Citation
A comparative study of college women with and without incest experience in relation to self concept and guilt disposition

Material Information

Title:
A comparative study of college women with and without incest experience in relation to self concept and guilt disposition
Creator:
McBride, Judith Marie, 1952- ( Dissertant )
Larsen, Janet J. ( Thesis advisor )
Fitzgerald, Paul W. ( Reviewer )
Algozzine, Robert F. ( Reviewer )
Place of Publication:
Gainesville, Fla.
Publisher:
University of Florida
Publication Date:
Copyright Date:
1983
Language:
English
Physical Description:
ix, 140 leaves ; 28 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Adults ( jstor )
Child psychology ( jstor )
Fathers ( jstor )
Guilt ( jstor )
Incest ( jstor )
Psychological counseling ( jstor )
Psychology ( jstor )
Self concept ( jstor )
Taboos ( jstor )
Women ( jstor )
Counselor Education thesis Ph. D
Dissertations, Academic -- Counselor Education -- UF
Guilt ( lcsh )
Incest victims -- Psychology ( lcsh )
Self-perception ( lcsh )
City of Gainesville ( local )
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Abstract:
The purpose of this study was to compare college women in counseling with and without incest experience with respect to guilt disposition and self-concept. An aim of this study was to determine the impact of incest experience on the adult psychological functioning of women for these dimensions of personality. For the purpose of this study, fifteen experimental and fifteen control subjects were administered the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale (TSCS), the Mosher Guilt Forced-Choice Inventory (MGFCI), and three questionnaires developed by this researcher. The Demographic Information Questionnaire (DIQ) collected data on background history and pertinent information regarding the incest involvement of the experimental group. The Client Self-Perception Questionnaire (CLSQ) and the Counselor Perception Questionnaire (COPQ) were developed to match client groups on overall psychological functioning. A t-test analysis was used for comparison between groups. All statistical tests were set at a .05 significance level. Additional analyses were completed using the Spearman Rho correlation method. The results of the study indicated that college women incest victims in counseling do not differ significantly from other college women in counseling on self-concept. No differences between groups emerged for guilt disposition, with one exception. A significant difference was indicated for sex-guilt. The incest subjects had significantly higher sex-guilt than the non-incest group. Highly suggestive trends indicated that incest clients suffer greater psychological difficulty at the onset of therapy than do their non-incest counterparts. Further, incest subjects showed a significant decrease in dispositional guilt states as exposure to therapy increased. The incest subjects showed a highly suggestive trend of improved Self-Satisfaction, Physical Self, and Moral -Ethical Self, as exposure to therapy increased. No trends emerged for the non-incest subjects. Based on the findings of the study, it was concluded that incest victims suffer greater sex-guilt than other women due to their sexual victimization. Implications of this research are that sex-guilt directly results from moral conflict engendered by incest activity and that sex-guilt powerfully effects the development of later adult sexual disturbances. Special implications for counseling professionals about incest are discussed.
Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1983.
Bibliography:
Bibliography: leaves 115-122.
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Judith Marie McBride.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
030570165 ( AlephBibNum )
11886846 ( OCLC )
ACQ5189 ( NOTIS )

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A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF COLLEGE WOMEN WITH AND WITHOUT INCEST
EXPERIENCE IN RELATION TO SELF CONCEPT AND
GUILT DISPOSITION





By


JUDITH MARIE McBRIDE


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY








UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

1983




























Copyright 1983

by

Judith Marie McBride




























Dedicated to

the loving memory

of my Father













ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS


There are many people who are deserving of special thanks and ap-

preciation for their personal contributions during the completion of

this dissertation. To those women with incest experience who partici-

pated in this study, I wish to express my personal graditude and admira-

tion for their courage in facing their incest secret. Without their

willingness to assist me in my research, and their sincere hope of

helping other victims, this work might not have been accomplished.

I also would like to thank the counseling professionals at the

Sexual Assault Recovery and Student Mental Health Services at the Uni-

versity of Florida for their cooperation and participation in this study.

I am also appreciative of the special caring and assistance provided by

my chairperson, Dr. Janet Larsen, who was unwavering in her support of

me and my personal competencies. To my other committee members, Dr.

Bob Algozzine and Dr. Paul Fitzgerald, I wish to express my thanks for

their careful guidance and unconditional support.

To my husband, Robert David, I wish to express my appreciation for

his wonderful and understanding nature, particularly his patience and

sense of humor during this long and arduous task. Of great benefit to

me was his ability, as a clinical psychologist, to contribute in dis-

cussions involving incest research. This was only one of the ways his

consistent and caring companionship was felt.








In consideration of their personal inconvenience and frequent

accommodations, I extend my thanks and appreciation to my stepsons,

Jonathan and Benjamin. Without their support and the support of my

husband, the process of completing this work would have been more

difficult.

I am thankful to my parents for their love and encouragement through-

out my efforts to be my personal best.

I wish to acknowledge my appreciation for the interest and support

I received from friends. In particular, I would like to mention Mindy

Hersch, Gilda Josephson, and Linda Hague for their unique contributions.

With regard to Mindy Hersch, I would like to comment that I will fondly

remember our active sharing during the completion of our graduate work

(it did make all the difference). And to Gilda Josephson, I wish to

acknowledge my gladness for our sharing in the many intense hours of

psychotherapy with incest survivors. I wish to mention my thanks to

Linda Hague for her participation and caring during the last leg of this

journey.

Several incest researchers deserve acknowledgement because of their

direct or indirect impact on my research. I would like to thank Judith

Herman and David Finkelhor for their personal consultation. I am

appreciative of their research efforts, as well as those efforts by

Lisa Herschman and Christine Courtois. The research of these individuals

was facilitative to my own study of incest.













TABLE OF CONTENTS


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . . . .


ABSTRACT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

CHAPTER

I INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . .

Background . . . . . . . . . . . .
Purpose of the Study . . . . . . . . . .
Rationale . . . . . . . . . . .
Definition of Terms . . . . . . . . .
Organization of the Study . . . . . . . .

II REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE . . . . . . . . .


Introduction . . . . . . .
Part I . . . . . . . .
The Incest Taboo . . . .
Incest prohibition and type (
Cross-generational incest.
Peer incest . . . .
Historical Perspective on Incest.
Scope of the Problem . . .
Prevalence on incest . .


f relationship.


Relationship of incest aggressor and victim. .
Part II . . . . . . . . . . . .
Psychological Effects . . . . . . . .
Early effects of child sexual abuse . . .
Effects of childhood incest experience . . .
Adult psychological functioning of women
incest victims . . . . . . . .
Guilt Disposition and Self-Concept . . . .
The Mosher Guilt Forced-Choice Inventory . . .
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . .

III METHODOLOGY . . . . . . . . . . .

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . .
Research Questions . . . . . . . . . .
Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . . .
Population and Sample . . . . . . . . .


Page
. . . . . . . iii









Instruments . . . . . . . . . .
Tennessee Self-Concept Scale . . . . .
The Mosher Guilt Forced-Choice Inventory (Form F)
Client Self-Perception and Counselor Perception
Questionnaires . . . . . . . .
Procedures . . . . . . . . . . .
Research Design . . . . . . . . .
Limitations . . . . . . . . . .

IV RESULTS . . . . . . . . . . .

Demographic Findings . . . . . . . . .
Experimental Group . . . . . . .
Control Group . . . . . . . . .
Matching of Groups . . . . . . ...
Analysis of matching . . . . . .
Analysis of client and counselor perceptions
Clinical Findings . . . . . . . . .
Experimental Group Incest Involvement . . ..
Comparisons Related to Self-Concept . . . .
Comparisons Related to Guilt Disposition . .
Additional Analysis . . . . . . . .

V DISCUSSION, IMPLICATIONS, AND CONCLUSION . . . .

Discussion . . . . . . . . . . .
Implications . . . . . . . . . .
Conclusions . . . . . . . . . .

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . .

APPENDIX

A METHOD OF CONTACT WITH UNIVERSITY COUNSELING PROFESSIO

B PROTOCOL OF INSTRUCTIONS . . . . . . . .

C REQUEST FOR SUBJECT PARTICIPATION . . . . .

D CONSENT FORM . . . . . . . . . . .

E CLIENT SELF-PERCEPTION QUESTIONNAIRE . . . . .

F COUNSELOR PERCEPTION QUESTIONNAIRE . . . . .

G DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION QUESTIONNAIRE . . . .

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH . . . . . . . . . .


Page

. 77
. 78
. 82

. 84
. 85


NALS



. ,








Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF COLLEGE WOMEN WITH AND WITHOUT INCEST
EXPERIENCE IN RELATION TO SELF-CONCEPT
AND GUILT DISPOSITION

by
Judith Marie McBride

December, 1983
Chairperson: Dr. Janet Larsen
Major Department: Counselor Education

The purpose of this study was to compare college women in counseling

with and without incest experience with respect to guilt disposition and

self-concept. An aim of this study was to determine the impact of incest

experience on the adult psychological functioning of women for these

dimensions of personality.

For the purpose of this study, fifteen experimental and fifteen

control subjects were administered the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale

(TSCS), the Mosher Guilt Forced-Choice Inventory (MGFCI), and three

questionnaires developed by this researcher. The Demographic Information

Questionnaire (DIQ) collected data on background history and pertinent

information regarding the incest involvement of the experimental group.

The Client Self-Perception Questionnaire (CLSQ) and the Counselor Per-

ception Questionnaire (COPQ) were developed to match client groups on

overall psychological functioning.

A t-test analysis was used for comparison between groups. All

statistical tests were set at a .05 significance level. Additional

analyses were completed using the Spearman Rho correlation method.







The results of the study indicated that college women incest vic-

tims in counseling do not differ significantly from other college women

in counseling on self-concept. No differences between groups emerged

for guilt disposition, with one exception. A significant difference was

indicated for sex-guilt. The incest subjects had significantly higher

sex-guilt than the non-incest group.

Highly suggestive trends indicated that incest clients suffer greater

psychological difficulty at the onset of therapy than do their non-incest

counterparts. Further, incest subjects showed a significant decrease in

dispositional guilt states as exposure to therapy increased. The incest

subjects showed a highly suggestive trend of improved Self-Satisfaction,

Physical Self, and Moral-Ethical Self, as exposure to therapy increased.

No trends emerged for the non-incest subjects.

Based on the findings of the study, it was concluded that incest

victims suffer greater sex-guilt than other women due to their sexual

victimization. Implications of this research are that sex-guilt

directly results from moral conflict engendered by incest activity and

that sex-guilt powerfully effects the development of later adult sexual

disturbances. Special implications for counseling professionals about

incest are discussed.













CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION


Recent attention to the multi-dimensional problem of incest has been

brought about by mounting evidence that incest is a social phenomenon of

epidemic proportions (Finkelhor, 1979). Incest involvement, more often

perpetrated by an older male in the nuclear and/or extended family of

the victim, usually involves a female child. This investigation focuses

on the long-term psychological effects of incest involvement for women

who have been victimized as children.

It is likely that a child's incest involvement has a profound effect

on her moral development. The moral contradictions implicit in the

father-daughter relationship, for example, introduce a set of standards

for what is "right" or "wrong" that departs from established moral con-

vention. This situation presents the child with a formidable dilemma.

The dilemma is that the parents (one of whom is an incest aggres-

sor), the guardians and transmitters of society's values, teach the

child, with the child's ambivalent complicity, a practice that is pro-

foundly discordant with one of society's most sacred rules. The psycho-

logical accommodations that the victim must make in an attempt to solve

this complicated dilemma contribute to a difficult moral development.

The victim's knowledge that she is participating in behavior that

is "wrong" engenders guilt which promotes self-devaluation. She is

further upset by the question, "Why is it that Daddy (father figure or








trusted older family member) is doing something 'wrong' with me?" The

answers she supplies to this basic question are tangled and tragic indeed.

Generally, the victim resolves that she must deserve this treatment be-

cause she is bad, evil, deserving of punishment, or unworthy of a better

relationship with the aggressor. These early answers develop into be-

liefs that serve to shape a disturbed sense of self.

Adult women incest victims must learn to cope with the aftermath

of this type of early sexual experience. Clinical studies of their adult

psychological functioning reveal that a variety of difficulties and a

range of symptoms exist for these women (Courtois & Watts, 1982; Justice

& Justice, 1979; Meiselman, 1980; Tsai & Wagner, 1978). This study ex-

plores several variables of psychological functioning that refer to moral

development and are frequently cited as problem areas for women victims

of incest.



Background

Experimental efforts to study the area of incest behavior have met

with difficulty due to the complicating nature of the "incest taboo."

Until recently, society's abhorence of incest behavior and rejection of

those involved in incest activity promoted a stifling social climate.

Incest victims and aggressors have chosen to keep their behavior cloaked

in secrecy lest they suffer social condemnation and further personal and

familial disruption (Armstrong, 1979; Courtois & Watts, 1982; Finkelhor,

1979; Herman & Hirschman, 1981).

Society's attitude toward helping incest victims, aggressors, and

their families is more favorable than it has been in the past. Despite







noted improvements, society's response to this acknowledged social prob-

lem is still in its infancy. This is exemplified by the cumbersome

relationship that exists between the social and legal agencies.

Although agencies may share common goals, the alternatives available

to them as determined by their different roles in the formal profes-

sional structure are limiting and sometimes at cross purposes. For

instance, an aim and responsibility of these agencies is to prevent child

sexual abuse. However, a child's disclosure of incest activity to a

social service professional is equivalent to detection because the re-

flex action expected of the professional person is to report such an

instance to the appropriate legal authorities. The child, whose dis-

closure is an effort to solicit help, is usually unaware of the effect

of breaking secrecy. At this point, or any juncture along the way, the

child may retract her accusations for fear of family dissolution and

retaliation by the involved parties. The parents' (or involved party's)

fear of public censure and the potential legal consequences for the

incest aggressor not only discourages their seeking professional help,

but serves to influence the child's behavior after authorities are

informed.

The frightening possibilities of fostercare placement, legal con-

sequences for the incest aggressor, and the tremendous impact of family

dynamics upon the child often lead to a retraction of the incest

complaint.

Even if a complaint is made, which is unlikely, the
chances are slight that the case will ever go to
trial, still slighter that the father will be found
guilty, and even slighter that, if convicted, he
will be sentenced to prison. (Herman & Hirschman,
1981, p. 167)







The time interval between initial complaint and prosecution of the

aggressor sometimes is months long. Unless otherwise restricted, the

aggressor is usually at liberty to have contact with the child. This

circumstance leaves the child vulnerable to coercive attempts for con-

tinued sexual contact or retaliation by the incest aggressor. It also

leaves the aggressor free to exact his power and influence over family

members to ostracize the victim unless she drops the charges against

him (Herman & Hirschman, 1981). The impact of this situation upon the

child is augmented by the child's own inability to endure the pressures

of police investigation and court trial.

The legal ramifications of a child's admission of incest activity

are traumatic and provide little solace. The intent of the social ser-

vice professional to aid the victim and family is exacerbated by the

necessary influence of the legal system. The impact of the legal cir-

cumstances upon all the individuals involved makes it hard for the

social service professional to establish a helping effect. The report

of the incest to the authorities is inconsistent with the confidential

and trusting characteristics known to the counseling profession. What

once was a disclosive client has perhaps become a resistant, frightened,

and uncooperative one.

Yet, the influence of the social service professionals, by virtue

of their developing expertise in working with the victim, family, and

offender, upon the approach of the legal authorities is having signifi-

cant impact. For example, Henry Giaretto's Child Sexual Abuse Treatment

Program in Santa Clara County, California, works collaboratively with

the criminal justice system. A supportive network exists wherein

incest aggressors are arrested and removed to jail while simultaneously







involved in individual and family treatment through this pro-

gram.

Additionally, victim advocacy programs are helping to facilitate

the victim's participation through the intensely stressful and often

traumatic court process. Also, they have aided in the reduction of

some of the trauma accompanying these procedures (Herman & Hirschman,

1981).

It is evident that the relationship between the victim, offender,

and helping agency is affected by both internal and external pressure.

The external pressure from the legal and social agencies and their com-

bined efforts are, at present, not successful in helping many incest

cases. For each case of childhood incest known to the legal and social

services, many remain undetected. The child victim who has grown to

adulthood without social and legal intervention more often than not

continues a silent struggle.

As inroads are being made toward improving the current system,

particular challenges remain in helping the adult woman who has ex-

perienced early childhood incest experience and who is beyond the reach

of the legal authorities. This research is an effort to meet this

challenge.



Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study was to compare college women in counsel-

ing with and without incest experience with respect to guilt disposition

and self-concept. This comparison was based on the following two

questions:







(1) How do women in counseling with incest experience differ
from women in counseling without incest experience with
respect to guilt disposition?

(2) How do women in counseling with incest experience differ
from women in counseling without incest experience with
respect to self-concept?

It was an expectation of this research that answers to these ques-

tions would provide more information about the long term psychological

effects of early incest experience, as well as substantiate existing

data currently found in the incest literature regarding the impact of

incest experience upon adult women. Substantiated information aids

attempts to develop appropriate, effective treatment method and social

policy.

An extensive body of general incest literature exists, with most

investigations taking the form of "anecdotal" clinical studies (Herman

& Hirschman, 1981; Justice & Justice, 1979; Meiselman, 1978; Weinberg,

1955). There is a need to ascertain the accuracy of the information

known to date as brought forward by previous research, through the use

of more rigorous research methods. This study provides the needed

systematic assessment currently lacking in this area by using a control

group and a replicable, controlled clinical approach. The meaningful-

ness of the control group method is well articulated by Campbell and

Stanley (1963), "To evaluate anything objectively, it is necessary to

compare it with something else" (p. 34).

Research on this subject is not without its complications. One

of the difficulties involving the study of incest is the experimental

bias resulting from the use of subjects who have come into contact with

legal authorities and helping agencies, and the availability of volunteer

populations. This is a methodological concern, one which also applies








to this research. This study is another investigation aimed at under-

standing this social problem using a descriptive approach and a self-

selected volunteer population.

For the purpose of this study, a description of how incest victims

are functioning at the present time was attempted in light of several

relevant variables. Women in counseling with a history of incest were

compared with women in counseling without a history of incest on the

variables of self-concept and guilt disposition. Differences in func-

tioning between the groups is not attributable to the incest victim's

patient status, a criticism of previous research.

The instruments used to objectively measure these variables were

the Tennessee Self Concept Scale (TSCS) and the Mosher Guilt Forced-

Choice Inventory (MGFCI) (Form F). The groups are described in terms of

selected demographic information, subject and referring therapist's

perception of overall psychological functioning, as well as overall and

subscale score comparisons derived from the two instruments.

It is expected that the results of this study may be used by pro-

fessionals in the field of counseling to increase their understanding

of the adult college female client who reports childhood incest experi-

ence. By virtue of this research effort, it is hoped that university

counseling programs may become more sensitive to the need for training

and dissemination of information about this subject through their cur-

ricula.



Rationale

The information that exists regarding the psychological functioning

of adult women who have experienced incest in childhood is mostly







anecdotal. The reports are often uncontrolled clinical studies which

indicate that a range of symptoms exist for these women which hinder

optimum adjustment. These studies have also provided support for the

notion that early sexual trauma is significantly related to adult

psychological disturbance (Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Peters, 1976;

Sloan & Karpinski, 1942; Summit & Kryso, 1978).

It has been noted that many of these women suffer from problems in

both personal and social domains (Courtois & Watts, 1982). Some of the

common clinical findings in the personal domain are the following:

negative self-concept (Tsai & Wagner, 1978); depression, anxiety, and

suicidal ideation (Courtois & Watts, 1982; Meiselman, 1980; Tsai & Wagner,

1978); phobias and physical complaints (Courtois & Watts, 1982; Herman

& Hirschman, 1981; Meiselman, 1978); feelings of guilt (Finkelhor, 1979;

Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Meiselman, 1978), anger (Herman & Hirschman,

1981; Meiselman, 1978; Sgroi, 1982); and sexual identity conflict (Cour-

tois & Watts, 1982; Meiselman, 1978; Tsai, Feldman-Summers, & Edgar,

1979; Tsai & Wagner, 1978). Less frequently, character and psychotic

disorders result (Chesler, 1973; Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Meiselman,

1978; Sgroi, 1982).

Common problems in the social domain include the following: isola-

tion (Finkelhor, 1979; Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Tsai & Wagner, 1978);

a pronounced mistrust of men and a general mistrust of others (Herman &

Hirschman, 1981; Meiselman, 1978; Tsai & Wagner, 1978); and interper-

sonal difficulties with mate, parents, in-laws, and children (Courtois

& Watts, 1982). Relationships are often described as "empty, super-

ficial, conflictual, or sexualized" (Courtois & Watts, 1982, p. 276).

Sometimes victims report feelings of guilt and shame when in relationships







that seem satisfactory or good because of basic feelings of unworthi-

ness. These feelings may prevent the maintenance, and also the forma-

tion, of such relationships. Whatever the relationship of these feelings

to the formation and maintenance of intimate bonds, many incest victims

question whether a positive personal relationship can exist.

Of the difficulties cited in the literature, problems in the per-

sonal domain cluster around areas related to self-concept and guilt. In

addition to the saliency of self-concept and guilt as problem issues for

incest victims, the selection of these variables is influenced by their

important theoretical relationship within the context of moral develop-

ment.

Moral development is a gradual learning process involving the con-

cepts of right and wrong. Initially, a child innocently accepts

parental values. The maturing individual learns to assess values gained

from blind acceptance, and progressively develops a uniquely personal

moral code. A developing consciousness of "right" and "wrong" becomes

influenced by social agents outside of the family such as peer and

religious groups, and school environment. Early in the incest rela-

tionship, a child's confusion over the sexual aggression of a trusted

family member and their demand for secrecy is well established. Simul-

taneously, or later when the child is acquainted with societal values

regarding sexual contact between family members, it can be expected that

increased confusion and emotional conflict arises. The bond of secrecy

is further reinforced after encountering other social influences, for

the incest victim recognizes her vulnerability and anguish to be great

if she discloses incest activity.







For the incest victim, conflicts that arise out of a comparative

assessment between parental and societal values may be particularly

difficult to resolve. Due to the issue of secrecy and the unwillingness

of many adults to discuss incest, a child is left to comprehend and

understand the experience on her own. Tsai, Felman-Summers, and Edgar

(1979) indicate that

Many women who had escaped without permanent harm
remembered particular people who had helped them to
integrate and overcome their sexual trauma. (p. 407)

That unresolved conflict is the more frequent outcome is not surprising.

Due to the fact that unresolved conflict can be a motivating force long

after the original event, with later behavior affected by lack of suc-

cessful resolution (Meiselman, 1978), it can be anticipated that early

incest experience can have lasting psychological effects. In the event

of incest, a child would need assistance to work through her trauma to

help minimize psychological harm.

Coleman (1964) explains that an individual's developing moral

standards when coupled with early sexual trauma can engender guilt

feelings and a negative attitude toward sex. Both passive toleration

or active involvement in the incestuous experience encourages feeling

of self-devaluation, particularly exacerbated by a growing knowledge of

social prohibition against this type of behavior. The relationship of

guilt and self-concept is further clarified when it is known that guilt

is a major impetus for personal devaluation (Fehr & Stamps, 1979; Janda

& O'Grady, 1976; Mosher, 1968), a circumstance found to be consistent

across cultures (Coleman, 1964). Positive concept of self is altered

when major guilt is present.







Participation in early sexual activity and violation of personal

moral standards may create major personal problems during adulthood. An

in-depth look at guilt disposition and self-concept is attempted due to

their significance as problem areas for adult women with incest histories.

The importance of studying the relationship between self-concept and

guilt disposition is that it may lead to an understanding of how to help

incest victims view themselves positively in spite of their past incest

experience, guilt, and loss of self-worth. Further, if it can be demon-

strated that individuals with incest experience have levels of guilt and

degrees of self-concept which differ significantly from women without

incest experience, further study on the part of social service profes-

sionals would be needed to facilitate the development of optimum helping

strategies.



Definition of Terms

The following terms and their definitions will be applied in this

study:

Guilt disposition is a generalized expectancy for self-mediated

punishment for violating or anticipating violating internalized standards

of moral behavior and is thus a cognitive disposition (Mosher, 1979).

Sex-guilt is a generalized expectancy for self-mediated punishment

for violating or anticipating violating internalized standards for

sexual behavior (Mosher, 1979).

Hostility-guilt is a generalized expectancy for self-mediated

punishment for violating or anticipating violating internalized standards

for expression of hostile behavior (Mosher, 1979).







Morality-conscience is a generalized expectancy for self-mediated

punishment for violating or anticipating violating internalized standards

of appropriate conduct (Mosher, 1979).

Self-concept is how an individual perceives himself (Fitts, 1965).

Incest refers to sexual contact with a person who would be considered

an ineligible partner because of his blood or social ties (i.e., kin)

to the subject and her family. The term encompasses several categories

of partners, including father, setpfather, grandfather, uncles, siblings,

cousins, in-laws, and what is called "quasi-family." The last category

includes parental and family friends (e.g., mother's sexual partner).

The incest taboo will apply to anyone from whom a child should rightfully

expect warmth or protection and sexual distance (Benward & Densen-

Gerber, 1975).



Organization of the Study

The remainder of the study will be presented in four chapters.

Chapter II will present a review of the related pertinent literature in

order to provide a theoretical foundation in support of the study.

Chapter III will provide an outline of the methodology that will be

utilized to complete this study. Chapter IV will present the research

findings, and Chapter V will present a discussion of the research find-

ings and will introduce implications generated by the findings.













CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE



Introduction

This chapter will review selected topic areas of the incest litera-

ture as they relate to the psychological functioning of adult women

incest victims. A contextual framework will be used which will provide

an understanding of this social problem in view of its historical and

theoretical references, widespread nature of occurrence, and accumulated

evidence on the net psychological effects of the incest experience

itself.

This review will be comprised of Parts I and II. Part I will con-

sist of a theoretical account of the origin and function of the incest

taboo, and a historical account of the incest problem. This account will

identify the influences affecting the recognition of incest as a major

social concern. Part I will also present the prevalence of incest

within the context of the more general problem of child sexual abuse,

in addition to a brief description of the types of incest relationships

and their frequency of occurrence.

Part II of this review will address the immediate and long term

effects of childhood incest experience, an explanation of the dependent

variables,guilt disposition and self-concept, and their mutual importance

in the study of incest subjects. Additionally, Part II will provide a


-13-







review of the literature for the Mosher Guilt Forced-Choiced Inven-

tory.



Part I

The Incest Taboo


The incest taboo is a universal social prohibition (Forward & Buck,

1978; Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Meiselman, 1978). Anthropologists

generally believe that it is the foundation of all kinship structures.

Some view the taboo as the basic social contract (Levi-Strauss, 1969),

and others view it as a means of preserving human social order (Meade,

1968). The violation of the taboo brings about strong emotional reac-

tions and severe societal consequences for which sociologists, psycholo-

gists, and anthropologists find keen interest.

While prohibitions against sexual relations or mar-
riage between uncles and nieces, aunts and nephews,
cousins, and relatives by marriage vary consider-
ably among cultures, there are almost always severe
penalties for sexual relations with the nuclear
family, with the obvious exception of husbands and
wives. (Meiselman, 1978, p. 1)

Several theories have been advanced to explain not only the per-

sistance of the incest taboo, but also its probable beginning. What

follows is a chronology of those major theories significant to under-

standing this social prohibition.

The biological theory, one of the first to emerge, attracted atten-

tion before 1900. It began to recede during the 1920s due to a general

resistance by social scientists to accept biological explanations for

human behavior. The biological theory, developed while the field of

genetics was in its infancy, contends that consanguineous marriages








result in offspring who are physically inferior. It is suggested that

consanguineous marriages were once commonplace, then abandoned, with

exogamy later taking its place (Meiselman, 1978). The biological theory

posits that the evolution of the incest taboo is based on early man's

recognition that weaker offspring are attributed to inbreeding.

At the time, an initial and major criticism of this point of view

was that it failed to explain how primitive people, as well as tribes

today who have failed to make a connection between intercourse and preg-

nancy, could possibly have insight into problems of inbreeding. In

brief, the biological theory was seen as an unsatisfactory assertion

regarding the incest taboo and its origin when it first emerged. As will

be discussed later, greater acceptance of this theory occurred in the

1960s.

The natural aversion theory (Fox, 1962; Westermarch, 1922) postu-

lates that the incest taboo is noninstinctive and that psychological

mechanisms are responsible for maintaining sanctions against sex between

family members. According to this theory, family members express a

natural aversion for "mutual sexual expression" (Meiselman, 1978). This

aversion is then registered as the incest taboo, which may extend beyond

the nuclear family.

Fox created an explanation of how the natural aversion process works.

His hypothesis is that prepubertal siblings have natural physical con-

tact with arousal as a consequence of living intimately, although, due

to their developmental limitations are unable to achieve orgasm. The

resultant frustration caused by inability to reach orgasm is paired with

sibling sexual contact which leads to avoidance behavior. This avoidance


behavior continues into adolescence and adulthood.








This hypothesis is sharply criticized because it does not address

the issue of how the taboo is so intensely enforced both in the past

and present. Additionally, this theory implies that the sexual drive

in and of itself, may not be satisfying and reinforcing due to inability

to achieve orgasm. This establishes orgasm as a necessary requirement

for sexual encouragement. This theory does not explain the many cases

of marriage by persons who grow up in the same family environment who

are unrelated. Furthermore, Kinsey's (1953) research indicates that

prepubertal children are capable of orgasm.

In support of this theory, children raised in the Israeli Kibbutsin

in the same environment have been found to reject each other as sexual

partners despite their unrelatedness. And,

From appearances, brothers and sisters who have been
separated for lengthy periods during adolescence have
seemed less restrained by the incest taboo. (Weinberg,
1955, p. 8)
Even though this evidence suggests the plausibility of the natural

aversion theory, it is more widely rejected because it does not offer

a primary explanation of the origin and function of the incest taboo.

Freud's (1913, 1946) explanation of the origin of the incest taboo

holds that a child has sexual desire for both parents, and that this

sexual desire is essential to normal healthy personality development.

The role of the parents) is to prohibit expression of the child's

sexual desire, thus establishing the parents as the enforcers of the

incest taboo. Freud contends that repression of incestuous wishes may

account for the intense emotionalism surrounding the incest prohibition.

Malinowski, a well known anthropologist, published his description

of the function of the incest taboo in 1927. His conclusion is that







family functioning will result in disorganization if sexual relation-

ships exist crossgenerationally with emotional conflicts stemming from

possessiveness, jealousies, and promiscuity within the family (Malinow-

ski, 1966). The important educational function of the family is thought

to be compromised by stress resulting from the emotional exchanges ex-

pected within a system where incestuous relationships occur.

White (1948) believes that the incest taboo developed out of a need

for economic survival. White dismisses the biological theory and derives

his own theory from a psychological premise; specifically, that sexual

desires among family members naturally occur. He postulates that the

incest prohibition develops in order to provide for a greater network of

cooperative relationships which will promote greater security through

mutual sharing of ideas and material goods.

Within the context of White's theory, the incest taboo requires

that family members join with unrelated individuals, thereby increasing

family size and enlarging upon the supportive social network. If in-

breeding occurs, an inward family development is expected to result,

with more smaller units in competitive strife over acquisition of goods.

White explains this as a deadly process in that familial self-annhilation

is expected to occur.

Social scientists commend White for providing a functional explana-

tion of the taboo, and criticize his inability to account for the inten-

sity of the incest horror and the taboo origin.

A multidimensional approach was offered by Murdock in 1949. The

foundation for his approach is drawn from sociology, Freudian psychology,

behaviorism, and cultural anthropology.




-10-


The emotional intensity surrounding the incest taboo is explained

in terms of Freud's Oedipal Theory. Through repression of incestuous

desires for a parent, the ego defense mechanism known as reaction forma-

tion is employed. This promotes a condemnation of others for acting on

incestuous desires, which stems from an individual's effort to keep

repressed those same desires. Family cohesion occurs due to lack of

internal conflict over jealousy and sexual competition. Due to incest

prohibition, marital ties by unrelated individuals increase, and the

likelihood of a cooperative network helpful to successful survival occurs.

The behavioral process known as stimulus-generalization accounts for the

development of the incest taboo for anyone who beyond the nuclear family

is relatively similar to nuclear family members. Individuals who are

similar to family members are seen as inappropriate sexual partners.

Kinship systems emerge which dictate who is similar to nuclear

family members and who is dissimilar. This concept is drawn from cul-

tural anthropology. Kinship systems establish those relations with whom

sex is prohibited. The incest taboo varies in application for extended

family relations; kinship systems are offered as an explanation for these

variations. Murdock (1949) implied through his explanation of the origin

and function of the taboo that no one theory can explain incest prohi-

bition. His multidimensional approach is popular among incest theorists

and is seen as sensible and intelligent (Meiselmqn, 1978).

A few important, singular ideas that contribute to the theoretical

approaches previously described are advanced by Parsons (1954) and

Slater (1959). Parsons describes the incest taboo as a necessary func-

tion for the development of healthy personality and "transfamilial roles"

vital to socialization. Slater implies in her notion about the incest







taboo that inbreeding effects are not responsible for the development

of the taboo.

Parsons' position does not promote a greater understanding of the

origin of the incest taboo, but offers a practical operating notion of

how the incest prohibition benefits society. His idea is founded upon

psychoanalytic theory which emphasizes the importance of incestuous de-

sire. He emphasizes that a child's progress through developmental stages

is motivated by incestuous desire in combination with the mother's func-

tion, which is to frustrate the child at appropriate intervals to compel

him toward normal progress. The child's early erotic experiences associ-

ated with the mother as the primary stimulus motivate the child to seek

stimulation by moving to higher stages of development. The mother's role

is to frustrate the child's incestuous desires at appropriate growth

stages. Later, during latency, the motivation for stimulation is

diverted toward the development of roles and associations outside of

the family (i.e., peer group relationships). Parsons contends that if

incest is acted upon, personality development will be disrupted. The

optimum integration of individual and society is also affected, if not

prevented, due to the social problems of inbreeding previously identi-

fied.

Slater (1959) suggests that inbreeding did not occur in primitive

nuclear families due to life conditions. Slater's idea is seen as pro-

vocative and interesting, a notion for which she has supplied convincing

evidence through her study of primitive societies in existence today.

She contends that by the time offspring had matured sexually, parents

had already died off.




-20-


Several objections have been raised over Slater's position. First,

her idea of early childhood sexuality runs counter to Kinsey's data

which indicate a prepubertal sexual activity does occur. Additionally,

she does not explain the development of the emotional intensity and the

absoluteness surrounding the incest taboo.

By the 1960's, a number of theories had been suggested to explain

the origin and current functioning of the incest taboo. No one theory

offered a complete and acceptable understanding. Most offered satisfac-

tory explanations for the functional aspects of the taboo in contemporary

society, although the origin of the incest taboo remained chiefly

unexplained.

Since the 1960's, the proponents of the biological theory have con-

tinued to examine the genetic effects of inbreeding with improved scien-

tific methods of research. Gilbert Lindzey punctuated the resurgence of

the biological theory in a presentation to the American Psychological

Association in 1967. Lindzey was successful in explaining the persuasive

evidence supporting a biological influence.

Lindzey posits that inbreeding in both animals and humans seriously

affects the fitness of offspring. He contends that in the long run,

inbreeding greatly hampers survival. Humans will be particularly vul-

nerable to the deleterious effects of inbreeding. This is partly due to

the human disadvantage of relatively few offspring, and a long sexual

development leading to maturation. Therefore, failure to develop exogamy

rules would eventuate in the extinction of family groups through a

natural selection process.

The previous criticism of the biological theory, the assumption

that primitive people could have insight into the effect of inbreeding,




-21-


is no longer suggested as a flaw in logic. Examination of the adaptive

behavior of animals now provides ample evidence that animals are not

dependent on insight and awareness for survival, and are able to naturally

select adaptive physical and behavioral characteristics. Insight and

awareness of inbreeding effects, which in humans is most often easily

recognizable (i.e., dwarfism, albinism), probably do reinforce the incest

taboo, but are not essential.

Of all the theories advanced since before 1920, the biological

theory is well respected and is viewed as a satisfactory explanation of

the origin of the incest taboo. It also explains incest avoidance be-

havior in both animals and humans. This theory does not imply that the

incest taboo is instinctual, only that related individuals who do not

marry survive through natural selection.

Sociological and psychological influences are still evident in that

the incest taboo does extend beyond the nuclear family. Effects of in-

breeding are decreased in this event. Consequently, it is thought that

the incest taboo is encouraged and sustained by other subtle and complex

forces. Variations in the laws regarding marriage of extended family

members across cultures is not explained by the biological theory because

inbreeding effects are reduced drastically outside of the nuclear family.

Perhaps Murdock's (1949) notion of stimulus generalization or White's

(1948) emphasis on the survival benefits of a cooperative social network

are the subtle and psychological forces affecting extended family and

the development of exogamy rules. Nevertheless, it seems important to

understand the primary nature of the biological theory and its explana-

tion of the incest taboo, but a broader theoretical base is needed to

understand its meaning and implications for society.







Incest prohibition and tvoe of relationship


As previously indicated, an incest horror or emotional intensity

surrounds the violation of this social prohibition. A "well established

characteristic of the incest taboo is that the intensity of the pro-

hibition varies markedly within the nuclear family" (Meiselman, 1978,

p. 24). As the type of incest relationship varies so does the emotional

response.

It is found that the strength of the incest taboo is different

depending upon the degree of relatedness of the incest participants

(Berry, 1975). Incest relationships can be categorized as either cross-

generational or peer. In general, parent-child or cross-generational

incest is more taboo and promotes more severe societal reaction than

sibling incest or peer incest.

A public-opinion survey on type of incest found that 72% of

Americans thought father-daughter incest was more abhorrent than sibling

incest. It follows that the more taboo the behavior, the less frequent.

