Material Information

Place of Publication:
Kingston Jamaica
Abeng Pub. Co.
Publication Date:
Copyright Date:
Physical Description:
1 v. : illus. ; 46 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Jamaica ( lcsh )
Social conditions -- Periodicals -- Jamaica ( lcsh )
Race question -- Periodicals -- Jamaica ( lcsh )
serial ( sobekcm )
periodical ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage:


The weekly Abeng newspaper (February 1 - September 27, 1969) was published in response to the Black Power and protest movement that emerged after the ban on Dr. Walter Rodney, the Guyanese and University of the West Indies historian, who was prohibited from landing in Kingston on October 15th, 1968 after attending a Black Writers conference in Montreal, Canada. Rodney was known in Jamaica for his lectures and talks on African history and the liberation movements in Africa. These talks were given not only on the campus but in communities of the urban and rural poor. The ban triggered protests by UWI students and the urban poor in Kingston and led to public debate about the state of Jamaican social, economic and political life. The Abeng newspaper‘s Managing Editor was Robert Hill (UWI graduate student) and other editors included George Beckford (UWI lecturer), Rupert Lewis (UWI graduate student) and Trevor Munroe (Rhodes Scholar at Oxford University). The Abeng group was a political centre for the Black Power movement, socialists, the independent trade union movement, Rastafarians, supporters of the opposition People’s National Party and people disaffected with the two main political parties. Abeng therefore became a focal point of critique and activism against the ruling Jamaica Labour Party and a harbinger of the radicalism in Jamaica in the 1970s.
Dates or Sequential Designation:
v. 1- (no. 1- ); Feb. 1, 1969-v. 1, no. 35 (Oct. 3, 1969).

Record Information

Source Institution:
Florida International University: Digital Library of the Caribbean
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Florida International University: Digital Library of the Caribbean
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Resource Identifier:
05001780 ( OCLC )
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Full Text


Vol. 1 No. 17 May 24th, 1969

Plic d.

SIGNING AWAY BAUXITE: Lightboume, C.E. Winkler, Vice-Pres. Alcoa Minerals Jamaica
general manager, Jim Bovell, Legal Rep.




Another scandal was revealed last week.
The Government had signed a new taxation
agreement with Alcoa, one of the American
companies taking away Jamaican bauxite. Nego-
tiations are taking place with the other com-
panies as well.
The scandal is that the Jamaican people
have not been told about the terms of the new
agreement Their opinion has not been asked
nor their views solicited about the future of our
bauxite industry. And our bauxite has once
again been signed away for a number of years
known only to God, the Government and the
American companies.
The first agreement with the companies
was made in 1950, when the Colonial Office
was in power and the Bustamante Government
was in office. It signed away the bauxite for
20 years for a paltry 2/8 a ton. Between that
time and 1957 the companies shipped away
8 million tons of bauxite.

The second agreement was made in 1957,
when the Manley Government was in office and
the Colonial Office was still in power. It
established a "price" for bauxite of U.S. $7.35
per ton and an assumed cost of $3.50, leaving
an assined profit of $3.85. When taxed at the
Jamaican income tax rate of 40%, this gave
$1.54 inrincome tax. This is 11/- at the old
exchange rate with the U.S. dollar and 12/10
at the new rate. In addition there were royal-
ties of between 4 and 2 shillings per ton.

But since that time, twelve years ago, the
revenue per ton of bauxite taken away has not
increased. Thereis a provision that when the
price of aluminiuti changes, half the taxes paid
will change in thksame way. But since 1957

