgan, Tom Webber, and Laurie Wilkins. A portion of the drafting was done by skilled cartographer Jan Coyne, Department of Geography, University of Florida. Illustrations of bone elements were drawn by Sue Ellen Hunter. Wendy Thorton and Ken Booth completed the final formatting of this dissertation.

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My education and completion of this project have benefitted tremendously from my interactions with other students and colleagues at the Florida Museum and those in the Depanment of Anthropology. Most notable are Ann Cordell, Thea deWitt, Donna Ruhl, and Karen Jo Walker. The completion of this degree and preparation of this manuscnpt, in particular, would not have been possible without the love and suppon of my family. Jeanne Marie, Michael, and Tim have continued to provide suppon through the completion of this degree. My parents. Laurette Lewis deFrance and William J. deFrance, provided the love, encouragement, and education that allowed me to achieve this degree. 1 dedicate this work to them.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iii LIST OF TABLES ix LISTOFHCURES xviii ABSTRACT xx CHAPTERS 1 INTRODUCTION 1 2 IBERIAN AND ANDEAN WORLDS: PHYSICAL AND CULTURAL SETTINGS 11 Introduction 11 Iberian Cultural Background 12 Spaniards in the New World: Zooarchaeological Evidence 21 The Andean Physical World 25 Prehispanic Cultural Setting of the South-Central Andes 44 Spanish Colonial Settlement of Peru 51 Spanish Colonial Industry and Lifeways in the Moquegua and Torata Valleys 62 Summary 71 3 MATERIALS AND METHODS 72 Archaeological Contexts 72 Zooarchaeological Methods 85 4 RESULTS OF FAUNAE ANALYSIS 96 Descriptions of Site Samples 96 Characteristics of the Faunal Assemblage 131 5 SPANISH COLONIAL ANIMAL USE IN THE SOUTH-CENTRAL ANDES 183 Introduction 183 Ecological Complementarity and the Spanish Colonial Faunal Record 183 Evidence for Environmental Stress 1 89 The Economic and Subsistence Uses of Animals at Torata Alta and the Moquegua Wineries 191

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Comparisons with the Iberian Model 201 Spanish Colonial Animal Husbandry Outside of the Andes 202 6 CONCLUSIONS 204 Summary of Research 204 Suggestions for Future Research 209 APPENDICES A ANALYZED CONTEXTS 213 B IDENTIFIED FAUNA FROM THE MOQUEGUA, BODEGAS, AND TORATA ALTA 228 C JUVENILE AND AGED SPECIMENS 347 D BONE MEASUREMENTS 351 REFERENCES 374 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 389

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LIST OF TABLES Table 2-1 First Observations of Old World Species in Peru 40 3-1 Excavation Units with Analyzed Faunal Material, Locumbilla Winery (Numbers Correspond to Shaded Units on Figure 3-2) 77 3-2 Excavation Units with Analyzed Faunal Material, Chincha Winer>' (Numbers Correspond to Shaded Units on Figure 3-3) ". 80 3-3 Values Used to Determine Sample Size Reliability Based on Point of Diminishing Returns 89 3-4 Allometric Values and Formula Used in This Study 91 4-1 Comparative Frequencies of Faunal Assemblages by Site and Time Period 97 4-2 Taxa Identified at the Moqueeua Bodeszas and Torata Alta (6.35 mm, 1/4" mesh) \ ^. 99 4-3 Taxa Identified at the Moquegua Bodegas and Torata Alta, (1.70 mm, 1/16" mesh) 101 4-4 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, Late Contexts (6.35 mm, 1/4" mesh) 102 4-5 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, Middle Contexts (6.35 mm. 1/4" mesh) T. 104 4-6 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodesza.Eariv Contexts (6.35 mm, 1/4" mesh) T ; 106 4-7 Relative Abundance of Taxa by Class for Locumbilla Bodega 108 4-8 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, Late Contexts (6.35 mm, 1/4" me-sh) 110 4-9 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, Middle Contexts (6.35 mm, 1/4" mesh) 112 4-10 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, Eariv Contexts (6.35 mm, 1/4" mesh) .' 114 4-11 Relative Abundance of Taxa bv Class for Chincha Bodesa 115

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4-12 Faunal Material from Yahuay Bodega, Late Contexts (6.35 mm, 1/4" mesh) 117 4-13 Faunal Material from Yahuay Bodega, Middle Contexts (6.35 mm, 1/4" mesh \ 118 4-14 Relanve Abundance of Taxa by Class for Yahuay Bodega 120 4-15 Faunal Material from Estopacaje Bodega, Late Contexts (6.35 mm, 1/4" mesh) 7 121 4-16 Faunal Material from Estopacaje Bodega, Middle Contexts (6.35 mm, 1/4" mesh) 1 22 4-17 Relative Abundance of Taxa by Class for Estopacaje Bodega 123 4-18 Faunal Material from Torata Aha, Post1600 Contexts (6.35 mm. 1/4" mesh) 124 4-19 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, 1600 Ash Contexts (6.35 mm, 1/4" mesh) 126 4-20 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Pre1 600 Contexts (6.35 mm. 1/4" mesh) 127 4-2 1 Relative .Abundance of Taxa by Class for Torata Alta 130 4-22 Age Groups of Taxa Represented at Locumbilla 135 4-23 Age Groups of Taxa Represented at Chincha 136 4-24 Age Groups of Taxa Represented at Yahuay 137 4-25 Age Groups of Taxa Represented at Estopacaje 138 4-26 Age Groups of Taxa Represented at Torata Alta 1 39 4-27 Bone Pathologies from Bodega Contexts and Torata Alta 1 40 4-28 Occurrence of Medullar\' Bone in Chicken {Galliis i^allus) Remains 144 4-29 Bone Measurements from Various Taxa 146 4-30 Averages of Lama spp. Bone Measurements 148 4-3 1 Averages of Camelidae Bone Measurements 1 50 4-32 Measurement Data for Modern Camelids 152 4-33 Comparisons of Modern Camelid Measurements with the Winen.and Torata Alta Samples 155 4-34 Averages of Bos taurus Bone Measurements 157

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4-35 Measurement Data for Modem Bovids 1 59 4-36 Averages of Caprini, Capra hircus, andOvis aries Bone Measurements 161 4-37 Skeletal Element Categories Used in This Study 164 4-38 Element Distribution for Locumbilla Bodega 1 65 4-39 Element Distribution for Chincha Bodega 167 4-40 Element Distribution for Yahuay Bodega 1 69 4-41 Element Distribution for Estopacaje Bodega 171 4-42 Element Distribution for Torata Alta 1 72 4-43 Bone Modifications from Locumbilla Bodega 174 4-44 Bone Modifications from Chincha Bodega 1 74 4-45 Bone Modifications from Yahuay Bodega 174 4-46 Bone Modifications from Estopacaje Bodega 175 4-47 Bone Modifications from Torata Alta 175 4-48 Camelid Bone Artifacts from Torata Alta 176 A-1 Analyzed Contexts from Locumbilla Bodega, 1/4" (6.35 mm) Samples 213 A-2 Analyzed Contexts from Locumbilla Bodega, 1/16" (1.70 mm) Samples 218 A-3 Analyzed Contexts from Chincha Bodega, 1/4" (6.35 mm) Samples 219 A-4 Analyzed Contexts from Chincha Bodega, 1/16" (1.70 mm) Samples 221 A-5 Analyzed Contexts from Yahuay Bodega, 1/4" (6.35 mm) Samples 222 A-6 Analyzed Contexts from Yahuay Bodega, 1/16" (1.70 mm) Samples 223 A-7 Analyzed Contexts from Estopacaje Bodega, 1/4" (6.35 mm) Samples 223 A-8 Analyzed Contexts from Torata Alta, 1/4" (6.35 mm) Samples 224 A-9 Analyzed Contexts from Torata Alta, 1/1 6" ( 1 .70 mm) Samples 226 B-1 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 957.5N/1()61.5E. Middle Contexts 7 232 B-2 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 957.5N/1()61 .5E, Early Contexts T 234 B-3 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 953.5N/1048E, Middle Contexts T 235

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B-4 B-5 B-6 B-7 B-8 B-9 B-10 B-11 B-12 B-13 B-14 B-15 B-16 B-17 B-18 B-19 B-20 B-21

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B-22 Fauna! Material from Locumbilla Bodega. 953.5N/H)59.5E. Early Contexts T 254 B-23 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 959.5N/1028.5E, Middle Contexts 255 B-24 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 1()10N/1040E. Late Contexts 256 B-25 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 1010N/1()4()E, Middle Contexts T 258 B-26 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 984N/1032.5E. Late Contexts 260 B-27 Fauna] Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 984N/1032.5E. Middle Contexts T 261 B-28 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 984N/1()32.5E, Feature 6, Late Contexts 262 B-29 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 984N/1()32.5E. Feature 6, Middle Contexts 263 B-30 Faunal Material from Loc-umbilla Bodega, 1 00()N/1 ()20E, Late Contexts 264 B-3 1 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 1 0()0N/] 020E, Middle Contexts 265 B-32 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 958N/993E, Late Contexts 266 B-33 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega. 958N/993E. Middle Contexts 267 B-34 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 961.5N/1001E. Late Contexts T 268 B-35 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 961.5N/1()01E, Middle Contexts 269 B-36 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 98()N/1{)61 E, Middle Contexts T 270 B-37 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 980N/1061E, Eariy Contexts 271 B-38 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega. 1()03.5N/104{)E, Middle Contexts 272 B-39 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 962N/1055E, Late Contexts 273 B-40 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 962N/1055E, Middle Contexts ^ 274 B-41 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 962N/1055E, Eady Contexts 276 Xlll

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B-42 Faunal N4aterial from Locumbilla Bodega, 964N71052E. Middle Contexts 277 B-43 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 964N/1052E. Early Contexts 278 B-44 Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bode
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B-63 Faunal Matenal from Chincha Bodega, 1 171N/1()30E. Late Contexts 296 B-64 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1 171N/1()3()E. Middle Contexts 297 B-65 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1 159N/1034E. Early Contexts 298 B-66 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1080N/1032E, Late Contexts 299 B-67 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 108()N71032E, Middle Contexts 300 B-68 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1031.5N/1020E. Late Contexts 301 B-69 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1031.5N/1020E, Middle Contexts '^. 302 B-70 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1087N/1048E. Late Contexts 304 B-71 Faunal Matenal from Chincha Bodega. 1087N/1048E. Middle Contexts 306 B-72 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodeea, 1034.5N/1044E, Area 2, F. S. # 85 ^ 307 B-73 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodeea, 1034.5N/1044E, Floor 1, F. S. # 81 ^ 307 B-74 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodesza, 1017N/1(X)9E, Zone D2, F. S. #91 r^ 308 B-75 Faunal Material from Chincha Bodeea, 1017N/1009E, Feature 5, F. S. # 87 r^ 308 B-76 Faunal Material from Yahuay Bodega, Unit 2, Arch 10, Late Contexts 309 B-77 Faunal Material from Yahuav Bodeea, Unit 2, Arch 10, Middle Contexts T 309 B-78 Faunal Material from Yahuay Bodega, 993.5N/98().5E, Middle Contexts 310 B-79 Faunal Matenal from Yahuay Bodega, 990N/958.5E, Late Contexts 311 B-80 Faunal Material from Yahuay Bodega, 990N/958.5E, Middle Contexts 312 B-81 Faunal Material from Yahuay Bodega. 993.5N/980.5E, Zone C, F. S. #68 313 B-82 Faunal Material from Yahuav Bodeea, Unit 2, Arch 10, Extension of Area 2, F. S. # 27....' T 313 B-83 Faunal Material from Estopacaje Bodega, 1(X)5.5N/997E, Late Contexts 314 B-84 Faunal Matenal from Estopacaje Bodega, 1016.5N/993E. Late Contexts 315

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B-85 Faunal Material from Estopacaje Bodega, 1(X)2N/985E, Middle Contexts 315 B-86 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench M, Post1 6(X) Contexts 316 B-87 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench M, 1 6()0 Ash Contexts 317 B-88 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench M. Pre1600 Contexts 318 B-89 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench G, Posi-1600 Contexts 320 B-90 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench G, 1600 Ash Contexts 321 B-9 1 Faunal Matenal from Torata Alta, Trench G, Pre1 600 Contexts 322 B-92 Faunal Material from Structure 250, Post1600 Contexts 324 B-93 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Structure 250, 1600 Ash Contexts 326 B-94 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Structure 250. Pre1 600 Contexts 327 B-95 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench M, ON/OE, Level 1 F. S. # 733 329 B-96 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench M, ON/OE, Level 2, F. S. # 739 329 B-97 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench M, ON/IE, Level 3, F. S. # 757 330 B-98 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench M, ON/IE, Level 5, F. S. # 759 330 B-99 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench M, 1 N/1 E, Level 2, F. S. # 740 331 B100 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench G, ON/OE. Level 3, F, S. # 581 332 B101 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench G, ON/OE, Level 4, F. S. # 661 333 B102 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench G, 2N/0E. Level 3, F. S. # 665 334 B103 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench G, 2N/()E. Level 4, F. S. # 731 335 B-104 Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench G, 3.5N/1E, Level 2. F. S. # 1107 336 B-105 Faunal Materia! from Torata Alta, Trench G. 3.5N/1E Elbov^' Trench Extension, Level 2, F.S. # 940 337

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B-106

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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1-1 The Central Andes 2 1-2 Location of the Moquegua and Torata Valleys 5 2-1 Geographical Divisions of Peru 26 2-2 Vegetational Zones Found at Different Elevations 27 2-3 Location of Wineries Identified in the Moquegua Valley 65 2-4 Location of Torata Alta within the Osmore Drainage 69 31 Location of the Four Excavated Wineries 74 3-2 Analyzed Contexts from the Locumbilla Winery 76 3-3 Analyzed Contexts from the Chincha Winer>' 79 3-4 Analyzed Contexts from the Yahuay Winery 82 3-5 Analyzed Contexts from the Estopacaje Winery 83 3-6 Analyzed Contexts from Torata Alta 84 3-7 Relationship Between Number of Individuals and Number of Taxa 88 4-1 Age Groups of Caprines from Winery Contexts 133 4-2 Age Groups of Bos taurus from Winery Contexts 133 4-3 Age Groups of Camelids from Winery Contexts 134 4-4 Age Groups of Camelids from Torata Alta 134 4-5 Bone Pathologies on Camelid Specimens from Torata Alta 142 4-6 Log Ratio Diagram of Selected Laina sp. and Camelidae Bone Measurements 153 4-7 Log Rado Diagram of Selected Bos taurus Bone Measurements 1 60 4-8 Log Ratio Diagram of Selected Caprine Bone Measurements 163

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4-9 Mountain lion (FelLs concolor) Humerus with Cut Marks on Distal Condyles, Torata Alta, Trench G, Pre1 600 deposit 179 4-10 Camelid Mandible Artifacts from Torata Alta, Structure 250, Pre1600 Contexts 181 5-1 Percentages of Individuals by Class and Time, Torata Alia 185 5-2 Percentages of Individuals by Class and Time, Wineries 187 5-3 Domestic Mammal Individuals and Estimated Meat Weight by Time, Torata Alta 1 93 5-4 Domestic Mammal Individuals and Estimated Meat Weight by Time, Locumbilla Winery 195 5-5 Domestic Mammal Individuals and Estimated Meat Weight by Time, Chincha Winery 196 5-6 Domestic Mammal Individuals and Estimated Meat Weight by Time, Yahua\ Winen,' 1 97 5-7 Domestic Mammal Individuals and Estimated Meat Weight by Time. Eslopacaje Winery 198

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Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Panial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy ECOLOGICAL IMPERIALISM IN THE SOUTH-CENTRAL ANDES: FAUNAE DATA FROM SPANISH COLONIAL SETTLEMENTS IN THE MOQUEGUA AND TORATA VALLEYS By Susan Daggett deFrance December 1993 Chair; Elizabeth S. Wing Major Department: Anthropology This study presents a zooarchaeological analysis of animal remains recovered from archaeological excavations conducted at five sites in the Mot]uegua and Torata valleys of southern Peru. Four of these sites are Spanish colonial wineries or bodegas that were established in the Moquegua valley during the sixteenth century and occupied until the late nineteenth century. The site of Torata Alta located in the Torata valley contains sixteenth and seventeenth century deposits associated with an indigenous Andean population living under Spanish control. 1 analyzed animal remains recovered from these excavations to identify the subsistence and economic uses of animals from the early colonial period until the late nineteenth century. The faunal material from the winen,' contexts indicate that Europeanintroduced species, primarily cattle, sheep, and goats, were widely used throughout the occupation of the sites. With the exception of native Andean camelids, especially the llama, very few local animal resources were used for either subsistence or economic purposes. The animal resources of greatest imponance were not obtained through exchange relationships with populations in other ecological zones. Measurements of skeletal

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elements suggest environmental conditions in the valley affected the physical stature of the introduced species; however, the diet and economic uses of animals were very conservative, thus indicating little innovation or adoption of unfamiliar, non-European taxa by the sites inhabitants. In comparison to other areas of Spanish settlement, including Florida and the Spanish Caribbean, subsistence and animal husbandry were more similar to the Iberian peninsula than contemporary Spanish settlements in either Florida or the Spanish Caribbean. Native animal resources are most common in the analyzed samples from the site of Torata Aha. Only a small number of Old World species are present, including either sheep or goats, pigs, and chickens. Camelid herds of at least two species were raised in close proximity to the site based on the identification of juveniles and adult specimens. Other subsistence resources were obtained through exchange with populations in different ecological zones, most notably the Pacific coast. Although the inhabitants of Torata Alta apparently were under Spanish control, their u.se of animal resources was very orthodox, exhibiting little alteration from prehispanic patterns.

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Spanish colonization of the Central Andes brought about rapid and dynamic changes in the indigenous cultural and economic systems. The Spanish colonizers introduced both institutions present in sixteenth-centur>' western European culture and new economic enterprises designed to generate profits for the Spanish crown and to increase the wealth of the colonizers themselves. The interactions between the Spaniards and the indigenous populations of the Central Andes were unparalleled in the Americas because of the combination of distinctive ecological conditions and the existence of an indigenous expansionistic state level of social organization. The environment of the Central Andes, the region roughly from northern Chile to northern Ecuador, bounded to the west by the Pacific Ocean and to the east by the Amazon rain forest (Figure 1-1), is extremely harsh because of the combined effects of equatorial and altitudinal conditions. Therefore, human survival and evolution of hierarchical social systems was contingent upon the development of agricultural and pastoral systems that produced an abundance of foodstuffs. The food production systems that evolved in the Central Andean region, and in Peru in particular, were unrivaled in the New World. In addition to cultivating a diverse inventory of domesticated plant products, of which tubers were most important, this region is the only New World center of large mammal domestication. Domestic llamas and alpacas were the foundation of a multifaceted herding economy. Spanish settlement of this region resulted in the imposition of European practices on a complex existing social system. One component of Spanish culture was dependence on a range of animal resources for both subsistence and other economic products. Spanish colonization of new lands was

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Figure 1-1 The Central Andes (mcxlified from Moseley 1992).

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accompanied by the importation of Old World animal resources and institutions for their management and economic productivity. This study examines the dynamic role of animals in the colonization and settlement of the Peruvian Andes based on archaeological data from five colonial sites in southern Peru. It explores the role of animals in both economic and subsistence realms through a zooarchaeological analysis of faunal remains recovered from archaeological excavations. The changes in human/animal interactions that occurred during the colonial era were important elements in the formation of Spanish Andean culture. Although neither the role of animal resources in the colonial setting nor the emergence of Spanish colonial culture in the Andes have been investigated extensively through the use of archaeological data, the nature and extent of other changes the Spaniards imposed upon Peru have been investigated from historical and anthropological perspectives. Early writings were primarily ethnohistoncal accounts of the Peruvian past that attempted to document the nature of the Inca state (Cieza de Leon 1945; Cobo 1979; Garcilaso de la Vega 1966). Many subsequent historical studies focused on the economic and social aspects of Spanish Andean culture (e.g., Borah 1954; Davies 1984; Morner 1987) or the emergence of Peru as an independent nation state (e.g., Dobyns and Doughty 1976). Anthropological perspectives most recently have addressed Indian resistance and the persistence of both prehispanic traditions and consciousness in modern settings (e.g., Adomo 1986; Spaulding 1984; Stem 1982). Archaeological investigations of the colonial period have tended to focus on architectural aspects of larger urban areas or religious orders (Schaedel 1992). Archaeological studies only recently have had the objective of either examining the processes of acculturation that resulted in the emergence of colonial culture or reconstrucdng the archaeological correlates of colonial life in either urban or rural setnngs (see Rice and Smith 1989; Smith 1991; Van Buren 1993). The rural environment of the Central Andes provides an excellent archaeological potential to examine the emergence of colonial culture and the adaptations that both Spaniards and indigenous populations underwent. Large landed estates were established

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on the outskirts of urban areas, and it was on these estates that land and labor relationships exhibited the greatest degree of evolution or transformation through time. Agricultural enterprises based on the production of Old World crops or products, panicularly wine, sugar, olives, were among the most intensive in terms of land use and labor requirements (Cushner 1980; Keith 1976). Archaeological investigations of these estates can provide economic data useful in reconstructing both the probable trade relationships between the rural domain and the urban one and the degree of isolation characterizing the colonial rural setting. An integral component of the rural agricultural landscape was the use of animals for traction, transportation, subsistence, and by-products (e.g.. wool, hides, tallow, bone). Animal remains are among the most common archaeological materials encountered on historical sites, particularly in habitats where bone preservation is good, such as in the desert terrain of the western Andean .slopes of Peru. One rural agricultural enterprise that has been the subject of archaeological research is the productive wine industry that was established in many of the coastal river valleys of Peru and nonhem Chile. A multi-yeiir program of investigations was conducted in the Moquegua valley of far southern Peru under the auspices of the Moquegua Bodegas Project directed by Dr. Prudence Rice. Survey of this short, steep, river valley resulted in the identification of one hundred thirty wineries or bodegas (Rice and Ruhl 1989) (Figure 1-2). Subsequendy, shovel testing and site mapping were completed at twenty-eight of the wineries (Rice and Smith 1989). The shovel-test data, in combination with archival research compiled by Lopez and Huenas (1990), helped to determine the probable location of sixteenth-century deposits representing the earliest Spanish colonial occupation of the valley. Excavations were conducted at four of the wineries with the anticipation of locating sixteenth-century contexts (Rice 1990; Smith 1991). Research thus far has focu.sed on Spanish colonial adaptation and acculturation as reflected in the material remains at the bodegas (Smith 1991), the production of ceramics within the valley (Rice and Van Beck 1993), and the botanical remains recovered from the bodegas (Jones 1990).

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Figure 1 -2. Location of the Moquegua and Torata Valleys.

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Extensive excavations also were conducted at another colonial occupation, Torata Alta, which is located to the north in the Torata valley (see Figure 1-1). The site of Torata Alta was either a prehispanic town during the LateIntermediate period or a colonial reduccion where the indigenous population of the surrounding countryside was forced to reside during the early colonial period (Van Buren et al. 1993). Artifactual materials from deposits dating from the mid-sixteenth century to the mid-seventeenth century have been used to identify the ethnic composition of the site's inhabitants, to examine socioeconomic variability within the site, and to provide material remains for comparison with the sixteenth-century winery contexts (Van Buren 1993;Van Buren and Biirgi 1990). The faunal remains recovered during the Moquegua wineries and Torata Alta excavations are the subject of this dissertation. These remains represent food refuse and remains of animals that served in economic capacities as beasts of burden and providers of fiber, hides, bone, and other products. The objectives of my study are to identify and interpret human/animal interactions in the Spanish colonial experience in southern Peru. Three dimensions of the colonial experience are considered: cultural, geographical, and temporal. The cultural realm consists of the ethnic affiliation of Spanish colonists and indigenous populations, their economic undertakings involving animals, and the ideological "orientation" of the colonists and the indigenous population. This dimension includes the more esoteric concepts of food preferences and aversions and economic activities that were considered "Spanish" in nature versus those that were "Indian" (e.g., cattle herding and horse ranching versus camelid pastoralism). When human populations colonize new geographical settings, traditional human/animal interactions invariably are altered. Colonists attempt to maintain their traditional patterns of animal use, panicularly those economic endeavors that are dependent on both animal products and services and the use of meat in the cuisine. Although these patterns of animal u.se resist change, innovations in economic livelihoods and subsistence occurred in the colonial setting because of different

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survival rates of imported animals, delayed shipments from homelands, and the introduction of new food items by indigenous populations. The environmental conditions of the study area, most importantly rugged topography, high aridity, and low atmospheric pressure, must have exerted selective pressures on the Old World domesric animals living there. The physical adaptability of imponed domesticates in the Andean setting would determine whether these animals were available for either economic or subsistence uses. However, the acceptance or rejection of food items, meat sources in particular, may have been influenced by cognitive percepdons of what consdtutes appropriate food items. Food may have been one means through which the Peruvian creole populadons (i.e., individuals bom in Peru of Spanish ancestr>') distinguished themselves from the Indian population or other non-Spanish groups. It is important to consider how both adaptation and cognitive perceptions may have influenced the faunal materials that were deposited at these sites. Cultural responses to a lack of familiar food items, particularly meat products, may have resulted in the breakdown of food prohibitions, particularly religious restrictions, or the establishment of new food taboos. The concepts of acceptable or preferred versus unacceptable food items also may have shifted in the new setting. In addition to what was consumed, methods of processing such as how and at what age an animal was butchered, preparation of meat including the vessels used for cooking, accompaniments, and consumption patterns such as when and how food was served potentially were modified in the colonial setdng. One goal of this study is to provide idiographic data on the pattern of faunal use that characterized colonial occupations in southern Peru. However, these Peruvian data may also allow us to produce new generalizations about the diversity of animal use in colonial settings, the economic effects of human modifications of animal populations, and the complex relationship between humans and animals in creating a rural landscape.

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The geographical element is arguably the most imponiint infrastructural dimension of Peruvian colonial history. The harsh physical geography of the Central Andes fostered the development of distinctive cultural and physiological adaptations. Environmental conditions of the region in combination with previous cultural patterns of animal use affected where Spaniards settled and what resources they imponed. Although the environment exened selective pressures on the imported resources, the colonial legacy of these early introductions endure in Peruvian Andean economy and culture. The potential capability of introduced animals to modify the landscape was also affected by environmental conditions. Nonnative domesticates, particularly cattle, sheep, and goats, could have contributed to erosion by overgrazing and by destroying crops planted by indigenous peoples. Community isolation may have necessitated the importation of food items from the homeland or the trade of food resources from other geographical areas. As large herds of domestic animals became established communities may have implemented new policies regarding herding practices or grazing rights. The use of large domesticates probably facilitated population expansion into Andean habitats. The economic uses of animals expanded once herds were established. Renewable products, such as milk, wool, blood, and manure, would have been extracted from living animals while edible and nonedible secondar)' products, such as hides, tallow, bone, and horns, could have been obtained following an animal's demise. One can hypothesize that economic changes fostered both the growth of new institutions, for example, guilds, concerning animal use and the implementation of new ordinances or policies regarding the rearing of livestock and the sale and disposal of their products. The temporal dimension examines whether the use of animal resources changed from the early periods of Spanish occupation, the middle to late sixteenth centur\', to the late nineteenth centur)', and if so, what changes occurred. Such questions as increased importation of food, changes in livestock production, and increa.sed or decreased dependence on local resources based on changes in faunal use through time arc considered.

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Once my analysis establishes the Peruvian pattern, comparisons can be made with other geographical areas dating to the same period. Although the archaeological correlates of many of these changes may be difficult to discern using faunal data alone, zooarchaeological data from the Moquegua wineries and Torata Alta in combination with the historical record of the South-Central Andes can be used to address a wide range of issues concerning human/animal interactions. The potential range of quesdons that can be addressed is conungent upon both cultural and historical aspects of the colonial encounter as well as the archaeological record. Imponant historical variables include both the motives and the political, religious, and gender composition of the Spanish colonizing force and the exisnng social development and economic systems of the indigenous populations that were contacted. The research potential of the archaeological record is dependent on the preservation of the faunal material, the historical sources that are available to aid in constructing research questions, and knowledge concerning the physical geography of the Moquegua and Torata valleys. Although new information will be gained for a time period and geographical area for which little information is known, a large number of new questions will be raised as well. Therefore, this study will serve as a foundation upon which zooarchaeological research can build. Future excavations of Andean historical sites will be able to use these results as baseline data upon which to expand faunal research. This dissenation presents a detailed ca.se study of the faunal material from the Moquegua wineries and the site of Torata Alta, which is analyzed in light of the three major dimensions: culture, geography, and time. Chapter Two sets the stage for this analysis with a de.scription of the physical and cultural .setting of the study area. It is necessary to understand both the cultural milieu prior to Spanish colonization and the physical constraints of the Central Andean region in order to identify and interpret the colonial pattern of faunal use that emerges. Equally important for interpreting the faunal data is the cultural background of the Spanish colonists. Therefore, the chapter also discusses the

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10 economic enterprises of the Spanish colonists in Spain and in the Americas. These reconstructions are based on both historical and archaeological data from other areas of Spanish settlement such as the Caribbean and Spanish Florida. Previous historical and archaeological data are used to construct a number of reseiirch questions that examine how animals were employed at the sites and what their roles were in colonial lifeways. These questions are outlined within the historical and archaeological reconstruction. Chapter Three discusses the samples that I selected to analyze and the methods that I used to quantify the faunal material. Archaeological contextual information of a hmited scope and the temporal placement of the samples are provided. The chapter outlines both the zooarchaeological methods used to measure the relative abundances of the fauna and the bridging arguments that allow a researcher to address particular questions through the use of zooarchaeological data. The composition of the samples and interpretation of the faunal data are the subjects of Chapters Four and Five. Descriptive data on the relative frequencies of taxa, the representation of different ponions of the carcass, and estimates of individual age and body size (Chapter Four) are followed by a reconstruction of Spanish colonial subsistence and the economic uses of animals at the four wineries and Torata .A,lta (Chapter Five). Comparisons with faunal data from other Spanish colonial sites indicate variability in the use of animals during the colonial era. This nonuniformity in animal use is interpreted in light of the geographic and cultural diversity found in different locales of Spanish setdement. Chapter Six summarizes the results and outlines unanswered questions. A correctly analyzed body of archaeological data serves two functions. It expands our range of knowledge about a particular culture and time period while simultaneously it elucidates gaps in our knowledge and the need for further research. Therefore, a series of research topics that further zooarchaeological investigations can examine are discussed following the summation of the research.

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CHAPTER 2 IBERIAN AND ANDEAN WORLDS: PHYSICAL AND CULTURAL SETTINGS Introducrion The following discussion presents background information on the physical and cultural dimensions of the study. The first section of this chapter outlines historical and archaeological data on Spanish lifeways in the Iberian peninsula and other New World areas colonized by Spaniards giving particular attention to the history of animal use. Zooarchaeological studies of Spanish colonial sites in the Caribbean and Spanish Florida are reviewed in order to identify geographical variability in colonial animal use. The Andean .setting is examined through a discussion of the geographical composition of both the Central Andean area in general and specific features of the Moquegua and Torata valleys. In addition to physical descriptions, discussions are also presented on the stochastic and constant environmental stresses associated with the region. The former includes tectonism and the climatic phenomenon known as El Nino and its associated repercussions. The constant stresses are the physiological effects of the rugged high elevation Andean environment on both humans and animals. In many ways the environment of the region affected the cultural trajectories of both prehispanic inhabitants and Spanish colonists, paniculariy the economic systems that developed. One objective of this study is to determine what effect Spanish colonization had on the indigenous cultural and economic systems and the role of these systems in Spanish Andean colonial society. Therefore, prehispanic cultural systems are reviewed with an emphasis on the economic livelihoods of the inhabitants. A discussion of Spanish settlement in the South-Central Andes outlines Spain's economic enterprises in the region and the role of the Moquegua valley wineries and Torata 11

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12 Alta in the colonial world. Ethnohistorical and historical studies are used to reconstruct the colonial use of animals in industrial and domestic settings. These historical and archaeological reconstructions in combination with the Andean physical and cultural setting are used to formulate several research questions that this study will address using the zooarchaeological data from the Moquegua wineries and Torata Alta. Iberian Cultural Background Iberian Livestock Production The rapidity and ease with which the Spaniards were able to subjugate and transform such a Utrge ponion of the Americas have been attributed to two main factors: 1) depopulation of indigenous inhabitants following the introduction of foreign diseases and 2) the "ecological imperialism" of the Spaniards as manifested by the importation of Old World plant and animal species (Crosby 1972, 1986). Large tracts of land were opened for settlement following the dramatic population declines suffered by native peoples who possessed little resistance to the pathogens that the Spanish colonists transmitted to them. The estabhshment of new Spanish settlements was accompanied by the introduction of European plant and animal species that were to serve as subsistence items and in economic capacities. The animals that were transported to colonial settlements were important in the homeland for their economic value and prestige and as essential elements of Iberian cuisine. The Iberian peninsula is a land of historical, ethnic, and geographical contrasts. The livestock resources that were of greatest imponance varied among geographical areas, thus they reflect the historical development of regional differences within pre-expansionistic Spain. The growth of pastoral and herding aspects of Spanish society was panicularly important during the Middle Ages when Spain experienced a tremendous internal economic boom (McAlister 1984:21-22). Sheepherding prospered in the central and eastern regions

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13 of Aragon and Castile (Klein 1920). A productive cattle industry developed in the southern portion of Spain, primarily in the region of Andalusia (Bishko 1952). Goats were common in Spain: however, goats were maintained primarily for home and local use. The Iberian pig was also a resource of value in the acorn woodlands of southwest Spain (Parsons 1962). It was also during the Middle Ages that the horse became both a symbol of Spanish nobility (Denhardt 1975:22-23) and an imponant component of the cattle ranching industry (Bishko 1952:498). The revenues that were generated by the sale of wool from sheepherding helped to finance Spain's colonial expansion in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries (Vicens Vives 1969:252). Spain shared with other European countries the emergence of mercantile commerce that resulted in the acquisition of wealth and the production of commodities for centralized sale during the Middle Ages. Economic endeavors based on the production and sale of animal products were a major component of Spain's financial success and facilitated her entrance into a capitalistic export economy. The two most successful livestock resources were cattle and, more imponantly, sheep. Although Spain valued both resources for meat and other edible products, the wool that sheep provided and the hides that catde provided were of the greatest economic value. Sheepherding Significantly, both catde and sheep gained prominence in Spain's New World colonies. Cattle were much more widely distributed and better adapted to the Americas where hirge herds were established early in the .settlement of the Caribbean, Mexico, Central America, and parts of South America (Sauer 1966:156, 181, 194). Although sheep did not adapt to many of the humid, tropical regions of the New World, they proliferated in the Central Andes, panicularly in Peru. Today sheep are the most numerous domesncate in the Central Andean highlands (Baker 1982:136), a statistic that reflects both the ability of sheep to adapt to this habitat and their incorporanon into the Andean economv.