Thus, it is believed that sibling incest occurs with greater regularity

than parent-child. It is also viewed by many incest researchers that

cross-generational is the most psychologically damaging (Courtois, 1979;

Finkelhor, 1979; Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Justice & Justice, 1979;

Meiselman, 1978). Brother-sister incest is seen as less psychologically

damaging and "therefore less likely to be discovered in psychotherapeutic

research setting" (Meiselman, 1978, p. 76).



Cross-generational incest

Sexual contact with a parent, foster or stepparent, grandparent,

uncle, aunt, second cousin, or guardian is viewed as cross-generational







incest (Courtois, 1979). Benward-Densen and Gerber (1975) have iden-

tified a relationship category called "quasi-family," which represents

those individuals who are in a parental and/or adult relationship with a

child and from whom the child expects protection and safety. These

individuals also are included in the cross-generational grouping.

The most frequently reported and the most common type of cross-

generational incest are father-daughter and stepfather-daughter (Finkel-

hor, 1979; Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Meiselman, 1978; Rush, 1980).

According to Meiselman, father-daughter is seen as less prohibitive than

mother-son, although the incest horror remains within severe proportions.

Few clinical cases of mother-son incest have been studied due to

the relatively few cases that have been available for study. It is sug-

gested in the literature that greater psychopathology exists for at least

one if not both of the participants in this relationship (Meiselman,

1978; Wahl, 1960; Weinberg, 1955). The circumstances that are seen as

fostering a mother-son liaison are the following: an abandonment,

absence or desertion by the father; absence of the mother during early

childhood years; little age disparity between mother and son; alcoholism;

few other sexual outlets for the son; and a previous history of family

incest (Weiner, 1964).

It is not agreed by investigators that the psychopathology of either

or both participants in mother-son incest and the potential psychological

risk is greater than in other types. Rush (1971) contends that due to

the strictness of the taboo involving this type of cross-generational

incest, researchers are themselves affected by their own biases.

Brother-sister is less taboo than parent-child incest across most

cultures (Meiselman, 1978). Due to the logical expectation previously


* IIlj




-24-


mentioned, that the greater the taboo the less frequent the type of

incest, it is documented consistently that brother-sister is more fre-

quent than any other type of incest relationship and is, in general, less

psychologically damaging (Meiselman, 1978; Finkelhor, 1980a). Meiselman

also notes that it is likely that due to less psychological damage expected

from this relationship, it can be understood that these types of clients

are not brought to the attention of the appropriate social and legal

authorities (Justice & Justice, 1979).

The fact that type of incest relationship and the degree of emo-

tional reaction to its violation varies, particularly within the nuclear

family, does not lend support for the biological theory. Inbreeding in

all cases of the nuclear family, except for stepparent, foster parent, or

guardian, carries with it equal possibility for harmful biological out-

come. The biological theory cannot account for these variations;

therefore,

this circumstance points to the importance of social
and psychological influences for an understanding of
the interplay of factors associated with incest.
(Meiselman, 1978, p. 24)

Father-son and mother-daughter incest are rarely reported and are

seen as extremely offensive due to the violation of not only the incest

taboo, but the social prohibitions against homosexuality. Due to the

paucity of reports on these relationship types and their respective

psychological effects, little is known. Ongoing discussion and investi-

gation of rare cases continues.

Father-son incest has been reported on by Forward and Buck (1978),

Langsley, Schwartz, and Fairbairn (1968), and Raybin (1969). The rela-

tionship aspects found to date indicate that the father tends to be







aggressive, controlling, and infantalizing toward the son. The psycho-

sexual development of the father is arrested with unresolved adolescent

sexual conflicts responsible for his later adult behavior with his son.

The mother in the mother-daughter relationship has been found to

blurr caretaking, affectional, and sexual needs. She is characterized

as extremely dependent and overly needy. Her own neediness for pleasure

and affection is expressed at the expense of the child's needs (Forward

& Buck, 1978).

The stepfather-daughter relationship is a commonly found relation-

ship and is seen as less taboo than father-daughter and occurs in

families for similar reasons as father-daughter incest. Psychological

damage has been found to be great with stepfather-daughter incest even

though the taboo is less strong. Psychological damage is found to be

influenced by a variety of factors, among them the extent of affilial

bonding.

A type of cross-generational incest that is becoming viewed as

increasingly common is that of quasi-family members. An example of this

type is the mother's live-in lover. Finkelhor (1979, 1980b) suggests that

a frequently changing list of quasi-family members may contribute to

"desertion anxiety," which may put the family at high risk for incest.



Peer incest

Peer incest is regarded as the most common form of incest. This type

of incest includes sibling, half sibling, and cousins (Courtois, 1979;

Finkelhor, 1980a). These types of relationships refer to those that go be-

yond normal sexual experimentation (Courtois, 1979). Damaging and lasting

psychological effects are not seen as resulting from these relationships unless







force, coercion, or psychopathology is involved (Courtois, 1979; Finkel-

hor, 1979; Forward & Buck, 1978). Additionally, it is noted by Finekl-

hor that severity of psychological effects is related to age discrepancy

between the partners. The greater the age difference the more damaging;

the relationship becomes more like cross-generational as the disparity

between partners increases.

The descriptions of peer and cross-generational incest have been

provided in the preceding paragraphs. In brief, as the strength of the

incest taboo varies within the nuclear and extended family, so does

society's reaction to its violation. In general, cross-generational

incest is found to be more psychologically damaging than peer incest.

Although it is expected that peer incest, particularly sibling, occurs

with greater regularity, the most frequently studied type of relation-

ships are father-daughter, and stepfather-daughter because they have been

brought to the attention of social and legal agencies, and thus, are

available for research purposes.

The psychological risks of incest behavior have been demonstrated

to be greater when (a) force or coercion are used, (b) psychopathology

in at least one of the participants exists, and (c) a marked age dis-

crepancy between incest partners is found.



Historical Perspective on Incest


Incest is not a new problem and it has not gone unnoticed by social

and legal professionals. What is new is the community acknowledgement

that is leading to a greater acceptance of incest as a social problem.

The following historical account will elucidate those aspects influencing






the identification, interpretation, and emergence of incest as a wide-

spread social phenomenon.

Important to modern psychology and the social problem of incest

is the impact of Freudian Theory upon the psychology of women. Recently,

several writers have asserted that Freud's Oedipal theory is his attempt

to explain the many self-disclosures of his female clients regarding their

sexual encounters with trusted adult men (Finkelhor, 1979; Forward &

Buck, 1978; Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Meiselman, 1978; Newsweek, 1981;

Rush, 1980). Freud's initial belief was that female neurosis, and

archtypal hysteria, were caused by the early sexual trauma of incest:

his "seduction theory" (Finkelhor, 1979; Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Meisel-

man, 1978). Instead of indicating that emotional upset is related to

incest experience, he preferred to explain the psychopathology of women

in terms of unresolved Oedipal conflicts. According to Oedipal Theory,

women who do not resolve to give up sexual fantasies involving parent

figures during an appropriate developmental period develop neurosis.

Some writers speculate that Freud changed his conviction regarding the

seduction theory because it was too monstrous an attack to mount against

supposedly respectable family men (Finkelhor, 1979; Herman & Hirschman,

1981; Meiselman, 1979).

Others accuse Freud of covering up the incest problem, altering the

details of his case studies to camouflage the real nature of the rela-

tionship between sexual aggressor and victim, and launching an inaccurate

etiology for female neurosis (Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Rush, 1980).

According to Finkelhor, Freud deserves credit for bringing the subject

of incest out of Victorian darkness. However, a growing number of

individuals view Freud as having directed attention away from the real




-28-


issue, seriously handicapping the development of an accurate understand-

ing of the psychology of women (Armstrong, 1978; Forward & Buck, 1978;

Newsweek, 1981; Rush, 1980), and consequently, men also.

Finkelhor and Rush indicate Freud's Oedipal theory resulted in two

negative outcomes. The first is that professionals in psychology and

related fields later learned not to believe the client who accused a

family relation of incest because claims of incest were interpreted as

merely incestuous wishes. Secondly, adults were not deemed responsible

for overt incest. This responsibility fell upon the shoulders of the

child who was viewed as perpetrator rather than victim.

Following Freud's announcement of his Oedipal theory, little

examination of early sexual trauma and its impact on psychological func-

tioning was accomplished for approximately fifty years. It was not

until Kinsey began his research on child sexuality in 1940 that sexual

abuse surfaced as an issue again. This time, child sexuality was being

examined by social scientists free from the constraints of psychoanalytic

tradition.

Since 1940, five important surveys have been completed, inclusive

of the Kinsey Report. Kinsey's findings indicated that childhood sexual

experience is universal. Despite the accumulated evidence of early

sexual abuse experiences of his subjects, Kinsey concentrated on data

in terms of the normality of sexual experience.

He chose to give great emphasis to the normality of
homosexual experience, masturbation, and extramarital
affairs, but downplayed the commonness of sexual
abuse. (Finkelhor, 1979, p. 9)

Kinsey was successful in completing "4,000 interviews with young,

white, predominantly middle-class, urban, educated women" (Herman &







Hirschman, 1981, p. 12). Of these women, 1,200 were studied using more

extensive data by John Gagnon in 1965.

A third and fourth survey were completed by David Finkelhor (1979)

and Judson Landis (1956) on approximately 2,000 college students. The

respondents to these surveys were individuals in good health. A fifth

study was a collection of data from 142 psychiatric patients and 153

"normal controls" (Landis, 1940). According to Landis, no significant

differences existed between groups on the nature of early sexual ex-

perience.

These studies lacked representativeness in that their subject pools

did not include the lower socioeconomic levels, minorities, and urban-

ites. Those who fall into these categories are stereotypically seen as

those individuals capable of deviant sexual behavior (Herman & Hirschman,

1981). If this stereotype is to be believed, then the findings of these

studies would indicate deflated numbers with respect to sexual abuse.

Within the historical context, these five studies are the most compre-

hensive assessments documenting early sexual experience between children

and trusted adults. Further information about these studies will be

provided later in this chapter.

Finkelhor (1979) and Herman and Hirschman (1981) both refer to

social politics as an important factor affecting the recognition of

incest as a societal problem. Previous to the 1960's, researchers were

pursuing sexual reform on issues such as contraception, sex education,

reassessment of treatment methods for sex offenders, a less restrictive

attitude toward childhood sexual exploration, less prohibitive attitudes

toward the publication of erotic literature, and so on. Reformers avoided

the issue of child molestation because of the possible detriment this







issue would have on the acceptance of other issues (Finkelhor,

1979).

Herman and Hirschman (1981) point out how the lack of alignment

between sexual politics and the subject of incest impacted on L. Kirson

Weinberg's publication, Incest Behavior, in 1955. This was a study based

on 203 court or social agency referred cases of incest in the Chicago

area.

No sensation, in fact, no public response of any kind
attended its publication. Weinberg went on to study
other more acceptable subjects, and Incest Behavior
quietly went out of print. (Herman & Hirschman, 1981,
p. 18)

The time was not yet right; it would be another fifteen to twenty years

before her publication would receive the recognition it deserved.

In the 1970's, the women's movement helped to bring incest out into

the open, as with other sensitive issues such as rape, spouse and child

abuse. Emerging concerns for the welfare of the victimare also a major

contributing factor leading to a more serious examination of those

children who suffer sexual abuse (Finkelhor, 1979). The prevailing

attitude leading up to the 1970's regarding the victim's degree of

responsibility for incest behavior has also undergone change. Instead

of accusing the child of lying when making claims of incest behavior,

she is now seen as innocent. The responsibility for incest activity

is now on the shoulders of the adult or older partner in the realtion-

ship.



Scope of the Problem


Before introducing the estimated incidence of incest, the more

general area of child sexual abuse and its estimated prevalence will







be given. Presently, there are no accurate national statistics on the

incidence of child sexual abuse. Current statistics refer to those

cases reported to social and legal authorities. It is suggested by

many researchers and authorities in the field that the true incidence

of child sexual abuse is many times greater than the number of cases

reported each year and may be more frequent than child physical abuse.

In the United States, child physical abuse is an estimated 200,000 cases

per year (Geiser, 1979).

There are a number of difficulties in the determination of nation-

wide incidence figures. When using cases recorded by various agencies,

statistics vary due to complications arising from the use of different

computation methods, definitions, age range, and whether or not boys

have been included in agency statistics. Even with the uncertainty of

the national prevalence figures for sexual abuse and the nonstandardized

collection of information by agencies, estimates of true incidence for

sexual abuse and incest have been attempted by several researchers.

Early estimates on the prevalence of sexual abuse were as low as

40 cases per million people, as determined by the American Humane

Association and DeFrancis (1969). The current estimate by the National

Center on Child Sexual Abuse is 100,000 cases per million. Some authori-

ties feel that these statistics are significantly underestimated and

offer ranges of 200,000 to 500,000 sexual abuse cases annually (Schultz,

1973).

In a retrospective study based on 1,000 women interviewed by

Kinsey, Gagnon (1970) learned that 28% of these women had experienced

a sexual encounter by age fourteen. Based on this percentage, he cal-

culated an estimate of child sexual abuse to be 500,000 cases a year.







Gagnon's broad criteria for sexual abuse allowed for incidents such as

exhibitionism which may account for this staggering figure.

Sarafino (1979) also determined an incidence figure to be within

the same range as Gagnon, arriving at a national incidence of 336,200

sexual crimes against children per year. Gagnon combined all sex crimes

into one category in an effort to compensate for the difficulties in

definition across agencies. He then determined that a ratio of three

and one-half to one, unreported to reported sex crimes occurs. Using

this ratio, he calculated the above figure.

A survey of six New England colleges showed that one out of five

women and one out of eleven men experience early sexual contact with

someone considerably older than themselves (six years or older) (Finkel-

hor, 1979). Based on Finkelhor's total sample of 796 college students,

an estimate of sexual victimization was determined to be 19% for women

and 9% for men.

In the study by the American Humane Association, sex crimes involving

9,000 children were reviewed. It was discovered that 75% of the sexual

aggressors were either related to or an acquaintance of the victim

(DeFrancis, 1969). Burgess and Holmstrom (1975) found that 30% to 80%

of all sexual abuse cases they studied involved perpetrators from within

the family. These statistics are further supported when compared to

estimates found for nonfamily perpetrators. Nonfamily perpetrators

comprise anywhere from 3% to 30% of sexual abuse cases (McGregor, 1955).

Of reported sexual abuse cases, statistics indicate that sexual offenses

against children are more frequently done by someone familiar to them

(Burgess & Holmstrom, 1975).







Prevalence on incest

In a landmark study by Weinberg (1955), the rate of incest was

determined to be an estimated 1.9 cases per million people. This early

estimate is considered to be low when compared with more recent data.

This estimate would amount to two in one million families affected each

year. More recent estimates indicate that 5% to 15% of all families have

experienced incest (Boekelheide, 1978). According to estimates based on

incest cases reported to the Santa Clara County Child Sexual Abuse

Treatment Program in California, 800 to 1,000 incest cases per million

are suggested (Giaretto, 1976).



Relationship of incest aggressor and victim

Statistics from five major studies have shown that father-daughter

incest is the type of relationship most frequently reported. In Wein-

berg's (1955) extensive study of 203 court referred cases, 164 were

father-daughter incest. In West Germany, Maisch (1972) used court re-

cords, questionnaires, and intelligence testing to study 78 court re-

ferred cases. Of these incest cases, 66 were father-daughter, four were

father-son, three were mother-son, and one was mother-daughter.

Using in-depth interviews with fifty-five incest victims referred

from several social service agencies in Northern Ireland, Lukianowicz

(1972) found 35 of the cases to be father-daughter. Three of the cases

involved mother-son incest. The criterion used for inclusion of incest

cases was sexual intercourse with a blood relative (Meiselman, 1978).

Over a period of three years, Meiselman (1978) studied 58 psycho-

therapy clients who admitted to incest experience. She discovered that

thirty-eight of her cases involved father-daughter incest with two







cases each for father-son and mother-son incest, and one case of mother-

daughter.

Finally, Justice and Justice (1979) in studying clinic records found

96 cases of father-daughter incest of 103 parent-child cases. The number

of parent-child cases of these five studies numbers 424, 97% of which

were father-daughter incest (Herman & Hirschman, 1981).



Part II

Psychological Effects


The following is a review of the recent literature on the reported

long term psychological effects of childhood incest upon adult function-

ing of women. The information to be reported will include both the

anecdotal clinical cases and those few studies that have attempted to

concretize existing data through use of objective measures and control

groups. Attention will be given to the immediate effects of childhood

sexual abuse in general.

Although estimates on prevalence for the different types of incest

suggest that sibling incest is most common, and mother-son least common,

the cases most available for study are father-daughter incest. It is

important to note that the findings on the effects of early incest ex-

perience on the adult psychological functioning of women are primarily,

although not exclusively, derived from the study of this type of rela-

tionship. Thus, much of the following information pertains to incest

experience with the biological father and stepfather.







Early effects of child sexual abuse

The types of reactions characteristic of children who have been

sexually abused by adults have been well documented. Although there

are some individuals who stress positive benefits from sexual contact

with adults (Constantine, 1980), substantial evidence exists to indicate

that most children find sexual contact with adults disagreeable (Finkel-

hor, 1979; Herman & Hirschman, 1981). The majority of children disclose

reactions of fright, shock, fear, and extreme unpleasantness (Finkelhor,

1979; Gagnon, 1965; Landis, 1956), and have suffered from vomiting, and

less frequently, episodes of hysteria (Gagnon, 1965).

Vincent DeFrancis (1969) studied child sexual abuse cases referred

to a Child Protection Agency in New York. Soon after a victim's dis-

closure of sexual abuse, DeFrancis was called to interview each subject.

After completing 250 interviews, he determined that 66% of his subjects

showed emotional disturbance as a consequence of the sexual experience.

Severe disturbance was found in 14% of the cases. Disturbance was more

evident for cases of incest than for assaults by strangers. Guilt, shame,

feelings of inferiority and low self-esteem, anxiety, imitative ritualized

sexual behavior, hostile or aggressive behavior, and school problems

were the predominant symptoms found.

Despite negative reactions to such an experience, "many children

do not perceive themselves to be permanently harmed by the experience"

(Herman & Hirschman, 1981, p. 28). Children who have been involved in

nonviolent and/or contactless forms of sexual abuse, particularly if they

occurred only once (i.e., exhibitionism, voyeurism), failed to show or

admit to lasting distress (Herman & Hirschman, 1981). Some look upon

a child's unresolved feelings concerning sexual abuse as a time bomb







which will explode during later periods in a child's development

(Chesler, 1973). Meiselman (1978) emphasizes that trauma may not be

immediately evident, although, may potentially disrupt "subsequent per-

sonality development and contribute to adjustment problems that occur

much later" (p. 54).

Trauma from childhood sexual abuse is shown to be more likely if

it involves a family member, if the aggressor is much older, and if force

is used (Finkelhor, 1969; Gagnon, 1965; Herman & Hrischman, 1981). Both

Gagnon and Herman and Hirschman found that a relationship of long dura-

tion also increased the likelihood of trauma. According to Finkelhor,

children "feel worse about experiences that are intrinsically unpleasant"

(p. 144). Since most sexual contacts by adults are imposed on the child,

include psychological coercion or force, and evoke negative reactions

from the victims, it follows that the majority of children are ill

affected (Finkelhor, 1979).

Additionally, unpleasantness can be experienced by the child through

the reactions of others about her sexual abuse experience. Judgement or

lack of understanding by others about her incest involvement influences

the child's existing feelings which are usually ones of shame, guilt,

and feelings of isolation and inferiority.

Child victims of sexual abuse demonstrate as a group greater vul-

nerability to pathological development in later life, and an impressive

number suffer lasting harm (Herman & Hirschman, 1981). Child incest vic-

tims seem to show evidence of greater disturbance than those children

who are sexually abused by a stranger. Greater likelihood of trauma

exists for this special subgroup of sexual abuse victims.




-J0


Effects of childhood incest experience

As indicated, psychological harm is more likely for sexual abuse

cases involving family members. Kaufman, Peck, and Taguiri (1954) found

that the common clinical findings discovered in eleven private incest

clients seen at a Child Guidance Clinic in Massachusetts were guilt and

depression. Other symptoms ranged from physical complaints to self-

destructive masochistic tendencies. School problems such as learning

disabilities and family concerns such as fear of abandonment by parents

also were indicated.

Fear of abandonment by parents is a common finding, one that is

also noted by Lustig, Dresser, Spellman, and Murray (1966). In this

study of father-daughter incest, fear of desertion by both parents was

expressed as reason for a child's compliance with the sexual demands of

the father. Often, the daughter of incest assumes a mother's role in

the family due to the mother's absence or relinquishment of responsi-

bilities. As the child assumes many of the mother's functions, including

physical intimacy with father, she begins to understand her role as

valueless, self-sacrificing, and regretfully and unhappily a consequence

of being a daughter (Lustig et al., 1966). The young girl tends to see

boys as having more opportunity to be children. Child victims are

frequently described as mature beyond their years; Lustig et al.

view their behavior as pseudomature. Their needs as children remain

unsatisfied despite their precocious and responsible manner.

Serious repercussions from incest experience were predicted for

adolescent girls by Sloane and Karpinski (1942). They view the degree

of guilt derived from the incest experience as disastrous to the healthy

functioning of a child.







It is expected that the effects found in cases of childhood and

adolescent incest involvement affect later psychological adjustment.

The following studies will describe reported effects of incest on adult

psychological functioning. Since this is the focus of this research, a

more detailed account of findings will be reported.



Adult psychological functioning of women incest victims

Due to a need to understand the kinds of problems encountered by

adult women with previous childhood sexual abuse experience, Tsai and

Wagner (1978) studied fifty women who volunteered to participate in four

weekly or bi-weekly group therapy sessions. The subjects were mostly

white, middle class women with an average age of thirty. Thirty-one

percent of these women had experienced incest with their biological

fathers, and 17.5% with their stepfathers. Except for the fact that

12.7% of the experiences involved a stranger, all other molestation

experiences involved someone in their affinity system. The major com-

plaints of these victims were guilt, depression, shame, low self-esteem,

and sexual dysfunction.

Guilt was a symptom experienced by all participants. Three major

factors were identified as significantly related to their guilt experience.

First, the issue of secrecy and the burden of secrecy combined served as

major guilt inducing factors. Second, fear of the consequences result-

ing from disclosure of incest, if not the direct experience of those

consequences, created a feeling of guilt due to the victim's belief that

she was responsible for the possible disruption of the family. Third,

guilt feelings were engendered by the sometimes physically pleasant

sensations resulting from the incest aggressor's contact. The experience


- fJ\J







of physically pleasant feelings is an area of particular conflict, for

the victim may find herself both offended by the incest aggressor's

approach and unexpectedly aroused and/or appreciative of his attention.

Tsai and Wagner also found that negative self-image and depression

are based on general feelings of inferiority. Feelings of devaluation

are seen as associated with the harboring of the incest secret, a factor

which also leads to feelings of isolation.

Some women reported behavioral patterns indicative of repetition

compulsion. A penchant for selecting abusive male companions or men who

they saw as inferior, unaffectionate, or like their abusive fathers were

common reoccurrences.

Maladaptive sexual patterns were found for the majority of these

women. Sexual response was classified into three types: nonresponsee,"

"orgasmic without pleasure," and "arousal contingent upon control."

The nonresponsee" women had a pattern of no sexual arousal with a

partner, and even found lack of arousal during masturbation. Variations

in response from feeling "sexually dead," to actively avoiding sex, to

a repulsion of sexual topics characterized this group.

The "orgasmic without pleasure" group of women found feelings of

unpleasantness accompanied sexual activity. This was found to be com-

bined with a disinterested attitude in sex. According to Tsai and

Wagner (1978),

These women have learned to be sexually responsive at
an early age, but the unpleasant associations they
experience with arousal inhibits a pleasurable response.
(p. 423)

An active avoidance of a role of passive toleration was evident

for "arousal contingent upon control" group members. For some, sex was








arousing only if they were in control of the sexual activity. One sub-

ject was quoted as saying,

"I tried to make my father go away by being stiff;
therefore, my sex is much better when I initiate it,
am active and on top." (p. 423)

The subjects in this study showed a variety of sexual problems with

most women sharing the common experience of "flashbacks." During sexual

activity, thoughts referring to their incest experience are found to be

intrusive, and very often result in loss of arousal or interest. Feel-

ings generated at the time of flashbacks are not unlike that shared by

one woman who stated,

"When sexual experiences bring back associations with
my Dad, there's always this feeling of guilt, humili-
ation, anger, resentment, and bitterness." (p. 424)

A familiar theme for many victims of father-daughter incest is a

bitterness directed toward both parents, with the mother the target for

a considerable amount of anger. This seems to develop from the daughter's

feeling that the mother did not protect her from her father's sexual

advances. Evidence of a mother actively colluding with the father is

frequently found. Collusion ranges from a mother's active denial to

active encouragement of the incest activity. Many victims question their

mother's denial, for they feel many obvious indications of incest activity

were present.

An exhaustive attempt to study the long term effects of incest on

the adult psychological functioning of women was accomplished by Karin

Meiselman (1978), a psychologist in an outpatient clinic in Los Angeles.

Her study has particular merit in that she studied a large sample and

made use of a control group. Previous studies involving large samples

have not used this approach. Meiselman used for her sample therapy

patients with and without incest experience.





-41-


Upon seeking therapy, the incest victims had not had an incest con-

tact for at least three years, and most had never disclosed the experience.

Initial complaints or problems for which these clients were seeking help

did not center upon the incest experience. It was not evident to many

of these women until later how their incest history was related to

present difficulties.

Meiselman discovered that the incest psychotherapy group was more

disturbed than the control group. Differences noted between groups were

helpful in characterizing women with incest experience. Some of the

major difficulties that characterize these women are explained below.

The number of initial complaints was found to be greater for the

incest group with 3.4 presenting problems and 2.5 for the control group.

Many symptoms were similar across groups (i.e., depression, anxiety, and

even suicide), although the incest group complained of additional con-

flicts with nuclear and extended family members.

When the number of previous psychiatric hospitalizations was com-

pared, 23% of the incest group and 14% of the control group had required

this type of in-patient care. Meiselman viewed this difference as

possibly due to chance since it was not dramatic, yet emphasized that

the difference was in the direction of greater disturbance in the incest

group.

Through examination of the marital history of the incest group, it

was found that "greater marital instability and rejection of marriage

as a lifestyle" (p. 210) was evident. A high level of conflict was found

to exist with their adult heterosexual relationships, either through

avoidance or isolation from men to a series of marital and non-marital

relationships which proved unsatisfying. This type of personal history








was dramatically more apparent with the incest group than for the non-

incest group.

Another notable difference between the two psychotherapy groups was

greater evidence of masochistic behavior on the part of the incest group

members. As defined in this study, masochism refers to "people who seek

out or passively tolerate relationships in which they are victimized"

(p. 212). This definition is unlike others which specifically refer to

sexual pleasure derived from pain. Twenty-three percent of the women in

the incest psychotherapy group and 10% of the women in the nonincest

psychotherapy group were identified as having masochistic tendencies.

The tendencies were of the nonsexual variety. The incest group particu-

larly seemed to endure relationships in which they were mistreated,

though did not seem to derive pleasure from this treatment and lacked

the necessary skills to avoid or terminate relationships when they

occurred.

Overall, Meiselman concluded that psychotherapy patients with incest

experience seemed to show no difference from psychotherapy patients with-

out incest experience with respect to type of psychopathology. Rather,

the incest group was more disturbed, and more likely to have physical

complaints, and interpersonal and sexual difficulties.

Later, Meiselman (1980) compared Minnesota Multiphasic Personality

Inventory (MMPI) profiles of sixteen incest and sixteen nonincest psycho-

therapy patients to determine if differences existed for type of psycho-

pathology and sexual problems. The women were matched on the variable

of referring therapist, ethnic origin, age, and educational status.

The profile means for the two groups were similar, although, her

prediction that incest therapy clients would present a greater number of

sexual difficulties was supported.




-43f-


The overall pattern of results suggests that, while
the report of incest may not be specifically linked
with any diagnostic category, it is associated with
the report of various kinds of sexual problems.
(p. 195)

The extent to which early incest experience contributes to later

negative outcomes in adult adjustment may be best determined by the

victim herself. Tsai, Feldman-Summers, and Edgar (1979) recruited three

groups of women in their study of variables related to the differential

impact of child sexual molestation on the psychosexual functioning of

women. The three groups consisted of therapy clients who were seeking

assistance for reasons related to child sexual victimization, a non-

therapy group of women who had been sexually molested as children, had

never been involved in counseling, and who viewed themselves as well-

adjusted; and a therapy group of women who had no history of child moles-

tation (control group) and who were matched with the non-therapy molesta-

tion group on variables of age, marital status, and ethnicity.

These researchers were the first to systematically assess the

psychosexual functioning of adult women with early childhood sexual

molestation experience. Additionally, these researchers comprise a small

group of investigators who have begun using control groups in an effort

to provide more rigorous attempts at objectively evaluating already

existing data.

A major contention on which Tsai et al.'s study is based is well

explained by this quote:

To the extent that molestation evokes fear or guilt
or other emotional reactions in the child, sexual
activity may acquire negative connotations suffi-
ciently strong to affect adult sexuality. (p. 408)

The notion that unpleasant feelings paired with sexual experience may







influence later sexual activity has been found to occur with later

sexual functioning of rape victims (Feldman-Summers, Gordon, & Meagher,

1979).

The goals of this study were to (a) assess differences between women

with molestation experience who sought out therapy with those women with

molestation experiences who did not seek therapy and (b) to assess dif-

ferences between women with molestation experience and those without

molestation experience in the area of prepubescent sexual activity with

peers and current psychosexual functioning.

The instruments used to assess these women included the MMPI, a

self-administered seven point scale measuring self-perceived overall

adjustment and a questionnaire aimed at collecting demographic informa-

tion and sexual history. The latter asked questions pertaining to three

different areas: variables related to molestation experience, prepubescent

sexual activity with peers, and current sexual functioning.

Two findings were seen as major in the comparison of these three

groups. The therapy molestation group was less well-adjusted than

either the non-therapy group who had never sought counseling or the group

of therapy clients who had never been molested. Additionally, the non-

therapy molestation group and the therapy molestation group differed

significantly on variables related to the molestation experience. Tsai

et al. (1979) determined that the differences found "provided a theo-

retically meaningful explanation of the observed adult adjustment dif-

ferences" (p. 414).

With respect to the MMPI measure, profiles for the non-therapy

molestation and therapy non-molestation groups were "normal." The MMPI

for the therapy-molestation group was an overall 4-8 configuration.








This configuration is interpreted by traditional standards (Dahlstrom,

Welsh, & Dahlstrom, 1972) as follows:

a) poor interpersonal relationships with family members
b) difficulties engendered by early feelings of distrust
c) inadequate social adjustment and lack of emotional
involvement with others
d) sexual acts are seen as vehicles for hostility and
anger
e) poor self-concept
f) a pattern of selecting males with whom they feel
superior

These characteristics corroborate findings of clinical observations of

women clients who have been sexually molested in childhood by family

members (Courtois, 1979; Finkelhor, 1979; Herman & Hirschman, 1981;

Meiselman, 1978). These findings also corroborate with the self-report

statements regarding the current sexual functioning of the therapy

molestation group. The therapy molestation group was significantly

different from the other two groups in overall sexual adjustment. Tsai

et al. (1979) indicate that the current sexual satisfaction of the

therapy molestation groups and the impact of early sexual molestation

upon the victim showed a pattern similar to the behavior of rape victims

several months after the attack.

The question of long term effects of early sexual molestation upon

the developing sexuality of young girls was addressed by James (1971),

and James and Myerding (1977). These investigators sought to determine

if early sexual experience was a factor related to prostitution. In the

process of their research, noteworthy information was brought to light

regarding early encounters by relatives for many of their subjects.

Sexual advances by older males was a specific area examined in this

study. In the course of the research, a surprising number of women

were found to have incest experience.







In James' first study (1971), he recruited 72 adult and 20 adoles-

cent female prostitutes. He made initial contact with these women

while they were in jail and arranged to interview those who volunteered

to participate after their release. Questionnaires and taped interviews

were used, with specific questions about sexual history asked of the

adolescents to discover reasons for their early entry into prostitution.

The average ages for the adult and adolescent groups was 22.6 and

16.9 years, respectively. Ethnicity for the adult group was the follow-

ing: White, 37%; Black, 56%; Indian, Mexican, and other, 7%. The

adolescent group represented the ethnic backgrounds of Whites (48%) and

Blacks (52%).

In examining the relationship of the male perpetrator of sexual

contact to the young girl, James found that of the 20 adolescents 23%

had experienced sexual contact with their father and 15% with other

relatives. Sixty-five percent of the adolescents disclosed negative

sexual experience and a majority of this number were introduced to sex

before age fifteen.

Twenty-five percent of the total sample reported an unpleasant

sexual relationship with someone in their nuclear or extended family.

In examining the relationship of the male perpetrator to the young girl,

DeFrancis's (1969) data indicate that 27% of sexual offenders in sexual

abuse cases are father-figure types, and that a combined total of 38%

represent offenders who are relatives. These findings are also consistent

with those of Sgroi (1975) who remarks that most sexual offenders in child

sexual abuse cases are identified as a father, relative, or boyfriend of

the mother.








In a later study, James and Meyerding (1977) followed the same

method for recruitment of subjects. One hundred thirty-eight women

agreed to participate in this study; 66 were identified as "addict pros-

titutes" and 70 were labeled "prostitutes." The major difference between

these two groups is that the "addict prostitute" group is documented as

having withdrawal from narcotic addiction during incarceration. This

large group of women were characterized as 64% White, with 61% of the

women coming from middle and upper-middle classes. The educational

standing of these women was shown to be "some high school education,

56%; some college education, 19%; and 6% educated above college level"

(p. 39). A "normal" group of women without histories of prostitution

were used for comparative purposes.

A description of some of the findings specific to sexual activity

and incest will be mentioned for the entire subject sample. Of the women

in the prostitute group, first intercourse experience was characterized

by force in 23% of the cases, and emotional coercion was evident in 7%

of the cases. Fifty-seven percent of the women had a history of rape,

with 36% of them falling to rape victimization more than once. Rape by

more than one man at one time was found in 8% of the rape reports.

Of considerable importance to first sexual intercourse is the type

of emotional relationship with the sexual partner. Thirty-four percent

of the women in this study had superficial, "nonemotionally charged"

relationships with the person with whom they experienced first inter-

course. The women in this study had an average of 23 sexual partners

separate from their prostitute experiences. The mean number of signifi-

cant sexual relationships was five.







Incest experience was evident in 25% of the cases. Father-daughter

was the type of relationship found in all reported incest cases. Since

subject selection was based on whether or not the woman was a prosti-

tute, James and Meyerding make special mention that

Our data indicate that father-daughter incest is an
experience more common to our sample populations than
to any other known populations not chosen on the
basis of incest or sexual abuse experience itself. (1977,
p. 38)

Others who comment on incest and its effects on later sexual be-

havior view incest as a precursor to promiscuity (Ferracuti, 1972;

Weiner, 1964). James and Meyerding raise the question of whether or not

incest experience may influence later entry into prostitution. Gagnon

(1965) emphasizes that the impact of incest is immediately disruptive

to the victim's development. This disruption is matched by disturbed

family relationships, family dissolutions, and affective disturbances.

The (incest) behavior and the reaction to the be-
havior become significant disorganizing factors in
her development of sexual identity. (p. 39)

The general findings based on comparisons between the prostitute

and the "normal" groups are enumerated below. The prostitutes as a

group tended to

1) Learn less about sex from parents and more from
personal experience
2) As children, experienced more sexual advances by
elders
3) Were more often involved in incestuous relationships
with their father
4) Generally initiated sexual activity at a younger age
5) More often had no further relationship with coital
partners
6) Experienced a higher incidence of rape. (p. 37)

Many studies involving sexual abuse cases use samples referred

from social and legal authorities which are well known for primarily







dealing with the lower socioeconomic classes. An important finding in

the present study is support for the contention that incest crosses all

socioeconomic boundaries, with middle and upper-middle class women well

represented in the incest subgroup of prostitutes. These data also

align with that of other researchers (Finkelhor, 1979; Forward & Buck,

1978; Geiser, 1979; Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Meiselman, 1978). Finkel-

hor states that incest "cannot be explained as a lower class phenomenon"

(p. 39).

A cause and effect relationship between incest and promiscuity can-

not be concluded from this study. However, James and Meyerding (1977)

suggest that "early traumatic sexual self-objectification may be one

factor influencing some women toward entrance into prostitution and

other 'deviant lifestyles'" (p. 40). And further,

that to be used sexually at an early age in a way that
produces guilt, shame, and loss of self-esteem on the
part of the victim would be likely to lessen one's
resistance to viewing oneself as a salable commodity.
(p. 41)

In addition to a high incidence of incest victims in this sample of

prostitutes, "childhood sexual abuse has also been implicated in the

histories of battered women and adolescent runaways" (Herman & Hirschman,

1981, p. 30). Judson Landis (1956) found in his study of girls that had

run away from home before age sixteen that 52% of 118 subjects had

experienced incest. Rainbow Retreat, a helping agency for battered women

in Phoenix, Arizona, reported that 23% of the women they cared for had

incest experience prior to age fifteen (Herman & Hirschman, 1981). In

Herman and Hirschman's study of father-daughter incest, 32.5% of a 40

subject sample had attempted escape from incestuous experience by running

away at least one time. Thirty-five percent of this same sample had

described themselves as promiscuous.







The reaction patterns of running away, engaging in promiscuous

behavior, prostitution, and becoming involved in abusive relationships

(i.e., battering) are becoming familiar characteristics of incest popu-

lations. The high incidence of incest victims among rape victim popu-

lations has pointed out the tendency for women with incest experience to

become involved in repeated victimizations. Carney Landis (1940) found

that 35% of the rape victims participating in a rape relief group in

Tacoma, Washington, were incest victims. At a rape crisis center in

Albuquerque, New Mexico, 18% of the women who had experienced rape twice

had histories of incest experience (Miller, Moeller, Kauffman,Divasto,

Pathak, & Christ, 1978). It is interpreted from findings such as these

that women with early sexual abuse experience may not learn necessary

mechanisms of self-protection and thus increase the likelihood of re-

peated victimizations (Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Meiselman, 1978).