the price of aluminium has been more often
lower than it was then.
On the other hand. the cost of producing
bauxite may have gone down since 1957. And
what is certain is that the companies have been
valuing Jamaican bauxite to the U.S. Govern-
ment far greater than in the agreement with the
Jamaican Government. For example in 1964
the value they put on Jamaican bauxite was
$14.05, almost twice the valueunder the 1957
agreement! If they paid taxes on that value it
would probably amount to almost 2 a ton!
Now a new agreement is being signed.
with the Shearer Government in office and the
United States State Department in power. What
kind of agreement can we expect from them'
The people ot this country must summon
The Government to account for its actions and
answer some questions, like these:
1. Why is it that Alcoa, with whom the Govern-
ment has just signed an agreement, is build-
ing an aluminium smelter in Puerto Rico?
Is it not a fact that Puerto Rico has no
bauxite? Is it not a fact that this smelter
(300,000 tons) is to make aluminium from
Alcoa's Jamaican Alumina Plant (600,000
tons)? Is it not r fact that this smelter is to
use nuclear power and could as easily be
put in Jamaica?
2. Is it not a fact that the North American
companies are taking 10 million a year out
of the country, and 20 million after the
Alpart plant starts up? That this is as much
as the Government spends on education?

We are against hand-dts. We For instance, the Jamaica Govern- States' and Not to be sold or traded'
know that Jamaica has uficient ment accepts free hand-outs in the This flour is used by the company
resources to support all our people Corm of food from the U.S.A. This in the process of extracting the
and we know that our people, recd food is supposed to be used to feed alumina from the bauxite soil.
rom the social, economic and cul- poir persons for whom the Govern- Where does such a company ob-
ral oppression imposed by 300 melt is not prepared to provide. tain this 'free' flour, given for the
ns of foreign domination, have Thlisfood we often har, is corruptly purpose of feeding the por and
capacity to utilize those reour- used it election time to win votes needy? Things being as they are
or ther on wIt ometo the attention of ABENG is suspicious that somebody
e s do not have self-rcspct AIENG t I a large Canadian baux- may be making a 'roast' at tie cxp-
and "beggar" government wliic ite cuistran s beun using flour cnse of poor people. Perhaps Ilhere
egrathe whItP,..--q loo s whil, ilies tl iHiarktd 'Donat- is some other answer. We are wailing
rto l any" y. ilts pitr P ,f tile tliited for an explanation.


MAY 1938






Last week we had a look at the
section of the Budget dealing with
Income Tax and Taxes on transfers
of land and shares. This week we
examine briefly some of the new
provisions dealing with Company
The basic idea behind the new
provision is to separate companies
from shareholders for purposes of
taxation. Under the old scheme a
company paid a tax of 421z per cent
on its profits, whether or not these
profits were distributed to share-
The new scheme will operate as
The company will pay 35r of its
profits to the Government as a
company tax and will deduct a fur-
ther 371i per cent tax from divid-
ends paid to the shareholder. In
other words, for a company which
pays out all its profits in dividends
the Government's share will increase
from 42'6 to about b60. For a
company which retains some of its
profits for re-investirent, the tax
will be somewhere between 35 and
60%. The more it re-invests tlie
lower the lax.
This looks line on the surface,
The Government's hope is thai coin-
panics, in order to shield lhil si i-
holders from taxaion. will be incl-
ined to decl ar klss it i diidcds
than, preCviousliy, iestniisi c l will
lulsury Crit pllnllls i lliI i nll ,I"ie ,I
ilIii iri id l 'rtii11i l r tis ith Ii Iiii o

payments adversely.
It amounts to another tax incen-
tive device to encourage the private
sector to invest, sinc e e Govern-
ment is itself afraid to do so The
Government does not appear to
know where it is going.

It professes to be encouraging
the small man to invest in ihe new
shiny stock exchange. But the new
tax proposal will certainly help the
big shareholders most of all.

Big shareholders control the divi-
end policies of companies. By post-
poning the declaration of dividends
into the future they wil reap tre-
mendous capital gains in the value
of their shares. They can afford to
wait. The "small man" who invests
in shares wants his dividends now
but is unlikely to get them. Of
course, shares are something which
the sufferer only hears about.
The new proposals have inot etI
been drafted into a law but it will
be inctrestilni to see what will be
the provisions regarding lte suh-
sidiaries of Iorign coll ipaer s plc ra-e
tintg ill prolitable areas of tile ec n-
am11 like Iai..te, banikingt insntarc'
and public utIlities. \ri ihes orItI.'
to pa, the additiolltl lax on pIofI
re ritted tIo Ihir oi gn i t hadqn alt-
crs tie ae tire i ,l i 'e lie
psr t ir co rt1.ri: altca it he dilt -
i rls.ilcI s