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14 The role of sheep and cattle in medieval Spain demonstrates the historical development of marketable commodities that contributed to Spain's rise as a colonial power. Not only did these livestock resources produce commodities that fostered Spain's emergence as a capitalistic economy, institutions concerning land use were designed both to safeguard commodity production and to limit the distribution of land. In regard to the ascent of sheepherding and the production of wool, a series of political events influenced the potential trajectories of Spain's nascent capitalistic and expansive economy. After the expulsion of the Moors from Seville in 1469, the independent crowns of Castile and Aragon were united. Although these two crowns formed a political union, they possessed different histories and were in ver>' contrasting stages of historical development (Elliott 1963:24). Aragon was practicing mercantile commerce by the fourteenth century and was therefore more co.smopolitan in perspective. Castile, in contrast, had remained primarily a pastoral and nomadic society with a long history of defensive military activities (Elliott 1963:31). The high value placed on military service resulted in the distribution of large plots of conquered land to nobles who had served in the conquest (Wolf 1982:1 12). The result of this process was that approximately 97% of the land was owned by only 2 to 3% of the population (Elliott 1963: 1 1 ). With land held by so few it was possible for Castile to easily maintain its pastoral economy. A herding economy also flourished because Spain's soils were rocky and shallow and frequent raids by the Moors made sheep raising preferable to agriculture (Elliott 1963:32). The conquest of land in northern Castile also made it possible for new herding routes to be opened between the north and south. Another factor that dramatically affected the economic development of Castile's sheep economy resulted from the introduction of merino breeds from north Africa into Andalusia in approximately 13(K) (Elliott 1963:33). The demand for merino wool allowed Castile to expand its economic interactions and establish important commercial ties with the mercantile pons and urban centers of

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15 Aragon and later with Genoese Mediterranean ports (Wolf 1982: 112). Economic ties were created with markets outside of Spain, particularly in the Netherlands, where Castilian wool was processed into cloth (Elliott 1963:33). In addition to economic ties with outside areas, the Castilian crown sought to enhance its revenue through the consolidation of separate Casdlian sheep-owners associations into a single sheep-owners guild, the Mesta, in 1273 (Vicens Vives 1969:252). The Mesta, whose members consisted of the landowning nobles, maintained the sheep maricet and provided revenues to the crown in exchange for economic privileges. Their main duries included overseeing and controlling the seasonal migrations of the sheep from north to south (Elliott 1963:33; Klein 1920). The production of wool for market triggered a series of economic and expansionistic endeavors. Initially, wool provided capital, which was then used to increase sheep production and expand the geographical range of sheepherding. The landholding nobles were assured conunued success through the rights granted by the Mesta. According to Wolf (1982:1 13) the pastoral economy inhibited industrial development. Rural peoples were forced to relinquish resources and propeny by the militarily oriented nobles. The crown financed further military expansion into Europe and the Americas through revenues collected by the Mesta. The dominance of Castilian wool as an exclusive Iberian commodity demanded throughout Europe was replaced by English wool in the midseventeenth century, thus drasucally reducing the revenue received by the crown. The monoculture of sheepherding throttled Spain's industrial growth (Vicens Vives 1969:350; Wolf 1982:1 13). The nonnoble classes were unable to challenge effectively the landed nobles or to seek employment in other activines. The rural labor force was skilled almost exclusively in pastoral activities including herding, feeding, shearing, and packing raw wool for export. Because Spain's wool was exported, pon towns and shipping fleets developed. However, there were apparendy no incentives or initiatives to make technological changes for the production of cloth within Spain. Spain's failure to diversify

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16 its industrial base to include technologies for the production of cloth aided England in its rise as a wool and cloth producer. The wool industry provided Spain with a lucTative commodity that generated significant profits from approximately the sixteenth to the mid-seventeenth centur\'. Two unfonunate repercussions of this economy were the failure to diversify both the industrial and agricultural infrastructures of the Castilian region. The need for land to supplement the production of foodstuffs, especially grains, increased during the seventeenth century. Although Castile maintained a rural economy, it was unable to increase agricultural production because large amounts of land that been confiscated by the nobles from the agrarian peasants. In Spain, the historical ascent of wool as a commodity was accompanied by changes in land use, the implementation of institutions to safeguard wool production, and changes in the self-sufficiency of rural peasants. In the colonial Americas parallel economic transitions occurred. Although land was not a scarce resource in the colonies, relationships among land, labor, controlling institutions, and the production of livestockrelated commodities to generate profits were similar in Spain and in her colonies. Cattle ranchin g. Sheep ranching was profitable in Castile, while cattle ranching dominated the Andalusian plain. The historical origins of the Iberian cattle industry' can be traced to the Middle Ages with the peak of production occurring in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries (see Bishko 1952; Butzer 1988). The ri.se of cattle ranching in this region of the peninsula has been attributed to four factors, including 1) the presence of preadapted pastoralists with herding experience from other iireas, 2) environmental change that included the advance of shrub forest and a decline in agricultural land, 3) the availability of large unpopulated tracts of land where fears of Moorish raids inhibited cropfarming, and 4) hybridized breeds that both were adapted to the humid Andalusian plain and produced durable hides (Bishko 1952:496-497). With the n.se of cattle ranching.

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17 management techniques involving long-distance cattle drives, roundup, branding, and the use of the horse to herd cattle emerged (Rouse 1977). Cattle ranching was divided into two types: 1) municipal ranching, which was subject to strict regulations that frequently were supervised by the local town government rather than by guild rules as were the sheep herders of the Mesta and 2) seigniorial ranching practiced by the nobles, monasteries, and military (Bishko 1952:502). In contrast to the municipal ranchers, seigniorial ranchers operated more freely and were subject to fewer restrictions. The establishment of regulations on almost all aspects of cattle ranching including grazing rights, wages, compensation for crop damage, marketing, butchery, and sale of both meat and hides created a precedent for New World ranchers. Although the sizes of New World catde herds were larger than those in Spain, similar systems of management and control were applied in the colonies. The ascendancy of catde ranching in the colonies reflects the ease with which cattle were able to adapt to the colonial habitats. It also reflects the profitability of cattle over other livestock. Hides produced in the colonies were the foundation of a profitable export economy. Spain was able to import large quantities of low-priced hides as raw materials for a range of leather products. The same scenario does not hold true for wool produced in the New World. The powerful Mesta was able to prohibit the importation of colonial wool through its monopolistic stranglehold. The rise of cattle ranching in the colonies may have been to the detriment of the Iberian ranchers who witnessed cheap impons replace local raw materials. Spain's desire for cheap imports combined with the lack of industrial diversification contributed to her economic plight in the later part of the colonial era. Cattle ranching declined with the influx of cheap imports while sheep raising prospered. When English markets replaced Spain's wool monopoly, Spain became more dependent on her colonies for economic survival. Sheep and cattle were also important components of Iberian foodways in addidon to providing marketable goods. Meat and dietary by-products such as cheese and milk were

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18 essential aspects of Iberian foodways. The following discussion outlines the relationship of animal food products with other subsistence goods in the Iberian diet. Iberian Cuisine All human groups establish rules for the preparation and consumption of food. The totality of rules and principles concerning all food choices can be called a "cuisine". A cuisine consists of four elements related to what, how, and when foods are eaten (Farb and Armelagos 1980: 190). First, a very limited range of available food is eaten. Second, the methods of food preparation are socially defined. The flavorings (e.g., spices, condiments, sauces) used in cooking constitute the third element of a cuisine. The fourth aspect consists of the rules defining patterns of food consumption including how many meals a day are eaten, whether they are eaten with others or alone, ceremonial foods, and food prohibitions or taboos. In the absence of .social upheaval cuisine is very conservative. Although new items may enter the diet, the seasonings used, how food is served, and when meals are consumed are dictated by the original cuisine. The ability to maintain the conservative features of a cuisine were threatened in colonial settings by the unavailability of both familiar food items and sea.sonings. changes in serving and eating utensils, lack of knowledge concerning methods of food preparation by male colonists, intermarriage with indigenous females, and social interactions with cultures that observed other rules of cuisine. In order to evaluate Spanish colonial changes in cuisine many researchers have acknowledged that a general knowledge of Iberian dietary habits is needed (McEwan 1988; Reitz and Scarry 1985). Spain and Portugual. the countries that form the Iberian peninsula, share a common history through the twelfth centun,'. Although Iberian cuisine is characterized by a great deal of regional variability (see Townsend 1814), there are many culinar\' similarities within the peninsula. This discussion outlines aspects of Iberian cuisine in general but focu.ses on Spanish foods, flavorings, and terminology. This reconstruction is based on .secondary historical sources and travelers' accounts.

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19 The geographic variability of the Iberian peninsula resulted in distinct habitats where herding activities, fishing, and fruit and vegetable farming prospered (Defoumeaux 1979; Vicens Vives 1969). In addition to the herds of sheep and cattle that provided both commodities and meat, goats, pigs, and chickens were locally abundant in some areas for the production of milk, cheese, eggs, and meat. Fishes, including sharks and eels as well as shellfish, were common in the coastal regions. Although less common inland, dried or salt-cured fish were shipped to some interior markets. Religious prohibitions against meat consumption during Lent or on other holy days bolstered the fisheries industry. In some regions, domestic meat sources were supplemented by the hunting of wild game including fowl such as ducks, geese, and partridges and small game animals such as rabbits. The amount of meal consumed varied by region and socioeconomic status. According to Townsend's (1814) survey of meat prices in late eighteenth century Spain, mutton was both consistently higher in price than beef and more widespread in its distribution. When pork was available it was usually the most costly meat: however, it was not commonly sold in the markets Townsend surveyed. Goats and pigs, neither of which were highly valued for commodities other than meat, may have been produced for nonmarket sale; therefore, it is difficult to determine how frequently either kid or pork was consumed. Other researchers contend that meat was a luxury food item that scarcely could be afforded by the general populace (Defoumeaux 1979:152; Maninez Llopis in McEwan 1988:55). Significant temporal differences may have existed in the types and amount of meat consumed from the late fifteenth to the late eighteenth centuries. Unfonunately, historical studies have placed greater emphasis on the role of domestic animal commodities in Spain's economy rather than culinary history. Similarly, consumption patterns of rural versus urban areas apparently have not been studied. Market pricing and increased population density of cities undoubtedly increased prices in the urban settings. However, meat may have been more easily obtained in the rural settings where herds were maintained and

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20 where hunting was common. Because the majority of domestic animals may not have been slaughtered until their utility as either wool or milk producers had waned, meat may have been hard to obtain despite the large herd sizes reported (see Vicens Vives 1969). Although the place of meat in Spanish cuisine is open to debate, the prominent role of vegetable products in the Spanish diet is not disputed. The subsistence staples for all regions and socioeconomic classes were grains for bread, olive oil, and wine. Fresh bread, preferably wheat bread although rye and barley were available, was the main source of calories and was consumed with each meal, a practice that continues today (Manjon 1990:217). Olive oil has been a staple since it was introduced to the peninsula by the Romans. The olive tree thrives in the shallow, chalky soils of the region, which are poorly suited for other agricultural products. The operation for harvesting and producing oil in the premechanized era was labor intensive and, therefore, expensive (Manjon 1990:18). Despite the expense of production, large quantities of olive oil were produced both for domestic consumption and for export to the colonies, especially during the sixteenth centurv (Morgado in Pike 1961:22). Olive oil served dual functions as both the preferred fat for cooking and as an essential subsistence item used both in marinades and for flavor. Whereas bread and oil provided the major nutritional components of the diet, wine was considered an essential complement. Wine provided some calories, thereby contributing to the nutritional well-being of the Iberians. However, the consumption of wine was valued more highly as a means of distinguishing Spaniards from other ethnic groups. Wine was also an indispensable component of Catholic religious ritual. Wine production originally was concentrated in the northeastern area of Spain, but later expanded into the Andalusian plain and both the Canary and Mallorcan islands when the colonial demand for wine increased (FernandezArmesto 1982; Vicens Vives 1969). Agricultural production of other fruits and vegetables was widespread throughout Spain. Vegetables that were grown include many types of beans, garbanzos, lentils.

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21 onions, artichokes, cardoon, and peas. Mediterranean fruits were common including figs, oranges, grapes, apples, and apricots. Nuts, panicularly almonds, were relished plain and as the foundation for many sweet desserts. Several of these crops were introduced to the Iberian peninsula by Muslims who colonized Spain dunng the Middle Ages (Watson 1974:20). Many of the spices that give Spanish food its distinctive flavor were also grown on a local level by the mid-sixteenth century after the Portuguese explorer Vasco da Gama introduced new spices to the peninsula (Manjon 1990:68). Those most commonly used were the bay leaf (laurel), coriander, cloves, cinnamon, cumin, and garlic. The inability to acquire similar food items and flavorings in the colonial setting of the New World was potentially a source of consternation amongst colonists. By the end of the sixteenth century all Spanish colonial settlements had imponed Old World plants and animals in an effort to develop both self-sufficiency and exportable commodities. The ability to recreate the foodstuffs of the Iberian homeland was dependent on the geography of the colonial setting and the cultures that were encountered. Other aspects of cuisine, such as the method of preparation or the time meals were taken, were subject to change also. The colonial patterns of Spanish cuisine that emerged reflect both pragmatic adjustment to prevailing conditions and resistance to change food habits that were perceived as being "Spanish". Spaniards in the New World: Zooarchaeological Evidence The archaeological correlates of Spanish colonization in the Peruvian Andes are just beginning to emerge; however, investigations in other areas of the New World have permitted more holistic reconstructions of Spanish lifeways. A substantial data base relevant to this study has been generated from the Caribbean (Ewen 1987; McEwan 1986; Reitz 1986, Reitz and McEwan in press), Spanish St. Augustine (Reitz 1992; Reitz and

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22 Cumbaa 1983; Reitz and Scarry 1985), and from excavations of Spanish mission sites in the southeastern United States (Reitz 1990, 1991). The site of Puerto Real, located in modern Haiti, was a sixteenth-century Spanish town engaged in commerce within the Caribbean and beyond. The Spanish foodways and animal economics of the inhabitants have been examined by a number of researchers. Most recently, Reitz and McEwan (in press) have provided a synthesis of a number of previous studies that will facilitate comparisons with the Peruvian collections. The Indian population of Hispaniola was decimated completely within a few years of Spanish colonization. Consequently, large herds of cattle rapidly acclimated to the Hispaniola environment because of the absence of both human obstacles to herd growth and large native domestic animals (Reitz 1986). The faunal data suggest that an Iberian diet was maintained with the addition of some new food items, particularly pond turtles and marine fishes. Spanish St. Augustine has also been the subject of intensive zooarchaeological research (Reitz 1992; Reitz and Cumbaa 1983; Reitz and Scarry 1985). Significantly, these collections span the sixteenth through eighteenth centuries, thus representing a greater chronological range than Pueno Real. In contrast to the pattern exhibited by the Pueno Real faunal collections, samples from the early occupations of Spanish St. Augustine consistently indicate that local faunal resources, particularly estuarine fishes and small game animals, were consumed. The absence of a reliance on Old World domestic mammals has been attributed to two factors: 1) high mortality rates for animals due to poor quality grasslands in the humid swampy coastal plain of nonheast Florida and 2) irregular shipments of provisions from Caribbean supply centers. Primary historical accounts of the colonists frequently contain complaints that their diet was inadequate due to the unavailability of meat, despite archaeological evidence that a wide variety of fish and game were consumed (Reitz and Scarrv 1985).

PAGE 44

Settlement outside of St. Augustine during the seventeenth century included large cattle ranches and an extensive system of missions, some of which maintained Uu"ge holdings of domestic animals. Although these enterprises may have been sources of meat for the town, the faunal material from a small sample of seventeenth-century contexts in St. Augustine indicates that the use of domestic meat did not increase (Reitz 1992:92). Rather, there was a continuation of the pattern established in the previous century that consisted of a reliance on wild animals and marine fishes with litde use of domestic meat sources. Apparendy, the catde ranches and missions contributed litde in the way of subsistence resources to St. Augustine proper. Analysis of additional samples from a greater temporal range of seventeenth century contexts may refine this conclusion (Reitz 1992:89). Studies of faunal samples from excavadons at the seventeenth century Spanish missions also indicate regional differences in the use of resources (Reitz 1991). Only in the western Apalachee province at the San Luis de Talimali mission do samples indicate a reliance on the use of domesric animals. This mission complex is somewhat anomalous in terms of its size, the range of personnel who occupied the mission including clerical, military, and indigenous individuals, and the commercial acdvines that took place such as tallow, lard, and hide processing (Reitz 1991:296). Therefore, meat supplies from domesdc animals may have been more readily available at San Luis. In contrast, the basic pattern of faunal use throughout the other mission provinces is similar, consisnng of a limited use of domestic livestock and extensive use of locally available wild resources (Reitz 1991:301). The diversity of ecological habitats near St. Augusdne, including an extensive estuarine system, in combination with low rates of survival for introduced domesuc mammals, particularly caprines, resulted in disdnctive patterns of adaptadon by the St. Augusdnians following social class and ethnic divisions (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983:185). Faunal material from eighteenth century households suggests ih'di peninsulares, recendy

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24 arrived colonists bom in Spain, attempted to maintain a diet more Iberian in character than either the wealthy or less affluent criollos, or individuals of Spanish descent bom in the colony. Although both the higher status peninsulares and the more affluent criollos consumed a very diverse range of local resources such as wild game and estuarine fishes, peninsulares consumed a greater variety of Old World domestic mammals than did the crioUo households. Lower class criollos had diets dominated by domestic mammals, especially cattle, and Htde reliance on local game or fish. Reitz and Ciimbaa (1983) hypothesized that lower class Spanish households may have been unable to afford more diverse foodstuffs that required hiring hunters or fishemien. The exploitation of animal resources in Spanish colonial Mexico, Central America, and other regions of South America has been reviewed by historical scholars (e.g., Borah 1954; Gibson 1964; New.son 1987; Poppino 1949); however, few zooarchaeological investigations have been undertaken (e.g., Emery 1991). Despite the need for zooarchaeological data from other geographical areas, particularly the valley of central Mexico, an assessment of the impact of New World environmental and altitudinal variability on the success of introduced domestic animals can be made through comparisons of faunal collections from the Moquegua wineries and Torata Alta with those from sites in the Caribbean and the southeastern United States. Comparisons of archaeological pattems among these three areas will allow a determinanon of the degree to which the Peruvian pattern confomied to the Iberian model of subsistence and how much it differed from other areas. The faunal collections of Puerto Real and St. Augustine exhibit variability due to the environmental conditions of these regions and the aboriginal populations that were encountered. The three geographical areas to be compared differ both ecologically and chmatically. Nevertheless, the Spanish motives for the colonizanon of these areas were similar: the economic expansion of Spain's kingdom. The role of animal re.sources in this process and the emergence of mesdzo pattems in the Andes have yet to be defined.

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25 The Andean Physical World Physical Setting of the Central Andes One of the world's most varied and extreme environments is that of the Centred Andes. The region extends latitudinally from approximately northern Ecuador to northern Chile (2 north to 20 south). The Pacific Ocean forms the western boundary while the Amazon rain forest constitutes the eastern border. The areal expanse of land within the region is substantial; however, the most impressive feature of the territory is the extreme altitudinal variation, which ranges from sea level along the coast to mountainous elevations in excess of 6000 m. The geographical terrain can be divided into three major zones (Figure 2-1 and Figure 2-2). The terrain and vegetation associated with these zones is a result of the juxtaposition of the Andean mountains and the Pacific coast. Altitudinal variation dictates the vegetational regimes that exist along this gradient (Beals 1969; Troll 1968); therefore, the occurrence of both natural resources and human settlement were influenced strongly by the climatic and topographic conditions. The western zone consists of a desert coastal plain transversed by a series of fertile river valleys. Arable land is restricted to either the river valleys that flow from the sierra to the Pacific or those areas where irrigation canals can channel river waters to the desert floor. Agricultural products of cotton and maize can be grown in irrigated coastal plots. Portions of the coastal plain can also be cultivated during those rare occasions when climatic conditions cause desert blooms to occur. First, oceanic fogs or ^arua can cover the desert, resulting in temporary desert grasslands or lomas. And second, coastal rainfall associated with El Nino conditions also can result in the fomiation of temporary lakes and ponds that can be cultivated or serve as pasture (Caviedes 1975). Although arable coastal land is limited, the upwelling currents of the Pacific Ocean sustain one of the world's richest marine biomes. An abundance of marine shellfish and finfish was available in these waters as were other marine products such as salt, seaweed.

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26 Chiclayo'N LIMA\ Huancayo-v Tropical (orest Mountain grass and scrub Coastal desert and scrub Figure 21 Geographical Divisions of Peru.

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28 and fibrous reeds that were used as construction materials (Moseley 1975). Larger marine mammals, such as seals, porpoise, and whales, are also common in the Pacific waters. The coastal setting also serves as a rookery and feeding ground for large numbers of shore birds. The guano, or feces and indigestible refuse (pellets), of these birds has been an important natural fenilizer from prehispanic dmes to the present (Julien 1985). The Andean mountain chain forms a central spine of the region that separates the desert coast from the humid tropical forests of western Amazonia. The northern portion of the Andean chain is lower in elevadon and has a higher rainfall than the southern portion of the range. The highland mountain valleys of the northern zone receive sufficient rainfall to produce a wide range of domestic plant resources, including maize, beans, grains, and potatoes (Moseley 1983b: 189). The southern zone, near the modern Peruvian/Bolivian border and including the Lake Titicaca basin, is composed of both steep mountain slopes and a high, broad plain, or altiplano. This southern, more arid zone is capable of supporting a greater population density than the nonhem tract both today and in the prehispanic past (Moseley 1983b". 185). Although the southern altiplano is an inhospitable environment because of high altitude and low temperatures, domesticated plants, including grains (quinoa, cahihua) and tubers (potatoes, oca, ulluca), can be produced at elevadons above 3500 m in the area known as the high sierra (Winterhalder and Thomas 1978). A greater diversity of plant products can be cultivated in the lower sierra (2500 to 3500 m) including maize, beans, squash, pumpkins, and grains. It is also at the highest reaches of the altiplano above the limits of agricultural production (greater than 3700 m) that highland grassland, or puna, occurs. These grasslands are one of the major regions where domesticated camelids (llamas and alpacas) were maintained in prehistoric times. The puna habitat frequently contains hofedales or zones of highland springs that are inhabited by champa or lacksa-lacksa {Distlchia miiscoides), a compact, mat-like grass that is desired pasture for camelids (Kuznar

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29 1991:371). The wild camelids, guanacos and vicunas, also occur in these highland areas, as do other wild mammals such as white-tailed deer, huemal deer, vizcachas, pumas or mountain lions, and foxes. Steep mountain slopes descend into the tropical rain forest on the eastern edge of the Andean mountain chain. Abundant highland precipitation in combination with warmer lowland elevations produces a lush forest habitat. Complex river tributaries contain a high biomass of riverine fauna. Tropical domesticates of maize, chilis, manioc, and fruits were cultivated on the eastern slopes. Human population densities were lower than in other areas; however, the region produced some indispensable plant products, panicularly coca, which was used prehistorically and during the colonial era to mitigate some of the physiological stresses of life on the highland plateaus (Murra 1986j. Physical Setting of the Moc]iiegua Wineries and Torata Alta The Moquegua Drainage is one of the southern-most river valleys of modem Peru. In this portion of the South-Central Andes, the coastal plain is a broad expanse that gradually rises in elevation to meet the Andean foothills. At the middle ponion of the larger Osmore valley near the modem township of Moc]uegua, the Otora, Torata, and Tumilaca tributaries merge to fomi the single channel of the Osmore River in what is known as the Moquegua valley. A highly fenile strip of land measuring approximately 28 km nonhsouth by three quaners of a km east-west extends along the river's course before the channel descends underground in a series of springs. The Moquegua wineries are located along this fertile band approximately 70 km from the Pacific coast at an average elevation of 1800 m above sea level. The site of Torata Alta is located approximately 14 km nonh of Moquegua in the Torata valley at an elevation of 25(X) m above sea level. The site is located on a high plateau on the south slopes of the Torata River valley (Van Buren el al. 1993) overlooking the modem town of Torata. Although the site is at a slighdy higher elevation than the bodegas, it lies within the arid low sierra based on the geographical scheme discussed.

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30 Agricultural lands were probably terraced fields irrigated by canal systems that divened waters from the Torata River. If irrigation systems were in place, the site is at an ideal elevation for the production of a diversity of foodstuffs, especially maize. During the colonial era wheat could have been grown. Stochastic Environmental Stresses In addition to the stark geographical contrasts of Peru, the region is subjected to frequent, yet rarely predictable, environmental disruptions of cataclysmic magnitude. The first of these is tectonism, including both gradual alterations of the earth's surface and high intensity seismic and volcanic activities. The Andean mountain chain is highly unstable because there is frequent uplift and thrust of the South American continental plates. Gradual tectonic uplift causes the displacement of canal irrigation systems, thereby resulting in the abandonment of agricultural land (Moseley 1983a). Although the effects of gradual tectonic modifications on the colonial Moquegua valley are not known, these forces probably contributed to the abandonment of lands that formerly were agriculturally productive. Today, the construction of irrigation canals is an ongoing process, indicating that older canals fall into disuse. There does not, however, appear to be widespread abandonment of agricultural lands in the wine-producing portion of the Moquegua valley based on examination of aerial photos (1970 series). The more visible aspects of tectonism. volcanism and seismic activity, were a disruptive force for the southern Peruvian habitat on numerous occasions during the colonial and later historic periods. The eruption of the Huaynaputina volcano in midFebruary to early March, 1600 affected the entire Moquegua region. Volcanic ash traveled more than 50 km south from the eruption center to settle throughout the Moquegua valley. Ash fall is present in archaeological strata at both Torata Aha and several of the wineries. Locumbilla bodega provides evidence of construction prior to the 1600 ash fall and subsequent reconstruction during the seventeenth century (Smith 1991 :200201 ). Volcanic activity, including large-scale ash falls, would have devastated crops and caused hardships

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31 for both humans and livestock. On a smaller scale, seismic activity at various times during the centuries of winery production was responsible for cracking the large earthenware jars or tinajas that were used for storing wine. Ultimately, a devastating earthquake is credited as one of the principal causes for the nineteenth century collapse of the wine industry' (Rice and Smith 1989). A second environmental phenomenon that is global in scale yet can have widespread devastating effects in Peru is the climatic phenomenon El Nino (the child) that usually begins around Christmas and lasts several months. In Peru an El Nino is manifested by an influx of warm waters in the Pacific Ocean that override the cold upwelling waters normally associated with the Humboldt current off the Peruvian and Ecuadorian coast. With the influx of warm water enter a large number of tropical fishes not commonly found along the Peruvian coast. Concomitantly, many species comprising the dense marine biomass of the upwelling currents escape to deeper colder waters or they migrate to different latitudes in search of colder waters. The entire food chain is disrupted resulting in diminished size ranges and reduced reproductive success for many species (Gushing 1982). Consequently large numbers of marine fishes, of which anchovies are most important, are lost from human exploitation. Changes in the composition and density of moUusks, particularly shallow water species, also affect human subsistence strategies (Moore 1991). The repercussions are also felt by other marine fauna. For example, great die-offs of shore birds and marine mammals (e.g., sea lions, seals) frequently accompany El Nino events due to the disruption of the food chain (Caviedes 1975). The terrestnal consequences of an El Niho are much more widespread. The chmatic phenomenon causes a severe disruption to normal precipitation patterns. The highlands which generally experience an austral summer rainy season experience drought conditions that can last several months. Consequently, high and mid-altitude crops fail and large herds of highland animals are impacted when suitable pastures become barren.

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32 The coastal desen is impacted by the reverse scenario. Torrential rains fall on the coastal plain resulting in severe flooding, crop destruction, and an increase in human diseases, especially tropical ailments such as malaria and leishmaniasis (Caviedes 1984). Record floods from excess rains have been documented in both recent El Nino events and in the prehispanic past (Moseley et al. 1992; Nials et al. 1979). Water damage from flash floods are one consequence of coastal rainfall while catastrophic mud flows can also occur (Satterlee 1990; Moseley et al. 1992). Long term disruptions to human coastal setdements are perpetuated by the destruction of coastal irrigation systems that become either filled with mud or completely destroyed (Feldman 1983). The bodegas project did not identify archaeological evidence of El Niiio events in the excavations. However, it can be assumed that the colonial residents of Moquegua were impacted by disruptive climatic conditions on more than one occasion based on historical accounts of El Nifio phenomena. A survey of historical sources by Quinn et al. (1986:13) reveal that at least seven strong or very strong El Nihos occurred during the seventeenth century alone with very frequent and widespread activity between 1607 and 1624. In contrast to the visible evidence of the Huaynaputina volcanic eruption, archaeological correlates of El Nino have not been documented at either the wineries or Torata Alta; however, economic repercussions such as reduced trade with the coast or reduced food supplies from the highlands probably were experienced by the Moqueguanos at various times during the colonial era. Constant Environmental Stresses Introduction. Spanish colonization of the Central Andes resulted in European colonists encountering one of the worlds most extreme geographical regions. These habitats traverse elevations ranging from sea level along the Pacific coast to highland elevations in excess of 45(X) m. Latitudinally. the Central Andes are within the equatorial tropics. The harsh environment is characterized by high solar radiation, extreme diurnal temperature changes, frequent frosts, high wind, aridity, and low oxygen pressure (Lee

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33 1972; Orlove and Guillet 1985). The contrasting pattern of the eastern tropical lowlands is one of high humidity, dense vegetation, high rainfall, and endemic malaria. The Old World domestic taxa that the Spaniards attempted to establish in these habitats would have been subjected to significant, and in some cases insurmountable, environmental conditions that would have induced physiological stresses. The following discussion explores the types of constant stresses that European introduced animals encountered and how systems of animal production were modified in response to these conditions. The reconstruction of animal productivity in the Central Andes is based on both modem animal distributions and knowledge of the effects of hypoxic conditions on both humans and animals. An historical perspective is provided through ethnohistorical accounts of the early Spanish introductions and archaeological evidence for prehispanic animal use. These data are used to hypothesize the types of stresses Spanish introductions would have faced. Phvsiological responses to hypoxia Of the biological stresses associated with life at high elevations, hypoxia (i.e., the availability of less oxygen than required) is the most detrimental from a physiological viewpoint because it affects all organ systems and physiological functions. It is also not easily altered by either behavioral or cultural responses (Frisancho 1981:102). Hypoxia results from any condition, physiological or pathological, that disrupts the supply of oxygen to the tissues. At high altitude chronic hypoxia results from the decreased panial pressure of oxygen (P 02) in the ambient air. For both native high altitude residents and the .sea level immigrant, a variety of coordinated mechanisms operate to increase the oxygen supply and oxygen delivery to the tissue cells. The physiological effects of hypoxia become evident at altitudes greater than 3()(X) m for a body at rest; however, under conditions of work or exercise hypoxic conditions will be evident above 2()00 m (Frisancho 1981:104). Residents of lower elevations will experience a variety of symptomatic and nonsymptomatic effects upon migration to the highlands. These commonly include reduced work capacity, headache, dizziness, sleeplessness, shortness of breath, and nausea

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34 (Baker 1978, 1982; Frisancho 1975, 1979). After the disappearance of the symptoms of acute mountain sickness, gradual adaptive responses develop. These can begin within hours after exposure and can take months or even years to fully develop. These responses differ in the timing or rate of development and the effect on vanous physiological systems. Although a variety of physiological systems are affected, the following focuses on pulmonary functions, blood, anorexia or weight loss, and reproduction. Pulmonary functions are modified by high altitude. At elevations of 25(X) m the depth of pulmonary ventilation increases (Sorensen and Servinghaus 1968). The function of increased pulmonary ventilation is to increase the partial pressure of oxygen in the alveoli and improve the oxygenation of blood that flows through the pulmonar>' capillaries (Frisancho 1981:105). Hypoxia stimulates chemoreceptors that trigger both increased pulmonary ventilation and quickened pulse rate. Blood volume and hemoglobin production are modified greatly at high elevation (5000 m). A sea level human who migrates to a highland region will experience an increase in both red blood cell production and hemoglobin concentration (5 million to 7 million/cu mm at 5(X)0 m). In conjunction, plasma volume decreases: therefore, total blood volume does not increase significandy despite the increase in red cell volume. The result of these processes is an increase in the viscosity of blood at high altitude as compared to sea level. The "thinner" blood of a recent immigrant exerts much strain on the heart as the heart must compensate for the more viscous blood by doing more work (Frisancho 1981:106). The increased hean rale will eventually subside for those organisms capable of acclimating to the higher elevations. The increased oxygen-carrying capacity of blood at high altitude affects the ability of oxygen to combine with hemoglobin. Oxygen transport from the lungs to tissue is based on the ability of oxygen to combine with hemoglobin; however, the hemoglobin affinity for oxygen is inversely related to the partial pressure of oxygen. Therefore, at high altitude there is a decreased hemoglobin-oxygen affinity (Frisancho 1981:123). The

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35 decreased affinity for oxygen of hemoglobin appears to be an adaptive response to hypoxia (Bullard 1972; Frisancho 1981 ). Weight loss results from reduced food consumpdon or anorexia at elevations above 3500 m. Reduced body weight occurs not only because of reduced caloric intake, but is also caused by loss of body water (Hannon et al. 1976). Body fluid loss is greater at higher elevations due to increased urine output and greater water loss from the lungs associated with increased respiration. This weight loss occurs to recent immigrants over a shon period of dme (days to four weeks) and differs from reduced binh weight that is characteristic of subsequent generations of high alntude immigrants. Nonsymptomatic effects for humans and all mammals include greatly reduced fenility, especially at elevadons greater than 4000 m. For males the effects include reduced speim counts and increa.ses in the number of abnormal spemi (Dona\Te 1966). The profound effects of high altitude on spermatogenesis appears to be related to alterations of testicular tissue. Tissue alteration (i.e., damage) resulted in laboratory controlled cat populations after a three day period of high altitude exposure and continued for up to six months (Monge 1948). The effects on women frequently include both disruption of the estrus cycle and the reduced fenilization. Disrupnon of the estrus cycle is apparently compounded by exposure to cold as evidenced by studies of rats subjected to hypoxic conditions alone and combined hypoxia and cold (Frisancho 1981:1 12). In addition if fenilization does occur, implantation can be hampered and developmental abnormalities are much greater (Clegg 1978). An additional common feature of all mammalian migrants to high altitude is reduced binh weight (Baker 1982). Andean adaptations to hypoxia Identifying and interpreting the stresses that Old World animals experienced in the Central Andes requires a knowledge of the prehispanic systems of domestic animal use and the adaptations (biological and physiological) that these animals had developed or that humans had selected for in the process of domesncation. The environment of the region set the parameters within which the indigenous systems of

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36 animal use functioned. However, humans are active agents capable of manipulating natural resources through such processes as plant and animal domestication and land modification. The indigenous cultures of the Central Andes possessed the most diverse inventory of domestic animals in the New World. These included the small domestic guinea pig, the dog, muscovy duck, and two species of New World camelids: the llama and alpaca (Wing 1986). The llama and the alpaca were both the foundation of a highland pastoral economy and were valued in reUgion, ritual, and as wealth and status items (Shimada and Shimada 1985). Pastoral activities were one component of the general economic system of verticality that involved the exchange of agricultural and horticultural products from different elevational zones (Guillet 1983; Murra 1968). The Andean pastoral economy had functioned for several thousand years at the time of European contact thus indicating the evolution of a complex system of human/animal interaction in a region of environmental extremes. The llama and the alpaca both served a variety of functions. Today, the llama primarily inhabits high altitude plateaus (altiplano or puna) grasslands greater than 3()00 m in elevation; however, in the prehistoric past llamas were bred and maintained in the coastal valleys (Shimada and Shimada 1985). The range of the alpaca is restricted to higher elevations generally greater than 4(X)() m (Winterhalder and Thomas 1978). The llama provided a number of products, including meat, sinew, hides, dung, and served as a beast of burden. The smaller alpaca was highly valued for its fine wool, but also provided meat (Flannery et al. 1989; Franklin 1982; Orlove 1977). The biological and physiological adaptations that the domestic camelids have evolved are genetic rather than behavioral adjustments. According to Bullard (1972:222) all of the mountain mammals studied for physiological adaptations have been either rodents or members of the family Camelidae. There are five physiological generalizations that can be made concerning animals that are native to highland regions as compared to laboratory animals or humans adapted to chronic hypoxia:

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37 1) the leftward position of the oxygen hemoglobin equilibrium curve when compared on the basis of the P 50 body weight relationship curve; 2) absence of increased hematocrit ratio or hemoglobin concentration in the blood; 3) an expanded plasma volume when compared to the sea-level animals in exposure to chronic hypoxia; 4) on the basis of limited evidence, a greater ability for the nssues to function with a low P 02 [oxygen panial pressure] or under anaerobic conditions; 5) again, on limited evidence, a greater ability to regulate tissue P o by maintaining circulatorv and respiratory function. (Bullard 1972:222) In reference to number 1 above, most mammals will undergo both an increase in their hemoglobin concentration and their oxygen equilibrium curve will shift to the nght during post-neonatal hfe. Significandy, and a probable factor contributing to adaptation to hypoxia, is the observation that during fetal and neonatal life most sea-level mammals possess the five adaptations found in high altitude natives of rodents and camelids. Although Bullard (1972) argues that it is far too simple a proposition to conclude that the native high altitude mammal is one that failed to grow up, the physiological evidence indicates that neotenic characteristics are retained by native highland mammals. Other major physiological adjustments to the condidons found at higher elevations include the development of both a much lower red blood cell mass and greater plasma volume for body mass in the camelids. The lower blood cell mass provides increased surface area for oxygen diffusion (Bullard 1972). The camelids also possess several biological adaptations related to reproduction. Females are characterized by acyclic oestrus whereby ovulanon is induced through copulation (Novoa and Wheeler 1984: 117). Although some of the shed ova are not fenilized following mating, when fertilization does occur implantation of the embryo occurs only in the more highly vascularized left horn of the uterus (Fernandez Baca 1971 ) The evolution of reduced natality stress for females seems to be suggested by fenility rates that vary from 85% for the llama to 50-60% for the alpaca (Browman 1987). Binhs. which are always singular, occur only during daylight hours, an adaptation that may contribute to greater neonate survival. Camelids also possess adaptations that allow them to efficiently udlize the available graze resources. The predominant type of graze materials available are ichu grass and a

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38 variety of compact, spongy herbaceous plant species (cushion plants) common near the highland springs or bofedales. Llamas apparently consume greater quantities of ichu grass while alpacas graze primarily on the low compact plant forms (Winterhalder and Thomas 1978). The camelids are capable of metabolizing a greater amount of these high cellulose grasses than are introduced species, especially sheep (Vallenas 1970 in Browman 1987). Also, the plantigrade padded feet of the camelids are not destructive on the soft terrain of the altiplano (Ellenberg 1979). The colonial record of stress The Spaniards introduced species that were extremely poorly adapted to the highland regions; therefore their survival was contingent upon acclimatization to the highland conditions. Alternatively, if acclimatization failed. Old World livestock could be established at lower elevations. Humans and other animals must have experienced both symptomatic and nonsymptomatic effects. Short-term symptoms can last from two weeks up to three months followed by acclimatization, the complex of processes by which animals adapt themselves to the environment in which they must live (Williamson and Payne 1978:18). Permanent acclimatization can involve changes in behavior, morphology, or physiology during the lifetime of an organism which may or may not have a genetic basis (Fri.sancho 1981 ). The ethnohistorical record and early colonial writings provides insights into the colonial period stresses that forced the modification of human setdement patterns and productive zones for Old World animals. The .same biological stresses experienced by Spaniards also would have impacted their animal resources. The Spaniiirds established setdements at high altitudes including the Inca capital of Cuzco (3630 m) and the mining regions of Bolivia such as at Potosi (3969 m); however, settlement as lower elevations were apparently preferred. The movement of the Spanish capital from the highland setting of Jauja (33(X) m) to the coastal setting of Lima (150 m) in 1535 reflects the Spaniards desire to occupy lower elevations (Dobyns and Doughty 1976; Monge 1948:34).