The most recent data on the characteristic behavior patterns and

adult psychological functioning of incest victims is that of Herman and

Hirschman's (1981) research on father-daughter incest. These psycho-

therapists completed a clinical study using an interview method for two

groups of women. One group consisted of forty victims of overt incest,

and the other was comprised of twenty women without histories of overt

incest but who had seductive relationships with their fathers (overt

incest). In assessing the specific long term consequences of incest

activity and the degree of harmfulness of overt and covert incest, Herman

and Hirschman concluded that

the pathological effects of overt and covert incest
were similar in nature and differed mainly in degree,
the daughters of the seductive fathers exhibiting in
milder form many of the same symptoms that in the in-
cest victims were developed to great severity. (p. 125)







Since the focus of this research is overt incestuous activity, detailed

attention will only be given to the women in the overt incest group.

Some of the pathological effects referred to above will be identified

and in the course of their descriptions, it can be noted that a remarkable

consistency with the long term psychological effects reported by these

researchers and with other studies so far reviewed exists. Prior to

information about the long term psychological effects, important charac-

teristics of the sample and their family constellations will be high-

lighted.

The women in this study encompassed the age range of the early

twenties to the mid-thirties. Half of the women were mothers and were

involved in a variety of stereotypically female professions. These

women nearly equally represented two socioeconomic groups: the working

and middle-classes. Catholicism was the primary religious orientation,

and all were White. Herman and Hirschman (1981) note, "To all appear-

ances, they were an ordinary group of women" (p. 67), from Boston,

Massachusetts.

The incest definition used for this study was psychologically based.

This type of definition holds that the relationship between child and

parent is primary, and a need for blood relatedness is not essential.

A sexual relationship was defined as any contact that required secrecy.

Among the forty overt incest subjects, 78% (31) involved the biological

father, five involved stepfathers, and four, adoptive fathers.

The women as a group came from conventional families characterized

by financial security. They were religious families and portrayed an

air of respectability to the community. The fathers were described as

"perfect patriarchs" and weilded power and control over the family's








participation in social events, particularly limiting the exposure of

the women in the family.

Approximately 75% of the fathers were the sole financial provider

and were described as competent in both job related responsibilities and

social relations.

Two policemen, three military officers, two physicians,
and two college professors were included in their
number, as well as an assortment of businessmen, store-
keepers and skilled tradesmen. (p. 72)

One of the salient characteristics of the incest fathers was "their

tendency to dominate their families by the use of force" (p. 73).

The majority of the mothers fulfilled the traditional role expecta-

tions associated with that of housekeeper. These women were completely

dependent on their husbands for financial security. Independent survival

was not possible for the mothers as a group due to a lack of marketable

skills. Three of the mothers had full time and six had part time employ-

ment. The mothers were described as having inferior status in comparison

to their husbands, and both husband and wife upheld rigidly defined

roles that maintained the father's superiority. The ability to fulfill

the demands of primary housekeeper were often not met by a majority of

the mothers.

Over half (55%) remembered that their mothers had had
periods of disabling illness which resulted in fre-
quent hospitalizations or in the mother's living as
an invalid at home. (p. 77)

Separation from mother was experienced by over a third of the women

through their mother's temporary incapability to care for them. "De-

pression, alcoholism, and psychosis were among the most common causes

of the mother's disability" (p. 77).







The women in the sample were found to be either the oldest daughter

or the only child in 80% of the cases. This is similar to the findings

of other researchers (Weinberg, 1955; Tormes, 1978; Meiselman, 1978).

Forty-five percent of these victims had assumed many of the mother's

responsibilities by age ten, including child care.

Many became astonishingly competent in their role.
Pride in their accomplishments as little adults became
their compensation for loss of childhood. (Herman &
Hirschman, 1981, p. 79)

This loss of childhood or pseudomaturity was also noted by Lustig et al.

(1966).

These daughters also felt a great sense of responsibility for main-

taining family balance and integrity in combination with a sharp aware-

ness of parental conflict. Several daughters wished for their parents'

divorce, but most feared this outcome and the abandonment promised by

such a family disruption. Fear of abandonment is a condition found to

be consistent with the findings of other investigators (Kauffman, Peck,

& Taiguiri, 1954; Lustig et al., 1966).

The daughter's relationship with the mother was often marked by

hostility, contempt, and bitterness. Generally, these women felt their

mothers lacked nurturant ability.

In their moments of despair, these daughters felt the
absence of the most primary bonds of caring and trust.
(p. 81)
And,

These daughters, in short, were alienated from their
mothers, whom they saw as weak, helpless, and unable
to nurture or protect them. (p. 83)

Eighty percent of the daughters had experienced sexual approaches

from their fathers prior to age thirteen, with the average age for sexual

approach by their fathers calculated to be age nine. Sexual experience







was gradual, beginning with fondling, followed by masturbation, and oral-

genital activity. Sexual intercourse did not occur in most cases, and

if it did happen it was not attempted until the daughter had reached

puberty. Force was usually not necessary, although coercion was evident

and had been since the inception of the relationship.

The average duration of the incest relationship was three years.

These data are also corroborated by others (Kauffman, Peck, & Taguiri, 1954;

Lukianowicz, 1972; Maisch, 1972; Tormes, 1978; Weinberg, 1955). Once

incest had been initiated, the women recalled that the father seized

every opportunity available to make sexual contact.

The commonly found furtive attitude of the father communicates that

something is wrong about the relationship.

Few of the daughters had anything positive to say about
the sexual contact itself. Though many enjoyed other
aspects of their special relationships with their
fathers, most dreaded the sexual encounters and in-
vented whatever pitiful strategies they could to avoid
them. (Herman & Hirschman, 1981, p. 86)

Usually the women felt shame, disgust, and fear, with many of the

daughters claiming that they assumed an emotional detachment when sexual

contact occurred. Even when physically pleasant sensations occurred,

the women reported confused feelings and felt intense shame.

All the women in Herman and Hirschman's sample indicated that the

father had never initiated termination of the relationship. Either the

daughter did so through various forms of resistance, or she finally

escaped through a normal and eventual departure from family, or through

running away, or premature separation (early marriage, foster placement,

admission to residential schools, or temporary psychiatric hospitali-

zation).


-3D4-







Overwhelming consistency is found for the type of complaints made

by these women. The subjects made their own association with how the

incest experience shaped their lives. These women reported feeling

"different." Somehow their participation in incest marked them for

life, and many saw themselves as evil. Self derogatory names such as

whore, bitch, and witch were part of their self-claimed identifies.

Many women made an explicit connection between the
feelings of isolation and the incest secret. (Her-
man & Hirschman, 1981, p. 97)

The incest secret formed the core of their identity.
(Herman & Hirschman, 1981, p. 97)

Major depressive symptoms were apparent in 60% of the sample, and

of these, 38% had attempted suicide. Alcoholism and/or drug dependency

problems were found for 20% of the group.

Difficulties also existed in the area of interpersonal relation-

ships. Feelings of isolation were exacerbated by an inability to form

trusting relationships. The early experience of betrayal through incest

engendered expectations that trusting, intimate relationships are not

possible. The knowledge that loved ones not only have the potential to

exploit, but demonstrate their power, through incest seems to interfere

with the development of satisfying relationships.

Promiscuous activity, found for 35% of the women, was explained a

couple of ways. Some pursued sexual relationships to achieve closeness,

and others felt that they were not useful for anything else but sex.

These women experienced marital difficulties with 63% marrying at

least one time. Eleven of the 40 women endured physical assaults from

their husbands or lovers.

As a group, these women tended to idealize and admire men, and in

contrast, felt contempt for women, including themselves. When regarding








their special relationships with their fathers, some of the women felt

that the only self-esteem they had had was gained through association

with their powerful fathers. More usually and fundamentally, they iden-

tified with their mother's low status and were filled with self-loathing.

A small number of the women in this sample had experimented with

lesbian relationships. The apparent motivation for this type of rela-

tionship was based on a need to have female nurturance without fear of

exploitation. Meiselman (1978) found over a third of her 58 incest sub-

jects assumed a lesbian identity for similar reasons. For several of

the women in Herman & Hirschman's (1981) sample, a lesbian identity was

viewed by the victims as an "adaptive and positive way to come to terms

with incest trauma" (p. 105). These findings do not provide evidence of

a cause and effect relationship between incest and lesbianism.

Also, like Meiselman's (1978) findings, difficulties in the area of

sexual functioning were experienced by a majority of the women (55%).

Minimal pleasure, if it at all occurred, was reported. Remembrances of

sexual activity with their father (flashbacks) during sexual activity

interfered with enjoyment. Some who found themselves unable to relax

during sexual involvement found sex to be synonymous with being dominated

or controlled; consequently, sex was tension producing.

As can be readily ascertained, the description of the adult psycho-

logical functioning of women incest victims reported in these studies is

remarkably consistent. This consistency serves to validate those find-

ings that detail the difficulties encountered by incest victims in later

life. The adult women with a history of incest experience are potentially

more vulnerable to adult adjustment difficulties in comparison to other

women. Both personal and interpersonal domains are marked by psychological

problems.








Guilt Disposition and Self-Concept


The importance of guilt and disturbed self-concept as major symptoms

characteristic of adult women incest victims has been noted earlier in

this study. The following is an explanation of the dependent variable,

guilt disposition, as it will be referred to and applied in this study.

In the process of explaining guilt disposition, the important relationship

between guilt and the dependent variable self-concept emerges.

The disposition of guilt is a generalized expectancy
for self-mediated punishment for violating or antici-
pating violating internalized standards of moral be-
havior and is thus a cognitive disposition. (Mosher,
1979, p. 106)

Mosher distinguishes between guilt as a personality disposition and guilt

as an affective state. Mosher explains guilt as a cognitive disposition

by using the psychological terms "trait guilt" and "state guilt."

"Trait guilt" is a personality disposition. This means that a per-

son's perception and response to a class of situations that involve moral

issues in which self and the behavior of self are compared to an inter-

nalized moral code are consistent. Through time and across situations

(transsituational),a person will develop a consistent approach to deal

with morally conflicting issues (Mosher, 1979).

"State guilt" is an affective condition. This is the experience

of guilt feelings following the violation of one's internalized moral

code. Guilt feeling then "is a response to a specific moral violation

in a specific situation" (Mosher, 1979, p. 107).

The intention of this research is to measure the cognitive dis-

position which is considered to be more inclusive than the affective

state of guilt (Mosher, 1979). The consistent behavioral pattern of








the personality disposition "has become organized as a function of the

person's history in similar past situations" (Mosher, 1979, p. 105).

The individual develops a predisposition based on past experience and

approaches new situations with a cognitive set comprised of personal

ethics.

Guilt disposition as it relates to the incest victim can be under-

stood in terms of two factors: moral development and stimulus generaliza-

tion. Previous attention has been given regarding the role of moral

development and guilt. To briefly recapitulate, a child's development

of an internalized moral code is a gradual sequence, with issues of

"right" and "wrong" first learned from parents, followed by the develop-

ment of a personalized code of ethics through exposure and comparison

of one's values with those influences outside of the family. Moral

development is affected by trauma inducing experiences (Coleman, 1964).

It follows that incest trauma affects moral development.

Stimulus generalization is important in that the early experiences

involving moral issues become paired with negative feeling states, one

of which is guilt and leads to self-devaluation. If circumstances are

traumatic then the emotional responses stemming from these morally re-

lated experiences may generalize to other objects, events, and persons

(Coleman, 1964).

If, in the experience, the individual feels acutely
inadequate or guilts--as in certain cases of sexual
assault where the person is too frightened to resist--
his self-concept may undergo considerable devaluation.
Hence a traumatic experience may continue to influence
behavior long after the original event. (Coleman,
1964, p. 139)

Extrapolating from this, the incest victim's acquaintance with the

issue of secrecy and perhaps an already acquired notion of the incest







taboo, may evoke the emotional response of guilt and concommitant

feelings of devaluation. If a child is traumatized by the early in-

cestuous encounter, the pairing of emotional content (guilt) with the

sexual activity becomes a circumstance of emotional conditioning.

Emotional conditioning derived from traumatic situations is more

impactful and surpasses other responses such as those learned through

reasoning and problem solving (Mowrer, 1950). Mowrer indicates that

repetition or a similar situation reactivates the emotional response as

opposed to stimulating a consciously formulated response gained through

reasoning. The latter type are more subject to modification and more

likely to be adaptive. The former, emotional conditioning, is more

resistent to change. Coleman (1964) points out that emotional responses

to traumatic events are easy to condition and readily generalizable.

Emotional conditioning is not easily modified and can lead to maladap-

tive adjustment if not altered. "Thus, when a child is exposed to re-

peated early traumas, their net effect may be highly pathogenic" (Coleman,

1964, p. 140).

Early trauma has particularly far reaching consequences for a young

child. The young child is not equipped with skills of reflection,

critical evaluation, and self-defense like the adult, and is therefore

more vulnerable (Coleman, 1964) and at higher risk for psychological

damage. It seems plausible that due to an inability to comprehend and

defend oneself, the child's experience with the guilt inducing properties

of the incest situation could be devastating. If harmful effects are not

immediately evident, it is thought that they will be later in the course

of the child's development (Meiselman, 1978).








Mosher identified three dimensions of guilt that seem to be highly

relevant areas in need of investigation for incest victims. These areas

are measured by the subscales sex-guilt (SG), hostility-guilt (HG), and

morality-conscience (MC) (see Definition of Terms, Chapter I). The

incest victim commonly identifies guilt as a feeling specifically derived

from several major factors related to the incest experience and which

involve all three dimensions above. This makes sense in that

The construct of guilt is a major component of con-
flict over sexual and aggressive actions and fan-
tasies. (Mosher, 1979, p. 106)

And this is not surprising because

In our society many social prohibitions and highly
emotional moral attitudes center around the expres-
sion of hostility and sexual desires. (Coleman, 1964,
p. 151)

The factors to be identified represent the common moral conflicts

of the human experience. The first factor significantly relates to the

inducement of guilt with the moral conflict of the sexual experience

itself. The second factor is the development of angry feelings at self,

toward the incest aggressor, and toward others who the victim sees as

contributing directly or indirectly to her victimization. As noted

earlier in the case of father-daughter incest, the daughter is not only

angry with her father for betraying her trust but is frequently angry at

the mother for not providing adequate protection from the father (Finkel-

hor, 1979; Forward & Buck, 1978; Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Justice &

Justice, 1979). A third factor is the growing consciousness that the

incest activity is morally wrong.

These factors establish a situation that is replete with guilt

inducing stimuli. The incest situation provides a stage for a child's








maladaptive development in that a predominant emotionally negative

response of guilt is engendered by sexual victimization and continually

exacerbated by repeated incest activity. This creates a series of

emotionally conditioning situations that will generalize to other ob-

jects, events, and people in her life as indicated earlier.

The ease of formulation (emotional conditioning of
negative responses), tendency to generalize and
extreme durability of emotional responses stemming
from traumatic situation all tend to make them
maladaptive. (Coleman, 1964, p. 140)

Consequently, the child's vulnerability to psychological difficulty,

both immediate and in later life, is seen as greater (Coleman, 1964).

The sexual victimization of the child is usually an alienating

experience, for usual outlets for support (i.e., parents and other

family members), understanding, and aid in comprehending a confusing

world are not available. This leads to resolution of conflict on her

own, a circumstance that will have a greater probability of psychological

risk (Tsai et al., 1979). Meiselman (1979) reports that these conflicts

are particularly apparent in the area of sexual adjustment. As Meisel-

man notes (1978),

There seems little doubt the incest had created
unresolved conflicts in these women that tended
to be aroused in later sexual situations. (p. 235)

Based on Mosher's theory of guilt disposition, the child's approach

to resolving morally conflicting issues in childhood will develop a

consistency that will be transsituational. Across all morally conflict-

ing situations, the child will bring with her a personal code of ethics

based on similar past experiences and it may be anticipated that she

will resolve conflict in a similar fashion. Her approach is expected

to be more maladaptive than if she had been able to obtain help from







a significant other and probably more maladaptive than someone without

childhood incest experience.



The Mosher Guilt Forced-Choice Inventory


The Mosher Guilt Forced-Choice Inventory (NGFCI) is a later modifi-

cation of the Mosher Incomplete Sentences Test (MIST), an instrument

Mosher developed in 1961. His intent was to provide an instrument that

would measure quantitatively and qualitatively guilt disposition (Mosher,

1961). Early investigations of the inventory's construct validity were

mostly based on male populations. It was not until 1968 that Mosher

developed a female form (Form F).

Meanwhile, the original MIST had been modified to forced-choice

and true-false sentence completion formats with consequent improvement

in the psychometric properties of the test. Mosher achieved his aim of

constructing a measure of guilt disposition in males that was reliable

and for which outstanding construct, convergent and discriminant validity

has been demonstrated (Abramson & Mosher, 1975; Abramson, Mosher,

Abramson, & Woychowski, 1977; Fehr & Stamps, 1979; O'Grady & Janda,

1978; Persons, 1970a). This instrument has also demonstrated predictive

validity (Griffit & Kaiser, 1978; Janda, Magri, & Barnhart, 1977; Per-

sons, 1970b).

The female form (Form F) was developed in much the same manner as

its forerunner. From a large pool of item stems from the MIST, an

analysis of internal consistency and social desirability rating to assess

response bias were applied for the appropriate selection of inventory

items. Following this, the instrument was administered to 62 University

of Connecticut undergraduate students.







Intercorrelations were analyzed using a multi-trait multi-method

matrix and factor analysis to determine convergent and discriminant

validity. The instrument provided support for the three subscales as

indices of the three aspects of guilt disposition for females (Mosher,

1968). Convergent validity was not sufficiently supported, and a social

desirability response bias was not evident.

Several of the studies helpful to the validation of the MGFCI since

1961 and prior to the development of Form F in 1968 will be briefly dis-

cussed. Greater emphasis will be given to those investigations that have

occurred since the development of the female form.

The MGFCI was used by Persons (1970b) to compare differences in

guilt disposition between male college students (n = 338) and reformitory

inmates (n = 524), and in particular to provide further evidence of guilt

as an independent construct of personality. The mean age of the subjects

was 19.01 with a range of 17-22 years of age. For this purpose, the

MMPI, which had been previously used in a correlational study with the

MGFCI and for which support was found for the notion of guilt as an

inhibitor (Mosher & Oliver, 1968), was selected. Positive correlations

were found between guilt and the MMPI scale for inhibition and a negative

correlation was found for guilt and the MMPI scales referring to acting-

out behaviors. Evidence for guilt as an inhibitor was supported in this

study, and construct validation was demonstrated.

Other studies using inmates as subjects found higher guilt levels

among inmates who commit property crimes than for those who commit

violations against persons (Mosher & Mosher, 1966). The amount of

inmate crimes has also been found to be negatively correlated with the

MGFCI (Persons, 1970a). Predictive validity has been demonstrated with





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regard to the HG and SG subscales for inmates. Correlations between HG

and crimes of violence and SG and sexual offenses showed significant

relationships (Persons, 1970a).

Major findings were reported by Abramson, Mosher, Abramson, and

Woychowski in 1977. These researchers set out to examine not only the

reltaionships between traditional personality variables and guilt, but

the relative independence of the guilt scales from theoretically relevant

variables. The Edwards Personal Preference Schedule (EPPS) (Edwards,

1959) and the MGFCI were administered to 108 males and 41 female

psychology undergraduates at the University of Connecticut. Pearson

product-moment correlations were applied to all subscales. Convergent

validity was supported, indicating relative independence and lack of

redundancy between the subscales.

Gender differences were noted and suggested as meaningful for the

SG and HG subscales. A preference for platonic relationships, a lack

of interest in heterosexual contact, combined with a nonpersistence and

distractability in the work place were characteristic of high hostility

guilt males. Women high in hostility guilt showed greater persistence

with work, conformance, and also lacked interest in heterosexual contact.

These differences were presumed to be gender-linked and interpreted

within the context of socio-cultural training.

A conventional personality style emerged for both males and females

on the MC subscale with conformance, friendliness, low interest in

heterosexual contact, and a need for nurturance as major characteristics.

Less need for aggression was found with high guilt males and females. It

appears from these data that individuals who feel guilt over expression

of hostility also have a reduced need for aggression. Overall results





-65-


showed evidence of construct and discriminant validity for the three

subscales.

The results from this study and that completed by Persons (1970a)

established a promising beginning for further investigations involving

theoretically relevant variables, as well as providing additional strength

for the MGFCI. Further studies using theoretically relevant personality

variables were again recommended by Abramson et al. (1977) to further

corroborate existing evidence of that kind.

This need was addressed by Fehr and Stamps in 1979. They employed

five different personality instruments that satisfied the necessary

theoretical relevance. Sixty female undergraduate students at the Uni-

versity of New Orleans were randomly administered a battery of personality

instruments to test the relationship of the following variables: reli-

gious orthodoxy, anxiety, hostility, self-esteem, and the importance of

religious and economic values in one's life (Fehr & Stamps, 1979).

The Thouless Test of Religious Orthodoxy (Brown, 1962) was selected

to determine the overall ability of the Mosher subscales to measure the

construct of guilt. This test was based on the notion of guilt as a

major theme of most Western religious philosophies. The validity of the

HG subscale was tested using the Manifest Hostility Scale Questionnaire

(Siegel, 1956).

According to Mosher's theory of guilt and self-esteem, individuals

with high guilt are more likely to lack self confidence for their own

ideas and decisions. This leads to increased anxiety and lowered self-

esteem. Consequently, Fehr and Stamps (1979) included the Coopersmith

Self Esteem Inventory (Coopersmith, 1967), and the IPAT Anxiety Scale

Questionnaire (Cattel & Scheier, 1963) to assess the role of these variables

with guilt.








Economic values are presumed as opposite to religious values. The

Test of Economic Values served as a contrast to the religious-orthodoxy

measure. Positive correlations were expected between the religious

measure and the MGFCI.

Another investigation correlated the MGFCI subscales with the vari-

able of religion using an instrument that was seen as quite divergent

from the Thouless Test of Religious-Orthodoxy (Fehr & Heintzelman, 1977).

A positive correlation has been found between the guilt and religious

measure. If these same findings occurred in the Fehr and Stamps investi-

gation, then the MGFCI would be seen as a sensitive scale for the measure-

ment of the construct of guilt disposition.

Negative correlations were anticipated between the MGFCI and the

study of economic values variable. All anticipated outcomes for all

variables occurred and construct validity of the MGFCI subscales was

again supported. Important to this investigation was the establishment

of the Mosher Guilt Scale as a relevant instrument with no problem asso-

ciated with redundancy between the subscales.

O'Grady and Janda (1978) investigated the relationship of the

MGFCI with the following measures: the Repression-Sensitization Scale

(R-S); the California F Scale (F); the Adult Norwicki-Strickland Locus

of Control Scale (I-E); the State-Trait Anxiety Inventory (STAI), A-

Trait Form; and the Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale (M-GSDS).

All instruments were administered in random fashion to 101 male and 135

female undergraduate students in psychology. The important findings

derived from this study were that the construct validity of the three

subscales was once again supported, and the construct of guilt was estab-

lished as different from the constructs of anxiety and authoritarianism.




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O'Grady and Janda (1978) also found that female responses on the male

version of the MGFCI were generally lower than for males. The inspection

of correlations for male and female responses showed evidence of a pos-

sible dissimilarity in the measurement of guilt disposition for the

different sexes.

In an effort to examine the conceptualizations of guilt as advanced

by Mosher (1965) and Galbraith (1968), the nature of an individual's

response to censured or non-censured situations involving sexually rele-

vant stimuli was measured in two separate experiments (Janda & O'Grady,

1976).

Mosher's concept of guilt is drawn from social learning theory.

Based on this theory, high guilt individuals have a greater tendency to

inhibit sexual responses due to a well developed internal set of moral

standards (Mosher, 1965). Galbraith's concept of guilt is based on the

contention that aversive conditioning and early experiences with sexual

issues will inhibit sexual responses. Within this context, high guilt

and low guilt individuals would be expected to change their behavior in

anonymous, non-aversive, and non-censured conditions. This is not so

with the social learning approach to behavioral inhibition. Low guilt,

and not high guilt, individuals would alter their sexual response in a

non-censured condition.

In both experiments, Janda and O'Grady randomly assigned women

undergraduates who had scored either high or low on the MGFCI into one

of two experimental conditions. Response to sexually relevant stimulus

words was measured using the Word Association Test (Galbraith & Mosher,

1968) along with the variables of affective guilt (Perceived Guilt Index)

(Otterbacher & Munz, 1973) and psychological stress (Subjective Stress

Scale) (Berkun, Kialek, Kern, & Yagi, 1962).




-68-


In both experiments, a male experimenter presented the Word

Association Test stimulus words verbally. In the censured condition,

women subjects were instructed to respond verbally to the test; in the

non-censured condition, subjects were instructed to make written

responses.

Using a 2 x 2 analysis of variance, it was discovered that high

guilt women were less likely than low guilt women to make sexual respon-

ses, and that more sexual responses were made in the non-censured con-

dition. The low guilt women in the non-censured condition made more

sexual responses than any of the other conditions.

Experiment two was a modification upon the non-censured condition

by (a) guaranteeing anonymity to subjects and (b) exposing subjects to

the experimenter only half of the test time. Again, undergraduate

psychology students (N = 40) were assigned to one of two experimental

conditions as in experiment one. A 2 x 2 analysis of variance for sexual

responses to the Word Association Test indicated that high guilt women

made less sexual responses than low guilt women. The absence of the

experimenter resulted in a greater number of sexual responses than when

present. Of the four conditions, low guilt women made more of the sexual

responses in the absence of the experimenter.

Both experiments demonstrated that women with high guilt were less

affected by reduced external censure. This lent support to Mosher's

social learning approach as it relates to self-esteem. Low guilt women

had a greater number of sexual responses across all conditions with

anonymity with written response modality responsible for eliciting the

highest rate of sexual responses. The only significant effect pertaining

to affective guilt and stress measures was that anxiety was higher for







all subjects when the experimenter was present during experiment

two.

These studies have reported evidence of the MGFCI's construct,

convergent, discriminant, and predictive validity. They have included

numerous theoretically relevant variables as measured by objective

instruments which estimate the sensitivity and breadth of this instru-

ment's psychometric claims. The following studies will address other

findings based on the Mosher Guilt Scale that are unrelated to efforts

to demonstrate the psychometric soundness of the scale. Major conclu-

sions will be briefly discussed.

In a study aimed at investigating sexual arousal and emotional

response patterns for women (Mosher & White, 1980), 100 college females

were administered the sex-guilt subscale of the MGS in conjunction with

other assessment tools. The hypothesis that

higher sex-guilt was associated with attenuated
sexual arousal and reduced enjoyment and increased
frequencies and/or intensities of guilt, shame, dis-
tress, fear, surprise, disgust, anger, and contempt
in response to erotic imagery. . (p. 273)

was supported. Women who score high on the sex-guilt subscale tend to

have conventional moral standards (D'Augelli & Cross, 1975), and are more

likely to view casual sex as wrong (Mendelson & Mosher, 1979). Langston

(1973) studied the relationship between sex-guilt and sexual behavior and

found that higher levels of sex-guilt were found for religiously active

college students as opposed to religiously inactive students. Langston

(1973) also concluded that high guilt females showed a preference for G

and GP rated movies while R and X rated movies were preferred by low

guilt women.







Low sex guilt women gave more sexual responses to double-entendre

word-association stimuli (i.e., rubber, snatch) than high sex-guilt males

(Galbraith, Kahn, & Leiberman, 1968; Galbraith & Mosher, 1968). High

sex-guilt subjects are found to rate sexual cartoons as humorous and fun

following sexual arousal to attenuate discomfort (Lamb, 1968). Mosher

and Cross (1971) found evidence that sexual experience before marriage

was negatively correlated with sex guilt. They also found that intimate

sexual contact is less likely to occur for both men and women college

students who respond with guilt over sex.

High and low sex-guilt females differed on their moral beliefs when

explanation for nonparticipation in sexual behavior were examined

(Mosher & Cross, 1971). This was also consistent for male subjects,

although, more reasons were reported by males for nonparticipation in

intimate sexual contact (i.e., respect, fear of pregnancy, and disease).

The relationship between affective guilt and dispositional guilt

was studied by Mosher and Greenberg (1968). These investigators found

that after exposure to erotic material, women higher in affective guilt

were also high in dispositional guilt. Janda, Magri, and Barnhart (1977)

studied female affective guilt states using the MGS. In response to a

word association test, more sexual responses were given by women low in

dispositional guilt than high guilt. This information supports that of

Galbraith (1968) and Mosher (1965) whose findings indicate that sexual

response is inhibited for high dispositional guilt subjects.

"A substantial amount of research has shown that those high in the

dispositional trait of sex-guilt respond with more negative affect to

visual stimuli than do those low in sex-guilt" (Griffit & Kaiser, 1978,

p. 852). These investigators interpreted this to mean that erotic








stimuli serve as a reward to low guilt individuals and a punishment for

high dispositional guilt subjects, a hypothesis supported by Griffit and

Kaiser's (1978) research.

High guilt individuals demonstrate high levels of anxiety following

transgression of personal standards (Mosher & Greenberg, 1968; Schill &

Chapin, 1972). High sex-guilt subjects are found to have insufficient

recall of personal data related to sexual behavior (Galbraith & Mosher,

1968; Langston, 1973; Schwartz, 1973), to judge explicit and nontraditional

sexual behavior as negative (Mosher, 1973; Ray & Walker, 1973), and to

experience increased guilt levels following introductions to sexually

stimulating material (Mosher & Greenberg, 1968; Schill & Chapin, 1972).

Moreault and Follingshead (1973) reported in their investigation of

female sexual fantasies that high sex-guilt subjects had fewer explicit

sexual fantasies, fewer sexual fantasies, and ones of shorter duration

than low sex-guilt subjects. Themes involving sexual dominance and

fantasies of being irresistible to men were associated with high sex-

guilt females. This finding is thought to explain a need to relinquish

responsibility for sexual behavior on the part of high guilt women

(Moreault & Follingshead, 1973). High guilt female fantasies more often

involved imaginary lovers rather than real lovers as was the case with

low sex-guilt women.

Women's premarital sexual behavior is found to relate to moral

philosophy and dispositional guilt (D'Augelli & Cross, 1973). Using

Kohlberg's Moral Dilemmas Questionnaire, college women high in guilt

were oriented at the Law and Order stage and tended to be virgins. "Less

guilt was associated with increasing liberality of sexual philosophy"

(D'Augelli & Cross, 1973, p. 43). Those women who had more liberal




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philosophies more often became involved in sexual relationships through

mutual, contractual interpersonal arrangements. A good interpersonal

relationship was necessary to their sexual involvement. Women who were

found to engage in sex as a means of achieving intimacy established more

superficial relationships combined with a focus on what "could be gained

from her partner" (D'Augelli & Cross, 1973, p. 43). High guilt women

saw premarital intercourse as socially unacceptable and disapproved of

other forms of intimate sexual expression.

In another experiment by D'Augelli and Cross (1973), couples were

examined in terms of moral philosophy, sexual behavior, and sex-guilt.

"Sex-guilt was found to be significantly associated with sexual experience

and moral reasoning for men and for couples"(p. 46). Couples high in

sex-guilt were found to use a law and order philosophy. Also, sex-guilt

and the previous sexual experience of both partners affected current

sexual activity. The moral reasoning of women was found to be influenced

by their male counterparts.

This review of findings for the Mosher Guilt Scale has shown evi-

dence of its acceptability as a valid instrument. Further, theoretical

interpretations made by numerous researchers about low and high guilt

dispositional states for both men and women have been discussed.

The relevance of guilt disposition to the study of incest has been

previously explained. Guilt disposition, as measured by the MGFCI, is

pertinent in situations where temptation to violate moral standards is

present (Mosher, 1968). Women with high guilt are more likely to inhibit

expression of aggressive or sexual behaviors. If a high guilt woman

transgresses her internalized moral code,

she is expected to experience guilt feelings, or to
confess, or to punish herself, or to make restitu-
tion. (Mosher, 1968, p. 695)







An incest victim is confronted at a tender age with a complex moral

dilemma engendered by both the secrecy of the incest relationship and

the incest taboo itself. Usual outlets for disclosure are generally

unavailable within the family. Her self-punishment may become manifest

through self-destructive, often masochistic, tendencies. As Judith

Herman (1981) notes about the women incest psychotherapy clients she

studied,

In their own flesh, they bore repeated punishment
for crimes committed against them in childhood.
(p. 108)



Summary

This review presents a historical, theoretical, and socio-political

discussion of incest. Particular attention is given to studies that

describe the impact of incest upon the psychological functioning of

women. Among the negative psychological sequelae experienced by women

with incest histories, problems with guilt and self-concept predominate.

This review emphasizes the importance of guilt disposition as it relates

to the moral dilemma associated with the violation of the incest taboo

and the extent to which guilt can damage self-concept. Based on the

reported findings, an examination of various dimensions of guilt dis-

position and self-concept with respect to women victims of incest is

warranted.













CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY



Introduction

This research was designed to gather more information on the adult

psychological functioning of women incest victims. Numerous uncontrolled

clinical studies have identified a broad spectrum of problem issues for

these women. Of these, guilt over events related to incest and a dis-

turbed sense of self-worth emerge as difficulties frequently cited in

the literature. An aim of this study was to systematically assess the

variables of guilt disposition and self-concept within the context of

adult psychological functioning for a sample of college women incest

victims. This chapter will discuss the hypotheses, population and sample,

instruments, procedures, research design, and limitations of the study.



Research Questions

This research sought to answer the following questions:

(1) How do women in counseling with incest experience differ from

women in counseling without incest experience with respect to

guilt disposition?

(2) How do women in counseling with incest experience differ from

women in counseling without incest experience with respect to

self-concept?







Hypotheses

The following hypotheses were investigated in this study:


Ho,--There is no significant difference

incest groups on the Total P Score

--There is no significant difference

incest groups on the Row 1 P Score

--There is no significant difference

incest groups on the Row 2 P Score

--There is no significant difference

incest groups on the Row 3 P Score


between the incest and non-

(Self-Concept) of the TSCS.

between the incest and non-

(Identity) of the TSCS.

between the incest and non-

(Self-Satisfaction) of the TSCS.

between the incest and non-

(Behavior) of the TSCS.


--There is no significant difference between the incest and non-

incest groups on the Column A Score (Physical Self) of the TSCS.

--There is no significant difference between the incest and non-

incest groups on the Column B Score (Moral-Ethical Self) of the

TSCS.

--There is no significant difference between the incest and non-

incest groups on the Column C Score (Personal Self) of the TSCS.

--There is no significant difference between the incest and non-

incest groups on the Column D Score (Family Self) of the TSCS.

--There is no significant difference between the incest and non-

incest groups on the Column E Score (Social Self) of the TSCS.

Ho2--There is no significant difference between the incest and non-

incest groups on the Total Score (TS) of the MGFCI.

--There is no significant difference between the incest and non-

incest groups on the sex-guilt (SG) subscale score of the MGFCI.

--There is no significant difference between the incest and non-

incest groups on the hostility-guilt (HG) subscale score of the

MGFCI.







--There is no significant difference between the incest and non-

incest groups on the morality-conscience (MC) subscale score of

the MGFCI.



Population and Sample

The results of this study are generalizable to college women at

four year universities who have sought out counseling at student health

service programs either for problems related to incest or for other

reasons not related to incest. Both undergraduate and graduate women

were accepted as participants for this study. These women ranged in

age from eighteen to thirty years of age. The women who seek counseling

services within a university system reflect a variety of academic per-

formance levels and have demonstrated adequate coping skills in order to

maintain an academic standing that meets with the minimum requirements

for continued advancement toward a degree.

The sample size for this study was thirty (N = 30) with fifteen

(n = 15) incest and fifteen (n = 15) non-incest participants, all of

whom were in attendance at the University of Florida. Subjects were

selected using the following criteria:

(a) The subject needed to be a college woman between the ages of

eighteen and thirty.

(b) The subject needed to be free of a history of recent rape victimi-

zation (at least a six month period since rape victimization).

(c) The subject needed to be involved in a counseling relationship at

a counseling service at a four year college.

The impact of the incest experience on women in treatment is similar to








post rape trauma on the victim up to several months after the attack

(Tsai, Feldman-Summers, & Edgar, 1979). In order to eliminate this as

a confounding variable, all potential subjects with recent rape victimi-

zation experience were excluded from the study.



Instruments
The Mosher Guilt Forced-Choice Inventory (MGFCI) (Form F) and the

Tennessee Self-Concept Scale (TSCS) were the instruments used in this

investigation of guilt disposition and self-concept. Three questionnaires

were used in this study. The Client Self-Perception Questionnaire (CLSQ)

and the Counselor Perception Questionnaire (COPQ) (see Appendices E and F,

respectively) were designed to collect data on the subject's current

psychological functioning from the perspective of subject and therapist.

The Demographic Information Questionnaire (DIQ) (see Appendix G) was

designed to collect demographic information on all subjects, with a sub-

sequent set of questions pertinent to incest subjects only.

The MGFCI has a seventy-eight (78) item stem forced-choice sentence

completion format which yields three subscales: hostility-guilt (HG),

sex-guilt (SG), morality-conscience (MC), and Total Guilt Score (TGS).

The TSCS consists of one hundred (100) self-descriptive, self-administer-

ing items and uses a Likert-type format on a true-false continuum.

The CLSP and COPQ are both composed of six questions and use a

Likert-type answer format on a little-great continuum. Scores are de-

rived from each questionnaire using either an additive index total or a

six numeral profile.







Tennessee Self-Concept Scale


The TSCS provides an overall measure of an individual's perception

of self. The self-concept is seen as important in the understanding of

personality, behavior, and state of mental health. Understanding how an

individual perceives self can be useful to professionals in clinical

settings for assessment purposes and assistance.