AND JUNE, 1938?
Viewed in West Indian perspective. May-
June 1938 in Jamaica was only part of a series
of similar disturbances which had shaken the
British West Indies since 1935 and was to con-
tinue after Jamaica's events. In general the
problems of Jamaica were the problems of all,
as the report of the Moyne Commision gives
gloomy witness. But the Jamaican disturbances
had qualities of their own, which distinguish
that territory from the others.
The outbreak in Jamaica was more wide-
spread than the others, even taking account of
the greater size of the island. The riots in Bar-
bados in April 1937 did spread beyond Bridge-
town, but the capital was the main scene of
events. Similarly, Port-of-Spain was affected by
the troubles of June 1937, as were other parts
of Trinidad, but the southeutern oilfields provided
the real centre of gravity. In Jamaica scarcely
a parish remained without serious riots, strikes
and demonstrations, though the bulk of the
most serious trouble s e was the east and north-
east, and the most disturbed area of all (with
the exception of Kingston) was eastern St. Mary.
The Jamaican events were not only more wide-
spread than elsewhere, but more prolonged. The
Frome outbreak from 29 April to 2 May was
a prologue to a major drama which began on
21 May with a dockers' strike in Kingston and
petered out on 10 July with minor indicents in
both the east and west of the island.
During that three weeks the whole colon-
ial system was under the severest pressure, and
it can be argued that not until 5 June did the
administration really show signs of being able
to handle the situation in terms other than the
use of brute force.
This last point is an important one. In
face of official rationalisations, it is necessary
to emphasise the seriousness of the threat which
the events of 1938 constituted to the establish-
ed order. The official report stressed the absence
of violence:

In reviewing these disturbances, we are struck
by the remarkably small number of casual-
ties considering how prolonged and wide-
spread was the disorder. It is a tribute alike
to the good temper of the labouring classes
of Jamaica and to the forebearance and
humanity of those whose duty it was to
preserve order.
(Report of the Commission to enquire into
the Disturbances in Jamaica, p. 2.

The last poipt is open to the gravest
doubt. Two labour leaders, S. KerrCoombh and
H.C. Buchanan, were gaoled for six months for
exposing the brutality of the police in St. James,
and the much more "respectable" Jamaica
Standard also questioned the activities of Spe-
cial Constables in Montego Bay. The very report
itself describes the case of Edgar Daley, who,
on refusing to give up his stick to a policeman
when the crowd he was leading was halted and
throwing the policeman to the ground when he
tried to take the stick, was bayonetted and had
his back broken with rifle butts!
(His actual words, given in the report, are
worth recording, since the voice of the suffer-
er is rarely heard: "He said 'No, not a rass.
You have you gun. I have my stick' ".
(Report, p. 14.)
As to the "good temper of the labouring

