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Some correlates of attitudes toward women among undergraduate males

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Title:
Some correlates of attitudes toward women among undergraduate males
Creator:
Butler, Lillian Carol, 1944-
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Copyright Date:
1976
Language:
English
Physical Description:
vii, 189 leaves : ill. ; 28 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Employment discrimination ( jstor )
Gender equality ( jstor )
Gender roles ( jstor )
Guilt ( jstor )
Men ( jstor )
Psychological attitudes ( jstor )
Sex linked differences ( jstor )
Social psychology ( jstor )
Women ( jstor )
Womens studies ( jstor )
Attitude (Psychology) ( lcsh )
Dissertations, Academic -- Psychology -- UF ( lcsh )
Prejudices ( lcsh )
Psychology thesis Ph. D ( lcsh )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis--University of Florida.
Bibliography:
Bibliography: leaves 183-188.
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Lillian Carol Butler.

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University of Florida
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University of Florida
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Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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03010506 ( OCLC )
AAU0974 ( NOTIS )

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SOME CORRELATES OF ATTITUDES TOWARD WOMEN
AMONG UNDERGRADUATE MALES












By

LILLI.IN CAROL BUTLER


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY






UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


1976











ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


The author wishes to express her appreciation

to the members of her Supervisory Committee, Dr. Audrey

Schumacher, Chairman; Dr. Franz Epting; Dr. Harry Grater;

Dr. Richard Haynes; and Dr. Mary McCaulley for encourage-

ment and aid rendered in the development of this study.










TABLE OF CONTENTS


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . .


LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . .

ABSTRACT . . . . . . . . . . .

CHAPTER


I. INTRODUCTION . .


II. METHOD . . . . . . . . . .
Subjects . . . . . . . .
Procedure . . . . . . . .
Experimenters . . . . . . .
Measures . . . . . . . .

III. RESULTS . . . . . .
Agreement of Judges Rating TAT Stories
Multivariate Analysis of Variance . .


Hypotheses . . .
Demographic Variables .
Factor Analysis . .
Independent Variables
Dependent Variables .


IV. DISCUSSION . . . . . . . . .
Demographic Variables . . ..
Independent Variables . . . . .
Dependent Variables . . . . . .
Methodological Considerations . . .

APPENDICES

A. QUESTIONNAIRE . . . . . . . .

B. DEBRIEFINC OF SUBJECTS . . . . . .

C. SCORING MANUALS . . . . . . .

D. SPEN.CE-HELMPEICE ATTITUDES TOWARD WOMEN
SCALE--FACTORS 1, II AND III . . . . .


Page

ii


I I II j j I







Page

E. ADDITIONAL TABLES . . . . . .. 177

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . ... . 183

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH . . . . . . ... 189




















































iv











LIST OF TABLES


Table Page

1 Indepe:ndent and Dependent Variables . . .. .49

2 Ex'e--Led Direction of Correlations for
Incde;endent and Dependent Variables . . . 50

3 Co.relation of Independent and Dependent
Variables . . . . . . . . . 5].

4 Multiple Regression Analysis of the
Independent Variables on the Dependent
Variables .. . . . . . . . .. ..77

5 Multiple Regression Analysis for Demographic
Variables . . . . . . . . . 177

6 Regression Coefficients of Independent and
Dependent Variables . . . . . . .. 178

7 Factor Analysis of Independent and Dependent
Variables . . . . . . . . . 179

8 Mean and Standard Deviation of Independent
Variables .. . . . . . . . 180

9 Mean and Standard Deviation of Dependent
Variables . . . . . . . . . 180

10 Distribution of Subjects Among Four Major
Religious Groupings . . ... . ... 181

11 Distribution of Subjects Among Levels of
Political Orientation . . . . ... ... 131

12 Distribution of Subjects According to
Income of Parents . . . . . . ... 182









Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the
Graduate Council of the University of Florida
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the
Degree of Doctor of Philosophy


SOME CORRELATES OF ATTITUDES TOWARD WOMEN
AMONG UNDERGRADUATE MALES

By

Lillian Carol Butler

June, 1976

Chairman: Audrey Schumacher, Ph.D.
Major Department: Psychology

This was a study of psychological correlates of

attitudes toward women's liberation. It was hypothesized

that authoritarianism, need for succorance, need for

dominance, and sex guilt would be positively correlated

with traditional attitudes toward women's liberation.

Authoritarianism was defined by scores on the California

F Scale, need for succorance by scores on the Personality

Research Form and ratings on Thematic Apperception Test

(TAT) stories, need for dominance by scores on the

Personality Research Form and ratings on TAT stories,

and sex guilt by scores on the Mosher Forced-Choice Sex

Guilt Inventory and ratings on TAT stories. Attitudes

toward women were defined by scores on the Spence-Helmreich

Attitudes Toward Women Scale: Factors I, II, and III,

the Sex Differences Questionnaire, the Sex-Role Stereotype

Questionnaire, and the Goldberg Misogyny Test. Among







sixty male undergraduates at the University of Florida,

results of a multiple regression analysis indicated a

significant (p=.05) relationship between sex guilt

scores on the Mosher Inventory and traditional attitudes

toward women. The need for dominance on the Personality

Research Form and authoritarianism were found to-be

significantly related to traditional attitudes toward

women at the .01 and the .05 levels, respectively.

Ratings for sex guilt or dominance on the TAT were not

found to be significantly related to attitudes toward

women, however. The relationship between the need for

succorance and traditional attitudes toward women failed

to reach significance. Likewise, an investigation of

four demographic variables (political orientation,

religion, level of income of parents, and parents' level

of education) failed to show significant relationships

with traditional attitudes toward women. Finally,

results of a factor analysis of all thirteen variables

failed to show loadings of .40 or more for any variable

on the first two factors.









CHAPTER I


INTRODUCTION

During the mid-twentieth century there have been a

number of dramatic changes in the lives of women in in-

dustrial society. Due to the increased efficiency of

birth control as well as a variety of social and economic

factors, women have fewer children. At the same time,

medical advances have prolonged their life span so that

modern woman has a large portion of her life in which she

is not involved in child care. Typically, by the age of

35, her youngest child is in school. As a result, an in-

creasing number of women have been entering the work force.

During World War II large numbers of American women

worked out of necessity, many of them in jobs never before

filled by women. Then, with the new prosperity of the

1950's they left the labor force to return to their homes

in the suburbs. The new ideal was "togetherness" although

families were in reality separated for long periods of

time with men commuting to work in the cities. With the

1960's came a new atmosphere of social protest and concern

for the rights of minority groups. As racial and ethnic

groups began to demand equality, women too voiced dis-

content with their roles. Betty Friedan's The Feminine

Mystique (1964) was the first of many popular books to











note that all was not well with the contemporary woman.

Better educated than any woman in history, the American

woman was still confronted with expectations that she fill

the roles of wife, housekeeper, and mother. Involvement

in activity outside the home was expected to be secondary

to these primary responsibilities. The housewives inter-

viewed by Friedan, however, were clearly not satisfied

with this role. They spoke of "the problem" of loneliness

and frustration of being isolated in the suburbs with their

children and the prospect of having no meaningful function

after their children were grown. Numerous other writers

(e.g., de Beavoir, 1952; Bird, 1968; Firestone, 1970;

Mitchell, 1971) have discussed the problems of woman's

role, debated whether her characteristics were innate or

socially conditioned, and proposed remedies for the in-

justices done to women, ranging from equal labor laws and

abortion reforn: to a social revolution in which the nuclear

family would he abolished. Germaine Greer in The Female

Eunuch (1970) provided a detailed analysis of women's role

in Western society and challenged many basic assumptions

about male-female differences. Kate Millet (1969) re-

ferred to literature to illustrate the subjugation and

exploitation of women in sexual and other social contexts.

Parturier, a French woman, wrote An Open Letter to Men

(1968) countering traditional arguments against the femi-

nist position.

In Man's World, Woman's Place (1971), Elizabeth Janeway










incorporated the perspectives of history, sociology, and

anthropology into her investigation of woman's role.

Basically, she maintained that sex roles stem from social

mythology. A myth in this context is a set of beliefs

and prescriptions for behavior which are based in emotional

needs and desires common to an entire society. Myths about

women, Janeway maintained, arise from man's desire to re-

turn to a state in which woman--in this case his mother--

cared for him and was responsive to his every need. Myths

affect individuals by defining roles for them to play in

society. Janeway defines a role as a "continuity of ex-

pected actions in a relationship," a "ready-made me" which

allows the individual to understand other members of soci-

ety and their actions. If an individual does not conform

to his or her role, others do not know how to reciprocate.

They react at first with amusement, then hostility. Al-

though ioles are necessary to avoid chaos, at times some

roles become grossly inappropriate to the situation of the

role player. In such instances they are rigid, dehumaniz-

ing masks. This is the state of woman's role today, ac-

cording to Janeway. As woman's role was being re-examined

in literature, a number of organizations sprang up to pro-

mote equal rights for women. In the early 1970's the

federal government began to enforce legislation requiring

equal employment opportunities for women. There were some

changes in the image of women portrayed in the media.

However, there was some question as to how much the










beliefs about women's attributes and expectations for their

behavior in the home and society had changed.

Indeed, results of a study by Phillip Goldberg (1968)

suggested that there was still considerable prejudice con-

cerning women's ability or competency. Forty female under-

graduates were asked to rate excerpts from articles in six

professional fields. Each article was ascribed to a

female author in booklets given to half the subjects and

to a male author in booklets for the remaining subjects.

Five of the six articles received higher ratings when

ascribed to a male author than when ascribed to a female

author. Thus, the female subjects demonstrated bias

against female authors even in the traditionally "female"

field of dietetics, and in the non-sex related or "neutral"

field of linguistics. This study was later replicated

with male undergraduates with similar results (Durros and

Follett, 1969).

In a related study by Pheterson, Kiesler and Gold-

berg (1971) female undergraduates were asked to evaluate

paintings. Again, half the subjects thought a given

painting was by a female artist; half were told the artist

was a male. In addition, half the subjects were told a

given painting was an entry in competition while the re-

maining subjects were told the painting had won an award

in competition. Results indicated bias against female

competitors. However, female artists whose work had

supposedly won in competition were not discriminated











against. The authors concluded that women who are attempt-

ing tc achieve meet v ith prejudice, but that women who

have already achieved success are evaluated as favorably

as are men.

In this context a number of researchers began to in-

vestigate the psycho-social correlates of attitudes toward

women. In 1974 Goldberg focused on differences between

high and low scorers on his Goldberg Misogyny Test (the

task of rating professional articles ascribed to male or

female authors described above). He administered the MMPI,

the Rotter Incomplete Sentences Test, the F Scale, the

Berger Self-Esteem Scale and a biographical questionnaire

to high school, college and adult males and females.

Findings indicated that biased males (i.e., those who show

more bias against female professional authors) are more

likely than less biased males to be authoritarian, neurot-

ic, and defensive about their shortcomings. Biased females

also tended to be maladjusted, while females in general

tended to evidence more conflict than men in their relative

perceptions of men and women. Goldberg also reported

results of a study by Mauch (1972) in which male under-

graduates were given the Winter Need for Power Scale, a TAT

rating scale, and the Sex-Role Stereotype Questionnaire.

This second measure consists of a series of bipolar phrases

on which the subject is asked to rate the average adult

male and the average adult female (Rosenkrantz et al.,

1968; Broverman et al., 1970). Results indicated that











males with the most stereotypic view of males and females

had the greatest need for power.

A number of studies focused on attitudes toward

women's liberation (i.e., toward the rights and social role

of women). Worell and Worell (Psychology Today, 1971,

p. 28) investigated the psychological make-up of male and

female undergraduates who opposed or supported women's

liberation. They found the opposing male to be "more con-

cerned with social status, with being proper and respect-

able. He tends to be controlled by the opinions of others

and has lower confidence in his ability to guide his own

destiny. In dealings with other people he is likely to be

rigid, conforming, inflexible and submissive to authority."

The male who favors women's liberation is "the inde-

pendent, capable, thoughtful, self-determined man who

considers the world from a logical point of view. Because

he is secure in his own capabilities and less dependent on

the opinion of others, he does not fear social change.

Therefore he feels free to accept competition from women

and welcomes them as equals." The opposing female, who was

similar to the opposing male in being authoritarian and

externally controlled was also fearful and excessively

neat. The female who supports women's liberation, contrary

to the unpleasant stereotypes of "women's libbers" was

found to be similar to other women undergraduates except

for a "strong desire to be autonomous, independent, self-

sufficient and free from external control."










One surprising result of the Worell study was the

finding that the father was apparently an important in-

fluence in developing "cohesive attitudinal styles which

provide the basics for a negative response to women's

liberation." He was a "prime shaper of emotional depend-

ence and attitudes in both male and female opposing groups,

while the mother did not seem to influence attitudes

towards social change movement."

In a study by O'Keefe (1971), 20 high scorers and 20

low scorers (female undergraduates) on the Women's Libera-

tion Scale were put into task situations--an anagram task

and a Prisoner's Dilemma Game--and allowed to choose

cooperation or competition with partners. Half of the

subjects had female partners and half had male partners.

No differences were found between high and low scorers,

but high WLS women were found to be more achievement

oriented, more autonomous, less abasing, and less feminine.

They planned fewer children than low scorers and had

mothers who worked. Their families were found to earn

under $15,000 and to have had high school or less education

Miller (1973) investigated the attitudes of 171 male

college sophomores and a non-college population in an

industrial setting, using the Women's Liberation Question-

naire by Bove and Miller (1970). He predicted that stu-

dents with negative attitudes toward women's liberation

would have lower levels of self-esteem than those with

positive attitudes toward WLM. This hypothesis was based











on Rogers' (1959) theory that "persons with weak ego

strength would be least able to attain their own goals and

would very likely find it extremely difficult to accept

the goals and values of others."

As predicted, a significant relationship between

negative attitudes toward WL and low self-esteem was found

in small, private, and predominantly male institutions and

in the non-college sample. However, no significant rela-

tionship was found in the large, coeducational non-

religiously affiliated institutions. According to the

data, Miller noted "it would appear that males who attend

these particular large state and non-religiously affiliated

institutions were generally more approving of the women's

movement than the other two populations."

In an article entitled "Who Likes Competent Women?"

Spence and Helmreich (1972) compared liberal and traditional

undergraduates in their reactions to videotapes of Compe-

tent and Incompetent women who were Feminine or Masculine

in their interests. Results indicated that female under-

graduates rated Competent women with Masculine interests

as most likeable. Liberal males rated both the Competent

Masculine and Competent Feminine women as likeable,

followed by the Incompetent Masculine and the Incompetent

Feminine.

Traditional males also preferred the Masculine Compe-

tent woman. However, they preferred Incompetent Feminine

women to either Competent Feminine or Incompetent Masculine












women. That is, the traditional male believes that "if a

woman tries to do 'masculine' things . they should be

sufficiently 'manly' to do them." However, they seemed to

find it more appropriate for Feminine women to be Incompe-

tent.

For use in this study, Spence and Helmreich developed

the Attitudes Toward Women Scale (AWS), consisting of 55

items, covering six categories: T. Vocational, Educa-

tional, and Intellectual Roles (N=17), II. Freedom and

Independence (N=4), III. Dating, Courtship, and Etiquette

(N=7), IV. Drinking, Swearing, and Dirty Jokes (N=3),

V. Sexual Behavior (N=7), VI. Marital Relationships and

Obligations (N=17). Factor analytic studies revealed

varying factor structures for female undergraduates, male

undergraduates, mothers of undergraduates, and fathers of

undergraduates. The data for female undergraduates re-

vealed two factors: I. Attitudes concerning attributes of

the "conventional woman" in her relationship to men, and

II. Attitudes concerning equal treatment of men and women

in vocational and intellectual endeavors. For under-

graduate males the factors were I. Attitudes regarding

masculine superiority and the patriarchal family, II. At-

tidudes concerning equal treatment of men and women in

vocational and intellectual endeavors, and III. Attitudes

regarding appropriate behavior in social-sexual relation-

ships between men and women.











In 1974 the AWS was evaluated in a validity study by

Kilpatrick and Smith. As expected, members of NOW were

found to respond more favorably to the items than did a

control population of female undergraduates.

(According to Spence and Helmreich, the traditional

individual favors traditional sex roles for females

(i.e., a subordinate position in the family and society)

while the liberal individual favors a more equal status for

women. Thus, the traditional person supports cultural

traditions and norms, while the liberal person advocates

social change. It may also be noted that according to the

results of Goldberg (1968) and Broverman et al. (1970),

cultural norms in contemporary society include bias against

females in terms of professional competency and standards

for mental health.

In the present study traditional attitudes toward

women will be defined as opposition to equal status for

women in the family and society (i.e., higher scores on the

AWS), bias against female authors (i.e., higher scores on

the Goldberg Misogyny Test), stereotypic views of males and

females (i.e., higher scores on the Sex-Role Stereotype

Questionnaire), and a belief in the biological origin of

sex differences (i.e., higher scores on the Sex Differences

Questionnaire).

In the only reported study of attitudes of children

toward WL, Greenberg (1973) used a questionnaire developed

for a sixth grade class. Subjects were 1600 males and











females in grades 4, 6, 8, 10, from both upper and lower

SES groups in Long Island. Surprisingly, she found no

differences in the attitudes of upper and lower class

children. Grade level was found to make some difference;

males were found to be more egalitarian after grade 4 and

females after grade C. Notably, in all groups females were

found to see women more positively and more optimistically

than do males. They are also more favorable to the concept

of social change, which will grant women greater participa-

tion in the social, economic and political spheres.

In a related group of studies, members of women's

liberation organizations were compared with nonmembers on

a number of personality and demographic variables.

Pawlicki and Almquist (1973) administered the California

F Scale, the Rotter Internal-External Locus of Control, the

Rydell-Rosen Tolerance of Ambiguity Scale and their own

questionnaire measuring attitudes toward women's liberation

to 44 college females and 31 female members of a national

women's liberation organization from a noncollege popula-

tion. The WL group members differed significantly from the

college female nonmembers in that they reported (a) more

favorable attitudes toward the women's liberation movement,

(b) lower levels of authoritarianism, (c) feeling more con-

trol over their environment, (d) more tolerance of ambi-

guity. Demographically, differences were found between the

WL group meoners and college female nonmembers. Statis-

tical analysis showed that these demographic factors were












related in part to diffeiunces between the samples on the

measures of Tolerance ui Ambiguity and the IE Scale, but

not to influence differences on the F Scale.

In 1972 Baker compared members of NOW and members of

a Mother's Club on measures of dogmatism, rigidity, aliena-

tion, and need for autonomy as well as a semantic differen-

tial describing the typical male and the typical female.

No difference was found between the two groups on dogma-

tism. However, members of NOW were found to have greater

feelings of alienation, a greater concern with a need for

autonomy, and to have a more stereotypic view of males and

females at least in regard to the variables Potency and

Social Behavior.

On rigidity of thought processes members of the

Mother's Club were found to score higher. Also, signifi-

cant differences between the two groups were found on

several demographic variables: age, marital status, dura-

tion of marriage, number of children, level of education

and occupational status (.01), occupational level of

spouse, income level, perceptions of mother's favorite

child, memory of tomboy phase of development, and parental

expectation for college attendance (.05).

In another study of dogmatism as related to involve-

ment in the women's liberation movement, Hanson and DiBari

(1974) found no significant differences between dogmatism

scores of women at a WL meeting and a control group of










women. The measure used in this study was a questionnaire

adapted from Roleach's Doamatism Scale.

Fowler and Van de Riet (1972) compared 1) women at a

feminist meeting, 2),a control group of college women, 3)

aged institutionalized women and 4) aged noninstitution-

alized women on self-descriptions using an adjective check

list. They found the feminist women to rate themselves

higher on autonomy and aggression than did the other

groups. Feminist women also described themselves as more

dominant, self-confident, less deferent, and more affilia-

tive than did the college women.

Using a somewhat less objective method, Cary (1972)

interviewed 12 members of women's liberation organizations

and 8 comparison women. Subjects were matched for age,

occupation and marital status. He found the movement

women to place a high value on autonomy and self-determina-

tion. They had a generally mobile, outgoing lifestyle, a

concern with achievement, and an assertiveness that could

be combative at times. Compared to nonmovement women they

had a greater sense of self-esteem and what Cary described

as specialness and drama. Also, these women had strong

mothers. Many of the mothers were professionals, and psy-

chologically, they were powerful in their daughters' devel-

opment. Frequently, these strong characters had been in

conflict with their daughters. However, WL women reported

little conflict with their fathers, while comparison women

had a history of conflict with their fathers. Movement











women often had a colorful male figure in their history

such as an uncle or teacher. Finally, they described more

severe alienation in adolescence than did any comparison

woman. There was virtually no "conventional" adolescent

experience among movement women.

In a large and comprehensive survey Tavris (1972)

investigated the attitudes toward women's liberation of

10,000 readers of Psychology Today, both males and females

--members and nonmembers of WL organizations. She found

attitudes to vary with the individual's own experiences,

with the perceived benefits and threats of the WL movement,

political and religious philosophy, marital status and

style of marriage, sexual history, work experience, and

beliefs about the origins of sex differences.

Politically radical males and females were the most

likely to favor the WL movement and to think it would have

a positive effect on their lives. Radicals and liberal

couples were likely to share housework and child care

evenly, while among conservatives the women almost always

performed these functions. Even among radicals there were

significant differences between opinions of males and

females. Over 25% of the male radicals said that women

are not as exploited as blacks while only 9% of the female

radicals agreed to this.

Sizeable differences were also noted between religious

groups. Forty percent of the male atheists strongly

supported women's liberation as compared to only 9% of the











Catholic men. Protestant and Catholic men were far more

likely to oppose changes in sex roles than other groups.

Protestant and Catholic women were also conservative, but

somewhat less than the males.

Comparisons of marital status produced some surprising

results. There were no differences among divorced, co-

habiting, or married women; about 64% in each group were

in favor as compared to only 54% of the single women. More

divorced men were found to favor WL than did any group

(76%) while there was no difference between married and

single men (64%).

Personal experience is important in the attitudes of

women toward women's liberation. Women who work and who

have primary responsibility for housework and child care

are most likely to support WL. For women in the movement

the sexual issue is an important determinant of attitudes;

the more they feel sexually used, the more likely they are

to favor WL and its proposals. (However, this relationship

does not hold true for nonmovement women.) For all women,

experience with job and intellectual discrimination was the

single most important factor in predicting support for WL.

Further results of the survey indicate that individ-

uals of both sexes who attribute differences between the

sexes to biological origins are more likely to oppose WL

and changes in women's role. In addition, men who adhere

to the biological explanation are more likely to find equal

women unattractive (25% of all men compared to 60% of the










"biological" men). These men are also uneasy about women

in general (30% as compared to 14% of all men). Note:

Tavris's results indicate that men who admit to being

uneasy around women in general have deceived women more

often compared to other men in order to have sex, and are

more likely to have negative reactions to intercourse (18%

as compared to 5% of all men).

Finally, men who would take their wives' happiness

into consideration in a career decision (i.e., deviate from

the male stereotype, according to Tavris) are more likely

to favor WL than those who do not.

In summary, then, the above studies indicate that the

individual, male or female, who is opposed to women's

liberation is controlled more by "external" expectations

rather than being directed by "internal" motivation. He,

or she, tends to be more rigid and authoritarian as well as

more conservative in political and religious views and to

believe that differences between the sexes are biologically

determined. Frequently, the father was important in deter-

mining this person's attitudes toward social change.

On the other hand, the individual who is in favor of

women's liberation tends to be less dependent on the

opinions of others, less authoritarian, and more liberal in

his political and religious views. He tends to believe

that sex differences are learned rather than innate.

Research on women who are anti-WL agrees with the

above profile with the additional features that they tend











to be fearful and excessively neat. Women who support WL

have a strong need for autonomy (independence, self-

sufficiency, freedom from external control). They alao

have frequently experienced job and intellectual discrimi-

nation.

More specifically, women who are involved in WL

organizations have been found to be more assertive and

achievement oriented than other women. They feel more in

control of their environment and tend to have greater

tolerance of ambiguity. They are more alienated as adults

and had been more alienated as adolescents. There is some

indication that they have strong mothers who are more often

involved in professions, and that there has typically been

conflict between these mothers and daughters. At the same

time it seems there has been little conflict between the

daughter and her father. Results of other studies suggest

that they view males differently (at least in regard to the

variables Potency and Social Behavior) than do nonmembers.

Results cf at least one study suggest that men who

favor the biological explanation of sex differences (a

belief that has been associated with opposition to WL) tend

to feel uneasy around women in general, are more likely to

have negative reactions to intercourse, and are much more

likely than other men to find equal women unattractive.

Men who favor WL have been found to be more independent of

the opinion of others, self-determined and thoughtful, and

to consider the world from a logical point of view.










Overall, results of previous research point to a

dichotomy between the socially and politically liberal

personality who is open to social change, versus a more

authoritarian, conservative individual who is reluctant to

accept social change. This dichotomy is quite similar to

that described by Adorno et al. (1950) in their study of

the prejudiced personality. Results of their exhaustive

investigation suggested that the prejudiced individual is

conventional, rigid and power-oriented, that his type of

relating to significant others is "exploitive-dependent,"

that he is submissive to and identifies with authority

figures while demanding unquestioning obedience of sub-

ordinates. He disdains and rejects whoever is at the

bottom of a hierarchy. The unprejudiced person is charac-

terized as flexible, affectionate, egalitarian, and permis-

sive in interpersonal relationships. However, he was not

found to be less dependent on others than the prejudiced

individual. [On TAT ratings for the need for succorance,

one aspect of dependency, no significant difference was

found between prejudiced and unprejudiced individuals

(Adorno, 1950, p. 501). In a related study Masling (1954)

found no difference between authoritarian and nonauthori-

tarian individuals on the Personal Security Form, which had

been found to differentiate between hospitalized neurotics

and a normal population.] Rather, the less prejudiced

person was found to depend on others for affection and

emotional support rather than for things and material

support, as was true for the prejudiced individual.










Finally, the prejudiced person is less accepting of his id

impulses and tends to render them "ego-alien" while the

unprejudiced individual is more aware of sexual and aggres-

sive impulses and of the resulting conflicts and guilt

feelings. The investigators labeled this syndrome of

traits associated with prejudice authoritarianism and

devised the 30 item F Scale to measure it.

Of course, it is not surprising that a power-oriented,

authoritarian individual who is prejudiced against out-

groups and who rigidly adheres to the status quo would be

opposed to WL. However, there is some reason to believe

that the traditional orientation toward woman's role is not

synonymous with the above set of traits termed authoritar-

ianism. It seems likely that attitudes toward women are

influenced by a unique set of needs and experiences. It is

the purpose of this study to determine what psychological

traits are important in the formation of attitudes toward

WL, as distinct from those traits which determine attitudes

toward other minority groups. Some traits may be relevant

to attitudes toward women but completely irrelevant to

attitudes toward ethnic minorities. Still other traits

which are associated with a generalized prejudice (i.e.,

authoritarianism) may be especially important in the forma-

tion of attitudes toward women. In order to determine

which traits in the authoritarian syndrome are especially

relevant to the formation of attitudes toward women, both

the F Scale measuring authoritarianism, and the AWS,











measuring attitudes toward women's liberation, will be

employed in this study.

Aside from the empirical investigations in this area,

several theoretical writers have emphasized the importance

of emotional needs in the formation of attitudes toward

women. Janeway focused on a desire for a mother-replace-

ment, describing the process by which needs and desires

give rise to mythic beliefs about women.

According to Janeway (1971), a social myth is an

explanation of events which is born out of desires and

fears common to an entire society. It is a statement of a

will to believe that what we .desire in fact exists, or

should exist--a psychic truth expressed symbolically. It

is convincing, largely because it is emotionally appealing.

According to Erikson, "it is useless to try to show that it

(myth) has no basis in fact nor to claim that its fiction

is fake and nonsense . To study a myth critically means

to analyze its images and themes" (Erikson, 1963, pp. 327-

328, in Janeway, p. 28).

Further, Janeway explains, a myth is a prescription

for behavior rather than a description. That is, emotional

needs give rise to mythic beliefs about the universal

order or nature of things, which in turn dictate expecta-

tions for social behavior. Thus, myths affect individuals

by defining roles for them to play in society. She defines

a role as "a continuity of expected actions in a relation-

ship," "a ready-made me" which allows the individual to












understand ot!ter members of society and their actions.

That is, roles are reciprocal: one can fulfill a social

role only by relating to another person who is fulfilling

a complementary social role.

More specifically, Janeway says, mythic beliefs about

women stem from man's desire to return to a "golden age"

when society was in a happier state; Eden before the fall.

Psychologically speaking, this "golden age," common to the

mythology of many cultures, represents early infancy when

our every need was satisfied by a ministering, comforting

woman (Bettelheim, 1967, p. 14 in Janeway, p. 43). Out of

this universal desire for a replacement for the mother

figure who cared for us in our infancy stems the belief

that woman is innately suited for this task. Thus, in

mythic belief, woman is passive, emotional, eager to

please, cheerful and clean by nature--divinely created to

stay in the home in the role of wife and mother, to nurture

and care for others. She is, however, believed to be defi-

cient in attributes necessary for functioning outside the

home--aggressiveness, intelligence, emotional stability,

ambition and imagination. Moreover, since she is innately

suited for the traditional woman's role, it is her duty to

fulfill it. Thus, the desire for a mother replacement

gives rise not only to the belief that woman is innately

suited for this task, but also to the expectation that she

will fulfill this role.











This need for moto-,riig has been described by Murray

(1938, p. 182) as a need for suc-orance: "To have one's

needs gratified by the sympathetic aid of an allied object.

To be nursed, supported, sustained, surrounded, protected,

loved, advised, guided, indulged, forgiven, consoled. To

remain close to a devoted protector. To always have a

supporter."

Further, since social roles are reciprocal, man will

be seen as innately suited for his more aggressive role

outside the home. Thus the male with greatest need for a

mother replacement will see males and females as innately

quite different from each other, each suited for a specific

sex role. That is, he will hold the most stereotypic

views regarding male and female attributes and will expect

women to fulfill their traditional role.

In addition to the need for succorance, it seems

likely that other emotional needs influence beliefs about

women, as well as resulting expectations for their

behavior. Among the traits associated with the authori-

tarian syndrome, the need for dominance would appear to be

particularly relevant to attitudes toward women. This

trait has been defined by Murray as the need "To control

one's human environment. To influence or direct the

behavior of others by suggestion, seduction, persuasion, or

command. To dissuade, restrain, or prohibit" (Murray,

1938, p. 152). Adorno et al. (1950, pp. 512-513) found

that prejudiced males tend to adopt a dominant,











authoritarian attitude toward figures Less threatening than

their own fathers, including, of course, sex objects. On

TAT stories they were found to evidence a greater need for

dominance on an unconscious level (although not on a con-

scious level) than did their unprejudiced counterparts.

This need for dominance, which has been found to be

associated with authoritarianism, takes on special signif-

icance in regard to attitudes toward women when one consid-

ers that woman is a "universal subordinate," in a variety

of subcultures and geographical locations, and in situa-

tions where given males may have no one else subordinate

to them in a hierarchy. Thus, we might hypothesize that

males with a high need for dominance would be most opposed

to WL. We might also expect that the need for dominance

would be more predictive of opposition to WL than would

authoritarianism per se. Finally, considering the nature

of mythic beliefs, it is expected that the need for domi-

nance will influence beliefs about women and resultant

expectations for their behavior. Indeed, as noted above,

Mauch (1972) has found the need for power, a concept

closely related to the need for dominance, to be signifi-

cantly correlated with a stereotypic view of females.

Other writers have discussed the mythology surrounding

sexuality as it affects attitudes toward women (Millet,

1969; Parturier, 1968; Greer, 1971; Shields, 1975).

According to Shields (1975, p. 5), "For centuries the

mode of Eve's creation and her greater guilt for the fall











from grace have been credited as the cause of woman's

imperfect nature. . ." Millet, also, cites "a leading

myth of Western culture--the Biblical story of the fall--

a highly influential ethical justification of things as

they are. . This mythic version of the female as the

cause of human suffering, knowledge, and sin is still the

foundation of sexual attitudes, for it represents the most

crucial argument for the patriarchal tradition in the

West. . The large quantity of guilt attached to sexual-

ity in patriarchy is overwhelmingly placed on the female,

who is culturally speaking, held to be culpable, or the

more culpable party in nearly any sexual liaison" (1969,

pp. 80-83).

Greer is somewhat more explicit in her statement of

this position: "As long as sex is furtive and dirty, some

deep ambivalence to the object of sexual attentions must

remain . sophisticated men realize that this disgust is

a projection of shame and therefore will not give it any

play, but because they have been toilet trained and

civilized by the same process as the total victims of dis-

gust and contempt, they still feel the twinges. . As

long as man is at odds with his own sexuality and as long

as he keeps woman as a solely sexual creature, he will hate

her, at least some of the time" (1971, pp. 246-252).

Logically, we might expect the man who has the most

difficulty accepting his own sexuality, i.e., who is

characterized by the most conflict or guilt, to be most











negative in his attitudes toward woman. And, according to

the above theories, it would follow that he would view her

as innately inferior to man and expect her to maintain the

traditional woman's role. Thus, males who are character-

ized by the most conflict and guilt over sex may be

expected to be most opposed to WL. They may also be

expected to exhibit the most prejudice concerning women's

abilities, to believe that male-female differences are

more innate, or biologically determined, than socially

conditioned, and to have the most stereotypic view of the

attributes of both males and females. Furthermore, since

in these theories the most traditional attitudes toward

women are linked with projected (i.e., unconscious) sex

guilt, we may expect males with sex guilt that is less

conscious to hold more traditional attitudes toward women

than do those males who experience more conscious sex

guilt.

(It should be noted that although these theories are

stated in rather universal terms, the observations of these

authors and any related predictions regarding sex guilt and

attitudes toward women must be limited to contemporary

Western culture.)

Sex guilt in this study is defined in part by scores

on the Mosher Forced-Choice Sex Guilt Scale. In 1966

Mosher reported "The Development and Multi-trait-Multi-

method Matrix Analysis of Three Measures of Three Aspects

of Guilt: Hostile, Sex, and Morality-Conscience Guilt."










This matrix was reported Lo provide promising evidence of

convergent and discriminant validity.

In three studies employing this measure (Galbraith,

Hahn and Leiberman, 1968; Galbraith and Mosher, 1968;

Schill and Chapin, 1972) high sex guilt males were found

to have fewer associations to double-entendre words than

low sex guilt males. In addition, sexually stimulated

high sex guilt males displayed poorer recall for associa-

tions given to a list of double-entendre and neutral words

than less guilty males (Galbraith and Mosher, 1970).

For purposes of this study, it is presumed that

Mosher's self-report questionnaire will assess primarily

conscious aspects of sex guilt, while the TAT, a projective

test, will assess both conscious and less conscious aspects

of sex guilt.

In summary, the purpose of the present study is to

assess the relationship of various emotional traits in

males to specific mythic beliefs regarding women and

resultant expectations for their behavior. More specifi-

cally, the study will assess the relationship of 1) author-

itarianism, 2) need for succorance, 3) need for dominance,

4) sex guilt to a) beliefs regarding women's competency

relative to men, b) beliefs regarding the origin of male-

female differences, c) beliefs regarding the extent of

male-female differences, d) expectations for the social-

sexual role behavior of women, and e) attitudes regarding

educational and employment opportunities for women.










Hypotheses

1. There will be a significant, positive, correlation

between authoritarianism, as indicated by scores on the F

Scale, and

a) belief in the relative incompetence of females,

as evidenced by scores on the Goldberg Misogyny

Test and by scores on Factor I of the Attitudes

Toward Women Scale (items relating to masculine

superiority);

b) the belief that sex differences are biologically,

rather than culturally, determined (as evidenced

by scores on the Sex Differences Questionnaire);

c) a stereotypic view regarding the relative attri-

butes of males and females as evidenced by scores

on the Sex-Role Stereotype Questionnaire;

d) expectations for traditional social and sexual

role behavior in women, as indicated by scores on

Factor III of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale;

e) opposition to equal opportunity for women in

education and employment, as indicated by scores

on Factor II of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale.