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39 The Spaniards modified their behavior to adjust to various stresses. Spanish women moved from the highland mining center of Potosi to lower elevations during the sixteenth century to increase fertility rates and to reduce spontaneous abortions and neonate mortality (de la Calancha 1639 in Baker 1969). At the sixteenth-centun,' mining center of Potosi the native population of 100,000 continued to reproduce successfully; however, the 20,000 Spaniards either did not have children or their children did not survive. It was not until 53 years after the founding of the city (1598) that the first Spaniard was bom. The birth was not attributed to acclimatization of the Spaniard women, but rather, the miraculous workings of Saint Nicholas of Tolentino (de la Calancha 1639 in Monge 1948:36). Intermarriages between the native population and the Spaniards of the mining district have been credited with facilitating the adaptive success of subsequent mestizo generations (Monge 1948:38). Although human movements to lower elevations did occur, efforts were made to establish animal resources in higher elevations for meat and by-products preferred by the colonists. Significantly, the primary graze lands for animal resources were in the highland regions. Available land at lower elevations was valued for agricultural production. Efforts were made to establish sheep and cattle in the highland areas (Gade and Escobar 1982; Orlove 1977). Pigs apparently were allowed to revert to a feral state in lower desen elevations and were not under controlled production during the colonial period (Vassberg 1978). In the central and coastal elevations, llamas probably came into direct competition for resources with European taxa, especially pigs and goats. The modem concentration of domestic camelids almost exclusively in the highlands may represent animals that were displaced from a variety of habitats during the colonial period (Shimada and Shimada 1985). The ethnohistoric record indicates that by 1557 all of the major Old World species were established in Peru (Cobo 1979; Fernan Gutierrez in Bishko 1952; Garcilaso de la Vega 1966) (Table 2-1). The failure of European animals to reproduce in the highland

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40 Table 2-1. First Observations of Old World Species in Peru (source Garcilaso de la Veea 1966: 512-587). Pigs

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41 Suidae (pigs) Pigs are nonsweating animals that possess poorly developed temperature control mechanisms (Williamson and Payne 1978:309); therefore, they are ver>' sensitive to diurnal temperature changes. These temperature control mechanisms are less developed in neonates. The attrition rate of a litter of twelve to sixteen unacclimatized piglets would have been substantially high. Pigs prefer humid areas with large amounts of shade (Williamson and Payne 1978:309); however, at least one thickly "furred" pig was observed by Dr. Elizabeth S. Wing (personal communication) at high elevation (4500 m). Undoubtedly, pigs were introduced to highland settlements during the early colonial period; however, their demise may have been rapid unless human intervention provided pigs with temperature-controlled environments such as enclosed areas near the main household structures. Equidae (horses, donkeys, and mules) According to Baker (1982:131), horses are the third most common Old World species found in the highland zones; however, neither donkeys nor mules are generally found there for extended periods. Horses that are imported from the lowlands will undergo a period of reduced work capacity. Their offspring will not suffer from this symptom: yet, they are commonly smaller than their lowland ancestors. The ability of horses to occupy the altiplano suggest that these animals have undergone dietary adjustments as well. Horses will graze, but their diet is generally supplemented with oats or rye, neither of which can be grown at higher elevations. Horses on the altiplano have either adapted to dietary change or they are supplied oats and r\'e from lower elevations. Other equid species of donkeys and mules are ubiquitous in the Andean region as beasts of burden. An explanation for their absence from highland regions as permanent residents is not known (Baker 1982). Bovidae (cattle, oxen) Catde, the second most common nonindigenous herd animal in the Central Andes, are common to elevations of approximately 3500 m where they provide meat and milk and serve as draft animals. At elevations greater than 40(X) m cattle are susceptible to a fatal form of pulmonary edema known as Brisket Disease in

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42 which fluid fills the lung rissue, eventually causing respirator}' failure and death (Baker 1982:131). Cattle also exhibit higher calf mortality rates than either sheep or the camelids, possibly from their slight fur covering (Winterhalder and Thomas 1978). Those that have successfully adapted to the highland are generally smaller in size (319 kg) than their lowland counterpart (454 kg) (Rouse 1977:111, 119). Bovidae. tribe Caprini (goats, sheep) Domestic goats, a species well-adapted to mountainous terrain and vegetation, are common in the lower sierra slopes but are rare in highland grasslands. Baker (1982:131) suggests that goats are adapted to hypoxic conditions; therefore, their uncommonness on the altiplano is difficult to explain. Herds of sheep were established in the altiplano of Peni and Bolivia to provide wool for local use (at least until the 19th century) and mutton. Today sheep are the most numerous animal species in the Central Andean highlands (Baker 1982). Acclimatization followed periods of reduced fertility and the production of small-sized individuals. Although they remain small in size, they can be herded at elevations over 4()(X) m and commonly graze in the same areas as camelids (Flannery et al. 1989: Orlove 1977). Although both sheep and cattle can be considered fully acclimated to the highlands, they both are more prone to population crashes as a result of stochastic environmental stress, such as drought, than are the camelids. At higher elevations sheep and cattle experience increased neonatal mortality, reduced fecundity, wasting or weight loss, and sheep produce poor quality wool (Browman 1987). Undoubtedly, these perturbations would have been more severe during the early historic period when acclimatization was still in progress. Fowl: domestic and wild The effects of high altitude on avian species are less well known than for mammalian taxa. According to Baker (1982:130), there were no domestic fowl species at high altitude that were regularly used for food at the time of the conquest. Today, there are wild species of fowl that appear to be adapted to the highlands: however, domestic species continue to be severely affected by high altitude. There are few domestic

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43 species found above 4000 m as incubation above this level is extremely hampered (Baker 1982). Baker repons that domestic chickens had a hatchling rate of only 16% in controlled studies of chickens at a simulated altitude of 4000 m in the United States. Selective breeding and incubators appear to be necessary for fowl production in the highlands, a proposition that is highly improbable for highland Peruvian peasants. Implications for the archaeological record The archaeological record of early Spanish colonial setdement provides a diachronic perspective on the success rates of introduced animals to the regions of the Central Andes. Mid-sixteenth century settlements at all elevations should contain the remains of a variety of Old World taxa based on historical accounts. Colonial archaeological contexts at high elevations (3000 m and above) should provide a greater diversity of faunal species in the earlier contexts with a decline in diversity following the presumed inability of animals to acclimate and reach productive levels. Although the Moquegua winery and Torata Alta samples are not from sites characterized by extreme high altitude conditions, they fall within the range at which physiological stress would be induced under work conditions. They are also characterized by latitudinal and desert stresses of extreme aridity, high solar radiation, large diurnal temperature changes, and rocky terrain. High altitude stress also undoubtedly influenced the selection of animals used in trade and transponation to the highlands, especially for trade to the Potosi mine. According to modem biological data, both pigs and domestic fowl would be restricted most in their elevational distribution. Acclimatization of cattle, sheep, and horses should be evident by their distribution at both mid and higher elevations. Today at elevations over 3()(X) m traditional herding systems remain intact with the incorporation of European species of primarily cattle and sheep. The archaeological record should document early colonial animal distributions and provide insights into the process of acclimatizadon that Old World taxa underwent during the colonial era. With archaeological data it may be possible to reconstruct the process that resulted in the modem distribution of Andean livestock.

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44 In addition to species diversity an assessment of the impacts of high altitude stress on individuals will be made through the use of biological methods that determine the size of individuals represented in the archaeological record. On the average individuals bom at high altitude are smaller than their lowland counterparts. Therefore, one can hypothesize that Old World animal individuals represented at the wineries and Torata Alta would be smaller than those occurring at lower elevations. Data collected from the Peruvian samples will be compared to faunal samples with measured elements from other Spanish colonial sites in nonaltitudinally stressed habitats, specifically, Puerto Real, Hispaniola (Reitz 1986; Reitz and McEwan in press.) and Spanish St. Augustine (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983: Reitz and Scarry 1985). In addition to the sizes of the individuals represented at the Moquegua valley, the composition of the assemblage in tenns of animal diversity, both indigenous and imported, will be used to infer whether potential highland stress was a factor in selecting animals used for transportation of wine products to extreme highland regions such as the Potosi silver mine. Prehispanic Cultural Setting of the South-Central Andes The prehispanic cultural systems that evolved in the South-Central Andes are among the most complex in the New World. The central Andean region witnessed the proliferation and subsequent demise of multiple hierarchical, tributary cultures characterized by craft specialization, monumental architecture, and economic specialization including the domestication of plants and animals. These social systems began to evolve on the central Andean coast roughly five thousand years ago and culminated in the emergence of the Inca state at approximately A. D. 1470. The development of these cultures reflects the evolution of specialized economic systems adapted to the unique physical conditions of the central Andean region.

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45 The economic systems that chtiracterize Andean cultures iire the product of historical development in this complex ecological setting. Systems of production, organization, and technologies evolved, and were maintained, in order to assure the survival and reproduction of a culture. The subsistence system of a culture is the foundation of the economic realm. Food production, the production of surplus food, and the development of subsistence systems in which all individuals need not participate in food procurement or production allowed the proliferation of nonsubsistence aspects of the economic realm to occur. Specialists for craft production and organizational control emerged in the Andean cultures when an abundant food supply was available. The physical environmental of a culture provides the parameters within which the economy evolves. The environment exerts various types of pressure (e.g., climatic, topographic, biotic) on human cultures. However, humans possess the ability to alter or modify environmental conditions through such activities as plant and animal domestication, construction of irrigation systems, or technological innovations. The economic and subsistence systems that developed in the prehispanic cultures of the South-Central Andes reflect adaptation to the climatic and topographic harshness of the region. The availability of resources in discrete altitudinally defined zones fostered the development of a unique economic system that was designed both to buffer against times of hardship or resource failure and to assure that a variety of products from different ecological zones could be obtained. The economic system whereby resources produced in a specific ecological zone are exchanged for products from other zones has been termed verticality (Murra 1968, 1985) or ecological complementarity (Shimada 1985). These two terms are used interchangeably hereafter. There has been much debate in the archaeological literature over both the nature (direct versus indirect verticality) and the prehistoric political implications of this economic system of exchange (see Stanish 1992). The following discussion outlines the probable funcdonal scenario employed in vertical exchange and briefly reviews the relevant arguments in regard to the precolonial Moquegua region.

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46 Ecological complementarity is an economic system that is dependent on the exchange or acquisition of resources from a vertical territory. The system probably evolved as a form of seasonal transhumance prior to the domestication of plants and animals (Rick 1980). Resources later came to be exchanged over a vertical territor\'. rather than the movement of individuals with the origins of food production through domestication. In its broadest sense, verticality has been interpreted as a risk management system for survival in a "difficult" environment (Browman 1987a, 1987b; Guillet 1983; Mayer 1985). Guillet (1983) emphasized that flexible social arrangements, or ones that involve little division of labor by age and sex, and diversification through mixed productive strategies allow humans to use their labor effectively and reduce risks. Significanth', institutions for the organization of land and labor are among the most unique features of verticality. Researchers have debated the functional mechanisms of verticality based on the distnbution of resources. For Murra (1972) resources occurred in different "islands" that were stratified vertically. Alternatively, Brush (1976) has argued that Andean patterns of zonation can either be compressed, as in short narrow valleys, or they can be of the island type proposed by Murra. Regardless of the degree of compaction or extension of a territory, resources are restricted to specific altitudinal zones. Their distribution results from the topographic and climatic pressures that define the limits of agriculture and herding activities as di.scussed in the previous section. The mechanisms by which peoples were able to gain access to these different resources remains open to debate. Murra's (1964,1968) original verticality hypothesis, ba.sed primarily on sixteenth century ethnohistorical accounts of the Lupaqa kingdom located in the highland region of Lake Titicaca, proposed that different ethnic groups practiced a form of direct, and coercive, colonization of territories along a vertical axis. In this scenario, individuals from ethnic groups moved into new territories situated at different elevation to extract resources for the homeland colonizing force. The objective was for

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47 colonists to establish control of many different territories or islands resulting in a "vertical archipelago" of territory. In Murra's scheme the organization of labor was a unique Andean feature. The ayllu, an endogamous corporate communal structure, was the unit of organization in the Inca period and developed early in the evolution of highland social groups (Moseley 1992:51). This structure kept property and labor within the ayllu and made decisions concerning land use, settlement disputes, and the redistribution of resources such as chuno (freeze dried potatoes) and charqui ( dried camelid meat). One of the most imponant responsibilities of the ayllu leaders would have been to control pasturage rights and access to communal lands needed for camelid herds. The control of resource production was through a centralized political hierarchy during the Inca period; however, the unit of production was still kin-based (Collins 1983). Food surplus was produced to suppon a ruling elite, craft specialists, and a military complex. Agro-pastoralism was a major component of the Inca economy and its predecessors. In addition to the domestication of numerous plant species, prehispanic Peru possessed the widest range domesticated mammals in the Americas, including llamas, alpacas, guinea pigs, and dogs (Wing 1986). All of the larger camelid herds were the property of the ruling elite and were maintained by the citizens as pan of their mit'a or state tax obligations (Garcilaso de la Vega 1966). Alpaca herds were raised primarily for their fine fleece and meat. Llamas would have been u.sed for both products such as meat, wool, sinew, and dung (Flannery et al. 1989; Oriove 1977) and as pack animals for long-distance transpon in the mountainous terrain (Nunez and Dillehay 1978). Individuals would have owned smaller herds of camelids for their family needs of meat, fiber, and dung for fuel. Other resources that would have been amenable to small .scale familial production (i.e., not subject to exchange) include the cuys (guinea pigs) and fowl. Subsequently, the model of venicality through direct colonial control has been criticized on two major accounts. First, the model can be viewed as a historically

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48 constructed scenario that fails to consider the social upheaval that the Lupaqa expenenced as a result of Spanish colonial settlement. A second criticism is that the model has been transformed from a hypothesis to be tested with archaeological data to an economic ideal that is uncritically projected onto all Andean populations in prehispanic and colonial space and time (Stanish 1992:4). An alternative model of verticality argues that exchange-based relationships between independent political entities was the means whereby goods or resources were exchanged between territories. This model of indirect venicality was initially proposed by Rostworowski de Diez Canseco (1977, 1981) and applied and expanded by Shimada (1985). Rather than colonization of distant lands, trade (reciprocal exchange) of goods was accomplished between independent craft specialists, fisherfolk, or agriculturalists. This model shares a similarity with Murra's direct venicality model in that both are based on ethnohistorical accounts from the South-Central Andean region. Most recently, Stanish (1992) has proposed that both models, direct and indirect, are not competing economic concepts; but rather, both are variations of Andean zonal complementarity strategies (Stanish 1992:5). It is iirgued that the main drawback in testing these models has been, and continues to be, the inability to confidently identify material correlates of either direct or indirect venicality in the archaeological record (Stanish 1992:5). Although it is beyond the scope of this research to review the methods proposed for such a research strategy, the colonial zooarchaeological matenals from the Motjuegua valley can be used to aid in determining whether Andean verticality continued to function during the Spanish colonial era. The zooarchaeological data from the wineries and Torata Alta will not be used to determine whether the strategy employed by the occupants of the.se sites was direct or indirect venicality; but rather, whether any form of venical resource exchange continued during the colonial era, panicularly beyond the sixteenth century. The prehispanic archaeological record of the Otora valley, one of the tributary drainages located at a higher

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49 elevation than the Moquegua valley, suggests thai indirect exchange with both the coastal and highland regions was well established in the Late Intermediate (Estuquiha-Inca) period sites based on the archaeological recovery' of fish bone, marine shell, and abundant camelid remains in midden deposits (Stanish 1985, 1992). Undoubtedly, this system was altered with the establishment of Spanish colonial setdements and industry in the South-Central Andes. The historical record of Spanish settlement discussed in the following section provides insights into the changes that occurred in the region. The composition of the Moquegua faunal samples is used to help determine whether verticality remained a viable economic strategy for the colonial inhabitants. Clearly the most unequivocal evidence for vertical exchange would be the recovery of animal remains in habitats other than their natural range. Examples include the presence of marine items or tropical lowland resources in the samples. If remams of manne products are idennfied, we can assume that trade continued with the coastal populations. Although the majority of valuable tropical products were botanical ones, tropical animals such as peccaries and tropical birds may have been traded. The continued exchange of products from highland zones may be more difficult to discern using zooarchaeological data alone. In regard to the South-Central Andes, it is difficult to determine from which ecological zone were derived the camelids represented archaeologically. Today camelid herds iire concentrated in the highlands where large grasslands are most abundant. Whether camelids were bred and maintained at lower elevations, especially the coastal valleys, is open to debate. Shimada and Shimada (1985) argue that prehistoric herds were raised in the coastal valleys, particularly along the north coast of Peru. They argue that camelids at lower elevations came into competition for food resources with European introduced cattle, goats, and especially pigs; therefore, the modem concentration of camelids at higher elevations reflects post-conquest changes in the distribudon of native domesticates. The ethnohistorical record of the coastal valleys is cited as supporting evidence for this hypothesis. According to Cieza de Leon and Garcilaso de

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50 la Vega (in Shimada and Shimada 1985:21), by the year 16()0 all domestic camelid herds inhabiting lower elevations were decimated by either Spanish introduced llama mange or other diseases. More recently, Van Buren (1993) conducted stable isotope analyses of a sample of camelid remains from Torata Alta in an effort to determine the habitat in which the camelids were raised. Although the isotopic signatures of many Andean plants has yet to be compiled, Van Buren (1993:203-205) drew the cautious conclusion that the Torata Alta camelids were highland imports based on the stable carbon isotope values. This conclusion is consistent with sixteenth century historical sources that indicate highland herds from the Titicaca Basin were traded to lowland populations in exchange for agricultural products (Van Buren 1993:204). Although it is difficult to distinguish highland-reared animals from those raised at other elevations based on osteological data alone, the age classes of the camelids may provide insights into whether camelids were maintained at the sites or whether they were traded from other zones. If the archaeological contexts contain the remains of camelids representing a range of age classes from juvenile to aged adults, it would suggest that camelid herds were maintained in the Moquegua or Torata valleys. Alternatively, if the camelid remains represent only adult individuals this could serve as evidence supporting exchange with highland centers. Data on the exchange or trade of resources from other ecological zones are used to aid in detemiining the degree of self-sufficiency that the Moquegua wineries and Torata Alta experienced during the Spanish colonial period. Evidence for the maintenance of vertical trade networks would both refute historical sources indicating that this system was greatly modified and would provide a model for the colonial transition to a capitalistic export economy.

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51 Spanish Colonial Settlement of Peni The Hispanization of Peru The motives and methods of the Spanish settlement of Pern are similar to other regions of the New World. Economic incentives, specifically the drive to accumulate wealth, lured the majority of Spanish colonists to Peru. These avaricious desires were fulfilled in 1545 by the discovery of the New World's richest deposit of silver located in the highlands of modem-day Bolivia. Exploitation of the cerro (hill/mountain) of silver in Potosi set in motion the most lucrative economic undertaking in all of the Americas. The economic and social repercussions of silver mining in Potosi encompassed vinually all of the New World and fueled the nascent capitalism of Europe. Almost all aspects of Peruvian economy were related to the mining operation either directly through activities such as refining, transportation, and providing provisions or indirectly through the political and administrative decisions made in cities outside of Potosi (Bakewell 1984, 1987). The social consequences were equally profound, especially for the Indian populations that either were required to provide labor for the mining operations or were wage workers attempting to increase their personal wealth (Bakewell 1984, 1987). Indian populations were often displaced great distances from their homelands to be employed in extremely hazardous activities. Indigenous populations that migrated to mining towns are said to have acculturated rapidly due to the predominance of Spanish material wealth (Bakewell 1987:249). One can hypothesize that the more commonly adopted Spanish traits were material culture, particularly clothing. Bakewell ( 1984: 1 88) also suggests Indian wage earners may have undergone acculturation when they adopted the role of intermediaries between the Spaniards and the coerced native labor forces. Despite the predominance of aspects of Spanish culture in the mining centers and accelerated rates of acculturation, the demographic composition of mining regions was characterized by an overabundance of male colonists and Indian laborers, some of whom brought their families. The social structure of the frontier mining towns contrasted

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dramatically with the demographic composition of both the large urban centers of Peru, most notably Lima and Arequipa, and the smaller rural towns. Hispanic traits and institutions, transplanted during the early years of colonial settlement, were more common in the larger cities. By the mid-sixteenth century Spanish colonists inhabiting Lima had emulated European society in regard to social stradfication, folk customs, coun etiquette, and material wealth (e.g., housing, dress) (Lockhan 1968:225). Even in the larger cities gender ratios were unbalanced due to the excess of young unmarried males; however, Spanish women consdtuted a larger ponion of the Peruvian populadon than most other New World colonial centers (Lockhiirt 1968:226). There was apparendy little assimiladon on the part of Spaniards in the larger cities. The diary of Josephe Mugaburu, a soldier assigned to guard the royal palace in midseventeenth century Lima, indicates that the rigid hierarchical system of social stradfication between peninsulares, Creoles, mestizos, Indians, and slaves persisted (Miller 1975:8-9). These class distinctions endured through the colonial era and gave rise to polidcal and economic conflicts in the eighteenth century (Brown 1986:106-108). The degree of Spanish social structure maintained in the more isolated rural setdements of the Peruvian coastal valleys was probably intermediate between that of the larger urban centers and the mining districts. It is evident from Davies's (1984) reconstrucdon of colonial landownership in Arequipa that these individuals and families perceived themselves as hispanic and therefore distinct from the indigenous population. The large landed estates established by many of the religious organizations, especially the Jesuits (see Cushner 1980), sought to maintain hispanic traditions of social stratification. However, the isoladon of the rural estate was not conducive to the maintenance of many social institudons that were important to the urban dwellers. The aspects of social life (e.g., education, marriages, funerals, fiestas) that distinguished the Spaniard from other ethnic groups were less elaborate in the rural setting.

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53 The less rigid social structure of rural life contributed to mestizo unions between either Spaniards and Indians or Spaniards and African slaves. The mestizos and mulattos bom of these interactions constituted a new peasant class, especially on many of the larger rural estates (Brading 1987:152). In other geographical areas intermarriages between Indian elites and wealthier Spaniards resulted in a type of "provincial elite" (Spalding 1984:223). Despite the frequency of intermarriages, the Spanish crown refused to revoke its ruling prohibiting Spaniards from living among the Indians. The acculturative effects of mestizo unions are not well documented. From a political standpoint, these unions exacerbated the conflicts between criollos and peninsulares in the eighteenth century as mestizos attempted to gain power and control (Brown 1986). Although the maintenance of Spanish customs and social standing was important to the colonists, the Andean world and the nature of the colonial encounter exerted new pressures on indigenous and colonial populations, resulting in the emergence of a distinctive Spanish Andean culture. The demographic composition of the colonial population was one such factor. Although the colonial immigrants represented the different geographical regions and social classes of Spain, members of the Spanish peasant class (i.e., agriculturalists and farmers) were the least well represented in Peru. Consequently, Indians and African slaves were more commonly engaged as either domestic or agricultural laborers than were Spaniards (Lockhan 1968:228). The roles of Indians and slave laborers as transmitters of Andean and African cultural traits are poorly understood. Although Spanish social and agricultural activities predominated, non-Spaniards acting as agents of acculturation were undoubtedly influential in the formation of colonial Andean culture. Land, Labor, and Economy The ascendancy of Spanish industry and economy in the rural areas resulted from the interaction of two variables: land and labor, specifically Indian labor. The colonial relationship between land and labor was fluid as a result of the combined forces of royal decrees, declines in Indian population, and increases in the colonial needs for labor and

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54 land. The evolution of these systems are briefly reviewed based on the works of Keith (1976), MacLeod (1987), and Morner (1987). Following the conquest, the crown attempted to de-emphasize the need for slavery by granting the Spanish immigrants encomlendas, or rights to Indian labor. This system was in place until the end of the sixteenth century; however, the tremendous depopulation of the Indian work force following both the introduction of Old World disease and abuse by the Spaniards forced the crown to modify the labor system. The repaniniiento emerged as an assignment of labor for the performance of specific tasks. The repanimiento was essentially the precolonial Andean system of niit'a labor (precolonial draft or labor tax) performed under Spanish supervision. The vast majority of repartimiento service was in the Potosf mine and related activities. Even though this system was corrupt from its inception, it endured through the seventeenth century. With the abolition of the repartimiento, large numbers of Indians who had been moved from their homelands became wage workers whereas others were employed as sharecroppers, yanaconas, in an Andean system corrupted by the Spaniards. The development of free labor occurred first in the cities and involved specialists such as wood carvers and silversmiths. Eventually, free labor expanded to the rural estates where Indians and mestizos were frequently employed as skilled workers in ranching and agriculture (Morner 1987). Concomitant with changes in labor was the reorganization of land ownership. Spaniards either forced Indians from the lands or as the Indian population declined lands were taken over. The pos.session of an encomienda grant served as a rationale for the acquisition of land from Indians occasionally through purchase, but more often through seizure. The surviving Indian population migrated to the higher elevations where land was much more rugged and the altitudinal effects made the land much less desirable to the Spaniards (Keith 1976). Some land grants were given in the sixteenth century; however, the greatest period of land acquisition was during the seventeenth centur>'. The most prized lands were within

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55 the fenile coastal river valleys where eventually large haciendas were established for the production of sugar, wine, and to a lesser degree olives, rice, cotton, and fodder crops of oats and alfalfa (Morner 1987). Outside of Arequipa within the fenile valleys of the countryside, agricultural enterprises proliferated to provide provisions for both the expanding Arequipan population and the silver mines. One of the most profitable agricultural enterprises in the rural countryside was the wine industry; although sheep and cattle ranches as well as the production of comestibles were common. The majority of rural property owners were from wealthy Arequipan families who had received land grants during the sixteenth century. The possession and profitability of rural estates was viewed by Arequipans as a means of achieving and maintaining social standing and influence in the colonial worid (Davies 1984:164). The initial seizures of land took place on the outskirts of the cities for the production of food crops and livestock. The separation of indigenous populations from their land was also achieved through the politically sanctioned actions of Viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo beginning in the 1570s. Toledo sought to alleviate potential rebellions and to gain greater control of Indian production by consolidating Indian populations through forced resettlement into "reduced villages" or reducciones (see Spalding 1984; Wightman 1990). Ostensibly, the objectives of the Toledo system were to make the Indians easier to manage, govern, and to provide with religious instruction. Indians were not permitted to return to theu" settlements, a decree that was guaranteed by Spanish destruction of the original villages (Spalding 1984:214). The organization of both indigenous control and production was not to be altered in the reduccion. The Andean systems of organization based on the ayuUu was unaltered. Command of the reduced population was controlled by local kurakas, or chiefs, who were promoted to the status of lessor nobility by the Spaniards (Spalding 1984:220). The kurakas served as intermediaries between Spanish officials and the Indian population. As representatives of colonial authority the kurakas were educated in the Spanish tradition.

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56 spoke Spanish, and adopted many of the Spanish material trappings including ownership of land and stock raising (Spalding 1984:220). In regard to the production of foodstuffs, crops could be grown on land outside of the reduccion settlement while fruit crops were permitted to be grown within the village (Spalding 1984:214). The Spaniards encouraged the Indians' production of European fruits and crops in order to supply themselves with both familiar food items for consumption and with tribute items that could be exponed for profit. The management of native domestic animals was altered as well in the reduccion system. Males, who traditionally maintained llama and alpaca herds, were encouraged to engage in agriculture on the reduccion rather than practice vertical herding (Gade and E.scobar 1982). In addition to changes in herd management, recent studies also suggest that control of camelid breeding was disrupted. Comparisons of modern coarse-tlbered llama fleece with prehistoric llama samples dating approximately 900 to 1()(X) years ago suggest that selective breeding of finefleeced llamas declined probably beginning in the colonial era (Wheeler et al. 1992). Although the Toledo refomis were intended to allow the Indians to continue the production of goods for their own use, Spanish demands for surplus goods further stressed the declining Indian populations. Little effon was made by the Spaniards to integrate the Indians into the economy. Rather, an extractive economy was imposed on the precolonial Andean system (Spalding 1982). In light of the declining population and excess demands by the Spaniards, the Indians began to disperse from the reducciones in the early part of the seventeenth century (see Wightman 1990). Complaints by the Spaniards were unsuccessful in soliciting royal assistance to resettle the Indian populations (Spalding 1984:225). As the population declined, the Spaniards relied less on indigenous systems of production that had been so critical for their survival in the earlier periods. Another development that had major repercussions for the communal structure and eventually freed a large labor pool was the rise of individual private propeny from lands that originally had been held in communal ownership (Celestino 1987). Intermarriages in

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57 the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries between Spaniards and Indians created pressure for the establishment of private land ownership. Eventually, legislation decreed that former communal plots were private property. This land came to be owned by a few; consequently, a large labor force was required to seek wage employment in other areas such as on large estates, in coastal towns, or in the mines (Celestino 1987). This decree also led to an alteration of herding practices as communal lands that had been accessible for pasturage were closed to herders. Once colonial cities were established and the mining industry accelerated production, Peruvian economy developed a regional interdependence for foodstuffs and supplies. Different geographical regions emerged as the centers of production for a variety of essential agricultural and livestock products. The divergence between rural and urban economy was related to the contrast between the specialized agricultural and livestock production that characterized the rural environs and the role of urban cities as distribution centers for importing and exporting products. The most profitable economic activities of the urban centers were related to transponing provisions to and from the Potosi silver mine. The pon cities of Lima and Arica located in modern nonh Chile prospered as a result of the movement of goods through the cities (Morner 1987:293). Prior to the opening of the Arica port, all trade to and from Potosi was routed by land through Arequipa thus bolstering the local economy (Davies 1984). Land transponation in the mountainous terrain was accomplished by either llama or mule caravans that used the elaborate and well maintained precolonial road systems. Exchange in the Andes was thereby transformed from a reciprocal system to a mercantile one aimed at producing profit (Pease 1985:152). The agriculture and livestock that flourished on large niral haciendas and smaller landholdings were distributed along altitudinal gradients such as those that were used in the precolonial economy. The production of resources was no longer motivated by the need to exchange complimentary products, but rather, by a desire for profit; therefore production

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58 was more intensive. The entire array of fruits, vegetables, and fodder crops that Peruvian colonists imponed (see Brown 1986; Crosby 1972; Keith 1976) were planted within the altitudinally discrete production zones of the region. Agricultural products were particularly sensitive to water requirements and frost. The Mediterranean crops of sugar, wine, and olives prospered most in the lower reaches of the irrigated coastal river valleys. In contrast, essential grains of wheat, barley and oats could be grown at elevations up to roughly 3500 m (Winterhalder and Thomas 1978). Significantly, Andean food crops, especially maize, continued to be produced, often side by side with Old World foodstuffs (Momer 1987:307). The production of crops employed a combination of Andean and European technology. For example, the harness plow proved to be of limited use in many locations due to the rugged topographic conditions. Among the Andean technologies that were employed are the chakilaclla (foot plow) and the use of guano (shorebird dung) as a fertilizer. Guano, an organic substance rich in nitrates, was collected on the coast and transponed inland great distances during the colonial period for use as a fenilizer, panicularly for maize (Julien 1985). Altitudinal features also dictated the zones where Old World animals could be established (see discussion of Constant Environmental Stresses this chapter). The role of animal resources in the colonial economy is addressed in greater detail in the following section. The Role of Animal Resources in Spanish Peru Immediately following the conquest. Old World species imported from Mexico quickly expanded across the Andean landscape (Borah 1954). Early ethnohistorical accounts of Peru indicate that the exotic Spanish-introduced taxa rapidly became visible on the Andean landscape (Garcilaso de la Vega 1966). By the 155()s ranches were so well established that manufactured goods came to be the main impons (Borah 1954). The Spaniards created pasture lands for a variety of Old World species including sheep, burros, goats, and cattle (Crosby 1972; Orlove 1977). The combined forces of Andean geography,

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59 existing herding practices, and the economic desires of the colonists influenced where animals were established. Apparendy there were also status differences associated with cenain geographical regions and the types of livestock that were raised. According to Lockhart (1968:25) the esiancieros (ranchers) who maintained large livestock encomiendas outside of Lima during the mid-sixteenth century' occupied the lowest position in Spanish Peruvian society. These individuals commonly were Canary Islanders or Portuguese settlers who spent most of the year living in the Indian villages herding goats, sheep, pigs, or cattle and collecting tribute. In contrast to this subservient posidon, local kurakas in control during the seventeenth century often sought to increase their status through the ownership of livestock herds (Spalding 1984:220). Gade and Escobar (1982:338) also argue that the Spaniards who occupied the highland reducciones in the Depiirtment of Cuzco discouraged Indian participation in commercial livestock herding because they desired to keep this enterprise for themselves as they had in Mexico. If one considers the Central Andean region as a whole, different areas emerged as centers of colonial economic activity related to either specific animals or their products. The development of textile shops {ohrajes) where Spaniards required Indians, primarily females, to produce woolen textiles is one example. Obrajes were established in the precolonial past for the production of camelid woolens and cotton textiles that served as tribute under the Inca state (Moseley 1978:197). The Spaniards adopted this system in the sixteenth century to collect textile tribute made from either camelid or sheep fiber. Texdle production as a form of tribute prospered until the Indian population declined in the midseventeenth century (Monier 1987:305). The earliest concentration of shops was near Quito in Ecuador where other industry' such as mining did not exist (MacLeod 1987:353); however, textile shops flourished throughout highland rural society in both northern and southern provinces (Morner 1987:305). The large mixed herds of domesnc camelids and

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60 sheep that had become common in the highland puna habitats by the mid-seventeenth century supplied the required woolen fiber. Prior to the eighteenth centur>', textile production was either coercive based on Spanish demands (Murra 1982) or primarily for internal needs. By the first half of the eighteenth century mills near Cuzco and Cajamarca were producing cloth for a lucrative export economy (MacLeod 1987:353). This trend continued into the nineteenth centur)' when Peru became one of the leading suppliers of raw wool, both camelid and sheep, to the industrialized centers of England (Orlove 1977). One can hypothesize that the economic changes in wool production are related to both the rise of private ownership of land and herds in the seventeenth centur\' and the collapse of Spanish trade restrictions in 1778 that opened Peru to trade in a variety of products. Cattle ranches were established in many of the Central Andean valleys at lower elevations. Cattle ranching in Peru never achieved the same degree of commercial success that characterized either the Ciiribbean or Mexico. However, large ranches that were established first on the Peruvian coast during the sixteenth century to alleviate shonages of meat eventually were moved to the sierra (Keith 1976). Undoubtedly, hides were produced on the larger estancias and cattle were employed for traction where topography permitted; however, the greatest value of cattle was as a supplier of tallow that was used in the manufacture of candles, an essential item in the deep mine shafts. The South American catde ranching center that grew in the central region of Chile was the main source of colonial tallow used in Peru (Morner 1987:299). In contrast to Mexico where cattle herding was controlled by Spaniards, Gibson (1987:393) argues that Indians panicipated more in Peruvian cattle ranching because of preconditioning or "psychological preparation" from llama herding. Horses, burros, and mules were imported to Peru in the sixteenth centur>'. Horses accompanying Pizarro's forces in 1532 introduced the Andean inhabitants to a new breed of animal. Garcilaso de la Vega (1966) notes that donkeys were first observed in the

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61 Cuzco valley in 1557. The tremendous increase in colonial land commerce necessitated the use of large caravans of sure-footed beasts of burden. The Spaniards relied on the indigenous llama during the early colonial years. Although the llama was the more experienced beast in the Andes, mules are reported to have been adopted for ground transportation by Indian caciques as early as the sixteenth century (Pease 1985:148;. The imponation and procreation of both burros and mules greatly increased the number of animals that were available for the movement of goods in the mountainous terrain. The vast plains of the Rio de la Plata area emerged as the eighteenth century supply center for mules used in the Andean region (Momer 1987:31 1). Other animals that were imported, but .served only as subsistence items, include pigs, goats, and chickens. The .scale of production for these animals was considerably less than that for sheep, cattle, burros, and mules which also served in other economic capacities. Other lesser creatures that were either intentionally or inadvertently imported to Peru are cats, dogs, and rats (see Crosby 1972). In modem Moquegua all of these animals have found niches for themselves as either roof dogs, sewer rats, or the elusive nocturnal felines. Another important consequence of Spanish .settlement was the opening of commercial markets that included the sale of butchered meat. Archival studies have documented colonial restrictions regarding the processing and sale of meat and meat by-products in public markets. The cahildo (Spanish governing body) enacted legislation in the sixteenth century to assure that the meat sold in the Mexico City markets was disease-free, properly weighed, and registered (Dusenberry 1948). Similar decrees were issued in seventeenth century Lima to guarantee that meal sold in the public niiirkets was neither inaccurately weighed nor resold by secondhand retailers (Miller 1971:124, 300). Apparently, the sale of meat to Indians was also restricted during periods of scarcity, especially during the sixteenth centur%' (Keith 1976). Similar restrictions may have been enacted for the Moquegua market during periods of economic hardship.