classes". it is necessary to remember how
essential this view is to the colonial myth. The
masses according to this must be seen as simple,
happy people, either misled by agitators or (in
tie more "liberal" version contained in the
official reports) with gnut grievances but
expressing them in the wrong way because of
ignorance and tre lack of proper leadership.
What these good-tempered people were in fact
doing was blocking roads, cutting telephone
wires, breaking down bridges, burning cane,
destroying banana trees and, on several occa-
ions. ambushing armed police with nothing but
sticks and stones. Given arms. ideology and
different leaders the story might have been quite
3 different one.
A further point wihch must be emphasis-
ed is the extent of the disturbances in the rural
areas. In so far as reference is made to the events
of 193. there is a tendency to dwell on what
happened in Kingston. There is no gainsaying
the fact that events there were vera import-
art. With an estimaed 10,000 people taking
part in strikes and demonstrations there at the
peak, and given that the city was the centre
ot administration and com, commerce. t cld not
be other ise. But the dockers' strike, the focus
of the events in Kingston, was over by 28 May
and essl sent services had been restored before
that; the city was in fact paralysed for only two
days. The dockers and other strikers had shown
a willingness to negotiate from the beginning,
though these refused to listen to Manley while
Bustamante was in gaol. Above all, perhaps, the
presence of N.W5. Manley and Alexander Busta-
mante in the city and their willingess to act as
negotiators (on which more later) gave the
authorities an opportunity. which they took, of
bringing the situation rapidly under control.
In the rural areas thev were direct assaults
upon the representatives of authority; there
vas a much more direct confrontation between
die demonstrators and the agents of repression;
and events were much more prolonged. When
Manlev and Bustamante extended their mediat-
on efforts bevond Kingston there is evidence
that on occasion they were not heeded. What
is certain is that rural discontent was only
pacified by a promise made first by the Acting
Governor on 5 June (Sir Edward Denham had
died on the 'nd) that 500,000 (in later vers-
ions 6to50.000) would be spent on the purchase
of land or settlement by peasant farmers
There is at first glance a blanket answer
to this question -virtually everyone, who was
a wage labourer or unemployed or for some
other reason regarded himself or herself as a
sufferer. Tius is. however, far too simplistic. It
raises without answering it, for example, the
very complex question of consciousness-why
did some people identify themselves as sufferers
and others not' Why did shop assistants and
clerks, often as miserably paid and generally
abused as other wage-earners, persist in regarding
themselves as "middle class" (or at least aspir-
ants thereto) and thus separate from the demon-
strators? This is one of the problems which is
worth raising here, but which I cannot yet
answer, while space forbids further speculation.
We need to remind ourselves of the need for
careful analysis of the separate interests involved
in 1938.
Attention may be drawn to six of these.
1. The Workers at Frome Sugar Estate. As

already noted, events at Frome served as a
prologue to the main drama though unrest con-
tinued there through May. ThI was a somewhat
exceptional case, with special local causes for
discontent as a result of the activities of the
West Indies Sugar Company in, developing its
new estates. With a labour force of only about
700 involved, the Frome workers are to be
distinguished as a special separate interest mainly
because they gave the "cue" to the rest.
2. The Dockers and other Puliearid Private
Employees in Kingston. Again, this 'interest'"
is singled out mainly because of Kingston's
general importance, its large concentration of
wage-workers and unemployed, and because
events there do form a distinct pattern with its
own dynamic. In other respects the interests
of, say, dockers or Public Works Department
labourers in the Corporate Area did not differ
from those elsewhere.
3. Public Works Department Labourer These
seem to have been a radical force thtougholut
the island. Since about the middle of April the
government had been trying to relieve unempl-
oyment by expanding this labour force and
setting them to work on roads and railways and
the new airport at Palisadoes. A very similar case
were labourers employed by the Parochial'
4. Ex-servicemen who had been settled on
government land grants. This is a group on
which more research must be done, but there
is some indication that this was a militant
interest in Manchester, where there wese two
large schemes of this kind. There were others
in St Thomas. Clarendon. St. Ann, Westmtoe-
land and Hanover. It would appear that nade

The Sufferes

quate provision for fuo
agricultural extension I
once settled, and lack c
5. Caneworkers These
affected group; there
disturbances on at least
four big estates. Howers
two problems arise. Fist
other twenty estates, i
gather) there were no a
ther research may reva
estates which help to
The second problem ai
ledge of the exact stau
1938, so that it is inq
kind of workers were i
example, field or factor
the most militant were
hut construction worker
new factory.) A further
a number of estate'
bananas, or cattle, or I
might not have been i
who were the most tm I
that should be made
actions of the sugar wf I
by the management I
There are indications I
often willing from eat
negotiate, with the ab i
structure posting to It
particularly significant
A.G.S. Coombs, Presidt
er' and Tradesmen's Ut
cussions between worked
place, Even the widespe
ambivalent: it may haw