2. There will be a significant, positive, correlation

between the need for succorance, as indicated by scores on

the succorance scale of the Personality Research Form and

on ratings on TAT stories, and

a) belief in the relative incompetence of females, as

evidenced by scores on the Goldberg Misogyny Test










and scores on Factor I of the Attitudes Toward

Women Scale (items relating to masculine superi-

ority);

b) the belief that sex differences are biologically,

rather than culturally, determined (as evidenced

by scores on the Sex Differences Questionnaire);

c) a stereotypic view regarding the relative attri-

butes of males and females as evidenced by scores

on the Sex-Role Stereotype Questionnaire;

d) expectations for traditional social and sexual

role behavior in women, as indicated by scores on

Factor III of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale;

e) opposition to equal opportunity for women in

education and employment, as indicated by scores

on Factor II of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale.

3. There will be a significant, positive, correlation

between the need for dominance, as indicated by scores on

the dominance scale of the Personality Research Form and

ratings on TAT stories, and

a) belief in the relative incompetence of females,

as evidenced by scores on the Goldberg Misogyny

Test and scores on Factor I of the Attitudes

Toward Women Scale (items relating to masculine

superiority);

b) the belief that sex differences are biologically,

rather than culturally, determined (as evidenced

by scores on the Sex Differences Questionnaire);











c) a stereotypic view regarding the relative attri-

butes of males and females as evidenced by scores

on the Sex-Role Stereotype Questionnaire;

d) expectations for traditional social and sexual

role behavior in women, as indicated by scores on

Factor III of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale;

e) opposition to equal opportunity for women in

education and employment, as indicated by scores

en Factor II of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale.

4. The correlation between the need for dominance and

traditional attitudes toward women will be significantly

greater than the correlation between the need for dominance

and authoritarianism. (Traditional attitudes toward women

will be defined by scores on a) the Goldberg Misogyny Test,

b) the Sex-Role Stereotype Questionnaire, c) the Attitudes

Toward Women Scale--Factors I, II, and III, and d) the Sex

Differences Questionnaire. Authoritarianism is defined by

scores on the F Scale. The need for dominance is defined

by scores on a) the dominance scale of the PRF and

b) ratings for the need for dominance on the TAT.)

5. There will be a significant, positive, correlation

between sex guilt, as indicated by scores on the Mosher

Forced-Choice Sex Guilt Inventory, and by ratings on TAT

stories, and

a) belief in the relative incompetence of females,

as evidenced by scores on the Goldberg Misogyny

Test and scores on Factor I of the Attitudes











Toward Women Scale (items relating to masculine

superiority);

b) the belief that sex differences are biologically,

rather than culturally, determined (as evidenced

by scores on the Sex Differences Questionnaire);

c) a stereotypic view regarding the relative attri-

butes of males and females as evidenced by scores

on the Sex-Role Stereotype Questionnaire;

d) expectations for traditional social and sexual

role behavior in women, as indicated by scores on

Factor III of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale;

e) opposition to equal opportunity for women in

education and employment, as indicated by scores

on Factor II of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale.

6. The correlation between sex guilt and traditional

attitudes toward women will be significantly greater than

the correlation between sex guilt and authoritarianism.

(Traditional attitudes toward women will be defined by

scores on a) the Goldberg Misogyny Test, b) the Sex-Role

Stereotype Questionnaire, c) the Attitudes Toward Women

Scale--Factors I, II, and III, and d) the Sex Differences

Questionnaire. Authoritarianism is defined by scores on

the F Scale. Sex guilt is defined by a) scores on the

Mosher Forced-Choice Sex Guilt Inventory, and b) ratings

for sex guilt on the TAT.)

7. Sex guilt scores on a projective test (i.e., the

TAT) which is presumed to assess less conscious as well as
























31



conscious conflicts will be more highly correlated with

traditional attitudes toward women than will sex guilt

scores on a self-report questionnaire (i.e., the Mosher

Forced-Choice Sex Guilt Inventory, which is presumed to

assess primarily conscious conflicts). (Traditional

attitudes toward women will be defined by scores on a) the

Goldberg Misogyny Test, b) the Sex-Role Stereotype

Questionnaire, c) the Attitudes Toward Women Scale--

Factors I, II, and III, and d) the Sex Differences Ques-

tionnaire.)










CHAPTER II


METHOD


Subjects


Subjects were sixty Introductory Psychology students

who were fulfilling course requirements. All subjects

were males in their freshman or sophomore years.


Procedure


Subjects were seen in groups of 15 to 25 during

two separate sessions, approximately one hour each,

held three days apart. In the first session they were

informed that the study was an investigation of social

attitudes employing questionnaires and responses to

pictures. They were informed that their responses would

be confidential and that their names would not be required

on the forms. Instead they were asked to include only

the first four digits of their social security numbers.

Following these instructions subjects were given the

Goldberg Misogyny Test. Next, the lights were dimmed

to a point that slides projected on a screen were visible

and subjects could see to write at the same time. Seven

TAT plates (2, 4, 6BM, 7BM, 13B, 13MF, and one photograph)










were projected sequentially on a screen for five minutes

each. An experimenter read the standard instructions

from a printed card.

In the second session, subjects were given a question-

naire (see Appendix A) containing the Sex Role Stereotype

Questionnaire, the Attitudes Toward Women Scale, the

Sex Differences Questionnaire, the F Scale, the Personality

Research Form (scales for Succorance and Dominance), the

Mosher Forced-Choice Sex Guilt Inventory, and the Student

Information Sheet. After the second session, subjects

were informed as to the purpose of the study in a debrief-

ing session. (See Appendix B for Debriefing.)

Note: More "indirect" and projective measures, the

Goldberg Misogyny Test and the TAT, were administered

in the first session so that responses on these tests

would not be confounded by the subjects' knowledge of

the content of the questionnaire.


Experimenters


A male experimenter and a female experimenter

worked together in administering the tests during sessions.

This approach was employed to minimize any effects on

TAT stories that might result from having either a male

or a female experimenter working alone. (See Clark,

1952, regarding the effects of a female experimenter

on the amount of sex imagery produced in the TAT stories

of undergraduate males.)











Measures


Attitudes Toward Women's Liberation

(Attitudes regarding equal opportunity for women,

social-sexual role behavior in women, and the competence

of women)

Attitudes Toward Women Scale. The Attitudes Toward

Women Scale (AWS) (Spence and Helmreich, 1972) contains

55 items. Each item consists of a declarative statement

for which there are four response alternatives: Agree

Strongly, Agree Mildly, Disagree Mildly, and Disagree

Strongly. Each item is given a score from 0 to 3, with

0 representing the most liberal, pro-feminist attitude

and 3 the most traditional, conservative attitude.

(Note: The scoring system used for the purposes of this

study is the reverse of the scoring originally used by

the authors.) Each subject's score for the total scale

is obtained by summing the values for the individual

items, the range of possible scores thus going from 0

to 165, with higher scores representing traditional

attitudes. Normative data, reported by Spence and

Helmreich, suggest that the distribution of scores is

stable over time and that "a reliable phenomenon is

being tapped" (1972, p. 6). As noted in Chapter I,

criterion validity was indicated in a study by Kirkpatrick

and Smith (1974, p. 461). Spence and Helmreich also

subjected the responses to an image analysis (1972,









pp. 10-11). Three main factors emerged from the analysis

of the responses from undergraduate males: Factor I--

Attitudes relating to traditional notions about masculine

superiority and the patriarchal family, Factor II--Atti-

tudes regarding equality of opportunity for women,

especially in the vocational and educational spheres, and

Factor III--Attitudes regarding the social-sexual relation-

ships between men and women and what constitutes ladylike

behavior. Factor loadings for the items in the under-

graduate male samples from the Spence and Helmreich study

are listed in Appendix C. For purposes of this study,

items were included in a factor if they had a loading of

at least .40 in either of Spence and Helmreich's samples.

Also, see Appendix D for a listing of the items included in

each factor. The authors did not report normative scores

on the three factors.

Goldberg Misogyny Test. This is an "indirect" measure

of bias against women in the areas of intellectual and

professional competence. Subjects are asked to evaluate

excerpts from articles in the fields of linguistics, law,

art history, dietetics, education and city planning.

Specifically, they are instructed to rate the articles on

a five point scale as to value for the general reader,

value for the professional person, persuasiveness and pro-

fundity, and rate the authors for writing style, profes-

sional competence, professional status and ability to sway

the reader. On each item 1 = highly favorable and 5 =

highly unfavorable.










Three of the articles, in art history, dietetics,

and city planning, are ascribed to male authors, while

the remaining three, in education, law and linguistics

are ascribed tc female authors. For each subject the

total of all the ratings given to articles ascribed to

female authors (including a range of 54 to 270) is

subtracted from the total of all the ratings given to

articles ascribed to male authors (including a range

of 54 to 270). Thus, there is a possible range of

final scores varying from -216, indicating bias for

female authors, to +216, indicating bias against female

authors.

As mentioned in Chapter I, this instrument was

developed by Goldberg (1968), and was originally admin-

istered to 100 undergraduate females. The professional

fields were chosen by having 40 undergraduate females

rate 50 occupations as to the degree to which they

associated the field with men or with women. Elementary

school teaching and dietetics were found to be highly

associated with women, law and city planning with men,

while linguistics and art history were found to be neutral

or non-sex related.

Goldberg gave booklets to half the subjects with

three of the articles ascribed to female authors, while

the remaining subjects saw the name of a male author

of the same articles. It was expected that bias might

be shown to male authors in male-dominated fields while










bias would be shown to women in female-dominated areas.

However, results indicated that undergraduate females were

biased against female professional authors in both "mascu-

line" and "feminine" fields. In fact, male authors

received higher ratings in all of the occupational areas

except art history. (The differences were statistically

significant only in city planning, linguistics and law.)

As reported by Goldberg (1968), the mean ratings given

to the articles were as follows:

Field of Article Male Female

Art History 23.35 23.10

Dietetics 22.05 23.45

Education 20.20 21.75

City Planning 23.10 27.30

Linguistics 26.95 30.70

Law 21.20 25.60

Attitudes Regarding the Origin of Sex Differences

Sex Differences Questionnaire. This scale includes

eight traits, four of which are traditionally considered

masculine and four which are traditionally considered to be

feminine (i.e., aggressiveness, independence, objectivity,

and math reasoning; nurturance, empathy, monogamy, and

emotionality). In regard to each of these traits subjects

were asked, "In your opinion, are differences between

males and females in this trait more biologically or

culturally determined?" (A) Completely biological

(B) Mostly biological (C) Determined equally by biological












and cultural factors (UD Mostly cultural (E) Completely

cultural. Thus, the range of scores on this scale varies

from 1 to 40, with higher scores indicating belief in a

biological explanation. This questionnaire was adapted for

use in this study from the Stereotype Index developed by

Tavris, (1973, pp. 186-187). On Tavris' scale, subjects

were asked to rate the eight traits as to whether they were

more masculine or feminine and whether they were more

culturally or biologically determined. Since the present

study included a separate measure of sex-role stereotypy,

only items relating to the origin of sex differences from

Tavris' scale were employed here. In her survey of 20,000

readers of a popular magazine, Tavris has found that males

who favor a cultural explanation of male-female differences

are more likely to support women's liberation than men who

favor the biological explanation (Tavris, 1972, p. 83).

Although no means on items relating to beliefs about origin

of sex differences are available, Tavris reported the

distribution of subjects advocating belief in biological

and cultural origins of sex differences on the eight

traits. According to this report (Tavris, 1973, p. 186)

5.3% of the population believed sex differences are all

biological, 4.8% checked half biological/half cultural,

15.7% checked some biological/some cultural/some no

difference, and 20.1% checked no difference on any trait.

Further, 17.3% checked half no difference/half cultural,











29.6% checked primarily cultural, and 7.3% checked all

cultural.

Sex-Role Stereotypes

Sex-Role Stereotype Questionnaire (Short Form).

This instrument, consisting of 82 bipolar descriptive

items, was developed by Rosenkrantz et al. (1968) and

modified by Broverman et al. (1970, 1975). It was designed

to measure the extent to which the individual's view of

males and females is stereotyped. Subjects are asked to

rate the adult male on a 60 point scale for each of these

items. Specifically, they are instructed:

We would like to know something about what
people expect other people to be like. Imagine
that you are going to meet someone for the first
time, and the only thing that you know in advance
is that he is an adult male. What sort of things
would you expect? For example, what would you
expect about his liking or disliking of the
color red? On each scale, please put a slash (/)
and the letter "M" above the slash according to
what you think an adult male is like.

Next the instructions are repeated with adult female

substituted for adult male. In scoring, each individual

response was converted to a standard score to eliminate

response bias. For each subject, the rating given to the

adult female was subtracted from the rating given to the

adult male for each item. The total of these differences

was the individual's sex-role stereotype score.

In crder to avoid response bias, the female traits

were placed at the right, more highly scored pole on half

the items and at the left pole on half the items. (On the











reversed items the male score was subtracted from the

female score to find the difference score.)

This scale, which originally included 122 items, was

developed by Rosenkrantz et al. (1968) for a study of the

relationship of the self-concept to differentially valued

sex-role stereotypes. Results of the study indicated that

stereotypically masculine characteristics were more highly

valued or socially desirable among undergraduates than were

stereotypically feminine traits. The authors report norms

for male ratings and female ratings but not for difference

scores, although they give instructions for computing

individual difference or stereotype scores (Rosenkrantz

et al., 1968; and Broverman et al., 1975). Separate norms

for the short form of the test are reported by Broverman

et al. (1975).

Authoritarianism

California F Scale. This scale was developed by

Adorno et al. (1950) in their extensive investigation of

the prejudiced personality. It was found to be highly

correlated (.75) with a measure of ethnocentrism (the E

scale), but it is not a direct or self-report measure of

prejudice and mentions no minority group by name (Adorno

et al., 1950, p. 279). The authors summarize their

findings by describing the prejudiced individual as

basically hierarchical, authoritarian, power-oriented, and

exploitively dependent in his style of relating to others.

Further, they describe him as conventional, rigid, and











repressive, and, at the same time, fearful and dependent

(Adorno et al., 1950, p. 971).

Although the assumptions and methodology of these

investigators have been criticized (McKinney, 1973; Kirscht

and Dillehay, 1967; and Christie and Jahoda, 1954), the F

Scale has been widely used as an indicator of generalized

prejudice and authoritarianism. It has been found to be

highly correlated with the need for power (Uleman, 1965),

autocratic family ideology (Diab, 1959), and with political

behavior (Faris, 1956).

In the present study a slightly modified, 27 item

version (Butler, 1971) of Forms 40 and 45 (Adorno, 1950,

pp. 255-257) was employed. (See Appendix A, Part IV.)

Possible scores range from 27 to 189, with higher scores

representing greater authoritarianism.

Adorno et al. (1950, p. 266) report mean item scores

of from 3.51 for undergraduate women to 4.19 for a group of

working-class men.

Need for Succorance and Need for Dominance

Personality Research Form. The PRF is a self-report,

forced choice personality inventory designed to assess the

basic needs which were first described by Murray (1938).

Form E, employed in this study, was designed for use with

normal, high school and adult populations and has high

part-whole correlations with the earlier Forms AA and BB.

Specifically, the Dominance and Succorance Scales, each

consisting of 16 items, were administered. These two











scales on Form E were found to have odd-even reliability

coefficients of .67 and .73, respectively. On Form AA the

test-retest reliability coefficients for the two scales

were .88 and .84. The manual also reports a series of

validity studies (Jackson, 1966; Jackson and Guthrie, 1968;

Kusyszyn, 1968) in which trait attribution data was found

to be highly correlated with PRF scores. The instrument

was controlled for acquiescence set by keying half the

items to be scored true and half false. Items were

selected on the basis of having a high correlation with

the total score and a low correlation with the Desirability

Scale.

Normative statistics reported in the manual (Jackson,

1967, pp. 53-55) include scale scores for 129 male high

school seniors from 15 schools in the province of Ontario.

For this population the mean score on the dominance scale

was 8.68 with a standard deviation of 3.96. On the

succorance scale the reported mean was 6.59 and the

standard deviation 3.29.

Comparable scores for a population of servicemen

(N=1288) on the dominance scale ranged from X=9.26,

SD=3.87 for a group of enlisted personnel to X=12.70,

SD=2.80 for a group of officer candidates (N=504). On

the succorance scale scores ranged from X=4.33, SD=3.51 for

a group of air force officers (N=55) to X=6.66, SD=3.21 for

enlisted personnel (N=1288).










Although the authors do not report normative data on

the administration of separate scales, Machover and

Anderson (1953) reported validity and reliability data on

the administration of a single scale from the MMPI, a test

similar in construction to the PRF. They administered the

psychopathic deviate scale to 50 psychiatric inpatients.

Half the subjects were given the 50 Pd items separately and

the entire MMPI one to three days later. For the remaining

patients the order was reversed. The Pearson correlation

coefficient between the experimental form scores and the

standard form scores was .79. Since, the authors note, the

test-retest reliability coefficient for the Pd scale

reported by McKinley and Hathaway (1944) was only .71, this

coefficient indicates satisfactory validity. In a similar

study, Charen (1954) administered the Hs scale of the MMPI

separately to 50 hospitalized tuberculosis patients with a

test-retest coefficient of .98. Results of this research

on the administration of MMPI scales suggest that the

administration of single scales from this type of test has

no deleterious effects on their validity or reliability.

Thematic Apperception Test--Rating Scales. (See

Appendix B.) In order to study the relationship between

the need for dominance and attitudes toward women's

liberation, a Need for Dominance Scoring Manual was

employed. This manual was adapted for use in the present

study from "A Scoring Manual for the Affiliative Motive"

by Heyns, Veroff, and Atkinson (1958) and "A Scoring Manual











for the Power Motive" by Veroff (1958). It was based on

Murray's definition (1938, pp. 152-53) following the

outline of these two manuals. Stories were assessed as to

whether dominance imagery is present, and if so, the story

was also scored for the presence of Need, Instrumental

Activity, Goal Anticipation, Affective State, and Thema.

There was a range of possible scores for each story for a

given subject, from 0 to 6.

A similar rating was developed for rating the need for

succorance. In this manual categories scored for each

story included the following: Succorance Imagery, Need,

Activity-Eliciting, Activity-Receiving, Anticipatory Goal

State-Positive, Anticipatory Goal State-Negative, Affective

State-Negative, and Affective State-Positive, and Thema.

The range of scores for each story ranged from 0 to 9.

After four judges were trained in rating TAT stories,

correlation coefficients were computed for 25 sample

stories to determine inter-judge agreement. The two judges

with highest level of agreement were then used to rate the

stories in the main study, with each judge rating half the

stories. The order of the stories rated by the judges was

randomized in order to avoid any systematic effects of

practice. Twenty stories were taken at random from those

rated by Judge 1 and interspersed at random among those

rated by Judge 2, without Judge 2 having knowledge of which

stories had previously been rated. Ratings given these 20

stories by the two judges were then correlated.











Sex Guilt

Thematic Apperception Tert -- 'ating Scale. (See

Appendix E.) A Sex Guilt Scoring Manual was adapted from

scales employed by Clark (1954) and Leiman and Epstein

(1961). Stories were rated for the presence or absence of

sexual behavior according to three specific criteria. If

this category was scored present, the raters scored for sex

guilt on a five point scale, again according to three

specific criteria. For each story the range of scores

varied from 0 to 4.

TAT Cards. Six standard TAT cards and one additional

photograph were selected for their relevance to the need

for dominance (Cards 2, 4, 6BM, 7BM, and 13MF), the need

for succorance (Cards 2, 4, 6BM, 7BM, and 13B), and sex

guilt (Cards 4, 13MF, and the photograph). The additional

photograph was selected for high sexual relevance to be

used as a measure of avoidance of sexual imagery and also

as a measure of thematically expressed sex guilt. Cards

which were assumed to have moderate or high sexual

relevance were presented in order of increasing relevance

to reduce the influence of one card on the next. Pictures

with low sexual relevance were interspersed among the

relevant pictures to disguise the dimension. (See Appendix

C, Sex Guilt Rating Scale.)

Mosher Forced Choice Sex Guilt Inventory. This is one

of two scales developed by Mosher (1966) to measure sex

guilt in undergraduate males. It includes 28 items with a


























range of scores from -45 to 37, higher scores ind..cating

greater amounts of sex guilt. The scale haF a test-retest

reliability coefficient of .97. It has been well con-

trolled for social desirability; kosher reported a non-

significant, .25 correlation between this scale and the

Edwards Social Desirability Scale. (Mosher's norms did not

include mean scores for guilt scales.)

Demographic Variables--Student Information Sheet. In

order to control for demographic variables, a Student

Information Sheet was included. Included were items on

religion, political orientation (liberal vs. conservative),

parents' income, and parents' level of education.











CHAPTER III


RESULTS


Agreement of Judges Rating TAT Stories


Pearson product moment correlations (Hayes, 1963,

p. 506) were computed to determine inter-judge agreement

between four judges for a sample of 25 stories. The

correlation coefficient for ratings of two of the judges

exceeded the criterion of .70 (r=.74), while the correla-

tions between Judges 3 and 4 failed to meet this criterion.

Judge 1 and Judge 2 then each rated half of the stories

in the main study. Twenty stories were taken at random

from those rated by Judge 1 and interspersed at random

among those rated by Judge 2, without Judge 2 having

knowledge of which stories had previously been rated.

Ratings given these 20 stories by the two judges were

found to be correlated .70. Furthermore, an analysis

of variance for effects of judges on variables 3, 5 and

7 in the main study (need for succorance, need for

dominance and sex guilt) was not significant at the

.05 level. That is, there was no significant difference

between ratings given by the two judges over all 420

stories.











Multivariate Analysis of Variance


Fisher Z correlation coefficients (Anderson, 1958,

p. 78) were computed for all combinations of the 13

variables. (See Tables 1 and 2.) However, as noted by

Hayes (1963, p. 577), significance levels for individual

correlations in an intercorrelation matrix must be

interpreted with considerable latitude since t-tests

for correlations in the same population are not statis-

tically independent. Therefore, multiple regression

tests were computed to determine whether the independent

variables (1 through 7) were statistically independent

from the dependent variables (8 through 13). First,

a multivariate multiple regression analysis (Anderson,

1958, pp. 178-227) was computed to test for independence

for variables 1 through 7, taken as a group, from variables

8 through 13, taken as a group. This test was significant

at the .01 level, indicating a significant relationship

between the 7 independent variables and the 6 dependent

variables (F = 1.62, degrees of freedom = 42,219).

Next, a separate multiple regression analysis was

computed to test for independence of variable 1 versus

variables 8 through 13, taken as a group. Likewise,

variables 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7 were each tested for

statistical independence from variables 8 through 13, taken

as a group. (See Table 4.) Results indicated that

variable 4 (scores on the Personality Research Form, need














49






Table 1. Independent and Depernent Variables


Independent Variables

Authoritarianism
1. California F Scale

Need for Succorance
2. Personality Research Form
3. Thematic Apperception Test Ratings

Need for Dominance
4. Personality Research Form
5. Thematic Apperception Test Ratings

Sex Guilt
6. Mosher Forced--Choice Sex Guilt Inventory
7. Thematic Apperception Test Ratings

Dependent Variables

Traditional Attitudes Toward Women
8. Goldberg Misogyny Test
9. Sex Role Stereotype Questionnaire

The Spence-Helmreich Attitudes Toward Women Scale (AWS)

10. Factor I of the 4WS--Masculine Superiority
11. Factor II of the AWS--Education and Employment
12. Factor III of the AWS--Social-Sexual Role
Behavior
13. Sex Differences Questionnaire









Table 2. Expected Direction of Correlations for Independent and Dependent
Variables.


Variable 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13


1
2 0
3 0
4 0 0 0
5 0 0 0 0
6 0 0 0 0 0
7 0 0 0 0 0 0
8 + + + + + + +
9 + + + + + + + 0
10 + + + + + + + 0 0
11 + + + + + + + 0 0 0
12 + + + + + + + 0 0 0 0
13 + + + + + + + 0 0 0 0 0


+ = positive correlation expected
0 = no prediction as to correlation








Table 3. Correlation of Independent and Dependent Variables


Variable 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8


1 1.00
2 0.13 1.00
3 0.38 0.01 1.00
4 0.02 0.14 -0.02 1.00
5 -0.12 -0.05 -0.05 0.22 1.00
6 0.24 0.04 0.11 -0.09 -0.09 1.00
7 -0.38 -0.11 -0.13 0.25 0.35 -0.20 1.00
8 0.11 0.02 0.17 -0.04 0.06 -0.21 0.11 1.00
9 0.20 -0.07 0.05 0.01 0.07 0.28 0.07 -0.20
10 0.48 -0.01 0.26 0.24 -0.04 0.29 0.07 0.12
11 0.47 -0.06 0.14 0.25 -0.09 0.39 -0.01 0.04
12 0.18 -0.04 0.17 -0.29 -0.04 0.15 -0.06 0.03
13 0.33 0.15 0.19 -0.17 -0.04 0.37 -0.29 -0.10


Variable 9 10 11 12 13


9 1.00
10 0.51 1.00
11 0.40 0.83 1.00
12 0.24 0.25 0.17 1.00
13 0.19 0.24 0.37 0.17 1.00











for dominance scale) was related to variables 8 through 13

at the .01 level of significance. Also, variable 6

(scores on the Mosher Sex Guilt Inventory) was related

to variables 8 through 13 at the .05 level of significance.

In addition, variable 1 (scores on the California F

Scale) was found to be related to variables 8 through 13

at the .06 level of significance. Since variables 2, 3,

5, and 7 were not found to be significantly related to

variables 8 through 13, no individual correlations

between these variables and single dependent variables

will be considered here, even though they might be

statistically significant if considered separately.

For example, variable 7 (ratings on the TAT for sex

guilt) was found to be correlated -.29 with variable 13

(scores on the Sex Differences Questionnaire). This

correlation will not be considered significant for

purposes of this study, even though it would be significant

at the .05 level if considered separately.

In addition to multiple regression tests, partial

correlations were computed for variable 6 and variables 8

through 13 with variable 1 held constant (McNemar, 1962,

pp. 166-167). Results included a partial correlation of

-.19 between variables 6 and 8 with variable 1 held con-

stant. The partial correlation of variables 6 and 9 with

variable 1 held constant was .24 (p=.05). For variables 6

and 10 with variable 1 held constant r=.22, p=.06; for

variables 6 and 11 with variable 1 held constant r=.33,











p=.01; for variables 6 and 12 with variable 1 held constant

r=.ll; for variables 6 and 13 with variable 1 held constant

r=.31, p=.01.


Hypotheses


Hypothesis 1

This hypothesis stipulated a positive correlation

between scores on the F Scale and variables 8 through 13.

As noted above, variable 1 (F Scale) was found to be

related to variables 8 through 13 at the .06 level of

significance. Thus, this hypothesis was supported at

the .06 level of significance. Specifically, variable 1

was correlated with variable 10 (Factor I of the Spence

Helmreich AWS), r=.48, and with variable 11 (Factor II

of the AWS), r=.46. Both correlations are significant

at the .01 level. In addition, variable 1 was found

to be correlated with variable 13 (Sex Differences Ques-

tionnaire), r=.33 at the .05 level of significance.

That is, individuals with authoritarian attitudes tend

to believe in male superiority and patriarchal social

systems, to be opposed to equal opportunity for women in

education and employment and to see male-female differences

as biologically determined.

Correlations between variable 1 and variable 8

(Goldberg Misogyny Test), variable 1 and variable 9 (Sex

Role Stereotype Questionnaire) or variable 1 and variable

12 (Factor III of the AWS) did not reach significance.










Hypothesis 2

This hypothesis stipulated a positive correlation

between scores on the succorance scale of the Personality

Research Form (variable 2) and variables 8 through 13.

Also hypothesized was a positive correlation between TAT

ratings for the need for succorance (variable 3) and

variables 8 through 13.

Succorance scale of the Personality Research Form

(Variable 2). This portion of Hypothesis 2 was not

supported at the .05 level of significance. Correlations

between variable 2 and variables 8 through 13 ranged from

-.07 to .15.

TAT ratings for the need for succorance (variable 3).

This portion of Hypothesis 2 was not supported at the .05

level of significance, although the correlations were in

the direction predicted. Correlations between variable 3

and variables 8 through 13 ranged from .04 to .26.

Hypothesis 3

This hypothesis stipulated a positive correlation

between scores on the dominance scale of the Personality

Research Form (variable 4 and variables 8 through 13. Also

hypothesized was a positive correlation between TAT ratings

for the need for dominance (variable 5) and variables 8

through 13.

Dominance Scale of the Personality Research Form

(Variable 4). This portion of the hypothesis was not up-

held at the .05 level of significance. Although the










multiple regression test for the independence of variable 4

from variables 8 through 13 was significant at the .01

level of significance, using a two tailed test, the only

significant correlation in this group was -.28, between

variable 4 and variable 12 (Factor II of the AWS). Thus,

results indicate that individuals with a high need for

dominance on a self-report measure tend to favor less

traditional sexual-social roles for women.

Correlations between variable 4 and variables 10 and

11 approach significance in a positive direction (r=.24 and

r=.25) suggesting that individuals with a high need for

dominance on a self-report measure tend to believe in male

superiority and patriarchal social systems and to oppose

equality for women in education and employment.

TAT ratings for the need for dominance (variable 5).

This portion of Hypothesis 3 was not supported at the .05

level of significance. Correlations between variable 5 and

variables 8 through 13 were all near .00 (ranging from -.09

to .07).

Hypothesis 4

This hypothesis stipulated a significantly higher

correlation between the need for dominance (variables 4 and

5) and traditional attitudes toward women (variables 8

through 13) than between the need for dominance (variables

4 and 5) and authoritarian attitudes (variable 1). This

hypothesis was not upheld at the .05 level of significance.

(Note: Using the least significant difference test, the












difference between correlations would have to be at least

.40 to be significant for a population of 60.)

Hypothesis 5

This hypothesis stipulated a positive correlation

between scores on the Mosher Sex Guilt Inventory (variable

6) and variables 8 through 13. Also hypothesized was a

positive correlation between TAT ratings for sex guilt

(variable 7) and variables 8 through 13.

Mosher Sex Guilt Inventory (variable 6). This portion

of Hypothesis 5 was supported at the .05 level of signifi-

cance. That is, variable 6 was found to be related to

variables 8 through 13, taken as a group, at the .05 level

of significance. Specifically, variable 6 was found to be

correlated with variable 11 (Factor II of the AWS), r=.39

and with variable 13 (Sex Differences Questionnaire),

r=.37. Both correlations are significant at the .01 level.

In addition, variable 6 was found to be correlated with

variable 9 (Sex Role Stereotype Questionnaire, r=.28 and

with variable 10 (Factor II of the AWS), r=.29. That is,

individuals who report greater sex guilt on a self-report

questionnaire tend to have the most stereotypic view of

males and females, to see male-female differences as

biologically determined, to believe in male superiority and

patriarchal social systems, and to oppose equal opportunity

for women in education and employment.













Correlations between variable 6 and variable 8

(Goldberg Misogyny Test) or between variable 6 and variable

12 (Factor III of the AWS) did not reach significance.

TAT ratings for sex guilt (variable 7). This portion

of Hypothesis 5 was not supported at the .05 level of

significance. Correlations between variable 7 and

variables 8 through 13 ranged between -.29 and .11.

Hypothesis 6

This hypothesis stipulated a significantly higher

correlation between sex guilt (variables 6 and 7) and

traditional attitudes toward women (variables 8 through

13) than between sex guilt (variables 6 and 7) and

authoritarian attitudes (variable 1). This hypothesis was

not upheld at the .05 level of significance. (Note: Using

the least significant difference test, the difference

between correlations would have to be at least .40 to be

significant for a population of 60.) However, the

difference between the correlation of variables 6 and 8

through 13 and the correlation of variables 6 and 1 was in

the expected direction. That is, variables 6 and 1 were

correlated .23 while the correlation between C and 9 was

.28; the correlation of variables 6 and 10 was .29; the

correlation of 6 and 11 was .39; and the correlation of 6

and 13 was .37. Note that the last two coefficients are

significant at the .01 level.











Hypothesis 7

This hypothesis stipulated a significantly higher

correlation between sex guilt scores on the TAT (variable

7) and traditional attitudes toward women (variables 8

through 13) than between sex guilt scores on the Mosher

Inventory (variable 6) and traditional attitudes toward

women (variables 8 through 13). This hypothesis was not

upheld at the .05 level of significance. In fact, the

difference was opposite from the direction predicted, with

significant positive correlations between variable 6 and

variables 8 through 13, and nonsignificant correlations

between variable 7 and variables 8 through 13.


Demographic Variables


A multiple regression analysis (Anderson, 1958,

pp. 178-227) was computed to test the relationship of the

demographic variables to traditional attitudes toward women

(variables 1 through 13). Results of this analysis

indicated that none of the demographic variables was

related to variables 1 through 13 at the .05 level of

significance. (See Table 5.)

As reported in Appendix D, the students described

themselves as predominately middle-of-the-road or liberal

in their political orientation. They indicated that their

families were primarily in the middle income brackets

($10,000-$20,000).











Fac':or Analysis


Results of a factor analysis of all thirteen variables

indicated that no variable had a loading of .40 or above

on the first two factors. That is, the variables did not

cluster together or form any groupings.


Independent Variables


Since, as noted above, significance levels for

individual correlations in a correlation matrix must be

interpreted with considerable latitude (Hayes, 1963,

p. 577), a likelihood ratio test (Anderson, 1958, pp. 230-

245) was computed to rule out the possibility that the

first seven variables were statistically independent.

Results indicate at the .05 level of significance that

these variables are not statistically independent.

Specifically, the correlations between F Scale scores

and ratings for succorance on TAT stories (r=.38) and

between F Scale scores and ratings for sex guilt on TAT

stories (r=-.38) were significant at the .01 level. That

is, individuals with authoritarian attitudes tend to

indicate a greater need for succorance and less sex guilt

on projective tests than do less authoritarian individuals.

In addition, the correlation between ratings for dominance

on TAT stories and ratings for sex guilt on TAT stories was

significant at the .01 level. That is, individuals who

indicate a need for dominance on projective measures tend











to indicate more sex guilt on these measures than do

individuals with less need for dominance. It may be noted

that ratings for the need for succorance on TAT stories

were not significantly correlated with ratings for

dominance or ratings for sex guilt. Also, TAT ratings for

the need for succorance, the need for dominance, and sex

guilt failed to correlate with scores for these traits on

questionnaires. The correlation between the need for

succorance on the Personality Research Form and on the TAT

was .00, while the correlation between dominance scores on

the same two measures was -.06. Sex guilt scores on the

two measures correlated -.20.


Dependent Variables


A likelihood ratio test was also computed to rule out

the possibility that these six variables were statistically

independent. Results indicated at the .01 level of

significance that variables 8 through 13 were not

statistically independent.

Specifically, the correlation between variable 10

(Factor I of the AWS) and variable 11 (Factor II of the

AWS) was significant at the .01 level (r=.83), as was the

correlation between variable 10 and variable 9 (Sex Role

Stereotype Questionnaire), r=.51. That is, individuals who

believe in male superiority and patriarchal social systems

tend to oppose equality for women in education and employ-

ment and to view males and females stereotypically. Also,

























61



variable 11 (Factor II of the AWS) was significantly

correlated with variable 9 (Sex Role Stereotype Question-

naire), r=.40, and with variable 13 (Sex Differences

Questionnaire), r=.37. Both correlations are significant

at the .01 level. That is, individuals who oppose equality

for women in education and employment tend to have a

stereotypic view of males and females and to believe that

male-female differences are biologically determined.