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62 It is important to note the negative effects associated with the importation of Old World taxa. In contrast to the less destructive, plantigrade, padded hooves of the camelids, the hooves of the Old World herbivores trampled the delicate highland terrain thereby contributing to erosion (EUenberg 1979). Introduced sheep also contributed to the decimation of the native livestock through the probable introduction of disease, most notably the scab mite which causes mange (Flannery et al. 1989:102-103). Not only were the herd sizes reduced by imported pestilence, the distribution of Andean domesticates also contracted following the conquest. The concentration of Spanish agriculture and industry in the coastal valleys forced the native herders to retreat to higher elevations. Archaeological evidence for prehistoric llama breeding on the nonh coast of Peru (Shimada and Shimada 1985) and prehistoric llama and alpaca breeding on the south coast (Wheeler et al. 1992) supports the contention that modem herds are much more restricted in their distribution than was the case in prehispanic times. It is not known what role colonial economic demands, desires for particular subsistence items, or altitudinal selective pressures played in shaping the faunal composition of the colonial Moquegua valley. Presumably animal resources were also graded along the elevational features of the landscape; however, no previous archaeological data on animal use during the colonial period have been compiled. This zooarchaeological analysis provides empirical data on temporal, functional, and spatial changes in Spanish colonial animal resource use in the Moc]uegua region. Spanish Colonial Industr>' and Lifeways in the Mocjuegua and Torata Valleys The Spanish Colonial Wine Industry of Moquegua The economic and social focus of life in the Moquegua valley from the late sixteenth to the late nineteenth centuries was the wine industry. Reconstructions are presented on both how the wineries functioned based on the architectural remains that still stand in the valley and when wine and wine products were produced ba.sed on historical records. This

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63 discussion draws largely on the work of Rice and Ruhl (1989) and Smith (1991). The reader is referred to these sources for additional information on the winery complexes. Spanish colonists arriving in the New World sought to recreate familiar foodstuffs by planting European crops and importing animals to their new homelands. Prior to the establishment of crops or their products, the colonists were dependent on shipments of supplies from Spain. The Spanish thirst for wine during the sixteenth century was unquenched by the imports due to accelerated rates of spoilage on the long journeys from Spain and inadequate quantities of wine shipped to the colonies. Consequently, vinestock from the Canary Islands was transplanted to Mexico in the first half of the sixteenth century. Vines were brought to Peru by the mid-sixteenth centun,' with full-scale wine production occurring in both the Moquegua valley and much of coastal Peru by the end of the sixteenth century (Hyams 1965; Cushner 1980). The .Moquegua wine industry was characterized by a boom and bust economic cycle as a result of natural disasters, trade restrictions, war, and pestilence (Brown 1986; Rice and Smith 1989). The fledgling wine industry was disrupted by a volcanic eruption and earthquake in 16(X). A minor economic rebound took place during the seventeenth century when markets for wine and wine products opened in both the highlands near Cuzco and in Lima where wine was commonly exported to New Spain. The Spanish protectionist efforts to prohibit the expansion of the Peruvian wine market apparently were not successful in either the New World or Spain. Although trade restrictions were enacted to prevent the export of wine to Mexico, contraband trading was responsible for the movement of large quantities of Peruvian wine (Cushner 1980). Peruvian wines apparently were carried as far as Spain. Townsend (1814:323) repons that he consumed Peruvian wine while on his travels through Spain in the late eighteenth century. A new era of profitability did not emerge until the mid-17()()s when renewed trade with the highland mining centers of modern-day Bolivia bolstered the economy. The mideighteenth century trade more commonly involved the expon of brandy (pisco). a distilled

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64 beverage made from fermented wine (Brown 1986:77). The wine industry' flourished until the second half of the nineteenth centur>' when the combined effects of more earthquakes, the Pacific wars with Chile, and infestation of vinestock with phylloxera, an aphid that attacks grape vine roots, contributed to the demise of the wine industry (Rice and Ruhl 1989; Rice and Smith 1989). Today, wine and pisco production are minor components of the valley's economy where less than 2% of the arable land is planted in vines (ONERN 1976:650 in Rice and Ruhl 1989:500). An understanding of wine production in the Moquegua valley has resulted from identification, survey, mapping, and excavations of wineries by the .Moquegua Bodegas Project (Rice and Smith 1989). Field observations of both large earthenware vessels u.sed for wine storage (tinajas) and well-pre.served adobe ruins of former winery complexes sparked interest in the archaeological potential of the wine industry. A survey program initiated by Dr. Prudence Rice in 1985 resulted in the identification of one hundred-thirty bodegas in the valley (Figure 2-3). During subsequent field seasons, shovel test excavations were conducted at twenty-eight wineries and more intensive excavations were carried out at four sites (.see Smith 1991). This project constitutes the first large-scale historical archaeological project conducted in Peru. The analysis of material recovered in the excavations has resulted thus far in the identification of colonial patterns of material culture (Smith 1991), kiln function and distribution (Van Beck 1991). and botanical use (Jones 1990). Winery ruins located throughout the valley contain several similar architectural features (see Rice and Ruhl 1989; Rice and Smith 1989). The winery complexes are comprised of multiple cane-roofed adobe stmctures. The spatial arrangement generally includes structures in combination with open courtyards, presumably where either live animals could be maintained or products could be loaded for transport. Several of the sites have buildings that presumably served as residential areas while chapels have been identified at a small number of sites. Most of the wineries were constructed on bluffs along

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65 OMBOLOM80 CRUCERO OTOOAl. 1 Figure 2-3. Location of Wineries Identified in the Moquegua Valley.

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66 the east and west sides of the valley in nonagricultural lands; however, in the upper, flatter portion of the valley wineries are located on cultivable lands. A series of industrial features related to wine production occur at most bodega complexes. Grapes were first placed in vats (lagares) where either foot crushing or mechanical devices were employed to reduce the grapes to juice (mosto). From the lagares the mosto was transferred to the large eanhenware tinajas where fermentation would take place. At least one large room containing several rows of tinajas that were partially buried below ground surface was present at each winery. Once fermentation was complete, the wine was ready for consumption or for distillation into either pisco brandy or aguardiente (fire-water). Distillery equipment ifalcas) were located on adobe platforms usually a short distance from the tinaja rooms. Kilns, also present at several of the wineries, were used to manufacture the large tinajas as well as the smaller hotijas ("olive jars" or coarse earthenware jugs used for shipment or storage). Calcination kilns are also associated with some of the wineries (Van Beck 1991:79-81). In addition to the production of wine, the industrial ponion of the wineries employed a variety of animals in different capacities. The most essential use of animals was for transportation of wine products. Pack animals, either mules or llamas, are commonly cited as having been employed to transport wine or brandy to the highlands (Pease 1985:152: Kuon Cabello 1981:373, 384). The life of an Andean pack animal during the colonial era was not particularly humane. Early eighteenth century accounts indicate that spare mules were often brought along journeys in the event that an animal would tire along the strenuous routes which were lacking in both pasture and water (Frazier 1713 in Kuon Cabello 1981:384). The continual death of pack animals is said to have littered the Peruvian roads with as many mule skeletons as footprints (Kuon Cabello 1981:384). The constant need for replacement animals fueled the mule centers of Chile. Perhaps the most common industrial role of animals was the production of goatskin winebags that were used for the transportation of wine. Goatskin bags (odres) were

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67 introduced to Moquegua in the mid-eighteenth centurv' as a replacement for the heavy clay botijas that undoubtedly broke frequently (Kuon Cabello 1981 :366). The interiors of the skins were treated with tar ihrea), a process that no doubt imparted additional savor to wine and brandy that already boasted an infamous reputation throughout the New World (see Crosby 1967:331). In addition to the burros and mules that served for cargo and transport needs, sheep, goats, heifers, and bulls commonly were maintained on the wine haciendas (Kuon Cabello 1981:373; Cushner 1980:71-73). Domestic herds apparently were grazed on the lomas vegetation near Ilo that would bloom following the austral winter rainy, or rather drizzle, season. Horses were employed for the numerous trips that were made between the field and the residence (Kuon Cabello 1981:373). Historical sources have provided little information on the number of livestock that were present at any particular bodega for a specific time. However, one quantified account of livestock holdings is recorded in Alonso de Estrada's will issued in Moquegua in 1610. According to this will, Estrada's estate included seven mules, nine burros, and approximately two hundred fifty goats (Kuon Cabello 1981 :361 ). Some of the wineries possessed alfalfa fields to provide pasturage for horses and cattle (Frazier 1713 in Kuon Cabello 1981:373): however, it may have been necessary to maintain large herds of domesticates on pasturage outside of the valley proper. Historical sources provide some insights into how animals were employed at the wineries. In contrast, very little historical infomiation is available on the dietary role of animals in Spanish Peruvian colonial history, ptu^ticularly in the rural settings such as the Moquegua valley. One can certainly hypothesize that a hieriirchy of food distribution existed on both the larger haciendas where slave labor was common and the smaller rural estates that relied most on sharecropper labor. The zooarchaeological record should help elucidate both the dietary and economic uses of animals that characterized the Motjuegua wineries.

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68 Torata Alta in the Sixteenth Centun' Torata Alta differs from the Mcxquegua wineries in function, architectural plan, ethnicity of the occupants, and duration of occupation. The site, located approximately 14 km northeast of Moquegua at an elevation of approximately 2500 m in the dr>' lower sierra habitat, sits on a hilltop over the Torata River, a tributar)' of the Osmore River that runs through the Moquegua valley (Figure 2-4). The architectural plan of the site consists of a gridded layout containing twenty-five rectangular residential blocks or kanchas each containing a varied number of rooms. The blocks or kanchas are separated by a regularly spaced grid of streets (Van Buren et al. 1993:137; Van Buren and Biirgi 1990:51). The north central portion of the site contains a rectangular plaza while a church has been identified in the northeast quadrant. The architectural plan and construction techniques contain both Inca and Spanish colonial elements. It remains speculative as to whether the site was constructed as part of Inca expansion into the Torata valley or whether it was constructed entirely under Spanish decree to serve as a reduccion where the indigenous population of the valley was ordered to settle (see Van Buren 1993). Archaeological investigations by both Programa Contisuyu and Proyecto Bodegas including site survey, mapping, surface collection, and excavation examined when the site was constructed, the duration of occupation, and socioeconomic variability within the site (Van Buren 1993; Van Buren and Biirgi 1990). The greatest concentration of excavations were placed in the southeastern quadrant where the longest occupational histor\' was present. Excavations indicated that the site was occupied during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Ash fall from the 16(X) eruption of the Huaynaputina volcano suggests that the majority of the site was abandoned by the late sixteenth century. Occupation in the southeastern quadrant continued into the seventeenth century; although the entire site was probably abandoned by 1620 when the lower portion of the Torata valley was settled (Van Buren et al. 1993).

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69 )\ Figure 2-4. Location of Torata Alta within the Osmore Drainage (modified from Aldenderfer and Stanish 1993).

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70 The recovery of both Late Horizon Chucuito ceramics and European material goods led researchers to postulate that the site was established either under the control of the Lake Titicaca Lupaqa or under Spanish control during the sixteenth century (Van Buren 1993; Van Buren and Burgi 1989:80). The historical sources examined and material remains found at Torata Alta suggest the site's population probably derived from the altiplano; however, the precise ethnic identity of the inhabitants has remained somewhat elusive (Van Buren 1993:235). The site may have functioned as a corn-producing center established either in the Late Horizon or early colonial period based on the identification of several hatanes or grindstones. Textile production also appears to have been a major economic activity based on the recovery of large numbers of spindle whorls (Van Buren 1993, Chapter 4) It is not known what other types of economic acdvities took place at Torata Alta. Beginning in the seventeenth century the Torata valley became a center of foodstuff cultivation that serviced both the Moquegua valley and the highlands. Spanish acquisition of cultivable land in the valley may have contributed to the abandonment of Torata Alta. Although it is still open to debate when and by whom Torata Alta was settled, the majority of evidence, both archaeological and historical, indicates the site was occupied by an indigenous population with cultural and econon-iic ties to altiplano populations such as the Lake Titicaca Lupaqa. Therefore, analysis of faunal material from Torata Alta is considered to provide baseline data on the use of animal resources by indigenous populations during the early colonial period. If Torata Alta funcnoned as a colony of highland inhabitants integrated into a vertical exchange network, the faunal assemblage should contain a diversity of species that were acquired from different ecological zones. Analysis of the recovered zooarchaeological materials will also help determine if Spanish animal resources were present in the earliest occupation of the site and if so, other potential economic activities that might have taken place at Torata Alta.

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71 Summary' This chapter provided a review of the cultural, historical, and environmental setting of the study area. A variety of cultural and environmental factors affected the emergence of Spanish colonial culture in the South-Central Andes. The Iberian background of the colonists in combination with the indigenous systems encountered in the colonial setting gave rise to unique patterns of colonial culture. The use of animal resources in the colonial Andean setting is one aspect of culture that was subject to change based on the types of animals that were imported to the new setting, their rates of survivorship, and the indigenous resources that were encountered. Although a variety of physical/environmental factors set the parameters withui which Spanish Andean colonial culture would develop, the colonists also made choices concerning the subsistence and economic uses of animals. This study uses our knowledge of colonial histor\' and Andean cultural history to identify several research topics that will be examined through the analysis of the faunal material. First, to what degree were indigenous resources incorporated into the colonial system? If native resources were used, were these resources acquired from other ecological zones thus indicating that some degree of ecological complementarity was maintained during the colonial era? Second, did the Andean environment affect either the viability of the introduced fauna or the sizes of the imported domestic fauna? Third, what were the economic and subsistence roles of animals on the colonial bodegas? The frequency of native resources versus imported fauna are used to assess the degree of selfsufficiency or dependency that the colonial population experienced. These data are used to determine how closely the Spanish colonial pattern of animal use conformed to the Iberian model as well as how much it differed from other areas of Spanish colonial settlement in the New Worid.

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CHAPTER 3 MATERIALS AND METHODS Archaeological Contexts The Moquegua Bodegas Project was initialed in 1985 with the objective to document the historical and archaeological significance of the Spanish colonial wineries in the Moquegua valley. Under the auspices of this program, survey, mapping, historical (archival) research, shovel testing, excavations, and analysis were conducted at the wineries. Information on these different stages of research have been reported by other scholars. For information on the survey results the reader is referred to Rice and Ruhl (1989). Detailed information on the program of mapping, shovel testing, excavanons, and artifact analysis at the wineries is presented by Smith (1991). Relevant historical data, primarily aimed at idendfying locations of sixteenth-century occupations, have been compiled by Lopez and Huertas (1990). The archaeological contextual and temporal data presented here are derived from these previous studies. Torata Alta has also been the subject of archaeological study by a number of researchers. Members of Programa Contisuyu, C. Stanish (Stanish and Pritzker 1983:9) and G. Conrad, completed the initial survey and mapping of the site. The Moquegua Bodegas Project conducted test excavations and completed additional site mapping in 1987. Subsequent surface collection and excavations were conducted by the Moquegua Bodegas Project (Van Buren 1993: Van Buren and Biirgi 1990; Van Buren et al. 1993). The most comprehensive repon on the archaeological excavations and material culture is provided by Van Buren (1993). Temporal and contextual information for only the bodegas and Torata Alta archaeological contexts from which faunal materials were selected for analysis are reviewed here. 72

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73 Excavations that were conducted at four of the Moquegua wineries and at the site of Torata Alta were aimed at determining the occupational histories of the sites, identifying different activity areas within the sites, and recovering material remains that could be used to reconstruct Spanish Andean colonial culture. Efforts were made to locate sixteenthcentury deposits in order to permit comparisons with other geographical areas of Spanish settlement in the New World. These excavations produced an abundance of faunal material. I selected a subsample of the recovered faunal material based on three criteria. First, all disturbed contexts were excluded from the analysis. Second, an effort was made to select contexts that represented the functional and temporal range of the sites. And third, all bodega contexts dating to the sixteenth century were included in the analysis. The following discussion briefly identifies the contexts selected for zooarchaeological analysis for each site. Appendix A presents data on the units, levels, temporal placement of the analyzed contexts, and volumetric information on the fine-screened samples. Moquegua Wineries Samples The Moquegua Bodegas Project conducted large-scale archaeological excavation at the central valley sites of Locumbilla and Estopacaje, the Chincha bodega located in the southern portion of the valley, and the nonhern valley site of Yahuay (Figure 3-1). Architectural remains are present at all four sites. These sites were selected for excavation based on both the results of a program of shovel testing conducted in 1987 (see Smith 1991, Chapter 5) and historical data suggesting that sixteenth-centur>' occupations were present (see Lopez and Huenas 1990). The most significant differences within and between the winery deposits are the degree of preservation and the temporal ranges of the contexts. Temporal assignments into Early, Middle, or Late categories are based on two major chronological markers (Smith 1991:87). All Eariy contexts are those below the ash fall from the February 16(X) Huaynaputina volcanic eruption. Although the earliest historical references to wineries in the Moquegua valley are from the late sixteenth century (see Smith 1991, Chapter 2), Early

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74 Figure 3-1 Location of the Four Excavated Wineries.

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75 contexts date from the initial colonial settleinent of Moquegua in 1541 to 1600. Middle contexts span from approximately 1600 to 1775 when European-manufactured ceramics with known dates of production came into use. All Late contexts post-date 1775 and extend to the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Temporal assignments provided by Smith (1991:323-334) are included in the contextual information presented in Appendix A. "Analytical units" comprise all deposits assigned to a single time period for each excavation unit, block, or trench. The size of excavation units varied depending on the objectives of the excavation. Units most commonly measured 2 m x 2 m in open or unrestricted areas while smaller units measuring 1 m x 2 m were more common along standing structures. All of the excavations followed natural stratigraphic zones. Arbitrary levels were used only in upper levels of disturbed materials or in those instances where natural layers could not be discerned. Soil samples were collected from features, such as hearths, and defined areas of soil disturbance for processing with fine-meshed screens (1/16", 1.70 mm). All other faunal material was recovered with 1/4" (6.35 mm) mesh screens. The following discussion outlines the winery excavations and information relevant to the faunal samples. For more detailed infonnation on the excavations see Smith (1991). Locumbilla bodega Excavations were conducted at Locumbilla over the course of three field seasons (1987-1989); thereby, producing the largest faunal collection from the bodegas. Faunal material from a total of twenty-four excavations units were analyzed (Appendix A) (Figure 3-2, Table 3-1). These units include two trenches and a Block Excavation in an area of dense sixteenth-century deposits. A total of forty-three analytical units (ten Early, twentyfour Middle, and nine Late) are present based on the temporal assignments. The faunal analysis includes eight fine-screened samples from features, post holes, and particularly rich midden deposits.

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76 canal Figure 3-2. Analyzed Contexts from the Locumbilla Winery (source Smith 1991 ).

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77 Table 3-1. Excavation Units with Analyzed Faunal Material. Locumbilla Winery (Numbers Correspond to Shaded Units on Figure 3-2). Unit Designation

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78 The excavations were placed in areas of both domestic and industrial activity; however, better preserved faunal materials were generally found in areas farther from the residential structures. This probably relates both to the continual occupation of the residential portion of the site by various itinerant parties, particularly in recent years, and to patterns of trash disposal. The Locumbilla excavations produced the largest sample of pre1600 deposits including evidence of both domestic and industrial refuse as well as structural remains (Smith 1991:205). These deposits are concentrated in the southeastern portion of the site. The majority of the Early Locumbilla contexts are from this sector. Large-scale excavations were also conducted in the northem ponion of the site where the buried ruins of a colonial period kiln were located (see Rice 1994; Van Beck 1991). After the kiln fell into disuse both general debris and refuse from other areas of the site apparently were used as fill. Faunal material from only the 1987 excavations of this area are included in the analysis. Chincha bodeg a The Chincha bodega, located in the southern portion of the valley, was excavated during the 1988 field season. Faunal material from eleven excavation units representing twenty analytical units were analyzed (Appendix A). The majority of analytical units are from either Middle period (n=10) or Late contexts (n=9). Only one Eiirly context is included in the analysis. One excavation unit placed in the southern portion of the site produced a substantial deposit of bone refu.se. The unit was located in an open industrial area to the west of two tinaja rooms (Figure 3-3, Table 3-2). Unit 1017N/1()09E contained both a deep lens of bone approximately 60 cm deep (Zone D) and a definable pit feature of bone (Feature 5). Post-depositional burning apparently took place in the area resulting in the presence of a large quantity of burnt bone in a segment of Zone D. In addition to butchered bone refuse, the deposit also contained a large amount of scrap leather such as rawhide straps and hide portions suggesting that animal and hide processing took place in this area.

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79 U

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80 Table 3-2. Excavation Units with Analyzed Fauna! Material, Chincha Winen' (Numbers Correspond to Shaded Units on Figure 3-3). Unit Designation

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Yahuav bodega The Yahuay bodega is located in the nonhem portion of the valley where the valley floor rises to form a wide agricultural plain. Structural remains in addition to the wine production faciUties include residential areas, a chapel, and a large tinaja kiln. Historical data indicate that Yahuay was established by the Dominicans during the seventeenth centur>' (Kuon Cabello 1981:197). The purported wealth of the Dominicans apparently lured a number of the Moquegua residents to the site in search of buried treasure thus resulting in a large amount of looting and disturbance to the archaeological deposits. Although thirteen units were excavated, faunal material from only three of these contained sufficient quantities of undisturbed faunal material to warrant analysis (Figure 34). Five analytical units, three Middle and two Late, are represented. The densest deposits of faunal materials are from Unit 99()N/958.5E beneath a brick patio adjacent to the presumed residential section of the site. Estopacaje bodega Archival data indicated that Estopacaje was established during the sixteenth century; however, the excavations revealed disturbed deposits dating primarily to the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Faunal material from three units representing three analytical contexts (two Late, one Middle) are included in the faunal analysis (Figure 3-5). Torata Alta Samples Temporal placement of the archaeological deposits at Torata Alta were also based on the presence of ash fall from the Huaynaputina eruption in 16()0. Although the temporal range is much less than at the wineries, three time periods are represented: Pre1600. 1600Ash, and Post1600. The Torata Alta occupation was relatively shon-lived; therefore only contexts that contained very clear Pre-16(X) and Post-16(K) deposits were chosen for study (Figure 3-6). Faunal material from two exploratory trenches, Trench M (Block 18) and Trench G (Block 26), were selected. Both trenches contained well-preserved deposits of bone in Pre-16(X) contexts. The diversity of artifacts found in Trench G suggests that this

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82 u.

PAGE 104

83 w

PAGE 105

b-'^i M

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85 area of the site or this kancha, in particular, was inhabited b\' weahhier individuals (Van Buren and Biirgi 1990:80). A total of nine analytical units are represented. Structure 250 (Block 24) contained the best example of Pre and Post1600 contexts of the excavated structures. Prepared clay floors were identified in both the upper and lower deposits suggesting a discontinuous, but long-term, occupation of the structure. A large well-preserved deposit of trash was recovered below the ash suggesting the structure was abandoned for some time prior to reoccupaiion in the early seventeenth centurv' (Van Buren and Biirgi 1990:74). Faunal material from the east half of the structure was analyzed. Soil samples of differing volumes were taken from a number of the units and levels. Twenty-three samples were analyzed for remains of small-sized specimens from Trenches M, G, and Structure 250 (Appendix A). The majority of these (74%) are from Pre1600 levels. Zooarchaeological Methods One of the objectives of historic sites zooarchaeology is to characterize the ways in which animal resources were used in order to reconstruct the diet, economy, and social systems of the peoples under study. In order to describe accurately the recovered faunal materials a variety of methods are employed. In chapter two a number of research objectives were outlined. This section presents a di.scussion of the methods that are used to achieve these objectives. The methods discussed include the techniques used to determine the relative abundance of the identified taxa, how the animals were butchered, the age and, if possible, the physical health of the animals, as well as the sizes of the individuals represented in the archaeological record in order to help assess environmental impacts and to distinguish species that exhibit very similar skeletal features. Zooarchaeologists continue to debate the merits and drawbacks of the various methods used to determine the relative abundance of the taxa represented in archaeological

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86 deposits. Perhaps the only consensus that has been reached is that all of the measures commonly employed have biases associated with their use (see Grayson 1984; Reitz et al. 1987; Wing and Brown 1979). Although no single measure of taxa abundance provides a definitive value, the combined use of several measures provides complementary estimates of taxa relative abundance. Therefore, my analysis employed four principal methods of quantificauon: fragment counts, estimates of the minimum numbers of individuals, bone weight, and estimates of edible meat weight. Once excavations were completed, I conducted a preliminary rough son of the faunal material at the project field house in Moquegua, Peru. I was able to identify the majority of the cattle remains using comparative material acquired in Moc]uegua. Unidentifiable large mammal bones were also analyzed in Peru. The remainder of the faunal material was shipped to the Florida Museum of Natural History, Environmental Archaeology Laboratory, where I completed the identifications. Identifications, fragment counts or Number of Identified Specimens (NISP), and weights of the specimens were recorded for each level, area, or feature within the excavation units. Subsequently, the faunal material was aggregated into analytical units based on the temporal placement of the contexts. All levels within an excavation unit, exclusive of features, that date to the same time period were treated as single analytical units. Quantified totals for time periods and sites were compiled from the totals for each analytical unit. Aggregation of the faunal material in this manner increases the reliability of the samples by augmenting sample size. Although intrasite variability can be addressed using the faunal material within panicular excavation units on the different sites, the aggregates of faunal material by time period appears to result in more reliable samples. Once identification of the material was completed, the Number of Identified Specimens (NISP) was determined for each taxon. Bone fragments not identifiable beyond the category of Vertebrata were only weighed. The dry desen environment is responsible for excellent preservation of faunal material; however, mammalian long bones frequently

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87 splintered into unidentifiable shaft fragments which accounts for the high frequency of unidentified large mammal bone in the samples. Estimates of the Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) were made using paired elements, age, and sex. Although other measures of taxa abundance are reported. 1 use MNI more extensively in discussing taxa relative abundance. Undoubtedly, the meat provided by different animals varied depending on the size of the individuals. Because estimates of MNI do not discriminate between the size of the individuals, edible meat weight estimates were determined to help identify the main sources of meat protein. However, MNI is believed to provide the best ordinal ranking of taxa relative abundance, particularly for identifying both the economic uses of animals and the geographical areas from which the faunal resources originated. Estimates of MNI in combination with the number of identified taxa were also used as a test of sample size adequacy. Sample size reliability can be expressed as the point of diminishing returns or the point at which few or no new taxa are added to the faunal assemblage despite an increase in sample size. Researchers working on prehistoric sites in the circum-Caribbean region have detemiined that assemblages containing approximately fourteen hundred idendfied specimens or two hundred minimum number of individuals constitute reliable samples (Wing and Brown 1979:118-121). Undoubtedly, historical assemblages in which large domestic mammals are of priman,' imponance exhibit different points of diminishing returns than do prehistoric sites located in different geographical areas. Therefore, tests of sample reliability were perfomied for both the winery and Torata Aha 1/4" (6.35 mm) samples ba.sed on the relationship between the number of taxa and MNI (Figure 3-7, Table 3-3). The relationship between these values suggests that samples containing at least eighty individuals provide the most reliable indications of taxa diversity and abundance. Less reliable samples are those that contain between twenty-five and eighty individuals; however these samples appear to contain the most common taxa with the

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88 J^ s ^ CQ BXBi |o jeqiunfsj

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89 n Table 3-3. Values Used to Determine Sample Size Reliability Based on Point of Diminishing Returns. Context

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90 rarer species not represented. Unreliable samples are those that contain fewer than twentyfive individuals (n=3). Edible meat weight estimates were calculated to identify the major sources of animal protein. These values were determined using skeletal mass allometrN' or allometric scaling based on bone or shell weight through the use of a least-squares regression formula (Reitz etal. 1987:305; Schmidt-Nielsen 1985:15; Simpson etal. 1960:397; Wing and Brown 1979: 127). The method of skeletal mass allometry applied here provides an estimate of the amount of meat or muscle tissue minus the hair, skin, and viscera that would have adhered to the archaeologically recovered bone or shell. The allometnc formula and the regression values for the slope and y-intercept used in this study are presented in Table 3-4. Linear measurements of bone elements were recorded following von den Driesch (1976) in order to extrapolate the size of the individuals represented in the samples. Estimates of either size or total body weight were made for domestic taxa of cattle, caprines, and camelids. Estimates of the sizes of European introduced animals allow size comparisons to be made between animals in both different altitudinal settings and geographical areas. Studies of the physical effects of hypoxia on body composition consistently indicate that maximum size (height and weight) are reduced in highland populations of both humans and animals (Baker 1982; Frisancho 1981). The Peruvian samples provide a diachronic perspective of the effects of altitude on the size of European introduced taxa. In addition, size estimates of Peruvian specimens are compared to other New World sites. A large body of size estimates are available for CrioUo cattle (stock of Spanish ancestry bom in the New World) (Rouse 1977) and from several Spanish colonial sites (Reitz and Ruff 1992; Ruff 1990). These comparisons will provide further data on the effects of New World environmental variability on introduced species. Measurements of camelids and equines are used to help distinguish taxa within these groups.