The TSCS is of sixth grade reading level and is applicable to indi-

viduals twelve years of age and older. It is appropriate to use with any

individual or group because of its sensitivity in measuring the whole

range of psychological adjustments. The Scale consists of two forms--a

Counseling Form and a Clinical and Research Form. For the purpose of

this study, the counseling form was selected. This form has fewer vari-

ables and greater ease in scoring than the Clinical and Research form.

The two forms do not differ in content, but require different scoring

and profiling procedures. Machine and handscoring is available for

both forms. Test completion ranges from ten to twenty minutes.

The counseling form yields five scores. The following is a de-

scription of the different scores:

1. The Self-Criticism Score (SC) consists of ten derogatory statements

borrowed from the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory,

L-Scale (Hathaway & McKinley, 1951). This measure assesses the

capacity for self-criticism. High scores refer to a healthy ability

to view oneself critically; low scores refer to greater defensive-

ness and less open capability to be self-critical.

2. The Positive Scores (P) are interpreted using a 3 x 5 configuration.

Three categories across (Row 1, Row 2, Row 3) represent primary


I U







messages of an internal frame of reference (I am, I feel, and I do).

The five categories down (Column A through E) represent perceptions

using an external frame of reference and are the following: physical

self, moral-ethical self, personal self, family self, and social self.

A Total P score is derived from adding row and column scores.

a. Total P Score is most important in that it reflects the overall

level of self-esteem. Individuals who have a positive self-worth

yield high scores; the converse is true for an individual with

low self-worth.

b. Row 1 P Score (Identity) is a measure of the individual's per-

ception of his basic identity in response to "What I am" items.

c. Row 2 P Score (Self-Satisfaction) is a measure of satisfaction

with respect to an individual's self-perception.

d. Row 3 P Score (Behavior) is a measure of an individual's self-

perception of his behavioral functioning in response to "This is

what I do" items.

e. Column A (Physical Self) is a measure of an individual's self-

perception regarding body image, health, competencies, and

sexuality.

f. Column B (Moral-Ethical Self) is a description of an individual's

sense of moral worth.

g. Column C (Personal Self) is a score that indicates the indi-

vidual's sense of self apart from his body and relationships.

h. Column D (Family Self) is a score indicative of an individual's

self-worth in relation to family.

i. Column E (Social Self) is a score indicative of self-worth in

relation to others in a general sense.







3. The Variability Scores (V) indicate the degree of consistency across

the different areas of self-perception. Individuals with low scores

would show greater consistency in responding; high scorers would show

less consistency and some variant of uncertainty. There are three

types of variability scores:

a. Total V score is indicative of the total variability among scores.

b. Column Total V is a summation of variation within the columns.

c. Row Total V is the summation of variations across rows.

d. The Distribution Score (D) is the distribution of answers across

five possible choices. This is a measure of self-perception as

it relates to confidence and certainty.

e. The Time Score is the amount of time to the nearest minute for

test completion.

A large sample (N = 626) was used as a standardization group for

the establishment of norms. The sample ranged in age from twelve to

sixty-eight and was representative of all socioeconomic and educational

levels. Males and females and blacks and whites were approximately

equally represented. The population was selected from various sources,

some of which were high schools, colleges, and employees of state insti-

tutions. Reliability coefficients for test-retest were based on a

sample of college students (N = 60) over a two week period (Fitts, 1965).

Reliability data are as follows: Sc, .75; Total Positive, .92; Total V,

.67; Distribution, .89; and Time, .89.

Fitts (1965) established validity using four different procedures.

These were content validity, discrimination between groups, correlations

with other personality measures, and personality changes under specific

conditions. Using a panel of several clinical psychologists as judges,




-BSI-


determinations were made as to which items were content valid. Items

were selected if unanimous agreement was found among the judges. This

instrument has demonstrated discriminant ability between psychiatric

patients and non-patients, delinquents and non-delinquents, and psycho-

logically integrated from average individuals (Congdon, 1959; Piety,

1958; Havener, 1961; Wayne, 1964). The use of self-concept to differ-

entiate type and degree of disorder has also been found (Huffman, 1964).

There is an abundance of data to support the validity of the TSCS using

other personality measures. The Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inven-

tory correlated with most of the TSCS scores in the predicted direction

with little linear correlation (McGee, 1960). Non-linear relationships

were found between TSCS scores and those of the Edwards Personal Pre-

ference Schedule as derived from a study of sixty-six students from

various high schools (Sundby, 1962). Studies on the effects of positive

and negative life experiences on self-concept have also demonstrated the

validity of the TSCS. In evaluating the effects of stress and failure

on self-concept of paratroop trainees, post-test scores indicated sig-

nificant score decreases (Gividen, 1959). Test-retest data collected on

patients in therapy and non-therapy conditions showed significant changes

in the self-concept scores of the patients (Ashcraft & Fitts, 1964) with

changes in 18 of the 22 variables in the predicted directions.

It is evident that the use of the TSCS to more fully understand

the dynamics of personality as it relates to an individual's self-esteem,

particularly in relationship to the personality construct of guilt, was

appropriate for use in this study. Of particular relevance are the

subscales relating to sexuality, hostility, and morality.








The Mosher Guilt Forced-Choice Inventory (Form F)


The construct validation of the MGFCI has been drawn from studies

which have used a variety of subject populations. Validation studies

have also included numerous theoretically relevant variables as measured

by objective instruments to establish the sensitivity and breadth of its

psychometric claims to measure the construct of guilt.

This instrument measures the cognitive disposition of guilt which

is a personality construct. This instrument does not measure guilt

feeling or the affective state of guilt.

An additive index is used to derive the four separate scores pre-

viously identified: TS, HG, MC, and SG. These separate scores measure

three separate dimensions of guilt and a general overall score.

The following is a brief identification of the separate scores:

Total Score (TS) is a measure of an individual's overall proneness to

experiencing guilt feelings for the violation or anticipation of

violation of an internalized set of moral standards.

Hostility-Guilt (HG) is a measure of an individual's proneness to

experiencing guilt feelings for the violation or anticipation of

violation of personal moral standards for expression of hostility.

Morality-Conscience (MC) is a measure of an individual's proneness to

experiencing guilt feelings for the violation or anticipation of

violation of personal moral standards for general issues of "right"

or "wrong."

Sex-Guilt (SG) is a measure of an individual's proneness to experiencing

guilt feelings for the violation or anticipation of a violation of

moral standards for sexual behavior.







The male and female forms of the MGFCI are based on the original

guilt inventory developed by Mosher in 1961. This instrument was called

the Mosher Incomplete Sentences Test (MIST). In order to improve the

psychometric properties of this instrument, Mosher modified the MIST to

forced-choice and true-false sentence completion formats which were able

to demonstrate outstanding construct, convergent and discriminant validity

(Abramson & Mosher, 1975; Abramson, Mosher, Abramson, & Woychowski, 1977;

Fehr & Stamps, 1979; O'Grady & Janda, 1978; Persons, 1970). This instru-

ment has also demonstrated predictive validity (Griffit & Kaiser, 1978;

Janda, Magri, & Bannhart, 1977; Persons, 1970b).

The female form (Form F) was developed to encourage more research

into female guilt processes (Mosher, 1968). Form F was developed in

much the same manner as its forerunner, the male form. From a large

pool of item stems from the MIST, an analysis of internal consistency

and social desirability rating to assess response bias were applied for

the appropriate selection of inventory items. Following this, the instru-

ment was administered to 62 University of Connecticut undergraduate

students.

Intercorrelations were analyzed using a multi-trait multi-method

matrix analysis to determine validity. Validity coefficients ranged

from 190 to .52. Reliability coefficients for each subscale have also

been determined: SG = .95; HG = .76; MC = .84.

The MGFCI, Form F, has shown psychometric soundness in making dis-

tinctions between the subcomponents of guilt (Mosher, 1968). It has also

helped to justify guilt disposition as a separate personality con-

struct.




-84-


Client Self-Perception and Counselor Perception Questionnaires


College women by nature comprise a homogeneous grouping. However,

due to the addition of other criteria for inclusion of subjects in this

study, the group homogeneity was considerably strengthened. As indicated

earlier in this chapter, not only did these subjects need to be college

women, they also needed to be (a) in counseling and (b) free of recent

rape victimization. This initial criterion enabled only one demon-

stratable difference between the experimental (incest) and control (non-

incest) groups, that of incest victimization, to be compared. Despite

the similarity between groups, there existed the possibility that the

incest and non-incest subjects might differ in the severity of their

psychological disturbance. Thus, it was necessary to match groups on

current psychological functioning. This was accomplished by using the

mean Total Scores derived from two instruments, the Client Self-Percep-

tion Questionnaire (CLSQ), and the Counselor Perception Questionnaire

(COPQ) (see Appendices E and F), designed by this researcher to assess

this variable.

The CLSQ and the COPQ are similar and involve six questions that

ask the extent to which the subject's personal problems interfere with

different areas of life functioning (academic, social, ability to control

life circumstance, family, pervasiveness of problem interference, and

current living situation). A Likert-type response format from one to

five, with "1" meaning little and "5" meaning great, was used. Possible

minimum and maximum scores are five to thirty, respectively. Mean Total

Scores were derived by dividing the Total Score (summation of all six

questionnaire Item Scores) by the number of subjects. A mean score of







18.0 indicates average functioning. Less than eighteen approaches optimal

current psychological functioning, while greater than eighteen indicates

less than optimal functioning.

Questionnaire Item Scores were also used to assess group similarity.

Each Item Score was derived by dividing the total group score for that

item by the number of subjects in each group. A mean score of 3.0 indi-

cates average psychological functioning. Differences from the mean

correspond with the above explanation of Total Score means for optimal

and less optimal psychological functioning.



Procedures

The selection of subjects was accomplished through a referral

system. Counseling professionals at several universities within the

Florida State University System were contacted and arrangements were

made for a referral protocol (see Method of Contact with University

Counseling Professionals, Appendix A). Three universities provided

assistance. Of these three four-year colleges, the University of

Florida was responsible for 100% of the referrals. Assumptions about

this circumstance will be further elucidated in the discussion section

(Chapter V) of this study.

For each client identified as a potential subject, a form request-

ing participation (Appendix C) was presented by the referring therapist.

If the subject agreed to participate, arrangements were made with the

investigator for a scheduled testing appointment. Each subject was

tested privately in an office provided by the involved agency. A




-86-


specific protocol of instructions (Appendix B) was utilized to provide

a consistent experimenter approach.

Test administration ranged from thirty-five to fifty minutes.

Total time needed for initial and final instructions and completion of

instruments was approximately one hour.

Confidentiality was maintained through the use of research identi-

fication numbers that were in no way associated with the name of the

subjects. Consequently, test results were not able to be associated

with any particular individual. Anonymity was also assured through this

process. Freedom to withdraw was clearly stated prior to verbal and

written consent. The subject was also instructed of her right to with-

draw from participation in the study at any time without fear of negative

consequences. These procedures were designed to minimize risk and to

protect the subjects. It was not seen as likely that emotional diffi-

culties would arise as a result of the subject's involvement. However,

because of the low probability that the test instruments might cause

recollection of earlier traumatic events, the following preparation was

made. If problems arose, it was expected that the referring therapist's

ongoing relationship with the subject would presumably provide the

necessary support and guidance. If further assistance was needed the

investigator, upon making initial arrangements with each referring

therapist, informed them of her availability to collaborate on any

problems that might arise. Additionally, a faculty from the University

of Florida Counselor Education Department was available for consulta-

tion if desired.








Research Design

This study takes the form of a static group comparison. Similari-

ties and differences between the experimental (incest) and control (non-

incest) groups are described. The independent variable is dichotomous

(incest vs. non-incest) and the dependent variables are continuous

(guilt disposition and self-concept). T-tests were applied to estab-

lish if significant differences existed between the experimental and

control group means for the three subscale (morality-conscience, hos-

tility-guilt, sex-guilt) scores and Total Guilt Score of the MGFCI.

This same statistical test was applied to establish if significant dif-

ferences existed between control and experimental groups means for the

Total P Score and the eight subscale scores of the TSCS. A .05 level

of significance was used for all t-test analyses in this study.

The experimental and control groups were matched on current

psychological functioning through the use of the CLSQ and COPQ. A

t-test method to establish the extent of difference between client

group means for questionnaire Total Scores was applied. Evidence of

matching was further examined by comparing Total Score COPQ group

means for the experimental and control group counselors.

A description of DIQ data was accomplished using frequency dis-

tributions and group means for the following variables: age, race,

marital status, religion, grade point average, number of counseling

sessions, and duration of psychological treatment with current counselor

for both experimental and control groups.

For the experimental group (incest), DIQ data regarding incest

involvement were subjected to minimal statistical analysis (percentages,







range, and group means) with a primary emphasis on descriptive tech-

nique.



Limitations


The use of a college population of women in counseling decreases

both the representativeness and generalizability of the research find-

ings. These individuals are quite different from individuals who do

not attend college. Thus, the findings of this study are only general-

izable to women in counseling at four year colleges between the age of

eighteen and thirty.

Another limiting factor is that these women are volunteers, so

findings cannot be generalized to non-volunteers and it cannot be

known from this study how these two groups might differ.

Both the homogeneous characteristics of this group of women sub-

jects and the fact that they are volunteers excludes many individuals

who may or may not be more deeply and negatively affected by the incest

experience. Additionally, it cannot be ascertained from this study how

women incest victims in counseling differ from women incest victims who

have not sought out counseling.

A final limiting factor is one of a statistical nature. The size

of the sample population (N = 30) makes it more difficult to establish

differences between experimental and control group means. A larger

sample population would be more desirable, yet difficult to obtain given

the selective criterion for subject inclusion and the special nature of


the experimental group subject.













CHAPTER IV

RESULTS


This study addressed the impact of incest experience on the adult

psychological functioning of women. Two personality dimensions, self-

concept and guilt disposition, were investigated due to their major

importance as problem areas for these women. The purpose of this study

was to examine the similarities and differences between women with and

without incest experience on these two variables.

For the purpose of this study, thirty college women in counseling,

fifteen experimental (incest) and fifteen control (non-incest) subjects,

were administered the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale (TSCS), the Mosher

Guilt Forced-Choice Inventory (MGFCI), and three questionnaires developed

specifically for this research (see Appendices E, F, and G).

The results of this investigation are presented in this chapter.

The presentation of findings is ordered as follows: (a) review of the

demographic information, (b) evidence of matching between groups,

(c) an account of the experimental group's incest involvement, and

(d) comparative data on the dependent variables. A report of addi-

tional comparative and correlational analyses on group statistics is

also included.


Demographic Findings

The incest and non-incest subjects were client referrals from

student health service programs at the University of Florida. These







subjects were self-referred clients from both Student Mental Health and

the Sexual Assault Recovery Services. Although several other Universi-

ties agreed to participate in this study, therapists, as a whole at

other institutions, reported they were unaware of any incest victims in

their current client populations. Given that approximately one in five

women experience incest, it is apparent that a great need exists for

counseling professionals to acquire knowledge about incest, detection

of clients with incest history, and methods of treatment.

The description of experimental and control group subjects focused

on the following factors: age, race, marital status, religion, grade

point average, number of counseling sessions, and length of time in

counseling. Data on these variables enabled similarities between the

groups to be evaluated.



Experimental Group


The group of women with incest experience ranged in age from

nineteen (19) to thirty (30) with a mean age of 23.8. Of these sub-

jects, ninety-three percent (93%) were White and seven percent (7%)

were Black. Eighty percent (80%) indicated they were single, with

thirteen percent (13%) divorced and seven percent (7%) married. Sixty-

six percent (66%) did not indicate a religious orientation, while

twenty-seven percent (27%) were Protestant, and seven percent (7%)

Jewish. The grade point average of the group ranged from 1.8 to 3.85,

with a mean cumulative grade point of 3.00. The number of counseling

sessions ranged from one to one hundred seventy-five (1 to 175), with

a mean of 45.4 sessions. Length of time in counseling ranged from one to

thirty-six months, with a mean of 11.7 months of clinical involvement.







Control Group


The non-incest subjects ranged in age from eighteen to thirty (18

to 30), with a mean age of 23.7. Eighty-six percent (86%) of the women

were White, none were Black, and fourteen percent (14%) were from other

ethnic backgrounds. Of these women, eighty-six percent (86%) were single

with seven percent (7%) married and seven percent (7%) divorced. Seventy-

three percent (73%) of the group stated they had no religion, with

thirteen percent (13%) of the subjects reporting themselves as Catholic

and seven percent (7%) Jewish. This group's grade point ranged from 2.0

to 3.96, with a mean cumulative grade point of 3.08. Number of counsel-

ing sessions ranged from one to seventy-one (1 to 71), with a mean number

of sessions equalling 14.3. Length of time in psychological counseling

ranged from one to twenty-four months (1 to 24), with a mean of 5.4

months of clinical involvement.

A t-test analysis was applied which determined that the experimental

and control groups were not significantly different on the variables of

age (t = .0497, p < .05) and grade point average (t = -0.3353, p < .05).

Significant differences were found for number of sessions (t = 2.1826,

p < .05) and differences in length of time in counseling approached

significance. Groups were alike in that a large percentage of the

subjects were single. The religious and racial composition of the

group varied but was mostly similar in that seven percent (7%) of each

group was Jewish, and both were predominantly non-religious and

White.




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PAGE 1

A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF COLLEGE WOMEN WITH AND WITHOUT INCEST EXPERIENCE IN RELATION TO SELF CONCEPT AND GUILT DISPOSITION By JUDITH MARIE McBRIDE A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1983

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Copyright 1983 by Judith Marie McBride

PAGE 3

Dedicated to the loving memory of my Father

PAGE 4

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are many people who are deserving of special thanks and appreciation for their personal contributions during the completion of this dissertation. To those women with incest experience who participated in this study, I wish to express my personal graditude and admiration for their courage in facing their incest secret. Without their willingness to assist me in my research, and their sincere hope of helping other victims, this work might not have been accomplished. I also would like to thank the counseling professionals at the Sexual Assault Recovery and Student Mental Health Services at the University of Florida for their cooperation and participation in this study. I am also appreciative of the special caring and assistance provided by my chairperson, Dr. Janet Larsen, who was unwavering in her support of me and my personal competencies. To my other committee members, Dr. Bob Algozzine and Dr. Paul Fitzgerald, I wish to express my thanks for their careful guidance and unconditional support. To my husband, Robert David, I wish to express my appreciation for his wonderful and understanding nature, particularly his patience and sense of humor during this long and arduous task. Of great benefit to me was his ability, as a clinical psychologist, to contribute in discussions involving incest research. This was only one of the ways his consistent and caring companionship was felt. IV

PAGE 5

In consideration of their personal inconvenience and frequent accomodations, I extend my thanks and appreciation to my stepsons, Jonathan and Benjamin. Without their support and the support of my husband, the process of completing this work would have been more difficult. I am thankful to my parents for their love and encouragement throughout my efforts to be my personal best. I wish to acknowledge my appreciation for the interest and support I received from friends. In particular, I would like to mention Mindy Hersch, Gilda Josephson, and Linda Hague for their unique contributions. With regard to Mindy Hersch, I would like to comment that I will fondly remember our active sharing during the completion of our graduate work (it did make all the difference). And to Gilda Josephson, I wish to acknowledge my gladness for our sharing in the many intense hours of psychotherapy with incest survivors. I wish to mention my thanks to Linda Hague for her participation and caring during the last leg of this journey. Several incest researchers deserve acknowledgement because of their direct or indirect impact on my research. I would like to thank Judith Herman and David Finkelhor for their personal consultation. I am appreciative of their research efforts, as well as those efforts by Lisa Herschman and Christine Courtois. The research of these individuals was facilitative to my own study of incest.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ABSTRACT vni CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1 Background 2 Purpose of the Study ........... 5 Rationale '. '. . , i Definition of Terms 11 Organization of the Study. .............. [ 12 II REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 13 Introduction n Part I ..'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.' 14 The Incest Taboo 14 Incest prohibition and type of relationship." '. '. 22 Cross-generational incest 22 Peer incest '.".'' 25 Historical Perspective on Incest. .......... 26 Scope of the Problem !.".".' 30 Prevalence on incest ....... 33 Relationship of incest aggressor and victim. . ' 33 Part II -? Psychological Effects ................ 34 Early effects of child sexual abuse! ...... 35 Effects of childhood incest experience 37 Adult psychological functioning of women incest victims 38 Guilt Disposition and Self-Concept 57 The Mosher Guilt Forced-Choice Inventory. ..'.'.' 62 Summary > 73 III METHODOLOGY 74 Introduction -m Research Questions ....... 74 Hypotheses .'.'.'.'. 75 Population and Sample 76 v 1

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Page Instruments -,-, Tennessee Self-Concept Scale. ...... '. [ . . . 78 The Mosher Guilt Forced-Choice Inventory' ( Form' F) .' .' 82 Client Self-Perception and Counselor Perception Questionnaires 04 Procedures ...... 85 Research Design !.'.'!' 87 Limitations 88 IV RESULTS 89 Demographic Findings 8g Experimental Group . . . 90 Control Group ....... " 91 Matching of Groups .......,[ 92 Analysis of matching ........ 92 Analysis of client and counselor perceptions . . 93 Clinical Findings gg Experimental Group Incest Involvement ........ 97 Comparisons Related to Self-Concept . . 99 Comparisons Related to Guilt Disposition 101 Additional Analysis . . ! 102 V DISCUSSION, IMPLICATIONS, AND CONCLUSION 106 Discussion 106 Implications ^i? Conclusions '.'.'. 113 BIBLIOGRAPHY U5 APPENDIX A METHOD OF CONTACT WITH UNIVERSITY COUNSELING PROFESSIONALS 124 B PROTOCOL OF INSTRUCTIONS 126 C REQUEST FOR SUBJECT PARTICIPATION 128 D CONSENT FORM 130 E CLIENT SELF-PERCEPTION QUESTIONNAIRE 132 F COUNSELOR PERCEPTION QUESTIONNAIRE 135 G DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION QUESTIONNAIRE 138 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 13g

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nf + u A ^ stract .of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF COLLEGE WOMEN WITH AND WITHOUT INCEST EXPERIENCE IN RELATION TO SELF-CONCEPT AND GUILT DISPOSITION by Judith Marie McBride December, 1983 Chairperson: Dr. Janet Larsen Major Department: Counselor Education The purpose of this study was to compare college women in counseling with and without incest experience with respect to guilt disposition and self-concept. An aim of this study was to determine the impact of incest experience on the adult psychological functioning of women for these dimensions of personality. For the purpose of this study, fifteen experimental and fifteen control subjects were administered the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale (TSCS), the Mosher Guilt Forced-Choice Inventory (MGFCI), and three questionnaires developed by this researcher. The Demographic Information Questionnaire (DIQ) collected data on background history and pertinent information regarding the incest involvement of the experimental group. The Client Self-Perception Questionnaire (CLSQ) and the Counselor Perception Questionnaire (COPQ) were developed to match client groups on overall psychological functioning. A t-test analysis was used for comparison between groups. All statistical tests were set at a .05 significance level. Additional analyses were completed using the Spearman Rho correlation method. vm

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The results of the study indicated that college women incest victims in counseling do not differ significantly from other college women in counseling on self-concept. No differences between groups emerged for guilt disposition, with one exception. A significant difference was indicated for sex-guilt. The incest subjects had significantly higher sex-guilt than the non-incest group. Highly suggestive trends indicated that incest clients suffer greater psychological difficulty at the onset of therapy than do their non-incest counterparts. Further, incest subjects showed a significant decrease in dispositional guilt states as exposure to therapy increased. The incest subjects showed a highly suggestive trend of improved Self-Satisfaction, Physical Self, and Moral -Ethical Self, as exposure to therapy increased. No trends emerged for the non-incest subjects. Based on the findings of the study, it was concluded that incest victims suffer greater sex-guilt than other women due to their sexual victimization. Implications of this research are that sex-guilt directly results from moral conflict engendered by incest activity and that sex-guilt powerfully effects the development of later adult sexual disturbances. Special implications for counseling professionals about incest are discussed. ix

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CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Recent attention to the multi-dimensional problem of incest has been brought about by mounting evidence that incest is a social phenomenon of epidemic proportions (Finkelhor, 1979). Incest involvement, more often perpetrated by an older male in the nuclear and/or extended family of the victim, usually involves a female child. This investigation focuses on the long-term psychological effects of incest involvement for women who have been victimized as children. It is likely that a child's incest involvement has a profound effect on her moral development. The moral contradictions implicit in the father-daughter relationship, for example, introduce a set of standards for what is "right" or "wrong" that departs from established moral convention. This situation presents the child with a formidable dilemma. The dilemma is that the parents (one of whom is an incest aggressor), the guardians and transmitters of society's values, teach the child, with the child's ambivalent complicity, a practice that is profoundly discordant with one of society's most sacred rules. The psychological accomodations that the victim must make in an attempt to solve this complicated dilemma contribute to a difficult moral development. The victim's knowledge that she is participating in behavior that is "wrong" engenders guilt which promotes self-devaluation. She is further upset by the question, "Why is it that Daddy (father figure or

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-2trusted older family member) is doing something 'wrong' with me?" The answers she supplies to this basic question are tangled and tragic indeed, Generally, the victim resolves that she must deserve this treatment because she is bad, evil, deserving of punishment, or unworthy of a better relationship with the aggressor. These early answers develop into beliefs that serve to shape a disturbed sense of self. Adult women incest victims must learn to cope with the aftermath of this type of early sexual experience. Clinical studies of their adult psychological functioning reveal that a variety of difficulties and a range of symptoms exist for these women (Courtois & Watts, 1982; Justice & Justice, 1979; Meiselman, 1980; Tsai & Wagner, 1978). This study explores several variables of psychological functioning that refer to moral development and are frequently cited as problem areas for women victims of incest. Background Experimental efforts to study the area of incest behavior have met with difficulty due to the complicating nature of the "incest taboo." Until recently, society's abhorence of incest behavior and rejection of those involved in incest activity promoted a stifling social climate. Incest victims and aggressors have chosen to keep their behavior cloaked in secrecy lest they suffer social condemnation and further personal and familial disruption (Armstrong, 1979; Courtois & Watts, 1982; Finkelhor, 1979; Herman & Hirschman, 1981). Society's attitude toward helping incest victims, aggressors, and their families is more favorable than it has been in the past. Despite

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noted improvements, society's response to this acknowledged social problem is still in its infancy. This is exemplified by the cumbersome relationship that exists between the social and legal agencies. Although agencies may share common goals, the alternatives available to them as determined by their different roles in the formal professional structure are limiting and sometimes at cross purposes. For instance, an aim and responsibility of these agencies is to prevent child sexual abuse. However, a child's disclosure of incest activity to a social service professional is equivalent to detection because the reflex action expected of the professional person is to report such an instance to the appropriate legal authorities. The child, whose disclosure is an effort to solicit help, is usually unaware of the effect of breaking secrecy. At this point, or any juncture along the way, the child may retract her accusations for fear of family dissolution and retaliation by the involved parties. The parents' (or involved party's) fear of public censure and the potential legal consequences for the incest aggressor not only discourages their seeking professional help, but serves to influence the child's behavior after authorities are informed. The frightening possibilities of fostercare placement, legal consequences for the incest aggressor, and the tremendous impact of family dynamics upon the child often lead to a retraction of the incest complaint. Even if a complaint is made, which is unlikely, the chances are slight that the case will ever go to trial, still slighter that the father will be found guilty, and even slighter that, if convicted, he will be sentenced to prison. Herman & Hirschman, 1981, p. 167)

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The time interval between initial complaint and prosecution of the aggressor sometimes is months long. Unless otherwise restricted, the aggressor is usually at liberty to have contact with the child. This circumstance leaves the child vulnerable to coercive attempts for continued sexual contact or retaliation by the incest aggressor. It also leaves the aggressor free to exact his power and influence over family members to ostracize the victim unless she drops the charges against him (Herman & Hirschman, 1981). The impact of this situation upon the child is augmented by the child's own inability to endure the pressures of police investigation and court trial. The legal ramifications of a child's admission of incest activity are traumatic and provide little solace. The intent of the social service professional to aid the victim and family is exacerbated by the necessary influence of the legal system. The impact of the legal circumstances upon all the individuals involved makes it hard for the social service professional to establish a helping effect. The report of the incest to the authorities is inconsistent with the confidential and trusting characteristics known to the counseling profession. What once was a disclosive client has perhaps become a resistant, frightened, and uncooperative one. Yet, the influence of the social service professionals, by virtue of their developing expertise in working with the victim, family, and offender, upon the approach of the legal authorities is having significant impact. For example, Henry Giaretto's Child Sexual Abuse Treatment Program in Santa Clara County, California, works collaboratively with the criminal justice system. A supportive network exists wherein incest aggressors are arrested and removed to jail while simultaneously

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-5involved in individual and family treatment through this program. Additionally, victim advocacy programs are helping to facilitate the victim's participation through the intensely stressful and often traumatic court process. Also, they have aided in the reduction of some of the trauma accompanying these procedures (Herman & Hirschman, 1981). It is evident that the relationship between the victim, offender, and helping agency is affected by both internal and external pressure. The external pressure from the legal and social agencies and their combined efforts are, at present, not successful in helping many incest cases. For each case of childhood incest known to the legal and social services, many remain undetected. The child victim who has grown to adulthood without social and legal intervention more often than not continues a silent struggle. As inroads are being made toward improving the current system, particular challenges remain in helping the adult woman who has experienced early childhood incest experience and who is beyond the reach of the legal authorities. This research is an effort to meet this challenge. Purpose of the Study The purpose of this study was to compare college women in counseling with and without incest experience with respect to guilt disposition and self-concept. This comparison was based on the following two questions:

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(1) How do women in counseling with incest experience differ from women in counseling without incest experience with respect to guilt disposition? (2) How do women in counseling with incest experience differ from women in counseling without incest experience with respect to self-concept? It was an expectation of this research that answers to these questions would provide more information about the long term psychological effects of early incest experience, as well as substantiate existing data currently found in the incest literature regarding the impact of incest experience upon adult women. Substantiated information aids attempts to develop appropriate, effective treatment method and social policy. An extensive body of general incest literature exists, with most investigations taking the form of "anecdotal" clinical studies (Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Justice & Justice, 1979; Meiselman, 1978; Weinberg, 1955). There is a need to ascertain the accuracy of the information known to date as brought forward by previous research, through the use of more rigorous research methods. This study provides the needed systematic assessment currently lacking in this area by using a control group and a replicable, controlled clinical approach. The meaningfulness of the control group method is well articulated by Campbell and Stanley (1963), "To evaluate anything objectively, it is necessary to compare it with something else" (p. 34). Research on this subject is not without its complications. One of the difficulties involving the study of incest is the experimental bias resulting from the use of subjects who have come into contact with legal authorities and helping agencies, and the availability of volunteer populations. This is a methodological concern, one which also applies

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to this research. This study is another investigation aimed at understanding this social problem using a descriptive approach and a selfselected volunteer population. For the purpose of this study, a description of how incest victims are functioning at the present time was attempted in light of several relevant variables. Women in counseling with a history of incest were compared with women in counseling without a history of incest on the variables of self-concept and guilt disposition. Differences in functioning between the groups is not attributable to the incest victim's patient status, a criticism of previous research. The instruments used to objectively measure these variables were the Tennessee Self Concept Scale (TSCS) and the Mosher Guilt ForcedChoice Inventory (MGFCI) (Form F). The groups are described in terms of selected demographic information, subject and referring therapist's perception of overall psychological functioning, as well as overall and subscale score comparisons derived from the two instruments. It is expected that the results of this study may be used by professionals in the field of counseling to increase their understanding of the adult college female client who reports childhood incest experience. By virtue of this research effort, it is hoped that university counseling programs may become more sensitive to the need for training and dissemination of information about this subject through their curricula. Rationale The information that exists regarding the psychological functioning of adult women who have experienced incest in childhood is mostly

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anecdotal. The reports are often uncontrolled clinical studies which indicate that a range of symptoms exist for these women which hinder optimum adjustment. These studies have also provided support for the notion that early sexual trauma is significantly related to adult psychological disturbance (Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Peters, 1976; Sloan & Karpinski, 1942; Summit & Kryso, 1978). It has been noted that many of these women suffer from problems in both personal and social domains (Courtois & Watts, 1982). Some of the common clinical findings in the personal domain are the following: negative self-concept (Tsai & Wagner, 1978); depression, anxiety, and suicidal ideation (Courtois & Watts, 1982; Meiselman, 1980; Tsai & Wagner, 1978); phobias and physical complaints (Courtois & Watts, 1982; Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Meiselman, 1978); feelings of guilt (Finkelhor, 1979; Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Meiselman, 1978), anger (Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Meiselman, 1978; Sgroi, 1982); and sexual identity conflict (Courtois & Watts, 1982; Meiselman, 1978; Tsai, FeldmanSummers, & Edgar, 1979; Tsai & Wagner, 1978). Less frequently, character and psychotic disorders result (Chesler, 1973; Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Meiselman, 1978; Sgroi, 1982). Common problems in the social domain include the following: isolation (Finkelhor, 1979; Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Tsai & Wagner, 1978); a pronounced mistrust of men and a general mistrust of others (Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Meiselman, 1978; Tsai & Wagner, 1978); and interpersonal difficulties with mate, parents, in-laws, and children (Courtois & Watts, 1982). Relationships are often described as "empty, superficial, conflictual, or sexual ized" (Courtois & Watts, 1982, p. 276). Sometimes victims report feelings of guilt and shame when in relationships

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-9that seem satisfactory or good because of basic feelings of unworthiness. These feelings may prevent the maintenance, and also the formation, of such relationships. Whatever the relationship of these feelings to the formation and maintenance of intimate bonds, many incest victims question whether a positive personal relationship can exist. Of the difficulties cited in the literature, problems in the personal domain cluster around areas related to self-concept and guilt. In addition to the saliency of self-concept and guilt as problem issues for incest victims, the selection of these variables is influenced by their important theoretical relationship within the context of moral development, Moral development is a gradual learning process involving the concepts of right and wrong. Initially, a child innocently accepts parental values. The maturing individual learns to assess values gained from blind acceptance, and progressively develops a uniquely personal moral code. A developing consciousness of "right" and "wrong" becomes influenced by social agents outside of the family such as peer and religious groups, and school environment. Early in the incest relationship, a child's confusion over the sexual aggression of a trusted family member and their demand for secrecy is well established. Simultaneously, or later when the child is acquainted with societal values regarding sexual contact between family members, it can be expected that increased confusion and emotional conflict arises. The bond of secrecy is further reinforced after encountering other social influences, for the incest victim recognizes her vulnerability and anguish to be great if she discloses incest activity.

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-10For the incest victim, conflicts that arise out of a comparative assessment between parental and societal values may be particularly difficult to resolve. Due to the issue of secrecy and the unwillingness of many adults to discuss incest, a child is left to comprehend and understand the experience on her own. Tsai, Fel man -Summers, and Edgar (1979) indicate that Many women who had escaped without permanent harm remembered particular people who had helped them to integrate and overcome their sexual trauma, (p. 407) That unresolved conflict is the more frequent outcome is not surprising. Due to the fact that unresolved conflict can be a motivating force long after the original event, with later behavior affected by lack of successful resolution (Meiselman, 1978), it can be anticipated that early incest experience can have lasting psychological effects. In the event of incest, a child would need assistance to work through her trauma to help minimize psychological harm. Coleman (1964) explains that an individual's developing moral standards when coupled with early sexual trauma can engender guilt feelings and a negative attitude toward sex. Both passive toleration or active involvement in the incestuous experience encourages feeling of self-devaluation, particularly exacerbated by a growing knowledge of social prohibition against this type of behavior. The relationship of guilt and self-concept is further clarified when it is known that guilt is a major impetus for personal devaluation (Fehr & Stamps, 1979; Janda & O'Grady, 1976; Mosher, 1968), a circumstance found to be consistent across cultures (Coleman, 1964). Positive concept of self is altered when major guilt is present.

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11Participation in early sexual activity and violation of personal moral standards may create major personal problems during adulthood. An in-depth look at guilt disposition and self-concept is attempted due to their significance as problem areas for adult women with incest histories, The importance of studying the relationship between self-concept and guilt disposition is that it may lead to an understanding of how to help incest victims view themselves positively in spite of their past incest experience, guilt, and loss of self-worth. Further, if it can be demonstrated that individuals with incest experience have levels of guilt and degrees of self-concept which differ significantly from women without incest experience, further study on the part of social service professionals would be needed to facilitate the development of optimum helping strategies. Definition of Terms The following terms and their definitions will be applied in this study: Guilt disposition is a generalized expectancy for self-mediated punishment for violating or anticipating violating internalized standards of moral behavior and is thus a cognitive disposition (Mosher, 1979). Sex "9 ui1t is a generalized expectancy for self-mediated punishment for violating or anticipating violating internalized standards for sexual behavior (Mosher, 1979). Hostility-quilt is a generalized expectancy for self-mediated punishment for violating or anticipating violating internalized standards for expression of hostile behavior (Mosher, 1979).

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-12Morality-con science is a generalized expectancy for self-mediated punishment for violating or anticipating violating internalized standards of appropriate conduct (Mosher, 1979). Self-concept is how an individual perceives himself (Fitts, 1965). incest refers to sexual contact with a person who would be considered an ineligible partner because of his blood or social ties (i.e., kin) to the subject and her family. The term encompasses several categories of partners, including father, setpfather, grandfather, uncles, siblings, cousins, in-laws, and what is called "quasi-family." The last category includes parental and family friends (e.g., mother's sexual partner). The incest taboo will apply to anyone from whom a child should rightfully expect warmth or protection and sexual distance (Benward & DensenGerber, 1975). Organization of the Study The remainder of the study will be presented in four chapters. Chapter II will present a review of the related pertinent literature in order to provide a theoretical foundation in support of the study. Chapter III will provide an outline of the methodology that will be utilized to complete this study. Chapter IV will present the research findings, and Chapter V will present a discussion of the research findings and will introduce implications generated by the findings.