CHAPTER IV


DISCUSSION


The purpose of this study was to determine the

relationship of some emotional factors to attitudes toward

women. More specifically, the aim of this research was to

determine whether the syndrome of traits associated with

traditional attitudes toward women is different from those

characteristics associated with the authoritarian person-

ality. Overall, the results support the expectation that

the individual with traditional attitudes toward women is

characterized by a unique set of needs and traits, which

differs in some fundamental respects from the authoritarian

syndrome. The following discussion will deal first with

the major areas in which these orientations differ, and

then with the relationships between independent variables,

relationships between the dependent variables, method-

ological considerations, and demographic variables.

Finally, some ideas for further investigation will be

proposed.

As summarized in Chapter I, the bulk of the research

in this area portrays the traditional male as a rigid,

authoritarian individual who is conservative in politics

and religion. He is depicted as rather insecure, with a










poor self-concepc and an external locus of control.

Results of the present investigation, while confirming the

findings of Woreli and Worell (1971) that the traditional

male tends to be authoritarian, reveal some interesting

differences between the male with traditional attitudes

toward women (hereafter termed the traditional male) and

the authoritarian male.

First, in contrast to the authoritarian person who

indicates no significant need for dominance in this study

on either self-report or projective measures, the tradi-

tional male acknowledges a high need for dominance.

Apparently he views this as a socially acceptable need

which he feels free to admit to himself and others. He

does not seem to be characterized by a repressed or

unconscious need for dominance, as indicated by the near

zero correlations between TAT dominance ratings and

measures of attitudes toward women. These results seem to

contradict the findings of Mauch (1972) in which the need

for power was found to be positively correlated with a

stereotypic view of males and females. But this apparent

contradiction may be accounted for by the conceptual

differences between the two needs. [See Uleman (1971), for

an extensive comparison of the need for dominance as

defined by Murray (1938), the need for power described by

Veroff (1958), and the need for influence.]

Next, results of this study indicate that the tradi-

tional male tends to experience a high level of conscious










sex guilt, as opposed to the authoritarian male who seems

to be characterized by a somewhat lower level of sex guilt.

[Note: The difference between 1) the correlation of

traditional attitudes toward women and sex guilt, and

2) the correlation of authoritarianism and sex guilt, is

not statistically significant, but the data seem to suggest

that conscious sex guilt is more closely associated with

traditional attitudes toward women than with authoritar-

ianism.] Considering the similarities between the tradi-

tional male and the authoritarian male, one might argue

that the significant correlation between sex guilt and

attitudes toward women can be explained most simply by the

common link of sex guilt and bias against women with a

conservative orientation toward social issues. However,

the significant correlations between Mosher scores and

traditional attitudes toward women which remain when

authoritarianism is held constant suggest that conscious

sex guilt is uniquely related to attitudes toward women.

One interpretation of these data is that conscious sex

guilt is more crucial in determining attitudes toward

women than attitudes toward other minority groups. But the

data do not support the interpretation that projected or

unconscious sex guilt plays a significant role in deter-

mining bias against women as proposed by Greer (1971).

Rather than being more highly correlated with a traditional

orientation than is conscious sex guilt, the ratings for

less conscious sex guilt fail to show any significant











correlation with the traditional orientation toward women.

At this point a more definitive explanation of the

relationship between sex guilt and attitudes toward women

awaits further investigation.

One additional note of interest in this area is the

negative correlation between authoritarianism and less

conscious sex guilt. Apparently the nonauthoritarian

person also has negative feelings about sex, but these are

not consistent with his liberal belief system. That is,

sex guilt is not acceptable in this person's ideological

framework and thus remains less conscious or repressed.

That this pattern does not hold true for the individual

with liberal attitudes toward women further supports the

idea that sex guilt stands in a different relationship to

attitudes toward women than to attitudes toward other

minority groups.

The third major independent variable to be considered

in this study, the need for succorance, was not found to be

significantly related to attitudes toward women, while the

less conscious need for succorance was found to charac-

terize the authoritarian male. These findings suggest that

the picture of an insecure, dependent individual who clings

to traditional social structures is a more accurate

description of the authoritarian male than of the male with

traditional attitudes toward women. These results do not

appear to support Janeway's theory that the need for

mothering is crucial in determining attitudes toward women.










However, the pattern of positive correlations between the

less conscious need for succorance and traditional

attitudes toward women, while nonsignificant, seems to

suggest that some low order relationship may exist between

the need for succorance and attitudes toward women.

Perhaps a more accurate test of Janeway's theory

might be facilitated by rating TAT stories more explicitly

for the need for mothering rather than the need for

succorance. The succorance rating scale employed in this

study adhered closely to Murray's (1938) original defini-

tion. Thus, this category included any show of affection

or concern between characters, including equals such as

friends or lovers. A need for mothering rating scale

could be limited to descriptions of dependent characters

receiving affection or support from older or nurturing

figures (e.g., mother, father, physician, nurse).

At any rate, the data suggest that neither the

authoritarian person nor the individual with a traditional

orientation toward women finds the need for succorance

personally or socially acceptable. That is, the need for

succorance on self-report measures showed no significant

correlation with attitudes toward women or with authori-

tarianism, while the indirect measure of succorance showed

higher correlations with both syndromes.

An additional finding regarding both the authoritarian

and the male with a traditional orientation toward women is

the failure of either individual to strongly advocate










traditional sexual and social behavior for women.

Correlations between traditional attitudes regarding sexual

and social behavior (Factor III of the Attitudes Toward

Women Scale) and other measures of a traditional crienta-

tion were relatively low, falling just under the .05 level

of significance. Particularly surprising was the finding

that males with a high need for dominance, while favoring

a traditional role for women in the home, in education and

in employment, support liberal sexual and social behavior

for women (r=-.29).

This apparent discrepancy may be accounted for by

rapidly changing standards for sexual and social behavior

among undergraduates. According to results of a massive

yearly survey of over 250,000 entering college freshmen

(1967-1974) reported by Bayer and Cutton (1976), attitudes

regarding women's role in society and employment oppor-

tunities for women have changed rapidly in the last ten

years. The percentage of undergraduates agreeing to the

statement "The activities of married women are best

confined to the home and family" fell from 57% in 1967 to

30% in 1974. Quite possibly, changes in attitudes regard-

ing the sexual and social behavior for women have preceded

changes in attitudes regarding women's role in the family

and society. Thus, undergraduates who are traditional in

their attitudes regarding women's status in society may be

less traditional in their attitudes regarding sexual and

social behavior.










One alternative explanation for the negative correla-

tion between the need for dominance and traditional

attitudes toward women might be that males with a high

need for dominance endorse standards which enable women to

be more easily dominated sexually. However, analysis of

items in Factor III of the AWS dealing specifically with

sexual behavior would be necessary in order to test the

validity of this explanation.

(It should be remembered in interpreting any of the

above-mentioned data that the correlations between

variables are rather low, overall, although several reach

significance due to the large sample size.)


Demographic Variables


The failure of the tests for demographic variables to

reach significance indicates that the findings concerning

the relationships between independent and dependent

variables are not confounded by the individual's religion,

political orientation, parents' income or parents' level of

education. These results seem to contradict the findings

of Baker (1972) and Pawlicki and Almquist (1973), who found

a variety of demographic variables to influence attitudes

toward women. It may be noted that the subjects in both of

these studies were females, and the findings of the present

study may indicate that these variables are less important

in determining attitudes toward women among male under-

graduates than among females. Also, this population of










introductory psychology students was relatively homogeneous

in regard to socioeconomic status, background, and

political orientation. Quite possibly, these similarities

outweighed any variation that might be expected due to

religion. These findings suggest that investigators in

this area who use psychology students as subjects might

well strive to achieve a better balance of conservative and

liberal students in order to avoid assessing only students

in the more liberal end of the spectrum.


Independent Variables


An interesting comparison of direct and indirect

measures of the same traits is provided in this study.

Although not significant, the positive correlation between

a self-report measure of the need for dominance and

dominance ratings on the TAT (r=.22) suggests that the need

for dominance is seen as socially acceptable by under-

graduate males. On the other hand, the nonsignificant,

negative correlation between a self-report and an indirect

measure of sex guilt (r=-.20) suggests that sex guilt is

seen as socially or personally acceptable by some students

but is unacceptable to others. This negative correlation

might also be seen to suggest that conscious and uncon-

scious sex guilt involve some qualitatively different

feelings with different underlying dynamics.

The significant correlation between TAT ratings for

dominance and ratings for sex guilt might be taken to










indicate confusion of the judges in regard to these two

variables. However, their differential correlations with

the F Scale suggests that this was not the case. Rather,

it appears that there is some tendency for males with a

less conscious need for dominance to be characterized by a

less conscious sex guilt.


Dependent Variables


The significant, positive correlations between

dependent variables suggests the Sex Differences Question-

naire, the Sex-Role Stereotype Questionnaire, and the

Attitudes Toward Women Scale are measuring similar

orientations toward women. The two notable exceptions to

this pattern among the dependent variables are the Goldberg

Misogyny Test and Factor III of the AWS. As discussed

above, Factor III of the AWS taps attitudes concerning the

sexual and social behavior of women rather than opinions

about the status of women in the family and society. Thus,

it is not surprising that this variable has different

implications for undergraduate males and is not highly

correlated with the remaining dependent variables.

The failure of scores on the Coldberg Misogyny Test to

correlate significantly with either the independent

variables or the dependent variables quite likely resulted

from the manner in which this test was adapted for use in

this study. Although the average scores given to male

authors were significantly (p=.001) more favorable than the











average scores given to female authors when ratings given

by all subjects were averaged, the difference between

scores given to female authors and male authors by an

individual was apparently not a sensitive measure of bias

against women. Probably the variation of individual scores

was due to several factors such as individual preference

for a subject or a particular writing style, in addition to

bias against female authors. Thus, the individual scores

were not meaningful in terms of bias against women and did

not correlate significantly with other measures of atti-

tudes toward women.


Methodological Considerations


All conclusions drawn from this study must be limited

to an undergraduate male population at a Southern state

university. Generalizations to other age groups or even to

undergraduates in other geographical areas must be made

with some caution. The use of young adult males as sub-

jects may be seen as advantageous in this subject area

since the effects of personal experience are minimized

somewhat in this population. As Tavris (1972) noted,

personal experience plays a sizeable role in determining

the attitudes of both males and females toward women's

liberation. More specifically, she found that divorced

males were more in favor of women's liberation than were

single or married males. Since the population in the

present study was comprised primarily of single, young











(18-20) males, we might assume that their opinions were

less influenced by their own experience than was true of

the older population studied by Tavris. That is, the

attitudes of these subjects are likely to be a more direct

reflection of cultural mythology and individual emotional

factors without the confounding effects of personal

experience.

Contrary to the conclusions of Leiman and Epstein

(1961) that TAT rating scales were not likely to provide

meaningful, quantifiable information regarding sex guilt,

the rating scale employed here (see Appendix B) was found

to allow for high inter-rater agreement, and to correlate

significantly with an established instrument (the Cali-

fornia F Scale). Leiman and Epstein were unable to obtain

inter-rater agreement with a sex guilt rating scale for the

TAT and attributed this difficulty to the "dearth and

vagueness of the guilt responses themselves." They

concluded that sexual guilt "was manifested by avoidance

of sexual themes rather than by guilt themes" (1961,

p. 170). In order to allow for the likelihood that some

subjects might indeed indicate sexual anxiety and guilt in

this manner, the sex guilt rating scale employed in this

study included scores for more or less direct expression of

guilt as well as for the omission of any mention of sexual

imagery on the cards with high sexual relevance. Thus,

either the mention of misgivings about sex, misfortune

befalling a character following sexual activity, or the


























omission of any reference to a sexual relationship on

cards which strongly implied such a relationship, were

scored for sex guilt. The scoring categories for sexual

imagery as well as the expression of sex guilt were

modeled after those discussed by Clark (1952).

The negative correlation (r=-.20) of scores on this

rating scale with Mosher Sex Guilt scores seems to suggest

that the two instruments are tapping different aspects of

sex guilt (i.e., more or less conscious guilt feelings).

This rating scale might well be employed in conjunction

with the Mosher Inventory in future investigations

involving this variable.











APPENDIX A


QUESTIONNAIRE


TAT Instructions


This is a test of imagination. I am going to show

you some pictures, one at a time; and your task will be

to make up as dramatic a story as you can for each. Tell

what has led up to the event shown in the picture, describe

what is happening at the moment, what the characters are

feeling and thinking; and then give the outcome. Write

your thoughts as they come to your mind. Since you have

thirty-five minutes for seven stories, you can devote about

five minutes to each story.


Literature Rating Test


In this booklet you will find excerpts of six

articles, written by six different authors in six different

professional fields. At the end of each article you will

find several questions which are to be answered before you

proceed to the next article. You are not presumed to be

sophisticated or knowledgeable in all the fields. We are

interested in the ability of college students to make

critical evaluations of professional literature.











Cylinder, Sphere, and Cone


Joseph W. Banks


To achieve a balance between external nature and
the exigencies of the painting on a flat surface, Cezanne
had to be a master juggler. He painfully adjusted and
readjusted his color dabs and rhythmic contour lines,
insisting on sitting after sitting from his human models,
which nearly drove them to distraction. The explicit
definition of the edges of forms was always just avoided
lest line harden into decoration. He reversed perspective,
placing the culminating point of objects in the foreground,
and at that point he made color richest. He also distorted
the normal pattern of optical perspective by tilting
up the horizontal plane of a retreating road or the
hole at the mouth of a jug so that they came forward,
or by bending the side of a house toward the spectator.
Or he might paint a landscape from several different
points of view and positions to reveal more of its
surface than is normally seen. In short, he painted
conceptually but still included the perceptual sensuous
truth of nature.

In C6zanne we find, too, a quality of tension that
can be compared to seventeenth-century "metaphysical"
poetry. Lyrical sensations of nature and remarkable
powers of abstraction are combined at high pressure.
The content of C4zanne's thought and his "plastic"
ideas are as concrete and apprehensible as the sensuous
data of nature. A delicate pattern that pine branches
make against the sea or the evocative immediacy of
nature's fresh green are no less real for us in the
abstract formulation C6zanne gives them. The artist
sealed in one stroke the breach of form and content
that had ruled painting since the death of Giotto.

Because the life or death of his canvas hinged on
an accumulation of minute adjustments of color, C6zanne's
paintings sometimes seem either overdeveloped or incom-
plete. An arabesque freezes, the dynamic operation
of the many-faceted surface exhausts the eye, or the
iron rule of form and structure becomes oppressive.
His towering humility before nature and a chance phrase
in a letter to the dealer Vollard, confessing an inability
to "realize," have unfortunately exaggerated these
failures. C4zanne's anxieties are no measure of his
very grand achievement; indeed, his last works are
sometimes more rewarding considered in series rather
than as intact achievements. There are certain key

















canvases--two or three versions of the Card-players,
bathers in a landscape, a number of stiil lifes, Views
of Mont Sainte-Victoire--that sum up his methods in a
masterpiece. But their meaning is enlarged if we think
of even these paintings as thematic variations in one
great fugue on nature's grandeur, and as part of an
inexhaustible plastic invention.

Despite his concentration on formal structure and
pure pictorial values, C4zanne never relinquished the
feeling for light and air that he acquired from Pissarro
and the Impressionists. As his art progressed, he
thinned his pigment so that the white surface lightened
tones as it may do in water colors. During his later
years he very often worked in water color directly
in a manner that was both suggestive and abstract.
Cdzanne sought in these tenuous impressions to express
not the accidental, shifting iridescence of nature as
the Impressionists had done, but its intrinsic color
in all its intensity. He chose Provence as a painting
locale because the even Mediterranean light gave a
sharp, unchanging exposure to his motifs; the placid
skies of Provence allowed color to burn with an undiffused
brightness. And in the clarity of a southern atmosphere,
Cezanne felt the sympathetic presence of the great
classical masters, of Poussin and the Italians. In
his own phrase, he wished to "redo nature after Poussin."

The rational and classical quality of his art is
all the more remarkable in view of C6zanne's early
struggles with his own exuberant and undisciplined
nature. It took an enormous exercise of will to master
a turbulent emotional life. The general picture of the
artist is based on his mature personality and is that
of the "hyper-bourgeois" of fanatical conservatism; a
solitary, entrenched in home and church and darkly
suspicious of new ideas. Yet in his youth C4zanne
was the most defiant of rebels and the prototype of the
romantic bohemian.











Answer the f'llo'.wtini questions by circling the
one response to -jeac'i ques-jor. \hi.ch most c-learly reflects
your opinion Work quickly and answer all questions.


1. How valuable for the general reader would you consider
Mr. Banks' article to be?

1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable
3. some value 4. little value 5. no value

2. How valuable for the professional person in the
field would you consider Mr. Banks' article to be?

1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable
3. some value 4. little value 5. no value

3. Quite aside from content, how effective would you
judge Mr. Banks' writing style to be?

1. extremely effective 2. moderately effective
3. partially effective 4. moderately ineffec-
tual 5. extremely ineffectual

4. Based on this article, what would you judge Mr. Banks'
professional competence to be?

1. extremely competent 2. above average
competence 3. average competence 4. below
average competence 5. incompetent

5. To what extent did you agree with Mr. Banks' point
of view?

1. complete agreement 2. great deal of
agreement 3. partial agreement 4. little
agreement 5. complete disagreement

6. How profound would you judge Mr. Banks' article to be?

1. extremely profound 2. moderately profound
3. somewhat profound 4. little profundity
5. not at all profound

7. Based on your reading of this article, what would
you guess Mr. Banks' status in his field to be?

1. a leader in the field 2. important person
in the field 3. average status 4. less than
average status 5. little or no status in the
profession





























78



8. To what e::tent did Mr. Banks sway your opinions about
the issues discussed in his article?


1. completely
4. very little


2. a great deal 3. somewhat
5. not at all


9. If you were to assign a grade to Mr. Banks' article,
what would it be?

1. A 2. B 3. C 4. D 5. F











Readiness for Learning


Pauline L. Conger


What is most important for teaching basic concepts
is that the child be helped to pass progressively from
concrete thinking to the utilization of more conceptually
adequate modes of thought. But it is futile to attempt
this by presenting formal explanations based on a logic
that is distant from the child's manner of thinking and
sterile in its implications for him. Much teaching in
mathematics is of this sort. The child learns not
to understand mathematical order but rather to apply
certain devices or recipes without understanding their
significance and connectedness. They are not translated
into his way of thinking. Given this inappropriate
start, he is easily led to believe that the important
thing is for him to be "accurate"--rhough accuracy
has less to do with mathematics than with computation.
Perhaps the most striking example of this type of thing
is to be found in the manner in which the high school
student meets Euclidian geometry for the first time, as
a set of axioms and theorems, without having had some
experience with simple geometric configurations and the
intuitive means whereby one deals with them. If the
child were earlier given the concepts and strategies
in the form of intuitive geometry at a level that he
could easily follow, he might be far better able to
grasp deeply the meaning of the theorems and axioms to
which he is exposed later.

But the intellectual development of the child is
no clockwork sequence of events; it also responds to
influences from the environment, notably the school
environment. Thus instruction in scientific ideas,
even at the elementary level, need not follow slavishly
the natural course of cognitive development in the child.
It can also lead intellectual development by providing
challenging but usable opportunities for the child to
forge ahead in his development. Experience has shown
that it is worth the effort to provide the growing
child with problems that tempt him into next stages of
development. In teaching from kindergarten to graduate
school, I have been amazed at the intellectual similarity
of human beings at all ages, although children are
perhaps more spontaneous, creative, and energetic than
adults. As far as I am concerned young children learn
almost anything faster than adults do if it can be given
to them in terms they understand. Giving the material
to them in terms they understand, interestingly enough,
turns out to involve knowing the mathematics oneself,


























and the better one knows it, the better it can be taught.
It is appropriate that we warn ourselves to be careful
of assigning an absolute level of difficulty to any
particular topic. When I tell mathematicians that
fourth-grade students can go a long way into "set theory"
a few of them reply: "Of course." Most of them are
startled. The latter ones are completely wrong in
assuming that "set theory" is intrinsically difficult.
Of course it may be that nothing is intrinsically difficult.
We just have to wait until the proper point of view and
corresponding language for presenting it are revealed.
Given particular subject matter or a particular concept,
it is easy to ask trivial questions or to lead the
child to ask trivial questions. It is also easy to ask
impossibly difficult questions. The trick is to find
the medium questions that can be answered and that
take you somewhere. This is the big job of teachers
and textbooks. One leads the child by the well-wrought
"medium questions" to move more rapidly through the
stages of intellectual development, to a deeper under-
standing of the mathematical, physical, and historical
principles. We must know far more about the ways in
which this can be done.











Answer the following questions by circling the one
response to each question which most clearly reflects
your opinion. Work quickly and answer all questions.


1. How valuable for the general reader would you consider
Miss Conger's article to be?

1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable
3. some value 4. little value 5. no value

2. How valuable for the professional person in the field
would you consider Miss Conger's article to be?

1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable
3. some value 4. little value 5. no value

3. Quite aside from content, how effective would you
judge Miss Conger's writing style to be?

1. extremely effective 2. moderately effective
3. partially effective 4. moderately ineffec-
tual 5. extremely ineffectual

4. Based on this article, what would you judge Miss
Conger's professional competence to be?

1. extremely competent 2. above average
competence 3. average competence 4. below
average competence 5. incompetent

5. To what extent did you agree with Miss Conger's
point of view?

1. complete agreement 2. great deal of
agreement 3. partial agreement 4. little
agreement 5. complete disagreement

6. How profound would you judge Miss Conger's article
to be?

1. extremely profound 2. moderately profound
3. somewhat profound 4. little profundity
5. not at all profound

7. Based on your reading of this article, what would
you guess Miss Conger's status in her field to be?

1. a leader in the field 2. important person
in the field 3. average status 4. less than
average status 5. little or no status in the
profession




























82



8. To what extent did Miss Conger sway your opinions
about the issues discussed in her article?

1. completely 2. a great deal 3. somewhat
4. very little 5. not at all

9. If you were to assign a grade to Miss Conger's
article, what would it be?

1. A 2. B 3. C 4. D 5. F










Sense and Nonsense About N~trition


Stephen Wilson Hamilton


Question: A radio broadcaster says that lack of Vitamin E
in the diet of a father before conception may cause
abnormalities in his children. Should he take extra
vitamin E as a precautionary measure?
Answer: He should not. There is no scientific evidence
to support this notion.
Question: I have been told that the sugar in dates is
not absorbed in the bloodstream and is therefore safe
for diabetics. True?
Answer: You have been told, but not the truth. The
sugar in dates is well absorbed, as is the sugar in all
foods.
Question: Will two teaspoons of apple-cider vinegar
taken in a glass of water at each meal thin your blood?
Answer: What makes you think your blood needs thinning,
or thickening? In either case, vinegar would have no
effect on it. Moreover, if you added honey to the
vinegar it would not affect any arthritis you may have,
and most of us have some.

I have a thousand such questions in my files.
And new ones keep coming in response to a syndicated
column I have been writing for the past four years.
To my surprise I have found there is little difference
between the queries from people of modest schooling and
those from college graduates. Indeed, I am beginning
to think that the better educated a man is, the greater
his skill in summoning up pseudoscience to support the
latest food fad.

To be sure, he never uses this term. He takes
his delusions seriously, as did our forebears who--from
earliest recorded history--have attributed magical
powers, both good and bad, to food. Sea salt was perhaps
the first nutritional myth to gain a commercial foothold
in this country. In his delightful book on quackery,
Dr. Hames H. Young reports that a Massachusetts Bay
colonist was fined five pounds in 1630 for vending
sea water to cure scurvy. Today, although the Food and
Drug Administration has brought numerous actions against
the purveyors, sea-salt tablets are still widely sold,
mainly to elderly people who believe they will restore
vigor and cure assorted ailments.

Of course, they can do no such thing. Nor is
there any evidence that beets build blood (not even
Harvard beets). Fish and celery are not brain foods;










and yogurt--alas--will not keep one young, though all
of us in our mid-fifties wish it would.

In a few instances, the seemingly uncanny powers
of certain foods have been scientifically explained.
We now know, for example, that limes or lemons cured
scurvy because of their vitamin C content. Rice polishings
prevented beriberi by reason of the vitamin B or
thiamine they provided. An ancient treatmentlfor goiter
was dried or burned sponge, which is a rich source of
iodine. Sometimes a half-truth or a distorted scientific
fact will give rise to a food myth. For example, carrots,
as is often said, can be "good for the eyes." But only
if you have not been getting sufficient vitamin A for
some time. The human body converts carotene, the yellow
pigment of carrots, into this vitamin which is needed
to form an essential pigment (rhodopsin) of the retina.
However, there is also plenty of carotene in green vege-
tables where its yellow color is masked by chlorophyll.
So green vegetables can be equally "good for the eyes."

Will plenty of rare steak make you strong? Certainly
it is rich in good quality protein. But so are fish,
eggs, milk--and overcooked steak. You can get equally
strong on a diet of the right cereals and legumes plus
a small amount of animal protein to supply certain
amino acids which the body cannot get from any other
source.

To say all this--as I have been doing, for many
years in writing and in person--will not, I know, have
an immediate effect on your consumption of carrots or
steak. Eating habits are deeply rooted in our nature
and culture and it takes a long time to alter our tastes
or whittle away our prejudices. Most people, in fact,
have an extraordinary way of adapting scientific infor-
mation to their own whims and preconceptions.

A striking example of such perversity was reported
a few years ago by Dr. Edward Welling, an anthropologist
of Harvard's Department of Nutrition, after an expedition
to Peru. There he studied the maternal and infant
feeding practices of the 230 residents of Espinos.
He described these villagers, culturally typical of the
area, as "neither Indian, Spanish, nor modern Latin-
American but a mixture of all three." He found them
"industrious, dignified, and poor." They had little
formal education. But public-health officials, nurses,
doctors, and teachers had been carrying on a continuing
educational program among them for some years. However,
Espinos mothers clung obdurately to their own nutritional
myths. They had been told by the health experts, for
example, that colostrum--the secretion of the mother's










breasts right after birth--is a desirable food for the
baby because it is high in vitamins and minerals and
provides antibodies to help ward off infection. But
the women of Espinos believe that colostrum blocks the
milk flow, that it may foul the child's stomach and
even kill it. So the mother carefully squeezes the
colostrum from her breasts and buries it in the ground.

She is also aware that her diet during pregnancy
and lactation influences her health and her child's.
Accordingly, she reduces her intake of meat, eggs, fresh
fruit, and vegetables while pregnant, and, as always,
drinks very little milk. Her fare consists of the usual
corn, beans, squash, rice, tea, and stews, despite the
contrary urging of experts.

Health workers have sung the praises of orange
juice and the villagers now accept it as desirable for
adults, particularly the sick, and for children of
school age. But no mother will give it to a baby,
being convinced that an infant who is still on milk
should get nothing else.

As to vitamins in general--public-health workers
and relatives living in cities have persuaded the villagers
that vitamins exist and that they impart substance and
vigor to certain foods. However, they interpret and
apply this knowledge in their own fashion. They regard
vitamins as too "strong" for infants and too "fattening"
for pregnant women. Thus they endow all foods known to
be very nourishing or fattening with a high vitamin
content. One woman explained that although she loved
beef and fish-head soup she passed up both during her
pregnancy "because they had too many vitamins."

Ludicrous as these noticns may seem, not a few
Americans have equally weird ideas about vitamin pills--
particularly the belief that if you gulp enough of them,
you will be adequately nourished. In fact, vitamins
are simply catalysts which enable other nutrients to
function more effectively. Furthermore--contrary to
popular myth--there is no reason to increase your con-
sumption of vitamins as you grow older. They serve
primarily to help metabolize food and thus to produce
energy and build, maintain, and repair body tissues.
Since total food intake diminishes (or should diminish)
with the years, the elderly in general have less need
for vitamins than younger folk. At any age, whether
a given individual needs extra vitamins is a decision
for his doctor to make.

In matters of nutrition, however, all too many
Americans prefer to take their counsel from TV commercials,

























86



an oracular voice on the radio or a newspaper report
on the latest diet fad. A women's magazine editor recently
told me that his readers feel neglected unless he publishes
a new diet every other month. "You need some gimmick,"
he said with a long sigh.

At best, most of these gimmicks are worthless. One
of the most ridiculous was the Hay diet of the 1930's,
which prompted a lot of people to cut and eat hay fresh
from the fields. Actually the diet was the invention
of W. H. Hay, M.D., whose gimmick was a prohibition
against eating protein and carbohydrates at the same
meal. Since many individual foods contain both these
components, the injunction is senseless. But though
the Hay diet is forgotten, the notion persists that
meat and potatoes--or some other combinations of foods--
is bad for you.











Answer the followira questions b'y ircling the one
response to each question which most clearly reflects
your opinion. Work quickly and answer all questions.


1. How valuable for the general reader would you consider
Mr. Hamilton's article to be?

1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable
3. some value 4. little value 5. no value

2. How valuable for the professional person in the field
would you consider Mr. Hamilton's article to be?

1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable
3. some value 4. little value 5. no value

3. Quite aside from content, how effective would you
judge Mr. Hamilton's writing style to be?

1. extremely effective 2. moderately effective
3. partially effective 4. moderately ineffec-
tual 5. extremely ineffectual

4. Based on this article, what would you judge Mr.
Hamilton's professional competence to be?

1. extremely competent 2. above average
competence 3. average competence 4. below
average competence 5. incompetent

5. To what extent did you agree with Mr. Hamilton's
point of view?

1. complete agreement 2. great deal of
agreement 3. partial agreement 4. little
agreement 5. complete disagreement

6. How profound would you judge Mr. Hamilton's article
to be?

1. extremely profound 2. moderately profound
3. somewhat profound 4. little profundity
5. not at all profound

7. Based on your reading of this article, what would
you guess Mr. Hamilton's status in his field to be?

1. a leader in the field 2. important person
in the field 3. average status 4. less
than average status 5. little or no status
in the profession





























88



8. To what extent did Mr. Hamilton sway your opinions
about the issues discussed in his article?

1. completely 2. a great deal 3. somewhat
4. very little 5. not at all

9. If you were to assign a grade to Mr. Hamilton's
article, what would it be?

1. A 2. B 3. C 4. D 5. F











Speech, Conversation, and Language


Joan T. McKay


The first and most obvious assumption of the science
of language is that there is a language. But this is
precisely what is uncertain. For just as it does not
follow from the existence of theology that there is a
God, nor from geometrical theorems about the circle or
triangle that such things exist in reality, so the
whole of philology is no proof of the existence of a
language. To begin with, there actually is no language,
but only speech: my speech, your speech, our speech
now and here, today and yesterday. But our speech
is not yet a language, it is at most conversation.
And even this would have to be doubted if my speech
were not heard and understood and answered in some
way by someone else. If I were the only one in the
whole world who spoke, there would not only be no language,
there would not even be speech, not even my speech.
How can I be sure, how can I know that I am speaking
when no one hears me, no one understands, no one answers--
no one; therefore not even myself? In order to be
sure of my speaking, I must at least be able to hear,
understand and answer my own speech. Speaking, hearing,
understanding, answering or speaking again: all these
belong together and form a circle, within which real
speech or conversation are circumscribed and guaranteed.

We have already used the expression speaking in
two senses: first in the abstract one of an individual
act of speaking, and then in the fuller one of conversa-
tion. It is only the second kind, speaking that is
listened to with understanding, is answered, and is
assured of reality, in other words, conversation, which
is living and concrete speech.

It is generally assumed that for conversation
several persons are necessary, or at least two: a Jones
who speaks to a Smith. That is not so; everyone can
speak to himself. At least three or four factors such
as feeling, thinking, speaking, understanding, hearing,
answering, are necessary to speech, but not two persons.
This does not mean that soliloquy is the original form
of conversation; but it is the simplest. It is the
simplest conceivable, which does not mean the most
natural, but only the most simplified.

There is little sense in asking which came first,
conversation with oneself or with others, monologue
or dialogue. Quite primitive people, children and
















drunkards, often talk to themselves, one can, of course,
assume that they believe someone else to be present who
is talking to them. On the other hand there are many
highly educated people who never say an audible word
to themselves, and yet spend their whole life in inner
soliloquy: great recluses, silent dreamers and thinkers,
who from without can hardly be induced to break their
silence, so deeply are they immersed in dialogue with
their Self. It is as useless for the history of language
to inquire whether monologue or dialogue came first,
as it is for the history of literature to inquire whether
the lyric, the epic, or the drama is the first-born.
Both questions resemble the jejune problem, which of
the numbers one, two, three came first. The lyric is
the outpouring of the lonely heart; for the epic a hearer
is needed; and the drama presupposes at least three
persons or situations: protagonist, antagonist, and
spectator, all of which, it is true, the poet can represent
himself, just as in a song a hundred minds and voices
can flow together into a choir. So here, too, it is a
question of situations, not of persons; and if we begin
to number such aspects one, two, three, we shall have
grasped the first one fully only after the third and
last has been apprehended. No one can speak who cannot
understand and answer. The parrot can perform the external
act of speaking; but he cannot make conversation. He
does not understand himself. He is at most an individual,
and not a personality.

In attempting to lay the foundation of philology,
the concept of the individual should be avoided, and
should be replaced by that of the person. For in a
conversation only the one who plays a part counts, not
one who accidentally happens to be present. Indeed,
as we have seen, the person has to take part both of
hearer and of speaker; but then he is sufficient unto
himself for carrying on a conversation and needs no
second, since he is his own partner. "Person" and "part"
are so closely interwoven with the concept and the meaning
of persona, that although several parts or persons can
be thought of as united in one person, no person can
be thought of without a part.











Answer the following questions by circling the one
response to eacn question which most clearly reflects
your opinion. Work quickly and answer all questions.


1. How valuable for the general reader would you consider
Miss McKay's article to be?

1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable
3. some value 4. little value 5. no value

2. How valuable for the professional person in the field
would you consider Miss McKay's article to be?

1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable
3. some value 4. little value 5. no value

3. Quite aside from content, how effective would you
judge Miss McKay's writing style to be?

1. extremely effective 2. moderately effective
3. partially effective 4. Moderately ineffec-
tual 5. extremely ineffectual

4. Based on this article, what woald you judge Miss
McKay's professional competence to be?

1. extremely competent 2. above average
competence 3. average competence 4. below
average competence 5. incompetent

5. To what extent did you agree with Miss McKay's
point of view?

1. complete agreement 2. great deal of
agreement 3. partial agreement 4. little
agreement 5. complete disagreement

6. How profound would you judge Miss McKay's article
to be?

1. extremely profound 2. moderately profound
3. somewhat profound 4. little profundity
5. not at all profound

7. Based on your reading of this article, what would
you guess Miss McKay's status in her field to be?

1. a leader in the field 2. important person
in the field 3. average status 4. less
than average status 5. little or no status
in the profession

































8. To what extent did Miss McKay sway your opinions
about the issues discussed in her article?


1. completely
4. very little


2. a great deal 3. somewhat
5. not at all


9. If you were to assign a grade to Miss McKay's article,
what would it be?

1. A 2. B 3. C 4. D 5. F










A Post Mortem of the Eichmann Case


Louise Morgan Michaels


The majority of legal commertators on the Eichmann
case have upheld the right of the State of Israel, in
conformity with international law, to try the kidnapped
Adolph Eichmann in an Israeli court under an admittedly
extra-territorial and retroactive Israeli law. Most
writers go no further in the review of the case, con-
sidering the legal matter closed upon the determination
of legality. But the unfortunate truth appears to be
that the legality of the Eichmann case is not derived
from the particular compliance of this case with some
high and taxing standards of the law, but from the
general permissiveness of the applicable international
law, under which, apparently, "every independent state
has jurisdiction to punish war criminals in its custody
regardless of the nationality of the victim, the time
it entered the war, or the place where the offense was
committed."