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91 Table 3-4. Allometric Values and Formula Used in This Study. Taxon Log a b

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In order to facilitate size comparisons, ratio diagrams were constructed based on logarithmic differences between bone measurements following the technique described by Simpson (1941). In this case, the common log of a measurement, or series of measurements, taken from an animal of known identity and weight are plotted as a standard of zero on a logarithmic scale. The log of subsequent measurements, in this case archaeological specimens, are subtracted from the standard and plotted as values greater or lesser than the standard. This technique can be used to compare either proportional differences between taxa or differences within taxa from different geographical areas (see Reitz and Ruff 1992). Log difference plots are provided for archaeological samples of camelids, cattle, and caprines. Once I completed the identification and quantification of the faunal material, additional information was derived from the faunal material. Body part representation was determined by quantifying element distributions for the domestic mammalian fauna. The body is divided into six portions: cranial, axial, forelimb, forefoot, hindlimb, hindfoot, and foot. These data are used to help determine if entire animals had been butchered on the sites or if only portions of animals are represented. The age and, when possible, the gender of the animals represented in the contexts were determined. The primary means of detennining the age of the individuals was by the degree of epiphyseal fusion on long bone elements, the suture closure on cranial remains, and the replacement and wear of the dentition. The rates of fusion I employed are those presented by Schmid (1972), Silver (1970), or Wheeler (n. d.). Individuals were classified as either juvenile, subadult, or adult. In cases involving either obvious juvenile or elderly adult specimens comparisons with modem skeletons of known age were made to aid in categorizing an individuals age. Age profiles provide insights into whether animals were raised primarily for meat or for other purposes, such as hides, milk, cheese, transportation, or traction. The recovery of butchered mature specimens for example, typically indicates that animals were used as

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93 food after their utility in other economic capacities had diminished (Greenfield 1988; Payne 1973). If animal use in the Andes closely paralleled the historical Iberian pattern, data on aging should indicate two patterns. First, remains of mature sheep, goats, and cattle should be prevalent in the samples since these animals would have been slaughtered after their utility for either other byproducts or services was exhausted. In contrast, pig specimens should represent younger individuals that were slaughtered for consumption purposes only. Age profiles of the camelid individuals should also provide insights into how the animals were used. If camelids condnued to be employed as beasts of burden, adult specimens should be represented in the winery samples. In addition, it may be possible to determine if herds were being reared in either the Moquegua or Torata valleys based on the age distributions. Large numbers of immature and juvenile specimens would suggest that herds had been maintained in close proximity to the sites. The age profile data are used to help interpret the industrial and nonindustrial roles of animals on the sites. One of the most reliable indicators of animal gender iire secondary sexual character! sncs such as the presence of medullary bone in chickens indicating laying hens. Medullary bone, which appears as dense spongy material in the long-bone cavities, is used in egg production (Rick 1975; Wing and Brown 1979). The true horns that bovids (cattle and sheep/goats) possess can also indicate gender. Although both male and female bovids produce horns, those of the bulls differ in size, shape, and porosity (Armitage 1982; Grigson 1982). Size differences between males and females is another characteristic of several of the domestic animals represented at the sites, panicularly the camelids and catde. Although objective criteria were not available for distinguishing many male individuids, particularly of the camelids, subjective references are made to the identificadon of largesized individuals that probably represent males. The dimensional measures are also used to help characterize individual size. All of the specimens were examined for evidence of bone modificanon including butchering (cuts, hacks, or sawing), animal gnawing, and bone working. Illustradons of

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94 butchering marks and their orientation were produced. These data were used to help identify specific butchering patterns for both whole animals and portions of animals as well as diachronic changes in Spanish colonial butchery practices. I hypothesize that the Torata Alta samples should contain evidence of pre-market, site specific butchering patterns that more closely approximate prehispanic patterns based on the presumed demographic composition of the site. The Early and Middle winery contexts should exhibit greater variabihty in butchering presumably from on-site butchering. The winery contexts dating to the Late period may provide insights into the emergence of markets or specialized butchery shops in the Moquegua area. Studies of historical zooarchaeological samples consistently indicate that standardized methods of animal butchery were characteristic of nineteenth century market economies (Gust 1983; Schulz and Gust 1983). The recovery of standardized butchered cuts from different sites dating to the same time period, especially for the Late winery contexts, would suggest that either wholesale or retail cuts were obtained from markets. In contrast, distinct intersite patterns of butchery would suggest site specific, possibly idiosyncratic, patterns of animal processing. Diachronic perspectives on butchering may also provide insights into whether Spanish decrees concerning both meat processing and sale, such as those issued in both Lima and Mexico (Dusenberry 1948; Miller 1975), had been enacted in the Moquegua region. Other modifications that were identified are animal gnawing of bone, bumed bone, and bone used for manufacture of tools. Animal gnawing, either by carnivores or rodents, provides insights into post-depositional activities including whether deposits had been buried rapidly or remained open thereby subject to animal disturbance. Evidence of worked bone included in this analysis are primarily bone elements that were used as tools (i.e., bone artifacts) not bone that was used as raw material for the manufacture of other products such as buttons. Evidence of burning appears to have resulted pnmarily from post-depositional trash burning in areas on the perimeter of the sites. Although these data

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95 are not quantified, I discuss the presence of large quantities of burnt bone in the samples, such as those described for the Chincha samples. Any indications of bone abnormalities were recorded and described. Only a small number of skeletal pathologies were observed on the specimens; therefore, the assessment of the health of the animals is very limited. Some skeletal aberrations provide insights into the activines that animals were engaged, particularly weightbearing activities. The presence of skeletal pathologies augments data concerning animal age and economic uses.

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CHAPTER 4 RESULTS OF FAUNAE ANALYSIS Descriptions of Site Samples The first half of this chapter presents the quantitative results of the faunal analysis on a site by site basis. The second half characterizes the assemblage based on various categories of data such as bone modifications, element representation, age grades, bone measurements, pathologies, and gender of the individuals. Interpretations of these data are discussed in Chapter 5. When the analyzed faunal samples from both the wineries and Torata Alta are combined the assemblage contains 47,023 specimens representing a minimum of 795 individuals (Table 4-1). The bodega samples constitute a much greater portion of the assemblage accoundng for 62.4% (n=29,323) of the NISP and 77.1% (n=613) of the MNI. The Torata Alta assemblage contains 17,700 fragments (37.6% of total) represennng an MNI of 182 (22.9%). For the winery samples the greatest concentration of faunal remains are from Middle period contexts, followed by Late contexts. The small number of Early samples produced the lowest quantity of faunal material. In contrast, the Pre1600 samples from Torata Alta constitute the largest ponion of the assemblage followed by the 1600-ash contexts and Post1600 deposits (see Table 4-1). When the bodega samples are combined, a total of forty-one taxa are represented; however, not more than thirteen species are present in any single analytical unit. The identified fauna that can be considered of economic importance consist of twelve species of mammals, at least six species of birds, nine species of bony fishes, at least two forms of cartilaginous fishes, ten species of mollusks, and one species each of crustacean and sea urchins. The Torata Alta samples contained at least thirty-three species of economic 96

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97 Table 4-1. Comparative Frequencies of Faunal Assemblages by Site and Time Period. Site

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98 imponance including six mammals, three birds, seven fishes, one crustacean, six gastropods, eight bivalves, one chiton, and sea urchin. The introduced species present in the winer>' samples consist of eight mammals and one bird species while the Torata Alta samples contain three introduced species of mammals and one nonnative bird. Species not considered to be of economic importance include bats, rodents, snakes, frogs, barnacles, and small terrestrial gastropods. Tables 4-2 and 4-3 indicate the taxa identified at each site including scientific and common names. Textual references are primarily common names. Locumbilla Bodega Extensive excavations over three field seasons resulted in the recovery of the largest sample of bodega faunal material (NISP=13,252). Table 4-4 to 4-6 present information on the species identified and their relative abundance for the three time periods. Appendix B Tables B-2 to B-52 present faunal data for each of the analydcal units. Table 4-7 is a summary of the relative abundance of the species represented by taxonomic class. In all three time periods mammals account for the greatest number of taxa and the greatest percentages of MNI and esdmates of Edible Meat Weight. The small sample size of the Early contexts is reflected in the low number of the taxa represented (n=l 5). Middle period contexts are most diverse (n=31). a feature also undoubtedly reflecring sample size. The Middle and Late period contexts share many similarities in mammalian fauna representation. The remains of caprines, either sheep or goats, were the most common taxa represented in both the Middle and Late contexts. Sheep are more common in the samples than goats based on the osteological criteria described by Boessneck et al. (1964). Cattle remains, although less frequent in terms of MNI and NISP, account for the greatest percentages of Edible Meat Weight in both the Late and Middle contexts. Also present are remains of pigs, horse, either burros or mules, guinea pigs, other rodents, cats, and dogs. One deer-antler knife handle was recovered. Since it was not known if this item was imported or locally manufactured, this specimen is not included in estimates of relative abundance. The Early period samples are dominated by camelids followed by caprines,

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99 Table 4-2. Taxa Identified at the Moquegua Bodegas and Torata Alta (6.35 nim, 1/4" mesh). Taxon Common Name Wineries Loc Chin Ya Esto T. A. Rodentia unidentified Mus musculus Rattus spp. Muridae Phyllotis sp. Cavia porcelliis Felis concolor Felis catus Canis familiar is Canidae Artiodactyl Cervidae Sus scrofa Lama spp. Camelidae Bos taurus Ovis aries Capra hircus Capri ni Bovidae Equus asinus Equus cf. asinus Equus caballus Equus spp. Threskiomithidae Anas sp. Cairina moschata Psittacidae Callus gallus Buteo sp. (cf. polysoma) Columbidae unidentified rodent house mouse Old World rats rats, mice leaf-eared mouse guinea pig mountain lion cat dog dogs, wolves, foxes even-toed ungulates deer pig llama, alpaca, guanaco New World camels cow sheep goat sheep/goats cow, sheep, goats burro probable burro horse horse, burro, mule ibis duck muscovy duck parrots, parrakeets chicken red-backed hawk doves, pigeons Atherinidae Merluccius sp. Hemanthias peruanus Carangidae Anisotremus sp. Cynoscion analis Cy nose ion sp. Sciaena gilbeni Sciaena sp. Trachurus murphyi Trachurus sp. silversides offshore hake splittail seaperch jack grunt Peruvian weakfish seatrout corvina drum drum .southern .sack mackerel mackerel

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Table 4-2--continued. 100 Taxon Mugil sp. Bodlanus sp. Sarda chiliensis Carcliarhinus spp. Lamniformes Common Name mullet hogfish Pacific bonito requiem shark sharks Wineries Loc Chin Ya Esto T. A. Brachyura Decapoda Crustacea uid Cirripedia Chiton s.l. Trochidae Turritella cingulata Turritella spp. Littorinidae Crepidula spp. Calyptraeidae Condiolepas concholepas Oliva spp. Scutalis sp. Brachidontes purpuratus Choromytilus chorus Mytilidae Glycymeris sp. Anadara sp. Ostreidae Lucinidae Tellinidae Chione sp. Veneridae Protothaca spp. marine crabs swimming crabs marine arthropods barnacles chiton sensti lata topsnail belted turretsnail turretsnail periwinkle slippershell slippershell false abalone olive arboreal snail purple sea mussel choro mussel mussels bittersweet ark oyster lucines tellins venus venus clams littlenecks Echinoidea sea urchins

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Table 4-3. Taxa Identified at the Moquegua Bodegas and Torata Alta, (1.70 mm, 1/16"" mesh) 101

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102 ^1 O'^OnOoc — vOooCO^^Or)— 'C3^O^O^0C M ^ o o — o 00 O O O ON o — O ^ 0^ Tt r~ u", TtONOOO^ — r-vcr~~ — ^^c — oi'— -^ w \C rr. r-J— 'OfNCN'^OCn-, — 'r-OOfNO — -^ — ^OON — — '00r<"i (NOn — r-Or<-ioiONiriojON r^-^c3Ccr-;(NONrsi — ^ noo cc r-1 — — r^^in — — (N 5^ ONt^ONOr^Tj-inio^ONio— 'C-ji/^. onc>vc fMr<-)r^(N C ''— r— r<-i rr-^ -— Tj— o r-i a^. — — o -Cs lU .O f2 CQ

PAGE 124

103 o o o r^ in
PAGE 125

104 ^1 — >' — \d ON vd iri (N — o r-J cy\ oo r<-i — O C: rM rs r<-, — oc >>C 00 i/^i oc On ON On lO r^ ^ O rn oi On r*"! 00 ocnoor^ioioooNOOOON — — t:!-' -rf \C ao >0 O r-^ ^ ^ ' -^ o u 00 oo ^c — — rON CQ ^1 00-^0,^ lU G. ^HI Qi O^U -c w w a 3 "8 e § s < 02 U a (U > o 0. =^ So V c/; *j 00 ^ do "3

PAGE 126

103

PAGE 127

106 ^1 or<-, r^r-o^ — r~-ooo>o o — 0(N oo — — ON oc r<-. t3Cn — ON — m ON — — <^) — r--^t-~-inoo r--ooir)0 OC iri vC On rrJ vC — od (N r<-i iri (-<-, rM oc ON r-ON -^ (N m vc ro— '(N^O— 'ON(NON U-) (N r<-; -^ tT 00 ir-, '^ '"'. ^ On lO in (N ^ ON O ^1 <:}--^ — ONCr<-i-^^0>0 (N
PAGE 128

107 fN — ^ ^1 <=^.R^. — -^ ITi ^ oi ON W, vc oc r^1 '^'^q ^ (N ro m vc oc o gl in
PAGE 129

108 Table 4-7. Relative Abundance of Taxa by Class for Locumbilla Bodega. LATE CONTEXTS Class

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109 and cattle. With the exception of one indigenous rodent, no other mammalian taxa were identified in the Early samples. The other classes of fauna exhibit less uniformity than the manimals in terms of species representation. A small sample of bird remains includes chickens, muscovy ducks, doves, and unidentified ducks. Fishes are represented by corvina drum, southern jack mackerel, and mullet. Significantly, two of the fine-screened samples contain remains of anchovies (see Appendix B, Tables B-47 and B-52). The invenebrates are somewhat more diverse including the gastropods topsnail, turretsnails, false abalone, and olive snails. The identified bivalves are the purple sea mussel, choro mussel, bittersweet, arks, lucines, venus clams, and litdenecks. Other invenebrates include at least one taxon each of marine crab and sea urchin. Chincha Bodega Tables 4-8 to 4-10 provide information on species composidon and abundance by time period. Appendix B, Table B-53 to B-76 provide faunal data for the analydcal units. The Chincha assemblage also contains a large sample of material from Middle period contexts (NISP=6667) (see Table 4-1). The Middle contexts also contain the highest diversity of taxa (n=26) of any of the winery or Torata Alta contexts. The Late contexts contain fewer specimens (NISP=2663) from only fifteen taxa. A very small sample of Early material was analyzed. Only ver\' tentative conclusions should be drawn from the Early material based on the small size of the sample (NISP=16). Mammals overwhelmingly dominate the samples, accounting for at least 65% of the MNI and over 99% of the estimated Edible Meat Weight in all three nme periods (Table 411). The Early contexts exhibit an equitable distribution of MNI; however, the sample is less reliable due to the small size. Middle contexts contrast with the pattern exhibited at Locumbilla. Cattle remains account for a greater number of both fragment counts and MNI than do caprines. The majority of cattle remains were recovered from a dense area of bone and rawhide refuse discussed in Chapter 3. Caprines, primarily sheep, were the second

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110 ^1 On ^; vCOr<~, r<~, oc — — (Nin'^r^r^\Cr<-, — r^ooc m — r<-i Tjoc ON r-r~(N m ^ in i/~, oo r^jinroNCr-r^r-Jr^i moN — '^^OO
PAGE 132

Ill #1 q ^ q ^ s M ^1 Z Sl ^1 —
PAGE 133

o U T3 O CD 112 ^1 qqq C>' rn — — CX3 O a (14 "5 "S ^3 :s = ^ -i^ . .2 S Oc5 ^ s "f g.iC-'S < Co E 5"> -. Q-^-2 S S ^ U-JCQCQUUOiJJUjJ = E E^ 'i ^ Ie2 a. -2 d._, ^ 2 E ^ ^"^ S ^ Si S "^ a o 2 > o i^ =^ u o 5j S -' 1/3 5cqOH

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113 ^1 ^1 #1 qq 00 o —

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114 o U u 5 Uh X3 #1 ^1 ^1 oo r^i oc fN r^j oc o iri 0^ ON ^ rn iri O M in rsi ^D -Tjro m, in m* in in O i^' >< 5 tj c g

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115 Table 4-11. Relative Abundance of Taxa by Class for Chincha Bodega. LATE CONTEXTS Class

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16 most common resource. Camelid remains are less common followed by pigs, members of the horse family, and guinea pigs. Dogs, the house mouse, and unidentified rodents are also present. In contrast to Locumbilla, the Late period deposits are dominated by camelids in all measures of relative abundance. Caprines. of which sheep and goats remains are roughly equivalent, are the second most common resource. Cattle, although they still account for a sizable portion of Estimated Meat Weight, are far less common in terms of both fragments and MNI. Other resources present include cats, dogs, and guinea pigs. Conspicuously absent are horses, mules, and burros. The identified birds include chickens and doves. One Middle period context also contained a cut phalanx of a hawk, probably the red-backed hawk. Fishes are not abundant, but include offshore hake, splittail seaperch, grunt, and hogfish. At least one requiem shark is also present. The invertebrate remains are more common and diverse during the Middle period as well. Marine crabs and unidentified crustaceans are present as are false abalone, periwinkles, and slipper shells. The bivalves include purple sea mus.sel, oyster, and tellins. Mussels are present in both the Early and Late samples. Late deposits also contained unidentified crustaceans and sea urchins. Yahuay Bodega The Yahuay bodega produced only Late and Middle deposits. Tables 4-12 and 413 contain data on the relative abundance of the taxa represented. Appendix B, Tables B77 to B-83 contain species information for the Yahuay analytical units. The samples representing both time periods contain a large number of fragments many of which were unidentifiable mammalian long bones, in comparison to the Locumbilla and Chincha samples, both MNI and the number of species are relatively low (see Table 4-1). Middle period samples indicate eleven species were used as compared to only seven in the Late period.

PAGE 138

o QQ •c 117 ^1 ir; r~j r-l r''. i^, i^. -^ r~r-^ — (N C^ O O C M>Oa--ocir-, ^TjoOf^— "^ oc oc O^I^ — O — i/~— OCO — ^ fNfN (v-i — vD IT) — ^oo r-) r-^i m — m O ^1 O On 8S 8 o6 oc O o o u 2; — ifNfN — ^r->n-^ J ^1 r<^. r^i oc r^ i/~i u", r^j to — in ir> r<-, r^ r-~rsi>.cr-4occ;ONTr(N— 'r^-^ON oo o ro) oc (^j ^ r^ — LT, Tj— r^ rr) rr, — c fNi — (r~i — vo — < 10,^0 10 04 '^ UX) H JS 1^^ H -c ~ .g ^p c ,^ a.-S 5 ?? c ^ OH s — i>

PAGE 139

118 o U "B ^1 O — r^ — r~— moroLTiOoo — 'ooa~, ^^^o^-ooo^^<^^I~~(N — cj\ m ON ^o ^1 f^ r^ r^ o -^ r^ — ; oc (N -rf o o r~; -^ — (N r~r-^ r-^ -^ ro rn r-^ o — ^ >/^. -^ Tt — — ^— 't^l — rO'd-^CN ttiou-, cx;ONooir)aNr~-'^(Nr~-(N ^t) ^r^ a-^ ono ^1 — oor^oo>r^(Ncr;— ;— ;ocr~; ooo oo (N vri Ov On ON \D ^ a^ O -^ ON m — — ^vDr-j — >DONOomr-j^coc oi — rir-) oo r-) m §?

PAGE 140

119 As with the previous samples, mammals account for the greatest frequencies of MNI and estimated Edible Meat Weight (Table 4-14). The relative ranking ranges from the caprines as most common followed by cattle and camelids. Pigs are present in both samples as are dogs. Middle contexts also contain guinea pigs and unidentified rodents. A small sample of equid remains are present in the Late samples. The only other taxon present in the Late samples is the chicken. Middle contexts contain chickens as well as unidentified bony fishes. The only invertebrate remains present at Yahuay are sea urchins remains from the Middle period samples. Estopacaie Bodega Two small samples of material from Late and Middle contexts at Estopacaje were included in the analysis. Tables 4-15 and 4-16 present information on species abundance. Appendix B, Tables B-84 to B-86 present data on the composition of the analytical units. The Middle period sample is the smallest (N1SP=14) of the winerv' samples. The Late contexts contain at least ten taxa representing at least twelve MNI (see Table 4-1). The only positively identifiable individual from the Middle period sample is a caprine. All other remains were unidentifiable. In the Late samples, caprines are slighdy more common (MNI=2). All other taxa are represented by not more than one individual (Table 4-17). Mammals present include cattle, camelids, pigs, guinea pigs, and a species of Old World rat. Bird remains are those of chickens and an ibis. The invertebrate remains consist of unidentifiable remains of crustaceans, ga.stropods, and bivalves. Although these samples share similarities with the other winery assemblages, they must be interpreted cautiously due to their small sample size. Torata Alta The Torata Alta samples consist of material from sixteenth and seventeenth century deposits. Tables 4-18 to 4-20 present data on the species composidon and relative abundance of the .samples. Appendix B. Tables B-86 to B-1 18 present data on the analydcal units from the site. The Pre-16(X) sample from Torata Alta contains the largest ,* '•4

PAGE 141

Table 4-14. Relative Abundance of Taxa bv Class for Yahuav Bodeea. LATE CONTEXTS 120 Class

PAGE 142

-a c 121 ^1 q r<"i (N rrr<-i c^/ r~oo IT-, > iON^oo(N(Noora^o^c^ 2 m r~ vo 00 r-~ 2 — (N U-, ^1 oc oo oo oc oo \0 o o o u z ^ r— — (N O '— — o 02 (N r^i (-<~, On C^ O fN OC ^1 r-; ON ON r— r'l tT fN r<~, ' oj ^' ON •^' *>C rON [^ o ^c ^ ^ oc ootNr-J^ONOOr^ (N ^ O — ro Tt — — U. — ."2 b? J3 y 5 § I S ^71 -3 U=Q ^ E

PAGE 143

122 ^1 E o •c Un X) H fN ir, r-On r~>0 /-) l/~l — ^1 3^3 z\ -' m On — O <^) r~ O II 2 ^ E E c E •r(U — U JH

PAGE 144

123 Table 4-17. Relative Abundance of Taxa by Class for Estopacaje Bodega. LATE CONTEXTS Clas$

PAGE 145

124 o U o o ^1 O -^' ri O — OS — — so — ON O (N -^ oco — '^vCfN'noN'^ON rjTt'vCr^J OS r~^ On rsi O iri On ^ n oo ro fN (N ^ CN (N ^ (N n ^1 OCOCOt^ — OOOOOOCNl (N fN ir-, r^ rsi (N ' •rf rnc >nC ON — lo oc oc (N r~ od f^i cN -^ iri ^ nC ^VO o o oc C30 r^ oc r~ o • > oj f^ ie £ = 5 3 -r ? w P 5 D-£.E?g B •2 -S ^ Ji Cj <0 < U ^ U U -J S H rS =:3 s (u S S C ii C S p. S.2 -^ -o > ? rt S rt -^ CQ U2 Q, CQ H

PAGE 146

125 ^1 ^1 si #1 q o o rs c HI W <

PAGE 147

126 ^1 1 r<-i ^ — OC O O 1^, ^ >/^. r^ >/", ^o ^ <: — oc r-j — c> O O '*' (N (N O ro >^ >0 O r<-, O r^ O OO OC On "-C rON ococ — — •^ocir-.cjN i

PAGE 148

o U o o 127 Cn ^' •^' OC On OfN — — — ^r^r<-iO TT (N ^ >0 lO O r~-(NON rNir^cx;ONocr~-(Nr<-. o On o^ — r^ r<-, On r'S rsi r-^ ^' '^ — m (N — — — rj-r<-ioooO ^ Q.

PAGE 149

128 ^1 (N On 00 r-r~m vc O-^On-. -^lOTfrnOO ^1 — — (N 0~1 — r-~ oo ro r^, f<^, oo r-i 00 O -^ or^0\0N0Nr~-0Nr~-O'— c o ON — (N ^1 q q — (NrslfN — ON r<-irl-0 On — — O -J CD 2 s Q. op cu a> s; c/2 rt -a a -r; 9=^' "^ §3 ^ T3 fa O ci -2 a. a. E •t &^.> t: t^ i3 U ^'oOOc^^OH ^ I ^ ^ Q5'oS0H'O> a > g 3 -2
PAGE 150

129 number of specimens of the total faunal assemblage (NISP= 13560). It is also equal in diversity to the Middle period Chincha deposits with at least twenty-six taxa represented. The 1600-ash and Post1600 deposits are both far less diverse and contain considerably less material than the sixteenth centtiry sample (see Table 4-1). In contrast to the winery samples, there is a somewhat more equitable distribution of individuals between the classes; however mammals still account for greater than 97% of the fragments and 99% of the estimated edible meat weight for the three time periods (Table 4-21). The overwhelming majority of identifiable mammalian specimens in all deposits are camelids. Other indigenous fauna include guinea pigs, which are represented in both the Pre and Post1600 samples, while mountain lion remains are present in the Pre1600 deposit. Nonindigenous fauna represented at Torata Aha include caprines, of which only goat has been positively identified, pig, and Old World rats. At least one dog from the Pre1600 sample is probably an introduced breed because of the large size of the individual. Remains of bats were also identified in the fine-screened samples. Other venebrates present are birds of which chickens are most common followed by doves. The Post1600 sample also contains one element from a parakeet. The finescreened samples contained the only remains of reptiles and amphibians identified in either the winery or Torata Aha assemblages. Remains of at least one snake and one frog were present. Bony fishes of at least five species are present in the Early sample including silversides, jacks, weakfish, corvina, and bonito. The Post1600 sample contained only fragments of unidentifiable bony fishes. Significantly, large numbers of anchovy remains were identified in the fine-screened samples. Only one of the twenty-three fine-screened samples examined did not contain anchovy remains (see Appendix B, Tables B-96 B118). The invertebrate fauna are relatively diverse. Swimming crabs, chitons, turret snails, slipper shells, olives, and one edible terrestrial snail (Scutalis sp.) are present in the Pre-1600 sample. False abalone fragments are present in the 16()0-ash deposit while only

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Table 4-21. Relative Abundance of Taxa bv Class for Torata Aha. POST1600 CONTEXTS 130 Class

PAGE 152

131 bivalves are present in the Post1600 deposit. Bivalves, which are most common in the Pre1600 sample include purple sea mussel, choro mussel, oysters, tellins, venus clams, and littlenecks. Sea urchins are present in small numbers as are accidental inclusions of barnacles that were probably attached to larger specimens. The only invenebrates present in the fine-screened samples are small, noncomestible terrestrial gastropods. Characteristics of the Faunal Assemblage A ge Groups The age of the individuals at the time of death provides insights into how animals were employed at the sites under study (see Chapter 3). This discussion describes the age groups represented. These data are interpreted in Chapter 5. The ages of the individuals represented in the archaeological record were determined based primarily on the degree of epiphyseal fusion of bone elements, suture closure on the cranium, and eruption and wear of the dentition. Age estimates were determined only for the domesticates that were of either dietary or economic importance. Because there were so few specimens, 1 did not estimate age for horses. In instances in which epiphyses were absent, comparisons with modern skeletons of known age were made to provide rough estimates of the age of the individual. This method was most commonly used with newborn and juvenile specimens. The rates of fusion applied in this study follow previously compiled data. Fusion rates provided by Silver (1970) are used for both the caprines and cattle. Age estimates for pigs are based on rates presented by Schmid (1972) while those for camelids follow Wheeler (n.d.). The individuals are categorized into one of three primary age groups: juvenile, subadult, or adult. Juveniles are individuals not more than eighteen months old and generally less than twelve months of age. Subadults are individuals that are at least two years of age. Adult individuals are roughly three years of age or older. Classification of juvenile specimens as newborn individuals was possible based on subjective comparisons

PAGE 153

132 with skeletal material housed at the Florida Museum of Natural History. It was also possible to categorize some of the adult specimens as old individuals based on the presence of skeletal pathologies, particularly bone exostoses. Appendix C, Table 1 presents information on the specimens that were identified as either newborn or juvenile based on these comparisons. The age profiles of the taxa represented at the bodegas and Torata Alta are presented in Tables 4-22 through 4-26. Within the winery samples, the juveniles are the least well represented age grade for all of the taxa. The majority of individuals are at least two years of age or older. Caprines and cattle are most commonly represented by adult specimens, particularly in the Locumbilla and Chincha samples (Figures 4-1, 4-2). Camelids are also represented by a greater number of adult specimens; however, a large number of possibly subadult specimens are present at Chincha (Figure 4-3). With the exception of the Middle contexts at Locumbilla, none of the winery contexts contain more than one juvenile camelid individual. Cattle are also not well represented by juveniles. In contrast, caprines less than one year old are relatively common. The small sample of pig remains indicate that subadults were more commonly butchered than were older individuals. The Torata Alta samples contrasts somewhat with the overall pattern exhibited by the winery samples. Camelid individuals greater than two years old are common: however, a relatively greater number of juvenile camelids are present, especially in the Pre1600 sample (Figure 4-4). The only other domestic taxa identified, pigs and caprines, are represented by juveniles while older caprines are also present in the Pre1600 sample. Bone Pathologies Bone abnomialities were only found on twelve specimens (Table 4-27). With the exception of a dog specimen from Locumbilla, all of the pathologies occurred on either camelid or cattle remains. The mandible of an aged canid from a Middle context at Locumbilla exhibited ante-mortem loss of all three mandibular premolars and resorption of

PAGE 154

100 133 Winery Contexts Caprine Age Groups Early (n=8) Middle (n=95) Late (n=64) indetermined Age Estimates Figure 41 Age Groups of Caprines from Winery Contexts. 100 80 3 60 40 I 20 Winery Contexts Bos taurus Age Groups Early (n=4) n Middle (n=62) M Late (n=28) juvenile subadult or older adult indetermined Age Estimates Figure 4-2. Age Groups of Bos taurus from Winery Contexts.

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134 Winery Contexts Camelid Age Groups 60 50 Sb 40 30 :LILU Early (n= 15) Middle (n=49) M Late (n=36) juvenile subadult or older adult indetermined Age Estimates Figure 4-3. Age Groups of Camelids from Winery Contexts. 100 Torata Alta Camelid Age Groups Pre-1600(n=26) D 1600-Ash(n=16) Post1 600 (n=8) indetermined Age Estimates Figure 4-4. Age Groups of Camelids from Torata Alta.

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Table 4-22. Age Groups of Taxa Represented at Lx)cumbilla. 135 Taxon Sus scrofa Lama spp.. Camelidae Bos taurus Caprini, Ovis, Capra Sus scrofa Lama spp., Camelidae Bos taurus Caprini, Ovis, Capra Lama spp., Camelidae Bos taurus Caprini, Ovis, Capra Time Period

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Table 4-23. Age Groups of Taxa Represented at Chincha. 136 Taxon Sus scrofa iM/na spp., Camelidae Bos taurus Carprini, Ovis, Capra Sus scrofa Lama spp., Camelidae Bos taurus Caprini, Ovis, Capra Time Period

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137 Table 4-24. Age Groups of Taxa Represented at Yahuay. Taxon

PAGE 159

138 Table 4-25. Age Groups of Taxa Represented at Estopacaje. Taxon Time Period Age of Individuals Juvenile Subadult Adult Indeterm. iMma spp., Camelidae Late 1 Bos taurus 1 Carprini, Ovis, Capra 1 1 Caprini Middle 1

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139 Table 4-26. Age Groups of Taxa Represented at Torata Aha. Taxon Time Period

PAGE 161

a. 140 'o

PAGE 162

141 the alveolus bone to form a toothless gum. It was not possible to determme if this atrophy resulted from injury, disease, or old age. The remaining pathologies are either on vertebral elements or phalanges and tarsals. Bone enlargements that affect the interphalangeal joints are collectively known as "ring bone" (Baker and Brothwell 1980:120). Ring bone is believed to result from concussion of the phalanges as the foot is placed on the ground due to the lack of resiliency of lower limb bones, especially of large draught animals. This abnormality almost always results in some degree of lameness. In particularly bad instances, ankylosis (fusion of the joint) can occur, which results in severely restricted joint movement. The three pathologies observed on catde remains occur on two phalanges and a tarsal. Samples from Locumbilla, Chincha, and Yahuay each have one abnomial cattle specimen. Each specimen contains light evidence of exostoses (i.e. new, abnomial osseous growth on the outside of a bone). Although none of the bone growths appear to have been severe enough to restrict movement of the joint, the individuals must have experienced some degree of discomfort. The camelid specimens also exhibit examples of ring bone. Two phalanges from Torata Alta and one from Locumbilla exhibit pathologies. The specimen from Locumbilla and one of the elements from Torata Alta are both first phalanges affected by false ring bone, an exostosis that forms along the shaft of the phalanx (Baker and Brothwell 1980:120) (Figure 4-5). The specimen from Locumbilla is not as severe as the illustrated example; however, both individuals would have experienced severe pain. Although false ring bone does not directly affect the joint the lesions can move down the shaft to eventually result in anklyosis. The remainder of pathologies occur on camelid venebrae and one occurs on the proximal articulation of a rib. Three thoracic vertebrae and one cervical venebra contain osteophytoses or "lipping". One of the thoracic vertebra from Torata Alta contains extensive bony growth and degeneration of the centrum (Figure 4-5). The large amount of

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142 Figure 4-5. Bone Pathologies on Camelid Specimens from Torata Alta. a) Top, Left: False Ring Bone on Phalanx 1 Medial View b) Top, Right: Osteoarthritis on Thoracic Vertebra, Anterior View c) Bottom, Right: Osteoarthritis on Thoracic Vertebra, Posterior View.

PAGE 164

143 pitting in the centrum suggests that a bacterial infection may have been present (see Baker and Brothwell 1980: 117). The other vertebrae exhibit less destructive examples of bone growth that represent examples of osteoarthritis resulting from either trauma or workrelated stress experienced by draught animals (see Figure 4-5). A camelid rib recovered from Chincha contains a small amount of bony growth on the proximal surface that articulates with one of the thoracic vertebra. The rib pathology could also be associated with weight-bearing stress. Sex Indicators The only taxon for which sex could be determined unequivocally was the chicken. Nine chicken elements contain medullary bone thus indicating laying hens were present at both the wineries and Torata Alta (Table 4-28). Medullary bone is a calcium deposit that forms in the bone cavities of female chickens for use in egg producdon. Remains of laying hens are present in Middle period contexts at Locumbilla and one Late context at Yahuay. Laying hens are also present in two contexts from Torata Alta, one Pre1600 context and one Post1600 context. Roosters can also exhibit diagnostic secondary sexual characterisncs in the fomi of large spur cores that develop on the shaft of the tarsometatarsus; however, none were observed in the collections. It was far more difficult to identify the sex of the domestic mammalian fauna. The dry desert environment is responsible for the excellent preservation of skeletal and cartilaginous elements including horn core sheaths of the bovids, both cattle and sheep/goats. Horn cores were relatively uncommon for the cattle: however, large numbers of both cores and sheaths were recovered for the caprines. Although techniques are available for sexing reladvely complete cattle horn cores (Armitage 1982), it was not possible to determine if the winery specimens were bulls or cows because of the fragmentary nature of the remains. Both female and male sheep and goats also develop horns; although female horns are smaller. Large-sized horn cores were recovered from Middle period contexts at Chincha suggesting that at least founeen of the caprines

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144 Table 4-28. Occurrence of Medullary Bone in Chicken {Callus gallus) Remains. Site

PAGE 166

145 were males. Large caprine horn cores were also present in Middle (n=5) and Late (n=l) period Locumbilla contexts. Probably half of the caprini individuals (n=3) from the Late contexts at Yahuay are also males based on horn cores. Another means of distinguishing males and females is sexual dimorphism. Sexual dimorphism occurs in the camelids and lo a lesser degree in the cattle and caprines. Also, male llamas that are used as beasts of burden are commonly castrated when they reach early adulthood (Flannery et al. 1989:97). These individuals become larger than their ungelded male companions that are maintained for breeding; however, empirical measures of actual size differences based only on osteoiogical material have not been determined. A similar situation exists for catde. Male cattle that are used as oxen are commonly castrated also. The procedure results in a more manageable, docile individual with increased body mass. Unfonunately, osteoiogical correlates for the identification of oxen are largely restricted to intact crania (Grigson 1982), none of which were not recovered in the winery samples. Subjective references are made to large sized individuals that could possibly represent males in the following section on bone measurements and reconstruction of individual size. Sizes of Individual Animals Dimensional measurements were taken of all mature (i.e., fused) bone elements in order to determine the sizes of individual animals. Appendix D presents the measurements recorded for each site. Dimensional measurements were taken of the camelids to help determine if more than one species was represented at the sites. Measurements of cattle and caprine elements were recorded to help determine whether the central Andean habitat affected the size ranges of the individuals imported to this area. The small number of elements belonging to members of the horse family were also measured to provide size estimates that might possibly distinguish horses from either burros or mules (Table 4-29). Despite being uncommon, measurements from other taxa including dog, mountain lion, pig, and fishes were also recorded (Table 4-29).