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CHAPTER II REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Introduction This chapter will review selected topic areas of the incest literature as they relate to the psychological functioning of adult women incest victims. A contextual framework will be used which will provide an understanding of this social problem in view of its historical and theoretical references, widespread nature of occurrence, and accumulated evidence on the net psychological effects of the incest experience itself. This review will be comprised of Parts I and II. Part I will consist of a theoretical account of the origin and function of the incest taboo, and a historical account of the incest problem. This account will identify the influences affecting the recognition of incest as a major social concern. Part I will also present the prevalence of incest within the context of the more general problem of child sexual abuse, in addition to a brief description of the types of incest relationships and their frequency of occurrence. Part II of this review will address the immediate and long term effects of childhood incest experience, an explanation of the dependent variables, guilt disposition and self-concept, and their mutual importance in the study of incest subjects. Additionally, Part II will provide a -13-

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•14review of the literature for the Mosher Guilt Forced-Choiced Inventory. Part I The Incest Taboo The incest taboo is a universal social prohibition (Forward & Buck : 1978; Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Meiselman, 1978). Anthropologists generally believe that it is the foundation of all kinship structures. Some view the taboo as the basic social contract (Levi-Strauss, 1969), and others view it as a means of preserving human social order (Meade, 1968). The violation of the taboo brings about strong emotional reactions and severe societal consequences for which sociologists, psychologists, and anthropologists find keen interest. While prohibitions against sexual relations or marriage between uncles and nieces, aunts and nephews, cousins, and relatives by marriage vary considerably among cultures, there are almost always severe penalties for sexual relations with the nuclear family, with the obvious exception of husbands and wives. (Meiselman, 1978, p. 1) Several theories have been advanced to explain not only the persistence of the incest taboo, but also its probable beginning. What follows is a chronology of those major theories significant to understanding this social prohibition. The biological theory, one of the first to emerge, attracted attention before 1900. It began to recede during the 1920s due to a general resistance by social scientists to accept biological explanations for human behavior. The biological theory, developed while the field of genetics was in its infancy, contends that consanguineous marriages

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•15result in offspring who are physically inferior. It is suggested that consanguineous marriages were once commonplace, then abandoned, with exogamy later taking its place (Meiselman, 1978). The biological theory posits that the evolution of the incest taboo is based on early man's recognition that weaker offspring are attributed to inbreeding. At the time, an initial and major criticism of this point of view was that it failed to explain how primitive people, as well as tribes today who have failed to make a connection between intercourse and pregnancy, could possibly have insight into problems of inbreeding. In brief, the biological theory was seen as an unsatisfactory assertion regarding the incest taboo and its origin when it first emerged. As will be discussed later, greater acceptance of this theory occurred in the 1960s. The natural aversion theory (Fox, 1962; Westermarch, 1922) postulates that the incest taboo is noninstinctive and that psychological mechanisms are responsible for maintaining sanctions against sex between family members. According to this theory, family members express a natural aversion for "mutual sexual expression" (Meiselman, 1978). This aversion is then registered as the incest taboo, which may extend beyond the nuclear family. Fox created an explanation of how the natural aversion process works. His hypothesis is that prepubertal siblings have natural physical contact with arousal as a consequence of living intimately, although, due to their developmental limitations are unable to achieve orgasm. The resultant frustration caused by inability to reach orgasm is paired with sibling sexual contact which leads to avoidance behavior. This avoidance behavior continues into adolescence and adulthood.

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•16This hypothesis is sharply criticized because it does not address the issue of how the taboo is so intensely enforced both in the past and present. Additionally, this theory implies that the sexual drive in and of itself, may not be satisfying and reinforcing due to inability to achieve orgasm. This establishes orgasm as a necessary requirement for sexual encouragement. This theory does not explain the many cases of marriage by persons who grow up in the same family environment who are unrelated. Furthermore, Kinsey's (1953) research indicates that prepubertal children are capable of orgasm. In support of this theory, children raised in the Israeli Kibbutsin in the same environment have been found to reject each other as sexual partners despite their unrelatedness. And, From appearances, brothers and sisters who have been separated for lengthy periods during adolescence have seemed less restrained by the incest taboo. (Weinberg, 1955, p. 8) Even though this evidence suggests the plausibility of the natural aversion theory, it is more widely rejected because it does not offer a primary explanation of the origin and function of the incest taboo. Freud's (1913, 1946) explanation of the origin of the incest taboo holds that a child has sexual desire for both parents, and that this sexual desire is essential to normal healthy personality development. The role of the parent(s) is to prohibit expression of the child's sexual desire, thus establishing the parents as the enforcers of the incest taboo. Freud contends that repression of incestuous wishes may account for the intense emotionalism surrounding the incest prohibition. Malinowski, a well known anthropologist, published his description of the function of the incest taboo in 1927. His conclusion is that

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17family functioning will result in disorganization if sexual relationships exist crossgenerationally with emotional conflicts stemming from possessiveness, jealousies, and promiscuity within the family (Malinowski, 1966). The important educational function of the family is thought to be compromised by stress resulting from the emotional exchanges expected within a system where incestuous relationships occur. White (1948) believes that the incest taboo developed out of a need for economic survival. White dismisses the biological theory and derives his own theory from a psychological premise; specifically, that sexual desires among family members naturally occur. He postulates that the incest prohibition develops in order to provide for a greater network of cooperative relationships which will promote greater security through mutual sharing of ideas and material goods. Within the context of White's theory, the incest taboo requires that family members join with unrelated individuals, thereby increasing family size and enlarging upon the supportive social network. If inbreeding occurs, an inward family development is expected to result, with more smaller units in competitive strife over acquisition of goods. White explains this as a deadly process in that familial self-annhilation is expected to occur. Social scientists commend White for providing a functional explanation of the taboo, and criticize his inability to account for the intensity of the incest horror and the taboo origin. A multidimensional approach was offered by Murdock in 1949. The foundation for his approach is drawn from sociology, Freudian psychology, behaviorism, and cultural anthropology.

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-18The emotional intensity surrounding the incest taboo is explained in terms of Freud's Oedipal Theory. Through repression of incestuous desires for a parent, the ego defense mechanism known as reaction formation is employed. This promotes a condemnation of others for acting on incestuous desires, which stems from an individual's effort to keep repressed those same desires. Family cohesion occurs due to lack of internal conflict over jealousy and sexual competition. Due to incest prohibition, marital ties by unrelated individuals increase, and the likelihood of a cooperative network helpful to successful survival occurs. The behavioral process known as stimulus-generalization accounts for the development of the incest taboo for anyone who beyond the nuclear family is relatively similar to nuclear family members. Individuals who are similar to family members are seen as inappropriate sexual partners. Kinship systems emerge which dictate who is similar to nuclear family members and who is dissimilar. This concept is drawn from cultural anthropology. Kinship systems establish those relations with whom sex is prohibited. The incest taboo varies in application for extended family relations; kinship systems are offered as an explanation for these variations. Murdock (1949) implied through his explanation of the origin and function of the taboo that no one theory can explain incest prohibition. His multidimensional approach is popular among incest theorists and is seen as sensible and intelligent (Meiselmqn, 1978). A few important, singular ideas that contribute to the theoretical approaches previously described are advanced by Parsons (1954) and Slater (1959). Parsons describes the incest taboo as a necessary function for the development of healthy personality and "transfamilial roles" vital to socialization. Slater implies in her notion about the incest

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•19taboo that inbreeding effects are not responsible for the development of the taboo. Parsons' position does not promote a greater understanding of the origin of the incest taboo, but offers a practical operating notion of how the incest prohibition benefits society. His idea is founded upon psychoanalytic theory which emphasizes the importance of incestuous desire. He emphasizes that a child's progress through developmental stages is motivated by incestuous desire in combination with the mother's function, which is to frustrate the child at appropriate intervals to compel him toward normal progress. The child's early erotic experiences associated with the mother as the primary stimulus motivate the child to seek stimulation by moving to higher stages of development. The mother's role is to frustrate the child's incestuous desires at appropriate growth stages. Later, during latency, the motivation for stimulation is diverted toward the development of roles and associations outside of the family (i.e., peer group relationships). Parsons contends that if incest is acted upon, personality development will be disrupted. The optimum integration of individual and society is also affected, if not prevented, due to the social problems of inbreeding previously identified. Slater (1959) suggests that inbreeding did not occur in primitive nuclear families due to life conditions. Slater's idea is seen as provocative and interesting, a notion for which she has supplied convincing evidence through her study of primitive societies in existence today. She contends that by the time offspring had matured sexually, parents had already died off.

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•20Several objections have been raised over Slater's position. First, her idea of early childhood sexuality runs counter to Kinsey's data which indicate a prepubertal sexual activity does occur. Additionally, she does not explain the development of the emotional intensity and the absoluteness surrounding the incest taboo. By the 1960's, a number of theories had been suggested to explain the origin and current functioning of the incest taboo. No one theory offered a complete and acceptable understanding. Most offered satisfactory explanations for the functional aspects of the taboo in contemporary society, although the origin of the incest taboo remained chiefly unexplained. Since the 1960's, the proponents of the biological theory have continued to examine the genetic effects of inbreeding with improved scientific methods of research. Gilbert Lindzey punctuated the resurgence of the biological theory in a presentation to the American Psychological Association in 1967. Lindzey was successful in explaining the persuasive evidence supporting a biological influence. Lindzey posits that inbreeding in both animals and humans seriously affects the fitness of offspring. He contends that in the long run, inbreeding greatly hampers survival. Humans will be particularly vulnerable to the deleterious effects of inbreeding. This is partly due to the human disadvantage of relatively few offspring, and a long sexual development leading to maturation. Therefore, failure to develop exogamy rules would eventuate in the extinction of family groups through a natural selection process. The previous criticism of the biological theory, the assumption that primitive people could have insight into the effect of inbreeding,

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•21is no longer suggested as a flaw in logic. Examination of the adaptive behavior of animals now provides ample evidence that animals are not dependent on insight and awareness for survival, and are able to naturally select adaptive physical and behavioral characteristics. Insight and awareness of inbreeding effects, which in humans is most often easily recognizable (i.e., dwarfism, albinism), probably do reinforce the incest taboo, but are not essential. Of all the theories advanced since before 1920, the biological theory is well respected and is viewed as a satisfactory explanation of the origin of the incest taboo. It also explains incest avoidance behavior in both animals and humans. This theory does not imply that the incest taboo is instinctual, only that related individuals who do not marry survive through natural selection. Sociological and psychological influences are still evident in that the incest taboo does extend beyond the nuclear family. Effects of inbreeding are decreased in this event. Consequently, it is thought that the incest taboo is encouraged and sustained by other subtle and complex forces. Variations in the laws regarding marriage of extended family members across cultures is not explained by the biological theory because inbreeding effects are reduced drastically outside of the nuclear family. Perhaps Murdock's (1949) notion of stimulus generalization or White's (1948) emphasis on the survival benefits of a cooperative social network are the subtle and psychological forces affecting extended family and the development of exogamy rules. Nevertheless, it seems important to understand the primary nature of the biological theory and its explanation of the incest taboo, but a broader theoretical base is needed to understand its meaning and implications for society.

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•22Incest prohibition and type of relationship As previously indicated, an incest horror or emotional intensity surrounds the violation of this social prohibition. A "well established characteristic of the incest taboo is that the intensity of the prohibition varies markedly within the nuclear family" (Meiselman, 1978, p. 24). As the type of incest relationship varies so does the emotional response. It is found that the strength of the incest taboo is different depending upon the degree of relatedness of the incest participants (Berry, 1975). Incest relationships can be categorized as either crossgenerational or peer. In general, parent-child or cross-generational incest is more taboo and promotes more severe societal reaction than sibling incest or peer incest. A public-opinion survey on type of incest found that 72% of Americans thought father-daughter incest was more abhorrent than sibling incest. It follows that the more taboo the behavior, the less frequent. Thus, it is believed that sibling incest occurs with greater regularity than parent-child. It is also viewed by many incest researchers that cross-generational is the most psychologically damaging (Courtois, 1979; Finkelhor, 1979; Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Justice & Justice, 1979; Meiselman, 1978). Brother-sister incest is seen as less psychologically damaging and "therefore less likely to be discovered in psychotherapeutic research setting" (Meiselman, 1978, p. 76). Cross-generational incest Sexual contact with a parent, foster or stepparent, grandparent, uncle, aunt, second cousin, or guardian is viewed as cross-generational

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-23incest (Courtois, 1979). Benward-Densen and Gerber (1975) have identified a relationship category called "quasi-family," which represents those individuals who are in a parental and/or adult relationship with a child and from whom the child expects protection and safety. These individuals also are included in the cross-generational grouping. The most frequently reported and the most common type of crossgenerational incest are father-daughter and stepfather-daughter (Finkelhor, 1979; Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Meiselman, 1978; Rush, 1980). According to Meiselman, father-daughter is seen as less prohibitive than mother-son, although the incest horror remains within severe proportions. Few clinical cases of mother-son incest have been studied due to the relatively few cases that have been available for study. It is suggested in the literature that greater psychopathology exists for at least one if not both of the participants in this relationship (Meiselman, 1978; Wahl, 1960; Weinberg, 1955). The circumstances that are seen as fostering a mother-son liaison are the following: an abandonment, absence or desertion by the father; absence of the mother during early childhood years; little age disparity between mother and son; alcoholism; few other sexual outlets for the son; and a previous history of family incest (Weiner, 1964). It is not agreed by investigators that the psychopathology of either or both participants in mother-son incest and the potential psychological risk is greather than in other types. Rush (1971) contends that due to the strictness of the taboo involving this type of cross-generational incest, researchers are themselves affected by their own biases. Brother-sister is less taboo than parent-child incest across most cultures (Meiselman, 1978). Due to the logical expectation previously

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•24mentioned, that the greater the taboo the less frequent the type of incest, it is documented consistently that brother-sister is more frequent than any other type of incest relationship and is, in general, less psychologically damaging (Meiselman, 1978; Finkelhor, 1980a). Meiselman also notes that it is likely that due to less psychological damage expected from this relationship, it can be understood that these types of clients are not brought to the attention of the appropriate social and legal authorities (Justice & Justice, 1979). The fact that type of incest relationship and the degree of emotional reaction to its violation varies, particularly within the nuclear family, does not lend support for the biological theory. Inbreeding in all cases of the nuclear family, except for stepparent, foster parent, or guardian, carries with it equal possibility for harmful biological outcome. The biological theory cannot account for these variations; therefore, this circumstance points to the importance of social and psychological influences for an understanding of the interplay of factors associated with incest. (Meiselman, 1978, p. 24) Father-son and mother-daughter incest are rarely reported and are seen as extremely offensive due to the violation of not only the incest taboo, but the social prohibitions against homosexuality. Due to the paucity of reports on these relationship types and their respective psychological effects, little is known. Ongoing discussion and investigation of rare cases continues. Father-son incest has been reported on by Forward and Buck (1978), Langsley, Schwartz, and Fairbairn (1968), and Raybin (1969). The relationship aspects found to date indicate that the father tends to be

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-25aggressive, controlling, and infanta! izing toward the son. The psychosexual development of the father is arrested with unresolved adolescent sexual conflicts responsible for his later adult behavior with his son. The mother in the mother-daughter relationship has been found to blurr caretaking, affectional, and sexual needs. She is characterized as extremely dependent and overly needy. Her own neediness for pleasure and affection is expressed at the expense of the child's needs (Forward & Buck, 1978). The stepfather-daughter relationship is a commonly found relationship and is seen as less taboo than father-daughter and occurs in families for similar reasons as father-daughter incest. Psychological damage has been found to be great with stepfather-daughter incest even though the taboo is less strong. Psychological damage is found to be influenced by a variety of factors, among them the extent of affilial bonding. A type of cross-generational incest that is becoming viewed as increasingly common is that of quasi-family members. An example of this type is the mother's live-in lover. Finkelhor (1979, 1980b) suggests that a frequently changing list of quasi-family members may contribute to "desertion anxiety," which may put the family at high risk for incest. Peer incest Peer incest is regarded as the most common form of incest. This type of incest includes sibling, half sibling, and cousins (Courtois, 1979; Finkelhor, 1980a). These types of relationships refer to those that go beyond normal sexual experimentation (Courtois, 1979). Damaging and lasting psychological effects are not seen as resulting from these relationships unless

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-26force, coercion, or psychopathology is involved (Courtois, 1979; Finkelhor, 1979; Forward & Buck, 1978). Additionally, it is noted by Fineklhor that severity of psychological effects is related to age discrepancy between the partners. The greater the age difference the more damaging; the relationship becomes more like cross-generational as the disparity between partners increases. The descriptions of peer and cross-generational incest have been provided in the preceding paragraphs. In brief, as the strength of the incest taboo varies within the nuclear and extended family, so does society's reaction to its violation. In general, cross-generational incest is found to be more psychologically damaging than peer incest. Although it is expected that peer incest, particularly sibling, occurs with greater regularity, the most frequently studied type of relationships are father-daughter, and stepfather-daughter because they have been brought to the attention of social and legal agencies, and thus, are available for research purposes. The psychological risks of incest behavior have been demonstrated to be greater when (a) force or coercion are used, (b) psychopathology in at least one of the participants exists, and (c) a marked age discrepancy between incest partners is found. Historical Perspective on Incest Incest is not a new problem and it has not gone unnoticed by social and legal professionals. What is new is the community acknowledgement that is leading to a greater acceptance of incest as a social problem. The following historical account will elucidate those aspects influencing

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27the identification, interpretation, and emergence of incest as a widespread social phenomenon. Important to modern psychology and the social problem of incest is the impact of Freudian Theory upon the psychology of women. Recently, several writers have asserted that Freud's Oedipal theory is his attempt to explain the many self-disclosures of his female clients regarding their sexual encounters with trusted adult men (Finkelhor, 1979; Forward & Buck, 1978; Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Meiselman, 1978; Newsweek, 1981; Rush, 1980). Freud's initial belief was that female neurosis, and archtypal hysteria, were caused by the early sexual trauma of incest: his "seduction theory" (Finkelhor, 1979; Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Meiselman, 1978). Instead of indicating that emotional upset is related to incest experience, he preferred to explain the psychopathology of women in terms of unresolved Oedipal conflicts. According to Oedipal Theory, women who do not resolve to give up sexual fantasies involving parent figures during an appropriate developmental period develop neurosis. Some writers speculate that Freud changed his conviction regarding the seduction theory because it was too monstrous an attack to mount against supposedly respectable family men (Finkelhor, 1979; Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Meiselman, 1979). Others accuse Freud of covering up the incest problem, altering the details of his case studies to camouflage the real nature of the relationship between sexual aggressor and victim, and launching an inaccurate etiology for female neurosis (Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Rush, 1980). According to Finkelhor, Freud deserves credit for bringing the subject of incest out of Victorian darkness. However, a growing number of individuals view Freud as having directed attention away from the real

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-28issue, seriously handicapping the development of an accurate understanding of the psychology of women (Armstrong, 1978; Forward & Buck, 1978; Newsweek, 1981; Rush, 1980), and consequently, men also. Finkelhor and Rush indicate Freud's Oedipal theory resulted in two negative outcomes. The first is that professionals in psychology and related fields later learned not to believe the client who accused a family relation of incest because claims of incest were interpreted as merely incestuous wishes. Secondly, adults were not deemed responsible for overt incest. This responsibility fell upon the shoulders of the child who was viewed as perpetrator rather than victim. Following Freud's announcement of his Oedipal theory, little examination of early sexual trauma and its impact on psychological functioning was accomplished for approximately fifty years. It was not until Kinsey began his research on child sexuality in 1940 that sexual abuse surfaced as an issue again. This time, child sexuality was being examined by social scientists free from the constraints of psychoanalytic tradition. Since 1940, five important surveys have been completed, inclusive of the Kinsey Report. Kinsey's findings indicated that childhood sexual experience is universal. Despite the accumulated evidence of early sexual abuse experiences of his subjects, Kinsey concentrated on data in terms of the normality of sexual experience. He chose to give great emphasis to the normality of homosexual experience, masturbation, and extramarital affairs, but downplayed the commonness of sexual abuse. (Finkelhor, 1979, p. 9) Kinsey was successful in completing "4,000 interviews with young, white, predominantly middle-class, urban, educated women" (Herman &

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-29Hirschman, 1981, p. 12). Of these women, 1,200 were studied using more extensive data by John Gagnon in 1965. A third and fourth survey were completed by David Finkelhor (1979) and Judson Landis (1956) on approximately 2,000 college students. The respondents to these surveys were individuals in good health. A fifth study was a collection of data from 142 psychiatric patients and 153 "normal controls" (Landis, 1940). According to Landis, no significant differences existed between groups on the nature of early sexual experience. These studies lacked representativeness in that their subject pools did not include the lower socioeconomic levels, minorities, and urbanites. Those who fall into these categories are stereotypical ly seen as those individuals capable of deviant sexual behavior (Herman & Hirschman, 1981). If this stereotype is to be believed, then the findings of these studies would indicate deflated numbers with respect to sexual abuse. Within the historical context, these five studies are the most comprehensive assessments documenting early sexual experience between children and trusted adults. Further information about these studies will be provided later in this chapter. Finkelhor (1979) and Herman and Hirschman (1981) both refer to social politics as an important factor affecting the recognition of incest as a societal problem. Previous to the 1960's, researchers were pursuing sexual reform on issues such as contraception, sex education, reassessment of treatment methods for sex offenders, a less restrictive attitude toward childhood sexual exploration, less prohibitive attitudes toward the publication of erotic literature, and so on. Reformers avoided the issue of child molestation because of the possible detriment this

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•30issue would have on the acceptance of other issues (Finkelhor, 1979). Herman and Hirschman (1981) point out how the lack of alignment between sexual politics and the subject of incest impacted on L. Kirson Weinberg's publication, Incest Behavior , in 1955. This was a study based on 203 court or social agency referred cases of incest in the Chicago area. No sensation, in fact, no public response of any kind attended its publication. Weinberg went on to study other more acceptable subjects, and Incest Behavior quietly went out of print. (Herman & Hirschman, 1981, p. 18) The time was not yet right; it would be another fifteen to twenty years before her publication would receive the recognition it deserved. In the 1970' s, the women's movement helped to bring incest out into the open, as with other sensitive issues such as rape, spouse and child abuse. Emerging concerns for the welfare of the victimare also a major contributing factor leading to a more serious examination of those children who suffer sexual abuse (Finkelhor, 1979). The prevailing attitude leading up to the 1970's regarding the victim's degree of responsibility for incest behavior has also undergone change. Instead of accusing the child of lying when making claims of incest behavior, she is now seen as innocent. The responsibility for incest activity is now on the shoulders of the adult or older partner in the realtionship. Scope of the Problem Before introducing the estimated incidence of incest, the more general area of child sexual abuse and its estimated prevalence will

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31be given. Presently, there are no accurate national statistics on the incidence of child sexual abuse. Current statistics refer to those cases reported to social and legal authorities. It is suggested by many researchers and authorities in the field that the true incidence of child sexual abuse is many times greater than the number of cases reported each year and may be more frequent than child physical abuse. In the United States, child physical abuse is an estimated 200,000 cases per year (Geiser, 1979). There are a number of difficulties in the determination of nationwide incidence figures. When using cases recorded by various agencies, statistics vary due to complications arising from the use of different computation methods, definitions, age range, and whether or not boys have been included in agency statistics. Even with the uncertainty of the national prevalence figures for sexual abuse and the nonstandardized collection of information by agencies, estimates of true incidence for sexual abuse and incest have been attempted by several researchers. Early estimates on the prevalence of sexual abuse were as low as 40 cases per million people, as determined by the American Humane Association and DeFrancis (1969). The current estimate by the National Center on Child Sexual Abuse is 100,000 cases per million. Some authorities feel that these statistics are significantly underestimated and offer ranges of 200,000 to 500,000 sexual abuse cases annually (Schultz, 1973). In a retrospective study based on 1,000 women interviewed by Kinsey, Gagnon (1970) learned that 28% of these women had experienced a sexual encounter by age fourteen. Based on this percentage, he calculated an estimate of child sexual abuse to be 500,000 cases a year.

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-32Gagnon's broad criteria for sexual abuse allowed for incidents such as exhibitionism which may account for this staggering figure. Sarafino (1979) also determined an incidence figure to be within the same range as Gagnon, arriving at a national incidence of 336,200 sexual crimes against children per year. Gagnon combined all sex crimes into one category in an effort to compensate for the difficulties in definition across agencies. He then determined that a ratio of three and one-half to one, unreported to reported sex crimes occurs. Using this ratio, he calculated the above figure. A survey of six New England colleges showed that one out of five women and one out of eleven men experience early sexual contact with someone considerably older than themselves (six years or older) (Finkelhor, 1979). Based on Finkelhor's total sample of 796 college students, an estimate of sexual victimization was determined to be 19% for women and 9% for men. In the study by the American Humane Association, sex crimes involving 9,000 children were reviewed. It was discovered that 75% of the sexual aggressors were either related to or an acquaintance of the victim (DeFrancis, 1969). Burgess and Holmstrom (1975) found that 30% to 80% of all sexual abuse cases they studied involved perpetrators from within the family. These statistics are further supported when compared to estimates found for nonfamily perpetrators. Nonfamily perpetrators comprise anywhere from 3% to 30% of sexual abuse cases (McGregor, 1955). Of reported sexual abuse cases, statistics indicate that sexual offenses against children are more frequently done by someone familiar to them (Burgess & Holmstrom, 1975).

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-33Prevalence on incest In a landmark study by Weinberg (1955), the rate of incest was determined to be an estimated 1.9 cases per million people. This early estimate is considered to be low when compared with more recent data. This estimate would amount to two in one million families affected each year. More recent estimates indicate that 5% to 15% of all families have experienced incest (Boekelheide, 1978). According to estimates based on incest cases reported to the Santa Clara County Child Sexual Abuse Treatment Program in California, 800 to 1,000 incest cases per million are suggested (Giaretto, 1976). Relationship of incest aggressor and victim Statistics from five major studies have shown that father-daughter incest is the type of relationship most frequently reported. In Weinberg's (1955) extensive study of 203 court referred cases, 164 were father-daughter incest. In West Germany, Maisch (1972) used court records, questionnaires, and intelligence testing to study 78 court referred cases. Of these incest cases, 66 were father-daughter, four were father-son, three were mother-son, and one was mother-daughter. Using in-depth interviews with fifty-five incest victims referred from several social service agencies in Northern Ireland, Lukianowicz (1972) found 35 of the cases to be father-daughter. Three of the cases involved mother-son incest. The criterion used for inclusion of incest cases was sexual intercourse with a blood relative (Meiselman, 1978). Over a period of three years, Meiselman (1978) studied 58 psychotherapy clients who admitted to incest experience. She discovered that thirty-eight of her cases involved father-daughter incest with two

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•34cases each for father-son and mother-son incest, and one case of motherdaughter. Finally, Justice and Justice (1979) in studying clinic records found 96 cases of father-daughter incest of 103 parent-child cases. The number of parent-child cases of these five studies numbers 424, 97% of which were father-daughter incest (Herman & Hirschman, 1981). Part II Psychological Effects The following is a review of the recent literature on the reported long term psychological effects of childhood incest upon adult functioning of women. The information to be reported will include both the anecdotal clinical cases and those few studies that have attempted to concretize existing data through use of objective measures and control groups. Attention will be given to the immediate effects of childhood sexual abuse in general. Although estimates on prevalence for the different types of incest suggest that sibling incest is most common, and mother-son least common, the cases most available for study are father-daughter incest. It is important to note that the findings on the effects of early incest experience on the adult psychological functioning of women are primarily, although not exclusively, derived from the study of this type of relationship. Thus, much of the following information pertains to incest experience with the biological father and stepfather.

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•35Early effects of child sexual abuse The types of reactions characteristic of children who have been sexually abused by adults have been well documented. Although there are some individuals who stress positive benefits from sexual contact with adults (Constantine, 1980), substantial evidence exists to indicate that most children find sexual contact with adults disagreeable (Finkelhor, 1979; Herman & Hirschman, 1981). The majority of children disclose reactions of fright, shock, fear, and extreme unpleasantness (Finkelhor, 1979; Gagnon, 1965; Landis, 1956), and have suffered from vomiting, and less frequently, episodes of hysteria (Gagnon, 1965). Vincent DeFrancis (1969) studied child sexual abuse cases referred to a Child Protection Agency in New York. Soon after a victim's disclosure of sexual abuse, DeFrancis was called to interview each subject. After completing 250 interviews, he determined that 66% of his subjects showed emotional disturbance as a consequence of the sexual experience. Severe disturbance was found in 14% of the cases. Disturbance was more evident for cases of incest than for assaults by strangers. Guilt, shame, feelings of inferiority and low self-esteem, anxiety, imitative ritualized sexual behavior, hostile or aggressive behavior, and school problems were the predominant symptoms found. Despite negative reactions to such an experience, "many children do not perceive themselves to be permanently harmed by the experience" (Herman & Hirschman, 1981, p. 28). Children who have been involved in nonviolent and/or contactless forms of sexual abuse, particularly if they occurred only once (i.e., exhibitionism, voyeurism), failed to show or admit to lasting distress (Herman & Hirschman, 1981). Some look upon a child's unresolved feelings concerning sexual abuse as a time bomb

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-36which will explode during later periods in a child's development (Chesler, 1973). Meiselman (1978) emphasizes that trauma may not be immediately evident, although, may potentially disrupt "subsequent personality development and contribute to adjustment problems that occur much later" (p. 54). Trauma from childhood sexual abuse is shown to be more likely if it involves a family member, if the aggressor is much older, and if force is used (Finkelhor, 1969; Gagnon, 1965; Herman & Hrischman, 1981). Both Gagnon and Herman and Hirschman found that a relationship of long duration also increased the likelihood of trauma. According to Finkelhor, children "feel worse about experiences that are intrinsically unpleasant" (p. 144). Since most sexual contacts by adults are imposed on the child, include psychological coercion or force, and evoke negative reactions from the victims, it follows that the majority of children are ill affected (Finkelhor, 1979). Additionally, unpleasantness can be experienced by the child through the reactions of others about her sexual abuse experience. Judgement or lack of understanding by others about her incest involvement influences the child's existing feelings which are usually ones of shame, guilt, and feelings of isolation and inferiority. Child victims of sexual abuse demonstrate as a group greater vulnerability to pathological development in later life, and an impressive number suffer lasting harm (Herman & Hirschman, 1981). Child incest victims seem to show evidence of greater disturbance than those children who are sexually abused by a stranger. Greater likelihood of trauma exists for this special subgroup of sexual abuse victims.

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-37Effects of childhood incest experience As indicated, psychological harm is more likely for sexual abuse cases involving family members. Kaufman, Peck, and Taguiri (1954) found that the common clinical findings discovered in eleven private incest clients seen at a Child Guidance Clinic in Massachusetts were guilt and depression. Other symptoms ranged from physical complaints to selfdestructive masochistic tendencies. School problems such as learning disabilities and family concerns such as fear of abandonment by parents also were indicated. Fear of abandonment by parents is a common finding, one that is also noted by Lustig, Dresser, Spellman, and Murray (1966). In this study of father-daughter incest, fear of desertion by both parents was expressed as reason for a child's compliance with the sexual demands of the father. Often, the daughter of incest assumes a mother's role in the family due to the mother's absence or relinquishment of responsibilities. As the child assumes many of the mother's functions, including physical intimacy with father, she begins to understand her role as valueless, self-sacrificing, and regretfully and unhappily a consequence of being a daughter (Lustig et al . , 1966). The young girl tends to see boys as having more opportunity to be children. Child victims are frequently described as mature beyond their years; Lustig et al. view their behavior as pseudomature. Their needs as children remain unsatisfied despite their precocious and responsible manner. Serious repercussions from incest experience were predicted for adolescent girls by Sloane and Karpinski (1942). They view the degree of guilt derived from the incest experience as disastrous to the healthy functioning of a child.

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-38It is expected that the effects found in cases of childhood and adolescent incest involvement affect later psychological adjustment. The following studies will describe reported effects of incest on adult psychological functioning. Since this is the focus of this research, a more detailed account of findings will be reported. Adult psychological functioning of women incest victims Due to a need to understand the kinds of problems encountered by adult women with previous childhood sexual abuse experience, Tsai and Wagner (1978) studied fifty women who volunteered to participate in four weekly or bi-weekly group therapy sessions. The subjects were mostly white, middle class women with an average age of thirty. Thirty-one percent of these women had experienced incest with their biological fathers, and 17.5% with their stepfathers. Except for the fact that 12.7% of the experiences involved a stranger, all other molestation experiences involved someone in their affinity system. The major complaints of these victims were guilt, depression, shame, low self-esteem, and sexual dysfunction. Guilt was a symptom experienced by all participants. Three major factors were identified as significantly related to their guilt experience. First, the issue of secrecy and the burden of secrecy combined served as major guilt inducing factors. Second, fear of the consequences resulting from disclosure of incest, if not the direct experience of those consequences, created a feeling of guilt due to the victim's belief that she was responsible for the possible disruption of the family. Third, guilt feelings were engendered by the sometimes physically pleasant sensations resulting from the incest aggressor's contact. The experience

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-39of physically pleasant feelings is an area of particular conflict, for the victim may find herself both offended by the incest aggressor's approach and unexpectedly aroused and/or appreciative of his attention. Tsai and Wagner also found that negative self-image and depression are based on general feelings of inferiority. Feelings of devaluation are seen as associated with the harboring of the incest secret, a factor which also leads to feelings of isolation. Some women reported behavioral patterns indicative of repetition compulsion. A penchant for selecting abusive male companions or men who they saw as inferior, unaffectionate, or like their abusive fathers were common reoccurrences. Maladaptive sexual patterns were found for the majority of these women. Sexual response was classified into three types: "nonresponse," "orgasmic without pleasure," and "arousal contingent upon control." The "nonresponse" women had a pattern of no sexual arousal with a partner, and even found lack of arousal during masturbation. Variations in response from feeling "sexually dead," to actively avoiding sex, to a repulsion of sexual topics characterized this group. The "orgasmic without pleasure" group of women found feelings of unpleasantness accompanied sexual activity. This was found to be combined with a disinterested attitude in sex. According to Tsai and Wagner (1978), These women have learned to be sexually responsive at an early age, but the unpleasant associations they experience with arousal inhibits a pleasurable response (p. 423) An active avoidance of a role of passive toleration was evident for "arousal contingent upon control" group members. For some, sex was

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-40arousing only if they were in control of the sexual activity. One subject was quoted as saying, "I tried to make my father go away by being stiff; therefore, my sex is much better when I initiate it, am active and on top." (p. 423) The subjects in this study showed a variety of sexual problems with most women sharing the common experience of "flashbacks." During sexual activity, thoughts referring to their incest experience are found to be intrusive, and very often result in loss of arousal or interest. Feelings generated at the time of flashbacks are not unlike that shared by one woman who stated, "When sexual experiences bring back associations with my Dad, there's always this feeling of guilt, humiliation, anger, resentment, and bitterness." (p. 424) A familiar theme for many victims of father-daughter incest is a bitterness directed toward both parents, with the mother the target for a considerable amount of anger. This seems to develop from the daughter's feeling that the mother did not protect her from her father's sexual advances. Evidence of a mother actively colluding with the father is frequently found. Collusion ranges from a mother's active denial to active encouragement of the incest activity. Many victims question their mother's denial, for they feel many obvious indications of incest activity were present. An exhaustive attempt to study the long term effects of incest on the adult psychological functioning of women was accomplished by Karin Meiselman (1978), a psychologist in an outpatient clinic in Los Angeles. Her study has particular merit in that she studied a large sample and made use of a control group. Previous studies involving large samples have not used this approach. Meiselman used for her sample therapy patients with and without incest experience.

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41Upon seeking therapy, the incest victims had not had an incest contact for at least three years, and most had never disclosed the experience, Initial complaints or problems for which these clients were seeking help did not center upon the incest experience. It was not evident to many of these women until later how their incest history was related to present difficulties. Meiselman discovered that the incest psychotherapy group was more disturbed than the control group. Differences noted between groups were helpful in characterizing women with incest experience. Some of the major difficulties that characterize these women are explained below. The number of initial complaints was found to be greater for the incest group with 3.4 presenting problems and 2.5 for the control group. Many symptoms were similar across groups (i.e., depression, anxiety, and even suicide), although the incest group complained of additional conflicts with nuclear and extended family members. When the number of previous psychiatric hospitalizations was compared, 23% of the incest group and 14% of the control group had required this type of in-patient care. Meiselman viewed this difference as possibly due to chance since it was not dramatic, yet emphasized that the difference was in the direction of greater disturbance in the incest group. Through examination of the marital history of the incest group, it was found that "greater marital instability and rejection of marriage as a lifestyle" (p. 210) was evident. A high level of conflict was found to exist with their adult heterosexual relationships, either through avoidance or isolation from men to a series of marital and non-marital relationships which proved unsatisfying. This type of personal history

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-42was dramatically more apparent with the incest group than for the nonincest group. Another notable difference between the two psychotherapy groups was greater evidence of masochistic behavior on the part of the incest group members. As defined in this study, masochism refers to "people who seek out or passively tolerate relationships in which they are victimized" (p. 212). This definition is unlike others which specifically refer to sexual pleasure derived from pain. Twenty-three percent of the women in the incest psychotherapy group and 10% of the women in the nonincest psychotherapy group were identified as having masochistic tendencies. The tendencies were of the nonsexual variety. The incest group particularly seemed to endure relationships in which they were mistreated, though did not seem to derive pleasure from this treatment and lacked the necessary skills to avoid or terminate relationships when they occurred. Overall, Meiselman concluded that psychotherapy patients with incest experience seemed to show no difference from psychotherapy patients without incest experience with respect to type of psychopathology. Rather, the incest group was more disturbed, and more likely to have physical complaints, and interpersonal and sexual difficulties. Later, Meiselman (1980) compared Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI) profiles of sixteen incest and sixteen nonincest psychotherapy patients to determine if differences existed for type of psychopathology and sexual problems. The women were matched on the variable of referring therapist, ethnic origin, age, and educational status. The profile means for the two groups were similar, although, her prediction that incest therapy clients would present a greater number of sexual difficulties was supported.