Bam Trial To Cl

the owners where it hurt most- their profits-
but it should also be remembered that burned
can can be saved if out within twenty-four
hours: burnings may therefore have been attem-
pts to force management to settle quickly.
6. Banana workers. Based on the number and
intensity of incidents in 1938, these were prob-
ably the most important single interest involved.
In areas of banana cultivation,more particularly
St. Mary and Portland, we find the greatest
militancy and intransigeance. It is there that
road-blocks, bridge-breaking and wire-cutting
were most evident. The majority of direct
confrontations with the police were in the ban-
ana areas, and in consequence (with the except-
ion of the first Frome affair) most of the major
shooting incidents. It was banana workers who
were responsible for the physical attacks on
important individuals, and. on a few occasions,
for besieging others in their homes. What this
adds up to is an attempt to force concessions
from the system by doing actual damage to it
in a more serious way than anywhere else in the
If banana workers were the most militant in
1938, we must look more closely at who they
were. One category of banana worker is immed-
iately discernible, the dock workers and boat-
men who loaded at the ports like Montego Bay
(and Kingston, where the dockers' strike started
among banana loaders). Yet these were not the
most militant; they were prepared to negotiate
for higher wages from the start, and A.G.S.
Coombs secured these for them at Montego Bay
after five days of strikes and demonstrations.
It was the banana carriers n the hinterland
rvhn_, 4,, ml i-- L ~I




industry to a halt by rolling strikes, which
would start on one plantation and then spread
for miles as the workers marched from plantat-
ion to plantation, bringing out the rest. Follow-
ing this would come the actions described above
and also the temporary occupation of small
country towns like Islington, where the most
serious shooting took place on 3 June.
Certainly these included higher wages and
more regular work. At least two developments
of the 1930s must have affected the position of
the carriers adversely. First, the loss of banana-
growing acreage through Panama disease had
been severe; by late 1936 (the latest date for
which figures are available) nearly 12,000 acres
had gone out of use in St. Mary and at least
12,000 in Portland. Second, it had been the
policy of the banana companies to close down
most of the banana ports and concentrate acti-
vities on a few of them. This would have affect-
ed the dockers and boatmen most immediately,
but also the carriers, whose services would have
been an obvious target for economy on the part
of growers now having to meet greater trans-
port costs.
Nevertheless, it is not primarily as wage
workers that the banana carriers must be seen,
but as peasant farmers. Those working as carr-
iers were either supplementing incomes derived
from growing bananas on small holdings them-
selves, or else wished to get some land in order
to become growers.
The strikers in St Mary refused to go back
to work after Manley and Bustamante addressed
them at Port Maria and Annotto Bay on 31 May.
They refused to go back when wages in the
parish were raised on 2 June indeed, the biggest
single disturbance occurred on the following
day. It was only after the announcement of the
new land settlement scheme on 5 May that
they began to listen to the government, and
then gradually to return to work.
We have now seen something of the major
interests involved in the mass uprising of 1938.
1938 was a mass movement; for the first time
since 1865 the people forced the powers-that-be
to listen to them, and this time to respond not
only with repression. Yet history is made by
the masses, not written by them. Inamaica in
1938 the voice of the sufferer remains almost
completely dumb. Occasionally something com-
es through-the words of Edgar Daley, quoted
above, or some of the strikers' songs. Two
contemporary weeklies, The Jamaica Labour
Weekly and Plain Talk, are invaluable in bring-
ing us closer to the masses. But it is extremely
difficult to glean anything about their aims, ex-
cept for what may be arrived at by the sort of
process we have already followed. It is even
more difficult to discover what sort of organisa-
tional forms came spontaneously into being, or
what grass-roots leaders emerged. Sometimes a
genuine worker appears, like Daley, or W. Will-
iams of the Kingston dockers. Sometimes the
strikers sought an educated man as their spokes-
man-a local pharmacist at Raheen Sugar Estate,
for example, a Baptist clergyman at Seville in
St. Ann. But it is difficult to learn anything of
the process of selection and the nature of such
leadership. The leaders who we know were self-