PAGE 167

146 r^, r~ r<", vc in t~-
PAGE 168

147 Camelid measurements The identification of elements as Lama sp. was based on subjective comparisons with modem llama {Lama glama) specimens. If elements were within the size range of the llama specimens it was assumed that the elements were from one of the three camelids (llama, alpaca, or guanaco) represented by the genus Lama rather than the smaller Vicuna vicuna. All other elements were classified as Camelidae. It is probable that a large number of the Camelidae specimens are also from the genus Lama. However, elements identified as Camelidae may also represent the smaller camelid form. Both the size ranges and the average measurements of the Lama spp. elements varied between the wineries and Torata Alta. At the wineries six of the measured elements (scapula, metacarpal, patella, tibia, calcaneus, and phalanx 1) exhibited an average largersize than was found at Torata Alta (Tables 4-30 and 4-3 1 ). Only two of the elements (humerus and astragalus) do not conform to this pattern; however, one of the astragali (n=4) from Torata Alta is an outlier representing a very large individual. A smaller sample of measurable elements were identified as Camelidae; however, larger specimens were also more common at the wineries than at Torata Alta. In order to help determine which species are represented in the archaeological contexts two types of comparisons were made. First, a log difference plot comparing the archaeological specimens oi Lama sp. to a modern llama (UF# 23690) were made. The characteristics of the llama specimen used as a standard and average measurements of other llama and alpaca individuals are presented in Table 4-32. A log difference plot of these comparisons is presented in Figure 4-2. This figure shows that the Middle and Late period winery specimens are very similar to the modem llama, with Middle period specimens being slighUy larger than the standard based on three of the elements measured. In contrast, the Torata Alta specimens exhibit a greater amount of size variabiHty. This is panicularly striking with the Camelidae astragali that were plotted on Figure 4-6. Although other specimens identified only as Camelidae were not plotted, the Torata Alta camelid

PAGE 169

Table 4-30. Averages of LMma spp. Bone Measurements. 148 LATE WINERY CONTEXTS Element

PAGE 170

Table 4-30--continued. TORATA ALTA 1600ASH CONTEXTS Element Measurement N scapula astragalus phalanx 1 phalanx 2 phalanx 2 GLP GLl Bp Bp Bd Range 17.221.5 16.017.9 13.014.1 Average 58.5 43.4 19.9 16.6 13.5 TOTAL 14 TORATA ALTA PRE1600 CONTEXTS Element

PAGE 171

Table 4-31. Averages of Camelidae Bone Measurements. LATE WINERY CONTEXTS Element Measurement TOTAL Range Average axis

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Table 4-31 --continued. 151 TORATA ALTA 1600-ASH CONTEXTS Element Measurement N astragalus phalanx 2 GLl Range 16.1 19.4 Averag e 34.6 17.7 TOTAL TORATA ALTA PRE1600 CONTEXTS Element

PAGE 173

152 Table 4-32. Measurement Daia for Modem Camelids. average for average for UF #23690 Measurement^

PAGE 174

153 o d CO o CO o o d ^ o CD O 00 o ^ (0
PAGE 175

154 specimens are clearly characterized by greater size variation suggesting at least one of the smaller species is represented. The second procedure consisted of size comparisons of first phalanges recovered in archaeological contexts with modem camelids with known identities (Table 4-33). These comparisons indicate that the specimens from Middle period winery contexts are most similar in size to the modem llama. In contrast, Torata Alta contains several specimens that range into the small camelid size classes (i.e., alpaca and vicuiia). Although size differences in the phalanges from the fore versus the hind foot may account for some of the observed variability, these results also suggest that camelid remains from the wineries are more uniform in size while the remains from Torata Alta include greater size variation. Although the winery sample is very small, these comparisons in combination with the larger sizes of the majority of other elements suggest that the llama was the most common, possibly exclusive, form of camelid present in the winery samples. Significantly, none of the winery elements of either Lama sp. or Camelidae range within the average size of the modern alpaca specimens reported by Kent (1982) (see Table 4-32). Although smaller sized specimens were identified as Camelidae in the winery samples, it is possible that these represent females rather than other species. The Torata Alta specimens, in contrast, suggest that at least two species of camelids are present. It is unlikely that sexual dimorphism alone could account for the size variability exhibited by the elements. It was not possible to determine if seventeenth century changes in species composition occurred at Torata Alta due to the poorly preserved Post1600 faunal material that contained no measurable specimens. Unfortunately, it was also not possible to determine whether the larger or smaller camelid species constituted a greater portion of the sample. However, based on the size ranges of the elements other than phalanges, elements from the larger species appear to be somewhat more common.

PAGE 176

155 Table 4-33. Comparisons of Modem Camelid Measurements with the Winery and Torata Alta Samples. Specimen ^ Llama phalanx 1 Guanaco phalanx 1 Alpaca phalanx 1 Vicuna phalanx 1 Winery Middle Lama sp. phalanx 1 Torata Alta1 60()-Ash contexts Lama sp. phalanx 1 Torata AltaPre1600 contexts Lama sp. phalanx 1 Camelidae phalanx 1 Measurement proximal breadth proximal breadth proximal breadth proximal breadth proximal breadth proximal breadth proximal breadth proximal breadth N Range Average S. P. 22 20.8-21.9 21.3 1.19 9 22.5 24.8 24.0 .82 55 16.8 17.5 17.2 1.28 16 15.016.0 15.5 .87 3 19.7 21.3 20.7 .85 6 17.2-21.5 19.9 1.90 10 16.7-23.1 19.8 2.03 29 13.0-22.9 18.0 2.65 ^ dimensional measurements for modem camelids obtained from Miller and Burger (1992:Table2).

PAGE 177

156 Bos taunvi measurements A sample of 1 38 cattle elements were measured from winery contexts. The majority of these are from Middle period contexts (n=103). Only one measurable element was recovered in the Early winery samples. No cattle elements were identified in the Torata Alta samples. Table 4-34 presents a summary of the ranges and averages of bone measurements. Many of the cattle limb bones had been butchered into smaller portions; therefore measurable specimens of feet elements were somewhat more common than other skeletal portions. Cranial specimens were least common. A log difference plot of six measurements was produced comparing cattle specimens from Middle and Late winery contexts to a modem Holstein (UGAMNH #1 186) (Table 4-35, Figure 4-7). The Middle period specimens are somewhat smaller than the modem Holstein suggesdng that individual cattle weighed less than 270 kg (60() lbs). The Middle period cattle are also smaller than specimens from other Spanish colonial sites in the New World including Spanish Florida and Puerto Real on Hispaniola. Although these measures depict a size class of reladvely small cattle extremely large elements possibly representing oxen were identified in Middle period contexts, particularly from the Chincha bodega (see Table 4-34). The measurements of cattle from Late contexts are more variable in size with a trend toward specimens larger than the standard based on four of the measures. Unfortunately, it is not possible to determine if these differences reflect improvements in breed stock during the later centuries or adaptation on the pan of cattle to the Andean habitat. Caprine measurements A sample of 25 1 caprine elements were measured from Late and Middle period winery contexts. No measurable elements were recovered from either Early contexts nor Torata Alta. The average bone measurements for all caprines are presented in Table 4-36. Bone measurement comparisons between goats and sheep were not made due to the large

PAGE 178

Table 4-34. A\'crds.es of Bos taiirus Bone Measurements. LATE WINERY CONTEXTS 157 Element

PAGE 179

158 Table 4-34— continued. EARLY WINERY CONTEXTS Element Measurement N Range Average phalanx 3 LDS 1 51.5 phalanx 3 L^l 1 61.6 TOTAL 2

PAGE 180

159 Table 4-35. Measurement Data for Modern Bovids. Measurement^

PAGE 181

160 :^ ro

PAGE 182

161 Table 4-36. Averages of Caprini, Capra hircus, and Ovis aries Bone Measurements. LATE WINERY CONTEXTS Element

PAGE 183

162 number of elements that were identifiable only as caprini; however, these data are presented in Appendix D. When the archaeological specimens were compared to a modem goat (FMNH, Z #4543) (Table 4-35) the plotted values of all eight measurements are less than the standard (Figure 4-8). The values exhibit little variability between the Middle and Late period samples. Significandy, the standard is a small specimen (24.0 kg, 52.8 lbs); therefore the sheep and goats represented in the wineries are very small individuals. Although there are no historical indications that the breeds of either sheep or goats imported to Peru were substandally small in size, breed variability may account for the observed differences. An alternative explanarion is that the environmental conditions of the valley resulted in the propagation of smaller sized individuals. Element Distribution All of the idendfied elements from the economically important domestic mammals were categorized as one of seven skeletal ponions of the body (Table 4-37). Tables 4-38 to 4-42 indicate the percentage of specimens for each skeletal portion represented for the different taxa by site and time period. The percentage were calculated based on the total number of specimens not on the minimum number of skeletal portions represented; therefore, skeletal portions that are represented by a greater number of fragments (i.e., teeth, ribs, phalanges) may be somewhat exaggerated. The Early period bodega contexts are represented by a small number of specimens; therefore some skeletal portions may be underrepresented. Cautious interpretations are also made for the small sample of horse and pig remains. These data are used to help determine if whole animals were present on the sites or if only portions of animals had been obtained from markets (see Chapter 5). The remains of camelids, catde, and caprines exhibit similarities in the distribution of skeletal parts. Interestingly, although Torata Aha differs in time period and function from the winery contexts, the element distributions are similar. The majority of both bodegas and Torata Alta contexts indicate that the greatest percentage of specimens are axial

PAGE 184

163 CO en o LL GQ U 1m w E 3

PAGE 185

164 Table 4-37. Skeletal Element Categories Used in This Study. Skeletal Portion Cranial Axial Forelimb Forefoot Hindlimb Hindfoot Foot Elements Represented Horn Core, Maxilla, Mandible, Teeth, Skull Vertebrae, Ribs Scapula, Humerus, Radius, Ulna Carpals, Metacarpal Innominate, Femur, Patella, Tibia, Fibula Calcaneus, Astragalus, Tarsals, Metatarsal Metapodial-distal, Phalanges

PAGE 186

165 Table 4-38. Element Distribution for Locumbilla Bodesa. Camelidae and Lama spp.

PAGE 187

Table 4-38-continued. Sus scrofa 166

PAGE 188

167 Table 4-39. Element Distribution for Chincha Bodesa. Camelidae and Lama spp.

PAGE 189

Table 4-39-continued. Sus scrofa 168

PAGE 190

169 Table 4-40. Element Distribution for Yahuay Bodega. Camelidae and Lama spp.

PAGE 191

170 Table 4-40-continued. Sus scrofa

PAGE 193

172 Table 4-42. Element Distribution for Torata Aha. Camelidae and Lama spp.

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173 elements, a feature that reflects the identification of a large number of rib and vertebral fragments. Heavy meat-bearing portions, such as both the forelimb and hindlimb, are well represented in a majority of the contexts. Nonmeaty portions, panicularly the cranium and feet, are also common. In none of the contexts are prime meat-bearing elements represented exclusively. The small sample of pig remains are somewhat anomalous. Cranial elements and feet are the most common remains. At Yahuay only cranial elements were identified in the sample. The Late and Middle contexts from Lxxumbilla contain a larger number of limb and axial elements than do other winer\' samples. Sample size may contribute to the lower frequency of some skeletal portions while simultaneously exaggerating cranial representation due to the identifiability of pigs' teeth. Horses are also represented by a very small number of elements. Only the Middle and Late contexts from Locumbilla, Late contexts from Yahuay, and the Middle contexts from Chincha contained horse remains. The Yahuay material includes axial and hind quarter specimens. Cranial elements dominate the Late sample from Locumbilla. The Middle sample contains several foot elements in addition to cranial fragments. At Chincha only cranial and axial elements were present. Bone Modifications Bone modifications in the form of butchering evidence, animal gnawing, and bone working were recorded for the samples. Evidence of butchering and animal activity are suinmarized in Tables 4-43 to 4-47. Examples of bone working identified only at Torata Alta and one possible example from Locumbilla are presented in Table 4-48. The winery samples indicate that the most common type of butchering in all time periods and at all sites was hacking followed by cutting. Sawed elements were present only in Late and Middle contexts. In contrast, the Torata Alta material exhibits a greater number of cut rather than hacked specimens in both Pre and Post-160() deposits. No evidence of sawed bone was identified at Torata Alta. Hacks were most often observed on

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Table 4-43. Bone Modifications from Locumbilla Bodeea. 174 Time Period

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Table 4-46. Bone Modifications from Estopacaje Bodega. 175 Time Period Hacked Cut Sawed Gnawed TOTAL Carnivore Rodent LATE 99 11 124 MIDDLE Table 4-47. Bone Modifications from Torata Alta. Time Period Hacked Cut Sawed POST1600 23 52 1600ASH 48 97 PRE1600 348 638

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176

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177 the mid-portion of long bone shafts, venebrae, ribs, on the innominate, and the posterior third of the cranium. Cuts were also common on the ribs as well as on the sinew covered lower limbs such as the proximal and distal metapodials and the smaller, but dense, tarsals and carpals. At the wineries hacking was used to process mammalian carcasses into smaller portions. Similar methods were used on camelids, cattle, and caprines. Although the frequency of sawed bone increases through time, hacking remained the most common fomi of butchering into the nineteenth century. Despite the general usage of hacking, there appears to have been little standardization in the manner in which carcasses were processed, with the exception of the cranium. The crania were frequently hacked in the posterior portion of the vault roughly along the parietal/frontal suture and ventrally along the basal portion of the occipital bone. This technique apparendy allowed for easy removal of the brains. Although no evidence of worked horn cores were recovered, several caprine crania contained butchering evidence indicating that the horns had been removed after death. Removal of the mandible also exhibited some consistency. Hacks frequently in combination with cut marks were common on the lateral side of the mandible posterior to the third molar. This butchering method may have facilitated exposure and removal of the tongue. Butchering evidence on the vertebrae do not indicate uniformity in the proces.sing of the carcass. For all of the taxa identified, variability was present. In contrast to modern marketing pracdces in which a carcass is cut along the mid-line of the body into two halves, vertebrae were often cut both anteriorly and posteriorly resulting in meat ponions that contained both loin meat and associated rib meat. Smaller chops were also removed from the venebrae as numerous lateral processes had been hacked from the venebrae. When vertebrae were cut medially it appears to have been the result of secondary butchering. Limb bones also varied in the types of butchering evidenced. Butchered limb shafts varied in length; although the smaller caprines were often represented by proportionately

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178 longer limb sections than the larger camelids or cattle. A large number of unidentified large mammal fragments are shaft fragments from limb bones. Shaft splintering appears to have resulted from post-depositional fractures rather than intentional butchering of long bones for marrow extraction or as the result of methods of food preparation such as boiling. Campesinos in Moquegua informed me that meat from old horses and burros, especially the tongues, are consumed today; however, none of the horse nor burro material from the wineries contained butchering marks. The winery deposits contained few examples of butchering on nondomestic mammals. The proximal end of a hawk (Buieo cf. polysoma) phalanx from a Middle deposit at Chincha exhibited a post-mortem cut. Carcass processing at Torata Alta did not differ significantly from the wineries with the exception that evidence of cutting was more frequently observed. Despite cutting occurring more often, camelids were commonly hacked to produce butchered portions. In general, the butchered portions were larger sections of elements than at the wineries. Another observable difference is that a larger number of phalanges and podials from Torata Alta contained evidence of butchering, especially multiple smaller cuts. The removal of camelid hides may have resulted in the high frequency of cut marks on these elements (see Appendix E). In addition to butchered domestic mammals at Torata Alta, three chicken specimens exhibited cut marks. Also cut was a vertebra of a sizable jack fish (Carangidae). The only other anomalous butchered specimen was a mountain lion humerus that contained small cut marks on the distal epiphysis (Figure 4-9). Today highland herders occasionally kill mountain lions which are a constant threat to their herds (see Flannery et al. 1989:65). Hide skinning probably resulted in the observed cut marks. Worked bone and shell artifacts are more common in the Torata Alta assemblage than in the winery samples. Torata Alta contains the only example of worked shell. The apex of an olive shell recovered in a Pre1600 context was removed possibly to create a bead. Torata Alta also contains several worked camelid bone specimens (Table 4-48).

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179 Figure 4-9. Mountain lion (Felis concolor) Humerus with Cut Marks on Distal Condyles, Torata Alta, Trench G, Pre1600 deposit.

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180 Twelve camelid mandibles and one ilium fragment that had been converted into bone tools were identified. Five of these specimens were identified in samples from structures that were not included in the faunal analysis. These specimens consist of the posterior portion of the mandible including the angle, ascending ramus, and the coronoid and condylar processes (Figure 4-10). The specimens appear to have been produced by hacking the mandible posteriorly to the third molar. Extensive, nonabrasive wear is present on the broad ventral surface that resulted. A similar wear surface is present on the anterior bladelike surface of an ilium from Structure 120a. Camelid mandible artifacts of this type were recovered at the Tiwanaku site of Omo in the Moquegua valley (Goldstein 1993:31) and at the highland sites of Tiwanaku and Lukurmata in Bolivia (Bermann 1993:128-129; Webster 1993, personal communication). At Omo at least one specimen was hafted to a wooden handle with wool cordage apparently to provide greater extension. Goldstein (1993:31) argues that these artifacts are uniquely Tiwanaku in origin; however their identification in sixteenth century contexts at Torata Alta indicates continued use into the Late Horizon and colonial periods. One can postulate that they were used in hide processing or in some stage of textile production. Although the function of these artifacts continues to be debated, they indicate that both highland Tiwanaku populations and lower valley residents shared similar arnfact inventories and were engaged in similar activities for an extended period of time. The only other modification observed was animal gnawing. Carnivore gnawing, probably by dogs, was most common in Middle contexts from Locumbilla, Late contexts at Yahuay, and Pre-16(X) deposits from Torata Alta. At Torata Alta carnivore activity may have contributed to a greater percentage of unidentifiable mammal bone in the samples. Carnivores do not appear to have significantly altered the composition of the winery assemblages. Rodent gnawing is far less frequent in the assemblages suggesting that bone refuse was rapidly buried and therefore inaccessible by rodents. Open deposits may have

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181 u E U

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182 been present at Locumbilla during the Middle period and in Pre1600 Torata Alta where evidence of rodent gnawing is more common.

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CHAPTER 5 SPANISH COLONIAL ANIMAL USE IN THE SOUTH-CENTRAL ANDES Introduction The results of the faunal analysis presented in Chapter Four are used to reconstruct the pattern of Spanish colonial animal use that characterized the Moquegua wineries and the site of Torata Alta. These data are interpreted in light of the primary research objectives which are 1 ) to determine whether native Andean resources were incorporated into the colonial system, and if so, were subsistence resources obtained through the use of vertical exchange networks such as those used during the prehispanic past, 2) to determine whether constant environmental stresses associated with hypoxic and rugged desen conditions affected either the taxa that were selected for use in the region or the physical characteristics of the introduced Old World species, 3) to identify the economic and subsistence uses of animals including determining whether live animals were maintained on the sites, the types of secondary products that were obtained, and the butchering methods employed, and 4) to determine how closely the colonial Andean pattern conforms to the Iberian model of subsistence and economic uses of animals and how much it differs from other areas of Spanish colonial setdement in the New World. Ecological Complementarity and the Spanish Colonial Faunal Record The exchange of subsistence items across different ecological zones either through direct colonization of territories at different elevations or through independent specialists was an economic system uniquely adapted to the specific productive zones of the Andes. Ethnohistorical accounts of this form of exchange suggest that following the conquest ecological complementarity as an economic system was greatly modified as Spaniards imposed a mercantile system on the Andean landscape (Pease 1985). The products of the 183

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184 Moquegua wineries were incorporated into this exchange system as old trade routes were employed for the transport of wine and wine products (Pease 1985). In Chapter Two I hypothesized that if ecological complementarity continued to function as a viable economic system during the sixteenth centur>' and later, the faunal assemblage should contain the remains of animals imported from other ecological zones including the Pacific coast, the highlands, and the tropical eastern Andean slopes. I further hypothesized that the mechanism of exchange would be indirect exchange by specialists based on both the mercantile nature of Spanish commerce and the prehistoric record of resource exchange evidenced at prehispanic sites in nearby valleys, such as those reported by Stanish (1985, 1992) for the Otora valley. The composition of the faunal assemblages, in terms of estimates of the Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI), Estimated Meat Weight (EMW), and species diversity, allows an assessment to be made of Spanish adaptation and acculturation to the Moquegua region. The results of the faunal analysis indicate that the presumably indigenous inhabitants of Torata Alta had a subsistence system and economy very dependent on Andean resources. Although European animals are represented, native camelids provide the greatest amount of individuals and animal protein. The age profiles of the camelids at Torata Alta indicate juvenile and subadult individuals were present; therefore herds were maintained in close proximity to the site. The camelid herds may have been obtained originally from highland centers as proposed by Van Buren (1993) based on an analysis of stable carbon isotopes of camelid bone elements. However, a breeding population appears to have been husbanded near the site as all age classes are represented. In regard to other ecological zones, a diversity of marine moUusks and fishes, including an abundance of anchovies, were transported to the site from coastal zones approximately 90 km to the west during both the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Figure 5-1). No resources from the eastern Andean slopes are present in the Torata Alta assemblage.

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185 100 80 60 + MNI DISTRIBUTION BY TIME Pre1600 n Ash M Post1600 Mammals Birds Fishes Gastropods Bivalves Class Other Figure 5-1 Percentages of Individuals by Class and Time, Torata Alta.

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The composition of the Torata Aha sample suggests that the colonial penod inhabitants were incorporated into a subsistence system that relied on native fauna including the importation of subsistence goods from other ecological zones. Although the inhabitants were not dependent exclusively on products obtained from other ecological zones, access to these products may have served to alleviate subsistence shortfalls in times of scarcity. In contrast, the wine producing region is characterized by an economy dependent on a limited range of domestic mammals, particularly imponed Old World species. The composition of the winery faunal assemblage indicates that a number of indigenous resources were used at the sites; however, with the exception of the camelids, the native resources were of little dietary or economic significance. The most common indigenous resources were finfish and shellfish that were obtained from the coastal zone approximately 75 km to the west (Figure 5-2). Although at least twenty-two marine species are represented in the winery samples, none of the taxa are abundant in terms of either MNI or edible meat weight. The Early and Late samples contain a greater diversity of marine products than do samples from the Middle time period. It is possible that exchange systems functioning during the early years of colonial occupation experienced a hiatus during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries with renewed activity during the nineteenth century. Following the declaration of free trade in the late eighteenth century, increased trade and an influx of imported material goods characterized the nineteenth-century Peruvian economy, including the Moquegua wineries (Smith 1991). The movement of animal products appears to have been a minor component of this increased trade. The relatively abundant remains of Andean camelids in the bodegas samples suggest they were acquired from highland centers. Camelids were consistently employed on the wineries from the sixteenth through the nineteenth century. I suggest that the camehds in bodegas samples are highland animals transported to lower elevations based on two lines of evidence. First, the camelids represented at the bodegas are almost exclusively adult individuals. The absence of juveniles suggests that a breeding population was not

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187 Winery Contexts MNI DISTRffiUTION BY TIME PERIOD EARLY D MIDDLE M LATE Bivalves Other Inverts Figure 5-2. Percentages of Individuals by Class and Time, Wineries.

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188 maintained in close proximity to the wineries. Second, ethnohistorical accounts indicate that by 1600 all domestic camelid herds inhabiting lower elevations had been decimated by either llama-mange via Spanish-introduced sheep or other diseases (Cieza de Leon and Garcilaso de la Vega in Shimada and Shimada 1985:21). Within the Moquegua region prehispanic archaeological sites indicate that fine-fleeced llamas were bred in the lower portion of the Moquegua valley at the prehispanic site of El Yaral and that alpaca populations were reared in the lower coastal zone of the Moquegua valley (Wheeler et al. 1992). The lack of colonial evidence for camelid breeding supports ethnohistorical accounts that camelid husbandry in the lower coastal valleys was abolished following Spanish colonization. Products from the humid tropical lowlands of the eastern Andean slopes are not represented in the winery faunal assemblage. Although botanical resources may have been traded more frequently, animal resources that might have been traded include tropical birds, peccaries, and small mammals. The inhospitable nature of the Amazonian tropics apparently thwarted Spanish colonization and trade with this region (Gade 1979). The faunal assemblages from the bodegas indicate that ecological complementarity did not function to provide colonial Moc]uegua with primary subsistence or economic animal resources, with the exception of the camelids. Highland resources of camelids were obtained; however, the acquisition of camelids related to their dual role as both a utilitarian beast of burden and a subsistence resource. Although wine products were exported from the Moquegua valley, native animal resources apparently were not imported to meet subsistence needs. With the exception of the camelids, other indigenous faunal resources provided dietary diversity but apparently were not essential. The faunal record indicates that the Moquegua wineries developed self-sufficiency, and relied either on its own resources or those that could be provided from adjacent valleys rather than other ecological zones. The abundance of familiar European domestic taxa either raised in the valley or

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189 obtained from adjacent valleys resulted in little dependence on native resources, particularly ones in other ecological zones. Both Torata Alta and the winery assemblages suggest that changes in ecological complementarity during the colonial era did not result simply from the imposition of Spanish economic systems on the Andean landscape; but rather, that transformations occurred as a result of several factors including economic activities that were geared to making profits, the demographic components in the colonial setting, and temporal dimensions of the colonial occupadon. Following the introduction of Old World domestic mammals and agricultural techniques a greater variety of species were being reared in the lower elevations of the western Andean valleys; therefore colonial settlements were less dependent on imponations of subsistence items from other ecological zones. In contrast, the faunal data from Torata Alta indicate that the adopdon of European animals by indigenous populadons proceeded very slowly with little alteration of precolonial patterns through the early part of the seventeenth century. Evidence for Environmental Stress It is evident from the composition of the winery faunal assemblage that Old World species thrived in the central pordon of the Moquegua valley. However, all of the introduced fauna potentially were affected by physiologically stressful environmental conditions associated with high solar radiation, extreme aridity, rugged topographic condinons, coarse forage, and low atmospheric oxygen. Although the bodegas are located at mid-range elevations not characterized by severe low oxygen conditions, they are at an elevation at which hypoxic conditions would be induced under work conditions. I hypothesized that if introduced fauna were adversely affected by environmental selective pressures, estimates of stature and body form based on the zooarchaeological remains should reflect this stress. Dimensional measurements of domestic mammalian elements were taken of all appropriate specimens. Ratio diagrams based on log difference plots of the bone measurements were constructed for the most common introduced taxa.

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190 cattle and caprines. These results (Chapter Four) indicate that the caprine specimens represented at the wineries are consistently less robust individuals than the modern goat specimen to which they were compared. Although breed variability may account for some of the observed variation in the archaeological specimens, environmental stresses, including both reduced atmospheric oxygen and rugged desen conditions appear to have resulted in the propagation of smaller sized caprines in the Moquegua valley. The measurements of catde specimens are more difficult to interpret. The ratio diagrams of cattle measurements indicate that specimens from Middle period contexts were somewhat less robust and less variable than Late specimens. Unfonunately, cattle specimens from Early contexts were too fragmentary for measurements. Middle period specimens are consistently smaller than either the modern standard or samples of cattle measurements from the Spanish colonial sites of Puerto Real and Spanish Florida. The Late samples exhibit mixed results with some sizable specimens that possibly represent oxen (i.e., castrated males). The stature of Middle period cattle apparently was affected by the environmental conditions of the valley. In contrast, the cattle represented in the Late contexts had subsequently adapted to the conditions in the valley. Two factors may contribute to the observed differences between time periods. First, the cattle originally imponed to the valley may have been transported from tropical areas of the New World, such as Panama; therefore body size changes may have occurred prior to their introduction in Peru as a result of either stress or the effects of a reduced gene pool in other geographical areas. Second, breed improvements may have contributed to the increased stature of cattle in the later contexts. Although a comparable set of data are not available for specimens representing members of the horse family, we can hypothesize that horses, burros, and mules experienced similar degrees of stress and concomitant reduced stature from the environmental conditions in the valley. It is therefore not surprising that camelids continued to be employed during the colonial era. At higher elevations these stresses

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191 would have been more intense with animals used in transport experiencing high rates of attrition. The sure-footed, high altitude adapted camelids contributed to the success of Spanish colonial exchange in the mountainous terrain. The apparent milder hypoxic conditions of the mid-valley elevations were more conducive to Spanish settlement. Animal stature of Old World taxa reflect mild stress; however, it was not debilitating for the majority of animals employed on the wineries. Animals selected for use in transportation, especially to the higher elevations where much of the wine products were shipped, were ones that were pre-adapted to high altitude condition and, therefore, more sturdy. Although the zooarchaeological data do not demonstrate severe hypoxic reactions by the imponed Old World animals, the location of Spanish settlement and the selection of animals for the movement of goods were influenced by these conditions. The Economic and Subsistence Uses of Animals at Torata Alta and the Moquegua Wineries The faunal data demonstrate that animals at the wineries and Torata Alta were employed in different economic and subsistence roles. At Torata Alta the late sixteenthcentury and early seventeenth-century occupation demonstrates a continuation of indigenous practices with the occasional use of introduced Old World fauna, most notably caprines, pigs, and chickens. The age profiles of the most common domestic mammals, the camelids, indicate that a breeding population was present. The camelid population is also characterized by at least two species based on dimensional measurements of bone elements and ratio comparisons with camelids of known identity. Some juvenile camelid individuals were butchered; however, camelids appear to have been maintained into adulthood based on age profiles. Evidence of bone pathologies associated with weight bearing activities suggests that some of these animals were used for transport. The large amount of textile-related paraphernalia (e.g., spindle whorls) (see Van Buren 1993, Appendix B) present at the site suggests woolen thread was manufactured at the site and used to produce textiles.

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192 The recovery of numerous cranial and other less-meaty skeletal portions, such as feet elements (see Chapter Four) suggests that animals were butchered at Torata Alta; therefore, charqui or dried camelid meat probably was not imported by the inhabitants (see Miller and Burger 1992). Although camelid meat was not imponed, a variety of marine products were transported to the site suggesting that exchange routes were used for the movement of food resources during the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. The faunal assemblage from Torata Alta provides an indication of the use of animals by an indigenous population during the sixteenth century. Although Torata Alta represents only one community, some generalizations can be made based on the faunal assemblage pattern. Indigenous populations appear to have been relatively conservative in their adoption of introduced Old World species during the sixteenth century. Those resources that were used were domesticates represented by smaller-sized individuals, such as caprines and pigs (Figure 5-3). None of the larger-sized introduced species, cattle or horses, were incorporated into the economy of Torata Alta. The faunal pattern exhibited by the Torata Alta assemblage is a highly conservative Andean one with little innovation or adoption of new animal resources. In contrast, the pattern exhibited by the wineries indicates Old World domestic mammals quickly became major subsistence and economic staples; however, the faunal assemblage also indicates that native camelids remained an imponant component of the wineries' economy. The historical record suggests that Andean camelids and methods of herding were replaced by introduced mammalian species early in the colonial era when Spaniards estabhshed rangelands for cattle, sheep, horses, and burros and when the indigenous populations not decimated by disease were resettled in order to permit greater control by the Spaniards (Gade and Escobar 1982; Oriove 1977). If this scenario holds true for the Moquegua area, the archaeological record should demonstrate little use of camelids but rather an abundance of introduced species. Utilitarian animals such as oxen, horses, and burros should replace the camelids while sheep, goats, and pigs would be

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193 Torata Alta Domestic Mammal MNI Pre1600 1600-Ash M Post1600 Camelidae, Lamasp. Bos taurus Caprini, Capra Equids Taxa Torata Alta Domestic Mammal EMW 60 T Pre1600 U 1600-Ash M Post1600 Camelidae, Lamasp. Bos taurus Caprini, Capra Equids Taxa Figure 5-3. Domestic Mammal Individuals and Estimated Meat Weight by Time, Torata Alta.

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194 used for wool, milk, and meat. In contrast to the pattern suggested by historical accounts, the pattern of animal use at the bodegas reflects a blending of Andean mammalian resources with Old World fauna. The mammalian component of the winery assemblages indicates that several introduced species thrived in the Moquegua region (Figures 5-4 to 5-7). Cattle and caprines, of which sheep are more abundant, were the most common introduced animals. Although caprines are generally more common in terms of individuals, panicularly m Middle and Late period samples, cattle frequently account for larger percentages of estimated meat weight. Pigs and members of the horse family are least common at all four wineries and in all three time periods. A striking feature of the bodega samples is the abundance of large-sized camelids, presumably llamas, at each of the four bodegas and in all three time periods. The most significant aspect of domestic animal use is that members of the horse family (i.e., horses, burros, and mules) are never common in the archaeological coUecrions. Deceased horses may have been disposed of outside of the bodegas; however, the low frequency of their remains suggests they were uncommon. Indications that the use of horses, mules, and burros was rare is also provided by the scant amount of horse-related hardware, such as shoes, bits, and saddle loops, present in the material remains (Smith 1991:270, 280). Interestingly, both equid remains and horse-hardware are very uncommon until the Late period, paniculariy at both Locumbilla and Chincha. Therefore, camelids, llamas in panicular. apparently remained the preferred animal for transporting goods, such as Moquegua's wine products, in the mountainous Andean terrain. Although the winery complexes are characterized by numerous open-air courtyards that presumably served as either corrals or loading areas for transportation carts, little historical data is available on the animal resources that were maintained on the winery properties. Although alfalfa is reported to have been grown on some of the wineries (Frazier 1713 in Kuon Cabello 1981:373), a much greater amount of acreage was devoted

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195 Locumbilla Bodega Domestic Mammal MNI Camelidae Lamasp. Taxa Locumbilla Bodega Domestic Mammal EMW 100 T 80 60 40 Camelidae, Lama sp. Bos taurus Caprini, Capra, Ovis Equids Taxa Figure 5-4. Domestic Mammal Individuals and Estimated Meat Weight by Time, Locumbilla Winerv.

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196 Chincha Bodega Domestic Mammal MNI 100 Sd 80 -£ 60 w 40 020 Camelidae, Lama sp. Bos taurus Caprini, Capra, Ovis Equids Taxa Chincha Bodega Domestic Mammal EMW Camelidae,

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197 Yahuay Bodega Domestic Mammal MNI 100 80 60 40 20 dl Midddle Late Camelidae, Lama sp. Bos taurus Caprini, Capra, Ovis Equids Taxa Yahuay Bodega Domestic Mammal EMW 100 S'r 80 i I 60 40 020

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198 Estopacaje Bodega Domestic Mammal MNI 100 Si) 80 es £ 60 V w 40 a. 20 Midddle [j Late Camelidae, Bos taurus Caprini, Lama sp. Capra, Ovis Taxa Equids Estopacaje Bodega Domestic Mammal EMW 100 80

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199 to viticulture than to pasturage for domestic mammals. Water requirements of large herds of domestic mammals also would have made maintenance of herds prohibitive in an area so extensively planted in grape vines. Some historical sources indicate that bodega owners possessed large domestic mammal herds (see Kuon Cabello 1981 :361). It is highly improbable that flocks containing hundreds of caprines were supported in the wine producing ponion of the valley. It is therefore probable that either flocks or herds were maintained in either the upper ponion of the Moquegua valley or the adjacent Torata valley. Large domesticates may also have been raised in the lower coastal zone where lomas vegetation could have served as seasonal pasture (Rice 1989:23). Although no empirical data are provided to support this hypothesis, prime agncultural land in the central portion of the valley apparently was more valuable under cultivation than as pasture. The maintenance of herds outside of the winery complexes is compatible with the zooarchaeological data. Live animals could have been driven on the hoof from their pastures to the wineries for various uses. In addition, a small number of permanent resident animals may have been housed on the winery property for use in traction or transportation. Bone pathologies associated with work are present only on cattle and camelid remains. The recovery of large numbers of cranial and feet elements indicate that whole animals were butchered on the sites. There is no indication that standardized butchering patterns were employed; therefore butchered portions do not appear to have been obtained from markets. Whole or live animals apparently were transported to the sites and butchered on the premises. The only industrial locale associated with the production of animal products was identified at the Chincha bodega. The southern corral area appears to have been used for hide preparation (see Chapter 3). Cattle remains were most common in the area; however, caprine hides appear to have been processed in this area as well based on the frequency of their remains. It is possible that the.se hide processing activities included the production of

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200 skin bags for wine storage and transpon. No other industrial centers that involved animal products were identified. Potential activities that may have taken place at the wineries include tallow extraction for candles, rendering of carcasses for lard, production of glue, wool processing, and manufacture of bone products (i.e., buttons, handles, spindle whorls): however, no archaeological evidence for these activities was identified. With the exception of camelids, no other Andean animals were adopted as major economic or subsistence staples at the wineries. It is evident that neither marine resources nor birds other than chickens were of any dietary consequence. The only other Andean mammal that occurs in the samples is the guinea pig. Infrequent remains of these domesticated animals occur in Middle and Late winery deposits; however, they are relatively common in the sixteenth century Torata Alta samples. Guinea pigs or cuys are an adaptable, easily maintained food source that are also used for divinations and sacrifices (Gade 1967). The popularity of guinea pigs is documented by their abundant remains in prehispanic contexts and their popularity today among both indigenous and mestizo populations. Two factors probably relate to the low frequencies of guinea pigs in the winery contexts. First, it can be postulated that with the wealth of other meat .sources available to the bodega inhabitants cuys were not selected for exploitation. Second, the Spanish colonists may have considered these small rodents inappropriate food items that should be excluded from the diet; thereby constituting a cognitive rejection of the guinea pig as a food source. The infrequent consumption of cuys, particularly dunng the earlier years of Spanish settlement, may also have served as a means of distinguishing Spaniards, either Creoles or peninsulares, from both indigenous and mestizo populations. The low frequencies of native animal resources in the winery samples also raises some questions concerning the probable diet of indigenous peoples employed on the wineries. An indigenous labor force is described as one of the probable agents of transculturation of Andean material culture to the Spanish colonists (Smith 1991:316-317).