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-43The overall pattern of results suggests that, while the report of incest may not be specifically linked with any diagnostic category, it is associated with the report of various kinds of sexual problems, (p. 195) The extent to which early incest experience contributes to later negative outcomes in adult adjustment may be best determined by the victim herself. Tsai, Feldman-Summers, and Edgar (1979) recruited three groups of women in their study of variables related to the differential impact of child sexual molestation on the psychosexual functioning of women. The three groups consisted of therapy clients who were seeking assistance for reasons related to child sexual victimization, a nontherapy group of women who had been sexually molested as children, had never been involved in counseling, and who viewed themselves as welladjusted; and a therapy group of women who had no history of child molestation (control group) and who were matched with the non-therapy molestation group on variables of age, marital status, and ethnicity. These researchers were the first to systematically assess the psychosexual functioning of adult women with early childhood sexual molestation experience. Additionally, these researchers comprise a small group of investigators who have begun using control groups in an effort to provide more rigorous attempts at objectively evaluating already existing data. A major contention on which Tsai et al.'s study is based is well explained by this quote: To the extent that molestation evokes fear or guilt or other emotional reactions in the child, sexual activity may acquire negative connotations sufficiently strong to affect adult sexuality, (p. 408) The notion that unpleasant feelings paired with sexual experience may

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-44influence later sexual activity has been found to occur with later sexual functioning of rape victims (Feldman-Summers, Gordon, & Meagher, 1979). The goals of this study were to (a) assess differences between women with molestation experience who sought out therapy with those women with molestation experiences who did not seek therapy and (b) to assess differences between women with molestation experience and those without molestation experience in the area of prepubescent sexual activity with peers and current psychosexual functioning. The instruments used to assess these women included the MMPI, a self-administered seven point scale measuring self-perceived overall adjustment and a questionnaire aimed at collecting demographic information and sexual history. The latter asked questions pertaining to three different areas: variables related to molestation experience, prepubescent sexual activity with peers, and current sexual functioning. Two findings were seen as major in the comparison of these three groups. The therapy molestation group was less well-adjusted than either the non-therapy group who had never sought counseling or the group of therapy clients who had never been molested. Additionally, the nontherapy molestation group and the therapy molestation group differed significantly on variables related to the molestation experience. Tsai et al. (1979) determined that the differences found "provided a theoretically meaningful explanation of the observed adult adjustment differences" (p. 414). With respect to the MMPI measure, profiles for the non-therapy molestation and therapy non-molestation groups were "normal." The MMPI for the therapy-molestation group was an overall 4-8 configuration.

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-45This configuration is interpreted by traditional standards (Dahlstrom, Welsh, & Dahlstrom, 1972) as follows: a) poor interpersonal relationships with family members b) difficulties engendered by early feelings of distrust c) inadequate social adjustment and lack of emotional involvement with others d) sexual acts are seen as vehicles for hostility and anger e) poor self-concept f) a pattern of selecting males with whom they feel superior These characteristics corroborate findings of clinical observations of women clients who have been sexually molested in childhood by family members (Courtois, 1979; Finkelhor, 1979; Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Meiselman, 1978). These findings also corroborate with the self-report statements regarding the current sexual functioning of the therapy molestation group. The therapy molestation group was significantly different from the other two groups in overall sexual adjustment. Tsai et al. (1979) indicate that the current sexual satisfaction of the therapy molestation groups and the impact of early sexual molestation upon the victim showed a pattern similar to the behavior of rape victims several months after the attack. The question of long term effects of early sexual molestation upon the developing sexuality of young girls was addressed by James (1971), and James and Myerding (1977). These investigators sought to determine if early sexual experience was a factor related to prostitution. In the process of their research, noteworthy information was brought to light regarding early encounters by relatives for many of their subjects. Sexual advances by older males was a specific area examined in this study. In the course of the research, a surprising number of women were found to have incest experience.

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-46In James' first study (1971), he recruited 72 adult and 20 adolescent female prostitutes. He made initial contact with these women while they were in jail and arranged to interview those who volunteered to participate after their release. Questionnaires and taped interviews were used, with specific questions about sexual history asked of the adolescents to discover reasons for their early entry into prostitution. The average ages for the adult and adolescent groups was 22.6 and 16.9 years, respectively. Ethnicity for the adult group was the following: White, 37%; Black, 56%; Indian, Mexican, and other, 7%. The adolescent group represented the ethnic backgrounds of Whites (48%) and Blacks (52%). In examining the relationship of the male perpetrator of sexual contact to the young girl, James found that of the 20 adolescents 23% had experienced sexual contact with their father and 15% with other relatives. Sixty-five percent of the adolescents disclosed negative sexual experience and a majority of this number were introduced to sex before age fifteen. Twenty-five percent of the total sample reported an unpleasant sexual relationship with someone in their nuclear or extended family. In examining the relationship of the male perpetrator to the young girl, DeFrancis's (1969) data indicate that 27% of sexual offenders in sexual abuse cases are father-figure types, and that a combined total of 38% represent offenders who are relatives. These findings are also consistent with those of Sgroi (1975) who remarks that most sexual offenders in child sexual abuse cases are identified as a father, relative, or boyfriend of the mother.

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-47In a later study, James and Meyerding (1977) followed the same method for recruitment of subjects. One hundred thirty-eight women agreed to participate in this study; 66 were identified as "addict prostitutes" and 70 were labeled "prostitutes." The major difference between these two groups is that the "addict prostitute" group is documented as having withdrawal from narcotic addiction during incarceration. This large group of women were characterized as 64% White, with 61% of the women coming from middle and upper-middle classes. The educational standing of these women was shown to be "some high school education, 56%; some college education, 19%; and 6% educated above college level" (p. 39). A "normal" group of women without histories of prostitution were used for comparative purposes. A description of some of the findings specific to sexual activity and incest will be mentioned for the entire subject sample. Of the women in the prostitute group, first intercourse experience was characterized by force in 23% of the cases, and emotional coercion was evident in 1% of the cases. Fifty-seven percent of the women had a history of rape, with 36% of them falling to rape victimization more than once. Rape by more than one man at one time was found in 8% of the rape reports. Of considerable importance to first sexual intercourse is the type of emotional relationship with the sexual partner. Thirty-four percent of the women in this study had superficial, "nonemotionally charged" relationships with the person with whom they experienced first intercourse. The women in this study had an average of 23 sexual partners separate from their prostitute experiences. The mean number of significant sexual relationships was five.

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-48Incest experience was evident in 25% of the cases. Father-daughter was the type of relationship found in all reported incest cases. Since subject selection was based on whether or not the woman was a prostitute, James and Meyerding make special mention that Our data indicate that father-daughter incest is an experience more common to our sample populations than to any other known populations not chosen on the basis of incest or sexual abuse experience itself. (1977 p. 38) Others who comment on incest and its effects on later sexual behavior view incest as a precursor to promiscuity (Ferracuti, 1972; Weiner, 1964). James and Meyerding raise the question of whether or not incest experience may influence later entry into prostitution. Gagnon (1965) emphasizes that the impact of incest is immediately disruptive to the victim's development. This disruption is matched by disturbed family relationships, family dissolutions, and affective disturbances. The (incest) behavior and the reaction to the behavior become significant disorganizing factors in her development of sexual identity, (p. 39) The general findings based on comparisons between the prostitute and the "normal" groups are enumerated below. The prostitutes as a group tended to 1) Learn less about sex from parents and more from personal experience 2) As children, experienced more sexual advances by elders 3) Were more often involved in incestuous relationships with their father 4) Generally initiated sexual activity at a younger age 5) More often had no further relationship with coital partners 6) Experienced a higher incidence of rape. (p. 37) Many studies involving sexual abuse cases use samples referred from social and legal authorities which are well known for primarily

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-49dealing with the lower socioeconomic classes. An important finding in the present study is support for the contention that incest crosses all socioeconomic boundaries, with middle and upper-middle class women well represented in the incest subgroup of prostitutes. These data also align with that of other researchers (Finkelhor, 1979; Forward & Buck, 1978; Geiser, 1979; Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Meiselman, 1978). Finkelhor states that incest "cannot be explained as a lower class phenomenon" (p. 39). A cause and effect relationship between incest and promiscuity cannot be concluded from this study. However, James and Meyerding (1977) suggest that "early traumatic sexual self-objectification may be one factor influencing some women toward entrance into prostitution and other 'deviant lifestyles'" (p. 40). And further, that to be used sexually at an early age in a way that produces guilt, shame, and loss of self-esteem on the part of the victim would be likely to lessen one's resistance to viewing oneself as a salable commodity. (P41) In addition to a high incidence of incest victims in this sample of prostitutes, "childhood sexual abuse has also been implicated in the histories of battered women and adolescent runaways" (Herman & Hirschman, 1981, p. 30). Judson Landis (1956) found in his study of girls that had run away from home before age sixteen that 52% of 118 subjects had experienced incest. Rainbow Retreat, a helping agency for battered women in Phoenix, Arizona, reported that 23% of the women they cared for had incest experience prior to age fifteen (Herman & Hirschman, 1981). In Herman and Hirschman's study of father-daughter incest, 32.5% of a 40 subject sample had attempted escape from incestuous experience by running away at least one time. Thirty-five percent of this same sample had described themselves as promiscuous.

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-50The reaction patterns of running away, engaging in promiscuous behavior, prostitution, and becoming involved in abusive relationships (i.e., battering) are becoming familiar characteristics of incest populations. The high incidence of incest victims among rape victim populations has pointed out the tendency for women with incest experience to become involved in repeated victimizations. Carney Landis (1940) found that 35% of the rape victims participating in a rape relief group in Tacoma, Washington, were incest victims. At a rape crisis center in Albuquerque, New Mexico, 18% of the women who had experienced rape twice had histories of incest experience (Miller, Moeller, Kauffman,Divasto, Pathak, & Christ, 1978). It is interpreted from findings such as these that women with early sexual abuse experience may not learn necessary mechanisms of self-protection and thus increase the likelihood of repeated victimizations (Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Meiselman, 1978). The most recent data on the characteristic behavior patterns and adult psychological functioning of incest victims is that of Herman and Hirschman 's (1981) research on father-daughter incest. These psychotherapists completed a clinical study using an interview method for two groups of women. One group consisted of forty victims of overt incest, and the other was comprised of twenty women without histories of overt incest but who had seductive relationships with their fathers (overt incest). In assessing the specific long term consequences of incest activity and the degree of harmfulness of overt and covert incest, Herman and Hirschman concluded that the pathological effects of overt and covert incest were similar in nature and differed mainly in degree the daughters of the seductive fathers exhibiting in' milder form many of the same symptoms that in the incest victims were developed to great severity, (p. 125)

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-51Since the focus of this research is overt incestuous activity, detailed attention will only be given to the women in the overt incest group. Some of the pathological effects referred to above will be identified and in the course of their descriptions, it can be noted that a remarkable consistency with the long term psychological effects reported by these researchers and with other studies so far reviewed exists. Prior to information about the long term psychological effects, important characteristics of the sample and their family constellations will be highlighted. The women in this study encompassed the age range of the early twenties to the mid-thirties. Half of the women were mothers and were involved in a variety of stereotypically female professions. These women nearly equally represented two socioeconomic groups: the working and middle-classes. Catholicism was the primary religious orientation, and all were White. Herman and Hirschman (1981) note, "To all appearances, they were an ordinary group of women" (p. 67), from Boston, Massachusetts. The incest definition used for this study was psychologically based. This type of definition holds that the relationship between child and parent is primary, and a need for blood relatedness is not essential. A sexual relationship was defined as any contact that required secrecy. Among the forty overt incest subjects, 78% (31) involved the biological father, five involved stepfathers, and four, adoptive fathers. The women as a group came from conventional families characterized by financial security. They were religious families and portrayed an air of respectability to the community. The fathers were described as "perfect patriarchs" and weilded power and control over the family's

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-52participation in social events, particularly limiting the exposure of the women in the family. Approximately 75% of the fathers were the sole financial provider and were described as competent in both job related responsibilities and social relations. Two policemen, three military officers, two physicians, and two college professors were included in their number, as well as an assortment of businessmen, storekeepers and skilled tradesmen, (p. 72) One of the salient characteristics of the incest fathers was "their tendency to dominate their families by the use of force" (p. 73). The majority of the mothers fulfilled the traditional role expectations associated with that of housekeeper. These women were completely dependent on their husbands for financial security. Independent survival was not possible for the mothers as a group due to a lack of marketable skills. Three of the mothers had full time and six had part time employment. The mothers were described as having inferior status in comparison to their husbands, and both husband and wife upheld rigidly defined roles that maintained the father's superiority. The ability to fulfill the demands of primary housekeeper were often not met by a majority of the mothers. Over half (55%) remembered that their mothers had had periods of disabling illness which resulted in frequent hospitalizations or in the mother's living as an invalid at home. (p. 77) Separation from mother was experienced by over a third of the women through their mother's temporary incapability to care for them. "Depression, alcoholism, and psychosis were among the most common causes of the mother's disability" (p. 77).

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53The women in the sample were found to be either the oldest daughter or the only child in 80% of the cases. This is similar to the findings of other researchers (Weinberg, 1955; Tormes, 1978; Meiselman, 1978). Forty-five percent of these victims had assumed many of the mother's responsibilities by age ten, including child care. Many became astonishingly competent in their role. Pride in their accomplishments as little adults became their compensation for loss of childhood. (Herman & Hirschman, 1981, p. 79) This loss of childhood or pseudomaturity was also noted by Lustig et al . (1966). These daughters also felt a great sense of responsibility for maintaining family balance and integrity in combination with a sharp awareness of parental conflict. Several daughters wished for their parents' divorce, but most feared this outcome and the abandonment promised by such a family disruption. Fear of abandonment is a condition found to be consistent with the findings of other investigators (Kauffman, Peck, & Taiguiri, 1954; Lustig et al., 1966). The daughter's relationship with the mother was often marked by hostility, contempt, and bitterness. Generally, these women felt their mothers lacked nurturant ability. In their moments of despair, these daughters felt the absence of the most primary bonds of carina and trust (p. 81) And, These daughters, in short, were alienated from their mothers, whom they saw as weak, helpless, and unable to nurture or protect them. (p. 83) Eighty percent of the daughters had experienced sexual approaches from their fathers prior to age thirteen, with the average age for sexual approach by their fathers calculated to be age nine. Sexual experience

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-54was gradual, beginning with fondling, followed by masturbation, and oralgenital activity. Sexual intercourse did not occur in most cases, and if it did happen it was not attempted until the daughter had reached puberty. Force was usually not necessary, although coercion was evident and had been since the inception of the relationship. The average duration of the incest relationship was three years. These data are also corroborated by others (Kauffman, Peck, & Taguiri, 1954; Lukianowicz, 1972; Maisch, 1972; Tormes, 1978; Weinberg, 1955). Once incest had been initiated, the women recalled that the father seized every opportunity available to make sexual contact. The commonly found furtive attitude of the father communicates that something is wrong about the relationship. Few of the daughters had anything positive to say about the sexual contact itself. Though many enjoyed other aspects of their special relationships with their fathers, most dreaded the sexual encounters and invented whatever pitiful strategies they could to avoid them. (Herman & Hirschman, 1981, p. 86) Usually the women felt shame, disgust, and fear, with many of the daughters claiming that they assumed an emotional detachment when sexual contact occurred. Even when physically pleasant sensations occurred, the women reported confused feelings and felt intense shame. All the women in Herman and Hirschman 's sample indicated that the father had never initiated termination of the relationship. Either the daughter did so through various forms of resistance, or she finally escaped through a normal and eventual departure from family, or through running away, or premature separation (early marriage, foster placement, admission to residential schools, or temporary psychiatric hospitalization).

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-55Overwhelming consistency is found for the type of complaints made by these women. The subjects made their own association with how the incest experience shaped their lives. These women reported feeling "different." Somehow their participation in incest marked them for life, and many saw themselves as evil. Self derogatory names such as whore, bitch, and witch were part of their self-claimed identifies. Many women made an explicit connection between the feelings of isolation and the incest secret. (Herman & Hirschman, 1981, p. 97) The incest secret formed the core of their identity. (Herman & Hirschman, 1981, p. 97) Major depressive symptoms were apparent in 60% of the sample, and of these, 38% had attempted suicide. Alcoholism and/or drug dependency problems were found for 20% of the group. Difficulties also existed in the area of interpersonal relationships. Feelings of isolation were exacerbated by an inability to form trusting relationships. The early experience of betrayal through incest engendered expectations that trusting, intimate relationships are not possible. The knowledge that loved ones not only have the potential to exploit, but demonstrate their power, through incest seems to interfere with the development of satisfying relationships. Promiscuous activity, found for 35% of the women, was explained a couple of ways. Some pursued sexual relationships to achieve closeness, and others felt that they were not useful for anything else but sex. These women experienced marital difficulties with 63% marrying at least one time. Eleven of the 40 women endured physical assaults from their husbands or lovers. As a group, these women tended to idealize and admire men, and in contrast, felt contempt for women, including themselves. When regarding

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-56their special relationships with their fathers, some of the women felt that the only self-esteem they had had was gained through association with their powerful fathers. More usually and fundamentally, they identified with their mother's low status and were filled with self-loathing. A small number of the women in this sample had experimented with lesbian relationships. The apparent motivation for this type of relationship was based on a need to have female nurturance without fear of exploitation. Meiselman (1978) found over a third of her 58 incest subjects assumed a lesbian identity for similar reasons. For several of the women in Herman & Hirschman's (1981) sample, a lesbian identity was viewed by the victims as an "adaptive and positive way to come to terms with incest trauma" (p. 105). These findings do not provide evidence of a cause and effect relationship between incest and lesbianism. Also, like Meiselman's (1978) findings, difficulties in the area of sexual functioning were experienced by a majority of the women (55%). Minimal pleasure, if it at all occurred, was reported. Remembrances of sexual activity with their father (flashbacks) during sexual activity interfered with enjoyment. Some who found themselves unable to relax during sexual involvement found sex to be synonymous with being dominated or controlled; consequently, sex was tension producing. As can be readily ascertained, the description of the adult psychological functioning of women incest victims reported in these studies is remarkably consistent. This consistency serves to validate those findings that detail the difficulties encountered by incest victims in later life. The adult women with a history of incest experience are potentially more vulnerable to adult adjustment difficulties in comparison to other women. Both personal and interpersonal domains are marked by psychological problems.

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-57Guilt Disposition and Self-Concept The importance of guilt and disturbed self-concept as major symptoms characteristic of adult women incest victims has been noted earlier in this study. The following is an explanation of the dependent variable, guilt disposition, as it will be referred to and applied in this study. In the process of explaining guilt disposition, the important relationship between guilt and the dependent variable self -concept emerges. The disposition of guilt is a generalized expectancy for self-mediated punishment for violating or anticipating violating internalized standards of moral behavior and is thus a cognitive disposition. (Mosher, 1979, p. 106) ' Mosher distinguishes between guilt as a personality disposition and guilt as an affective state. Mosher explains guilt as a cognitive disposition by using the psychological terms "trait guilt" and "state guilt." "Trait guilt" is a personality disposition. This means that a person's perception and response to a class of situations that involve moral issues in which self and the behavior of self are compared to an internalized moral code are consistent. Through time and across situations (transsituational), a person will develop a consistent approach to deal with morally conflicting issues (Mosher, 1979). "State guilt" is an affective condition. This is the experience of guilt feelings following the violation of one's internalized moral code. Guilt feeling then "is a response to a specific moral violation in a specific situation" (Mosher, 1979, p. 107). The intention of this research is to measure the cognitive disposition which is considered to be more inclusive than the affective state of guilt (Mosher, 1979). The consistent behavioral pattern of

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58the personality disposition "has become organized as a function of the person's history in similar past situations" (Mosher, 1979, p. 105). The individual develops a predisposition based on past experience and approaches new situations with a cognitive set comprised of personal ethics. Guilt disposition as it relates to the incest victim can be understood in terms of two factors: moral development and stimulus generalization. Previous attention has been given regarding the role of moral development and guilt. To briefly recapitulate, a child's development of an internalized moral code is a gradual sequence, with issues of "right" and "wrong" first learned from parents, followed by the development of a personalized code of ethics through exposure and comparison of one's values with those influences outside of the family. Moral development is affected by trauma inducing experiences (Coleman, 1964). It follows that incest trauma affects moral development. Stimulus generalization is important in that the early experiences involving moral issues become paired with negative feeling states, one of which is guilt and leads to self-devaluation. If circumstances are traumatic then the emotional responses stemming from these morally related experiences may generalize to other objects, events, and persons (Coleman, 1964). If, in the experience, the individual feels acutely inadequate or guilts--as in certain cases of sexual assault where the person is too frightened to resist— his self-concept may undergo considerable devaluation. Hence a traumatic experience may continue to influence behavior long after the original event. (Coleman, 1964, p. 139) Extrapolating from this, the incest victim's acquaintance with the issue of secrecy and perhaps an already acquired notion of the incest

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-59taboo, may evoke the emotional response of guilt and concommitant feelings of devaluation. If a child is traumatized by the early incestuous encounter, the pairing of emotional content (guilt) with the sexual activity becomes a circumstance of emotional conditioning. Emotional conditioning derived from traumatic situations is more impactful and surpasses other responses such as those learned through reasoning and problem solving (Mowrer, 1950). Mowrer indicates that repetition or a similar situation reactivates the emotional response as opposed to stimulating a consciously formulated response gained through reasoning. The latter type are more subject to modification and more likely to be adaptive. The former, emotional conditioning, is more resistent to change. Coleman (1964) points out that emotional responses to traumatic events are easy to condition and readily general izable. Emotional conditioning is not easily modified and can lead to maladaptive adjustment if not altered. "Thus, when a child is exposed to repeated early traumas, their net effect may be highly pathogenic" (Coleman, 1964, p. 140). Early trauma has particularly far reaching consequences for a young child. The young child is not equipped with skills of reflection, critical evaluation, and self-defense like the adult, and is therefore more vulnerable (Coleman, 1964) and at higher risk for psychological damage. It seems plausible that due to an inability to comprehend and defend oneself, the child's experience with the guilt inducing properties of the incest situation could be devastating. If harmful effects are not immediately evident, it is thought that they will be later in the course of the child's development (Meiselman, 1978).

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-60Mosher identified three dimensions of guilt that seem to be highly relevant areas in need of investigation for incest victims. These areas are measured by the subscales sex-guilt (SG), hostility-guilt (HG), and morality-conscience (MC) (see Definition of Terms, Chapter I). The incest victim commonly identifies guilt as a feeling specifically derived from several major factors related to the incest experience and which involve all three dimensions above. This makes sense in that The construct of guilt is a major component of conflict over sexual and aggressive actions and fantasies. (Mosher, 1979, p. 106) And this is not surprising because In our society many social prohibitions and highly emotional moral attitudes center around the expression of hostility and sexual desires. (Coleman, 1964, p. 151) The factors to be identified represent the common moral conflicts of the human experience. The first factor significantly relates to the inducement of guilt with the moral conflict of the sexual experience itself. The second factor is the development of angry feelings at self, toward the incest aggressor, and toward others who the victim sees as contributing directly or indirectly to her victimization. As noted earlier in the case of father-daughter incest, the daughter is not only angry with her father for betraying her trust but is frequently angry at the mother for not providing adequate protection from the father (Finkelhor, 1979; Forward & Buck, 1978; Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Justice & Justice, 1979). A third factor is the growing consciousness that the incest activity is morally wrong. These factors establish a situation that is replete with guilt inducing stimuli. The incest situation provides a stage for a child's

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-61maladaptive development in that a predominant emotionally negative response of guilt is engendered by sexual victimization and continually exacerbated by repeated incest activity. This creates a series of emotionally conditioning situations that will generalize to other objects, events, and people in her life as indicated earlier. The ease of formulation (emotional conditioning of negative responses), tendency to generalize and extreme durability of emotional responses stemming from traumatic situation all tend to make them maladaptive. (Coleman, 1964, p. 140) Consequently, the child's vulnerability to psychological difficulty, both immediate and in later life, is seen as greater (Coleman, 1964). The sexual victimization of the child is usually an alienating experience, for usual outlets for support (i.e., parents and other family members), understanding, and aid in comprehending a confusing world are not available. This leads to resolution of conflict on her own, a circumstance that will have a greater probability of psychological risk (T.sai et al., 1979). Meiselman (1979) reports that these conflicts are particularly apparent in the area of sexual adjustment. As Meiselman notes (1978), There seems little doubt the incest had created unresolved conflicts in these women that tended to be aroused in later sexual situations, (p. 235) Based on Mosher's theory of guilt disposition, the child's approach to resolving morally conflicting issues in childhood will develop a consistency that will be transsituational . Across all morally conflicting situations, the child will bring with her a personal code of ethics based on similar past experiences and it may be anticipated that she ill resolve conflict in a similar fashion. Her approach is expected to be more maladaptive than if she had been able to obtain help from w

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-62a significant other and probably more maladaptive than someone without childhood incest experience. The Mosher Guilt Forced-Choice Inventory The Mosher Guilt Forced-Choice Inventory (NGFCI) is a later modification of the Mosher Incomplete Sentences Test (MIST), an instrument Mosher developed in 1961. His intent was to provide an instrument that would measure quantitatively and qualitatively guilt disposition (Mosher, 1961). Early investigations of the inventory's construct validity were mostly based on male populations. It was not until 1968 that Mosher developed a female form (Form F). Meanwhile, the original MIST had been modified to forced-choice and true-false sentence completion formats with consequent improvement in the psychometric properties of the test. Mosher achieved his aim of constructing a measure of guilt disposition in males that was reliable and for which outstanding construct, convergent and discriminant validity has been demonstrated (Abramson & Mosher, 1975; Abramson, Mosher, Abramson, & Woychowski , 1977; Fehr & Stamps, 1979; O'Grady & Janda, 1978; Persons, 1970a). This instrument has also demonstrated predictive validity (Griffit & Kaiser, 1978; Janda, Magri, & Barnhart, 1977; Persons, 1970b). The female form (Form F) was developed in much the same manner as its forerunner. From a large pool of item stems from the MIST, an analysis of internal consistency and social desirability rating to assess response bias were applied for the appropriate selection of inventory items. Following this, the instrument was administered to 62 University of Connecticut undergraduate students.

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-63Intercorrelations were analyzed using a multi-trait multi-method matrix and factor analysis to determine convergent and discriminant validity. The instrument provided support for the three subscales as indices of the three aspects of guilt disposition for females (Mosher, 1968). Convergent validity was not sufficiently supported, and a social desirability response bias was not evident. Several of the studies helpful to the validation of the MGFCI since 1961 and prior to the development of Form F in 1968 will be briefly discussed. Greater emphasis will be given to those investigations that have occurred since the development of the female form. The MGFCI was used by Persons (1970b) to compare differences in guilt disposition between male college students (n = 338) and reformitory inmates (n = 524), and in particular to provide further evidence of guilt as an independent construct of personality. The mean age of the subjects was 19.01 with a range of 17-22 years of age. For this purpose, the MMPI, which had been previously used in a correlational study with the MGFCI and for which support was found for the notion of guilt as an inhibitor (Mosher & Oliver, 1968), was selected. Positive correlations were found between guilt and the MMPI scale for inhibition and a negative correlation was found for guilt and the MMPI scales referring to actingout behaviors. Evidence for guilt as an inhibitor was supported in this study, and construct validation was demonstrated. Other studies using inmates as subjects found higher guilt levels among inmates who commit property crimes than for those who commit violations against persons (Mosher & Mosher, 1966). The amount of inmate crimes has also been found to be negatively correlated with the MGFCI (Persons, 1970a). Predictive validity has been demonstrated with

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-64regard to the HG and SG subscales for inmates. Correlations between HG and crimes of violence and SG and sexual offenses showed significant relationships (Persons, 1970a). Major findings were reported by Abramson, Mosher, Abramson, and Woychowski in 1977. These researchers set out to examine not only the reltaionships between traditional personality variables and guilt, but the relative independence of the guilt scales from theoretically relevant variables. The Edwards Personal Preference Schedule (EPPS) (Edwards, 1959) and the MGFCI were administered to 108 males and 41 female psychology undergraduates at the University of Connecticut. Pearson product-moment correlations were applied to all subscales. Convergent validity was supported, indicating relative independence and lack of redundancy between the subscales. Gender differences were noted and suggested as meaningful for the SG and HG subscales. A preference for platonic relationships, a lack of interest in heterosexual contact, combined with a nonpersistence and distractability in the work place were characteristic of high hostility guilt males. Women high in hostility guilt showed greater persistence with work, conformance, and also lacked interest in heterosexual contact. These differences were presumed to be gender-linked and interpreted within the context of socio-cultural training. A conventional personality style emerged for both males and females on the MC subscale with conformance, friendliness, low interest in heterosexual contact, and a need for nurturance as major characteristics. Less need for aggression was found with high guilt males and females. It appears from these data that individuals who feel guilt over expression of hostility also have a reduced need for aggression. Overall results

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-65showed evidence of construct and discriminant validity for the three subscales. The results from this study and that completed by Persons (1970a) established a promising beginning for further investigations involving theoretically relevant variables, as well as providing additional strength for the MGFCI. Further studies using theoretically relevant personality variables were again recommended by Abramson et al . (1977) to further corroborate existing evidence of that kind. This need was addressed by Fehr and Stamps in 1979. They employed five different personality instruments that satisfied the necessary theoretical relevance. Sixty female undergraduate students at the University of New Orleans were randomly administered a battery of personality instruments to test the relationship of the following variables: religious orthodoxy, anxiety, hostility, self-esteem, and the importance of religious and economic values in one's life (Fehr & Stamps, 1979). The Thou! ess Test of Religious Orthodoxy (Brown, 1962) was selected to determine the overall ability of the Mosher subscales to measure the construct of guilt. This test was based on the notion of guilt as a major theme of most Western religious philosophies. The validity of the HG subscale was tested using the Manifest Hostility Scale Questionnaire (Siege! , 1956). According to Mosher' s theory of guilt and self-esteem, individuals with high guilt are more likely to lack self confidence for their own ideas and decisions. This leads to increased anxiety and lowered selfesteem. Consequently, Fehr and Stamps (1979) included the Coopersmith Self Esteem Inventory (Coopersmith, 1967), and the IPAT Anxiety Scale Questionnaire (Cattel & Scheier, 1963) to assess the role of these variables with guilt.

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66Economic values are presumed as opposite to religious values. The Test of Economic Values served as a contrast to the religious-orthodoxy measure. Positive correlations were expected between the religious measure and the MGFCI. Another investigation correlated the MGFCI subscales with the variable of religion using an instrument that was seen as quite divergent from the Thouless Test of Religious-Orthodoxy (Fehr & Heintzelman, 1977). A positive correlation has been found between the guilt and religious measure. If these same findings occurred in the Fehr and Stamps investigation, then the MGFCI would be seen as a sensitive scale for the measurement of the construct of guilt disposition. Negative correlations were anticipated between the MGFCI and the study of economic values variable. All anticipated outcomes for all variables occurred and construct validity of the MGFCI subscales was again supported. Important to this investigation was the establishment of the Mosher Guilt Scale as a relevant instrument with no problem associated with redundancy between the subscales. O'Grady and Janda (1978) investigated the relationship of the MGFCI with the following measures: the Repression-Sensitization Scale (R-S); the California F Scale (F); the Adult Norwicki-Strickland Locus of Control Scale (I-E); the State-Trait Anxiety Inventory (STAI), ATrait Form; and the Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale (M-GSDS). All instruments were administered in random fashion to 101 male and 135 female undergraduate students in psychology. The important findings derived from this study were that the construct validity of the three subscales was once again supported, and the construct of guilt was established as different from the constructs of anxiety and authoritarianism.

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-67O'Grady and Janda (1978) also found that female responses on the male version of the MGFCI were generally lower than for males. The inspection of correlations for male and female responses showed evidence of a possible dissimilarity in the measurement of guilt disposition for the different sexes. In an effort to examine the conceptualizations of guilt as advanced by Mosher (1965) and Galbraith (1968), the nature of an individual's response to censured or non-censured situations involving sexually relevant stimuli was measured in two separate experiments (Janda & O'Grady, 1976). Mosher's concept of guilt is drawn from social learning theory. Based on this theory, high guilt individuals have a greater tendency to inhibit sexual responses due to a well developed internal set of moral standards (Mosher, 1965). Galbraith's concept of guilt is based on the contention that aversive conditioning and early experiences with sexual issues will inhibit sexual responses. Within this context, high guilt and low guilt individuals would be expected to change their behavior in anonymous, non-aversive, and non-censured conditions. This is not so with the social learning approach to behavioral inhibition. Low guilt, and not high guilt, individuals would alter their sexual response in a non-censured condition. In both experiments, Janda and O'Grady randomly assigned women undergraduates who had scored either high or low on the MGFCI into one of two experimental conditions. Response to sexually relevant stimulus words was measured using the Word Association Test (Galbraith & Mosher, 1968) along with the variables of affective guilt (Perceived Guilt Index) (Otterbacher & Munz, 1973) and psychological stress (Subjective Stress Scale) (Berkun, Kialek, Kern, & Yagi, 1962).

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-68In both experiments, a male experimenter presented the Word Association Test stimulus words verbally. In the censured condition, women subjects were instructed to respond verbally to the test; in the non-censured condition, subjects were instructed to make written responses. Using a 2 x 2 analysis of variance, it was discovered that high guilt women were less likely than low guilt women to make sexual responses, and that more sexual responses were made in the non-censured condition. The low guilt women in the non-censured condition made more sexual responses than any of the other conditions. Experiment two was a modification upon the non-censured condition by (a) guaranteeing anonymity to subjects and (b) exposing subjects to the experimenter only half of the test time. Again, undergraduate psychology students (N = 40) were assigned to one of two experimental conditions as in experiment one. A 2 x 2 analysis of variance for sexual responses to the Word Association Test indicated that high guilt women made less sexual responses than low guilt women. The absence of the experimenter resulted in a greater number of sexual responses than when present. Of the four conditions, low guilt women made more of the sexual responses in the absence of the experimenter. Both experiments demonstrated that women with high guilt were less affected by reduced external censure. This lent support to Mosher's social learning approach as it relates to self-esteem. Low guilt women had a greater number of sexual responses across all conditions with anonymity with written response modality responsible for eliciting the highest rate of sexual responses. The only significant effect pertaining to affective guilt and stress measures was that anxiety was higher for

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69all subjects when the experimenter was present during experiment two. These studies have reported evidence of the MGFCI's construct, convergent, discriminant, and predictive validity. They have included numerous theoretically relevant variables as measured by objective instruments which estimate the sensitivity and breadth of this instrument's psychometric claims. The following studies will address other findings based on the Mosher Guilt Scale that are unrelated to efforts to demonstrate the psychometric soundness of the scale. Major conclusions will be briefly discussed. In a study aimed at investigating sexual arousal and emotional response patterns for women (Mosher & White, 1980), 100 college females were administered the sex-guilt subscale of the MGS in conjunction with other assessment tools. The hypothesis that higher sex-guilt was associated with attenuated sexual arousal and reduced enjoyment and increased frequencies and/or intensities of guilt, shame, distress, fear, surprise, disgust, anger, and contempt in response to erotic imagery. ... (p. 273) was supported. Women who score high on the sex-guilt subscale tend to have conventional moral standards (D'Augelli & Cross, 1975), and are more likely to view casual sex as wrong (Mendelson & Mosher, 1979). Langston (1973) studied the relationship between sex-guilt and sexual behavior and found that higher levels of sex-guilt were found for religiously active college students as opposed to religiously inactive students. Langston (1973) also concluded that high guilt females showed a preference for G and GP rated movies while R and X rated movies were preferred by low guilt women.