Indeed, even some of the commentators who found
the Charter of the Nuremberg Tribunal objectionable
on the ground that it penalized political offenses (such
as "crime against peace") hitherto not recognized in
international law, have not made the same objection to
the trial of Eichmann, who was tried and convicted for
"crime against humanity" (of which the "crime against
Jews" is a mere particularization) and "war crime"--
both of which have had a longer history and recognition
in international law.

The fact that the trial of Eichmann did not constitute
a violation of international law, fails to answer com-
pletely the question whether Israel's conduct in this
case conforms to the standards of international conduct
required to meet the growing needs of a world society
striving for a greater degree of order and security
through more effective standards of world law. As has
been providently pointed out, "the important thing is
that the trial and judgement shall not only be but appear
to be just and fair, and shall contribute to the growth
of law among the nations."

The trial of Eichmann complied with only a part of
this admonition. It is undeniable that the actual
conduct of Eichmann's public trial complied with a high
standard of judicial process and also effectively conveyed
this impression to the world community. But while in
the long run the case will in most likelihood help fortify




Full Text

PAGE 1

SOME CORRELATES OF ATTITUDES TOWARD WOMEN AMONG UNDERGRADUATE MALES By LILLIAN CAROL BUTLER A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF TEE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 197 5

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The author wishes to express her appreciation to the members of her Supervisory Committee, Dr. Audrey Schumacher, Chairman; Dr. Franz Epting; Dr. Harry Grater; Dr. Richard Haynes; and Dr. Mary McCaulley for encouragement and aid rendered in the development of this study.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ii LIST OF TABLES v ABSTRACT vi CHAPTER I . INTRODUCTION 1 II. METHOD 32 Subjects 32 Procedure 32 Experimenters • . 33 Measures 3 4 III. RESULTS 17 Agreement of Judges Rating TAT Stories . 47 Multivariate Analysis of Variance .... 48 Hypotheses 52 Demographic Variables 58 Factor Analysis 59 Independent Variables 59 Dependent Variables SO IV. DISCUSSION ...... 62 Demographic Variables • • 68 Independent. Variables 6 9 Dependent Variables 70 Methodological Considerations ...... 71 APPENDICES A. QUESTIONNAIRE 74 B. DEBRIEFING OF SUEJECTS 132 C. SCORING MANUALS i3 9 D. SPENCE-HELMREICH ATTITUDES TOWARD WOMEN SCALE --FACTORS I, II AND III 170

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Pags E. ADDITIONAL TABLES • 1 -7 7 BIBLIOGRAPHY 183 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH . 189

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LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1 Independent and Dependent Variables 49 2 Expected Direction of Correlations for Independent and Dependent Variables . 50 3 Correlation of Independent and Dependent Variables . . 51 4 Multiple Regression Analysis of the Independent Variables on the Dependent Variables 177 5 Multiple Regression Analysis for Demographic Variables 177 6 Regression Coefficients of Independent and Dependent Variables 17 3 7 Factor Analysis of Independent and Dependent Variables 179 8 Mean and Standard Deviation of Independent Variables 180 9 Mean and Standard Deviation of Dependent Variables 180 10 Distribution of Subjects Among Four Major Religious Groupings L &L 11 Distribution of Subjects Among Levels of Political Orientation 13± 12 Distribution of Subjects According to Income of Parents • 182

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Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy SOME CORRELATES OF ATTITUDES TOWARD WOMEN AMONG UNDERGRADUATE MALES By Lillian Carol Butler June, 1976 Chairman: Audrey Schumacher, Ph.D. Major Department: Psychology This was a study of psychological correlates of attitudes toward women's liberation. It was hypothesized that authoritarianism, need for succorance, need for dominance, and sex guilt would be positively correlated with traditional attitudes toward women's liberation. Authoritarianism was defined by scores on the California F Scale, need for succorance by scores on the Personality Research Form and ratings on Thematic Apperception Test (TAT) stories, need for dominance by scores on the Personality Research Form and ratings on TAT stories, and sex guilt by scores on the Mosher Forced-Choice Sex Guilt Inventory and ratings on TAT stories. Attitudes toward women were defined by scores on the Spence-Helmreich Attitudes Toward Women Scale: Factors I, II, and III, the Sex Differences Questionnaire, the Sex-Role Stereotype Questionnaire, and the Goldberg Misogyny Test. Among

PAGE 7

sixty male undergraduates at the University of Florida, results of a multiple regression analysis indicated a significant (p=.05) relationship between sex guilt scores on the Mosher Inventory and traditional attitudes toward women. The need for dominance on the Personality Research Form and authoritarianism were found to be significantly related to traditional attitudes toward women at the .01 and the .05 levels, respectively. Ratings for sex guilt or dominance on the TAT were not found to be significantly related to attitudes toward women, however. The relationship between the need for succorance and traditional attitudes toward women failed to reach significance. Likewise, an investigation of four demographic variables (political orientation, religion, level of income of parents, and parents' level of education) failed to show significant relationships with traditional attitudes toward women. Finally, results of a factor analysis of all thirteen variables failed to show loadings of .40 or more for any variable on the first two factors.

PAGE 8

CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION During the mid-twentieth century there have been a number of dramatic changes in the lives of women in industrial society. Due to the increased efficiency of birth control as well as a variety of social and economic factors, women have fewer children. At the same time, medical advances have prolonged their life span so that modern woman has a large portion of her life in which she is not involved in child care. Typically, by the age of 35, her youngest child is in school. As a result, an increasing number of women have been entering the work force. During World War II large numbers of American women worked out of necessity, many of them in jobs never before filled by women. Then, with the new prosperity of the 1950 's they left the labor force to return to their homes in the suburbs. The new ideal was " togetherness' 1 although families were in reality separated for long periods of time with men commuting to work in the cities. With the 1960 ! s came a new atmosphere of social protest and concern for the rights of minority groups. As racial and ethnic groups began to demand equality, women too voiced discontent with their roles. Betty Friedan's The Feminine Mystique (19 64) was the first of many popular books to

PAGE 9

note that all was not well with the contemporary woman. Better educated than any woman in history, the American woman was still confronted with expectations that she fill the roles of wife, housekeeper, and mother. Involvement in activity outside the home was expected to be secondary to these primary responsibilities. The housewives interviewed by Friedan, however, were clearly not satisfied with this role. They spoke of "the problem" of loneliness and frustration of being isolated in the suburbs with their children and the prospect of having no meaningful function after their children were grown. Numerous other writers (e.g., de Beavoir , 1952; Bird, 1968; Firestone, 1970; Mitchell, 1971) have discussed the problems of woman's role, debated whether her characteristics v:ere innate or socially conditioned, and proposed remedies for the injustices done to women, ranging from equal labor laws and. abortion reform to a social revolution in which the nuclear family would be abolished. Germaine Greer in The Femal e Eunuch (1970) provided a detailed analysis of women's role in Western society and challenged many basic assumptions about male-female differences. Kate Millet (1969) referred to literature to illustrate the subjugation and exploitation of women in sexual and other social contexts. Farturier, a French woman, wrote An Open L etter to Men (1968) countering traditional arguments against the feminist position. In Man's World, Woman's Place (1971), Elizabeth Janeway

PAGE 10

incorporated the perspectives of history, sociology, and anthropology into her investigation of woman ' s role. Basically, she maintained that sex roles stem from social mythology. A myth in this context is a set of beliefs and prescriptions for behavior which are based in emotional needs and desires common to an entire society. Myths about women, Janeway maintained, arise from man's desire to return to a state in which woman — in th^s case his mother — cared for him and was responsive to his every need. Myths affect individuals by defining roles for them to play in society. Janeway defines a role as a "continuity of expected actions in a relationship," a ''ready-made me" which allows the individual to understand other members of society and their actions. If an individual does not conform to his or her role, others do not know how to reciprocate. They react at first with amusement, then hostility. Although roles are necessary to avoid chaos, at times some roles become grossly inappropriate to the situation of the role player. In such instances they are rigid, dehumanizing masks. This is the state of woman's role today, according to Janeway. As woman's role was oeing re-examined in literature, a number of organizations sprang up to promote equal rights for women. In the early 197 's the federal government began to enforce legislation requiring equal employment opportunities for women. There were some changes in the image of women portrayed in the media. However, there was some question as to how much the

PAGE 11

beliefs about women's attributes and expectations for their behavior in the home and society had changed. Indeed, results of a study by Phillip Goldberg (1968) suggested that there was still considerable prejudice concerning women's ability or competency. Forty female undergraduates were asked to rate excerpts from articles in six professional fields. Each article was ascribed to a female author in booklets given to half the subjects and to a male author in booklets for the remaining subjects. Five of the six articles received higher ratings when ascribed to a male author than when ascribed to a female author. Thus, the female subjects demonstrated bias against female authors even in the traditionally "female" field of dietetics, and in the non-sex related cr "neutral" field of linguistics. This study was later replicated with male undergraduates with similar results (Durros and Follett, 1969). In a related study by Pheterson, Kiesler and Goldberg (1971) female undergraduates v/ere asked to evaluate paintings. Again, half the subjects thought a given painting was by a female artist; half were told the artist was a male. In addition, half the subjects were told a given painting was an entry in competition while the remaining subjects were told the painting had won an award in competition. Results indicated bias against female competitors. However, female artists whose work had supposedly won in competition were not discriminated

PAGE 12

against. The authors concluded that women who are attempting tc achieve meet with prejudice, but that women who have already achieved success arc. evaluated as favorably as are men. In this context a number of researchers began to investigate the psycho-social correlates of attitudes toward women. In 1974 Goldberg focused on differences between high and low scorers on his Goldberg Misogyny Test (the task of rating professional articles ascribed to male or female authors described above). He administered the MMPI, the Rotter Incomplete Sentences Test, the F Scale, the Berger Self-Esteem Scale and a biographical questionnaire to high school, college and adult males and females. Findings indicated that biased males (i.e., those who show more bias against female professional authors) are more likely than less biased males to be authoritarian, neurotic, and defensive about their shortcomings. Biased females also tended to be maladjusted, while females in general tended to evidence more conflict than men in their relative perceptions of men and women. Goldberg also reported results of a study by Mauch (1972) in which male undergraduates were given the Winter Need for Power Scale, a TAT rating scale, and the Sex-Role Stereotype Questionnaire. This second measure consists of a series of bipolar phrases on which the subject is asked to rate the average adult male and the average adult female (Rosenkrantz et al . , 1968; Brcverman et al . , 1970). Results indicated that

PAGE 13

males with the most, stereotypic view of males and females had the greatest need for power. A number of studies focused on attitudes toward women's liberation (i.e., toward the rights and social role of women). Worell and Worell ( Psychol ogy Today, 1971, p. 28) investigated the psychological make-up of male and female undergraduates who opposed or supported women's liberation. They found the opposing male to be "more concerned with social status, with being proper and respectable. He tends to be controlled by the opinions of others and has lower confidence in his ability to guide his own destiny. In dealings with other people he is likely to be rigid, conforming, inflexible and submissive to authority." The male who favors women's liberation is "the independent, capable, thoughtful, self-determined man who considers the world from a logical point of view. Because he is secure in his own capabilities and less dependent on the opinion of others, he does not fear social change. Therefore he feels free to accept competition from women and welcomes them as equals." The opposing female, who was similar to the opposing male in being authoritarian and externally controlled was also fearful and excessively neat. The female who supports women's liberation, contrary to the unpleasant stereotypes of "women's libbers" was found to be similar to other women undergraduates except for a "strong desire to be autonomous, independent, selfsufficient and free from external control."

PAGE 14

One surprising result of the Worell study was the finding that the father was apparently an important influence in developing "cohesive attitudinal styles which provide the basics for a negative response to women's liberation." He was a "prime shaper of emotional dependence and attitudes in both male and female opposing groups, while the mother did not seem to influence attitudes towards social change movement." In a study by O'Keefe (1971) , 20 high scorers and 20 low scorers (female undergraduates) on the Women's Liberation Scale were put into task situations--an anagram task and a Prisoner's Dilemma Game — and allowed to choose cooperation or competition with partners. Half of the subjects had female partners and half had male partners. No differences were found between high and lev; scorers, but high WLS women were found to be more achievement oriented, more autonomous, less abasing, and less feminine. They planned fewer children than low scorers and had mothers who worked. Their families were found to earn under $15,000 and to have had high school or less education. Miller (1973) investigated the attitudes of 171 male college sophomores and a non-college population in an industrial setting, using the Women's Liberation Questionnaire by Bove and Miller (1970) . He predicted that students with negative attitudes toward women's liberation would have lower levels of self-esteem than those with positive attitudes toward WLM. This hypothesis was based

PAGE 15

on Rogers' (1959) theory that "persons with weak ego strength would be least able to attain their own goals and would very likely find it extremely difficult to accept the goals and values of others." As predicted, a significant relationship between negative attitudes toward WL and low self-esteem was found in small, private, and predominantly male institutions and in the non-college sample. However, no significant relationship was found in the large, coeducational nonreligiously affiliated institutions. According to the data, Miller noted "it would appear that males who attend these particular large state and non -religiously affiliated institutions were generally more approving of the women ' s movement than the other two populations . " In an article entitled "Who Likes Competent Women?" Spence and Helmreich (1972) compared liberal and traditional undergraduates in their reactions to videotapes of Competent and Incompetent women who were Feminine or Masculine in their interests. Results indicated that female undergraduates rated Competent women with Masculine interests as most likeable. Liberal males rated both the Competent Masculine and Competent Feminine women as likeable, followed by the Incompetent Masculine and the Incompetent Feminine. Traditional males also preferred the Masculine Competent woman. However, they preferred Incompetent Feminine women to either Competent Feminine or Incompetent Masculine

PAGE 16

women. That is, the traditional male believes that "if a woman tries to do 'masculine' things . . . they should be sufficiently 'manly' to do them." However, they seemed to find it more appropriate for Feminine women to be Incompetent . For use in this study, Spence and Helmreich developed the Attitudes Toward Women Scale (AWS) , consisting of 55 items, covering six categories: I. Vocational, Educational, and Intellectual Roles (N=17) , II. Freedom and Independence (N-4), III. Dating, Courtship, and Etiquette (N=7) , IV. Drinking, Swearing, and Dirty Jokes (N=3) , V. Sexual Behavior (N=7), VI. Marital Relationships and Obligations (N=i7). Factor analytic studies revealed varying factor structures for female undergraduates, male undergraduates, mothers of undergraduates, and fathers of undergraduates . The data for female undergraduates revealed two factors: I. Attitudes concerning attributes of the "conventional woman" in her relationship to men, and II. Attitudes concerning equal treatment of men and women in vocational and intellectual endeavors. For undergraduate males the factors were I. Attitudes regarding masculine superiority and the patriarchal family, II. Attidudes concerning equal treatment of men and women in vocational and intellectual endeavors, and III. Attitudes regarding appropriate behavior in social-sexual relationships between men and women.

PAGE 17

10 In 1974 the AWS was evaluated in a validity study by Kilpatrick and Smith. As expected, members of NOW were found to respond more favorably to the items than did a control population of female undergraduates. (According to Spence and Kelmreich, the traditional individual favors traditional sex roles for females (i.e., a subordinate position in the family and society) while the liberal individual favors a more equal status for women. Thus, the traditional person supports cultural traditions and norms, while the liberal person advocates social change. It may also be noted that according to the results of Goldberg (1968) and Broverman et al . (1970) , cultural norms in contemporary society include bias against females in terms of professional competency and standards for mental health. In the present study traditional att itudes toward women will be defined as opposition to equal status for women in the family and society (i.e., higher scores on the AWS), bias against female authors (i.e., higher scores on the Goldberg Misogyny Test) , stereotypic views of males and females (i.e., higher scores on the Sex-Role Stereotype Questionnaire) , and a belief in the biological origin of sex differences (i.e., higher scores on the Sex Differences Questionnaire) . In the only reported study of attitudes of children toward WL, Greenberg (1973) used a questionnaire developed for a sixth grade class. Subjects were 1600 males and

PAGE 18

11 females in grades 4, 6, 3, 10, from both upper and lower SES groups in Long Island. Surprisingly, she found no differences m the attitudes of upper and lower class children. Grade level was found to make some difference; males were found to be more, egalitarian after grade 4 and females after grade G. Notably, in all groups females were found to see women more positively and more optimistically than do males. They are also more favorable to the concept of social change, which will grant women greater participation in the social, economic and political spheres. In a related group of studies, members of women's liberation organizations were compared with nonmembers on a number of personality and demographic variables. Pawlicki and Almquist (1973) administered the California F Scale, the Rotter Internal-External Locus of Control, the Rydell-Rosen Tolerance of Ambiguity Scale and their own questionnaire measuring attitudes toward women's liberation to 44 college females and 31 female members of a national women's liberation organization from a noncollege population. The WL group members differed significantly from the college female nonmembers in that they reported (a) more favorable attitudes toward the women ' s liberation movement, (b) lower levels of authoritarianism, (c) feeling more control over their environment, (d) more tolerance of ambiguity. Demographically , differences were found between the WL group members and college female nonmembers . Statistical analysis showed that these demographic factors were

PAGE 19

related in part to differences between the samples on the measures of Tolerance of Ambiguity and the IE Scale, but not to influence differences on the F Scale. In 1972 Eaker compared members of NOW and members of a Mother's Club on measures of dogmatism, rigidity, alienation, and need for autonomy as well as a semantic differential describing the typical male and the typical female. No difference was found between the two groups on dogmatism. However, members of NOW were found to have greater feelings of alienation, a greater concern with a need for autonomy, and to have a more stereotypic view of males and females at least in regard to the variables Potency and Social Behavior. On rigidity of thought processes members of the Mother's Club were found to score higher. Also, significant differences between the two groups were found on several demographic variables: age, marital status, duration of marriage, number of children, level of education and occupational status (.01), occupational level of spouse, income level, perceptions of mother's favorite child, memory of tomboy phase of development, and parental expectation for college attendance (.05). In another study of dogmatism as related to involvement in the women's liberation movement, Hanson and DiBari (1974) found no significant differences between dogmatism scores of women at a WL meeting and a control group of

PAGE 20

13 women. The measure used in this study was a questionnaire adapted from Roleach's Dogmatism Scale. Fowler and Van de Riet (1972) compared 1) women at a feminist meeting. 2), a control group of college women, 3) aged institutionalized women and 4) aged noninstitutionalized women on self -descriptions using an adjective check list. They found the feminist women to rate themselves higher on autonomy and aggression than did the other groups. Feminist women also described themselves as more dominant, self-confident, less deferent, and more aff illative than did the college women. Using a somewhat less objective method, Cary (1972) interviewed 12 members of women's liberation organizations and 8 comparison women. Subjects were matched for age, occupation and marital status. He found the movement women to place a high value on autonomy and self-determination. They had a generally mobile, outgoing lifestyle, a concern with achievement, and an assertiveness that could be combative at times . Compared to nonmovement women they had a greater sense of self-esteem and what Cary described as specialness and drama. Also, these women had strong mothers. Many of the mothers were professionals, and psychologically, they were powerful in their daughters' development. Frequently, these strong characters had been in conflict with their daughters. However, WL women reported little conflict with their fathers, while comparison women had a history of conflict with their fathers. Movement

PAGE 21

14 women often had a colorful male figure in their history such as an uncle or teacher. Finally, they described more severe alienation in adolescence than did any comparison woman. There was virtually no "conventional" adolescent experience among movement women. In a large and comprehensive survey Tavris (1972) investigated the attitudes toward women's liberation of 10,000 readers of Psychology Today , both males and females — members and nonmembers of WL organizations. She found attitudes to vary with the individual's own experiences, with the perceived benefits and threats of the WL movement, political and religious philosophy, marital status and style of marriage, sexual history, work experience, and beliefs about the origins of sex differences. Politically radical males and females were the most likely to favor the WL movement and to think it would have a positive effect on their lives. Radicals and liberal couples were likely to share housework and child care evenly, while among conservatives the women almost always performed these functions. Even among radicals there were significant differences between opinions of males and females. Over 25% of the male radicals said that women are not as exploited as blacks while only 9% of the female radicals agreed to this. Sizeable differences were also noted between religious groups. Forty percent of the male atheists strongly supported women's liberation as compared to only 9% of the

PAGE 22

Catholic men. Protestant and Catholic men were far more likely to oppose changes in sex roles than other groups. Frotestant and Catholic women were also conservative, but somewhat less than the males. Comparisons of marital status produced some surprising results. There were no differences among divorced, cohabiting, or married women; about 64% in each group were in favor as compared to only 54% of the single women. More divorced men were found to favor WL than did any group (76%) while there was no difference between married and single men (64%) . Personal experience is important in the attitudes of women toward women's liberation. Women who work and who have primary responsibility for housework and child care are most likely to support WL . For women in the movement the sexual issue is an important determinant of attitudes; the more they feel sexually used, the more likely they are to favor WL and its proposals. (However, this relationship does not hold true for nonmovement women.) For all women, experience with job and intellectual discrimination was the single most important factor in predicting support for WL. Further results of the survey indicate that individuals of both sexes who attribute differences between the sexes to biological origins are more likely to oppose WL and changes in women's role. In addition, men who adhere to the biological explanation are mere likely to find equal women unattractive (25% of all men compared to 60% of the

PAGE 23

16 "biological"' men) . These men are also uneasy about women in general (30% as compared to 14% of all men) . Note: Tavris's results indicate that men who admit to being uneasy around women in general have deceived women more often compared to other men in order to have sex, and are more likely to have negative reactions to intercourse (18% as compared to 5% of all men) . Finally, men who would take their wives' happiness into consideration in a career decision (i.e., deviate from the male stereotype, according to Tavris) are more likely to favor WL than those who do not. In summary, then, the above studies indicate that the individual, male or female, who is opposed to women's liberation is controlled more by "external" expectations rather than being directed by "internal" motivation. He, or she, tends to be more rigid and authoritarian as well as more conservative in political and religious views and to believe that differences between the sexes are biologically determined. Frequently, the father was important in determining this person's attitudes toward social change. On the otiier hand, the individual who is in favor of women's liberation tends to be less dependent on the opinions of others, less authoritarian, and more liberal in his political and religious views. He tends to believe that sex differences are learned rather than innate. Research on women who are anti-WL agrees with the above profile with the additional features that they tend

PAGE 24

17 to be fearful and excessively neat. Women who support WL have a strong need for autonomy (independence, selfsufficiency, freedom from external control). They also have frequently experienced job and intellectual discrimination. More specifically, women who are involved in WL organizations have been found to be more assertive and achievement oriented than other women. They feel more in control of their environment and tend to have greater tolerance of ambiguity. They are more alienated as adults and had been more alienated as adolescents. There is some indication that they have strong mothers who are mere often involved in professions, and that there has typically been conflict between these mothers and daughters . At the same time it seems there has been little conflict between the daughter and her father. Results of other studies suggest that they view males differently (at least in regard to the variables Potency and Social Behavior) than do nonmembers . Results cf at least one study suggest that men who favor the biological explanation of sex differences (a belief that has been associated with opposition to WL) tend to feel uneasy around women in general, are more likely to have negative reactions to intercourse, and are much more likely than other men to find equal women unattractive. Men who favor WL have been found to be more independent of the opinion of others, self-determined and thoughtful, and to consider the world from a logical point of view .

PAGE 25

Overall, results of previous research point to a dichotomy between the socially and politically liberal personality who is open to social change, versus a more authoritarian, conservative individual who is reluctant to accept social change. This dichotomy is quite similar to that described by Adorno et al . (1950) in their study of the prejudiced personality. Results of their exhaustive investigation suggested that the prejudiced individual is conventional, rigid and power-oriented, that his type of relating to significant others is "exploitive-dependent , " that he is submissive to and identifies with authority figures while demanding unquestioning obedience of subordinates. He disdains and rejects whoever is at the bottom of a hierarchy. The unprejudiced person is characterized as flexible, affectionate, egalitarian, and permissive in interpersonal relationships. However , he was not found to be less dependent on others than the prejudiced individual. [On TAT ratings for the need for succorance, one aspect of dependency, no significant difference was found between prejudiced and unprejudiced individuals (Adorno, 1950, p. 501). In a related study Masling (1954) found no difference between authoritarian and nonauthoritarian individuals on the Personal Security Form, which had been found to differentiate between hospitalized neurotics and a normal population.] Rather, the less prejudiced person was found to depend on others for affection and emotional support rather than for things and material support, as was true for the prejudiced individual.

PAGE 26

19 Finally, the prejudiced person is less accepting of his id impulses and tends to render them "ego-alien" while the unprejudiced individual is more aware of sexual and aggressive impulses and of the resulting conflicts and guilt feelings. The investigators labeled this syndrome of traits associated with prejudice a uthoritarianism and devised the 30 item F Scale to measure it. Of course, it is not surprising that a power-oriented, authoritarian individual who is prejudiced against outgroups and who rigidly adheres to the status quo would be opposed to WL. However, there is some reason to believe that the traditional orientation toward woman's role is not synonymous with the above set of traits termed authoritarianism. It seems likely that attitudes toward women are influenced by a unique set of needs and experiences. It is the purpose of this study to determine what psychological traits are important in the formation of attitudes toward WL, as distinct from those traits which determine attitudes toward other minority groups. Some traits may be relevant to attitudes toward women but completely irrelevant to attitudes toward ethnic minorities. Still other traits which are. associated with a generalized prejudice (i.e., authoritarianism) may be especially important in the formation of attitudes toward women. In order to determine which traits in the authoritarian syndrome are especially relevant to the formation of attitudes toward women, both the F Scale measuring authoritarianism, and the AWS ,

PAGE 27

20 measuring attitudes toward women's liberation, will be employed in this study. Aside from the empirical investigations in this area, several theoretical writers have emphasized the importance of emotional needs in the formation of attitudes toward women, Janeway focused on a desire for a mother-replacement, describing the process by which needs and desires give rise to mythic beliefs about women. According to Janeway (1971) , a social myth is an explanation of events which is born out of desires and fears common to an entire society. It is a statement of a will to believe that what we -desire in fact exists, or should exist — a psychic truth expressed symbolically. It is convincing, largely because it is emotionally appealing. According to Erikson, "it is useless to try to show that it (myth) has no basis in fact nor to claim that its fiction is fake and nonsense ... To study a myth critically means to analyze its images and themes" (Erikson, 1963, pp. 32732 8, in Janeway, p. 28) . Further, Janeway explains, a myth is a prescription for behavior rather than a d escription . That is, emotional needs give rise to mythic beliefs about the universal order or nature of things, which in turn dictate expectations for social behavior. Thus, myths affect individuals by defining roles for them to play in society. She defines a role as "a continuity of expected actions in a relationship," "a ready-made me" which allows the individual to

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21 understand other members of society and their actions. That is, roles are reciprocal; one can fulfill a social role only by relating co another person who is fulfilling a complementary social role. More specifically, Janeway says, mythic beliefs about women stem from man's desire to return to a "golden age" when society was in a happier state; Eden before the fall. Psychologically speaking, this "golden age," common to the mythology of many cultures, represents early infancy when our every need was satisfied by a ministering, comforting woman (Bettelheim, 1967, p. 14 in Janeway, p. 43). Out of this universal desire for a replacement for the mother figure who cared for us in our infancy stems the belief that woman is innately suited for this task. Thus, in mythic belief, woman is passive, emotional, eager to please, cheerful and clean by nature — divinely created to stay in the home in the role of wife and mother, to nurture and care for others. She is, however, believed to be deficient in attributes necessary for functioning outside the home — aggressiveness , intelligence, emotional stability, ambition and imagination. Moreover, since she is innately suited for the traditional woman's role, it is her duty to fulfill it. Thus, the desire for a mother replacement gives rise not only to the belief that woman is innately suited for this task, but also to the expectation that she will fulfill this role.

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2 2 This need for mothering has been described by Murray (1938, p. 182; as a need for succ orance: "To have one's needs gratified by the sympathetic aid of an allied object. To be nursed, supported, sustained, surrounded, protected, loved, advised, guided, indulged, forgiven, consoled. To remain close to a devoted protector. To always have a supporter . " Further, since social roles are reciprocal, man will be seen as innately suited for his more aggressive role outside the home. Thus the male with greatest need for a mother replacement will see males and females as innately quite different from each other, each suited for a specific sex role. That is, he will hold the most stereotypic views regarding male and female attributes and will expect women to fulfill their traditional role. In addition to the need for succorance, it seems likely that other emotional needs influence beliefs about women, as well as resulting expectations for their behavior. Among the traits associated with the authoritarian syndrome, the need for dominance would appear to be particularly relevant to attitudes toward women. This trait has been defined by Murray as the need "To control one's human environment. To influence or direct the behavior of others by suggestion, seduction, persuasion, or command. To dissuade, restrain, or prohibit" (Murray, 1938, p. 152). Adorno at a l . (1950, pp. 512-513) found that prejudiced males tend to adopt a dominant,

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23 authoritarian attitude toward figures less threatening than their own fathers, including, of course, sex objects. On TAT stories they were found to evidence a greater need for dominance on an unconscious level (although not on a conscious level) than did their unprejudiced counterparts. This need for dominance, which has been found to be associated with authoritarianism, takes on special significance in regard to attitudes toward women when one considers that woman is a "universal subordinate," in a variety of subcultures and geographical locations, and in situations where given males may have no one else subordinate to them in a hierarchy. Thus, we might hypothesize that males with a high need for dominance would be most opposed to WL. We might also expect that the need for dominance would be more predictive of opposition to WL than would authoritarianism per se. Finally, considering the nature of mythic beliefs, it. is expected that the need for dominance will influence beliefs about women and resultant expectations for their behavior. Indeed, as noted above, Mauch (1972) has found the need for power, a concept closely related to the need for dominance, to be significantly correlated with a stereotypic view of females. Other writers have discussed the mythology surrounding sexuality as it affects attitudes toward women (Millet, 1969; Parturier, 1968; Greer, 1971; Shields, 1975). According to Shields (1975, p. 5), "For centuries the mode of Eve's creati.on and her greater guilt for the fall

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24 from grace have been credited as the cause of woman's imperfect nature. ..." Millet, also, cites "a leading myth of Western culture--the Biblical story of the fall — a highly influential ethical justification of things as they are. . . . This mythic version of the female as the cause of human suffering, knowledge, and sin is still the foundation of sexual attitudes, for it represents the most crucial argument for the patriarchal tradition in the West. . . . The large quantity of guilt attached to sexuality in patriarchy is overwhelmingly placed on the female, who is culturally speaking, held to be culpable, or the more culpable party in nearly any sexual liaison" (1969, pp. 80-83) . Greer is somewhat more explicit in her statement of this position: "As long as sex is furtive and dirty, some deep ambivalence to the object of sexual attentions must remain . . . sophisticated men realize that this disgust is a projection of shame and therefore will not give it any play, but because they have been toilet trained and civilized by the same process as the total victims of disgust and contempt, they still feel the twinges. ... As long as man is at odds with his own sexuality and as long as he keeps woman as a solely sexual creature, he will hate her, at least some of the time" (1971, pp. 246-252) . Logically, we might expect the man who has the most difficulty accepting his own sexuality, i.e., who is characterized by the most conflict or guilt, to be most

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25 negative in bis attitudes toward woman. And, according to the above theories, it would follow that he would view her as innately inferior to man and expect her to maintain the traditional woman's role. Thus, males who are characterized by the most conflict and guilt, over sex may be expected to be most opposed to WL. They may also be expected to exhibit the most prejudice concerning women's abilities, to believe that male-female differences are more innate, or biologically determined, than socially conditioned, and to have the most stereotypic view of the attributes of both males and females. Furthermore, since in these theories the most traditional attitudes toward women are linked with projected (i.e., unconscious) sex guilt, we may expect males with sex guilt that is less conscious to hold more traditional attitudes toward women than do those males who experience more conscious sex guilt. (It should be noted that although these theories are stated in rather universal terms, the observations of these authors and any related predictions regarding sex guilt and attitudes toward women must be limited to contemporary Western culture.) Sex guilt in this study is defined in part by scores on the Mosher Forced -Choice Sex Guilt Scale. In 1966 Mosher reported "The Development and Multi-trait-Multimethod Matrix Analysis of Three Measures of Three Aspects of Guilt: Hostile, Sex, and Morality-Conscience Guilt."

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26 This matrix was reported to provide promising evidence of convergent and discriminant validity. In three studies employing this measure (Galbraith, Kahn and Leiberman, 1968; Galbraith and Mosher, 1968; Schill and Chapin, 1972) high sex guilt males were found to have fewer associations to double-entendre words than lov; sex guilt males. In addition, sexually stimulated high sex guilt males displayed poorer recall for associations given to a list of double-entendre and neutral words than less guilty males (Galbraith and Mosher, 1970). For purposes of this study, it is presumed that Mosher 's self -report questionnaire will assess primarily conscious aspects of sex guilt, while the TAT, a projective test, will assess both conscious and less conscious aspects of sex guilt. In summary, the purpose cf the present study is to assess the relationship of various emotional traits in males to specific mythic beliefs regarding women and resultant expectations for their behavior. More specifically, the study will assess the relationship of 1) authoritarianism, 2) need for succcrance, 3) need for dominance, 4) sex guilt to a) beliefs regarding women's competency relative to men, b) beliefs regarding the origin of malefemale differences, c) beliefs regarding the extent of male-female differences, d) expectations for the socialsexual role behavior of women, and e) attitudes regarding educational and employment opportunities for women.