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201 However, the paucity of remains from native animals in the samples suggests that Andean dietary items were less frequently incorporated into the colonial culture than were material goods ( e.g., ceramics, household and industrial goods) (see Smith 1991). It is also possible that indigenous populations attempted to assimilate into the colonial culture by adopting the dietary habits of the dominant culture. Studies of labor on the wineries indicate that black slaves replaced Indians as laborers following the decline of the native population in the sixteenth century; however, once the native population recovered, winery owners commonly employed Indians as seasonal wage laborers beginning in the seventeenth century (Brown 1986:48). Archaeological data representing indigenous settlements have not yet been identified in the valley. Therefore, an understanding of the role of the indigenous population in the formation of the colonial diet awaits more data. The winery samples indicate that few native resources were incorporated into the colonial diet. Marine fish and shellfish were minor components of the diet as were native guinea pigs. Meat from domestic mammals was the main source of animal protein throughout the winery occupation. The adaptation of domestic Old World mammals to the Moquegua region allowed the colonists to maintain a diet that was relatively conservative in light of the new setting. Although the adoption of camelids in both economy and subsistence occurred early in the colonial period and continued through the nineteenth century, pastoral resources were familiar to the Spaniards. The pastoral nature of the prehispanic economy apparently facilitated the imposition of Spanish livestock practices on the Andean landscape. Comparisons with the Iberian Model The pattern of animal use exhibited by the wineries is very similar to the Iberian model in several ways. Both caprines and cattle were widely used. Cattle, and to a lesser degree, caprines, were maintained into adulthood. Both of these animals, as well as the native camelids, were butchered primarily after their utility in other capacities had diminished. The use of sheep wool apparently was integrated into the textile economy

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202 early in colonial history as evidenced by the recovery of a sheep wool textile in the Early deposits at Locumbilla (Niki Clark, personal communication 1988). A pastoral economy prospered in the lower elevations of the South-Central Andes. In contrast to the Iberian model, the Peruvian faunal data indicate little use of either pigs or wild game. Although geographical variability undoubtedly affected the use of marine resources on the Iberian peninsula, the winery assemblages indicate a much lower use of marine products than was anticipated. Given the paucity of both fish and shellfish in the assemblages it appears that Catholic religious decrees prohibiting the consumption of meat on Fridays and during Lent were not observed in the relatively isolated setting of the Moquegua valley. Despite a somewhat less diverse repenoire of animal resources in the Andean sites, familiar Iberian meat resources were available. Although the diet was not supplemented by an abundance of wild game or marine resources, several Iberian crops, panicularly olives, wheat, and Old World fruits, were widely in production by the end of the sixteenth century. Significantly, the Andean coast is the only location in the New Worid where olive production prospered at this early time period. Therefore, what the Moquegua diet may have lacked in diversity of animal products was compensated for by the availability of the most essential Iberian elements: wine, olive oil, and wheat bread. With the successful proliferation of caprines, Spanish colonial diet in the South-Central Andes was more Iberian in nature than any other area of Spanish colonization in the New Worid. Spanish Colonial Animal Husbandry Outside of the Andes These Peruvian samples augment zooiirchaeological data on Spanish colonial subsistence and economy elsewhere in the New Worid. Studies from sites in St. Augustine, Florida and the sixteenth century town of Pueno Real in Haiti have shown that Spaniards introduced a wide range of domestic fauna to their new settlements in an effort to recreate a familiar subsistence base (Ewan 1987; McEwan 1986; Reitz 1991, 1992; Reitz and McEwan in press; Reitz and Scarry 1985). Although identical Old Worid bamyard species were established in Spanish Florida and on Hispaniola as well as in Peru, the

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203 vitality of these animals was dependent largely on the environmental and climatic conditions of the new habitat. In Spanish St. Augustine, high mortality rates of introduced domestic mammals and irregular shipments of provisions forced the colonists to rely on local faunal resources, particularly estuarine fishes and small game (Reitz and Scarry 1985). Cattle ranches were successful in Florida during later centuries; however, local resources continued to supplement the diet (Reitz 1991, 1992). In contrast to this pattern, the cattle introduced to Hispaniola during the early sixteenth century thrived on the island where they multiplied forming large free-ranging herds. Catde ranching prospered, and thus allowed the Puerto Real colonists to maintain a diet that contained Old World meat sources and some new food items, for example pond turtles and marine fishes (Reitz and McEwan in press). Unfortunately for the colonists, Spanish-introduced caprines, especially sheep, failed to adapt to either Florida or the Caribbean. Old World flocks apparently had difficulty acclimating to the humid tropical conditions of the Caribbean and Florida. In contrast, the dry climatic conditions of southern Peru resulted in different survivorship rates for introduced species. The zooarchaeological record demonstrates that the diet and economic uses of animals at the Moquegua bodegas more closely paralleled that of Spain than other areas of Spanish settlement in the New World. .Abundant supplies of beef, mutton and occasionally pork and goat meat were available to the Moqueguanos. Very few local animal resources were used consistently because of the abundance of familiar meats. In addidon, the winery assemblages indicate the site's inhabitants had access to a variety of Old World fruits and vegetables that were produced in the southern Peruvian region including olives, wheat, barley, and fruits such as peaches, apncots, and melons (Jones 1989). The bodegas' faunal samples have demonstrated a pattern of subsistence and economic uses of animals that is, thus far, unique among Spanish colonial sites from which faunal material has been analvzed.

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CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSIONS Summary of Research Spanish colonization of the South-Central Andes resulted in the formation of a colonial Andean culture that combined elements from both the Iberian peninsula, the homeland of the colonists, and the prehispanic Andean traditions that flourished prior to Spanish contact. Early colonial introductions of Old World animal species became imponant aspects of Andean culture, subsistence, and economy. The role of animal resources in the colonial setting and their modem legacy have been investigated previously from historical and geographical perspectives (Gade and Escobar 1982; Orlove 1977); however, archaeological data have not been used previously to examine this topic. My analysis explored the role of animal resources in colonial Andean culture through a zooarchaeological study of faunal remains recovered from five sites located in the Moquegua and Torata valleys of far southern Peru. Four of these sites are Spanish colonial wineries or bodegas located in the Moquegua valley. The site of Torata Alta, located in the adjacent Torata valley, was either established late during the prehispanic period or early during the colonial era. Torata Alta is believed to have functioned as either an indigenous corn-producing center or as a colonial reduccion with ethnic ties to the Lupaqa populations that originated in the Lake Titicaca basin (Van Buren 1993). Archaeological investigations of these sites were conducted under the auspices of the Moquegua Bodegas Project. Following a program of survey, historical research, and site testing, excavations were conducted at four of the wineries identified in the Moquegua valley. These excavations were aimed at reconstructing Spanish colonial culture within the valley, particularly for the initial establishment of the wine industry during the sixteenth 204

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205 century (Smith 1991; Rice and Smith 1988). In addition to the recovery of sixteenthcentury materials, deposits and artifactual remains dating through the nineteenth century were recovered; thereby, providing a diachronic perspective on the formation of colonial Andean culture. Artifactual remains representing domestic and industrial aspects of the wineries were identified. Well-preserved faunal remains were among the most common materials present. The results of the faunal analysis were used to reconstruct the pattern of animal use that characterized Spanish colonial rural enterprises. Excavations conducted at Torata Alta were aimed at determining when the site was constructed, socio-economic variability within the site, and the ethnic identity of the inhabitants. Excavations of domestic structures and midden deposits produced an abundance of late sixteenth century and early seventeenth century' materials. An analysis of architectural, historical, and artifactual remains suggests the site was inhabited by an indigenous population with ethnic ties to the Lupaqa (Van Buren 1993). Although the precise dates of site construction and occupation are not known, the zooarchaeological data from Torata Alta serve as baseline information on the use of faunal resources by an indigenous population. Three dimensions of the formation of Spanish colonial culture in the South-Central Andes are proposed: cultural, geographical, and temporal. In order to construct a number of research questions, I reviewed relevant historical data and previous Spanish colonial zooarchaeological research. In addition. I presented an overview of both the prehispanic cultural traditions in the Central Andes and various environmental stresses present in the region. One of the primary research objectives of this study was to determine whether or not prehispanic economic systems continued to function during the colonial era, and if so, were indigenous resources incorporated into Spanish colonial economy and subsistence. I also proposed that the altitudinal and rugged environmental conditions of the setdement area affected the viability of the introduced European species. I anticipated that the stature of the Old World domestic species would reflect evidence of aldtudinal and environmental stress.

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206 Furthermore, the resuhs of the faunal analysis would allow insights into how closely colonial Andean subsistence and economic uses of animals conformed to historical models of Iberian animal use and whether the Andean pattern differed from zooarchaeological samples from other geographical areas of Spanish colonial settlement. Zooarchaeological samples representing the temporal and functional range of winery and Torata Alta occupation were selected for analysis. Temporal placement of archaeological contexts at both sites were based on stratigraphic deposits and anifact identifications (Smith 1991; Van Buren 1993). A total of seventy-one analytical units were analyzed from the wineries representing either Early (approximately 1541-16(X)), Middle (1600-1778), or Late (1779-approximately 1900) time periods. At Torata Alta, where the colonial occupation was relatively short-lived, three time periods are represented by the samples. These include Pre1600 contexts, deposits associated with the 1600ash fall from the Huaynaputina volcano, and a shallow seventeenth centur)' component (Post1600 contexts). A total of nine analytical units were examined from Torata Alta. Once identification of the faunal material was completed, the relative abundance of the various taxa was determined. Species diversity and estimates of the Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) were determined to be the most useful measures of abundance for ordinal ranking of the taxa. However, estimates of Edible Meat Weight (EMW) were also made. The faunal collections were also categorized based on age profiles, element distributions, gender, pathologies, stature of domesticates, and bone modifications. These data were compiled to identify the activities in which animals were engaged, the economic uses of animals, whether marketing systems were employed in valley, and whether live animals were maintained on the winery propeny. The results of the analysis indicate that site function, ethnic affiliation of the site's inhabitants, and environmental factors contributed to the formation of the zooarchaeological record. At the site of Torata Alta, prehispanic exchange systems continued to provide the indigenous population with animal resources. The colonial period inhabitants adopted a

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207 very limited number of Old World taxa, primarily smaller-sized domesticates such as caprines, pigs, and chickens. Resources from coastal zones were traded to Torata Alta into the early seventeenth century. At least two breeds of camelids were present at the site based on bone measurements. Although the camelid herds may have been obtained from highland populations, age profiles indicate a breeding population was reared near the site. A possible ethnic relationship to the Lupaqa populations of the Lake Titicaca basin is suggested by the recovery of several camelid mandible anifacts that other researchers have identified as characteristic of Tiwanaku sites (Bermann 1993:128-129; Goldstein 1993:31). Torata Alta during the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries appears to have maintained a precolonial pattern of animal use. Neither the dietary nor economic uses of animals exhibit much innovation during the colonial era. Although greater time depth is needed to make definitive statements concerning the use of faunal resources by indigenous communities during the early Spanish colonial period, the Torata Alta sample indicates a conservative pattern of animal use. Evidently, traditional Andean sources of animal protein and economic uses of animals were sufficient for the occupants of Torata Alta. Furthermore, the faunal data suggest that the colonial inhabitants were able to maintain subsistence autonomy despite the significant political and economic changes that were in process during the late sixteenth century. These data are significant in light of ethnohistorical accounts indicating that the inhabitants of Torata Alta were required to provide tribute, either agricultural products or textiles, to Spanish colonial powers during the late sixteenth century (see Van Buren 1993). Although tributary demands were placed on the occupants, the inhabitants were able to engage in traditional economic interactions for animal resources. In contrast to the Torata Alta assemblage, the faunal assemblage from the Moquegua bodegas indicates the transference of many Iberian dietary and economic features to the colonial setting. There is little evidence that ecological complementarity functioned to provide the bodegas inhabitants with primary subsistence products.

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208 Subsistence resources apparently were either maintained in the Moquegua valley or in an adjacent region, such as the Torata valley (Brown 1986:40). The most consistently used Andean resources were camelids. Age profiles, element distributions, bone measurements, and pathologies of the camelids suggest they were obtained from outside the valley, employed in transportation well into adulthood, and butchered after their economic utility as beasts of burden had diminished. The continued use of camelids contradicts historical sources indicating horses, burros, and mules quickly replaced the Andean ships of the desert. Although marine resources were occasionally traded to the wineries and guinea pigs were consumed infrequently, no other Andean resources were used consistently. The faunal assemblage provides evidence that Old World introductions were integral components of Spanish colonial economy. Caprines (sheep and goats) and cattle were widely used throughout the occupation of the wineries. Although both taxa are common, there are indications that the altitude and rugged conditions of the Andean environment affected the species. Comparisons of bone morphometries of the Andean cattle and caprines with modern specimens and other archaeological samples indicate that the Andean specimens are generally less robust. Natural selection appears to have favored individuals that were more slender in body shape, rather than robust. Both cattle and caprines apparently were better adapted to the conditions of the Moquegua valley then were either pigs or member of the horse family which are relatively uncommon in the samples. The faunal assemblage indicates that the winery inhabitants were con.servative and largely self-sufficient in their use of animal resources with an obvious preference for Old World taxa. The resources that were adopted, most notably camelids, were important for the movement of Moquegua's wine and brandy products to distant markets. The occupants did not experience subsistence hardships or the need to alter foodways that were considered "Spanish". In comparison to the Iberian model and other areas of Spanish colonial settlement in Spanish Florida and the Caribbean, animal use on the wineries was more similar to Spanish animal husbandry than elsewhere in the New World.

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209 The zooarchaeological analysis has provided a diachronic perspective on the origins of modem Andean husbandry practices. The pastoral economy that developed in the prehispanic Central Andean region facilitated the colonial transitions in animal use that occurred. The decline in indigenous population, particularly in the coastal valleys of southern Peru (Cook 1981), allowed Spanish industry to proliferate in the environmentally less stressful regions. The economic prosperity of the Spaniards in southern Peru and throughout the region was bolstered by the availability of Old World domesticates. Despite initial attempts by the Spaniards to restrict adoption of Old World herding practices by native inhabitants, caprines and, to a lesser degree, cattle eventually were incorporated into the peasant economies. The interplay among prehispanic cultural traditions, Iberian traditions, and environment contributed to the unique nature of modem .Andean pastoralism and animal use. The legacy of Spanish colonial animal introductions has endured as a defining feature of Andean culture. Suggestions for Future Research While this study has generated a great deal of information on colonial subsistence and economy, much remains unknown conceming the role of animals in Spanish colonial culture. One of the greatest shoncomings is that comparable zooarchaeological data are not available on the paitems of animal use on either the Iberian peninsula or the Canary Islands. Much of the hvestock that was imponed to the New World originated in Spain via the Canary Islands where ships were commonly loaded with provisions before the long joumey (Glas 1764; Fresno et al. 1992). Zooarchaeological data, especially morphometric data on catde and caprines, are needed to help interpret bone measurements of domesticates both in Peru and other areas of the New World. Samples of zooarchaeological data are also needed from other areas of the New World, particularly the central valley of Mexico and Central America. Faunal remains are also lacking from other regions of Peru, especially from urban areas and households of known economic and ethnic affiliation. Samples from the two largest colonial cities, Lima

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210 and Arequipa, would expand our knowledge of colonial subsistence. On a local scale, faunal material from domestic contexts from the town of Moquegua would also enhance our understanding of the role of exchange in supplying resources to the valley's inhabitants. During the seventeenth and eighteenth century boom periods of the wine industry, the bodega owners probably resided either in the residential portion of Moquegua or in Arequipa. Faunal material from wealthy landowners or professionals would allow urban/rural contrasts to be made. It would also be revealing to examine faunal material associated specifically with indigenous laborers. Presumably, some of the refuse present on the wineries accumulated from laborers employed on the wineries. However, large pools of temporary laborers employed during harvesting and production periods resided in indigenous communities some distance from the bodega complexes, possibly in the upper sierra. These populations may have been more willing to adopt less familiar food items, especially plant and animal resources that could easily be incorporated into their existing economy, than individuals who idenufied themselves as Spaniards. Addinonal historical data are also needed on periodic environmental disruptions that affected the valley. El Nifio events may have resulted in economic hardships for both the wine industry and livestock resources. Lands available for pasturage may have expanded with El Nino phenomena, particularly in the coastal zone where anomalous rainfall can result in expansion of the coastal lomas vegetation. Conversely, drought would have caused hardships through the loss of pastures and farmland. It can be hypothesized that some of the significant price fluctuations of both agricultural and wine products detailed by Brown (1986) were as much related to climatic perturbations as they were to political events. Zooarchaeological research could also be used to examine what effects Old World taxa had on the environmental conditions in the South-Central Andes. The concept of ecological imperialism has caused us to reexamine the consequences of the colonial-related

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211 changes in plant and animal use. Environmental degradation has resulted from the propagation of domestic mammals, especially sheep and cattle, in geographical regions throughout the New World. Today, similar consequences are being experienced in the Moquegua valley where more land is devoted to cattle and sheep ranching than viticulture. Today, lands formerly planted in grape vines that now serve as cattle pasture are planted with alfalfa, a crop with high water requirements that provides only indirect nutritional yields to humans. Further research will expand our knowledge of colonial lifeways and the modem repercussions of Spanish colonization. In many regards rural Andean culture is still dependent on the animal resources introduced by the Spaniards. The patterns of animal use that emerged in the Central Andes reflect the interaction of distinct cultural and historical variables in a complex environmental setting.

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APPENDIX A ANALYZED CONTENTS

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Table A-1. Analyzed Contexts from Locumbilla Bodega, 1/4" (6.35mm) Samples. Unit Level F. S. # Date 957.5N/1061.5E Wall 2, Level 1 1585 M Wall 2, Level 2 1586 M Area 1 1539 M 2 1552 M Zone A 1532 M B 1533 M C 1534 M D 1549 M E 1550 M F 1551 M G 1597 E H 1599 E 953.5N/1048E Floor 1 1505 M Zone A 1506 M B 1513 M C 1523 M 955.5N/1048E Zone A 1560 M B 1561 M Floor 2 1565 M 954.5N/1050.5E Zone A 1536 M B 1537 M C 1557 M Wall 1 1547 M Wall 1, Level 1 1558 M Wall 1. Level 2 1559 M Wall 2, Level 1 1548 M 959.5N/1048E Zone A 1611 M B 1612 M Floor 1 1606 M 2 1607 M Post Hole 1 1608 M 2 1609 M 3 1610 M ZoneC 1615 E D 1616 E 213

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214 Table A-l--continL

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Table A1 --continued 215 Unit Level F.S.# Date

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216 Table A1 --continued Unit

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217 Table A1— continued Unit

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218 Table A1 —continued

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219 Table A-3. Analyzed Contexts from Chincha Bodega, 1/4" (6.35 mm) Samples. llnil Level F.S.# Date 1116N/1017E ZoneB

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Table A-3--continued 220 Unit,

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221 Table A-3— continued Unit

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9T7 Table A-5. Analyzed Contexts from Yahuay Bodega, 1/4" (6.35 mm) Samples. linil Level F. S.# Date Unit 2, Arch 10

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223 Table A-6. Analyzed Contexts from Yahuay Bodega, 1/16" (1.70 mm) Samples. LMl Level F. S. # Date Volume 993.5N/980.5E Zone C 68 M 10 liters Unit2, ArchlO Area 2, extension 27 M entire Table A-7. Analyzed Contexts from Estopacaje Bodega, 1/4" (6.35 mm) Samples. Unit Level F. S.# Date 1005.5N/997E

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224 Table A-8. Analyzed Contexts from Torata Alta, 1/4" (6.35 mm) Samples. Provenience

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Table A-8--continued 225 Provenience Unit

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226 Table A-9. Analyzed Contexts from Torata Alta, 1/16" (1.70 mm) Samples. Provenience

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APPENDIX B IDENTIFIED FAUNA FROM THE MOQUEGUA, BODEGAS, AND TORATA ALTA

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Appendix B presents information on the taxa represented at the four wineries and the site of Torata Alta. Faunal material from single excavation units or trench excavations were analytically combined based on the temporal placement of the deposits (see Appendix A). The tables provide information on the Number of Identified Specimens (NISP), the Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI), Bone Weight, and Estimates of Edible Meat Weight (EMW) based on skeletal mass allometry. Percentages for these categories of data have been calculated for all of the 1/4" (6.35 mm) mesh materials. Estimates of NISP, MNI, and bone weight were recorded for the fine-screened samples (1/16", 1.70 mm) samples; however, estimates of EMW and percentages were not calculated for these samples due to the low density of material. Chapter 3 entitled "Materials and Methods" provides additional information on calcualting these measures of taxa abundance and associated biases. The tables are organized according to standard taxonomic order. A composite list containing the common names of the taxa identified precedes the species tables. Summary totals are provided for each taxonomic class (e.g., mammals, birds, gastropods). The divisions vertebrate and invertebrate do not refer to valid taxonomic categories: however, they are used here for convenience. A genus name followed by "cf." (compare) indicates the element could not be positively identified to species; however, the element best compares with the species indicated. The designation "Uid" indicates unidentified specimens usually at the class level. All of the bone/shell fragments were counted with the exception of the unidendfiable vertebrates; therefore, n/c under NISP column indicates no count. These specimens are primarily cancellous bone fragments from larger mammalian elements. Estimates of 228

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229 edible meat weight were also not recorded for this categor\'. Neither estimates of MNI nor edible meat weight are provided for cartilagenous horn core sheaths and phalanx coverings identified as either Bovidae (horn sheaths) or Arnodactyl. Estimates of EMW are not provided for the introduced species of rodents (Rattus and Mus). The invertebrates not considered food items are the barnacles (Cirripedia) and the terrestrial gastropods with the excepdon of the South American arboreal snail (Scutalis sp.) which were exploited by humans in Andean prehistoric sites. Barnacles presumably were attached to larger shells such as the false abalone {Concholepas concholepas) and were deposited unintentionally at the sites. Methods were not available for calculating EMW for either the crustaceans, unidentifiable molluscan remains or the sea urchins. Although present in several contexts, these taxa would not have accounted for greater tham one percent of the EMW in any sample. The following is a list of the scientific and common names of taxa idendfied at the Moquegua Bodegas and Torata Alta (6.35 mm, 1/4" mesh and 1.70 mm, 1/16"): Taxon Chiroptera Rodenda uid Mus musculus Rattus sp. Mur\AdLt cf Rattus sp. Sigmodontinae Muridae Phyllotis sp. Cavia porcellus Felis concolor Felis catus Canis familiar is Canidae Artiodactyl Cervidae Sus scrofa Lama sp. Common Name bats unidentified rodent house mouse Old Worid rats Old Worid rat New World rodent rats, mice leaf-eared mouse guinea pig mountain lion cat dog dogs, wolves, foxes even-toed ungulates deer pig llama, alpaca, guanaco

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230 Taxon Common Name Camelidae Bos taurus Ovis aries Taxon Capra hircus Caprini Bovidae Equus asinus Equus cf asinus Equus caballus Equus sp. Threskiomithidae Anas sp. Cairina moschata Psittacidae Gallus gallus Buteo sp. (cf. polysoma) Columbidae cf Zenaidura Columbidae SeqDentes Anura Engraulis ringens Engraulidae Atherinidae Merluccius sp. Hemanthlas peruanus Carangidae Anisotremus sp. Cynoscion analis Cynoscion sp. Sciaena gilberti Sciaena sp. Trachurus murphyi Trachurus sp. Mugil sp. Bodianus sp. Sarda chlliensis New World camels cow sheep Common Name goat sheep/goats cow, sheep, goats burro probable burro horse horse, burro, mule ibis duck muscovy duck parrots, parakeets chicken red-backed hawk doves, pigeons doves, pigeons snakes frog Peruvian anchovy anchovies silversides offshore hake splittail seaperch jack grunt Peruvian weakfish seatrout corvina drum drum southern jack mackerel jack mackerel mullet hogfish Pacific bonito

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231 Taxon Carcharhinus sp. Lamniformes Brachyura Decapoda Crustacea uid Cirripedia Chiton s.l. Common Name requiem shark sharks marine crabs swimming crabs marine arthropods barnacles chiton sensu lata Trochidae Turritella cingulata Turritella sp. Taxon topsnail belted turretsnail turretsnail Common Name Littorinidae Crepidula sp. Calyptraeidae Concholepas concholepas Oliva sp. Scutalis sp. Hydrobiidae Gastrocopta sp. Pupoides sp. Succinea sp. Gastropoda uid terrestrial Brachidontes purpuratus Choromytilus chorus Mytilidae Glycymeris sp. Anadara sp. Ostreidae Lucinidae Tellinidae Chione sp. Veneridae Protothaca sp. periwinkle slippershell slippershell false abalone olive South American arboreal snail hydrobe snaggletooth dagger ambersnail uid land snails purple sea mussel choro mussel mussels bittersweet ark oyster lucines tellins venus venus clams littlenecks Echinoidea sea urchins

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239 ^1 r-, ^ Ov ir> oc r-l ^1 C U ^1 £^l o d o

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251 o U UJ 8 E o u. ^1 ^1 ^ OC r<-] O On od in ^' O ocfNiOTt'^(NONOcr^ — (Vl -^ o ^oc r\i -j V^ Q^ Q^ ^ rsl CM On I/-, OC — OC >0 On ^ m "n, Tt — On >n K On fN ^' uS \£> nC O On on ^1 oo — — oc — — oc — — ^1 P q — r<~, ^— ^cni— '(^jooon — .— a

PAGE 273

252 ^1 i/^i >/~l I^ oc '^' ^ CN O rvi r-, o rm 'd— O oc oc oc oc o u a w in in o T3 O CQ Uh 03 s ^1 '^ O O tT ^1 ^.^.^.^. Z -171 rr, IS E

PAGE 274

253 oc r~oc r-r^ vc /"-, O oc ir-, -rr 00 oc in (N r-^ r<-l — CN — ON (N (N — m ON NC r<-, ^ Cvl >r) rOn — — lO m, in i/~i O O O (N (N (N iri \0 — — in — — in in in oc — -^ — I r— ^1 in oc — u t^ "S 2 "c ^ c ';5 a. -2 U CQ U O C T3 E .5U ^ -C3 ^ U p — BC C ra J IS H

PAGE 275

254 ^1 ^1 ^1 r<-,

PAGE 276

255 ^t l/^. 1£J r^;; (N — O — O ir-, o oo — W O ^ ^ "^ r^, r~4 O — ^ r^ vc r-^ — o o >.c ^ oc ir-, C3N oc O" — ^ — n-, — f^l OC ^_ (N — — ro O W ^1 OC r-, r^ i/~, i/~, OC O
PAGE 277

rOTf — rr, r—^ri-, rtOOr^Csl — — ^ p >". CT; — — ; ^_ in r~; r~) r-4 oc ON r-' — — ^ ro oc On — ro (N ^ On 0 — — — o

PAGE 278

257 ^1 q q ^1 OS r\| — (N r^i iri ^1 r-ir-, — o Tt r^, r^ O ir~, ly-, — iri lo — ^1 r<~, r-, v,C — 5 -a > ^ = TS ?3 EC 1

PAGE 279

258 o U c CQ ^1 I/-, — r<-, iri fN (N 1^ Tt (N <^. rn IT-. r-i o f^i 3c rr~~ rsi r<-i r U ^1 C ^1 ^1 -z: Z — r^ — ON C — Tj^ vC r^ OC I — Ci On O) (N r<-i r^ in iri r^ O rf (N r~^ o '-r>ri — o^ONoc'^'^cxo'^ r~i^ r-i -~ c On r^ — i/~, oc ^ fN nc ^o fN — nC r— — m ir-, oc (N fN ^ r^ ir-, o (T-, — ON fN ^
PAGE 280

259 ^1 ^I E^l — i^. rs O in

PAGE 281

260 #1 OS — or-j — — vcir-, cxocOn sC fN — >.C tN -^^ — — ; o< — rn — r~) On r^r2;!£; 2 S S^ ^ O On r*-, O \C rr, fN od 00 !-<; >yS \C i^i fN ON n-, O -^ OC O r*"! (N i/^/ r^l i/~i r^, 00 r^ ON fN v£ oc r^ rt ro ir] sc o oc ON vO On -^ ^ "~. n-, [^ — On On (N — O OnnC^OCIT, IT) OC^Or-OCTt — ^o ^1 r) (N ir, O to NO O O r*-, oc oc -^ t~~ uS — ^ (N — ^ r<-i Cni' — ^ ON — ^ — r-) ON ON On ON o o o -J r^ NC — o -rr f^i o r-^ ^' <-<"' r-l r-J r^, r^ -* ^ oc O O O ^ (N On IT) IT) On — r^ in nC NC O oc ^ (N 00 OC ^ iri lO lO U"-, o vc c: vc fN O
PAGE 282

261 o U w Pu ^1 #1 a, on "^ i^. r^i oo in r-^ — O ON — iri Tt ~~ tt r<-i •^' T}-' ON OONr^^oc^^N — • — i O r-i r^ 'J-rt r-^
PAGE 283

J •a o 262 ^1 Ov ^ On •^ iri -^ '— d vcc3c — ONocTfin — O^ —' On ON vC r-^ \C — oc r^i ^c r^ rs) fN ir, r^ r^r-r^r'^. Tft^ — On o U ^1 OC [^ [^ r<-, m — lo sc — rr oc — r<-, (N — ^1 rr^ rr-r^ o Q vC vC nC nC vo C O sO sC nC nC NO ^1 m r<-i v,C OC r^, — ON ^

PAGE 284

263 8 E o PU ^1 ^1 On ir; C^ ^ O oc -rf 0 ir^<~^. — oc rr<~i in r<-, O fN CN ^c rr — ir-i >Jr, Z ^1
PAGE 285

264 PU ^1 #1

PAGE 286

U-1 265 #1 r<-, rr, 0~> On r~00 VC fN fN — 53— ITl \C M LT-, ^ O O IT) On On r~~ ^ W". — (-<-] ir-! — oc r-i 00 ^ vC Tt fN fN Lo r^ r~) <* (N 00 NC OC O U-) iri o O "/S vo q S t^l OnOocOnOnooonOO r~^ u-j r^ k! iri r-^ — rs — rn ^1 — (N rTt oa H =2 i^ 2 d. '5 5u ^ —

PAGE 287

266 ^1 rr, r^ OC r-, -~— O in O „ ^^ r<-; \6 lO ^' — O (N fN
PAGE 288

267 o U w ii o CQ s E o CQ u 3 ^1 W (N ^c r^ oc r^, T^r ^^j ^ On CN n-1 \C Cs) od r<-i ri-i (> (N rsl "-^ (N ON (N r<~, C3N f^ r^ r^. r-J r-r~On n. f^j o M" fN >/~i ^Ir-, ITi On C — r<-, On r\) IT) i/^, r<-) tT --^ CM — T^s< =: 5=: t^ tN ^ — 5^1 q ^i q (N (N oc roc O — NO Tt ON 5^i NCr-) — >nO\/-) ir, NC
PAGE 289

o U pa E 3 O o J E o ^ O c^. ON \c r^ O r-j p — r'-i r-^ — C-; ri o OC l^, (N r~; (^j p <^
PAGE 290

269 ^1 u 1^ r<-i in r<-, rj (-^ 0^ (^1 ^ cK — oc ^' — a^' o^ — vC On O ^ ^i r<^, (-<-, r^ -.c r^ oc — (-Ni — — in ^1 O U w ^1 oc — ^ ON -^ — r^i — -^ in oc — — ^ — I — — fN in _1 — t^l a. on ON ON PU E C ;0 P E E o •— ^-^ -N-' w^ rj ^ u < u CQ u J :s re o re o > o ^.= o S oa H o

PAGE 291

270 o O a CQ UU 03 ca H ^1 ^ S^l vC u". -^ oc \C ^' sC od r<-', r~^ rt -^ roc c> O ^ r*", o rsi (N r", r~i O OC ^C MT Cn C^ OC 5^1 q r<--, O r<-. O O ^ ^1 DZ

PAGE 292

271 ^1 — -^ r~) r^ On r-J "^ — — ; r~; p '*_ 'SON rN uS ^' OC 00 — On -< tT — — < On On O O nC On On -^ OO oc r~, r-t o '^ On O i^j r-i "^z — O r-j — rn — ^ O — ^ >N i' o6 ^ — ~ H < CQ U O -J S ii =^ "5 -3

PAGE 293

272 ^1 oc (^1 Cn (N ir, r-4 tt O fN i^. ^ fN \C •^' — rn Tt ^ uS On 0| On ON O >r", -^ ol rOn r— Osw-icJvC— ^vC'^r-Joc — r^r-ocfNioNOrg — o ^Cf^.ONI-OVO'^^OOCON ^1 rn — in in c >C On J^l c q — — (-<-) -^ OC r^ r<-i (N t^ O r<-i CN r-~ o o o o o o On — -^ ON — — C OC — — m — -^

PAGE 294

273 "8 H 3 o J S o •c PU es| u r--^ -^ ir] t.-^ rfO >/^ rsi r^. m r-^ On — r<-, OS ON ^ -^ '— >.C vC ^1 Ni-' ^' X

PAGE 295

w ^1 oc

PAGE 296

275 ^1 q ^.^. w ^IP at' O '53 m^. — — rN Z (Nl ^1 — (N (N r^J m 3 u

PAGE 297

276 ^1 rsl -^ r^, CN — ; (^i sC O^. ^ r<-] a^ r<~i >C 0^ W ^ ir-, r^ 1^ — r^ o ON fN in r^ '* r^ — <^ m 9 = O c PU CQ ^1 r<-,

PAGE 298

277 ^1 ^ ON fN r-j in r-^ \C tri oc oc od 2 •^^ — mo^ococ m — CNi -^ -Nf O U W ^ O m Csl O O CnI m (N r<-i ro — r<-] O OC \c' t^ (N O ^ ^ r<-, in C (N
PAGE 299

278 w On U. £S| ^1 c4 '^' ^1 2 z !^l 5 DH _J

PAGE 300

279 Table B-44. Fauna! Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 961.5/lOOlE. Area 6, F. S. # 1210. Taxa

PAGE 301

Table B-47. Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 957.5N/1061.5E, Zone H, F. S. # 1599. Taxa

PAGE 302

^81 Table B-49. Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 942.5N/1026.5E. F-ature 7B, Levell.F. S.#1193. Taxa NISP MNI Weight (g) Small Mammal uid 1 1 <.01 Total Mammal 1 1 <.01 Osteichthyes uid 2 1 <.01 Total Osteichthyes 2 1 <.()! Vertebrata uid n/c i .20 Sample Total 3 2 .20 Table B-50. Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, 942.5N/1026.5E, Zone D, F. S. # 1215. Taxa NISP MNI Weight (g) Mammal uid

PAGE 303

282 Table B-51. Faunal Material from Locumbilla Bodega, Block Excavation, Zone F, P. S. #1619. Taxa NISP MNl Weight (g) Mammal uid Total Mammal 1 1

PAGE 304

283 ^1 vO rsl OO ir> O C: O O '^ r-, p OC — VJ3 v£5 p — ^ r-i vc oc — \C r<-i o '^ r-i rf r-i ir-i r-^ o< ir-i ON i_ i/", oc f^j ON — ~^ lO On ON — r*". "") p VC -^^ ON o ^ r-^ — — ^ (N oc !^l q — — (N — ; — ; OJ — ^ — r^ — — (N Z — — <^l -a o oa ^1 u E cu 00 r<~, IT-, r<~. O, •^ Tt PQ

PAGE 305

284 o U u u S o ^1 c — -< ~

PAGE 306

285 J U u. ^1 ^1 ^1

PAGE 307

^1 C^' Cn 3^ '*' O OC r-^ O O ^' r<"] O r~^ r^ C^ IT, ^r-, r^ \c o^ Ci Onoooon r<-, ^r~-ON'^^'^^ r^n —
PAGE 308

287 ^ £^l ^1 ^-'. ^-:

PAGE 309

288 o U -J u O ^1 ^1 r~-

PAGE 310

289 ^1 P vc — On vo — • ' c>' — rj — oc — — UJ O tT oc '^ r^ (^ r
PAGE 311

290 5^1 ^1 #1 ^1 CQ -s — — CN H ?!