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•70Low sex guilt women gave more sexual responses to double-entendre word-association stimuli (i.e., rubber, snatch) than high sex-guilt males (Galbraith, Kahn, & Leiberman, 1968; Galbraith & Mosher, 1968). High sex-guilt subjects are found to rate sexual cartoons as humorous and fun following sexual arousal to attenuate discomfort (Lamb, 1968). Mosher and Cross (1971) found evidence that sexual experience before marriage was negatively correlated with sex guilt. They also found that intimate sexual contact is less likely to occur for both men and women college students who respond with guilt over sex. High and low sex-guilt females differed on their moral beliefs when explanation for nonparticipation in sexual behavior were examined (Mosher & Cross, 1971). This was also consistent for male subjects, although, more reasons were reported by males for nonparticipation in intimate sexual contact (i.e., respect, fear of pregnancy, and disease). The relationship between affective guilt and dispositional guilt was studied by Mosher and Greenberg (1968). These investigators found that after exposure to erotic material, women higher in affective guilt were also high in dispositional guilt. Janda, Magri, and Barnhart (1977) studied female affective guilt states using the MGS. In response to a word association test, more sexual responses were given by women low in dispositional guilt than high guilt. This information supports that of Galbraith (1968) and Mosher (1965) whose findings indicate that sexual response is inhibited for high dispositional guilt subjects. "A substantial amount of research has shown that those high in the dispositional trait of sex-guilt respond with more negative affect to visual stimuli than do those low in sex-guilt" (Griff it & Kaiser, 1978, p. 852). These investigators interpreted this to mean that erotic

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-71stimuli serve as a reward to low guilt individuals and a punishment for high dispositional guilt subjects, a hypothesis supported by Griffit and Kaiser's (1978) research. High guilt individuals demonstrate high levels of anxiety following transgression of personal standards (Mosher & Greenberg, 1968; Schill & Chapin, 1972). High sex-guilt subjects are found to have insufficient recall of personal data related to sexual behavior (Galbraith & Mosher, 1968; Langston, 1973; Schwartz, 1973), to judge explicit and nontraditional sexual behavior as negative (Mosher, 1973; Ray & Walker, 1973), and to experience increased guilt levels following introductions to sexually stimulating material (Mosher & Greenberg, 1968; Schill & Chapin, 1972). Moreault and Follingshead (1973) reported in their investigation of female sexual fantasies that high sex-guilt subjects had fewer explicit sexual fantasies, fewer sexual fantasies, and ones of shorter duration than low sex-guilt subjects. Themes involving sexual dominance and fantasies of being irresistible to men were associated with high sexguilt females. This finding is thought to explain a need to relinquish responsibility for sexual behavior on the part of high guilt women (Moreault & Follingshead, 1973). High guilt female fantasies more often involved imaginary lovers rather than real lovers as was the case with low sex-guilt women. Women's premarital sexual behavior is found to relate to moral philosophy and dispositional guilt (D'Augelli & Cross, 1973). Using Kohl berg's Moral Dilemmas Questionnaire, college women high in guilt were oriented at the Law and Order stage and tended to be virgins. "Less guilt was associated with increasing liberality of sexual philosophy" (D'Augelli & Cross, 1973, p. 43). Those women who had more liberal

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•72philosophies more often became involved in sexual relationships through mutual, contractual interpersonal arrangements. A good interpersonal relationship was necessary to their sexual involvement. Women who were found to engage in sex as a means of achieving intimacy established more superficial relationships combined with a focus on what "could be gained from her partner" (D'Augelli & Cross, 1973, p. 43). High guilt women saw premarital intercourse as socially unacceptable and disapproved of other forms of intimate sexual expression. In another experiment by D'Augelli and Cross (1973), couples were examined in terms of moral philosophy, sexual behavior, and sex-guilt. "Sex-guilt was found to be significantly associated with sexual experience and moral reasoning for men and for couples" (p. 46). Couples high in sex-guilt were found to use a law and order philosophy. Also, sex-guilt and the previous sexual experience of both partners affected current sexual activity. The moral reasoning of women was found to be influenced by their male counterparts. This review of findings for the Mosher Guilt Scale has shown evidence of its acceptability as a valid instrument. Further, theoretical interpretations made by numerous researchers about low and high guilt dispositional states for both men and women have been discussed. The relevance of guilt disposition to the study of incest has been previously explained. Guilt disposition, as measured by the MGFCI, is pertinent in situations where temptation to violate moral standards is present (Mosher, 1968). Women with high guilt are more likely to inhibit expression of aggressive or sexual behaviors. If a high guilt woman transgresses her internalized moral code, she is expected to experience guilt feelings, or to confess, or to punish herself, or to make restitution. (Mosher, 1968, p. 695)

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-73An incest victim is confronted at a tender age with a complex moral dilemma engendered by both the secrecy of the incest relationship and the incest taboo itself. Usual outlets for disclosure are generally unavailable within the family. Her self-punishment may become manifest through self-destructive, often masochistic, tendencies. As Judith Herman (1981) notes about the women incest psychotherapy clients she studied, In their own flesh, they bore repeated punishment for crimes committed against them in childhood, (p. 108) Summary This review presents a historical, theoretical, and socio-political discussion of incest. Particular attention is given to studies that describe the impact of incest upon the psychological functioning of women. Among the negative psychological sequelae experienced by women with incest histories, problems with guilt and self-concept predominate. This review emphasizes the importance of guilt disposition as it relates to the moral dilemma associated with the violation of the incest taboo and the extent to which guilt can damage self-concept. Based on the reported findings, an examination of various dimensions of guilt disposition and self-concept with respect to women victims of incest is warranted.

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CHAPTER III METHODOLOGY Introduction This research was designed to gather more information on the adult psychological functioning of women incest victims. Numerous uncontrolled clinical studies have identified a broad spectrum of problem issues for these women. Of these, guilt over events related to incest and a disturbed sense of self-worth emerge as difficulties frequently cited in the literature. An aim of this study was to systematically assess the variables of guilt disposition and self-concept within the context of adult psychological functioning for a sample of college women incest victims. This chapter will discuss the hypotheses, population and sample, instruments, procedures, research design, and limitations of the study. Research Questions This research sought to answer the following questions: (1) How do women in counseling with incest experience differ from women in counseling without incest experience with respect to guilt disposition? (2) How do women in counseling with incest experience differ from women in counseling without incest experience with respect to self-concept? -74-

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-75Hypotheses The following hypotheses were investigated in this study: HOj—There is no significant difference between the incest and nonincest groups on the Total P Score (Self-Concept) of the TSCS. —There is no significant difference between the incest and nonincest groups on the Row 1 P Score (Identity) of the TSCS. --There is no significant difference between the incest and nonincest groups on the Row 2 P Score (Self-Satisfaction) of the TSCS. --There is no significant difference between the incest and nonincest groups on the Row 3 P Score (Behavior) of the TSCS. —There is no significant difference between the incest and nonincest groups on the Column A Score (Physical Self) of the TSCS. --There is no significant difference between the incest and nonincest groups on the Column B Score (Moral -Ethical Self) of the TSCS. --There is no significant difference between the incest and nonincest groups on the Column C Score (Personal Self) of the TSCS. --There is no significant difference between the incest and nonincest groups on the Column D Score (Family Self) of the TSCS. --There is no significant difference between the incest and nonincest groups on the Column E Score (Social Self) of the TSCS. Ho 2 — There is no significant difference between the incest and nonincest groups on the Total Score (TS) of the MGFCI. --There is no significant difference between the incest and nonincest groups on the sex-guilt (SG) subscale score of the MGFCI. —There is no significant difference between the incest and nonincest groups on the hostility-guilt (HG) subscale score of the MGFCI.

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•76--There is no significant difference between the incest and nonincest groups on the morality-conscience (MC) subscale score of the MGFCI. Population and Sample The results of this study are general izable to college women at four year universities who have sought out counseling at student health service programs either for problems related to incest or for other reasons not related to incest. Both undergraduate and graduate women were accepted as participants for this study. These women ranged in age from eighteen to thirty years of age. The women who seek counseling services within a university system reflect a variety of academic performance levels and have demonstrated adequate coping skills in order to maintain an academic standing that meets with the minimum requirements for continued advancement toward a degree. The sample size for this study was thirty (N = 30) with fifteen (n = 15) incest and fifteen (n = 15) non-incest participants, all of whom were in attendance at the University of Florida. Subjects were selected using the following criteria: (a) The subject needed to be a college woman between the ages of eighteen and thirty. (b) The subject needed to be free of a history of recent rape victimization (at least a six month period since rape victimization). (c) The subject needed to be involved in a counseling relationship at a counseling service at a four year college. The impact of the incest experience on women in treatment is similar to

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•77post rape trauma on the victim up to several months after the attack (Tsai, Feldman-Summers, & Edgar, 1979). In order to eliminate this as a confounding variable, all potential subjects with recent rape victimization experience were excluded from the study. Instruments The Mosher Guilt Forced-Choice Inventory (MGFCI) (Form F) and the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale (TSCS) were the instruments used in this investigation of guilt disposition and self-concept. Three questionnaires were used in this study. The Client Self-Perception Questionnaire (CLSQ) and the Counselor Perception Questionnaire (COPQ) (see Appendices E and F, respectively) were designed to collect data on the subject's current psychological functioning from the perspective of subject and therapist. The Demographic Information Questionnaire (DIQ) (see Appendix G) was designed to collect demographic information on all subjects, with a subsequent set of questions pertinent to incest subjects only. The MGFCI has a seventy-eight (78) item stem forced-choice sentence completion format which yields three subscales: hostility-guilt (HG), sex-guilt (SG), morality-conscience (MC), and Total Guilt Score (TGS). The TSCS consists of one hundred (100) self-descriptive, self-administering items and uses a Likert-type format on a true-false continuum. The CLSP and COPQ are both composed of six questions and use a Likert-type answer format on a little-great continuum. Scores are derived from each questionnaire using either an additive index total or a six numeral profile.

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-78Tennessee Self-Concept Scale The TSCS provides an overall measure of an individual's perception of self. The self-concept is seen as important in the understanding of personality, behavior, and state of mental health. Understanding how an individual perceives self can be useful to professionals in clinical settings for assessment purposes and assistance. The TSCS is of sixth grade reading level and is applicable to individuals twelve years of age and older. It is appropriate to use with any individual or group because of its sensitivity in measuring the whole range of psychological adjustments. The Scale consists of two forms— a Counseling Form and a Clinical and Research Form. For the purpose of this study, the counseling form was selected. This form has fewer variables and greater ease in scoring than the Clinical and Research form. The two forms do not differ in content, but require different scoring and profiling procedures. Machine and handscoring is available for both forms. Test completion ranges from ten to twenty minutes. The counseling form yields five scores. The following is a description of the different scores: !• The Self-Criticism Score (SC) consists of ten derogatory statements borrowed from the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory, L-Scale (Hathaway & McKinley, 1951). This measure assesses the capacity for self-criticism. High scores refer to a healthy ability to view oneself critically; low scores refer to greater defensiveness and less open capability to be self-critical. 2 The Positive Scores (P) are interpreted using a 3 x 5 configuration. Three categories across (Row 1, Row 2, Row 3) represent primary

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-79messages of an internal frame of reference (I am, I feel, and I do). The five categories down (Column A through E) represent perceptions using an external frame of reference and are the following: physical self, moral-ethical self, personal self, family self, and social self. A Total P score is derived from adding row and column scores. a. Total P Score is most important in that it reflects the overall level of self-esteem. Individuals who have a positive self-worth yield high scores; the converse is true for an individual with low self -worth. D Row 1 P Score (Identity) is a measure of the individual's perception of his basic identity in response to "What I am" items. c Row 2 P Sc ore (Self-Satisfaction) is a measure of satisfaction with respect to an individual's self-perception. d Row 3 P Score (Behavior) is a measure of an individual's selfperception of his behavioral functioning in response to "This is what I do" items. e Column A (Physical Self) is a measure of an individual's selfperception regarding body image, health, competencies, and sexuality. f Column B (Moral-Ethical Self) is a description of an individual's sense of moral worth. 9Column C (Personal Self) is a score that indicates the individual 's sense of self apart from his body and relationships. n Column D (Family Self) is a score indicative of an individual's self-worth in relation to family. iColumn E (Social Self) is a score indicative of self-worth in relation to others in a general sense.

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-803. The Variability Scores (V) indicate the degree of consistency across the different areas of self-perception. Individuals with low scores would show greater consistency in responding; high scorers would show less consistency and some variant of uncertainty. There are three types of variability scores: a. Total V score is indicative of the total variability among scores. b. Column Total V is a summation of variation within the columns. c. Row Total V is the summation of variations across rows. dThe Distri bution Score (D) is the distribution of answers across five possible choices. This is a measure of self-perception as it relates to confidence and certainty, e. The Time Score is the amount of time to the nearest minute for test completion. A large sample (N = 626) was used as a standardization group for the establishment of norms. The sample ranged in age from twelve to sixty-eight and was representative of all socioeconomic and educational levels. Males and females and blacks and whites were approximately equally represented. The population was selected from various sources, some of which were high schools, colleges, and employees of state institutions. Reliability coefficients for test-retest were based on a sample of college students (N = 60) over a two week period (Fitts, 1965). Reliability data are as follows: Sc, .75; Total Positive, .92; Total V, .67; Distribution, .89; and Time, .89. Fitts (1965) established validity using four different procedures. These were content validity, discrimination between groups, correlations with other personality measures, and personality changes under specific conditions. Using a panel of several clinical psychologists as judges,

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-81determinations were made as to which items were content valid. Items were selected if unanimous agreement was found among the judges. This instrument has demonstrated discriminant ability between psychiatric patients and non-patients, delinquents and non-delinquents, and psychologically integrated from average individuals (Congdon, 1959; Piety, 1958; Havener, 1961; Wayne, 1964). The use of self-concept to differentiate type and degree of disorder has also been found (Huffman, 1964). There is an abundance of data to support the validity of the TSCS using other personality measures. The Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory correlated with most of the TSCS scores in the predicted direction with little linear correlation (McGee, 1960). Non-linear relationships were found between TSCS scores and those of the Edwards Personal Preference Schedule as derived from a study of sixty-six students from various high schools (Sundby, 1962). Studies on the effects of positive and negative life experiences on self-concept have also demonstrated the validity of the TSCS. In evaluating the effects of stress and failure on self-concept of paratroop trainees, post-test scores indicated significant score decreases (Gividen, 1959). Test-retest data collected on patients in therapy and non-therapy conditions showed significant changes in the self-concept scores of the patients (Ashcraft & Fitts, 1964) with changes in 18 of the 22 variables in the predicted directions. It is evident that the use of the TSCS to more fully understand the dynamics of personality as it relates to an individual's self-esteem, particularly in relationship to the personality construct of guilt, was appropriate for use in this study. Of particular relevance are the subscales relating to sexuality, hostility, and morality.

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-82The Mosher Guilt Forced-Choice Inventory (Form F) The construct validation of the MGFCI has been drawn from studies which have used a variety of subject populations. Validation studies have also included numerous theoretically relevant variables as measured by objective instruments to establish the sensitivity and breadth of its psychometric claims to measure the construct of guilt. This instrument measures the cognitive disposition of guilt which is a personality construct. This instrument does not measure guilt feeling or the affective state of guilt. An additive index is used to derive the four separate scores previously identified: TS, HG, MC, and SG. These separate scores measure three separate dimensions of guilt and a general overall score. The following is a brief identification of the separate scores: Total Score (TS) is a measure of an individual's overall proneness to experiencing guilt feelings for the violation or anticipation of violation of an internalized set of moral standards. Hostility-Guilt (HG) is a measure of an individual's proneness to experiencing guilt feelings for the violation or anticipation of violation of personal moral standards for expression of hostility. MoralityCon science (MC) is a measure of an individual's proneness to experiencing guilt feelings for the violation or anticipation of violation of personal moral standards for general issues of "right" or "wrong." Sex-Guilt (SG) is a measure of an individual's proneness to experiencing guilt feelings for the violation or anticipation of a violation of moral standards for sexual behavior.

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-83The male and female forms of the MGFCI are based on the original guilt inventory developed by Mosher in 1961. This instrument was called the Mosher Incomplete Sentences Test (MIST). In order to improve the psychometric properties of this instrument, Mosher modified the MIST to forced-choice and true-false sentence completion formats which were able to demonstrate outstanding construct, convergent and discriminant validity (Abramson & Mosher, 1975; Abramson, Mosher, Abramson, & Woychowski, 1977; Fehr & Stamps, 1979; O'Grady & Janda, 1978; Persons, 1970). This instrument has also demonstrated predictive validity (Griff it & Kaiser, 1978; Janda, Magri, & Bannhart, 1977; Persons, 1970b). The female form (Form F) was developed to encourage more research into female guilt processes (Mosher, 1968). Form F was developed in much the same manner as its forerunner, the male form. From a large pool of item stems from the MIST, an analysis of internal consistency and social desirability rating to assess response bias were applied for the appropriate selection of inventory items. Following this, the instrument was administered to 62 University of Connecticut undergraduate students. Intercorrelations were analyzed using a multi-trait multi-method matrix analysis to determine validity. Validity coefficients ranged from 190 to .52. Reliability coefficients for each subscale have also been determined: SG = .95; HG = .76; MC = .84. The MGFCI, Form F, has shown psychometric soundness in making distinctions between the subcomponents of guilt (Mosher, 1968). It has also helped to justify guilt disposition as a separate personality construct.

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-84Client Self-Perception and Counselor Perception Questionnaires College women by nature comprise a homogeneous grouping. However, due to the addition of other criteria for inclusion of subjects in this study, the group homogeneity was considerably strengthened. As indicated earlier in this chapter, not only did these subjects need to be college women, they also needed to be (a) in counseling and (b) free of recent rape victimization. This initial criterion enabled only one demonstratable difference between the experimental (incest) and control (nonincest) groups, that of incest victimization, to be compared. Despite the similarity between groups, there existed the possibility that the incest and non-incest subjects might differ in the severity of their psychological disturbance. Thus, it was necessary to match groups on current psychological functioning. This was accomplished by using the mean Total Scores derived from two instruments, the Client Self-Perception Questionnaire (CLSQ), and the Counselor Perception Questionnaire (COPQ) (see Appendices E and F), designed by this researcher to assess this variable. The CLSQ and the COPQ are similar and involve six questions that ask the extent to which the subject's personal problems interfere with different areas of life functioning (academic, social, ability to control life circumstance, family, pervasiveness of problem interference, and current living situation). A Likert-type response format from one to five, with "1" meaning little and "5" meaning great, was used. Possible minimum and maximum scores are five to thirty, respectively. Mean Total Scores were derived by dividing the Total Score (summation of all six questionnaire Item Scores) by the number of subjects. A mean score of

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-8518.0 indicates average functioning. Less than eighteen approaches optimal current psychological functioning, while greater than eighteen indicates less than optimal functioning. Questionnaire Item Scores were also used to assess group similarity. Each Item Score was derived by dividing the total group score for that item by the number of subjects in each group. A mean score of 3.0 indicates average psychological functioning. Differences from the mean correspond with the above explanation of Total Score means for optimal and less optimal psychological functioning. Procedures The selection of subjects was accomplished through a referral system. Counseling professionals at several universities within the Florida State University System were contacted and arrangements were made for a referral protocol (see Method of Contact with University Counseling Professionals, Appendix A). Three universities provided assistance. Of these three four-year colleges, the University of Florida was responsible for 100% of the referrals. Assumptions about this circumstance will be further elucidated in the discussion section (Chapter V) of this study. For each client identified as a potential subject, a form requesting participation (Appendix C) was presented by the referring therapist. If the subject agreed to participate, arrangements were made with the investigator for a scheduled testing appointment. Each subject was tested privately in an office provided by the involved agency. A

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-86specific protocol of instructions (Appendix B) was utilized to provide a consistent experimenter approach. Test administration ranged from thirty-five to fifty minutes. Total time needed for initial and final instructions and completion of instruments was approximately one hour. Confidentiality was maintained through the use of research identification numbers that were in no way associated with the name of the subjects. Consequently, test results were not able to be associated with any particular individual. Anonymity was also assured through this process. Freedom to withdraw was clearly stated prior to verbal and written consent. The subject was also instructed of her right to withdraw from participation in the study at any time without fear of negative consequences. These procedures were designed to minimize risk and to protect the subjects. It was not seen as likely that emotional difficulties would arise as a result of the subject's involvement. However, because of the low probability that the test instruments might cause recollection of earlier traumatic events, the following preparation was made. If problems arose, it was expected that the referring therapist's ongoing relationship with the subject would presumably provide the necessary support and guidance. If further assistance was needed the investigator, upon making initial arrangements with each referring therapist, informed them of her availability to collaborate on any problems that might arise. Additionally, a faculty from the University of Florida Counselor Education Department was available for consultation if desired.

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-87Research Design This study takes the form of a static group comparison. Similarities and differences between the experimental (incest) and control (nonincest) groups are described. The independent variable is dichotomous (incest vs. non-incest) and the dependent variables are continuous (guilt disposition and self-concept). T-tests were applied to establish if significant differences existed between the experimental and control group means for the three subscale (morality-conscience, hostility-guilt, sex-guilt) scores and Total Guilt Score of the MGFCI. This same statistical test was applied to establish if significant differences existed between control and experimental groups means for the Total P Score and the eight subscale scores of the TSCS. A .05 level of significance was used for all t-test analyses in this study. The experimental and control groups were matched on current psychological functioning through the use of the CLSQ and COPQ. A t-test method to establish the extent of difference between client group means for questionnaire Total Scores was applied. Evidence of matching was further examined by comparing Total Score COPQ group means for the experimental and control group counselors. A description of DIQ data was accomplished using frequency distributions and group means for the following variables: age, race, marital status, religion, grade point average, number of counseling sessions, and duration of psychological treatment with current counselor for both experimental and control groups. For the experimental group (incest), DIQ data regarding incest involvement were subjected to minimal statistical analysis (percentages,

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range, and group means) with a primary emphasis on descriptive technique. Limitations The use of a college population of women in counseling decreases both the representativeness and generalizability of the research findings. These individuals are quite different from individuals who do not attend college. Thus, the findings of this study are only generalizable to women in counseling at four year colleges between the age of eighteen and thirty. Another limiting factor is that these women are volunteers, so findings cannot be generalized to non-volunteers and it cannot be known from this study how these two groups might differ. Both the homogeneous characteristics of this group of women subjects and the fact that they are volunteers excludes many individuals who may or may not be more deeply and negatively affected by the incest experience. Additionally, it cannot be ascertained from this study how women incest victims in counseling differ from women incest victims who have not sought out counseling. A final limiting factor is one of a statistical nature. The size of the sample population (N = 30) makes it more difficult to establish differences between experimental and control group means. A larger sample population would be more desirable, yet difficult to obtain given the selective criterion for subject inclusion and the special nature of the experimental group subject.

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CHAPTER IV RESULTS This study addressed the impact of incest experience on the adult psychological functioning of women. Two personality dimensions, selfconcept and guilt disposition, were investigated due to their major importance as problem areas for these women. The purpose of this study was to examine the similarities and differences between women with and without incest experience on these two variables. For the purpose of this study, thirty college women in counseling, fifteen experimental (incest) and fifteen control (non-incest) subjects, were administered the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale (TSCS), the Mosher Guilt Forced-Choice Inventory (MGFCI), and three questionnaires developed specifically for this research (see Appendices E, F, and G). The results of this investigation are presented in this chapter. The presentation of findings is ordered as follows: (a) review of the demographic information, (b) evidence of matching between groups, (c) an account of the experimental group's incest involvement, and (d) comparative data on the dependent variables. A report of additional comparative and correlational analyses on group statistics is also included. Demographic Findings The incest and non-incest subjects were client referrals from student health service programs at the University of Florida. These

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-90subjects were self-referred clients from both Student Mental Health and the Sexual Assault Recovery Services. Although several other Universities agreed to participate in this study, therapists, as a whole at other institutions, reported they were unaware of any incest victims in their current client populations. Given that approximately one in five women experience incest, it is apparent that a great need exists for counseling professionals to acquire knowledge about incest, detection of clients with incest history, and methods of treatment. The description of experimental and control group subjects focused on the following factors: age, race, marital status, religion, grade point average, number of counseling sessions, and length of time in counseling. Data on these variables enabled similarities between the groups to be evaluated. Experimental Group The group of women with incest experience ranged in age from nineteen (19) to thirty (30) with a mean age of 23.8. Of these subjects, ninety-three percent (93%) were White and seven percent (7%) were Black. Eighty percent (80%) indicated they were single, with thirteen percent (13%) divorced and seven percent (7%) married. Sixtysix percent (66%) did not indicate a religious orientation, while twenty-seven percent (27%) were Protestant, and seven percent (7%) Jewish. The grade point average of the group ranged from 1.8 to 3.85, with a mean cumulative grade point of 3.00. The number of counseling sessions ranged from one to one hundred seventy-five (1 to 175), with a mean of 45.4 sessions. Length of time in counseling ranged from one to thirty-six months, with a mean of 11.7 months of clinical involvement.

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-91Control Group The non-incest subjects ranged in age from eighteen to thirty (18 to 30), with a mean age of 23.7. Eighty-six percent (86%) of the women were White, none were Black, and fourteen percent (14%) were from other ethnic backgrounds. Of these women, eighty-six percent (86%) were single with seven percent (7%) married and seven percent (7%) divorced. Seventythree percent (73%) of the group stated they had no religion, with thirteen percent (13%) of the subjects reporting themselves as Catholic and seven percent (7%) Jewish. This group's grade point ranged from 2.0 to 3.96, with a mean cumulative grade point of 3.08. Number of counseling sessions ranged from one to seventy-one (1 to 71), with a mean number of sessions equalling 14.3. Length of time in psychological counseling ranged from one to twenty-four months (1 to 24), with a mean of 5.4 months of clinical involvement. A t-test analysis was applied which determined that the experimental and control groups were not significantly different on the variables of age (t = .0497, p < .05) and grade point average (t = -0.3353, p < .05). Significant differences were found for number of sessions (t = 2.1826, p < .05) and differences in length of time in counseling approached significance. Groups were alike in that a large percentage of the subjects were single. The religious and racial composition of the group varied but was mostly similar in that seven percent (7%) of each group was Jewish, and both were predominantly non-religious and White.

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-92Matching of Groups Primary matching of subject groups was based on the Client SelfPerception Questionnaire (CLPQ) (see Appendix E). This matching indicated that the client groups were similar in severity of psychological difficulty according to their self-perception. Evidence of further matching was evaluated using the Counselor Perception Questionnaire (COPQ) (see Appendix F). Using this questionnaire, counselors assessed the level of psychological functioning for each of their client referrals. Analysis of matching . A t-test analysis was used to assess the extent of similarity or difference between Total Scores and Item Scores from the CLSQ and the COPQ. A significance level of .05 was used in these comparisons. The results of the comparison between incest and non-incest subjects on the CLSQ are presented in Table I. As indicated, no significant difference (t = .5525, p < .05) was found between mean Total Scores and five of the six Item Scores on self-perceived psychological functioning for the subject groups. A significant difference (t = -2.5085, p < .05) emerged between client groups for personal problem interference in living situations. The incest group reported significantly greater problem interference with their current living situation than the non-incest group. Evidence of matching was also found for the mean Total Scores of the COPQ; these results are presented in Table II. Both counselor groups agreed that the client groups were not significantly different on current psychological functioning as measured by the Total Score and six Item Scores. Psychological functioning was indicated as average.

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^J^ TABLE I Client Self-Perception of Current Psychological Functioning Item Experimental Control 1. Academic X = 3.60 X = 3.20 SD = 0.98 SD = 1.37 2 Social X = 3.26 X = 3.60 SD = 1.22 SD = 1.05 3. Self-Control X = 2.60 X = 3.26 SD = 1.17 SD = 0.96 4. Life Circumstances X = 3.46 X = 3.60 SD = 1.12 SD = 1.05 5. Family X = 4.40 X = 3.53 SD = 0.98 SD = 1.55 6. Living Situation X = 3.33* X = 2.46* SD = 0.81 SD = 1.06 TOTAL SCORE X = 20.6 X = 19.6 SD = 4.8 SD = 3.6 *A significant difference exists at the .01 level of significance, p < .05 Analysis of client and counselor perceptions . Mean Total Scores for the COPQ and CLSQ were compared, by group, to determine if client and counselor perceptions of client psychological functioning were similar. No significant differences emerged between client groups and their respective counselor groups. Further analysis using mean Item Scores revealed significant differences between counselor and incest client group perception. As can be determined in Table III, the incest subjects perceived their problems to interfere to a greater extent in three, or half, of the life functioning areas as compared to their respective counselors. Counselors perceived their incest subjects

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-94to have less difficulty in academic performance (t = -2.32, p < .05), less difficulty in their ability to control the extent to which their personal problems interfered with life functioning (t = -2.81, p < .05), and fewer problem interferences in their living situation (t = -2.75, p < .05) in contrast to their clients. The disparity between counselors and incest client perceptions suggests that counselors may not be aware of the client's perceived difficulty in different areas of life functioning. The finding implies that counselor perceptions may yet fail to recognize the pervasiveness of incest devastation. TABLE II Counselor Perception of Client Psychological Functioning Item Experimental Control 1. Academic X = 2.70 X = 3.00 SD = 1.48 SD = 1.13 2 Social X = 3.46 X = 3.40 SD = 1.12 SD = 1.40 3. Self-Control X = 2.06 X = 2 53 SD = 0.88 SD = 0.91 4. Life Circumstance X = 3.26 X = 3 06 SD = 1.22 SD = l!09 5 family X = 3.86 X = 3.60 SD =0.99 SD = 1.24 6. Living Situation X = 2.60 X = 2.40 SD = 1.05 SD = 0.91 TOTAL SCORE X = 18.00 X = 18.00 SD = 5.61 SD = 4.78 p < .05

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-95•1—

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-96Clinical Findings The following presentation entails (a) a description of the experimental group's incest experience; (b) a comparative analysis between incest and non-incest subjects on the dependent variables, self-concept, and guilt disposition; and (c) additional comparative and correlative analyses regarding group composition and the dependent variables. The descriptive information regarding the incest victim's experience was generated by the Subject Demographic Questionnaire (SDQ). Both a t-test analysis and descriptive technique were applied. Comparative analysis between groups on self-concept and guilt disposition were accomplished by using a t-test method of analysis. All statistical tests were set at a .05 level of significance. These analyses were based on a sample population of thirty (N = 30), with fifteen subjects in each experimental (n = 15) and control (n = 15) group. Correlational analysis was completed to ascertain the extent of relationship between number of counseling sessions and length of time in treatment and self-concept and guilt disposition. Due to within group variance on number of sessions and length of time in counseling, two subgroups comprised of four women from each the experimental and control groups were formed. These two groups reflected the four women with the fewest (Low) and four women with the most (Hi) number of sessions in counseling. Additional t-test comparisons were made between (a) the experimental and control group Low's on each dependent variable and (b) the experimental and control group Hi's on each dependent variable.

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•97Experimental Group Incest Involvement Specific questions related to incest involvement were asked of each experimental subject. The information obtained addressed the various individual experiences within the group. Although some statistics will be reported, the data were not subject to statistical analysis. For this reason, a descriptive account will be included. As a group, the onset of the incest experience ranged from approximately three to twenty-one (3 to 21) years of age with an average age of onset of nine (9) years. The most frequently reported relationship type was father-daughter (46%), followed by brother-sister (20%), and uncleniece (20%) incest relationships. Seven percent (7%) of the group indicated stepfather-daughter incest, and seven percent (7%) reported an incest relationship with a grandfather. The frequency of incest activity varied. Some subjects reported that it had occurred two or three times, while others experienced daily or weekly incest activity for a period of years. Thirteen percent (13%) of the group experienced incest activity on a daily basis. One-third (33%) of the group reported occurrences of incest between one and four times a week. Twenty percent (20%) were involved in incest activity at least on a monthly basis. A reported occurrence of three to four times a year was found for seven percent (7%) of the group, while twenty-seven percent (27%) revealed incest contact to be anywhere from two to four times in their life. Termination of the incest relationship ranged between seven (7) and twenty-eight (28) years of age. A mean age for termination of the relationship was approximately fifteen years (15) of age. Data about

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-98termi nation of the incest relationship were collected on each individual to determine the duration of the incest relationship. As a group, duration ranged between six months to sixteen years, with a mean length of relationship equaling 5.7 years. Sixty-percent (60%) of the women had experienced an incest relationship at least as long as the group average. Of the fifteen incest victims, fifty-three percent (53%) were responsible for stopping the relationship. In twenty percent (20%) of the cases, the father stopped the relationship. An additional twentyseven percent (27%) were terminated due to circumstances that served to interfere with the victim's availability to the aggressor (i.e., divorce). Of all the women in the incest group, ninety-three percent (93%) had broken secrecy regarding their incest relationship with someone other than their counselor. Victims tended to disclose their incest experience with both family and peer relations. Some sought help from clergymen. Victims were asked about how they felt these people with whom they had shared the incest secret felt about them following disclosure. The data indicated that forty-seven percent (47%) received supportive responses from individuals, while thirty-seven percent (37%) experienced both supportive and unsupportive responses, and thirteen percent (13%) revealed no support at all. Incest subjects also experienced supportive and unsupportive responses in terms of attitudinal changes by individuals with whom they had shared their incest secret. Some incest subjects reported improved relations following disclosure, while others experienced abandonment. A few incest subjects were actively discouraged to think or talk about the incest. Some subjects felt no change in the reaction of others toward them following disclosure.

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•99The incest group was not unlike other samples previously researched. The group reflects a similar age of onset for incest activity as in other studies (Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Meiselman, 1978), and relationship types bear some resemblance to other research samples. For instance, father-daughter incest is the predominantly found relationship type. Brother-sister incest, the most commonly occurring type of incest and the most underrepresented in agency statistics, has considerable representation in the group. A greater percentage of uncle-niece and grandfather-granddaughter incest is found for this sample. Greater percentages are usually found for stepfather-daughter incest than occurred in this group. The varied frequency of incest activity in the group was similar to that found in other incest samples. Incest victims more often terminate the incest relationship and/or an interruption of the relationship effectively terminates the victimization. In this group, a surprising number of the fathers were reportedly responsible for stopping the relationship. This evidence contradicts other research (Herman & Hirschman, 1981). The mean duration of incest activity was higher than that found by Herman and Hirschman (1981); although other investigators report or suggest longer periods of incest activity to be common (Weinberg, 1955; Kaufman, Peck, & Tagiuri, 1954; Tormes, 1978; Maisch, 1972), much like what was found for this group of incest clients. Comparisons Related to Self -Concept Nine comparisons were made between experimental and control group means using the Total Positive Score of the TSCS, and the eight subscale

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-100scores (Identity, Self-Satisfaction, Behavior, Physical Self, Moral Self, Personal Self, Family Self, and Social Self). Means and standard deviations for self-concept scores are presented in Table IV; tests of differences between experimental and control group means for each score were completed. TABLE IV Means and Standard Deviations for Tennessee Self-Concept Scores for Participating Subjects Score Experimental Control Total Positive Score X = 308.86 X = 313.06 SD = 38.49 SD = 36.43 Identity X = 106.53 X = 110.86 SD = 12.02 SD = 14.17 Self-Satisfaction X = 98.80 X = 98.06 SD = 18.20 SD = 14.49 Behavior X = 99.13 X = 99.73 SD = 10.94 SD = 14.44 Physical Self X = 58.00 X = 56.93 SD = 12.14 SD = 8.44 Moral Ethical Self X = 69.80 X = 71.20 SD = 8.58 SD = 6.06 Personal Self X = 57.13 X = 55.93 SD = 9.56 SD = 10.97 Family Self X = 57.80 X = 59.33 SD = 8.76 SD = 10.30 Social Self X = 62.40 X = 61.46 SD = 8.59 SD = 12.59 p < .05 Note: Number of subjects in each group was fifteen.

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-101The findings of these t-tests indicated no significant difference between the incest and non-incest subjects on the overall self-concept score and the eight subscales scores. This indicates that the two groups are similar on self-esteem. Comparisons Related to Guilt Disposition Four comparisons were made between experimental and control group means using the Total Score (TS), and three subscale scores of the MGFCI (Sex-Guilt, SG; Hostility-Guilt, HG; and Morality-Conscience, MC). Means and standard deviations for these analyses are presented in Table V. The results indicated that incest and non-incest groups differed significantly on sex-guilt. The incest group score was more than twice that of the non-incest group. No other significant differences between the groups were indicated for the different dimensions of guilt. Table V Means and Standard Deviations for Mosher Guilt Forced-Choice Inventory Scores for Participating Subjects Score Experimental Control Total Guilt X = 29.80 X = 24.93 SD = 12.00 SD = 4.35 Sex-Guilt X = 9.40* X = 4.33* SD = 4.33 SD = 2.58 Hostility-Guilt X = 12.20 X = 14.53 SD = 4.49 SD = 3.02 Morality-Conscience Guilt X= 8.20 Y = 6.06 SD = 3.68 SD = 2.37 p < .05 *Significant at the .01 level

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102Additional Analysis Further evaluation of data was completed in an effort to explore the effect of several variables that had emerged as significant between groups on the dependent measures of self-concept and guilt disposition. Comparative analyses were accomplished using a t-test method. A significance level of .05 was used for all t-test analyses. A rank-difference correlational approach (Spearman Rho) was used to determine the extent of significant relationships. A Rho score of .40 (r = .40) or greater, indicating a moderate relationship, was the criterion established for all correlations. Due to a difference between experimental and control groups for number of sessions and length of time in counseling, Spearman Rho correlations were completed between the nine TSCS Scores and four MGFCI Scores and these two demographic variables. The findings for the MGFCI are presented in Table VI. As evident, moderate negative relationships emerged for six of the eight correlations for the experimental group. These moderate negative relationships indicated a trend for a decrease in Total Guilt, Sex-Guilt, and Hostility-Guilt as exposure to therapy increased for the incest subjects. This outcome suggests that the guilt disposition of the incest victim may be amenable to change with therapeutic assistance. These results indicate there is a positive treatment effect for the incest group. Four positive moderate relationships emerged for correlations completed on the TSCS and the two demographic variables for the experimental group. The findings for the TSCS are presented in Table VII. As indicated, as number of sessions in counseling increased, a

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103TABLE VI Spearman Rho Correlation Coefficients for Guilt Disposition and Number of Sessions and Length of Time in Counseling for Incest Subjects Counseling Length of Time bcore Sessions in Counseling Total Guilt -0.48 -0.49 0.07 0.07 Sex-Guilt -0.42 -0.48 0.12 0.07 Hostility-Guilt -0.55 -0.46 0.03 0.08 Morality-Conscience -0.19 -0.24 0.50 0.40 Note: Upper number is correlation, lower number is associated probability. TABLE VII Spearman Rho Correlation Coefficients for Self-Concept and Number of Sessions and Length of Time in Counseling for Incest Subjects Counseling Length of Time bcore Sessions in Counseling Self-Satisfaction .48 49 •'07 !07 Physical Self .44 22 •10 !43 Moral-Ethical Self .36 .41 •19 .13 Note: Upper number is correlation, lower number is associated probability.

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•104simultaneous improvement in Self-Satisfaction and Physical Self occurred. As length of time in counseling increased, Self-Satisfaction and Moral-Ethical Self showed improvement. The variable of number of counseling sessions and length of time in counseling also were extremely variant within groups. It was maintained that these extreme variances might have influenced the overall findings between groups for self-concept and guilt disposition. T-tests were executed for a comparison of TSCS and MGFCI scores for both the Low experimental and Low control groups, and the Hi experimental and Hi control groups, to determine the extent of similarity between groups. No significant differences were found for any of the comparisons between groups. Again, a suggestive difference emerged for experimental and control group Low's for Total Guilt. The incest subjects who had been in counseling the least amount of time had a higher score of guilt than the non-incest group of women with the shortest counseling involvement. The means for the incest and non-incest groups were 40.50 and 25.25, respectively. In brief, the findings presented in this chapter indicated that no significant differences were found between the incest and non-incest subjects for self-concept and guilt disposition with one exception. The incest group had significantly higher sex-guilt than the non-incest group. The incest group scores were almost twice that of the non-incest group. This finding suggests that college women victims of incest are more prone to experiencing guilt feelings over violation of personal standards for sexual behavior because of their sexual victimization. Suggestive trends were also reported in this presentation

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•105of findings. In general, the incest group showed a diminution in guilt disposition concomitant with increased exposure to counseling.