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H ypothese s 1. There v/ill be a significant, positive, correlation between authoritarianism, as indicated by scores on the F Scale, and a) belief in the relative incompetence of females, as evidenced by scores on the Goldberg Misogyny Test and by scores on Factor I of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale (items relating to masculine superiority) ; b) the belief that sex differences are biologically, rather than culturally, determined (as evidenced by scores on the Sex Differences Questionnaire) ; c) a stereotypic view regarding the relative attributes of males and females as evidenced by scores on the Sex-Role Stereotype Questionnaire; d) expectations for traditional social and sexual role behavior in women, as indicated by scores on Factor III of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale; e) opposition to equal opportunity for women in edacation and employment, as indicated by scores on Factor II of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale. 2. There will be a significant, positive, correlation between the need for succorance , as indicated by scores on the succorance scale of the Personality Research Form and on ratings on TAT stories, and a) belief in the relative incompetence of females, as evidenced by scores on the Goldberg Misogyny Test

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and scores on Factor I of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale (items relating to masculine superiority) ; b) the belief that sex differences are biologically, rather than culturally, determined (as evidenced by scores on the Sex Differences Questionnaire) ; c) a stereotypic view regarding the relative attributes of males and females as evidenced by scores on the Sex-Role Stereotype Questionnaire; d) expectations for traditional social and sexual role behavior in women, as indicated by scores on Factor III of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale; e) opposition to equal opportunity for women in education and employment, as indicated by scores on Factor II of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale. 3. There will be a significant, positive, correlation between the need for dominance, as indicated by scores on the dominance scale of the Personality Research Form and ratings on TAT stories, and a) belief in the relative incompetence of females, as evidenced by scores on the Goldberg Misogyny Test and scores on Factor I of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale (items relating to masculine superiority) ; b) the belief that sex differences are biologically, rather than culturally, determined (as evidenced by scores on the Sex Differences Questionnaire) ;

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29 c) a stereotypic view regarding the relative attributes of males and females as evidenced by scores on the Sex-Role Stereotype Questionnaire; d) expectations for traditional social and sexual role behavior in women, as indicated by scores on Factor III of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale; e) opposition to equal opportunity for women in education and employment, as indicated by scores en Factor II of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale. 4. The correlation between the need for dominance and traditional attitudes toward women will be significantly greater than the correlation between the need for dominance and authoritarianism. (Traditional attitudes toward women will be defined by scores on a) the Goldberg Misogyny Test, b) the SexRole Stereotype Questionnaire, c) the Attitudes Toward Women Scaie--Factors I, II, and III, and d) the Sex Differences Questionnaire. Authoritarianism is defined by scores on the F Scale. The need for dominance is defined by scores on a) the dominance scale of the PRF and b) ratings for the need for dominance on the TAT.) 5. There will be a significant, positive, correlation between sex guilt, as indicated by scores on the Mosher Forced-Choice Sex Guilt Inventory, and by ratings on TAT stories, and a) belief in the relative incompetence of females, as evidenced by scores on the Goldberg Misogyny Test and scores on Factor I of the Attitudes

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30 Toward Women Scale (items relating tc masculine superiority) ; fa) the belief that sex differences are faiologically , rather than culturally, determined (as evidenced by scores on the Sex Differences Questionnaire) ; c) a stereotypic view regarding the relative attributes of males and females as evidenced by scores on the Sex-Role Stereotype Questionnaire; d) expectations for traditional social and sexual role behavior in women, as indicated by scores on Factor III of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale; e) opposition to equal opportunity for women in education and employment, as indicated by scores on Factor II of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale. 6. The correlation between sex guilt and traditional attitudes toward women will be significantly greater than the correlation between sex guilt and authoritarianism. (Traditional attitudes toward women will be defined by scores on a) the Goldberg Misogyny Test, b) the Sex-Role Stereotype Questionnaire, c) the Attitudes Toward Women Scale — Factors I, II, and III, and d) the Sex Differences Questionnaire. Authoritarianism is defined by scores on the F Scale. Sex guilt is defined by a) scores on the Mosher Forced-Choice Sex Guilt Inventory, and b) ratings for sex guilt on the TAT.) 7. Sex guilt scores on a projective test (i.e., the TAT) which is presumed to assess less conscious as well as

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31 conscious conflicts will be more highly correlated with traditional attitudes toward women than will sex guilt scores on a self-report questionnaire (i.e., the Mosher Forced-Choice Sex Guilt Inventory, which is presumed to assess primarily conscious conflicts). (Traditional attitudes toward women will be defined by scores on a) the Goldberg Misogyny Test, b) the SexRole Stereotype Questionnaire, c) the Attitudes Toward Women Scale-Factors I, II, and III, and d) the Sex Differences Questionnaire . )

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CHAPTER II METHOD Subjects Subjects were sixty Introductory Psychology students who were fulfilling course requirements. All subjects were males in their freshman or sophomore years . Procedure Subjects were seen in groups of 15 to 25 during two separate sessions, approximately one hour each, held three days apart. In the first session they were informed that the study was an investigation of social attitudes employing questionnaires and responses to pictures. They were informed that their responses would be confidential and that their names would not be required on the forms. Instead they were asked to include only the first four digits of their social security numbers. Following these instructions subjects were given the Goldberg Misogyny Test. Next, the lights were dimmed to a point that slides projected on a screen were visible and subjects could see to write at the same time. Seven TAT plates (2, 4, 6BM, 7BM, 13B, 13MF, and one photograph) 32

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3 3 were projected sequentially on a screen for five minutes each. An experimenter read the standard instructions from a printed card. In the second session, subjects were given a questionnaire (see Appendix A) containing the Sex Role Stereotype Questionnaire/ the Attitudes Toward Women Scale, the Sex Differences Questionnaire, the F Scale, the Personality Research Form (scales for Succorance and Dominance) , the Mosher Forced-Choice Sex Guilt Inventory, and the Student Information Sheet. After the second session, subjects were informed as to the purpose of the study in a debriefing session. (See Appendix B for Debriefing.) Note: More "indirect" and projective measures, the Goldberg Misogyny Test and the TAT, were administered in the first session so that responses on these tests would not be confounded by the subjects' knowledge of the content of the questionnaire. Experimenters A male experimenter and a female experimenter worked together in administering the tests during sessions. This approach was employed to minimize any effects on TAT stories that might result from having either a male or a female experimenter working alone. (See Clark, 1952, regarding the effects of a female experimenter on the amount of sex imagery produced in the TAT stories of undergraduate males.)

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34 Measures Attitudes Toward Women ' s Liberation (Attitudes regarding equal opportunity for women, social -sexual role behavior in women, and the competence of women) At titudes Toward Women S cale . The Attitudes Toward Women Scale (AWS) (Spence and Helmreich, 1972) contains 55 items. Each item consists of a declarative statement for which there are four response alternatives: Agree Strongly, Agree Mildly, Disagree Mildly, and Disagree Strongly. Each item is given a score from to 3 , with representing the most liberal, pro-feminist attitude and 3 the most traditional, conservative attitude. (Note: The scoring system used for the purposes of this study is the reverse of the scoring originally used by the authors.) Each subject's score for the total scale is obtained by summing the values for the individual items, the range of possible scores thus going from to 165, with higher scores representing traditional attitudes. Normative data, reported by Spence and Helmreich, suggest that the distribution of scores is stable over time and that "a reliable phenomenon is being tapped" (1972, p. 6). As noted in Chapter I, criterion validity was indicated in a study by Kirkpatrick and Smith (1974, p. 461) . Spence and Helmreich also subjected the responses to an image analysis (197 2,

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pp. 10-11) . Three main factors emerged from the analysis of the responses from undergraduate males: Factor I — Attitudes relating to traditional notions about masculine superiority and the patriarchal family, Factor II~-Attitudes regarding equality of opportunity for women, especially in the vocational and educational spheres, and Factor III — Attitudes regarding the social-sexual relationships between men and women and what constitutes ladylike behavior. Factor loadings for the items in the undergraduate male samples from the Spence and Helmreich study are listed in Appendix C. For purposes of this study, items were included in a factor if they had a loading of at least .40 in either of Spence and Helmreich' s samples. Also, see Appendix D for a listing of the items included in each factor. The authors did not report normative scores on the three factors. Goldberg Misogyny Test . This is an "indirect" measure of bias against women in the areas of intellectual and professional competence. Subjects are asked to evaluate excerpts from articles in the fields of linguistics, law, art history, dietetics, education and city planning. Specifically, they are instructed to rate the articles on a five point scale as to value for the general reader, value for the professional person, persuasiveness and profundity, and rate the authors for writing style, professional competence, professional status and ability to sway the reader. On each item 1 = highly favorable and 5 = highly unfavorable.

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3 6 Three of the articles, in art history, dietetics, and city planning, are ascribed to male authors, while the remaining three, in education, law and linguistics are ascribed to female authors. For each subject the total of all the ratings given to articles ascribed to female authors (including a range of 54 to 270) is subtracted from the total of all the ratings given to articles ascribed to male authors (including a range of 54 to 270). Thus, there is a possible range of final scores varying from -216, indicating bias for female authors, to +216, indicating bias against female authors . As mentioned in Chapter I, this instrument was developed by Goldberg (1968) , and was originally administered to 100 undergraduate females. The professional fields were chosen by having 40 undergraduate females rate 5 occupations as to the degree to which they associated the field with men or with women. Elementary school teaching and dietetics were found to be highly associated with women, law and city planning with men, while linguistics and art history were found to be neutral or non-sex related. Goldberg gave booklets to half the subjects with three of the articles ascribed to female authors, while the remaining subjects saw the name of a male author of the same articles. It was expected that bias might be shown to male authors in male-dominated fields while

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37 bias would be shown to women in female -dominated areas. However, results indicated that undergraduate females were biased against female professional authors in both "masculine" and "feminine" fields. In fact, male authors received higher ratings in all of the occupational areas except art history. (The differences were statistically significant only in city planning, linguistics and law.) As reported by Goldberg (1968) , the mean ratings given to the articles were as follows: Field of Article

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and cultural factors (D.» Mostly cultural (E) Completely cultural. Thus, the range of scores on this scale varies from 1 to 40, with higher scores indicating belief in a biological explanation. This questionnaire was adapted for use in this study from the Stereotype Index developed by Tavris, (1973, pp. 186-187). On Tavris ' scale, subjects were asked to rate the eight traits as to whether they were more masculine or feminine and whether they were more culturally or biologically determined. Since the present study included a separate measure of sex-role stereotypy, only items relating to the origin of sex differences from Tavris' scale were employed here. In her survey of 20,000 readers of a popular magazine, Tavris has found that males who favor a cultural explanation of male-female differences are more likely to support women's liberation than men who favor the biological explanation (Tavris, 1972, p. 83). Although no means on items relating to beliefs about origin of sex differences are available, Tavris reported the distribution of subjects advocating belief in biological and cultural origins of sex differences on the eight traits. According to this report (Tavris, 1973, p. 186) 5.3% of the population believed sex differences are all biological, 4.8% checked half biological/half cultural, 15.7% checked some biological/some cultural/some no difference, and 20.1% checked no difference on any trait. Further, 17.3% checked half no difference/half cultural.

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29.6% checked primarily cultural, and 7.3% checked ail cultural . Sex-Role Stereotypes SexRole Stereotyp e Questionnaire (S hort Form ) . This instrument, consisting of 82 bipolar descriptive items, was developed by Rosenkrantz et a_L. (1968) and modified by Broverman et al. (1970, 1975). It was designed to measure the extent to which the individual's view of males and females is stereotyped. Subjects are asked to rate the adult male on a 60 point scale for each of these items. Specifically, they are instructed: We would like to know something about what people expect other people to be like. Imagine that you are going to meet someone for the first time, and the only thing that you know in advance is that he is an adult male . What sort of things would you expect? For example, what would you expect about his liking or disliking of the color red? On each scale, please put a slash (/) and the letter "M" above the slash according to what you think an adult male is like. Next the instructions are repeated with adult female substituted for adult male . In scoring, each individual response was converted to a standard score to eliminate response bias. For each subject, the rating given to the adult female was subtracted from the rating given to the adult male for each item. The total of these differences was the individual's sex-role stereotype score. In order to avoid response bias, the female traits were placed at the right, more highly scored pole on half the items and at the left pole on half the items. (On the

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reversed items the male score was subtracted from The female score to find the difference score.) This scale, which originally included 122 items, was developed by Rosenkrantz et al. (1968) for a study of the relationship of the self-concept to differentially valued sex-role stereotypes. Results of the study indicated that stereotypically masculine characteristics were more highly valued or socially desirable among undergraduates than were stereotypically feminine traits. The authors report norms for male ratings and female ratings but not for difference scores, although they give instructions for computing individual difference or stereotype scores (Rosenkrantz et al. , 1968; and Broverman et al., 1975). Separate norms for the short form of the test are reported by Broverman et al. (1975) . Authoritarianism California F Scale . This scale was developed by Adorno et al. (1950) in their extensive investigation of the prejudiced personality. It was found to be highly correlated (.75) with a measure of ethnocentrism (the E scale) , but it is not a direct or self-report measure of prejudice and mentions no minority group by name (Adorno et al., 1950, p. 279). The authors summarize their findings by describing the prejudiced individual as basically hierarchical, authoritarian, power-oriented, and exploitively dependent in his style of relating to others. Further, they describe him as conventional, rigid, and

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41 repressive, and, at the same time, fearful and dependent (Adorno et al . , 1950, p. 971). Although the assumptions and methodology of these investigators have been criticized (McKinney, 1973; Xirscht and Dillehay, 1967; and Christie and Jahoda, 1954), the F Scale has been widely used as an indicator of generalized prejudice and authoritarianism. It has been found to be highly correlated with the need for power (Uleman, 1965) , autocratic family ideology (Diab, 1959) , and with political behavior (Faris, 1956). In the present study a slightly modified, 27 item version (Butler, 1971) of Forms 40 and 45 (Adorno, 1950, pp. 255-257) was employed. (See Appendix A, Part IV.) Possible scores range from 27 to 189, with higher scores representing greater authoritarianism. Adorno et al . (1950, p. 266) report mean item scores of from 3.51 for undergraduate women to 4.19 for a group of working-class men. Need for Succorance and Need for Dominance Personality Research Form . The PRF is a self-report, forced choice personality inventory designed to assess the basic needs which were first described by Murray (1938) . Form E, employed in this study, was designed for use with normal, high school and adult populations and has high part-whole correlations with the earlier Forms AA and BB . Specifically, the Dominance and Succorance Scales, each consisting of 16 items, were administered. These two

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42 scales on Form E were found to have odd-even reliability coefficients of .67 and .73, respectively. On Form AA the test-retest reliability coefficients for the two scales were .88 and .84. The manual also reports a series of validity studies (Jackson, 1966; Jackson and Guthrie, 1968; Kusyszyn, 1968) in which trait attribution data was found to be highly correlated with PRF scores. The instrument was controlled for acquiescence set by keying half the items to be scored true and half false. Items were selected on the basis of having a high correlation with the total score and a low correlation with the Desirability Scale . Normative statistics reported in the manual (Jackson, 1967, pp. 53-55) include scale scores for 129 male high school seniors from 15 schools in the province of Ontario. For this population the mean score on the dominance scale was 8.68 with a standard deviation of 3.96. On the succorance scale the reported mean was 6.5 9 and the standard deviation 3.29. Comparable scores for a population of servicemen (N=1288) on the dominance scale ranged from X=9.26, SD=3.87 for a group of enlisted personnel to X=12.70, SD=2.80 for a group of officer candidates (N=504) . On the succorance scale scores ranged from X=4.33, SD=3.51 for a group of air force officers (N=55) to X=6.66, SD=3.21 for • enlisted personnel (N=1288) .

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Although the authors do not report normative data on the administration of separate scales, Machover and Anderson (1953) reported validity and reliability data on the administration of a single scale from the MMPI , a test similar in construction to the PRF. They administered the psychopathic deviate scale to 50 psychiatric inpatients. Half the subjects were given the 50 Pd items separately and the entire MMPI one to three days later. For the remaining patients the order was reversed. The Pearson correlation coefficient between the experimental form scores and the standard form scores was .79. Since, the authors note, the test-retest reliability coefficient for the Pd scale reported by McKinley and Hathaway (1944) was only .71, this coefficient indicates satisfactory validity. In a similar study, Charen (1954) administered the Hs scale of the MMPI separately to 50 hospitalized tuberculosis patients with a test-retest coefficient of .98. Results of this research on the administration of MMPI scales suggest that the administration of single scales from this type of test has no deleterious effects on their validity or reliability. Thematic Apperception Test — Rating Scales . (See /Appendix B.) In order to study the relationship between the need for dominance and attitudes toward women's liberation, a Need for Dominance Scoring Manual was employed. This manual was adapted for use in the present study from "A Scoring Manual for the Affiliative Motive" by Heyns, Veroff, and Atkinson (1953) and "A Scoring Manual

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44 for the Power Motive" by Veroff (1958) . It was based on Murray's definition (1933, pp. 152-53) following the outline of these two manuals. Stories were assessed as to whether dominance imagery is present, and if so, the story was also scored for the presence of Need, Instrumental Activity, Goal Anticipation, Affective State, and Thema. There was a range of possible scores for each story for a given subject, from to 6 . A similar rating was developed for rating the need for succorance. In this manual categories scored for each story included the following: Succorance Imagery, Need, Activity-Eliciting, Activity-Receiving, Anticipatory Goal State-Positive, Anticipatory Goal State-Negative, Affective State-Negative, and Affective State-Positive, and Thema. The range of scores for each story ranged from to 9 . After four judges were trained in rating TAT stories, correlation coefficients were computed for 25 sample stories to determine interjudge agreement. The two judges with highest level of agreement were then used to rate the stories in the main study, with each judge rating half the stories. The order of the stories rated by the judges was randomized in order to avoid any systematic effects of practice. Twenty stories were taken at random from those rated by Judge 1 and interspersed at random among those rated by Judge 2, without Judge 2 having knowledge of v/hich stories had previously been rated. Ratings given these 20 stories by the two judges were then correlated.

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Sex Guil t Thematic Ap perce ption Test Rating Scale . (See Appendix B.) A Sex Guilt Scoring Manual was adapted from scales employed by Clark (1954) and Leiman and Epstein (1961) . Stories were rated for the presence or absence of sexual behavior according to three specific criteria. If this category was scored present, the raters scored for sex guilt on a five point scale, again according to three specific criteria. For each story the range of scores varied from to 4 . TAT Cards. Six standard TAT cards and one additional photograph were selected for their relevance to the need for dominance (Cards 2, 4, 6BM, 7BM, and 13MF) , the need for succorance (Cards 2, 4, 6BM, 7BM, and 13B) , and sex guilt (Cards 4, 13MF , and the photograph). The additional photograph was selected for high sexual relevance to be used as a measure of avoidance of sexual imagery and also as a measure of thematically expressed sex guilt. Cards which were assumed to have moderate or high sexual relevance were presented in order of increasing relevance to reduce the influence of one card on the next. Pictures with low sexual relevance were interspersed among the relevant pictures to disguise the dimension. (See Appendix C, Sex Guilt Rating Scale.) Mosher F orced Choice Sex Guilt I nventory . This is one of two scales developed by Mosher (1966) to measure sex guilt in undergraduate males. It includes 2 8 items with a

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range of scores from -45 to 37, higher scores indicating greater amounts of sex guilt. The scale has a test-retest reliability coefficient of .97. It has been well controlled for social desirability; Mosher reported a nonsignificant, .25 correlation between this scale and the Edwards Social Desirability Scale. (Mosher ' s norms did not include mean scores for guilt scales.) De mographic Variables Student Information Shee t. In order to control for demographic variables, a Student Information Sheet was included. Included were items on religion, political orientation (liberal vs. conservative), parents' income, and parents' level of education.

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CHAPTER III RESULTS Agreement of J udges Rating TAT Stories Pearson product moment correlations (Hayes, 1963, p. 506) were computed to determine interjudge agreement between four judges for a sample of 25 stories. The correlation coefficient for ratings of two of the judges exceeded the criterion of .70 (r=.74), while the correlations between Judges 3 and 4 failed to meet this criterion, Judge 1 and Judge 2 then each rated half of the stories in the main study. Twenty stories were taken at random from those rated by Judge 1 and interspersed at random among those rated by Judge 2, without Judge 2 having knowledge of which stories had previously been rated. Ratings given these 20 stories by the two judges were found to be correlated .70. Furthermore, an analysis of variance for effects of judges on variables 3, 5 and 7 in the main study (need for succor ance, need for dominance and sex guilt) was not significant at the .05 level. That is, there was no significant difference between ratings given by the two judges over all 420 stories . 47

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4 3 Mulbi.varj-.ate Analysis of Varia nce Fisher Z correlation coefficients (Anderson, 1958, p. 7 8) were computed for all combinations of the 13 variables. (See Tables 1 and 2.) However, as noted by Hayes (1963, p. 577) , significance levels for individual correlations in an intercorrelation matrix must be interpreted with considerable latitude since t-tests for correlations in the same population are not statistically independent. Therefore, multiple regression tests were computed to determine whether the independent variables (1 through 7) were statistically independent from the dependent variables (8 through 13) . First, a multivariate multiple regression analysis (Anderson, 1958, pp. 178-227) was computed to test for independence for variables 1 through 7, taken as a group, from variables 8 through 13, taken as a group. This test was significant at the .01 level, indicating a significant relationship between the 7 independent variables and the 6 dependent variables (F = 1.62, degrees of freedom = 42,219). Next, a separate multiple regression analysis was computed to test for independence of variable 1 versus variables 8 through 13, taken as a group. Likewise, variables 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7 were each tested for statistical independence from variables 8 through 13, taken as a group. (See Table 4.) Results indicated that variable 4 (scores on the Personality Research Form, need

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49 Table 1. Independent and Dependent Variables I nd epende nt Variables Author! tarianism 1. California F Scale Need for Succorance 2. Personality Research Form 3. Thematic Apperception Test Ratings Need for Dominance 4. Personality Research Form 5. Thematic Apperception Test Ratings Sex Guilt 6. Mosher Forced-Choice Sex Guilt Inventory 7. Thematic Apperception Test Ratings Dependent Variables Traditional Attitudes Toward Women 3. Goldberg Misogyny Test 9. Sex Role Stereotype Questionnaire The Sp ence-Helmreich Attitudes Toward Women Scale (AWS) 10. Factor I of the AWS — Masculine Superiority 11. Factor II of the AWS — Education and Employment 12. Factor III of the AWS — Social-Sexual Role Behavior 13. Sex Differences Questionnaire

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50 -p o -d C CJ a a> a r o c (d -M G 0J c QJ C^ G) G O to G o •H -P rt) H Oi U o a 4-1 o 13 QJ a) h -p XI CD -H w >

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M CD 3 •H u > 4-1 c c 0) a, CD a C n3 C 1) C 0) a) G o o cn * en o O M H O O H r^ O O O O O I t o <-\ rr^ rH ud en O rH O O O O CN rH O O O O O O I I I ooHooc^a^inr-OCMCNCNCNCOrHn rHOOOOOOO I I OOCOOOOOOO rHOOOOOOOO ONO(NOO(NMOIrl — IOOOOOOOOO II II OOOl— irHrHOCNirHrHrH rH 0000003000 I I I Oi— !TLn«3*i-icNr^-i—ivor 3 , Ln OOrHOOrHOOOOOrH rHOOOOOOOOOOO I I till o i-i m o rH cm m H cn •* t h m rHOOOOOOOOOOOO I I HHHrl o r^ O rH o t-» rOHM O CO CN CN rH O O O O LO >J O) rH rH O O O O rH rH rH rH

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52 for dominance scale) was related to variables 8 through 13 at the .01 level of significance. Also, variable 6 (scores on the Mosher Sex Guilt Inventory) was related to variables 8 through 13 at the .05 level of significance. In addition, variable 1 (scores on the California F Scale) was found to be related to variables 8 through 13 at the .06 level of significance. Since variables 2, 3, 5, and 7 were not found to be significantly related to variables 8 through 13, no individual correlations between these variables and single dependent variables will be considered here, even though they might be statistically significant if considered separately. For example, variable 7 (ratings on the TAT for sex guilt) was found to be correlated -.29 with variable 13 (scores on the Sex Differences Questionnaire) . This correlation will not be considered significant for purposes of this study, even though it would be significant at the .05 level if considered separately. In addition to multiple regression tests, partial correlations were computed for variable 6 and variables 8 through 13 with variable 1 held constant (McNemar , 1962, pp. 166-167) . Results included a partial correlation of -.19 between variables 6 and 8 with variable 1 held constant. The partial correlation of variables 6 and 9 with variable 1 held constant was .24 (p=.05). For variables 6 and 10 with variable 1 held constant r=.22, p=.06; for variables 6 and 11 with variable 1 held constant r=.33,

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53 p=.01; for variables 6 and 12 with variable 1 held constant r=.ll; for variables 6 and 13 with variable 1 held constant r=.31, p=.01. Hypotheses Hypothesis 1_ This hypothesis stipulated a positive correlation between scores on the F Scale and variables 8 through 13. As noted above, variable 1 (F Scale) was found to be related to variables 8 through 13 at the .06 level of significance. Thus, this hypothesis was supported at the .06 level of significance. Specifically, variable 1 was correlated with variable 10 (Factor I of the Spence Helmreich AWS) , r=.48, and with variable 11 (Factor II of the AWS), r=.46. Both correlations are significant at the .01 level. In addition, variable 1 was found to be correlated with variable 13 (Sex Differences Questionnaire) , r=.33 at the .05 level of significance. That is, individuals with authoritarian attitudes tend to believe in male superiority and patriarchal social systems, to be opposed to equal opportunity for women in education and employment and to see male-female differences as biologically determined. Correlations between variable 1 and variable 8 (Goldberg Misogyny Test) , variable 1 and variable 9 (Sex Role Stereotype Questionnaire) or variable 1 and variable 12 (Factor III of the AWS) did not reach significance.

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54 Hypothesis 2 This hypothesis stipulated a positive correlation between scores on the succorance scale of the Personality Research Form (variable 2) and variables 8 through 13. Also hypothesized was a positive correlation between TAT ratings for the need for succorance (variable 3) and variables 8 through 13. Succora nce scale of the P ersonality Research Form ( Variable 2) . This portion of Hypothesis 2 was not supported at the .05 level of significance. Correlations between variable 2 and variables 8 through 13 ranged from -.07 to .15. TAT ratings for the need for succorance ( variable 3_) . This portion of Hypothesis 2 was not supported at the .05 level of significance, although the correlations were in the direction predicted. Correlations between variable 3 and variables 8 through 13 ranged from .04 to .26. Hypothesis 3_ This hypothesis stipulated a positive correlation between scores on the dominance scale of the Personality Research Form (variable 4 and variables 8 through 13. Also hypothesized was a positive correlation between TAT ratings for the need for dominance (variable 5) and variables 8 through 13. Dominance Scale of the Personality Research Form ( Variable 4_) . This portion of the hypothesis was not upheld at the .05 level of significance. Although the

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5 5 multiple regression test for the independence of variable 4 from variables 8 through 13 was significant at the .01 level of significance, using a two tailed test, the only significant correlation in this group was -.28, between variable 4 and variable 12 (Factor II of the AWS) . Thus, results indicate that individuals with a high need for dominance en a self-report measure tend to favor less traditional sexual-social roles for women. Correlations between variable 4 and variables 10 and 11 approach significance in a positive direction (r=.24 and r^.25) suggesting that individuals with a high need for dominance on a self-report measure tend to believe in male superiority and patriarchal social systems and to oppose equality for women in education and employment. TAT ratings for the need for dominance ( variable 5) . This portion of Hypothesis 3 was not supported at the .05 level of significance. Correlations between variable 5 and variables 8 through 13 were all near .00 (ranging from -.09 to .07) . Hypothesis 4_ This hypothesis stipulated a significantly higher correlation between the need for dominance (variables 4 and 5) and traditional attitudes toward women (variables 8 through 13) than between the need for dominance (variables 4 and 5) and authoritarian attitudes (variable 1) . This hypothesis was not upheld at the .05 level of significance. (Note: Using the least significant difference test, the

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56 difference between correlations would have to be at least .40 to be significant for a population of 60.) Hypothesis 5_ This hypothesis stipulated a positive correlation between scores on the Mosher Sex Guilt Inventory (variable 6) and variables 8 through 13. Also hypothesized was a positive correlation between TAT ratings for sex guilt (variable 7) and variables 8 through 13. Mosher Sex Guilt Inventor y ( variable 6) . This portion of Hypothesis 5 was supported at the .05 level of significance. That is, variable 6 was found to be related to variables 8 through 13, taken as a group, at the .05 level of significance. Specifically, variable 6 was found to be correlated with variable 11 (Factor II of the AWS), r=.39 and with variable 13 (Sex Differences Questionnaire), r=.37. Beth correlations are significant at the .01 level. In addition, variable 6 was found to be correlated with variable 9 (Sex Role Stereotype Questionnaire, r=.28 and with variable 10 (Factor II of the AWS), r=.29. That is, individuals who report greater sex guilt on a self-report questionnaire tend to have the most stereotypic view of males and females, to see male-female differences as biologically determined, to believe in male superiority and patriarchal social systems, and to oppose equal opportunity for women in education and employment.

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57 Correlations between variable 6 and variable 8 (Goldberg Misogyny Test) or between variable 6 and variable 12 (Factor ill of the AWS) did not reach significance. TAT ratin gs for sax guilt ( variab le 7) . This portion of Hypothesis 5 was not supported at the .05 level of significance. Correlations between variable 7 and variables 3 through 13 ranged between -.29 and .11. Hypothesis 6_ This hypothesis stipulated a significantly higher correlation between sex guilt (variables 6 and 7) and traditional attitudes toward women (variables 8 through 13) than between sex guilt (variables 6 and 7) and authoritarian attitudes (variable 1) . This hypothesis was not upheld at the .05 level of significance. (Note: Using the least significant difference test, the difference between correlations would have to be at least .40 to be significant for a population of 60.) However, the difference between the correlation of variables 6 and 8 through 13 and the correlation of variables 6 and 1 was in the expected direction. That is, variables 6 and 1 were correlated .23 while the correlation between G and 9 was .28; the correlation of variables 6 and 10 was .29; the correlation of 6 and 11 was .39; and the correlation of 6 and 13 was .37. Note that the last two coefficients are significant at the .01 level.

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5 8 Hyp othesis 7 This hypothesis stipulated a significantly higher correlation between sex guilt scores on the TAT (variable 7) and traditional attitudes toward women (variables 8 through 13) than between sex guilt scores on the Mosher Inventory (variable 6) and traditional attitudes toward women (variables 8 through 13) . This hypothesis was not upheld at the .05 level of significance. In fact, the difference was opposite from the direction predicted, with significant positive correlations between variable 6 and variables 8 through 13, and nonsignificant correlations between variable 7 and variables 8 through 13. Demographic Variables A multiple regression analysis (Anderson, 1958, pp. 178-227) was computed to test the relationship of the demographic variables to traditional attitudes toward women (variables 1 through 13) . Results of this analysis indicated that none of the demographic variables was related to variables 1 through 13 at the .05 level of significance. (See Table 5.) As reported in Appendix D, the students described themselves as predominately middle-of-the-road or liberal in their political orientation. They indicated that their families were primarily in the middle income brackets ($10,000-$20,000) .

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Factor A nalysi s Results of a factor analysis of all thirteen variables indicated that no variable had a loading cf .40 or above en the first two factors. That is, the variables did not cluster together or form any groupings. Indepen dent Var iables Since, as noted above, significance levels for individual correlations in a correlation matrix must be interpreted with considerable latitude (Hayes, 1963, p. 577), a likelihood ratio test (Anderson, 1958, pp. 230245) was computed to rule out the possibility that the first seven variables were statistically independent. Results indicate at the .05 level of significance that these variables are not statistically independent. Specifically, the correlations between F Scale scores and ratings for succorance on TAT stories (r=.38) and between F Scale scores and ratings for sex guilt on TAT stories (r=-.38) were significant at the .01 level. That is, individuals with authoritarian attitudes tend to indicate a greater need for succorance and less sex guilt on projective tests than do less authoritarian individuals. In addition, the correlation between ratings for dominance on TAT stories and ratings for sex guilt on TAT stories was significant at the .01 level. That is, individuals who indicate a need for dominance on projective measures tend

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to indicate more sex guilt on these measures than do individuals with less need for dominance. It may be noted that ratings for the need for succorance on TAT stories were not significantly correlated with ratings for dominance or ratings for sex guilt. Also, TAT ratings for the need for succorance, the need for dominance, and sex guilt failed to correlate with scores for these traits on questionnaires. The correlation between the need for succorance on the Personality Research Form and on the TAT was .00, while the correlation between dominance scores on the same two measures was -.06. Sex guilt scores on the two measures correlated -.20. Dependent Variables A likelihood ratio test was also computed to rule out the possibility that these six variables were statistically independent. Results indicated at the .01 level of significance that variables 8 through 13 were not statistically independent. Specifically, the correlation between variable 10 (Factor I of the AWS) and variable 11 (Factor II of the AWS) was significant at the .01 level (r=.83), as was the correlation between variable 10 and variable 9 (Sex Role Stereotype Questionnaire), r=.51. That is, individuals who believe in male superiority and patriarchal social systems tend to oppose equality for women in education and employment and to view males and females stereotypically . Also,

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61 variable II (Factor II of the AWS ) was significantly correlated with variable 9 (Sex Role Stereotype Questionnaire) , r=.40, and with variable 13 (Sex Differences Questionnaire;, r=.37. Both correlations are significant at the .01 level. That is, individuals who oppose equality for women in education and employment tend to have a stereotypic view of males and females and to believe that male-female differences are biologically determined.

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CHAPTER IV DISCUSSION The purpose of this study was to determine the relationship of some emotional factors to attitudes toward women. More specifically, the aim of this research was to determine whether the syndrome of traits associated with traditional attitudes toward women is different from those characteristics associated with the authoritarian personality. Overall, the results support the expectation that the individual with traditional attitudes toward women is characterized by a unique set of needs and traits, which differs in some fundamental respects from the authoritarian syndrome. The following discussion will deal first with the major areas in which these orientations differ, and then with the relationships between independent variables, relationships between the dependent variables, methodological considerations, and demographic variables. Finally, some ideas for further investigation will be proposed. As summarized in Chapter I, the bulk of the research in this area portrays the traditional male as a rigid, authoritarian individual who is conservative in politics and religion. He is depicted as rather insecure, with a 6 2

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poor self-concept and an external locus of control. Results of the present investigation, while confirming the findings of Woreli and woreli (1971) that the traditional male tends to be authoritarian, reveal some interesting differences between the male with traditional attitudes toward women (hereafter termed the traditional male) and the authoritarian male. First, in contrast to the authoritarian person who indicates no significant need for dominance in this study on either self-report or projective measures, the traditional male acknowledges a high need for dominance. Apparently he views this as a socially acceptable need which he feels free to admit to himself and others. He does not seem to be characterized by a repressed or unconscious need for dominance, as indicated by the near zero correlations between TAT dominance ratings and measures of attitudes toward women. These results seem to contradict the findings of Mauch (1972) in which the need for power was found to be positively correlated with a stereotypic view of males and females. But this apparent contradiction may be accounted for by the conceptual differences between the two needs. [See Uleman (1971), for an extensive comparison of the need for dominance as defined by Murray (1938) , the need for power described by Veroff (1958), and the need for influence.] Next, results of this study indicate that the traditional male tends to experience a. high level of conscious

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64 sex guilt, as opposed to the authoritarian male who seems to be characterized by a somewhat lower level of sex guilt. [Note: The difference between 1) the correlation of traditional attitudes toward women and sex guilt, and 2) the correlation of authoritarianism and sex guilt, is not statistically significant, but the data seem to suggest that conscious sex guilt is more closely associated with traditional attitudes toward women than with authoritarianism.] Considering the similarities between the traditional male and the authoritarian male, one might argue that the significant correlation between sex guilt and attitudes toward women can be explained most simply by the common link of sex guilt and bias against women with a conservative orientation toward social issues. However, the significant correlations between Mosher scores and traditional attitudes toward women which remain when authoritarianism is held constant suggest that conscious sex guilt is uniquely related to attitudes toward women. One interpretation of these data is that conscious sex guilt is more crucial in determining attitudes toward women than attitudes toward other minority groups. But the data do not support the interpretation that projected or unconscious sex guilt plays a significant role in determining bias against women as proposed by Greer (1971) . Rather than being more highly correlated with a traditional orientation than is conscious sex guilt, the ratings for less conscious sex guilt fail to show any significant

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correlation with the traditional orientation toward women. At this point a more definitive explanation of the relationship between sex quilt and attitudes toward women awaits further investigation. One additional note of interest in this area is the negative correlation between authoritarianism and less conscious sex guilt. Apparently the nonauthoritarian person also has negative feelings about sex, but these are not consistent with his liberal belief system. That is, sex guilt is not acceptable in this person's ideological framework and thus remains less conscious or repressed. That this pattern does not hold true for the individual with liberal attitudes toward women further supports the idea that sex guilt stands in a different relationship to attitudes toward women than to attitudes toward other minority groups. The third major independent variable to be considered in this study, the need for succorance , was not found to be significantly related to attitudes toward women, while the less conscious need for succorance was found to characterize the authoritarian male. These findings suggest that the picture of an insecure, dependent individual who clings to traditional social structures is a more accurate description of the authoritarian male than of the male with traditional attitudes toward women. These results do not appear to support Janeway ' s theory that the need for mothering is crucial in determining attitudes toward women.