PAGE 312

291 o U CQ U •c Uh ^1 ^1 o r^ ^ r*-, r-' oc o vc — r-i oc r^\ oc — O r~ ON n-1 O — ir-, ("vj p vd r<-; O ON O ^ iri — r^i !^l ir, iri o — — fN

PAGE 313

292 pa u pu ^1 2f '53 zl ^1 HI oc

PAGE 314

293 ^1 o ^ ON vc o 0\ ro c^ — fN r<"'i oc oc IT-, iri rf (N r— K sC vC r^i ^ f^j r^i cNi — -^ tT — — rr^ ^ ^1 O C5 m o in o

PAGE 315

294 oa s ^1 £^l Z ^1 HI ir,

PAGE 316

295 U o oa b ^1 ^1 #1 ^1 H OS ~ — — QC r^i r^, Qs iy~, — ir-, — fN — OC^O — I/". ONU-) 1/-, — sC r\i (N O ^ ^ — — r\ — ^^l r<-, c^, 1/-, rf ^ -^ fN — — r<-. 0(Nr^2cONfNr~;ON ^C O ("sj VC (^ On — ^ — ON ON i/^. O 3C O r-i /~i lO -^ r~-r<"i i/~I oc o r-~ o —
PAGE 317

296 (N (N O ^ r~; o — r^ o rr, r^ 0^ r*"l lO On fN rO r<-. "O On O^ — 0\ rr^ tr; — r^t — \D r<-j oc — O — — ^1 \C — — O; — r-; r*"; r-; r-^ O ro O •^' r<-> fN — r<-, oc r<"i vC — fN -J ^1 in

PAGE 318

297 ^1 •tt o — c^ ^ O >0 ^ 0^ O r<-, [^ 1/-, O r^ — — r<^i ^1 O oo o r-i (N O rsi in in — fN m r-^ mi rr~, rr, Q^ a o CQ ^1 \C "^ '^ r<-, vO r^ -^ ^ c^ m O "^ CD ^ ^ p ^. ^. 5 aon Uh H I 1 ^ C ^ 5 i2 ^ CQ ijj _l H > H CQ £ U o

PAGE 319

298 ^1 in fN 0\ n-i ^ On

PAGE 320

299 -J U E o PL, £^:| ^ i^". "^ f^! "^ '^i ^ oc oc o rJ O il, ri-, ON (N r^ m > OC ^ -^ — ON W !^l ^1 ON On nC ir-, On r^ r^, '^ — nC ro r"-, o o ^

PAGE 321

300 ^1 w z c tt. 03 UJ >vC r~~ IT", i^ sC ^' o — • oc r^i u", ^ — r~ in -^ ir-, — ^ m, O ^ <) r~^ O r-r^ oc r~i C vO u-i r5 — — rt

PAGE 322

301 !^l u u 5 b H ^

PAGE 323

3o: ^1 O vO r^ i/^i i/~, rf sO r^ 00 n-, rr — ^ rs| oc CSC O^ (^l ir~, -rt C\ rn oi '^' •^' Tt ^1 vC (-<-, m oc i/~) r<~, in m — ^r^'^ONin^'d;in — (N 00 ^ — ^ ^ o U — ^_ r<^, ^_ — ; ' ^ r— ON — — 00 tT ^

PAGE 324

303 1^ t^ ^1 Z _^1 ca ^ rt 5 CQ = H U

PAGE 325

#1 [^ I/", 1/-1 ^iy~. r^, OC fN r~~ r-, — ;> -^ r*"; -^ TJ"d" lO i/^. r-l -tT CJs U-, oco^O^C:Or^l^-~(N — — — ocOO. '^ri'^ — TToc oo o r^ ^ r^ ON ON On

PAGE 326

305 #1 OC -^^ CN \C — oc £^l 5^1 CQ ri-n c O via uid Bivalv

PAGE 327

306 -a o PQ U E o ^1 £S| ^1 ^.^. Z ^1 z H oc

PAGE 328

NISP

PAGE 329

308 Table B-74. Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1017N/1009E, Zone D2, F. S. # 91. Taxa Artiodactyl Lama sp. Bos taurus Small Mammal uid Large Mammal uid Mammal uid Total Mammal Vertebrata uid Total Vertebrates Hydrodiidae Total Gastropodsterrestrial 1 Total Invertebrates Sample Total Table B-75. Faunal Material from Chincha Bodega, 1017N/1009E, Feature 5, F. S. # 87. Taxa NISP MNI Weight (g) NISP

PAGE 330

309 ^1 o U p \C OC
PAGE 331

310 o U d CQ B o u. ca Xi a H &^l q W — On OC r~; OC — i/~) ON i/S O OC On ^ rj— ^ VC rt >o oc r<-, r-~ rj t-O o ON t^ r-Tf — -— r<-, rsl On oc IT) ir-,

PAGE 332

u. 311 ^1 \C oc rrr-^ o csj ON vx5 u-i — — r-^ rsi ON rr-, r^, O r-)NCO0 -^vcrsioo — — rsC \C' r<~' r~^ O On f^i On nC C^i — rf-, ONOn-, Ooc^^On — ^ocOn — — NCmrN|\0 — NOr<-icx:r~NCr<-, nC — r-, vc m — — rrj — ^1 ir-, c^, oc r<-i r-j r^ r-vc Tf O O i/^ r-i^-ooooN(N'*ONaNr-~r<~, oc — On rn ' O ^ On rr, '-^ "* ON O U NCfNO — OCONfNONr^ror-J \C ^/~! in r<-i rt r/", ir-, i/~i OC r~ r^, lo o rf ^ -^ •'^ 00 r-^ fN T^' — r-j rj — — — T^r Nc >/~i — S 2; On On -a o CQ £?l rsl -^ r^ m — ^ nc ir, On r-^ NC ON NO — ON r-r^ O aGO r-— fN IT) nc —

PAGE 333

312 o U u Z o On OS •c tu CQ Xi ca H W ^1 a, 00 — r<-, — ir~ — o6 O sC in -^ '^rJfN^.Cr-, 0^^^0^^ ^ 00 fN -rf On r<^ ^ ^( q q q acoNocr^oc^c-rf — fNi"^. #1 q -. — I — — < (N fN -^ — rn — r-4 2 ^ b^ a ^ — s ON — — oc — — oc — — ^ oc — — oc — — :: ON ^ o) r^

PAGE 334

1 313 Table B-81. Faunal Material from Yahuav Bodega, 993.5N/980.5E, Zone C, F. S. # 68. T9xa

PAGE 335

314 a ^1
PAGE 336

315 o U W OQ H ^1 S 0^

PAGE 337

316 o U o o O Oh •c PL, qa S^l

PAGE 338

r n 317 ^1 ir-, O r", (^ r~ r-4 OS (^ O^ ^ OS O O LT-. I^. Tt r<-, — OC ir-, r-Ci r<^ ^ r^ r^ — ^ ro K OS i/*> o r~ (N -^ O-v M2 -^ -^ — O =c in ^ fN — rs) Tt OS oc oc rs) oc rn — — ^C — — (N

PAGE 339

318 ^1 ^. r^i fN fN i/^ r<~, oc \C K.' — r-' r~ On —
PAGE 340

319 #1 ^1 CQ JO r~p 1^. fN fN On fN Tt uS •^' oc rn \C p ON O vq — > oc -^ 0^ CN od O i/S O fl iri in O £^l ^.^.^.^. m — I tN I I \c — r^, \C On (N ^ r-) — ^ J" ^ _-a ^ ? C" ^ -I >^ S S '^ ^ U S O. > '5

PAGE 341

b320 ^1 r^ m o f^. oc r-j ir-, Ci i^. u", \C o^ oo 04 — ^ oc ir-, r^y O O O — vc fN r-rsl O r\ ^ ^ oc vC IT-, ^1 ^ O O U-, — U o C; oc ^ — rr^ o o r<^ -~ — ON rj ^-

PAGE 342

n 321 o H E o #1 ^1 c in 3S -^

PAGE 343

^1 O Ci 0 vC Tf v^ O rin r<->, r-— (N c; m ^ — ON m. 0\ -rt oc tT n-i U-, O ^ — -CN r\j oo On oo r^ -rf — r<-i ON r^i r-^ r<-i — — — (N r<^ ^1 >^ oc rv (->-, (^) CN On fN 0\ t< r-m(N oooo— '-^ — >_ (N m, ^_ TT oc On IT) On — (N ^_ -rt O O (N ^' O ro OC — NO r<-i nc -^ r\i nCtJ-— NC'^NC — (N nC "^ r<~j r^ (N (-<-,
PAGE 344

323 ^1 = tq o

PAGE 345

1 324 •^ lo (N -^ ON r-~c-, O ^1 O r-i "d'^ ex; O r-; oc r-^ ("vi (N On r-^ On -~ VC ON lO l/"! O ~OONC>OONrvlr^ — >C — fN oc O ON t^ Tt OC -^ rn r^ r-) On r^. 'N-, in OC TT m, — r^) r-i — oc — oi r-i ^ (X5 ^1 P — r^ oc r .] r^, iri -^ O t On — ^d iri r--' r^ ON O O oc O U c r^j — ; ON 1/-J oc ON O O r-i v£3 oc
PAGE 346

325 ^1 P P ^1 ^1 — ro #1 CQ

PAGE 347

326 i^l O ^ 0\ OD O lO l\ "* ^ r<-, On rC: -^ ^ OC \C ^ — uS OC rr-, ^ ir-, O M — ^ (^ r-i ^C '>-', CM O "* ON sC oc r\ On OO — O — ^C "o ^ On r
PAGE 348

n 327 O r<^. oc tr-, Cn) r^, On vC r^ g^l O fN p p oq OC r'"— ; >n (N liS ^O tT on 04 r^ ^ -^ OC ro r<-, O ^' ir] Tt CN O u"! fN r-i r^r-j — — -i^O^Ct^ rj tx oj ON r<~j ir, oc r^, —

PAGE 349

328 >4^ xj — • — ' — ^1 ^1 03 :::;

PAGE 350

329 Table B-95. Faunal Material from Torata Aha, Trench M, ON/OE, Level 1, F. S. # 733. T3xa

PAGE 351

330 Table B-97. Faunal Matenal from Torata Alta, Trench M, ON/IE, Level 3, F. S. # 757. Taxa NISP MNI Weight (g Small Mammal uid Large Mammal uid Total Mammal Engraulidae Osteichthyes uid Total Osteichthyes Venebrata uid Total Sample 5

PAGE 352

331 Table B-99. Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench M, IN/IE, Level 2. F. S. # 740. Taxa NISP MNI Weight (g) Gallus gallus Total Aves Engraulis ringens Engraulidae Osteichihyes uid Total Osteichthyes Venebrata uid Total Vertebrates Mollusca uid Sample Total 1

PAGE 353

332 Table B-KX). Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench G, ON/OE, Level 3. F. S. #581. ISM NISP MM Weight (g) Chiroptera Sigmodontinae Rodentia Camelidae Large Mammal uid Mammal uid Total Mammal Aves uid Total Aves Engraulis ringens Engraulidae Atherinidae Osteichthyes uid Total Osteichthyes Vertebrata uid Total Vertebrates Gastropoda uid terrestrial Turbinidae Gastropoda uid marine Bivalvia uid Total Invertebrates Sample Total 4

PAGE 354

333 Table B-101. Faunal Material from Torata Alta. Trench G, ON/OE. Level 4, F. S. # b61. Taxa NISP MNI Weight (^) Sigmodontinae Camelidae Large Mammal uid Mammal uid Total Mammal Columbidae cf Zenaidura Total Aves Engraulis ringens Engraulidae Osteichthyes uid Total Osteichthyes Vertebrata uid Sample Total 3

PAGE 355

334 Table B-102. Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench G. 2N/0E, Level 3, F. S. # 665. Taxa Articxlactyl Mammal uid Total Mammal Aves uid Total Aves Engraulis ringens Engraulidae Osteichthyes uid Total Osteichthyes Vertebraia uid Total Vertebrata Cirrepedia Crustacea uid Total Invertebrates Sample Total NISP MNl Weight (g ) 4

PAGE 356

335 Table B-103. Faunal Matenal from Torata Alta, Trench G, 2N70E, Level 4, F. S. # 731. Taxa NISP MNI Weight (p) Muridae Aniodactyl Total Mammal Engraulis ringens Engraulidae Total Osteichthyes Vertebrata uid Sample Total 1

PAGE 357

336 Table B-104. Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench G, 3.5N/1E, Level 2, F. S. # 1107. Taxa NISP MNI Weight (g) Canis familiaris Lama spp. Camelidae Large Mammal uid Mammal uid Total Mammal Gallus gallus Aves uid Total Aves Engraulis ringens Engraulidae Osteichthyes uid Total Osteichthyes Vertebrata uid Total Vertebrates Gastrocopta sp. Total Gastropods Bivalvia uid Total Invertebrates Sample Total 1

PAGE 358

337 Table B-105. Faunal Material from Torata Aha, Trench G, 3.5N/1E Elbow Trench Extension, Level 2, F.S. # 940. Taxa

PAGE 359

338 Table B-106. Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Trench G, 3.5N/1E Elbow Trench Extension, Level 3, F.S. # 941. T9X3

PAGE 360

339 Table B-108. Faunal Material from Torata Aha, Structure 250. 0N/3E, Level 3. F. S. # 946. Taxa Mammal uid Engraulidae Osteichthyes uid Total Osteichthyes Vertebrata uid Total Vertebrata Pupoides spp. Total Gastropoda terrestrial 6 Total Invertebrates Sample Total NISP

PAGE 361

340 Table B-109. Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Structure 250, 0N/4E, Level 3, F. S. # 1035. Taxa

PAGE 362

341 Table B-1 10. Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Structure 250, 0N/5.5E, Level 3a, F. S. # 1051. Taxa

PAGE 363

342 Table B-1 12. Faunal Material from Torata Alia, Structure 250, ON/OE, Level 5a, F. S. # 1068. Taxa Camelidae Large Mammal uid Total Mammal Engraulis ringens Engraulidae Total Osteichthyes Veriebrata uid Total Vertebrates Gastropoda uid Total Invertebrates Sample Total Table B-1 13. Faunal Material from Torata Aha, Structure 250, 0N/3E, Level 5, Feature 25, F. S. #1027. Taxa NISP MNI Chiroptera Mammal uid Total Mammal Engraulis ringens Engraulidae Osteichthyes uid Total Osteichthyes Vertebrata uid Sample Total NISP

PAGE 364

343 Table B-1 14. Faunal Material from Torata Aha, Structure 250, 0N/3E, Level 6, F. S. # 1029. Taxa NISP MNI Weight (g) Rodentia uid 1 1 .02 Small Mammal uid 1 1 <.01 Total Mammal 2 2 .02 Aves uid 4 1 .10 Engraulis ringens 6 1 .01 Engraulidae 35 1 .04 Osteichthyes uid 12 2 .30 Total Osteichthyes 53 4 .35 Vertebrata uid n/c .1 Total Vertebrates 59 7 .57 Succinea sp. 1 1 <.01 Total Gastropoda terrestrial 1 1 <.01 Total Invertebrates 1 1 <.01 Sample Total 60 8 .57

PAGE 365

344 Table B-1 15. Faunal Material from Torata Alta, Structure 250, 0N/4E, Level 5, F. S. # 1038. T^a

PAGE 366

345 Table B-1 17. Faunal Material from Torata Aha, Structure 250, 0N/5.5E, Level 6, F. S. # 1059. Taxa NISP MNI Weight (g) Small Mammal uid Large Mammal uid Total Mammal Engraulidae Total Osteichthyes Vertebrata uid Total Vertebrates Mollusca uid Total Invertebrates Sample Total 1

PAGE 367

APPENDIX C JUVENILE AND AGED SPECIMENS

PAGE 368

< > r-c •:: o Q. E^

PAGE 369

(U (U OJ !U OJ u 348 hj a> aj nj u aj S ^ ^ U OJ flj c c c tu _1J 3

PAGE 370


PAGE 371

APPENDIX D BONE MEASUREMENTS

PAGE 372

Table D-1 Descriptions of Bone Measurements. For Mammals: Description greatest breadth of the occipital condyles greatest breadth foramen magnum length Gonion caudale to mental foramen greatest breadth of the cranial artic. surf. greatest breadth of the cranial artic. surf. greatest breath of the caudal artic. surf. greatest length of the glenoid process length of the glenoid cavity greatest breadth of the proximal end greatest breadth of the distal end greatest breadth of the trochlea length of the olecranon greatest breadth of the proximal end length of the acetabulum including lip greatest depth of the femur head greatest breadth greatest length greatest length of the lateral half greatest length of the medial half breadth of the distal articular surface greatest length greatest length breadth of the articular surface length of the dorsal surface greatest diagonal length of the sole breadth of the articular surface all other measurements of Bp and Bd refer to either greastest proximal or distal breadth all mammalian measurements follow von den Driesch (1976) Element

PAGE 373

Table D-2. Bone Measurements from Locumbilla Bodega. 352 Provenience Level F.S. # 953.5N/1045.5E Zone G 1427 959.5N/1028.5E 961.5N/1046.5E 961.5N/1046.5E 961.5N/1046.5E Zone A Level 2 Zone B Zone B 957.5N/1061.5E 957.5N/1061.5E 957.5N/1050.5E 957.5N/1050.5E Elbow Trench Elbow Trench 958N/993E 958N/993E 958N/993E 958N/993E 958N/993E 958N/993E 958N/993E 958N/993E 958N/993E 984N/1032.5E 984N/1032.5E 984N/1032.5E 984N/1032.5E 984N/1()32.5E 984N/1032.5E 984N/1032.5E 984N/1032.5E 984N/1032.5E 984N/1032.5E 984N/1032.5E 984N/1032.5E 984N/1032.5E 1010N/1040E 1010N/1040E 1010N/1040E 1010N/1040E 1010N/1040E 1010N/1040E 1010N/1040E Area 2 Zone H Zone B Zone G Wall 1 Wall 1 1354 1493 1511 1511 954.5N/1050.5E Zone A 1536 1552 1599 1584 1573 1595 1595 Level 4

PAGE 374

Table D-2--continued. 353 Provenience

PAGE 375

Table D-2 --continued. 354 Provenience Level F.S. # 948.5N/1045.5E ZoneD 1388 953.5N/1045.5E 953.5N/1045.5E 953.5N/1059.5E 953.5N/1059.5E 959.5N/1028.5E 959.5N/1028.5E 959.5N/1028.5E 959.5N/1028.5E 959.5N/1028.5E 959.5N/1028.5E 959.5N/1028.5E 959.5N/1028.5E 959.5N/1028.5E 959.5N/1028.5E 959.5N/1028.5E 959.5N/1028.5E 959.5N/1028.5E 959.5N/1028.5E 959.5N/1028.5E 959.5N/1028.5E 959.5N/1028.5E 959.5N/1028.5E 961.5N/1046.5E 961.5N/1046.5E Area 1 Area 1 ZoneB Zone B Level 2 Level 2 Level 4 Level 4 Level 3 Level 3 Area 1 Area 1 Zone A Zone A Zone A Zone A Zone A Zone B Zone B Zone B Zone B Zone B Zone B 2^ne B 962.5N/1056.5E 962.5N/1056.5E 954.5N/1050.5E 954.5N/1050.5E 954.5N/1050.5E 955N/1048E 955N/1048E 955N/1048E 955N/1048E 957.5N/1050.5E 957.5N/1050.5E 957.5N/1061.5E 957.5N/1061.5E 957.5N/1050.5E Zone B Zone B Zone B Wall 1 Wall 1 Zone A Floor 2 Floor 1 Floor 1 Floor 2 Floor 2 Zone B Zone B Zone G 1428 1428 1383 1383 1331 1331 1333 1333 1332 1332 1334 1334 1354 1354 1354 1354 1354 1385 1385 1385 1385 1385 1511 1511 959.5N/1048E ZoneB 1612 1497 1497 1537 1558 1558 1560 1565 1505 1505 1562 1562 1533 1533 1573 Taxon Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Bos taurus Element phalanx 1 phalanx 3 phalanx 3 patella patella m-carpal phalanx 2 phalanx 2 phalanx 2 phalanx 3 phalanx 3 phalanx 1 phalanx 1 phalanx 1 phalanx 2 phalanx 2 phalanx 2 phalanx 2 phalanx 1 phalanx 1 phalanx 2 phalanx 2 phalanx 1 phalanx 3 phalanx 3 phalanx 1 phalanx 2 phalanx 2 mtarsal phalanx 2 phalanx 2 m-carpal m-carpal phalanx 2 phalanx 2 phalanx 1 phalanx 1 patella patella phalanx 1 Measurement (mm) Bd: 29.6 Ld: 56.7 DLS: 93.3 Gb: 57.5 GL: 68.3 Bp Bp Bp Bd Ld DLS Bp Bd Bd Bp Bd Bp Bd Bp Bd Bp Bd Bd 64.8 30.5 32.1 27.5 49.0 59.8 28.3 28.1 29.6 26.4 22.5 30^5 27.5 28.3 26.4 29.4 24.4 25.8 Ld: 51.5 DLS: 61.6 Bp: 36.4 Bp: 26.9 Bd: 22.5 Bp Bp Bd Bd Bd Bp Bd 51.4 32.4 29.2 53.9 53.2 29.1 25.6 Bp: 33.4 Bd: 32.5 GL: 64.9 Gb: 47.8 Bp: 33.7

PAGE 376

Table D-2— continued. 355 Provenience

PAGE 377

Table D-2--continued. 356 Provenience

PAGE 378

Table D-2--continued. 357 Provenience

PAGE 379

Table D-2--continued. 358 Provenience

PAGE 380

Table D-2--continued. 359 Provenience

PAGE 381

Table D-3. Bone Measurements from the Chincha bodega. 360 Provenience 1017N/1009E 1017N/1009E 1017N/1009E 1017N/1009E 10I7N/1009E 1017N/1009E 1017N/1009E 1017N/1009E 1017N/1009E 1017N/1009E 1017N/1009E 1017N/1009E 1017N/1009E 1017N/1009E 1015.5N/1008.5E 1015.5N/1008.5E 1015.5N/1008.5E 1015.5N/1008.5E 1015.5N/1()08.5E 1015.5N/1008.5E 1015.5N/1008.5E 1015.5N/1008.5E 1034.5N/1044E 1034.5N/1044E 1034.5N/1044E 1034.5N/1044E 1034.5N/1044E 1034.5N/1044E 1034.5N/1044E 1034.5N/1044E 1034.5N/1044E 1034.5N/1044E 1034.5N/1044E 1034.5N/1044E 1034.5N/1044E 1034.5N/1044E 1034.5N/1044E 1034.5N/1044E 1034.5N/1044E 1087N/1048E 1087N/1048E 1087N/I048E 1087N/1048E 1087N/1048E 1087N/1048E Level Zone E Zone E Zone B Zone C Zone E ZoneE Zone E Zone E Zone E ZoneE Zone E ZoneE Zone D2 Zone D2 Zone B 1 Zone Bl Floor 2 Floor 2 Zone E Area 3 Area 3 Zone J Zone E Floor Floor Floor Floor Floor Floor Floor Floor Floor Floor Floor Floor Floor Feat. 2 Zone H Zone J Zone B Zone B Zone B Zone B Zk)ne C Zone C F.S. # 111 111 57 67 III 111 111 111 111 111 111 111 92 92 76 76 95 95 96 122 122 132 63 80 80 80 80 80 80 80 80 80 80 80 80 80 109 84 105 42 42 42 42 43 43 Taxon Canis familiaris Canis familiaris Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Lama sp. Element tibia axis acetabulum scapula scapula humerus acetabulum acetabulum acetabulum tibia astragalus tibia tibia acetabulum radio-ulna radio-ulna radio-ulna m-tarsal m-carpal m-carpal astragalus acetabulum tibia tibia astragalus calcaneus calcaneus calcaneus calcaneus phalanx 1 phalanx 1 phalanx 2 patella patella scapula radio-ulna humerus calcaneus calcaneus radius acetabulum tibia calcaneus femur astragalus Measurement (mm) Bp: 22.3 BFcr: 32.7 LA: 39.9 GLP: 56.9 GLP: 51.0 BT: 47.7 LA: 39.7 LA:37.5 LA: 41.8 Bp: 62.3 GLl: 39.5 Bd: 40.7 Bd: 43.9 LA: 37.6 Bd: 44.3 Bd: 42.9 Bd: 45.5 Bp: 34.7 Bp: 36.8 Bp: 38.4 GLl: 45.6 LA: 45.6 Bp: 67.7 Bd: 43.5 GLl: 44.1 GL: 87.8 GL: 84.2 GL: 87.1 GL: 85.3 Bp: 19.8 Bd: 15.6 Bp: GL: GL: GLP: 15.7 50.7 49.0 54.8 LO: 56.4 BT: 49.9 GL: 79.6 GL: 89.3 Bd: 43.5 LA: 34.5 Bd; 45.5 GL: 84.3 Bd: 58.6 GLl: 45.5

PAGE 382

Table D-3-continued. 361 Provenience

PAGE 383

Table D-3— continued. 362 Provenience

PAGE 384

Table D-3--continued. 363 Provenience

PAGE 385

Table D-3-continued. 364 Provenience

PAGE 386

Table D-3— continued. 365 Provenience

PAGE 387

366 Table D-4. Bone Measurements from Yahuay bodega.

PAGE 388

Table D-4-continued. 367 f*rovenience

PAGE 389

Table D-5. Bone Measurements from Torata Alta. 368 Provenience Level Trench G Trench G Trench G Structure 250 Trench M Trench M Trench M Trench M Trench M Trench M Trench M Trench M Trench M Trench M Trench M Trench M Trench M Trench M Trench M Trench G Trench G Trench G Trench G Trench G Trench G Trench G Trench G Trench G Trench G Trench G Trench G Trench G Trench G Trench G Trench G Trench G Trench G Trench G Trench G Trench G Trench G Trench G Trench G Trench G Trench G Trench G F.S. # 665 665 661 1022 2

PAGE 390

Table D-5— continued. 369 Provenience

PAGE 391

Table D-5--continued. 370 Provenience

PAGE 392

Table D-5-continued. 371 J*rovenience

PAGE 393

Table D-5--continued. 372 Provenience

PAGE 394

373 Table D-5-continued. Provenience

PAGE 395

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382 1965 Herds and Herders in the Inca State. In Man, Culture, and Animals: The Role of Animals in Human Ecological Adjustments, edited by A. Leeds and A. P. Vayda, pp. 185-216. American Association for the Advancement of Science, Washington, D. C. 1968 An Aymara Kingdom in 1567. Ethnohistory 15(2):115-151. 1970 Current Research and Prospects in Andean Ethnohistory. Latin American Research Review 5(l):3-36. 1972 El "Control Vertical" de un maximo de pisos ecologicos en la economia de las sociedades andinas. In Visita de la provincia de Leon de Hudnuco en 1562. Documentos por la historia y etnologfa de Huanuco y la selva central 2:427-476. Universidad Nacional Hermilio Valdizan. 1982 The Mit'a Obligations of Ethnic Groups to the Inka State. In The Inca and Aztec States, 1400-1800. edited by G. A. Collier, R. Rosaldo, and J. D. Wirth. pp. 239262. Academic Press, New York. 1985 The Limits and Limitations of the "Vertical Archipelago" in the Andes. In Andean Ecology and Civilization, edited by S. Masuda, I. Shimada, and C. Morris, pp. 15-20. Tokyo University Press, Tokyo. 1986 Notes on Pre-Columbian Cultivation of Coca Leaf. In Coca and Cocaine: Effects on People and Policy in Latin America, edited by D. Pacini and C. Franquemont, pp. 49-52, Cultural Survival Report No. 23, Cultural Survival, Inc. and Latin American Studies FYogram, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York. Newson, Linda 1987 Indian Survival in Colonial Nicaragua. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman. Nials, Fred L., E. A. Deeds, M. E. Moseley, S. G. Pozorski, T. G. Pozorski, and R. A. Feldman 1979 El Nifio: The Catastrophic Flooding of Coastal Peru. Field Museum of Natural History Bulletin 50:4-10. Novoa, C, and Jane C. Wheeler 1984 Llama and Alpaca. In Evolution of Domesticated Animals, edited by Ian L. Mason, pp.1 16-128. Longman, London. Nuiiez, A. Lautaro and Thomas D. Dillehay 1978 Movilidad giratoria, armonia social y desarroUo en los Andes meridionales: patrones de trafico e interaccion economica. University of Nonh Chile, Antofagasta. Orlove, Benjamin S. 1977 Alpacas, Sheep, and Men: The Wool Export Economy and Regional Society in Southern Peru. Academic Press, New York. Orlove, Benjamin S. and David Guillet 1985 Theoretical and Methodological Considerations on the Study of Mountain Peoples: Reflections on the Idea of Subsistence Type and the Role of History in Human Ecology. Mountain Research and Development 5(1):3-18.

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383 Parsons, J. J. 1962 The Acorn-Hog Economy of The Oak Woodlands of South West Spain. Geographical Review 52:21 1-235. Payne, Sebastian 1973 Kill-off Patterns in Sheep and Goats: the Mandibles for Asvan Kale. Anatolian Studies 23:281-303. Pease, Franklin G. Y. 1985 Cases and Variations of Verticality in the Southern Andes. In Andean Ecology and Civilization, edited by S. Masuda, I. Shimada, and C. Morris, pp. 141-160. University of Tokyo Press, Tokyo. Pike, Ruth 1961 Seville in the Sixteenth Century. Hispanic American Historical Review 41(l):l-30. Poppino, Rollie E. 1949 Cattle Industry in Colonial Brazil. Mid-America: An Historical Review 31(4):219-247. Quinn, William H., V. T. Neal, and S. E. de Mayolo 1986 Preliminary Report on El Nino Occurrences over the Past Four and a Half Centuries. Reference 86-16, College of Oceanography, Oregon State University, Corvallis. Quitmyer, Irvy R. 1985 Zooarchaeological Methods for the Analysis of Shell Middens at Kings Bay. In Aboriginal Subsistence and Settlement Archaeology of the Kings Bay Locality, Volume 2, Zooarchaeology, edited by W. H. Adams, pp. 33-48. Department of Anthropology, Reports of Investigations No. 2. University of Florida, Gainesville. Reitz, Elizabeth J. 1979 Spanish and British Subsistence Strategies at St. Augusdne, Florida, and Frederica, Georgia, between 1565 and 1783. Ph.D. dissertanon. University of Florida, Gainesville. 1986 Vertebrate Fauna from Locus 19, Puerto Real, Haiti. Journal of Field Archaeology 13(3):3 17-328. 1990 Zooarchaeological Evidence for Subsistence at La Florida Missions. In Columbian Consequences, Volume 2. Archeaology and History of the Spanish Borderlands East, edited by David Hurst Thomas, pp. 507-516. Smithsonian Institudon Press, Washington, D. C. 1991 Evidence of Animal Use at the Missions of Spanish Florida. The Florida Anthropologist 44:295-306. 1992 Vertebrate Fauna from Seventeenth-Century St. Augustine. Southeastern Archaeology ll(2):79-94.

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388 Wightman. Ann M. 1990 Indigenous Migrations and Social Change: The Forasieros ofCuzco, 15701720. Duke University Press, Durham, Nonh Carolina. Williamson, G., and W. F. A. Payne 1978 An Introduction to Animal Husbandry in the Tropics. Longman, London. Wing, Elizabeth S. 1986 Domestication of Andean Mammals. In High Altitude Tropical Biogeography, edited by F. Vuilleumier and M. Monasterio, pp. 246-264. Oxford University Press, New York. Wing, Elizabeth S., and Antoinette Brown 1979 Paleonutrition: Method and Tiieory in Prehistoric Foodways. Academic Press, New York. Winterhalder, Bruce, R. Laren and R. B. Thomas 1974 Dung as an Essential Resource in a Highland Peruvian Community. Human Ecology 2(2):89-104. Winterhalder, Bruce, and R. Brooke Thomas 1978 Geoecology of Southern Highland Peru: A Human Adaptation Perspective. Institute of Artie and Alpine Research University of Colorado Occasional Paper 27, Boulder. Wolf, Eric R. 1982 Europe and the People without History. University of California Press, Berkeley.

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Susan Daggett deFrance was bom in New Orleans, Louisiana. She attended primary and secondary schools in New Orleans. She received her bachelor's degree in anthropology from Louisiana State University in 1982. While working toward the completion of this degree. Susan participated in archaeological projects in southeastern and nonheastem Louisiana. Following graduation, Susan was affiliated with the University of New Orleans in conjunction with an archaeological project in south Louisiana. Subsequendy, she was employed as an archaeological consultant conducting archaeological research on prehistoric and historic sites in Louisiana, Mississippi, Texas, and Florida. Susan developed an interest in zooarchaeology, the study of animal remains from archaeological contexts and their relationship to human populations, during this period when she worked on several faunal collections from urban historical locales and prehistoric coastal sites. In order to pursue this interest, Susan entered graduate school at the University of Florida in fall, 1985. Dr. Elizabeth S. Wing, curator, Florida Museum of Natural History, has served as advisor and mentor for Susan's graduate studies. In panial fulfillment of a master's degree, a research project was conducted on zooarchaeological materials from a prehistoric coastal site in Puerto Rico, the Maisabel site. Susan assisted with one field season of research and helped initiate a comparative faunal collection for this region during the summer of 1986. Her master's degree was awarded in spring, 1988. Doctoral research began immediately thereafter with fieldwork on the Spanish colonial wineries of Moquegua, Peru, in summer, 1988 under the direction of Dr. Prudence M. Rice. Additional field seasons were spent in Peru during summer, 1989 and spring, 1991 389

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390 assisting with site excavations and conducting a preliminary analysis. While pursuing her graduate degree, Susan has held several teaching and research assistantships in the Department of Anthropology and at the Florida Museum of Natural History. Susan has maintained an active interest in the prehistoric subsistence and ecology of Caribbean and coastal Florida archaeological sites.

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I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissenation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Elizabeth S. Wing, Chair J Professor of Anthropology I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Kathleen A. Deagan Y Professor of Anthropology I certify that I have read this study and tliat in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. / / / // Moseley Professor of Anthropology I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. J Prudence M. Rice Professor of Anthropology I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in-SG^>e^d quality dissenation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Ronald G. Wolff Associate Professor of Zoology

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This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Department of Anthropology in the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate School and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. December 1993 Dean, Graduate School

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