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CHAPTER V DISCUSSION, IMPLICATIONS, AND CONCLUSIONS Discussion The results of this study indicate that significant differences do not exist between college women in counseling with and without incest experience on overall self-concept. This is a surprising and contradictory finding in light of the strength of evidence that indicates that incest client groups are less well functioning than client groups without incest experience (Meiselman, 1978; Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Tsai, Feldman-Summers, & Edgar, 1979). These researchers contend that clinical incest groups differ from non-incest comparison groups not by type of pathology, but degree of pathology. In this study, it is evident from the comparison of the experimental and control group scores with TSCS Norms (Fitts, 1965) that both groups fall at least one standard deviation below the mean score for the Total Self-Concept, Identity, Behavior, Physical Self, and Family Self. This is not a surprising finding given that this is a clinical population, and psychological functioning is expected to be less than satisfactory. Agreement between groups was indicated for type of selfconcept disturbance; although, they did not differ by degree of severity. Significant differences did not emerge between incest and nonincest subjects on the MGFCI, with one exception. A significant difference •106-

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-107emerged between groups for sex-guilt. This finding indicates that incest victims more than other women are prone to experience guilt feelings because of violation of personal standards for sexual behavior. Mosher (1968) states that sex-guilt is a generalized expectancy for self-mediated punishment resulting not only from violation, but from the expectation of violation of sexual standards. The anticipation of violation of standards for sexual conduct has important application to the experience of the incest victim. Anticipation of the possible reoccurrence of incest activity is likely to promote and sustain guilt feelings. Even if a victim has had only one experience of incest activity, the possibility of incest reoccurrence may keep alive the guilt related to this first incident. Given the homogeneity of the incest and non-incest groups across the selected demographic variables of age, marital status, grade point average, religion, and race in combination with the indices of current psychological functioning and self-concept, this one measure of significance underscores the impact of incest on the adult sexuality of women. This significant difference (at the .01 level) emphatically distinguished these two clinical groups. This finding suggests a causal relationship between incest trauma and sex-guilt. The notion that adult disturbances in sexuality are directly related to incest victimization has been advanced by other researchers (Meiselman, 1978; Tsai, FeldmanSummers, & Edgar, 1979; Herman & Hirschman, 1981; Courtois & Watts, 1982). The finding of a sex-guilt difference between groups punctuates this salient characteristic of incest populations and is an empirical validation of those clinical

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•108studies that identify sexual disturbance as a major psychological problem differentiating incest victims from other women. As discussed in Chapter II, the repeated occurrence of incest and the accompanying guilt it evokes create emotional conditioning for moral and sexual issues that are likely to produce maladaptive behavior. Due to the enduring nature of emotional conditioning it is not surprising that, despite overwhelming similarity between the incest and non-incest groups, this personality dimension emerges as a primary distinguishing feature for victims of incest. Additional analyses were completed for number of counseling sessions and length of time in counseling because of the extreme variance on these variables within groups. As discussed in Chapter IV, a significant difference existed between the incest and non-incest groups on number of sessions in counseling, and a difference existed for length of time in counseling. These analyses enabled an evaluation of the extent to which these differences impacted on the dependent variables, selfconcept and guilt disposition. Spearman Rho correlations indicated six negative moderate relationships between guilt and duration of exposure to counseling for the incest group. As number of sessions and length of time in counseling increased, Total Guilt, Sex-Guilt, and Hostility-Guilt decreased for these subjects. This result suggests that the personality disposition of guilt is amenable to change through counseling for victims of incest. It is also evident that the incest group demonstrated improvement while involved in therapeutic treatment specifically designed to treat incest victims.

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-109As explained in Chapter IV, the incest group was mostly comprised of referrals from a student health service that provided individual and group counseling for victims of incest. As a group, the incest subjects were exposed to an average of six more months of therapy. Involvement in therapy effectively and decisively reduced three of the four dimensions of guilt. With the exception of Sex-Guilt, a lack of significant differences existed between experimental and control groups for guilt disposition. The trend for a decrease in guilt as exposure to therapy increased coupled with the incest group's extended counseling involvement may explain a lack of disparity on psychological functioning between subject groups. The tendency for guilt disposition to decrease as a result of counseling involvement might directly influence overall self-concept if an inverse relationship exists for guilt and self-concept. This trend for guilt disposition and the relationship of guilt to self-concept offers a possible explanation for a lack of difference between groups on these measures. Completion of Spearman Rho correlations for the TSCS and number of sessions and length of time in counseling indicated four positive moderate relationships for the incest group. Positive correlations were evident for the incest group regarding Self-Satisfaction, Physical Self, and Moral-Ethical Self. These dimensions of self-concept improved as exposure to therapy increased. The inverse relationship that emerges for reduced guilt and improved Moral -Ethical Self is particularly noteworthy. This trend of a relationship between self-concept and exposure to counseling suggests that the incest group's greater exposure to therapy

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-110contributed to group similarity on these three variables. This may be interpreted to mean that six additional months of counseling was needed to promote a level of psychological functioning for the incest victim that was in agreement with the non-incest group. Additional examination involving the subgroups experimental hi/ control hi and experimental low/control low was accomplished to determine the impact of within group variance on the dependent measures, selfconcept and guilt disposition, with respect to number of counseling sessions and length of time in counseling. T-tests were completed between group hi's and group low's on these dependent variables. No significant differences existed for comparisons between groups. Several differences were identified as suggestive of trends in the subgroups. Total and subscale mean scores on the TSCS were consistently lower for the naive incest subjects as compared to the naive control subjects. The Total Self-Concept mean score for the incest subjects (X = 290.75) and the non-incest subjects (X = 312.75) was considerably different. Comparisons between group low's revealed a tendency for naive incest subjects to have higher mean Total Guilt scores than naive control subjects. Mean scores for the incest subjects (X = 40.50) and control subjects (X = 25.25) were disparate. Naive incest subjects were also higher on all MGFCI subscale mean scores when compared to their non-incest counterparts. Comparisons between experimental and control group hi's revealed lower mean Total Guilt scores for incest subjects (X = 21.25) than the non-incest subjects (X = 24.00). In consideration of the trend of decreased guilt with increased exposure to counseling for incest victims and a lack of significant relationships for the

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-111non-incest group with respect to change in guilt disposition, it could be expected that the incest subjects would have lower Total Guilt scores as in the total experimental and control groups. While trends provided suggestive evidence for a possible effect on guilt disposition and self-concept due to within group variance, no proven effect on the dependent variables existed. Several outcomes strongly suggested that incest clients do differ from non-incest clients at the onset of therapy on guilt disposition. Whereas guilt disposition and self -concept differences were not significant between experimental and control groups, the study gave some evidence that at the onset of therapy, incest subjects have higher guilt and lower self-concept than a comparable group of non-incest clients. These trends particularly support the finding that incest clients who have been in therapy an extended period reduce Total Guilt, Sex-Guilt, and Hostility-Guilt and have lower guilt in these different dimensions than non-incest clients who have also been in therapy for an extended period. One other trend is evident from these analyses. The non-incest group Rho scores for number of sessions and length of time in counseling and the dependent variables did not show evidence of moderate relationships. The combination of factors regarding the incest and nonincest groups regarding duration in counseling and the dependent variables strongly implies a greater treatment effect for the incest group. The trend is characterized by a decrease in dispositional guilt and an improvement in self-concept as exposure to therapy increases. This did not occur for the non-incest subjects. This further implies an improvement in psychological functioning over time for the incest group.

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112Six months of greater exposure to therapy may have established parity between experimental and control groups. Implications One implication of this research is that there is an empirically identified need to further study the guilt process of incest victims. The personality dimensions of sex-guilt and hostility-guilt have been shown to be particularly important in the recovery of women with incest history. Further study of sex-guilt is needed to achieve greater understanding of the moral and sexual conflicts encountered by these women, to determine the impact of sex-guilt on sexual functioning and the formation and maintenance of intimate relationships, and for the advancement of psychotherapeutic techniques to aid their rehabilitation. The findings of the study have special implications for counselors and psychotherapists. It is evident that the guilt disposition of the incest victim is amenable to change as a result of a victim's exposure to therapy, particularly when involved in therapy designed for women with incest trauma. It is important to understand the origin of an incest victim's sex-guilt and how this guilt continues to influence and interfere in her current sexual behavior. The findings of the study imply that college women incest victims generally require longer periods of therapeutic involvement than other college women in counseling. This fact lends credence to the evident devastation of incest trauma and its long term psychological effects. Greater efforts are needed to educate counseling professionals on the topic of incest as well as to train them on current methods of

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•113detection and treatment for clients with incest history. Additionally, counselors may minimize or fail to recognize the extent of the victim's perceived inability to cope with her personal problems in different areas of life functioning. It is imperative that counselors and psychotherapists become more sensitive to the needs of this special subgroup of the mental health population. Further, counselors need to devote attention to guilt symptomology and its amelioration to increase the likelihood of recovery from incest. Another implication of this study concerns the variables of number of counseling sessions and length of time in counseling. The findings of this study may have been confounded due to the vast differences between groups on these variables. If these variables had been controlled, a greater possibility might have existed for significant differences between experimental and control groups on the dependent measures. This possibility indicates a necessity to control for these variables in comparative studies of incest victims with limited sample populations. An alternative implication is the need for a replication of this study using a greater number of subjects. Either or both techniques are likely to produce significant results where strong trends were indicated. Conclusions This research investigated the impact of incest experience on the adult psychological functioning of women. Incest victims are known to have psychological difficulty in the areas of self-concept and guilt disposition. Exploration of these two psychological dimensions were explored as a result of comparisons between women with and without incest

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TI4^ experience. These comparisons sought to determine the extent of similarity and difference between these groups in an effort to ascertain the special nature or uniqueness of the adult psychological difficulties encountered by women victims of incest. A major conclusion of this study is that adult women incest victims are differentially affected on the personality disposition of sex-guilt when compared to other women. The nature of this difference is a greater proneness for experiencing guilt feeling for the anticipation of violation or the violation of personal standards for sexual behavior. Both the violation and the anticipation of violation of personal standards for sexual behavior have a powerful impact on the moral development of the victim. The findings indicated that the moral conflicts that originate with incest activity lead to later adult sexual disturbances. The findings indicated that the guilt disposition of incest victims was favorably influenced by exposure to counseling, specifically when counseling was designed to deal with incest trauma. Dimensions of guilt that were particularly sensitive to change through counseling were Hostility-Guilt and Sex-Guilt. It is evident from the findings that incest victims require a longer period of therapeutic involvement than other women in counseling without incest experience. This leads to the final conclusion of this study, that this greater need for extended counseling involvement is indicative of a level of psychological functioning for incest victims that is more severe than other women in counseling, and further, that this greater severity is a product of incest devastation.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Abramson, P.R., & Mosher, D.L. Development of a measure of negative attitudes toward masturbation. Journal of Co nsulting and Clinical Psychology , 1975, 43, 489-695. ~ Abramson, P.R., Mosher, D.L., Abramson, L.M., & Woychowski , B. Personality correlates of the Mosher guilt scales. Journ al of Personality Assessment , 1977, 41, 375-382. Armstrong, L. Kiss Daddy Goodnight . New York: Pocket Books, 1978. Ashcraft, C, & Fitts, W.H. Self-concept change in psychotherapy. Psychotherapy , 1954, 1, 115-118. Benward, J., & Densen-Gerber, J. Incest as a causative factor in antisocial behavior: An exploratory study. Contemporary Drug Problems . Berkun, M.M Bialek, H.M., Kern, R.P., & Yagi , K. Experimental studies of psychological stress in men. Psychologi cal Monographs, 1962, 76 (15, Whole No. 534). a — c ~ Berry, G.W. Incest: Some clinical variations on a classical theme. Journal of the American Academy of Psychoanalysis . 1975, 3, 151-161. Boekelheide, P.D. Sexual adjustment in college women who experience incestuous relationships. Journal of Ameri can College Health Association , 1978, 26, 327-330^ Brown, L.B. A study of religious belief. British Journal of Psychotherapy, 1962, 53, 259-272. * Burgess, A.W., Groth, A.N., Holmstrom, L.L., & Sgroi, S.M. Sexual Assault of Children and Adolescents . Lexington, MassachusettsLexington Books, 1978. Burgess, A.W., & Holmstrom, L.L. Sexual trauma of children and adolescents: Pressure, sex, and secrecy. Nursing Cl inics of North America , September, 1975, _10, 551-563" Campbell, D.T., & Stanley, J.C. Experimental and Quasi-Experimental Designs for Research . Chicago: Rand McNally College Publishing Company, 1973. ' Cattell, R.B., & Scheier, I.N. The IPAT Anxiety Scal e Questionnaire. Champaign, Illinois: IPAT, 1963. Chesler, P. Women and Madness . New York: Avon Books, 1973. 115-

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-116Coleman, J.C. Abnormal Psychology and Modern Life . Chicago: Scott Foresman and Company, 1964. Congdon, C.S. Self theory and chlorpromazine treatment (Doctoral Dissertation, Vanderbilt University, 1959). Dissertation Ab stracts International , 1959, 2654-2655. (University Microfilms No. — 587588) Constantine, L.L. Effects of early sexual experiences: A review and synthesis of research. In Constantine, L.L., & Martinson, F.M. (Eds.), Children and Sex: New Findings, New Perspectives. BostonLittle & Brown, 1980. Coopersmith, S. The Antecedents of Self -Esteem . San Francisco: Freeman, 1967. Courtois, C.A. Characteristics of a volunteer sample of adult women who experienced incest in childhood or adolescence (Doctoral Dissertation, University of Maryland, 1979). Dissertation Abstracts International, 1979, 40A, 3194A-3195A. (University Microfilms No. 7926514) Courtois, C.A., & Watts, D.L. Counseling adult women who experienced incest in childhood and adolescence. American Personnel an d Guidance Association , January, 1982, 266-270. ' Dahlstrom, W.G., Welsh, G.S., & Dahlstrom, L.E. An MMPI Handbook . Volume 1: Clinical Interpretation . Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1972. D'Augelli, J.F., & Cross, H.J. Relationship of sex guilt and moral reasoning to premarital sex in college women and in couples. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology . 1973, 43, 40-47. DeFrancis, V. Protecting child victims of sexual crimes committed by adults. American Humane Association . Denver: Children's Division, iyby . Edwards, A.L. Edwards Personal Projective Schedule . New YorkThe Psychology Corporation, 1959. Fehr, L.A., & Heintzelman, M.E. Personality and attitude correlates of religiosity: A source of controversy. Journa l of Psychology, 1977, 95, 63-66. 1 aJL Fehr, L.A., & Stamps, L.E. The Mosher Guilt Scales: A construct validity extension. Journal of Personality Assessment , 1979, 43, 257-260. — ' FeldmanSummers, S., Gordon, P.E., & Meagher, J.R. The impact of rape on sexual satisfaction. Journal o f Abnormal Psychology, 1979 88 (1), 101-105. ~~ Z **

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-117Ferracuti, F. Incest between father and daughter. In Resnik, H., & Wolfgang, E. (Eds.), Sexual Behaviors: Social, Clinical, and Legal Aspects . Boston: Little & Brown, 1972. — Finkelhor, D. Sexually Victimized Children. New York: Free Press 1979. ' Finkelhor, D. Sex among siblings: A survey on prevalence, variety and effects. Archives of Sexual Behavior . 1980a. 9 (3), 171-194. Finkelhor, D. Risk factors in the sexual victimization of children. Child Abuse and Neglect , 1980b, 4, 265-273. Fitts, W.H. Tennessee Self-Concept Scale: Manual . Nashville, Tennessee: Counselor Recording and Tests, 1965. Forward, S., & Buck, C. Betrayal of Innocence . Los Angeles: J. P. Tarcher, Inc., 1978. Fox, J.R. Sibling incest. British Jou rnal of Socioloqy, 1962, 13 138-150. **" — Frederickson, R.M. Incest: Family sexual abuse and its relationship to pathology, sex role orientation, attitudes toward women, and authori tarianism (Doctoral Dissertation, University of Minnesota, 1981) Dissertation Abstracts International . 1981, 42B(1), 372B-373B (University Microfilms No. 8114993) Freud, S. Totem and Taboo . New York: Vintage, 1946 (Oriqinally published, 1913). y w Gagnon, J.H. Female child victims of sex offenses. Social Problems, 1965, 13, 176-192. Gagnon, J.H., & Simon, W. Sexual encounters between adults and children. SI ECUS Study Guide No. 11 . New York: Behavioral Publications, 1970. Galbraith, G.G. Effects of sexual arousal and guilt upon free-associative sexual responses. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology , 1968, 32, 707^711: Galbraith, G.G., Hahn, K. , & Leiberman, H. Personality correlates of free associative sex responses to double-entendre words. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology . 1968, 32 (2), 193-197; Galbraith, G.G., & Mosher, D.L. Associative sexual responses in relation to sexual arousal, guilt, and external approval contingencies. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 1968, 10, 142-147. Geiser, R.L. Hidden Victims: The Sexual Abuse of Childre n. BostonBeacon Press, 1979. " ~

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•118Giarretto, H. The treatment of father-daughter incest: A psychosocial approach. Children Today , July-August, 1976, 2-35. Gividen, G.M. Stress in airborne training as related to the self-concept motivation and biographical factors. Unpublis hed master's thesis Vanderbilt University, 1959. Griff it, W., & Kaiser, D.L. Affect, sex-guilt, gender, and the rewarding-punishing effects of erotic stimuli. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology . 1978, 36, 850-858. ~" — Hathaway, S.R., & McKinley, J.C. Revised Manual : MMPI . New YorkThe Psychological Corporation, 195TT Havener, P.H. Distortions in the perception of self and others by persons using paranoid defenses (Doctoral Dissertation, Vanderbilt University, 1961). Dissertation Abstracts International . 1961, 22, 322-323 (University Microfilms No. 612316) — Herman, J., & Hirschman, L. Father-Daughter Incest . Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1981. Hirschman, L.N. Incest and seduction: A comparison of two client groups (Doctoral Dissertation, Boston University, 1980). Disser tation Abstracts International , 1980, 40B, 4485B-4486B. (University Microfilms No. 8005251) Huffman, T.B. Relationships between the self-concept and three psychological types. Unpublished master's thesis . University of Tennessee, 1964. Hunt » M. Sexual Behavior in the 1970 's . New York: Dell Publishing Company, Inc., 1974. James, J. A formal analysis of prostitution, final report to the Division of Research, Department of Social and Health Services, State of Washington. Olympia, Washington: 1971. James, J., & Meyerding, J. Early sexual experience as a factor in prostitution. Archives of Sexual Behavior , 1977, 1_ (1), 31-42. Janda, L.H., Magri , M.B., & Barnhart, S.A. Affective guilt states in women on the perceived guilt index. Journal of Personality Assessment, 1977, 41, 79-84. ' 1 ~ Janda, L.H., & 0' Grady, K. Effects of guilt and response modality upon associative sexual responses. Journal of Research in Personality 1976, H), 457-462. JL ' Justice, B., & Justice, R. The Broken Taboo . New York: Human Sciences Press, 1979.

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Kauffman, I., Peck, A.L., & Tagiuri, C.K. The family constellation and overt incestuous relations between father and daughter. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry , 1954, 24, 266-277. Kinsey, A.C., Pomeroy, W.B., & Martin, C.E. Sexual Behavior in the Hum an Female . Philadelphia: Saunders, 1953. ~~ Lamb, C. Personality correlates of humor enjoyment following motivational arousal. Journal of Personality a nd Social Psychology, 1968, 9, 237-241. aL Landis, C. Sex in Development . New York: Harper and Brothers, 1940. Landis, J. Experiences of 500 children with adult sexual deviants. Psychiatric Quarterly Supplement , 1956, 30, 91-109. Langsley, D.G., Scwartz, M.N., & Fairbairn, R.H. Father-son incest. Comprehensive Psychiatry , 1968, 9, 218-226. Langston, R.D. Sex guilt and sex behavior in college students. Journal of Personality Assessment , 1973, 37, 467-472. " Levi-Strauss, C. The Elementary Structure of Kinship . Boston: Beacon Press, 1969. Lindzey, G. Some remarks concerning incest, the incest taboo, and psychoanalytic theory. American Psychologist , 1967, 22, 1051-1059. Lukianowicz, N. Incest. British Jo urnal of Psychiatry, 1972, 120, 301-313. Lustig, N., Dresser, J., Spellman, S., & Murray, T. A family group survival pattern. Archives of General Psychiatry , 1966, J_4, 31-40. Maisch, H. Incest . New York: Stein & Day, 1972. Malinowski, B. Crime and Custom in Savage Society . Totowa, N.J.: Littlefield, Adams, 1966. McGee, R.K. Personal Communication, 1960. Meade, M. Incest. International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences . New York: Browell , Collier and Macmillan, Inc., 1968. Meiselman, K.C. Incest: A Psychological Study of Causes and Effects with Treatment Recommendations . San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers, 1978. Meiselman, K.C. Personality characteristics of incest history psychotherapy patients: A research note. Ar chive s of Sexual Behavior, 1980, 9 (3), 195-197. ' Mendelson, M.J., & Mosher, D.L. Effects of sex guilt and premarital sexual permissiveness of role-played sex education and moral attitudes. Journal of Sex Research , 1979, 15, 174-183.

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Miller, J., Moeller, D. s Kauffman, A., Divasto, P., Pathak, D., & Christ, J. Recidivism among sex assault victims. Ameri can Journal of Psychiatry , 1978, 135, 1103-1104. " Moreault, D. , & Follingstad, D.R. Sexual fantasies of females as a function of sex guilt and experimental response cues. Journa l of Consulting and Clinical Psychology , 1973, 46, 1385-1393" Mosher, D.L. The development and validation of a sentence completion measure of guilt (Doctoral Dissertation, Ohio State University, 1962). Dissertation Abstracts International , 1962, 22, 2468-2469. (University Microfilms No. 615110) Mosher, D.L. Interaction of fear and guilt in inhibiting unacceptable behavior. Journal of Consulting Psychology , 1965, 29, 161-167. Mosher, D.L. Measurement of guilt in females by self-report inventories. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology , 1968, 32, 690-695. Mosher, D.L. Sex differences, sex experience, sex guilt, and explicitly sexual films. Journal of Social Issues . 1973, 29, 95-112. Mosher, D.L. The meaning and measurement of guilt. In Izard, C.E. (Ed.), Emotions in Personality and Psychopathology . New York: Plenum Publishing Corporation, 1979. Mosher, D.L., & Cross, H.J. Sex guilt and premarital sexual experiences of college students. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 1971, 36 (1), 27-32. ~~ -* SUL * Mosher, D.L., & Greenberg, I. Females' affective responses to reading erotic literature. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 1968, 32, 690-695. 1 ^ Mosher, D.L., & Mosher, J.B. Guilt in prisoners. Journa l of Abnormal Psychology , 1966, 23, 171-173. Mosher, D.L., & Oliver, W.A. Psychopathology and guilt in heterosexual and subgroups of homosexual reformatory inmates. Journal of Abnormal Psychology , 1968, 73, 323-329. ~ Mosher, D.L., & White, B.B. Effects of committed or casual erotic guided imagery on females' subjective sexual arousal and emotional response. The Journal of Sex Research , 1980, 16 (4), 273-299. Mowrer, O.H. Learning Theory and Personality Dynamics. New YorkRonald, 1950\ — Murdock, G.P. Social Structure . New York: Macmillan, 1949. Newsweek . Finding the Hidden Freud. November 30, 1981, 64-70. 0' Grady, K. , & Janda, L.H. Psychometric correlates of the Mosher ForcedChoice Guilt Inventory. Journal of Consulting an d Clinical Psychology, 1978, 46, 1581-1582. " z SUL *

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-121Otterbacher, J.R., & Munz, D.C. State-trait measure of experiential guilt. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology , 1973, 40, 115-121. Parsons, T. The incest taboo in relation to social structure and the socialization of the child. British Jour nal of Sociology, 1954, 5, 101-117. aL Persons, R.W. Intermittent reinforcement, guilt, and crime. Psychological Reports , 1970a, 26, 421-422. Persons, R.W. The Mosher Guilt Scale: Theoretical formulation, research review and normative data. Journal of Projective Techniques and Personality Assessment , 1970b, 34, 266-270. Peters, J.J. Children who are victims of sexual assault and the psychology of offenders. American Journal of Psychotherapy , 1976, 30, 398-421. Piety, K.R. The role of defense in reporting on the self-concept. Unpublished doctoral dissertation , Vanderbilt University, 1958. Ray, R.E., & Walker, C.E. Biographical and self-report correlates of female guilt response to visual stimuli. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology , 1973, 41, 93-96. Raybin, J.B. Homosexual incest. Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, 1969, U8, 105-110. ~ " — Rush, F. The sexual abuse of children. The Radical Therapist , 1971, 2. R ush, F. The Best Kept Secret . New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1980. Sarafino, E.P. An estimate of nationwide incidence of sexual offenses against children. Child Welfare , 1979, 58 (2), 127-134. Schill, T. , & Chapin, J. Sex guilt and males' preference for reading erotic magazines. Journal of Consult ing and Clinical Psycholoqy, 1972, 39, 516. )UL Schultz, L.H. The child sex victim: Social, psychological and legal perspectives. Child Welfare , 1973, 52 (3), 147-157. Schwartz, S. Multimethod analysis of three measures of sex common personality traits. Journal of Person ality Assessment, 1973, 29, 95-112. — Sgroi, S.M. Sexual molestation of children: The last frontier in child abuse. Children Today , 1975, 4, 18-21. Sgroi, S.M. Handbook of Clinical Intervention in Child Sexual Abuse . Lexington, Massachusetts: Lexington Books, 1982.

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•122Siegel, S.M. The relationship of hostility to authoritarianism. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology , 1956, 52, 368-372. Slater, M.K. Ecological factors in the origin of incest. American Anthropologist , 1959, 61, 1042-1059. Sloan, P., & Karpinski, E. Effects of incest on the participants. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry , 1942, _12, 666-673. Summit, R. , & Kryso, J. Sexual abuse of children: A clinical spectrum. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry , 1978, 40 (2), 237-251. Sundby, E.A. A study of personality and social variables related to conformity behavior (Doctoral Dissertation, Vanderbilt University, J 962 )Dissertation Abstracts International , 1962, 23, 3470. (University Microfilms No. 631848) Tsai, M., Feldman-Summers, S., & Edgar, M. Childhood molestation: Variables related to differential impact on psychosexual functioning in adult women. Journal of Abnormal Psychology , 1979, 88, 407-417. Tsai, M. , & Wagner, N.N. Therapy groups for women sexually molested as chi "ldren. Archives of Sexual Behavior , 1978, 7, 417-427. Tormes, Y.M. Child victims of incest. American Humane Asso ciation. Denver: Children's Division, 1978. Wahl, C.W. The psychodynamics of consumated maternal incest. Archives of General Psychiatry , 1960, 3, 188-193. Wayne, S.R. The relation of self-esteem to indices of perceived and behavioral hostility (Doctoral Dissertation, Vanderbilt University, 1964). Dissertation Abstracts International , 1964, 24, 5554-5555. (University Microfilms No. 644760) — Weinberg, S.K. Incest Behavior . New York: Citadel, 1955. Weiner, I.B. On incest: A survey. Excerpta Criminologica , 1964, 4, 137-155. Westermarck, E. The History of Human Marriage . New York: Allerton, White, L.A. The definition and prohibition of incest. America n Anthropologist , 1948, 50, 416-435.

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APPENDIX A METHOD OF CONTACT WITH UNIVERSITY COUNSELING PROFESSIONALS

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METHOD OF CONTACT WITH UNIVERSITY COUNSELING PROFESSIONALS 1) In some cases, a relationship already exists between the investigator and the potential referring counselor. This investigator will acquaint these professionals with her qualifications. In situations where the investigator is unknown to the counselor, a personal introduction will be made and qualifications will be discussed. 2) Each counselor will be presented with a discription of the study. The role function of the counselor and explicit details regarding subject participation will be explained. 3) Each counselor will be advised of the criteria for inclusion for each subject. The subject must be between the ages of eighteen and forty; must not have a history of rape victimization; and must be involved in a counseling relationship. The incest subject will need to be identified first. The non-incest subject will than be matched on selected demographic variables. 4) This investigation will discuss with each counselor the level of anticipated risk. A request will be made of the counselor to provide emotional support and guidance if emotional difficulties associated with the research process develop. 5) This investigator will ask the counselor to assure the client that her decision regarding participation will in no way jeopardize the therapeutic relationship. 6) This investigator will advise the referring counselor of her availability to collaborate on client problems engendered by subject participation. Dr. Janet Larsen will also be available for consultation. 7) This investigator will advise the referring counselor of her availability to answer any questions and her intention to make the subject's experience as pleasant as possible. l?a-

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APPENDIX B PROTOCOL OF INSTRUCTIONS

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PROTOCOL OF INSTRUCTIONS a) The investigator will introduce herself. b) The subject will be reacquainted with the factors of confidentiality and anonymity. c) The investigator will request the subject read the consent form. After the subject signifies consent by signing this form, the test protocol begins. d) The investigator instructs the subject concerning completion of Questionnaire 1A. Since this questionnaire is brief, the investigator remains in the testing room with the subject. e) The instructions for the TSCS will be read to the subject. After making sure the subject understands the directions, the investigator will leave the room for fifteen minutes. After the designated time, the investigator returns to check on the test progress of the subject. If the subject is unfinished, the investigator leaves the room again and returns at an anticipated time for test completion. f) After the TSCS has been collected, the investigator introduces the MGS by reading the instructions. The same method of test monitoring occurs as in (e). g) After the MGS has been collected, the subject will be requested to fill out the Demographic Information Questionnaire. h) Following the Collection of the Demographic Information Questionnaire, the subject's questions or concerns will be briefly discussed. The subject will be advised that future questions or concerns will be willingly discussed by her counselor. i) The investigator will thank the subject for her participation and remind her of how she has helped to contribute to an understanding of women's problems. j) The investigator will indicate her willingness to share major conclusions of the study and her inability to provide individual test results due to the anonymity of subjects. •126-

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APPENDIX C REQUEST FOR SUBJECT PARTICIPATION

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REQUEST FOR SUBJECT PARTICIPATION Hello. You u are being asked to participate in a study aimed at gathering information to better understand women related problems. It is hoped that through this research effort greater understanding can be achieved regarding the difficulties encountered by college women. If you should decide to participate in this study, you will be asked to till out two brief questionnaires. In addition to completing these forms, you will complete two tests for which there are no right or wrong answers it should take about one hour to complete the test process. Your participation in this study will be both confidential and anonymous, lest results will not be associated with any particular individual. Consequently, individual test results are not available. If you are interested in knowing the major conclusions of this study I will be haDDV to share them with you. If you decide to participate in this study, your counselor will advise me of your interest. Following this, arrangements will be made for testing with this investigator. I appreciate and thank you for spending time to consider your participation in this study. Please let your counselor know your decision If you have any questions, please call (904) 392-1171 or write me at the following address: Ms Judith McBride or Dr. Janet Larsen 1215 Norman Hall 1215 Norman Hall Department of Counselor Education Department of Counselor Education University of Florida University of Florida Gainesville, Florida 32611 Gainesville, Florida 32611 128-

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APPENDIX D CONSENT FORM

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CONSENT FORM You have been referred by your counselor as a possible participant in a study aimed at understanding personal problems encountered by college women. You have been selected because you are a college woman of at least eighteen years of age and have sought counsel ina for personal difficulties. If you agree to participate in this research effort, you will complete two brief questionnaires and two tests. Both tests have a questionanswer format for which there are no right or wrong answers. Completion of the questionnaires and the two tests should take approximately thirtyfive to forty-five minutes. Individual test results will be completely unassociated with your name, assuring you of anonymity. Your name will not be used by this investigator except for verification of your willingness to participate in this study. Ms. McBride will be glad to respond to any questions or concerns you have regarding your participation in the research process. If questions should arise at some later date, please contact: Ms. Judith McBride or Dr. Janet Larsen 1215 Norman Hall 1215 Norman Hall Department of Counselor Education Department of Counselor Education University of Florida University of Florida Gainesville, Florida 32611 Gainesville, Florida 32611 Your signature below indicates that you have read and understand the information above and have decided to participate in this study. After signing this form, you are still free to withdraw your participation at any time. A copy of this form is to be retained by you. Participant Signature Date Investigator Signature Date •130-

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APPENDIX E CLIENT SELF-PERCEPTION QUESTIONNAIRE

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CLIENT SELF-PERCEPTION QUESTIONNAIRE Research No. Date You have sought out counseling for assistance with personal problems The following questions pertain to your perception of how you feel these problems interfere with different areas of your life. It is important that you reflect your most accurate perception of yourself for these questions. Please rate your response by placing an "X" on a scale provided for each question. The scale ranges from "1" to "5" with "1" meaninq "little" and "5" meaninq "great." 1) How much do your personal problems interfere with your academic relationships? Little / 7 Moderate / / Great 1 2 3 45 2) How much do your personal problems interefer with your social performance? Little / / Moderate / / Great 1 2 3 4 5 3) Given your personal problems, how helpless do you feel to control your current life circumstances? Little / " / Moderate / / Great 12 3 45 4) In general, to what extent do you feel your personal problems interfere with your everyday life circumstances? Little / / Moderate / / Great 1 2 3 4 5 5) To what extent do your personal problems interfere with your family relationships? Little / / Moderate / / Great 12 3 4 5 Please see other side. •132-

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-1336) To what extent do your personal problems affect your living situation? Little / / Moderate / / Great 12 3 4 5 7) Please feel free to comment on any additional information that would be helpful in better understanding your perception of your personal problems. Thank you for sharing this personal information.

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APPENDIX F COUNSELOR PERCEPTION QUESTIONNAIRE

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COUNSELOR PERCEPTION QUESTIONNAIRE Research No. Date The following questions relate to your perception of your client's level of ^psychological functioning. Please rate your response by placing an "X" on a scale provided for each question. The scale ranges from "1" to " 5 »" with "1" meaning "little" and "5" meaning "great." 1) To what extent do the client's personal problems interfere with her academic progress? Little / 7 Moderate 7 / Great 12 3 45 2) To what extent do the client's personal problems interfere with her social relationships? Little / / Moderate / / Great 12 3 45 3) How helpless is the client to control her current life circumstances? Little / / Moderate / / Great 12 3 4 5 4) In general, to what extent do the client's personal problems interfere with her current life functioning? Little / / Moderate / / Great 1 2 3 4 5 5) To what extent do the client's personal problems interfere with her family relationships? Little / 7 Moderate 7 / Great 12 3 4 5 6) To what extent do the client's personal problems interfere with her living situation? Little / """ / Moderate / / Great 12 3 4 5 Please see other side. -135-

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•1367) Please comment on any additional information that you see as valuable in better understanding the client's personal problems.

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APPENDIX G DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION QUESTIONNAIRE

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DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION QUESTIONNAIRE Please answer the following questions. The information you provide below will in no way be identified as yours. Do not sign your name anywhere on this form. 1. Age 2. Ethnic background 3. Marital status 4. Religion 5. Grade point average 6. How many counseling sessions have you had with your current counselor? Over how long a period of time? 7. Have you ever been involved in an incestuous relationship? Yes No If you answered no to #7, you are finished with this questionnaire. If you answered yes to #7, please answer the following questions. 8. What was your age when the incest began? Yr. Mos. 9. Which family member was involved with you in this relationship? 10. How frequently did it occur? 11. What was your age when the incest relationship stopped? Yr. Mos. 12. Who stopped this relationship? ^ 13. Did you ever tell anyone about the incest besides your counselor? Yes No 14. If yes, who did you tell? 15. How did they react? 16. What do you think this person thought about you after you told them? Thank you for providing the information above. -138-

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Judith Marie McBride was born in Honolulu, Hawaii, on April 24, 1952. Her early childhood was marked by frequent travel due to her family's tenure with the U.S. government. She attended many different school systems, later graduating from Parsippany High School in Parsippany-Troy Hills, New Jersey, in 1970. Following this, she was employed for a year before entering the Speech Pathology and Audiology Program at Montclair State College, in Upper Montclair, New Jersey. Judith transferred to the University of Florida in her junior year, later graduating with a bachelor's degree in speech pathology and audiology in May, 1975. In August, 1976, Judith completed a master's degree in health sciences from this same university. Following graduation from the University of Florida, she was employed for three and one-half years at North Florida Evaluation and Treatment Center in Gainesville. There, Judith was responsible for a nine-bed psychiatric unit. In this position she provided supervision and training of staff whose goal involved the rehabilitation of forensic clients adjudicated by the courts as Not Guilty by Insanity, Mentally Disordered Sex Offender, and Incompetent to Stand Trial. In 1979, while still employed at this facility, she matriculated in the doctoral program in the Department of Counselor Education at the University of Florida. 139-

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•140During her doctoral program, Judith worked in the professional capacity as administrator and psychologist at a satellite clinic in Keystone Heights, Florida, for the Child Guidance Clinic of Jacksonville, Florida. She simultaneously worked as a private practitioner in Gainesville, Florida. In 1981, Judith was employed as a counselor at the University of Florida student health program where she was professionally active in both Student Mental Health and Sexual Assault Recovery Services. During the last year and one-half of her employment, she worked closely with the Sexual Assault Recovery Service where she provided individual and group therapy to college women victims of incest.

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I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. JanerQ2 La rSen .Chairperson ProYessor of Counselor Education I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Paul W. Fitzgerald Professor of Counselor Education I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Robert F. Algozzine Professor of Special Education This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Department of Counselor Education in the College of Education and to the Graduate Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. December, 1983 Dean for Graduate Studies and Research

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UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 3 1262 08285 182 4