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66 However, the pattern of positive correlations between the less conscious need for succorance and traditional attitudes toward women, while nonsignificant, seems to suggest that some low order relationship may exist between the need for succorance and attitudes toward women. Perhaps a more accurate test of Janeway's theory might be facilitated by rating TAT stories more explicitly for the need for mothering rather than the need for succorance. The succorance rating scale employed in this study adhered closely to Murray's (1938) original definition. Thus, this category included any show of affection or concern between characters, including equals such as friends or lovers. A need for mothering rating scale could be limited to descriptions of dependent characters receiving affection or support from older or nurturing figures (e.g., mother, father, physician, nurse). At any rate, the data suggest that neither the authoritarian person nor the individual with a traditional orientation toward women finds the need for succorance personally or socially acceptable. That is, the need for succorance on self-report measures showed no significant correlation with attitudes toward women or with authoritarianism, while the indirect measure of succorance showed higher correlations with both syndromes. An additional finding regarding both the authoritarian and the male with a traditional orientation toward women is the failure of either individual to strongly advocate

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67 traditional sexual and social behavior for women. Correlations between traditional attitudes regarding sexual and social behavior (Factor III of the Attitudes Toward Women Scale) and other measures of a traditional orientation were relatively low, falling just under the .05 level of significance. Particularly surprising was the finding that males with a high need for dominance, while favoring a traditional role for women in the home, in education and in employment, support liberal sexual and social behavior for women (r=-.29). This apparent discrepancy may be accounted for by rapidly changing standards for sexual and social behavior among undergraduates. According to results of a massive yearly survey of over 250,000 entering college freshmen (1967-1974) reported by Bayer and Cutton (1976) , attitudes regarding women's role in society and employment opportunities for women have changed rapidly in the last ten years. The percentage of undergraduates agreeing to the statement "The activities of married women are best confined to the home and family" fell from 57% in 1967 to 30% in 197 4. Quite possibly, changes in attitudes regarding the sexual and social behavior for women have preceded changes in attitudes regarding women's role in the family and society. Thus, undergraduates who are traditional in their attitudes regarding women's status in society may be less traditional in their attitudes regarding sexual and social behavior.

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6 3 One alternative explanation for the negative correlation between the need for dominance and traditional attitudes toward women might be that males with a high need for dominance endorse standards which enable women to be more easily dominated sexually. However, analysis of items in Factor III of the AWS dealing specifically with sexual behavior would be necessary in order to test the validity of this explanation. (It should be remembered in interpreting any of the above-mentioned data that the correlations between variables are rather low, overall, although several reach significance due to the large sample size.) Demographic Variables The failure of the tests for demographic variables to reach significance indicates that the findings concerning the relationships between independent and dependent variables are not confounded by the individual's religion, political orientation, parents' income or parents' level of education. These results seem to contradict the findings of Baker (1972) and Pawlicki and Almquist (1973), who found a variety of demographic variables to influence attitudes toward women. It may be noted that the subjects in both of these studies were females, and the findings of the present study may indicate that these variables are less important in determining attitudes toward women among male undergraduates than among females. Also, this population of

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6 9 introductory psychology students was relatively homogeneous in regard to socioeconomic status, background, and political orientation. Quite possibly, these similarities outweighed any variation that might be expected due to religion. These findings suggest that investigators in this area who use psychology students as subjects might well strive to achieve a better balance of conservative and liberal students in order to avoid assessing only students in the more liberal end of the spectrum. Independent Variables An interesting comparison of direct and indirect measures of the same traits is provided in this study. Although not significant, the positive correlation between a self-report measure of the need for dominance and dominance ratings on the TAT (r=.22) suggests that the need for dominance is seen as socially acceptable by undergraduate males. On the other hand, the nonsignificant, negative correlation between a self-report and an indirect measure of sex guilt (r=-.20) suggests that sex guilt is seen as socially or personally acceptable by some students but is unacceptable to others. This negative correlation might also be seen to suggest that conscious and unconscious sex guilt involve some qualitatively different feelings with different underlying dynamics. The significant correlation between TAT ratings for dominance and ratings for sex guilt might be taken to

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7 indicate contusion of the judges in regard to these two variables. However, their differential correlations with the F Scale suggests that this was not the case. Rather, it appears that there is some tendency for males with a less conscious need for dominance to be characterized by a less conscious sex guilt. Dependent Variables The significant, positive correlations between dependent variables suggests the Sex Differences Questionnaire, the Sex-Role Stereotype Questionnaire, and the Attitudes Toward Women Scale are measuring similar orientations toward women. The two notable exceptions to this pattern among the dependent variables are the Goldberg Misogyny Test and Factor III of the AWS . As discussed above, Factor III of the AWS taps attitudes concerning the sexual and social behavior of women rather than opinions about the status of women in the family and society. Thus, it is not surprising that this variable has different implications for undergraduate males and is not highly correlated with the remaining dependent variables. The failure of scores on the Goldberg Misogyny Test to correlate significantly with either the independent variables or the dependent variables quite likely resulted from the manner in which this test was adapted for use in this study. Although the average scores given to male authors were significantly (p=.001) more favorable than the

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1 1 average scores given to female authors when ratings given by all subjects were averaged, the difference between scores given to female authors and male authors by an indi vidua l was apparently not a sensitive measure of bias against women. Probably the variation of individual scores was due. to several factors such as individual preference for a subject or a particular writing style, in addition to bias against female authors. Thus, the individual scores were not meaningful in terms of bias against women and did not correlate significantly with other measures of attitudes toward women. Me thodological Considerations All conclusions drawn from this study must be limited to an undergraduate male population at a Southern state university. Generalizations to other age groups or even to undergraduates in other geographical areas must be made with some caution. The use of young adult males as subjects may be seen as advantageous in this subject area since the effects of personal experience are minimized somewhat in this population. As Tavris (1972) noted, personal experience plays a sizeable role in determining the attitudes of both males and females toward women's liberation. More specifically, she found that divorced males were more in favor of women's liberation than were single or married males. Since the population in the present study was comprised primarily of single, young

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72 (13-20) males, we might assume that their opinions were less influenced by their own experience than was true of the older population studied by Tavris. That is, the attitudes of these subjects are likely to be a more direct reflection of cultural mythology and individual emotional factors without the confounding effects of personal experience. Contrary to the conclusions of Leiman and Epstein (1961) that TAT rating scales were not likely to provide meaningful, quantifiable information regarding sex guilt, the rating scale employed here (see Appendix B) was found to allow for high inter-rater agreement, and to correlate significantly with an established instrument (the California F Scale) . Leiman and Epstein were unable to obtain inter-rater agreement with a sex guilt rating scale for the TAT and attributed this difficulty to the "dearth and vagueness of the guilt responses themselves." They concluded that sexual guilt "was manifested by avoidance of sexual themes rather than by guilt themes" (1961, p. 170) . In order to allow for the likelihood that some subjects might indeed indicate sexual anxiety and guilt in this manner, the sex guilt rating scale employed in this study included scores for more or less direct expression of guilt as well as for the omission of any mention of sexual imagery on the cards with high sexual relevance. Thus, either the mention of misgivings about sex, misfortune befalling a character following sexual activity, or the

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73 omission of any reference to a sexual relationship on cards which strongly implied such a relationship, were scored for sex guilt. The scoring categories for sexual imagery as well as the expression of sex gui.lt were modeled after those discussed by Clark (1952) . The negative correlation (r=-.2Q) of scores on this rating scale with Mosher Sex Guilt scores seems to suggest that the two instruments are tapping different aspects of sex guilt (i.e., more or less conscious guilt feelings). This rating scale might well be employed in conjunction with the Mosher Inventory in future investigations involving this variable.

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APPENDIX A QUESTIONNAIRE TAT Instructions This is a test of imagination. I am going to show you some pictures, one at a time; and your task will be to make up as dramatic a story as you can for each. Tell what has led up to the event shown in the picture, describe what is happening at the moment, what the characters are feeling and thinking; and then give the outcome. Write your thoughts as they come to your mind. Since you have thirty-five minutes for seven stories, you can devote about five minutes to each story. Literature Ratin g Test In this booklet you will find excerpts of six articles, written by six different authors in six different professional fields. At the end of each article you will find several questions which are to be answered before you proceed to the next article. You are not presumed to be sophisticated or knowledgeable in all the fields. We are interested in the ability of college students to make critical evaluations of professional literature. 74

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Cylinder, Sphere, and Cone Joseph W. Banks To achieve a balance between external nature and the exigencies of the painting on a flat surface, Cezanne had to be a master juggler. He painfully adjusted and readjusted his color dabs and rhythmic contour lines, insisting on sitting after sitting from his human models, which nearly drove them to distraction. The explicit definition of the edges of forms was always just avoided lest line harden into decoration. He reversed perspective, placing the culminating point of objects in the foreground, and at that point he made color richest. He also distorted the normal pattern of optical perspective by tilting up the horizontal plane of a retreating road or the hole at the mouth of a jug so that they came forward, or by bending the side of a house toward the spectator. Or he might paint a landscape from several different points of view and positions to reveal more of its surface than is normally seen. In short, he painted conce ptually but still included the perceptual sensuous truth of nature. In Cezanne we find, too, a quality of tension that can be compared to seventeenth-century "metaphysical" poetry. Lyrical sensations of nature and remarkable powers of abstraction are combined at high pressure. The content of Cezanne's thought and his "plastic" ideas are as concrete and apprehensible as the sensuous data of nature. A delicate pattern that pine branches make against the sea or the evocative immediacy of nature's fresh green are no less real for us in the abstract formulation Cezanne gives them. The artist sealed in one stroke the breach of form and content that had ruled painting since the death of Giotto. Because the life or death of his canvas hinged on an accumulation of minute adjustments of color, Cezanne's paintings sometimes seem either overdeveloped or _ incomplete . An arabesque freezes, the dynamic operation of the many-faceted surface exhausts the eye, or the iron rule of form and structure becomes oppressive. His towering humility before nature and a chance phrase _ in a letter to the dealer Vollard, confessing an inability to "realize," have unfortunately exaggerated these_ failures. Cezanne's anxieties are no measure of his very grand achievement; indeed, his last works are sometimes more rewarding considered in series rather than as intact achievements. There are certain key

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76 canvases — two or three versions of the C ard-player s , bathers in a landscape, a number of still lifes, views of Mont Sainte-Victoire — that sum up his methods in a masterpiece. But their meaning is enlarged if we think of even these paintings as thematic variations in one great fugue on nature's grandeur, and as part of an inexhaustible plastic invention. Despite his concentration on formal structure and pure pictorial values, Cezanne never relinquished the feeling for light and air that he acquired from Pissarro and the Impressionists. As his art progressed, he thinned his pigment so that the white surface lightened tones as it may do in water colors. During his later vears he very often worked in water color directly in a manner that was both suggestive and abstract. Cezanne sought in these tenuous impressions to express not the accidental, shifting iridescence of nature as the Impressionists had done, but its intrinsic color in all its intensity. He chose Provence as a paintxng locale because the even Mediterranean light gave a^ sharp, unchanging exposure to his motifs; the placid skies of Provence allowed color to burn with an undiffused brightness. And in the clarity of a southern atmosphere, Cezanne felt the sympathetic presence of the great classical masters, of Poussin and the Italians. In his own phrase, he wished to "redo nature after Poussin. The rational and classical quality of his art is all the more remarkable in view of Cezanne's early struggles with his own exuberant and undisciplined nature. It took an enormous exercise of will to master a turbulent emotional life. The general picture of the artist is based on his mature personality and is that of the "hyper-bourgeois" of fanatical conservatism; a solitary, entrenched in home and church and darkly suspicious of new ideas. Yet in his youth Cezanne was the most defiant of rebels and the prototype of the romantic bohemian.

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77 Answer the following questions by circling the one response to each question which most clearly reflects your opinion Work quickly and answer all questions. 1. How valuable for the general reader would you consider Mr. Banks' article to be? 1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable 3. some value 4. little value 5. no value 2. How valuable for the professional person in the field would you consider Mr. Banks' article to be? 1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable 3. some value 4. little value 5. no value 3. Quite aside from content, how effective would you judge Mr. Banks' writing style to be? 1. extremely effective 2. moderately effective 3. partially effective 4. moderately ineffectual" 5. extremely ineffectual 4. Based on this article, what would you judge Mr. Banks' professional competence to be? 1. extremely competent 2. above, average competence 3. average competence 4. below average competence 5 . incompetent 5. To what extent did you agree with Mr. Banks' point of view? 1. complete agreement 2. great deal of agreement 3. partial agreement 4. little agreement 5. complete disagreement 6. How profound would you judge Mr. Banks' article to be? 1. extremely profound 2. moderately profound 3. somewhat profound 4. little profundity 5. not at all profound 7. Based on your reading of this article, what would you guess Mr. Banks' status in his field to be? 1. a leader in the field 2. important person in the field 3. average status 4. less than average status 5. little or no status in the profession

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To what extent did Mr. Banks sway your opinions about the issues discussed in his article? 1. completely 2. a great deal 3. somewhat 4. very little 5. not at all If you were to assign a grade to Mr. Banks' article, what would it be? 1. A 2. B 3. C 4. D 5. F

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Readiness for Learning Pauline L. Conger What is most important for teaching basic concepts is that the child be helped to pass progressively from concrete thinking to the" utilization of more conceptually adequate modes of thought. But it is futile to attempt this by presenting formal explanations based on a logic that is distant from the child's manner of thinking and sterile in its implications for him. Much teaching in mathematics is of this sort. The child learns not to understand mathematical order but rather to apply _ certain devices or recipes without understanding their significance and connectedness. They are not translated into his way of thinking. Given this inappropriate start, he is easily led to believe that the important thing is for him to be "accurate" — -chough accuracy has less to do with mathematics than with computation. Perhaps the most striking example of this type of thing is to be found in the manner in which the high school student meets Euclidian geometry for the first time, as a set of axioms and theorems, without having had some experience with simple geometric configurations and the intuitive means whereby one deals with them. If the child were earlier given the concepts and strategies in the form of intuitive geometry at a level that he could easily follow, he might be far better able to grasp deeply the meaning of the theorems and axioms to which he is exposed later. But the intellectual development of the child is no clockwork sequence of events; it also responds to influences from the environment, notably the school environment. Thus instruction in scientific ideas, even at the elementary level, need not follow slavishly the natural course of cognitive development in the child. It can also lead intellectual development by providing challenging but usable opportunities for the child to forge ahead in his development. Experience has shown that it is worth the effort to provide the growing child with problems that tempt him into next stages of development. In teaching from kindergarten to graduate school, I have been amazed at the intellectual similarity of human beings at all ages, although children are perhaps more spontaneous, creative, and energetic than adults. As far as I am concerned young children learn almost anything faster than adults do if it can be given to them in terms they understand. Giving the material to them in terms they understand, interestingly enough, turns out to involve knowing the mathematics oneself,

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8 and the better one knowsit, the better it can be taught. It is appropriate that we warn ourselves to be careful of assigning an absolute level of difficulty to any particular topic. '/Then I tell mathematicians that fourth-grade students can go a long way into "set theory" a few of them reply: "Of course." Most of them are startled. The latter ones are completely wrong in assuming that "set theory" is intrinsically difficult. Of course it may be that nothing is intrinsically difficult We just have to wait until the proper point of view and corresponding language for presenting it are revealed. Given particular subject matter or a particular concept, it is easy to ask trivial questions or to lead the child to ask trivial questions. It is also easy to ask impossibly difficult questions. The trick is to find the medium questions that can be answered and that take you somewhere. This is the big job of teachers and textbooks. One leads the child by the well-wrought "medium questions" to move more rapidly through the stages of intellectual development, to a deeper understanding of the mathematical, physical, and historical principles. We must know far more about the ways in which this can be done.

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8.1 Answer the following questions by circling the one response to each question which most clearly reflects your opinion. Work quickly and answer all questions. 1. How valuable for the general reader would you consider Miss Conger's article to be? 1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable 3. some value 4. little value 5. no value 2. How valuable for the professional person in the field would you consider Miss Conger's article to be? 1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable 3. some value 4. little value 5. no value 3. Quite aside from content, how effective would you judge Miss Conger's writing style to be? 1. extremely effective 2. moderately effective 3. partially effective 4. moderately ineffectual 5. extremely ineffectual 4. Based on this article, what would you judge Miss Conger's professional competence to be? 1. extremely competent 2. above average competence 3. average competence 4. below average competence 5. incompetent 5. To what extent did you agree with Miss Conger's point of view? 1. complete agreement 2. great deal of agreement 3. partial agreement 4. little agreement 5. complete disagreement 6. How profound would you judge Miss Conger's article to be? 1. extremely profound 2. moderately profound 3. somewhat profound 4. little profundity 5. not at all profound 7. Based on your reading of this article, what would you guess Miss Conger's status in her field to be? 1. a leader in the field 2. important: person in the field 3. average status 4. less than average status 5. little or no status in the profession

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To what extent did Miss Conger sway your opinions about the issues discussed in her article? 1. completely 2. a great deal 3. somewhat 4. very little 5. not at all If you were to assign a grade to Miss Conger's article, what would it be?

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Sense and Nonsense About Nutrition Stephen Wilson Hamilton Question: A radio broadcaster says that lack of Vitamin I in the diet of a father before conception may cause abnormalities in his children. Should he take extra vitamin E as a precautionary measure? Answer: He should not. There is_ no sci entific e vidence to suppor t this notion. Question: I have been told that the sugar in dates is not absorbed in the bloodstream and is therefore safe for diabetics. True? Answer: You have been told , but not the truth . The sugar in dates is well a bsorbed , as is the sugar in all foods . Question: Will two teaspoons of apple-cider vinegar taken in a glass of water at each meal thin your blood? Answer : What makes you think your blood needs thinning , or thickening ? In eithe r case , vinegar would have no effect on it . Moreove r , if you added hone y to the vinegar it would not affect any arthriti s you may have , and most of us have some . I have a thousand such questions in my files. And new ones keep coming in response to a syndicated column I have been writing for the past four years. To my surprise I have found there is little difference between the queries from people of modest schooling and those from college graduates. Indeed, I am beginning to think that the better educated a man is , the greater his skill in summoning up pseudoscience to support the latest food fad. To be sure, he never uses this term. He takes his delusions seriously, as did our forebears who--from earliest recorded history — have attributed magical powers, both good and bad, to food. Sea salt was perhaps the first nutritional myth to gain a commercial foothold in this country. In his delightful bock on quackery, Dr. Hames H. Young reports that a Massachusetts Bay colonist was fined five pounds in 1630 for vending sea water to cure scurvy. Today, although the Food and Drug Administration has brought numerous actions against the purveyors, sea-salt tablets are still widely sold, mainly to elderly people who believe they will restore vigor and cure assorted ailments. Of course, they can do no such thing. Nor is there any evidence that beets build blood (not even Harvard beets). Fish and celery are not brain foods;

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Si and yogurt--alas--will not keep one young, though all of us in our mid-fifties wish it would. In a few instances, the seemingly uncanny powers of certain foods have been scientifically explained. We now know, for example, that limes or lemons cured scurvy because of their vitamin C content. Rice polishings prevented beriberi by reason of the vitamin B , or thiamine they provided. An ancient treatment 1 ^ or goiter was dried or burned sponge, which is a rich source of iodine, Sometimes a half-truth or a distorted scientific fact will give rise to a food myth. For example, carrots, as is often said, can be "good for the eyes." But only if you have nor been getting sufficient vitamin A for some time. The human body converts carotene, the yellow pigment of carrots, into this vitamin which is needed to form an essential pigment (rhodopsin) of the retina. However, there is also plenty of carotene in green vegetables where its yellow color is masked by chlorophyll. So green vegetables can be equally "good for the eyes." Will plenty of rare steak make you strong? Certainly it is rich in good quality protein. But so are fish, eggs, milk — and overcooked steak. You can get equally strong on a diet of the right cereals and legumes plus a small amount of animal protein to supply certain amino acids which the body cannot get from any other source. To say all this — as I have been doing, for many years in writing and in person--will not, I know, have an immediate effect on your consumption of carrots or steak. Eating habits are deeply rooted in our nature and culture and it takes a long time to alter our tastes or wnittle away our prejudices. Most people, in fact, have an extraordinary way of adapting scientific information to their own whims and preconceptions . A striking example of such perversity was reported a few years ago by Dr. Edward Welling, an anthropologist of Harvard's Department of Nutrition, after an expedition to Peru. There he studied the maternal and infant feeding practices of the 230 residents of Espinos. He described these villagers, culturally typical of the area, as "neither Indian, Spanish, nor modern LatinAmerican but a mixture of all three." He found them "industrious, dignified, and poor." They had little formal education. But public-health officials, nurses, doctors, and teachers had been carrying on a continuing educational program among them for some years. However, Espinos mothers clung obdurately to their own nutritional myths. They had been told by the health experts, for example, that colostrum — the secretion of the mother's

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85 breasts right after birth—is a desirable food for the baby because it is high in vitamins and minerals and provides antibodies to help ward off infection. But the women of Espinos believe that colostrum blocks the milk flow, that it may foul the child's stomach and even kill it. So the mother carefully squeezes the colostrum from her breasts and buries it in the ground. She is also aware that her diet during pregnancy and lactation influences her health and her child's. Accordingly, she reduces her intake of meat, eggs, fresh fruit, and vegetables while pregnant, and, as always, drinks very little milk. Her fare consists of the usual corn, beans, squash, rice, tea, and stews, despite the contrary urging of experts. Health workers have sung the praises of orange juice and the villagers now accept it as desirable for adults, particularly the sick, and for children of school age. But no mother will give it to a baby, being convinced that an infant who is still on milk should get nothing else. As to vitamins in general--public-health workers and relatives living in cities have persuaded the villagers that vitamins exist and that they impart substance and vigor to certain foods. However, they interpret and apply this knowledge in their own fashion. They regard vitamins as too "strong" for infants and too "fattening" for pregnant women. Thus they endow all foods known to be very nourishing or fattening with a high vitamin content. One woman explained that although she loved beef and fish-head soup she passed up both during her pregnancy "because they had too many vitamins." Ludicrous as these notions may seem, not a few Americans have equally weird ideas about vitamin pills — particularly the belief that if you gulp enough of them, you will be adequately nourished. In fact, vitamins are simply catalysts which enable otner nutrients to function more effectively. Furthermore — contrary to popular myth--there is no reason to increase your consumption of vitamins as you grow older. They serve primarily to help metabolize food and thus to produce energy and build, maintain, and repair body tissues. Since total food intake diminishes (or should diminish) with the years, the elderly in general have less need for vitamins than younger folk. At any age, whether a given individual needs extra vitamins is a decision for his doctor to make. In matters of nutrition, however, all too many Americans prefer to take their counsel from TV commercials,

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an oracular voice on the radio or a newspaper report en the latest diet fad. A women's magazine editor recently told me that his readers feel neglected unless he publishes a new diet every other month. "You need some gimmick," he said with a long sigh. At best, most of these gimmicks are worthless. One of the most ridiculous was the Hay diet of the 1930 's, which prompted a lot of people to cut and eat hay fresh from the fields. Actually the diet was the invention of W. H. Hay, M.D., whose gimmick was a prohibition against eating protein and carbohydrates at the same meal. Since many individual foods contain both these components, the injunction is senseless. But though the Hay diet is forgotten, the notion persists that meat and potatoes—or some other combinations of foodsis bad for you.

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87 Answer the followir.g questions by circling the one response to each question "which most clearly reflects your opinion. Work quickly and answer all questions. 1. How valuable for the general reader would you consider Mr. Hamilton's article to be? 1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable 3. some value 4. little value 5. no value 2. How valuable for the professional person in the field would you consider Mr. Hamilton's article to be? 1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable 3. some value 4. little value 5. no value 3. Quite aside from content, how effective would you judge Mr. Hamilton's writing style to be? 1. extremely effective 2. moderately effective 3. partially effective 4. moderately ineffectual 5. extremely ineffectual 4. Based on this article, what would you judge Mr. Hamilton's professional competence to be? 1. extremely competent 2. above average competence 3. average competence 4. below average competence 5 . incompetent 5. To what extent did you agree with Mr. Hamilton's point of view? 1. complete agreement 2. great deal of agreement 3. partial agreement 4. little agreement 5. complete disagreement 5. How profound would you judge Mr. Hamilton's article to be? 1. extremely profound 2. moderately profound 3. somewhat profound 4. little profundity 5. not at all profound 7. Based on your reading of this article, what would you guess Mr. Hamilton's status in his field to be? 1. a leader in the field 2. important person in the field 3. average status 4. less than average status 5. little or no status in the profession

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88 To what extent did Mr. Hamilton sway your opinions about the issues discussed in his article? 1. completely 2. a great deal 3. somewhat 4. very little 5. not at all If you were to assign a grade to Mr. Hamilton's article, what would it be? 1. A 2. B 3. C 4. D 5. F

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89 Speech, Conversation, and Language Joan T . McKay The first and most obvious assumption of the science of language is that there is a language. But this is precisely what is uncertain. For just as it does not follow from the existence of theology that there is a God, nor from geometrical theorems about the circle or triangle that such things exist in reality, so the whole of philology is no proof of the existence of a language. To begin with, there actually is no language, but only speech: my speech, your speech, our speech now and here, today and yesterday. But our speech is not yet a language, it is at most conversation. Ana even this would have to be doubted if my speech were not heard and understood and answered in some way by someone else. If I were the only one in the whole world who spoke, there would not only be no language, there would not even be speech, not even my speech. How can I be sure, how can I know that I am speaking when no one hears me, no one understands, no one answersno one; therefore not even myself? in order to be sure of my speaking, I must at least be able to hear, understand and answer my own speech. Speaking, hearing, understanding, answering or speaking again: all these belong together and form a circle, within which real speech or conversation are circumscribed and guaranteed. We have already used the expression speaking in two senses: first in the abstract one of an individual act of speaking, and then in the fuller one of conversation. It is only the second kind, speaking that is listened to with understanding, is answered, and is assured of reality, in other words, conversation, which is living and concrete speech. It is generally assumed that for conversation several persons are necessary, or at least two: a Jones who speaks to a Smith. That is not so; everyone can speak to himself. At least three or four factors such as feeling, thinking, speaking, understanding, hearing, answering, are necessary to speech, but not two persons. This does not mean that soliloquy is the original form of conversation; but it is the simplest. It is the simplest conceivable, which does not mean the most natural, bat only the most simplified. There is little sense in asking which came first, conversation with oneself or with others, monologue or dialogue. Quite primitive people, children and

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drunkards, often talk to themselves. One can, of course, assume that they believe someone else to be present who is talking to them. On the other hand there are many highly educated people who never say an audible word to themselves, and yet spend their whole life in inner soliloquy: great recluses, silent dreamers and thinkers, who from without can hardly be induced to break their silence, so deeply are they immersed in dialogue with their Self. It is as useless for the history of language to inquire whether monologue or dialogue came first, as it is for the history of literature to inquire whether the lyric, the epic, or the drama is the first-born. Both questions resemble the jejune problem, which of the numbers one, two, three came first. The lyric is the outpouring of the lonely heart; for the epic a hearer is needed; and the drama presupposes at least three persons or situations: protagonist, antagonist, and spectator, all of which, it is true, the poet can represent himself, just as in a song a hundred minds and voices can flov; together into a choir. So here, too, it is a question of situations, not of persons; and if we begin to number such aspects one, two, three, we shall have grasped the first one fully only after the third and last has been apprehended. No one can speak who cannot understand and answer. The parrot can perform the external act of speaking; but he cannot make conversation. He does not understand himself. He is at most an individual, and not a personality. In attempting to lay the foundation of philology, the concept of the individual should be avoided, and should be" replaced by that of the person. For in a conversation only the one who plays a part counts, not one who accidentally happens to be present. Indeed, as we have seen, the person has to take part both of hearer and of speaker; but then he is sufficient unto himself for carrying on a conversation and needs no second, since he is his own partner. "Person" and "part" are so closely interwoven with the concept and the meaning of persona , that although several parts or persons can be thought of as united in one person, no person can be thought of without a part.

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91 Answer the following questions by circling the one response to each question which most clearly reflects your opinion. Work quickly and answer all questions. 1. How valuable for the general reader would you consider Miss McKay's article to be? 1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable 3. some value 4. little value 5. no value 2. How valuable for the professional person in the field would you consider Miss McKay's article to be? 1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable 3. some value 4. little value 5. no value 3. Quite aside from content, how effective would you judge Miss McKay's writing style to be? 1. extremely effective 2. moderately effective 3, partially effective 4. Moderately ineffectual 5. extremely ineffectual 4. Based on this article, what would you judge Miss McKay's professional competence to be? 1. extremely competent 2. above average competence 3 . average competence 4 . below average competence 5. incompetent 5. To what extent did you agree with Miss McKay's point of view? 1. complete agreement 2. great deal of agreement 3. partial agreement 4. little agreement 5. complete disagreement 6. How profound would you judge Miss McKay's article to be? 1. extremely profound 2. moderately profound 3. somewhat profound 4. little profundity 5. not at all profound 7. Based on your reading of this article, what would you guess Miss McKay's status in her field to be? 1. a leader in the field 2. important person in the field 3. average status 4. less than average status 5. little or no status in the profession

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92 To what extent did Miss McKay sway your opinions about the issues discussed in her article? 1. completely 2. a great deal 3, somewhat 4. very little 5. not at all If you were to assign a grade to Miss McKay's article, what would it be? 1 . A 2. B 3. C 4. D 5. F

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93 A Post Mortem of the Eichmann Case Louise Morgan Michaels The majority of legal commentators on the Eichmann case have upheld the right of the State of Israel, in conformity with international law, to try the kidnapped Adolph Eichmann in an Israeli court under an admittedly extra-territorial and retroactive Israeli law. Most writers go no further in the review of the case, considering the legal matter closed upon the determination of legality. But the unfortunate truth appears to be that the legality of the Eichmann case is not derived from the particular compliance of this case with some high and taxing standards of the lav;, but from the general permissiveness of the applicable international law, under which, apparently, "every independent state has jurisdiction to punish war criminals in its custody regardless of the nationality of the victim, the time it entered the war, or the place where the offense was committed . " Indeed, even some of the commentators who found the Charter of the Nuremberg Tribunal objectionable on the ground that it penalized political offenses (such as "crime against peace") hitherto not recognized in international law, have not made the same objection to the trial cf Eichmann, who was tried and convicted for "crime against humanity" (of which the "crime against Jews" is a mere particularization) and "war crime" — both of which have had a longer history and recognition in international law. The fact that the trial of Eichmann did not constitute a violation of international law, fails to answer completely the question whether Israel's conduct in this case conforms to the standards of international conduct required to meet the growing needs of a world society striving for a greater degree of order and security through more effective standards of world law. As has been providently pointed out, "the important thing is that the trial and judgement shall not only be but appear to be just and fair, and shall contribute to the growth of law among the nations . " The trial of Eichmann complied with only a part of this admonition. It is undeniable that the actual conduct of Eichmann' s public trial complied with a high standard of judicial process and also effectively conveyed this impression to the world community. But while in the long run the case will in most likelihood help fortify

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94 the body of international criminal law — through its reiteration of the Nuremberg principles and the reassertion of individual responsibility-it has unfortunately left the impression that this result was partially procured through force. Indeed, the illegal force employed in bringing the accused to trial made it unclear in the mind of the world whether it was "force" or whether it was "justice" which had won in the last analysis. The keen observation has been made in this connection that "the cause of law is always poorly served by lawless law enforcement." Clearly, the precedent-setting value of the case, which gives recognition to universally enforced international criminal penalties, suffers from the fact that Eichmann's apprehension and punishment were not accomplished through judicial process only. In the final analysis, it has been suggested, the trial of Eichmann failed to answer the fear of those who can see the misuse of the name of international law, in future times, by a victorious force which may not necessarily be on the side of justice. But what is feared most, indeed, is the impact of lawless law enforcement on our own morality and judicial institutions rather than that it may provide, in the future, an "excuse" or "precedent" for the "wrong" victor who requires little or any such precedent. Because of the criticism of the Nuremberg trial as one conducted under the auspices of the victorious powers, it was the hope of many that future international tribunals would be more broadly constituted, in order to alleviate the fear of politically motivated or oriented justice and to lend future judgments wider international scope. Unfortunately, Israel's decision, based on understandable domestic needs, to try Eichmann in its own courts, has not complied with this hope. The absence of an existing international criminal tribunal made it difficult for Israel to do otherwise. Yet it is feared that this unilateral enforcement may considerably weaken the case's role as an effective deterrent against future international criminal behavior. In bringing the Eichmann case before a domestic rather than an international tribunal, Israel nevertheless acted in accordance with historical practices and may have very well contributed to the joint nationalinternational responsibility for the creation and enforcement of international criminal law. The inability or unwillingness of the international community in the past to adopt an international criminal code and to establish an international criminal tribunal must not, indeed, deter individual nations from adopting and reasonably expanding their own internal legal principles, derived' from what is already generally acknowledged

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among nations. Israel's reliance upon the principle of Nuremberg and the Genocide Convention as authority for its own lav; may serve as a prime example of a healthy cross influence between national and international law. As the observer for the International Commission of Jurists clearly pointed out: "The Eichmann trial is an illustration of international penal justice. This justice, which is still in the first phases of its development, or what is often called a 'primitive' state, is administered mainly by states. A state fulfills this task by applying international law either directlv or through its body of laws. " Critics of Nuremberg have argued, and the same argument could be repeated in the Eichmann case, that: "Before one may expect the creation of an international criminal law as enunciated at Nuremberg it will first be necessary to accept, and to practice without crippling reservations, the principle of compulsory jurisdiction of an international court or agency over states in all their disputes even though these disputes may be claimed to be political in character." Pleas for an international criminal code and an international criminal tribunal will continue to be made. Whether the code or the tribunal should come first is already subject to disagreement. In response to the clam; that without an international criminal code, "real progress in international law can achieve nothing unless there be an international court to apply it." Furthermore, the precedent of the World Court may indicate that international accord could more easily be obtained for the establishment of an international criminal tribunal than for the enactment of a comprehensive international criminal code. The defects in the Eichmann case, it is hoped, may possibly serve to stress again the need for a permanent international criminal tribunal. The Eichmann case, indeed, furnished an opportunity for the establishment of an ad hoc tribunal in the Nuremberg tradition, but the opportunity was not seized. It is obvious that the only constant means for preventing future misuse of international law will be through the constitution of such an international tribunal, to act within the confines of trie best international judicial traditions, and to supervise the healthy development of an international "criminal" rather than "political" international law. This obviously has not come to pass as yet. In the interim, it is quite likely that the nistorical

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96 facts may tend to justify the position of Justice Jackson that we cannot await a perfect international tribunal or legislature, and that international law must develop, as did the common law, through custom, agreement, and judicial precedent, such as the Nuremberg and Eichmann trials themselves—despite their defects — were intended to provide.