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appointed and not of the masses N.W. Manley
and Alexander Bustamante.
A full analysis of the role of Manley and
Bustamante is not possible here. However, some
of .its aspects must be understood if we are to
appreciate how the system survived its crisis in
It is significant that almost as soon as the
general disturbances broke out, the Jamaica
Standard, in Jamaican conditions at that time
the voice of "enlightened capitalism," called
for "a man of high calibre, with no desire for
personal aggrandizement, willing to come for-
ward and take up this heavy burden of leader-
ship". Bustamante had already associated him-
self with the aspirations of the poor, but this
had earned him arrest and imprisonment on
24 May. Now Manlev stepped forward to fill
the breach, to the great relief of the middle
class His mission, as he conceived it, was to
work with the new Conciliation Board, made
up of colonial officials, politicians, and business-
men, expressing before it the views and demands
of labour. On 26 May, however, he was rebuffed
by the dockets, who would not agree to return
to work until BuItamante was released, as their
leader, Williams, put it, "Now that we have seen
Jehovah has put this great knowledge in our
heads today we are not going to let one another
down. On the 28th Bustamante was released
on Manley's surety. The Governor's dislike of
"agitators" did not prevent him from realising
Manley needed Bustamante's help in order to
get things under control.
Bustamante immediately proved his worth;
released just after noon, he had by nightfall
persuaded the dockers to resume work.
From our point of view, the crucial
question is the nature of the relationship of
Manley and Bustamante with the masses. Man-
ley's position depended upon the acceptance
by the masses of the already existing values
of the class structure, which gave a middle class
figure like Manley the right to claim superior
wisdom and the ability to put the case of the
masses better than they could-"My head is
wiser than yours tonight", as he put it in a
speech to strikers at Highgate, appealing for
"faith, hope and trust in the people who are
trying to help you." (Daily Gleaner. 4 June.
1938, p. 19 ) Or, as Bustamante said of Manley
to another crowd at Annotto Bay, "He had
nothing to gain by helping them save the
pleasure of knowing that he had helped to make
them happy. (Jamaica Standard. 6 June, 1938
p 4J
The important point about Bustamante in
terms of the values that he put before his
followers is that his position was identical to
that of Manley. In his speeches he skilfully
associated himself with Manley as a person who
came from a higher social level and who, at
great personal cost, was seeking to help the
sufferer. Once again, he was dependent upon the
acceptance by the masses of the existing values
of the class structure. His view of his relation-
ship with his followers is tellingly revealed in
a single sentence: "The day you have leaders,
the police will not have to come out, for you
will all be at your homes while I am with the
employers adjusting matters on your behalf'

Ipture Kingston.

tr assistance through
vices to these men
tpital, had resulted in

re an important dis-
Sserious strikes and
urteen of the thirty-
n assessing their role
hat happened on the
re (as far as I can
r disturbances? Fur-
iifferences between
ain this distinction.
from lack of know-
I of sugar estates in
bible to know what
Militant there, for
workers. (At Frome
caneworkers at all,
to were building the
>mplication is that
abined sugar with
i. In these cases it
:tual sugar workers
. One further point
t in some ways the
could be contained
he administration.
the workers were
the disturbances to
of a formal union
handicap. It seems
at Frome, where
the Jamaica Work-
did intervene, dis-
I management took
burning of cane is
en intended to hit

I The Works


f A robert hill
trWevor mInnrO
Brupert lewi

Vol. 1 No. 17 May 24th, 1969


May 23 has been set aside as a national
holiday-Labour Day. Let us pause to con-
sider what we are celebrating. The date is
supposed to remind us of the explosion of
1938 when the Jamaican working class rose
up against the inhuman conditions of poverty
in which they were forced to live. Unemploy-
ment low wages and household earnings,
and poor social services were the order of
the day.
The incipient working class revolution
was, however, aborted. The intervention of
Bustamante and Manley served to abort the
revolution. They bargained with the imper-
ial power for only a little bit more for the
sufferers. And they got a little bit more.
A little bit more wages for the workers. A
little bit more British financial assistance
(Colonial Development and Welfare). Adult
Suffrage. British-style two-party system. And
eventually constitutional independence.
What has all this meant for the working
class who started the whole business?
The British set up Bustamante and Manley
as rivals. And these two set up trade unions
and political parties. The trade unions have
long since abandoned the working class.
They have concentrated on bargaining with
employers for a little bit more wages for
those lucky to be employed. They have said
and done nothing about unemployment The
political parties based on these unions have
both had a chance to hold the office of
"government". And each has worked to keep
wages low. In fact they boast to foreign
investors that we have cheap labour here in

Jamaica. Imagine a "working class govern-
ment" campaigning for foreign capital in
this way!
While all this has been going on, the lot
of the sufferers has changed very little. There
is as much poverty and unemployment today
as in 1938. Certainly, more unemployment
among young people (15-25 years old).
Little or no change in per capita food supp-
lies. And a more unequal distribution of
income. Imagine after 30-odd years, 60% of
the households in this country get only 19%
of total income while the top 10% of house-
holds get a whopping 43% of the total. And
the picture would be much worse if one-
third of the population increase had not
After 30 years the two political trade
unions-BITU and NWU-are celebrating the
fact that they have only managed to get
19% of total income to share up among the
working class households which make up
60% of all households in the country. If they
set aside one day to celebrate this achieve-
ment, then the employer class should cele-
brate all year. And they do. Only they don't
make a big fuss and show. They celebrate
quietly among themselves and with the
union leaders-whiskey like water all the
For the sufferer there is nothing to
celebrate. They need instead to reflect on
the experience. And the lesson is not to get
caught like the sufferers of 1938. If that
lesson is learnt, one day we shall really have
something to celebrate.





I have been living in Buff Bay
for many years, many Elections
have passed me here and there is
no improvement for the people.
Everytime Election is near all
they get is four or five days work
and alter Election is over the work
is over. or near a holiday like Christ-
mas and the so-called Independence
Theseae are te blind black sisters
and brothers who go out on Election
day and dip their fingers for tihe
paltry little man. What has they
gained nothing, and they will gain
nothing until they can realise what
is politics in Jamaica.
Another thing is the type ol work
that these people do. what they do
is to carry dirt on their heads in old
pans. I would like to ask my black
brothers and sisters if this is their
ambition They have a Minister rep
resenting them who is one of tile
oldet members in file Ilouse of Rep-
rcsntaltives. I want to know it lie
cannot oganise something better in
thil clonlituecy of Western Pirt
land. BUFF BAY

I congratulate you oin It prog-
. .ress y, r plper hlis ide dit ri g t Ihe
paI lecw onitths I know ihat yn, n
pper iS not like her papi s aiid
ill puldih loy letter





: M-" ,,.M1S SII] ] |I(
^... 1r.M \ s ri R1 '

During tire holidays I went to
visit some friends. It was a Saturday
evening and two of us decided to go.
At about 8.30 p.m. I went to my
friend's shop. While we were there a
policeman came into the shop and
told us that we should be in bed. I
politely told himn that I was Ihe
youngest boy there and that I was
17 years old. He told us that any-
body under 19 years old should he
in bed by 8.30 p.m.. We did not
protest but left and began to walk
home. It so happened that we had
had to pass the Police Station oni
going home.
When we reached the gate of the
Station the policeman came out (he
had changed from civilian clothes
into his uniform, he also had a gun
with him) and stopped us. He asked
us why we were on tile sifeet at that
time of night (about .I05 p.m.) and
we told him that we had just visited
some friends and were going home.
lie told us that hl could lock us
up at which nty friend said that lie
did not believe the policeman had
a right to do it. At this point my
friend was chucked and lie police-
man said "Me go see if me can't
hlck yu up." The policerian ilhen
grabbed my friend in his waist and
drawn into flie station where he was
locked ip. Tie reason I was noti
given thie ',ai te traatlen was becaul-
a' ily brother arnd tl police were
Now M I, ditolr is il righll'A boy
:ii tlto I hotel ioT holidays tront


76 King i

Placr -I 1A:iRAL III ATI
Dale Suini iy Snth .JItN I
ci 'stsi Ceakc r t btic ll
Y'u le; V II)nio C YoL"a Sellte

school where he is trying his best
to make Jamaica a better place to
live in and is taken and thrown into
prison for nothing at all.1 believe all
this foolishness should stop. The
excuse that the police use is that
the Government is backing them.