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97 Answer the following Questions by circling the one response to each question which most clearly reflects your opinion. Work quickly and answer all questions. How valuable for the general reader would you consider Miss Michaels ' article to be? 1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable 3. seme value 4. little value 5. no value How valuable for the professional person in the field would you consider Miss Michaels' article to be? 1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable 3. some value 4. little value 5/ no value Quite aside from content,, how effective would you judge Miss Michaels' writing style to be? 1. extremely effective 2. moderately effective 3. partially effective 4. moderately ineffectual 5. extremely ineffectual Based on this article, what would you judge Miss Michaels' professional competence to be? 1. extremely competent 2. above average competence 3. average competence 4. below average competence 5. incompetent To what extent did you agree with Miss Michaels' point of view? 1. complete agreement 2. great deal of agreement 3. partial agreement 4. little agreement 5. complete disagreement How profound would you judge Miss Michaels ' article to be? 1. extremely profound 2. moderately profound 3. somewhat profound 4. little profundity 5. not at all profound Based on your reading of this article, what would you guess Miss Michaels' status in her field to be? 1. a leader in the field 2. important person in the field 3, average status 4. less than average status 5. little or no status in the profession

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98 To what, extent did Miss Michaels sway your opinions about the issues discussed in her article? 1. completely 2. a great deal 3. somewhat 4. very little 5. not at all If you were to assign a grade to Miss Michaels' article, what would it be? 1. A 2.B 3.C 4.D 5. F

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39 City Planning and Urban Realities Harry F. Redlich American intellectuals have begun to rediscover the city. Net since the days of the muckrakers has there been so much interest in local politics and in the "physical" features of the city--the problems of slums and urban renewal, middle-income housing, the lack of open space, the plight of the downtown business district, and the ever-increasing traffic congestion. The new concern with questions usually relegated to architects and planners has been stimulated especially by two recent changes in city life. The rapid influx of Negro and Puerto Rican immigrants has created slums in some neighborhoods where intellectuals live, forcing them to choose between fighting for neighborhood improvement or joining the rest of the middle class in flight. At the same time, the postwar building boom--in office buildings as well as residential projects—is altering and destroying some favorite intellectual haunts like New York's Greenwich Village and Chicago's Near North Side. This change has provided new material for one of the basic themes of the ongoing critique of American society — the destruction of tradition by mass-produced modernity. During the 1950 's, the critique centered on the ravages produced by mass culture and by suburbia. In the 1960 's it is likely to focus on the destruction of traditional urbanity by new forms of city building. The vital neighborhood should be diverse in its use of land and in the people who inhabit it. Every district should be a mixture of residences, business, and industry; of old buildings and new; of young people and old; of rich and poor. People want diversity, and in neighborhoods where it exists, they strike roots and participate in community life, thus generating vitality. When diversity is lacking, when neighborhoods are scourged by the great blight of dullness, residents who are free to leave do so, and are replaced by the povertystricken, who have no other choice, and the areas soon turn into slums. The most important component of vitality is an abundant street life. Neighborhoods that are designed to encourage people to use the streets, or to watch what goes on in them, make desirable quarters for residence, work, and play. Moreover, where there is street life, there is little crime, for the people on the street and

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100 in the buildings which overlook it watch and protect each other, thus discouraging criminal acts more efficiently than police patrols. The abundance of street life is brought about by planning principles which are geometrically opposed to those practiced by orthodox city planners. First, a district must have several functions, so that its buildings and streets are used at all times of the day, and do not (like Wall Street) stand empty in offhours. The area should be built up densely with structures close to the street and low enough in number of stories to encourage both street life and street watching. Blocks should be short, for corners invite stores, and these bring people out into the streets for shopping and socializing. Sidewalks should be wide enough for pavement socials and children's play; intensive and high-speed automobile traffic should be directed elsewhere, for the automobile frightens away pedestrians. Small parks and playgrounds are desirable, but large open spaces — especially those intended only for decoration and not for use— not only deaden a district by separating people from each other but also invite criminals. Buildings should be both old and new, expensive and cheap, for low rents invite diversity in the form of new industries, shops and artists' studios. Neighborhoods which are designed on the basis of these principles are areas like New York's Greenwich Village and San Francisco's Telegraph Hill (where residences of ail types, prices and ages mix with small business, industry and cultural facilities) and low-income ethnic quarters like Boston's North End and Chicago's Back-of-the-Yards district. The new forms of city building discourage street life, and create only dullness. Highrise apartment buildings, whether in public housing or private luxury flats, are standardized, architecturally undistinguished, and institutional in appearance if not operation. They house homogeneous populations, segregating people by income, race, and often even age, and isolating them in purely residential quarters. Elevators, and the separation of the building from the street by a moat of useless open space, frustrate maternal supervision of children, thus keeping children off the street. Often there are no real streets at all, because prime access is by car. Nor is there any reason for people to use the streets, for instead of large numbers of small stores fronting on a street, there are shopping centers containing a small number of large stores--usually chains — each of which has a monopoly in its line. The small merchant, who watches the street and provides a

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101 center for neighborhood communication and social life, is absent here. En such projects, the residents have no place to meet each other, and there is no spontaneous neighborhood life. As a result, people have no feeling for their neighbors, and no identification with the area. In luxury buildings, doormen watch the empty streets and discourage the criminal visitor, but in a public housing project, there is no doorman, and the interior streets and elevators invite rape, theft, and vandalism. Areas like this are blighted by dullness from the start, and are destined to become slums before their time. The major responsibility for the new forms of city building may be placed on the city planner and on two theories of city forms: Ebenezer Howard's low-density Garden City, and Lee Corbusier's high-rise apartment complex, the Radiant City. The planner is an artist who wants to restructure life by principles applicable only to art. By putting these principles into action, he is methodically destroying the features that produce vitality. His planning theories have also influenced the policy makers, and especially realtors, bankers, and other sources of mortgage funds. As a result, they refuse to lend money to older but still vital areas which are trying to rehabilitate themselves, thus encouraging further deterioration of the structures until they are ripe for slum clearance, redevelopment with projects—and inevitable dullness.

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102 Answer the following questions by circling the one response to each question which most clearly reflects your opinion. Work quickly and answer all questions. 1 . How valuable for the general reader would you consider Mr. Redlich's article to be? 1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable 3. some value 4. little value 5. no value 2. How valuable for the professional person in the field would you consider Mr. Redlich's article to be? 1. extremely valuable 2. moderately valuable 3. some value 4. little value 5. no value 3. Quite aside from content, how effective would you judge Mr. Redlich's writing style to be? 1. extremely effective 2. moderately effective 3. partially effective 4. moderately ineffectual 5. extremely ineffectual 4. Based on this article, what would you judge Mr. Redlich's professional competence to be? 1. extremely competent 2. above average competence 3. average competence 4. below average competence 5. incompetent 5. To what extent did you agree with Mr. Redlich's point of view? 1. complete agreement 2. great deal of agreement 3. partial agreement 4. little agreement 5. complete disagreement 6. How profound would you judge Mr. Redlich's article to be? 1. extremely profound 2. moderately profound 3. somewhat profound 4. little profundity 5. not at all profound 7. Based en your reading of this article, what would you guess Mr. Redlich's status in his field to be? 1. a leader in the field 2. important person in the field 3. average status 4. less than average status 5. little or no status in the profession

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103 To what extent did Mr. Redlich sway your opinions about the issues discussed in his article? 1. completely 2. a great deal 3. somewhat 4. very little 5. not at all If you were to assign a grade to Mr. Redlich' s article, what would it be? 1. A 2. B 3. C 4. D 5. F

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PART II The statements listed below describe attitudes toward the role of women in society which different people have. There are no right or wrong answers, only opinions. You are asked to express your feelings about eacn statement by indicating whether you (A) Agree strongly, (B) Agree mildly, (C) Disagree mildly, or (D) Disagree strongly. Please indicate your opinion by placing the letter in the left margin which corresponds to the alternative which best describes your personal attitude. Please respond to every item. 1. Women have an obligation to be faithful to their husbands . 2. Swearing and obscenity are more repulsive in the speech of a woman than a man. 3. The satisfaction of her husband's sexual desires is a fundamental obligation of every wife. 4. Divorced men should help support their children but should not be required to pay alimony if their wives are capable of working. 5. Under ordinary circumstances, men should be expected to pay all the expenses while they're out on a date. 6. Women should take increasing responsibility for leadership in solving the intellectual and social problems of the day. 7. It is all right for wives to have an occasional, casual, extramarital affair. 8. Special attentions like standing up for a woman who comes into a room or giving her a seat on a crowded bus are outmoded and should be discontinued. 9. Vocational and professional schools should admit the best qualified students, independent of sex. 10. Both husband and wife should be allowed the same grounds for divorce. 11. Telling dirty jokes should be mostly a masculine prerogative . 12. Husbands and wives should be equal partners in planning the family budget.

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119 13. Men should continue tc show courtesies to women such as opening doors and helping their; with their coats . 14. Women should claim alimony not as persons incapable of self-support but only when there are children to provide for or when the burden of starting life anew after the divorce is obviously heavier for the wife . 15. Intoxication among women is worse than intoxication among men. 16. The initiative in dating should come from the man. 17. Under modern economic conditions with women being active outside the home, men should share in household tasks such as washing dishes and doing the laundry. 18. It is insulting to women to have the "obey" clause remain in the marriage service. 19. There should be a strict merit system in job appointment and promotion without regard to sex. 20. A woman should be as free as a man to propose marriage . 21. Parental authority and responsibility for discipline of the children should be equally divided between husband and wife. 22. Women earning as much as their dates should bear equally the expense when they go out together. 23. Women should worry less about their rights and more about becoming good wives and mothers. 24. Women should assume their rightful place in business and all the professions along with men. 25. A woman should not expect to be able to go to exactly the same places or to have quite the same freedom of action as a man. 26. Sons in a family should be given more encouragement to go to college than daughters. 27. It is ridiculous for a woman to run a locomotive and for a man to darn socks . 28. It is childish for a woman to assert herself by retaining her maiden name after marriage.

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120 29. Society should regard the services rendered by the women workers as valuable as those of men. 30. It is only fair that male workers should receive more psy than women for identical work. 31. In general, the father should have greater authority than the mother in bringing up of children. 32. Women should be encouraged not to become sexually intimate with anyone before marriage, even their fiances . 33. Women should demand money for household and personal expenses as a right rather than as a gift. 34. The husband should not be favored by law over the wife in the disposal of family property or income. 35. Wifely submission is an outworn virtue. 36. There are some professions and types of businesses that are more suitable for men than women. 37. Women should be concerned with their duties of childrearing and housetending , rather than with desires for professional and business careers. 38. The intellectual leadership of a community should be largely in the hands of men. 39. A wife should make every effort to minimize irritation and inconvenience to the male head of the family. 40. There should be no greater barrier to an unmarried woman having sex with a casual acquaintance than having dinner with him. 41. Economic and social freedom is worth far more to women than acceptance of the ideal of femininity which has been set by men. 42. Women should take the passive role in courtship. 43. On the average, women should be regarded as less capable of contribution to economic production than are men. 44. The intellectual equality of women with man is perfectly obvious . 45. Women should have full control of their persons and give or withhold sex intimacy as they choose.

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12: 46. The husband has in general no obligation to inform his wife of his financial plans. 47. There are many jobs in which men should be given preference over women in being hired or promoted. 48. VJomen with children should not work outside the home if they don't have to financially. 49. Women should be given equal opportunity with men for apprenticeship in the various trades. 50. The relative amounts of time and energy to be devoted to household duties on the one hand and to a career on the other should be determined by personal desires and interests rather than by sex. 51. As head of the household, the husband should have more responsibility for the family's financial plans than his wife. 52. If both husband and wife agree that sexual fidelity isn't important, there's no reason why both shouldn't have extramarital affairs if they want to. 53. The husband should be regarded as the legal representative of the family group in all matters of law. 54. The modern girl is entitled to the same freedom from regulation and control that is given to the modern boy. 55. Most women need and want the kind of protection and support that men have traditionally given them.

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122 PART III These questions pertain to beliefs regarding differences between males and females. Please indicate whether you believe that differences between males and females on a particular trait are: A) Completely biological B) Mostly biological C) Determined equally by biological and cultural factors D) Mostly cultural E) Completely cultural In your opinion, are differences between males and females in these traits more biologically or culturally determined? Please place the letter corresponding to your choice in the column to the left of each trait. 1) Aggressiveness 2) Independence 3) Objectivity 4) Math reasoning 5) Nurturance 6) Empathy 7) Monogamy 8) Emotionality

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PART IV Please indicate the degree to which you agree with each of the following statements by placing the appropriate number in the margin to the right of the statement. You may omit items if you have no opinion on them. (7) Strong support, agreement (6) Moderate support, agreement (5) Slight support, agreement (3) Slight opposition, disagreement (2) Moderate opposition, disagreement (1) Strong opposition, disagreement 1. Sex crimes, such as rape and attacks on children, deserve more than mere imprisonment; such criminals ought to be publicly whipped or worse. 2. What the youth needs most is strict discipline, rugged determination, and the will to work and fight for family and country. 3 . There is hardly anything lower than a person who does not feel a great love, gratitude, and respect for his parents . 4. Every person should have complete faith in some supernatural power whose decisions he obeys without question. 5. Young people sometimes get rebellious ideas, but as they grow up, they ought to get over them and settle down. 6. Obedience and respect for authority are the most important virtues children should learn. 7. Homosexuals are hardly better than criminals and ought to be severely punished. 8. Nowadays when so many different kinds of people move around and mix together so much, a person has to protect himself especially carefully against catching an infection or disease from them. 9. People can be divided into two distinct classes: the weak and the strong. 10. No sane, normal, decent person could ever think of hurting a close friend or relative.

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124 11. Some day it will probably be shown that astrology can explain a lot of things. 12. Nowadays more and more people are prying into matters that should remain personal and private. 13. If people would talk less and work more, everything would be better off. 14. An insult to our honor should always be punished. 15. Most of our social problems would be solved if we. could somehow get rid of the immoral, crooked, and feeble-minded people. 16. When a person has a problem or worry, it is best for him not to think about it, but to keep busy with more cheerful thoughts . 17. Science has its place, but there are more important things that can never possibly be understood by the human mind . 18. The wild sex life of the old Greeks and Romans was tame compared to some of the goings-on in this country, even in places where people might least expect it. 19. Human nature being what it is, there will always be war and conflict. 20. The true American way of life is disappearing so fast that force may be necessary to preserve it. 21. What this country needs most, more than laws and political programs, is a few courageous, tireless, devoted leaders in whom the people can put their faith . 22. No weakness or difficulty can hold us back if we nave enough will power. 23. Familiarity breeds contempt. 24. Some people are born with an urge to jump from high places . 25. Most people don't realize how much our lives are controlled by plots hatched in secret places. 26. A person who has bad manners, habits, and breeding can hardly expect to get along with decent people.

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.25 27. Nobody ever learned anything really important except through suffering. Items omitted from the original F Scale: 1. It is best to use some prewar authorities in Germany to keep order and prevent chaos . 2. An insult to our honor should always be punished. 3. Wars and social troubles may someday be ended by an earthquake or flood that will destroy the whole world. 4. The businessman and the manufacturer are much more important to society than the artist and the professor . Item added to the original F Scale: 1. The true American way of life is disappearing so fast that force may be necessary to preserve it. (Item 20. )

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126 PART V On the following pages you will find a series of statements which a person might use to describe himself. Read each statement and decide whether or not it describes you. Then indicate your answer in the column to the left of the question. If you agree with a statement or decide that it does describe you, answer TRUE (T) . If you disagree with a statement or feel that it is not descriptive of you, answer FALSE (F) . Answer every statement either true or false, even if you are not completely sure of your answer. 1. I feel confident when directing the activities of others . 2. If I feel sick, I don't like to have friends or relatives fuss over me. 3. I would make a poor military leader. 4. I would like to be married to a protective and sympathetic person. 5. I would like to be a judge. 6. I prefer not being dependent on anyone for assistance. 7. I avoid positions of power over other people. 8 . I try to control others rather than permit them to control me. 9. I try to share my burdens with someone who can help me. 10. The person I marry won't have to spend much time taking care of me. 11. I don't like people to joke about what they feel are my weaknesses. 12. I would like to play a part in making laws. 13. I want to be sure someone will take care of me when I am old. 14. I usually make decisions without consulting others. 15. I have little interest in leading others.

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16. In an argument, I can usually win others over to my side. 17. I like to ask other people's opinions concerning my problems . 18. I prefer to face my problems by myself. 19. I feel uneasy when I have to tell people what to do. 20. The ability to be a leader is very important to me. 21. If I ever think that I am in danger, my first reaction is to look for help from someone. 22. When I was a child, I disliked it if my mother was always worrying about me. 23. Most community leaders do a better job than I could possibly do. 24. I like to be with people who take a protective attitude toward me. 25. I am quite effective in getting others to agree with me. 26. I would rather act on my own than have a superior help me. 27. I am not very insistent in an argument. 28. I usually tell others of my misfortunes because they might be able to assist me. 29. I would like to be an executive with power over others . 30. As a child, I disliked having to be dependent on other people. 31. When I talk to a doctor, I want him to describe in detail any illnesses I have. 32. I often seek other people's advice.

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.28 PART VI This questionnaire consists of a number of pairs of statements or opinions which have been given by college men in response to the "Mosher Incomplete Sentences Test": These men were asked to complete phrases such as "When I tell a lie ..." and "To kill in war ..." to make a sentence which expressed their real feelings about the stem. This questionnaire consists of the stems to which they responded and a pair of their responses which are lettered A and B. You are to read the stem and the pair of completions and decide which you most agree with or which is most characteristic of you. Your choice, in each instance, should be in terms of what you believe, how you feel, or how you would react, and not in terms of how you think you should believe, feel, or respond. This is not a test. There are no right or wrong answers. Your choices should be a description of your own personal beliefs, feelings, or reactions. In some instances you may discover that you believe both completions or neither completion to be characteristic of you. In such cases select the one you more strongly believe to be the case as far as you are concerned. Be sure to find an answer for every choice. Do not omit an item even though it is very difficult for you to decide; just select the more characteristic member of the pair. Encircle the letter, A or B, which you most agree with. 1. If in the future I committed adultery. A. I won't feel bad about it. B. It would be sinful. 2. "Dirty" jokes in mixed company... A. are common in our town. B. should be avoided. 3. As a child, sex play... A. never entered my mind. B. is quite wide spread. 4. Sex relations before marriage.,. A. ruin many a happy couple. B. are good in my opinion.

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129 5. If in the future I committed adultery,.. A. I wouldn't tell anyone. 3. I would probably feel bad about it. 6. When I have sexual desires... A, I usually try to curb them. B. I generally satisfy them. 7. Unusual sex practices... A. might be interesting. B. don't interest me. 8. Prostitution... A. is a must. B. breeds only evil. 9. As a child, sex play... A. is not good for mental and emotional well being, B. is natural and innocent. 10. As a child, sex play... A. was a big taboo and I was deadly afraid of it. B. was common without guilt feelings. 11. "Dirty" jokes in mixed company... A. are not proper. B. are exciting and amusing. 12. Unusual sex practices... A. are awful and unthinkable. B. are not so unusual to me. 13. When I have sex dreams... A. I cannot remember them in the morning. B. I wake up happy. 14. "Dirty" jokes in mixed company... A. are lots of fun. B. are coarse to say the least. 15 . Petting. . . A. is something that should be controlled. B. is a form of education. 16. Unusual sex practices... A. are O.K. as long as they are heterosexual. B. usually aren't pleasurable because you have preconceived feelings about their being wrong. 17. Sex relations before marriage... A. are practiced too much to be wrong. B. in my opinion, should not be practiced.

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130 18. As a child, sex play... A. is dangerous. B. is not harmful but does create sexual pleasure. 19. As a child, sex play... A. was indulged in. B. is immature and ridiculous. 20. When I have sexual desires... A. they are quite strong. B. I attempt to repress them. 21. Sexual relations before marriage... A. help people to adjust. 3. should not be recommended. 22. Masturbation... A. is a habit that should be controlled. B. is very common. 23. If I committed a homosexual act... A. it would be my business. B. it v;ould show weakness in me. 24. Prostitution... A. is a sign of moral decay in our society. B. is acceptable and needed by some people. 25. Sex relations before marriage... A. are O.K. if both partners are in agreement. B. are dangerous. 26. Masturbation... A. is all right. B. should not be practiced. 27. Sex... A. is a beautiful gift of God not to be cheapened. B. is good and enjoyable. 28. Prostitution... A. should be legalized. B. cannot really afford enjoyment.

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131 PART VII Social Security Number (first four digits) Age Date of Birth Marital Status Religion Would you describe yourself as politically: A) Very conservative B) Conservative * C) Middle of the Road D) Liberal E) Radical Would you estimate your parents' yearly income A) Under $6000 D) $15,000 $20,000 B) $6000 $10,000 E) $20,000 $25,000 C) $10,000 $15,000 F) Over $25,000 Please circle the highest grade completed by your mother 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 College 12 3 4 Graduate School 12 3 4 Please circle the highest grade completed by your father 123456789 10 11 12 College 12 3 4 Graduate School 12 3 4

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APPENDIX B DEBRIEFING OF SUBJECTS The following debriefing is to be given orally to subjects after completion of the questionnaire in the second session of the experiment. "There is more to this study than I have told you about so far. But before I tell you exactly what it is, I would like to explain why it is necessary in some kinds of psychological studies not to tell people all about the purpose of the study at the very beginning, because it might affect the results so they would not be a good indication of how people react in everyday situations, which is really what we are trying to find out in psychology experiments. In some kinds of studies, if we tell people what the purpose of the experiment is and what we predict about how they will react under particular conditions, then they might deliberately do whatever it is they think that we want them to do, just to help us out and give us the results that they think we want. If that happened, their reactions would not be a good indication of how they might react in a situation in everyday life, where they didn't think they were being studied or that a psychologist was predicting 132

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133 that they would react in a certain way , because what would be influencing them is what they thought we are trying to investigate. It is also possible that the opposite might occur and that people might think that if we predicted that they would do a certain thing, they might deliberately not do that to show us that we can't figure them out. That would also make the results invalid, because again what the people would be responding to is what they thought we were locking for rather than responding naturally and spontaneously as they would in everyday situations. This is not a problem in all studies. For example, in a study on learning, if you wanted to have people learn something and then test them, you might want them to know exactly what they were going to be asked to recall so that they would do their best and learn as well as they could. Can you see why in some kinds of studies we can't tell people all about the whole purpose of the study at the beginning, because if we did it might influence the results and make the data invalid? Now I would like to explain exactly what I am trying to get at in this study. Actually, as you may have guessed I am interested in attitudes toward women and the sex-roles both men and women play in our society. In this age cf women's liberation it is evident that sexist attitudes still exist in both men and women. That is, there is considerable bias regarding women's

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134 characteristics and abilities as well as what is appropriate behavior for men and women. What I have attempted to do in this study is to find what characteristics are correlated with bias regarding women and hopefully to find some clues as to what some of the causes or sources of bias against women might be. The hypotheses tested in this study are that the need to dominate others, the need for mothering and anxiety or guilt about sex will be correlated with bias regarding women's abilities and traditional attitudes about women's role. More specifically, I am interested in comparing the degree of bias with the extent of the need to dominate, the need for mothering, and anxiety about sex. In order to find the degree or amount of bias against women I gave you the literature rating test. I wanted to see if you would give higher ratings to articles that you thought were written by male authors than to articles written by female authors. Half of the articles were given the names of female authors and half were ascribed to male authors in order to compare the ratings you gave to men and women. In previous research it has been found that both men and women give higher ratings to articles when they are ascribed to male authors. This test was disguised as a literature rating in order to measure less conscious bias against women. Most of us like to think of ourselves as free from bias and aren't as likely to give lower ratings to female authors

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13 5 on purpose. For similar reasons the pictures that you wrote stories about were chosen to measure less conscious feelings of the need to dominate, the need for mothering, and anxiety about sexuality, or feelings that you might not be as aware of. The questionnaires were designed to measure more conscious attitudes and needs, that is, beliefs and feelings that you are more aware of. I have been very careful in designing this experiment to give these ideas or hypotheses a fair test, because I'm not certain if they are true. If I were certain they were right, I wouldn't go to all this trouble to test them. So can you see why I conducted the experiment the way I did? Why I gave you the literature rating test, and the pictures as well as the questionnaire? Do you have any questions? I would like to emphasize that this experiment is not a test of your personality or ability or character. There are no correct responses. People's natural responses are what I am looking for. Also, I am not interested in the responses of any one individual. In fact, it is not possible for us to draw any conclusions from the reactions of a particular person. What I am trying to do is to find out what correlations or relationships hold true over large numbers of people. I can't tell anything about the correlations from just one or two people. What is necessary is to get a large number of people and then combine their results in order to get a good

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136 indication of what the correlations or relationships are. I ara not interested in comparing the reactions of different individuals. In order for me to draw any conclusions, I will have to combine the data I got from you together with data from other people so that I will have enough data to draw conclusions about the hypotheses. What this means is that it is going to be necessary for me to ask you not to say anything about the study to anyone else. If you talked to someone else about the study and told them all the things that I just told you and then they were in the study, that would be just the same as if I told them at the beginning all about the whole purpose of the study; their reactions wouldn't be spontaneous and natural, and their results couldn't be used and combined with the data from you and other people. If that happened, I wouldn't have enough valid data to draw any conclusions about the hypotheses so the whole study would really be wasted. So I hope you can see why it is extremely important that I have to ask you not to say anything about the study. You might think, what difference does it make if I talk to my friend or my rommate, because maybe they are never going to be in the study. But they might say something to someone else who will be. I think you can see that only a few people talking about it could spread the word around pretty widely, and the whole study would be ruined. I realize that when people are in an experiment like

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13 7 this there is a tendency to want to talk about it to other people. Whenever you have an unusual experience, you want tc share it with other people, but I'd like you to try to resist that temptation. If you are trying to keep a secret and there are some people you can tell and some people you can't tell, sometimes you forget who you can tell and who you can't tell and wind up telling the wrong person. It is much easier to keep a secret if you don't say anything to anybody. I realize that the more I tell you, the more you are able to tell someone else, so it might seem that I am taking a chance in telling you all about it. But experimenters have found that if we explain the experiment thoroughly and describe the reason for doing what we did and why the procedure was the way it was, people are more likely to cooperate and not talk about the experiment. That's not the only reason for being thorough. It makes me feel better for one thing. Also, you can get some educational value out of being in the experiment, and if I didn't tell you what it was really about, you wouldn't learn as much about what experiments are like. It is quite different reading about experiments and actually being in one. I hope you have learned something and that this gives you a better idea about experiments and how they are conducted. So will you promise not to say anything about the experiment? Another reason it would be bad if people talked about the experiment

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138 is that if people knew about it ahead of time it would spoil it for them and they wouldn't have the same experience that you did. If anybody asks you about the experiment, just tell them that it was an experiment on literature rating and personality and that you were asked not to say anything about it. One thing I don't want you to do is to make a big mystery about it and rush and tell people, I was just in such and such an experiment and it's a secret and I promised I wouldn't say anything. I think you can see that that might arouse a lot of curiosity and people will wonder why it's such a big secret, and then when they come in they'd try very hard to figure out what the secret is, and that would have a bad effect. If anybody asks you, tell them that you were asked not to discuss it and that they'll find out all about it if they are ever in the experiment. Do you have any questions? Comments? Suggestions? Thanks a lot for your help. " Adapted from "A Procedure for Explaining Experiments Involving Deception" by Judson Mills, Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin , 2_(1) , Winter, 1976, 3-13.

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APPENDIX C SCORING MANUALS A Scoring Manual for the Nee d for Succorance Definition Desires and Effects: To have one's needs gratified by the sympathetic aid of an allied other. To be nursed, supported, sustained, surrounded, protected, loved, advised, guided, indulged, forgiven, consoled. To remain close to a devoted protector. To have always a supporter. Feelings and Emotions: Anxiety of helplessness; feelings of insecurity, forsakenness, despair. Trait-names and Attitudes: (a) Succor ant, dependent, helpless; (b) forlorn, grieving, tragic; (c) suppliant, petitioning, begging, pleading. Actions: General: To attract or seek cut nurturant others. To capitalize mishaps. To be particularly drawn to nurturant others --sympathetic others who are in a position to give advice, aid or support. To crave affection and tenderness. To "blossom" when treated with kindness. To accept favors unhesitatingly. To enjoy being fussed over. To avoid being alone. To adhere closely to a haven. (Murray, 1938, p. 182) 139

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140 The single most important decision the scorer of a particular imaginative story has to make is the one which enables him to identify a particular sequence of imaginative behavior as succorance-related . Said another way, the scorer must first decide whether or not there is any imagery in an imaginative story which would allow the inference that the person writing the story was at all motivated by a need for succorance. Minimal evidence of the motive, then, is what is meant by Succorance Imagery. Succorance Imagery (Sue Im) is scored when the story contains some evidence of concern of one or more of the characters over being nursed, supported, sustained, surrounded, protected, loved, advised, guided, indulged, forgiven or consoled. The minimum basis for scoring would be that one of the characters seeks or receives some form of support from another character. If the scorer decides that a story does contain the category Succorance Imagery, then he must check over the story for imagery that can be subcategorized according to the behavioral sequence. Once a scorer decides that the imagery in a story is unrelated to succorance motivation, he scores Unrelated Imagery (U im) and is no longer concerned with the subcategories .

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141 C riteria for Succorance Imagery In order for the overall code of Succorance Imagery to be scored, there has to be some reference to the thoughts, feelings and actions of one of the characters in a story which indicates that the character is concerned with seeking or receiving succorance from another person. Succorance Imagery can be indicated in the imagery about any character mentioned in the story. Evidence of concern can come from any one of three sources . Criterion 1. There is some statement of affect surrounding the need for the seeking, or receiving of support, protection, love, advice, guidance, indulgence, forgiveness, consolation or affection. A character can be feeling the need for succorance or feeling good about having this need satisfied. He might be described as experiencing hunger, insecurity, or the. anxiety of helplessness. He may be frightened because he is alone, depressed because he has been rejected, or angry because he was not protected. Or he might be described as needing, wanting or hoping for help, consolation or love. The mere description of a character as helpless, dependent, defenseless, forlorn, abandoned, deserted is scored in this category. If the need is satisfied, he may be relieved to receive help or guidance, grateful for forgiveness or happy to be protected and cared for.

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142 Criterion 2. There is a definitive statement about someone seeking succorance or having this need satisfied. The character has to be receiving support, protection, love, advice, guidance, indulgence, forgiveness, consolation or affection from another person or to be seeking some form of succorance from such a person, group or organization. Statements that are either in the past or future tense are scorable. A character may ask directly for what he needs, e.g., help, protection or forgiveness, or he may complain of feeling sad, worried or tired, or he may exaggerate an illness in order to gain sympathy or affection. This category is also scored if a character is described as rece iving material, physical or emotional support, protection, favors, nursing or medical care in a relationship, advice or guidance. Criterion 3. A story can be scored for Succorance Imagery if there is a statement of an interpersonal relationship which in its execution is culturally defined as one in which one nurturing person cares for, protects, guides, supports, indulges, or forgives a dependent person. Examples of these are parent-child, doctorpatient. Mere mention of a nurturant-succorant relationship is not enough. There has to be some mention of the activity involved in carrying out this relationship. Indeed, if the author of a story about a parent and child

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elaborates only about the dominant or aggressive aspects of the relationship, the story should not be scored. Stated Need for Succorance (N) This category is scored when someone in the story desires or needs succorance. The bare statement of a need is provided by expressions such as "he wants to . . . ," "he hopes . . . ," "he is determined . . . ," "he wishes . . . , " or "he needs. ..." To identify the motivational state as that of N Succorance, what is wanted must fit the general criterion of Succorance Imagery, i.e., to be nursed, supported, sustained, surrounded, protected, loved, advised, guided, indulged, forgiven, consoled. Selected examples follow: he wants forgiveness, he wants understanding, he doesn't want to be alone, he craves affection, he wants sympathy, he needs help, his only desire is to have someone to understand him. Prayer or supplication to deities for forgiveness, aid, etc., is also scored Need for Succorance. Activity-Eliciting (Act-E) This category refers to overt acts or thoughts by one or more of the characters in the story, the purpose of which is to elicit support, sympathy, protection, sympathy, advice, consolation, guidance, forgiveness or affection. Activity-Eliciting is scored only once per story even though several separate instrumental

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144 acts or thoughts may appear. There are a number of types of instrumental acts which can be enumerated. The individual may seek support and affection by seeking out nurturing others, remaining close to a devoted protector, adhering closely to a haven or avoiding being alone. Seeking out a haven refers to a character seeking or finding a place which the author refers to as safe or secure. This quality may be implicit in the description, e.g., "he stayed at home because he feared the outside world." Avoidance of being alone is assumed only if stated directly, not merely if the character seeks association with other people. Or a character may ask for or plead for advice, help, guidance, money, food, mercy, forgiveness, indulgence, protection or affection. He may plead for a cause. Another common type of succorant-eliciting activity involves exhibiting wounds or complaining of being miserable, depressed, sad, worried, or tired in order to gain sympathy. The person may tell of misfortunes, hardships, a.ccidents or failures. He may exaggerate an injury, an illness or a mental symptom in order to stimulate pity. In these cases of one person telling about or showing another person his misfortunes, it need not be stated in the story that these acts are to elicit sympathy. On the other hand, a character may actually suffer or become sick in order to elicit pity or love. This instance must include a statement

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145 that he became ill in order to gain sympathy. This category is not scored if there is merely a statement that the person is miserable, suffering or ill. He must tell another person, exaggerate his problem, or initiate his problem in order to gain attention or sympathy. Note: thoughts about eliciting succorance are scored, e.g., "he is planning to ask for advice about his education." Thoughts about affective states, desires or needs are not scored in this category, e.g., "he is thinking about how nice it would be to be home." .Activ ity -Receiving (Act-R) This category is scored when a character in the story is receiving support, protection, affection, advice, guidance, forgiveness, or consolation from another person in the story. More specifically, he may be receiving financial, physical or emotional help. Another person may be showing mercy, pity, forgiveness or understanding, e.g., "his mother forgave him for leaving," A friend may show forbearance or patience, or do a favor for the person. Or one person may be protecting a weaker, dependent person from physical or emotional harm. The character may be receiving nursing or medical care. Either a friend or relative may care for the person when he is ill or he may be receiving medical attention from a doctor.

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146 This category may be scored also if the description is in the past or future tense. Anticipator y Goal States (GA+, GA-) This category is scored when someone in the story anticipates goal attainment or frustration and deprivation. The Anticipatory Goal State is scored Positive (GA+) when someone in the story is thinking of the happiness, relief, or pleasant feelings accompanying receipt of protection, love, advice, support, guidance, consolation, indulgence, or forgiveness. That is, he is thinking how nice it would be if his parent or teacher would advise or guide him in regard to a problem or if his friend were there to sympathize with him. Note: similar thoughts about the past are also scored in this category, i.e., remembering how nice it was when his mother took care of him. In these illustrations, the thoughts of the character are not directed towards bringing about support, love or sympathy. Rather, they contain imagery associated with the attainment of the goal state itself. The Anticipatory Goal State is scored Negative (GA-) when someone is thinking of the pain of separation or rejection or the fact of possible future separation or rejection itself. For example, he is thinking of how much he will miss his parents; he is worried about being

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147 rejected by his girl friend; he wonders whether cr not he will toe liked at college. Convention s and Special Pis c rimination s 1. Poubtful or uncertain anticipations are scored negative . 2. Often the author of the story does not tell us directly what one of the characters is thinking. He may, however, describe the state of the person objectively in such a way that we are justified in inferring the state of anticipation, e.g., he is waiting expectantly for his parents to arrive, he is nervous as he asks for a loan. 3. The anticipations must be intimately related to the succorant behavioral sequence in order to be scored. Both Positive (GA+) and Negative (GA-) anticipations may appear. They may both be scored. Affective States: Positive (G+) and Negative (G-) Affective states associated with lack of support, affection, protection, guidance or forgiveness or with the receipt of same are scored G. When someone in the story experiences happiness at being shown kindness or affection, the story is scored for Positive Affect (G+) There has to be an explicit statement of these feelings, and they should not be inferred from the mention of behavior sequence alone. A story is scored for Negative Affect (G-) if someone feels sad, lonely or miserable

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.4 8 at being neglected. These immediate affective statements are not to be confused with planning or goal anticipation statements which contain some mention of affect, e.g., "being happy that he will probably be well protected." An important thing to remember in scoring a story for Affect is that the affective statement has to be connected to concern over succorance. Just because clear affective imagery appears within a story scorable for Succorance Imagery, it does not mean that the affective imagery is scorable for G. A story in which there is a character who is depressed and who at the same time shows succorance concern is not automatically scored for G-. The depression has to be related to a lack of succorance. Succorance Thema (T) Thema is a subcategory which requires a judgment independent of the scheme of the behavioral sequence. When the behavioral sequence of succorance concern is the central plot of the story and does not have competition from other concerns for being the predominant source of imagery in a story, then the subcategory Thema should be scored. That is, when the succorance concern is elaborated in such a way that most of the story deals with attaining or maintaining some form of support, then Thema is scored. In a sense, the judgment of presence of Thema is a judgment of the intensity of the

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149 succorance motivation in a given story. The assumption in regard to this judgment is that the stronger the motive, the less likely will other motive thoughts appear in the story. Scoring Thema should be independent of the number of subcategories scored. Although it is likely that a story containing elaborations of many of the subcategories would be unidimensional with respect to showing succorance concern predominantly, the scorer should not use the frequency of subcategories as the criterion for scoring Thema. Indeed, a story can be written in such a way that few of the subcategories are scored, and yet it would be obvious that the succorance motivation concern is the leitmotif of that story. And what is more, a story can contain a number of subcategories in one or two sentences, but the rest of the story can be unrelated to succorance imagery. In that case, then Thema would not be scored. Do not score Thema if there was some question of scoring Succorance Imagery to begin with. Scoring For each story rated, one point is assigned for each category scored: Succorance Imagery, Need, ActivityEliciting, Activity-Receiving, Anticipatory Goal StatePositive, Anticipatory Goal State-Negative, Affective State-Positive, Affective State-Negative, and Thema.

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150 Therefore, there is a range cf possible scores for each story for a given subject, from to 9 . Note: This scoring manual is an adaptation of "A Scoring Manual for the Affiliative Motive" by R.W. Heyns , J. Verof f , and J.W. Atkinson, and "A Scoring Manual for the Power Motive" by J. Verof f, in Motive in Fantasy , Action , and Society , edited by J.W. Atkinson. D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc., New York, 1958, pp. 205-233.

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151 SCORING MANUAL FOR SEX GUILT Three decisions are required of the scorer in judging the imaginative story. First is the judgment according to tnree specific criteria as to whether there is any Sexual Imagery (SI) in the story. Then, if Sexual Imagery is found, the scorer must decide, according to four definitive criteria, whether there is any imagery which would allow the inference that the person writing the story experiences Sex Guilt (SG) . Finally, if Sex Guilt is scored, comes the judgment as to the level or intensity of guilt indicated in the story. S exual Imagery (SI) This category is scored if the story meets any one of the following criteria: 1. Primary sexual relationship—explicit or implicit evidence for sexual intercourse. 2. Secondary sexual relationship—evidence for the occurrence of such secondary sex activity as kissing, dancing, fondling, etc. Any reference to physical contact of a sexual nature other than sexual intercourse. 3 . Tertiary sexual relationship-~characters in the story perceived as married, sweethearts, on a date, courting, in love, etc., but not engaged in either primary or secondary sexual activity. This includes

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152 the slightest reference to marriage or romance (e.g., "They are on a date") . Sexual Imagery is scored only once per story. If this category is scored, the scorer proceeds to the judgment concerning Sex Guilt. If this category is not scored, the scorer proceeds to the next story. Sex Guilt (SG) This category is scored if there is evidence of any one of the following: (A) Someone is ashamed, guilty, sorry, anxietyridden, morally concerned, embarrassed, etc., over sexual activity. (B) Someone is punished, criticized, ostracized for sexual activity. This includes any reference to critical thoughts or attitudes of the author or of one person in regard to the sexual behavior of another character in the story. (C) Someone punishes himself in some concrete fashion as a result of sexual activity. This can include injury to self or one's possessions. (D) Accidental misfortune following but not a direct consequence of sexual behavior (e.g., "After he leaves the girl, he gets hit by a car on the way home") . This can include mild misfortunes such as an illness or loss of property as well as more severe misfortunes such as death or serious injury. The sequence is crucial here.

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153 Finally, if the story has been scored for both Sexual Imagery and Sex Guilt, the scorer makes a judgment as to the intensity of Sex Guilt. Sex Guilt Intensity (SGI) After deciding that the story includes some reference to Sex Guilt, the scorer decides whether the intensity of the guilt is low, moderate, or high. 1. Low Sex Guilt : This category is scored if the story meets one or more of the following criteria. (A) There is minimal evidence, including even a hint or allusion, of a slight feeling of anxiety, remorse, shame, guilt, embarrassment, or moral concern over sexual activity. (B) There is evidence of mild disapproval, criticism or punishment of one character by the author or by another person in the story as a result of sexual activity. Examples are mild verbal criticism or a character being unfriendly to another person as a result of such disapproval. (C) A character punishes himself mildly as a result of some sexual activity. For example, he might deny himself some other pleasure or refuse to see a girl friend for a period of time. (D) Relatively mild misfortune befalls one or more characters following sexual behavior. For example,

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154 the person might become ill, have a quarrel, or lose personal property as a result of an accident. 2. Moderat e Sex Guilt : This category is scored if the story meets one of the following criteria. (If two or more of these criteria are met, the story is scored High Sex Guilt. ) (A) There is an explicit statement that a character feels guilt, shame, anxiety, moral concern or embarrassment over sexual activity or seriously questions such activity. Any such statement as "He feels guilty about what he did" is scored moderate SG. Statements such as "He feels a little embarrassed" or "He feels remorse after raping her" are scored low SG or high SG, respectively. (B) There is evidence of verbal criticism of one character by another in regard to sexual behavior. Also included here are such reactions as temporary withdrawal of affection, temporary separation from a spouse, or a person getting very angry and upset with the character for his behavior. (C) Moderate self -punishment following sexual activity. This may include self-imposed isolation, or moderate physical injury such as cutting, burning, or bruising self . (D) Moderate misfortune befalls one or more characters following sexual activity. For example, the person might be physically injured by breaking an arm or leg.

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155 3" High Sex Guil t: This category is scored if the story meets two or more of the criteria under Moderate Sex Guilt , or if the story meets one or more of the following criteria. (A) One or more characters feels severe guilt, shame, anxiety, moral concern or embarrassment over sexual activity. This category should be scored when there is more than one explicit reference to the negative feelings or if there is an explicit statement as to the intensity of the feelings, e.g., "He felt very much embarrassed" or "He felt quite guilty. " (B) There is evidence of severe disapproval or punishment of one character by another person in the story as a result of sexual activity. This criteria can include a reference to criticism by several characters in the story or to a severe punishment such as a person's spouse leaving him as a result of infidelity or seriously injuring him or murdering him in a jealous rage. (C) Severe self-punishment following sexual activity. This can include suicide, serious injury to self, a person burning his house down, wrecking his car. (D) Severe misfortune befalls one or more characters following but not as a direct consequence of sexual behavior. (For example, a person is killed or

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156 seriously injured in an incident that is either accidental or is not a direct consequence of sexual activity. For example, a person might be killed in an accident or in a war or a fight.) Scoring Stories not scored for Sexual Imagery For the purposes of this rating scale it is assumed that omission of any Sexual Imagery in a story for a picture with moderate or high sexual relevance indicates some anxiety or guilt related to sexuality. (Leiman and Epstein [1961, p. 170] hypothesized that their undergraduate subjects evidenced relatively few direct expressions of sex guilt because sexual guilt was frequently manifested by avoidance of sexual themes in stories.) Furthermore, it is assumed that omission of Sexual Imagery in stories for pictures with high sexual relevance is more indicative of sex guilt or anxiety than omission of Sexual Imagery in stories for pictures with moderate sexual relevance. Therefore, Sex Guilt Intensity scores were assigned to stories in this study which had no Sexual Imagery, in those cases where the respective pictures had moderate or high sexual relevance. Higher Sex Guilt Intensity Scores were assigned to stories for pictures with high sexual relevance than to stories for pictures with moderate sexual relevance.

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157 TAT Plates in Order of Presen t ation Pictures which were assumed to have moderate or high sexual relevance were presented in order of increasing relevance to reduce the influence of one picture on the next. Pictures with low sexual relevance were interspersed among the relevant pictures to disguise the dimension (Leiman and Epstein, 1961, p. 169) . Picture No. 2_. Country scene: In the foreground is a young woman with books in her hand; in the background a man is working in the fields and an older woman is looking on. Pi cture No. 4. A woman is clutching the shoulders of a man whose face and body are averted as if he were trying to pull away from her. Picture No. 6BM . A short elderly woman stands with her back turned to a tall young man. The latter is looking downward with a perplexed expression. Picture No. 7BM . A gray-haired man is looking at a younger man who is sullenly staring into space. Pic ture No . 1 3MF . A young man is standing with downcast head buried in his arm. Behind him is the figure of a woman lying in bed. Picture No. 13B . A little boy is sitting on a doorstep of a log cabin. Picture No. 30 (Photo). Picture of nude couple with man fondling the woman's breast.

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158 Scores a ssigne d to TAT stories not scored for Sexual Imagery PLATE SG INTENSI TY SCORE 2 (Low Sexual Relevance) 6BM (Low Sexual Relevance) 7BM (Low Sexual Relevance) 13B (Low Sexual Relevance) 4 (Moderate Sexual Relevance) 1 13MF (Moderately High Sexual Relevance) 2 30 (High Sexual Relevance) 3 Sexual Imagery with no Sex Guilt If any story is scored for Sexual Imagery but is not scored for Sex Guilt, a score of is assigned. Scores for Sex Guilt Intensity Ratings Low Sex Guilt 1 point Moderate Sex Guilt 2 points High Sex Guilt 3 points Note: Each story receives only one score. The individual's total Sex Guilt Score is the total of the scores for all seven stories. Note: This rating scale is partially derived from scales described by Clark, 1954, and Leiman and Epstein, 1961.

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159 A SCORING MANUAL FOR THE NEED FOR DOMINANCE Def inition Desires and Effects: To control one's human environment. To influence or direct the behavior of O's by suggestion, seduction, persuasion, or command. To dissuade, restrain, or prohibit. To induce an to act in a way which accords with one's sentiments and needs. To get O's to co-operate. To convince an of the "rightness" of one ' s opinion. Feelings and Emotions: Confidence. Trait-names and Attitudes: Domi.native, forceful, masterful, assertive, decisive, authoritative, executive, disciplinary . Actions: General: To influence, sway, lead, prevail upon, persuade, direct, regulate, organize, guide, govern, supervise. To master, control, rule, override, dictate terms. To judge, make laws, set standards, lay down principles of conduct, give a decision, settle an argument. To prohibit, restrain, oppose, dissuade, punish, confine, imprison. To magnetize, gain a hearing, be listened to, be imitated, be followed, set the fashion. To be an exemplar . (Murray, 1938, p. 152) The single most important decision the scorer of a particular imaginative story has to make is the one which enables him to identify a particular sequence of

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160 imaginative behavior as dominance related. Said another way, the scorer must first decide whether or not there is any imagery in an imaginative story which would allow the inference that the person writing the story was at all motivated to dominate another person. Minimal evidence of the motive, then, is what is meant by Dominance Imagery. Dominance Imagery (Dom Im) is scored when the story contains some evidence of concern in one or more of the characters over controlling, influencing or directing the behavior of others by suggestion, seduction, persuasion, convincing, commanding, dissuading, restraining, or prohibiting. The minimum basis for scoring would be that one of the characters attempts to control or influence the behavior or attitudes of another character. If the scorer decides that a story does contain the category Dominance Imagery, then he must check over the story for imagery that can be subcategorized according to the behavioral sequence. Once a scorer decides that the imagery in a story is unrelated to dominance motivation, he scores Unrelated Imagery (U Im) and is no longer concerned with the subcategories . Criteria for Dominance Imagery In order for the overall code of Dominance Imagery to be scored, there has to be some reference to the thoughts, feelings, and actions of one of the characters

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161 in a story which indicates that the character is concerned with controlling, directing or influencing the behavior or attitudes of another person. Dominance Imagery can be indicated in the imagery about any character men* '.'ned in the story. Evidence of concern can come from any one of tnree sources. 1. There is some statement of affect surrounding the maintenance or attainment of the control, direction, or influence of the behavior or attitudes of a person. A character can be feeling good about winning an argument or feeling happy because he was able to have his way about something. Also statements about wanting to win a point or show dominance, gain control of a situation, convince someone of something, or put a point across can be interpreted as implicit statements of affective concern about the control of the means of influence. Spe cial con siderations under C riterion 1_. Some very weak statements of concern over control or influence are scored. Statements of desires to teach another person something, to inspire another person, to interest another person in something — although apparently weak in obvious dominance significance — should be scored. The only times when statements like those above would not be scored would be in cases where the teaching or inspiring or interesting is solicited by the person being influenced, such as statements of teachers wanting to answer questions that students have raised. Solicited

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162 Solicited advice or opinion would be scored if there is evidence for Dominance Imagery over and above mere mention of answering requests. A person "trying to put across a point" within a solicited advice-giving story would make the story scorable for Dominance Imagery. 2. There is a definite statement about someone doing something about maintaining or attaining the control, direction or influence over the behavior or attitudes of another person. Something that the character is actually doing is the only kind of imagery that can qualify as Dominance Imagery under this criterion. The character has to be disputing a position, arguing something, demanding or forcing something, trying to put a point across, giving a command, trying to convince someone of something, punishing someone, (and theoretically any activity) in order to obtain control or influence over someone. Statements that are either in the passive voice or in the past or future tense are scorable. But the mere mention of dissension or of a shift in opinion in a story is not sufficiently explicit for it to be scored. Someone must be explicitly dissenting or trying to influence opinion in these cases. Physical power can be used as a means of influencing but does not by itself imply concern with dominance. Dominance Imagery would not be scored, for example, if it were clear that the utilization of physical power was mainly in the service of expressing hostility.

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163 Two special considerations should be noted under Criterion 2. Trying to interest, teach, inspire someone will be statements that care scorable for Dominance Imagery under Criterion 2. In addition, sometimes it will be clear that the activity of the characters in the stories, although it meets the criteria listed in the previous paragraph, is only for the purposes of arriving at the goal of some other motive. When this is so, the story should not be scored for Dominance Imagery. However, if it is not clear whether dominance motivation or some other motivation is the ultimate concern of the imagery, score the story for Dominance Imagery. 3. A story can be scored for Dominance Imagery if there is a statement of an interpersonal relationship which in its execution is culturally defined as one in which there is a superior person controlling, directing or influencing another one who is subordinate. Examples of these are: boss-worker, judge-defendant. Mere mention of superior-subordinate relationship is not enough. There has to be some mention of the activity involved in carrying out this relationship. Indeed, if a story about a boss and a worker goes on to elaborate about the affiliative bond between the two men, the story should not be scored. Mere mention of the fact that a given person was influential would be enough to allow the story to be scored. For a story to be scored Dominance Imagery under this criterion, there has to be some mention

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164 of the subordinate as well as of the superior position. Either the subordinate is directly involved in the imagery or the effect of the superior on the subordinate has to be clear, for the story to be scored. The parent-child relationship is not in itself considered a dominant relationship. The use of culturally defined channels of influence by the subordinate in the story of a superiorsubordinate relationship will be scored. Su bcategories These categories unless otherwise specified are scored only once per story. If Unrelated Imagery (U Im) is scored, no subcategory will be scored. Any sentence can be scored for more than one subcategory. The same phrase may be scored for Imagery and any other category, but the same phrase may not be scored for two subcategories . Need (N) If in the story there is an explicit statement of someone wanting to attain or maintain control or influence over another person, then the story should be scored for Need. Most of these statements will be prefaced by such phrases as "he wants to," "he wishes to," or "he would like to." However, some phrases such as "is determined to" can be taken as implying a state of need. One should be careful to code stories Need only if the goal state related to Dominance is the one which is inherently

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connoted by t: . condition or object which is wanted in the statement For example, if a story is about a person trying to convince someone of doing something in order to attain money and, if within the story the imagery "he wants money" appears, then this story would not be scored for Need. It would be scored for Need if the subject had written "he wants to convince this person." Instrumental Activity (I) This category is scored for a story if there is a statement in the story about someone actually doing something to control, influence or direct the behavior or attitudes of another person. Actually any kind of behavior can theoretically be scored if there is a connection between that behavior and the attainment or maintenance of control or influence over another person within the context of the story. Usually the kind of behavior scored as Instrumental Activity is someone trying to convince someone, put a point across, teach something, interest someone in something. Many times thinking behavior is scorable. For example, someone is thinking of the best means to convince his audience. One should be careful to avoid scoring stories that imply Instrumental Activity but by the nature of the wording merely describe situations. One would not score, "There is an argument going on," but one would score, "Jim is arguing with Bill over a point of view."

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166 Goal Anticipation (GA) Goal Anticipation (GA) is scored for a story if within the story there are statements of characters thinking about the goal of controlling, directing, or influencing another person either in the future or in the past. It should be noted that the character in the story has to be doing the thinking. Comments by the author of the story about the character reaching the goal (i.e., dominating others) are not scorable. Affectiv e States Affective states associated with reaching the goal of control or influence are scored G. When someone in the story experiences happiness with having convinced someone of something, dominated some situation, and influenced another person's behavior or attitudes, then the story is scored for Positive Affect (G) . There has to be an explicit statement of these feelings, and they should not be inferred from the mention of successful outcome alone. These affective statements can appear in the sequence preceding final goal attainment. But the distinction between anticipations of future events which can contain some affective words (e.g., being satisfied that he will gain control of the business) should be kept clear from immediate affective statements (e.g., he is glad to have won the argument). The former are scored GA and the latter are scored G.

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.67 An important Lhing to remember in scoring a story for Affect is that the affective statement has to be connected to the dominance concern. Just because clear affective imagery appears within a story scorable for Dominance Imagery, it does not mean that this affective imagery is scorable for G. h story in which there is a character who is happy and who at the same time shows dominance concern scorable for Dominance Imagery is not automatically scored for G. The happiness has to be related to dominance satisfaction. Thema (Th) Thema is a subcategory which requires a judgment independent of the scheme of the behavioral sequence. When the behavioral sequence of the dominance concern is the central plot of the story and does not have competition from other concerns for being the predominant source of imagery in a story, then the subcategory Thema should be scored. That is, when the dominance concern is elaborated in such a way that most of the story deals with attaining or maintaining control or .influence over behavior or attitudes, then Thema is scored. In a sense, the judgment of presence of Thema is a judgment of the intensity of the dominance motivation concern in a given story. The assumption in regard to this judgment is that the stronger the motive the less likely will other motive thoughts appear in the story.

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168 Scoring Thema should be independent of the number of subcategories scored. Although it is likely that a story containing elaborations of many of the subcategories would be unidimensional with respect to showing dominance concern predominantly, the scorer should not use the frequency of subcategories as the criterion for scoring Thema. Indeed, a story can be written in such a way that few of the subcategories are scored, and yet it would be obvious that the dominance motivation concern is the leitmotif of that story. And what is more, a story can contain a number of subcategories in one or two sentences, but the rest of the story can be unrelated to dominance motivation. In that case, then, Thema would not be scored. Do not score Thema if there was some question of scoring Dominance Imagery. Scoring For each story rated, one point is assigned for each category scored: Dominance Imagery, Need, Instrumental Activity, Goal Anticipation, Affective State, and Thema. Therefore, there is a range of possible scores for each story for a given subject, from to 6 . Note: This scoring manual is an adaptation of "A Scoring Manual for the Affiliative Motive" by R. W. Heyns , J. Veroff, and J. W. Atkinson, and "A Scoring Manual for the Power Motive by J. Veroff in M otive in Fantasy ,

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169 Action, and Soci ety , edited by J. W. Atkinson. D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc., New York, 1953, pp. 205-233.

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APPENDIX D SPENCE-HELMREICH ATTITUDES TOWARD WOMEN SCALE — FACTORS I, II AND III Factor I_. Attitudes Regardin g Male Superiority and the Patriarchal Family 1. Women have an obligation to be faithful to their husbands . 2. Swearing and obscenity are more repulsive in the speech of a woman than a man. 5. Under ordinary circumstances, men should be expected to pay all the expenses while they're out on a date. 11. Telling dirty jokes should be mostly a masculine prerogative . 17. Under modern economic conditions with women being active outside the home, men should share in household tasks such as washing dishes and doing the laundry. 18. It is insulting to women to have the "obey" clause remain in the marriage service. 26. Sons in a family should be given more encouragement to go to college than daughters. 27. It is ridiculous for a woman to run a locomotive and for a man to darn socks. 28. It is childish for a woman to assert herself by retaining her maiden name after marriage. 34. The husband should not be favored by law over the wife in the disposal of family property or income. 35. Wifely submission is an outworn virtue. 36. There are some professions and types of businesses that are more suitable for men than women. 170

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38. The intellectual leadership of a community should be largely in the hands of men. 39. A wife should make every effort to minimize irritation and inconvenience to the male head of the family. 47. There are many jobs in which men should be given preference over women in being hired or promoted. 48. Women with children should not work outside the home if they don't have to financially. 51. As head of the household, the husband should have more responsibility for the family's financial plans than his wife. 53. The husband should be regarded as the legal representative of the family group in all matters of law. Factor II . Attitude s Regarding Equality of Opportunity "for Women in Education and Employment 6. Women should take increasing responsibility for leadership in solving the intellectual and social problems of the day. 9. Vocational and professional schools should admit the best qualified students, independent of sex. 10. Both husband and wife should be allowed the same grounds for divorce. 12. Husbands and wives should be equal partners in planning the family budget. 19. There should be a strict merit system in job appointment and promotion without regard to sex. 24. Women should assume their rightful place in business and all the professions along with men. 25. A woman should not expect to be able to go to exactly the same places or to have quite the same freedom of action as a man. 30. It is only fair that male workers should receive more pay than women for identical work. 38. The intellectual leadership of a community should be largely in the hands of men.

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.72 49. Women should be given equal opportunity with men for apprenticeship in the various trades. 50. The relative amounts of time and energy to be devoted to household duties on the one hand and to a career on the other should be determined by personal desires and interests rather than by sex. 53. The husband should be regaz'ded as the legal representative of the family group in all matters of law 54. The modern girl is entitled to the same freedom from regulation and control that is given to the modern boy . Factor III . Attitudes Regarding the Social -Sexual Relationships between Men and Women 1. Women have an obligation to be faithful to their husbands . 2. Swearing and obscenity are more repulsive in the speech of a woman than a man. 5. Under ordinary circumstances, men should be expected to pay all the expenses while they're out on a date. 7. It is all right for wives to have an occasional, casual, extramarital affair. 8. Special attentions like standing up for a woman who comes into a room or giving her a seat on a crowded bus are outmoded and should be discontinued. 11. Telling dirty jokes should be mostly a masculine prerogative. 13. Men should continue to show courtesies to women such as opening doors and helping them with their coats . 16. The initiative in dating should come from the man. 18. It is insulting to women to have the "obey" clause remain in the marriage service. 20. A woman should be as free as a man to propose marriage .

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73 23. Women should worry less about their rights and more about becoming good wives and mothers. 32. Women should be encouraged not to become sexually intimate with anyone before marriage, even their fiances . 40. There should be no greater barrier to an unmarried woman having sex with a casual acquaintance than having dinner with him. 41. Economic and social freedom is worth far more to women than acceptance of the ideal of femininity which has been set by men. 52. If both husband and wife agree that sexual fidelity isn't important, there's no reason why both shouldn't have extramarital affairs if they want to. 55. Most women need and want the kind of protection and support that men have traditionally given them. Items with Factor Loadinas of .40 or More on a Factor I. for Two

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17 4

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APPENDIX E ADDITIONAL TABLES

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17 7 Table 4. Multiple Regression Analysis of the Independent Variables on the Dependent Variables Variable

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178 Table 6. Regression Coefficients of Independent and Dependent Variables Independent Variables Dependent Variables 9 10 11 12 13

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Table 7. Factor Analysis of Independent and Dependent Variables 179 Factor Score Coefficients Factor 1 Factor 2 Factor 3 Factor 4 Variable 1

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180 Table 8. Mean and Standard Deviation of Independent Variables Variable Mean S.D. 1 99.73 20.27 2 7.27 3.29 3 6.73 4.62 4 9.85 3.31 5 4.72 2.97 6 30.33 16.06 7 2.65 2.54 Table 9. Mean and Standard Deviation of Dependent Variables Variable Mean S^D. 8 46.25 9 7.91 10 31.27 11 11.40 12 28.97 13 18.87 14

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181 Table 10. Distribution of Subjects Among Four Major Religious Groupings Religion Subjects Catholic 18 Protestant 23 Jewish 10 Other 9 'able 11. Distribution of Subjects Among Levels of Political Orientation C ategory Subjects Reactionary 2 Conservative 7 Middle-of-the-Road 15 Liberal 33 Radical 3

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182 Table 12. Distribution of Subjects According to Income of Parents Income Su bjects Under $6,000 5 $6,000 $10,000 8 $10,000 $15,000 13 $15,000 $20,000 25 $20,000 $25,000 4 Above $25,000 5

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Adorno, R, v.. , Frenkel-Brunswick, E-, Levinson, D. J., and San ford, R. N. The Authoritarian Personalit y. New York: Harpers, 1950. Anderson, J. W. Intro ducti on to Mult i variate Statistical Analy sis. New York: Wiley, 1.9 58. Baker, B. Acceptance versus rejection of the traditional feminine role: Consideration of Women's Liberation. Dissert atio n Abstracts International , 197 2, 33 (5 -A) , 2137-2153. Bayer, A. E., and Dutton, J. E. Trends in attitudes on political, social, and collegiate issues among collecfe students. Journ al of Highe r Educat ion, March/April, 1976, 47_ (2) , 159-168. Bern, S. L. The measurement of psychological androgeny. Journal o f Consulti ng and Clinical Psyc hology , I9TTT~J2. (2), 155^162". Bettelheim, B. The Empty Fortress . New York: The Free Press, 196 7. Bird, C. Born Female . New York: David McKay Company, 1968. Bove, M., and Miller, T. Women s liberation questionnaire. Unpublished senior project. Rosary Hill College, 1970. Eroverman. J. K., Broverman, I., Clarkson, F., and Rosenkrantz, P. Sex role stereotypes and clinical judgments of mental health. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psy c hology , 1970, 3_4, 1-7. Broverman, J. R" . , Broverman, I., Clarkson, F., and Rosenkrantz, P. Short form of the sex-role stereotype questionnaire. Unpublished paper. 1975. Bu tier, L . C . A Stud y of Authori tarian and Humanistic Reli g_i ous Belief s as "R e la ted" to Re ligious Orientation, Author. ita r i a nism an d . Att rib ution of R es ponsibility . Unpublished Master's' Thesis, University of Florida, 1971. 183

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Gary, c. Personality and ideology: a personological study of womens liberation. Psychiatry, May, 1972, 35 (2) , 1 09-125. Charen, S. A note on the use of a paper and pencil form of the MMPI Hs Scale for hospital use. Journal of Cons ulting Psychology , 1954, 1_8_ (5), 344. Christie, R. . and Jahcda, M. (eds.) Studies in the Scope a nd Met ho d of "Tne A uthoritarian Per s onality . " Glencoe , Illinois: The Free Press, 1954. Clark, R. The projective measurement of experimentally induced levels of sexual motivation. Journal of Expe rimental Psychology , 1952, 44_, 391-399. de Beavoir, 3. The Second Sex . New York: Bantam Books, 1952. Diab, L. N. Authoritarianism and prejudice in NearEastern students attending American universities. Journal of Social Psychology , 1959, 50_, 175-187. Dixon, W. T. Biomedical Computer Programs . Los Angeles: U.C.L.A. Press, 1973. Dorros, K, , and Follet, J. Prejudice towards women as revealed by male college students. Connecticut College, 19 69. (Unpublished.) Doyle, J. A. Comparison of Kirkpatrick ' s and Spence and Helmreich's Attitudes Toward Women Scales. P sychological Reports , Dec, 1975, 3_7 (3 Pt. 1), 378. Erikson, E. Chil dhood and Society . New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 1963. Faris, C. D. .Authoritarianism as a political behavior variable. Journal of Politics , 1956, 1_8, 61-82. Firestone. S. The Dialectic of Sex . New York: William Mo r r o w , 19 TUZ Fowler, M. , and Van de Riet, H. Today and yesterday: an examination of the feminist personality. The Journ al of Psychology , Nov., 1972, 8_2, 269-276. Friedan, B. The Feminine Mystique . New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 1963.

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135 Galbraith, G. G., Kahn, K., and Leiberman, H. Personality correlates of free-associated sex responses to double entendre words. Journal of Consulting and Cl inical Psychology , 1968, 3_2, 193-197. ~ Galbraith, G. G., and Mosher, D. L. Associative sexual responses in relation to sexual arousal, guilt, and external approval contingencies. Journal of Perso nality and Social Psychology , 1968, 10_, 142-147. Galbraith, G. G., and Mosher, D. L. Effects of sex guilt and sexual stimulation on the recall of word associations. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology , 1970, 34_, 67-71. Ginn, R. 0. Psychological androgyny of self-actualization. Psychol ogical Reports , Dec, 1975, 37_ (3 Pt. 1), 8 8 6"; Goldberg, P. Are women prejudiced against women? Tr ansaction , April, 1968, 28-30. Goldberg, P. Prejudice toward women: some personality correlates. In ternational Journal of Group Tensions , March, 1974, _4 (1), 53-63. " Greenberg, S. Attitudes of elementary and secondary students toward increased social, economic and political participation. Journal of Educational Research , Dec, 1973, 674 , 147-148. "~ Greer, G. The F emale Eunuch . New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1971. Hall, C. S., and Lindzey, G. Theories of Per s onality . New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1957. Hanson, D. J., and DiBari, M. M. Dogmatism and women's liberation. Psychological Reports , Feb., 1974, 34_, 33 4. Hayes, W. L. Statistics for Psychologists . New York: Hold, Rinehart and Winston, 1963. Heyns , R. W. , Veroff, J., and Atkinson, J. W. A scoring manual for the affiliation motive in Motives in Fa ntasy, Action an d Society . Edited by J. W. Atkinson. "New York: P. Van Nostrand Company, Inc., 1958, 205-218.

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Jackson, D. N. Multimethod factor analysis in the analysis of convergent and discriminant validity. Paper read at the meeting of the Society of Multivariate Experimental Psychology, Atlanta, Georgia, 196 6. Reprinted in Ps ychological Bulletin , 196 9, 22/30-49. " Jackson, D. N. Personality Research Form Manual. Goshen, N.Y.: Research Psychologists Press, Inc., 1967. Jackson, D. N., and Guthrie, D. M. A multitraitmultimethod evaluation of the Personality Research Form . Proceedings of the 7 6th Annual Convention o f the A merican Psychological Association , 196 8, 177-173/ Janeway, E. Man's World, Woman's Place: A Study in Social M ythology , New York: Dell Books, 1971. Kilpatrick, D. G., and Smith, A. D. Validation of the Spence-Helmreich Attitudes Towards Women Scale. Psychological Reports , 1974, 35_, 461-462. Kirscht, J. P., and Dillehay, R. C. Dimensions of Authorit arianism: A Review of Research and Theory . Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1967. Kusyszyn, I. A comparison of judgmental methods with endorsements in the assessment of personality traits. Journal of Applied Psychology , 1968, 5_2, 2 27-233. Leiman, A., and Epstein, S. Thematic sexual responses as related to sexual drive and guilt. Journa l of_Abno rmal and Social Psychology , 1961, 6_3, 169-175. Machover, S., and Anderson, H. J. Validity of a paper and pencil form of the MMPI Psychopathic Deviate Scale. J ournal of Consulting Psychology , 1953, 17 (6) , 459-461. Masling, J. M. How neurotic is the authoritarian? Journa l of Abnormal and Social Psychology , 19 54, 69~ (?) , 316-18. Mauch, D. M. The need for power as a correlate of sex-role stereotyping in college males. 1972. (Unpublished. ) McKinley, J. C, and Hathaway, S. R. The Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory: Hysteria, hypomaria and psychopathic deviate. Journal of Applied P sychol ogy, 1344, 2_8, 153-174.

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137 McKinney, D. W. , Jr. Th e Auth o ritar i an Persona lity St u dies . The Hague; Mouton , 1973. McNemar, Q. Psychological Statistic s. New York: Wiley and Sons, 1962. Miller, T. W. Male self-esteem and attitudes toward women ' s roles . Journal of College Student Personne l, Sept., 1973, 14 (5), 402-406. Millet, K. Sexual Politics . New York: Avon Books, 1969. Mills, J. A procedure for explaining experiments involving deception. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin , Winter, 1976, 2 (1), 3-13. Mitchell, J. Woman's Estate . New York: Pantheon Books, 1971. Mosher, D. The development and multitrait-multimethod matrix of three measures of three aspects of guilt. Jour nal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology , 1966, 30, 25-29. Murray, H. A. Explorations in Personality . New York: Oxford University Press, 1938. O'Keefe, B. E. Attitudes Toward Women's Liberation: Relationships Between Cooperation, Competition, Personality and Demographic Variables. Dissention Abstracts ," Sept. , 1971, 33_ (3-B) , 1293. Parturier, F. An Open Letter to Men . New York: James H. Keinnan, Inc., 1968. Pawlicki, R. E., and Almquist, C. Authoritarianism, locus of control and tolerance of ambiguity as reflected in membership and non-membership in a women's liberation group. Psychological Reports , June, 1973, 32 (3 Pt. 2), 1331-1337. Pheterson, G. I., Kiesler, S. B., and Goldberg, P. A. Evaluation of the performances of women as a function of their sex, achievement, and personal history. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 1971, 19_, 114-118. Psy chology Today, Nov., 1971, p. 28. Report on Worrell, J. and Worrell, L.

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Rogers, C. R. A theory of therapy, personality and interpersonal relationships and developed in the client centered framework. In S. Koch (Ed.) Psyholoay: A Studv of Science, Vol. 3. Formulation of the persons and the social context. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1959. Rosenkrantz, P., Vogel, S., Bee, H., Broverman , I., and Broverman, D. Sex role stereotypes and self -concepts in college students. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology , 1968, 32_, 287-295. Schill, T., and Chapin, J. Sex guilt and males' preference for reading erotic magazines. Journal of Consulting and C l inical Psychology , Dec, 1972, 3_9 (3), 516. Shields, S. Functionalism, Darwinism and the Psychology of Women: a study in social mythology. American Psychologist , July, 1975, 3_0 (7), 739-754. Spence, J. T . , and Helmreich, R. The Attitudes Toward Women Scale: An objective instrument to measure attitudes toward the rights and roles of women in contemporary society. Catalog of Selected Documents in Psychology , Spring, 1972, 2, 66-67. Spence, J. T., and Helmreich, R. Who likes competent women? J ournal of Applied Social Psychology , July, 1972, 2 (3) , 197-213. Tavris, C. Who likes women's liberation and why: the case of the unliberated liberals. Journal of Social I ssue s, 1973, 2_9_ (4), 175-198. "" " Tavris, C. Woman and Man. Psychology Toda y, March, 1972, 57-64, 82-85. " Uleman, J.S. The need for influence: development and validation of a measure, and comparison with the need , for power. Genetic P sychology Monographs , May, 1972, 35_ (2) , 157-214. Veroff, J. A scoring manual for the power motive in Atkinson, J. W. (ed.) Mot ives in Fantasy , Action and Society. New York':" P. Van Nostrand Company, Inc. , 1958, 219-233. Zeldow, P. B. Psychological androgyny and attitudes toward feminism. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psycholog y, 1976, 44, (1) , 150.

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Lillian Carol Butler was born April 4, 1944, at Macon, Georgia. In June, 1962, she was graduated from Largo High School in Largo, Florida. In June, 1966, she received the degree of Bachelor of Arts with a major in psychology from Dickinson College, Carlisle, Pennsylvania. In 1966 she enrolled in the Graduate School of the University of Florida, receiving her M.A. in psychology in 1971. She served her internship in clinical psychology at Judge Baker Child Guidance Clinic in Boston, Massachusetts, 1971-72. Since completing her graduate course work she has been involved in the evaluation and treatment of children in Child Psychiatry at Shands Teaching Hospital, Gainesville, Florida, 1972-74; at the Marion Citrus Mental Health Center, Ocala, Florida, 1974-75; and Tri-County Mental Health Center, Palatka, Florida, 1975-present . 189

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I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Audrey Schumacher, Chairman Professor of Psychology I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Franz R. Epting Associate Professor of Psychology I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 1 / / Harry A. Grater Professor of Psychology I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Mary K. McCaulley Assistant Professor of Psychology

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I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion" it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and. is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Richard P. Haynes Professor of Philosophy This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Department of Psychology in the College of Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. June, 197 6 Dean, Graduate School

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UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA ?1262 08285 213 7


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