"Like Joseph. Black Jamaicans Have
been sold by our politician '
The elder Black brothers of our
land, chosen and set over us as rulers
have displayed the same treachery
as the brothers of Joseph.
Now they have sold us into cap-
italism by allowing foreign capital-
ists to enter our country and expl-
oit our resources, under guise of
foreign development programmes.
Truly it is development, but it is
needless to mention that a greater
percentage of Ihe profit is sent
home to the already prosperous
country of the investors.
Why should Jamaican citizens
living on land of their own for years
he forced to accept another location
because their land has the minerals
a foreigner watit to minet'he meth-
ods of acquiring properties from
farmers by the foreign capitalists
is definitely improper,yet our rulers
assist foreigners, thereby neglecting
tihe interest of ile people.



flawtl-s Will biar r orl ems wSthhed regulate a ) L

I(:m to Kingston Race For the best in Men's
NDAY MAY 25th (3 p.m.) coursee by theCenotaph Sportwear Shirts&
this Friday, Saturday &
A HALL, Sunday 23 -25th. May Ganzies
In11, Iromt a.m visit
Street lear (;od' Message to
You, from tle Prophet F'. HURST
Like Unto Moses, King _5 Maiden Lane, Kgn.

,r1o Friday May 23 for
Football Match "STANS" of UWI vs.
ouincd SANTA UNITED and
irn No IEstab li .hI a U.tAR "LOVE FIESTA" with
cry tnit aid iIn c rby s iidi by S, it hard Ihe l c ortal

I'ulisllhed tby Abeng Iublishing Co. Ltd,. 4 ColliiUsGrecn A-

fore called and known by tile
TICE that ton the 23rd day of
April, One Thousand Nine I ll-
derd and Sixty-tnie. I ,cnoun-
ced and abandoned the tise of
my said crristian lnaes BUR-
CHELL MONSELL and 11m stin-

ABENG ind le slt IIIIntI DOON-
sucli change iof ale is c 0i
denied by Deed daltd tIIc' -id
day ofs April, Onie TrioIilu d
Nine IHundred and Sixty-niue
duly rxculted by. alri'ed alid
eiirolld ie n le Ir lald Ri ectd
fi cet Spanish Il' i i l IIht-i
. i If h. (attietin.t.

te a article it Abeo entitled "foonymut threaters the
opeoctin" r to contain two statements of fact which require
correction. T r doubt n WISCO rtion that it is
operating at a Ios ,t, ,tha t "We -aveC ay in what
these men do with flil boater, tl"Watbem orl! ,idicaott total
lack of understanding oFtttteoasiw 0Compny lte.
A public ctompary like WlSeoI &e1 d rpg oCd accountw
audite by an indepodent f sorItht~a ounts
a relatively simple matter for ne texamioe the ad
accounts and confirm that WISCO tis a tor
Even if this exercise is too taxing.for the teo article, I hao
no doubt that there are persons ayou editor 6 with suffi-
cient competence and energy to canyoutthis-exercise.
The article also states that the decision enceming the poss
closure of Monymosk was made at a meeimsg of shareholders 't
London. This is factually incorrect, The decision was made in Jamai-
ca by Jamaican directors. On the assumption that the writer of the
article based his statement on some souie of information, I can
only conclude that his source wasant active inagieatiorand a highly
developed capacity for self-deception.
Contrary to the suggestion in your article, the decision was
made by people who are fully conscious of the needs of the
Jamaica Sugar Industry as a whole and the welfare of all the people
involved in that industry.

On the point about books, accounts and auditors, all we need
to say is that there are books ard.biooks. Everyone boows what that
means. Businessmen, tax collectors and CGovernteot know the score
only too well.
On the point about decision making we refer readers to the
latest Directors Report of Tate and Lyle which states that that
British company is beneficially interested in 90.63 per cent of the
issued share capital of WISCO. If we are to take Mr. Mahfood
seriously, it is a revolutionary change in conventional business policy
whereby the owners of less than 10 per cent of a firm's share capital
decide company policy.
Maybe this is a new development. But it is more probably
"active imagination and a highly developed capacity for self-
deception". and, we might add, national deception.



- am ,_ _.

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