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Time allocation, clergy wife role, and marital satisfaction among priests and wives in an Episcopal diocese /

Material Information

Title:
Time allocation, clergy wife role, and marital satisfaction among priests and wives in an Episcopal diocese /
Creator:
Edsall, Judith E., 1935- ( Dissertant )
Wattmer, Paul J. ( Thesis advisor )
Amatea, Ellen S. ( Reviewer )
Fong, Margaret L. ( Reviewer )
Jester, Robert E. ( Reviewer )
Neimeyer, Greg J. ( Reviewer )
Smith, C. David ( Degree grantor )
Place of Publication:
Gainesville, Fla.
Publisher:
University of Florida
Publication Date:
Copyright Date:
1986
Language:
English
Physical Description:
ix, 120 leaves : ; 28 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Church services ( jstor )
Clergy ( jstor )
Husbands ( jstor )
Marital satisfaction ( jstor )
Marriage ( jstor )
Priests ( jstor )
Recreation ( jstor )
Spouses ( jstor )
Time management ( jstor )
Wives ( jstor )
Clergy couples -- Florida ( lcsh )
Counselor Education thesis Ph. D
Dissertations, Academic -- Counselor Education -- UF
Marriage ( lcsh )
Spouses of clergy -- Florida ( lcsh )
Time management ( lcsh )
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Abstract:
This study examined relationships among time allocation, clergy wife roles, and marital satisfaction in 32 Episcopal priests and 34 clergy wives. Respondents were provided log books and asked to record for two non-consecutive weeks within a six-week period all time spent in 16 activity categories and the social context in which each activity occurred (alone, with spouse, children, or others). Marital satisfaction was measured by the Marital Satisfaction Scale (MSS) developed by Roach in 1980. The average priest was found to allot 55% of his waking time to church work, 34% to domestic activities, and 11% to secular activities. Over half the wives were employed, but whether employed or not, the average wife spent 56% of her time in home and family activities, 16% in church activities, and 28% in secular activities. Previous studies have defined clergy wife roles by the wife's level of participation in the husband's ministry. Based on this criterion, this study found some support for four clergy wife roles: teamworker, background supporter with children in the home, background supporter without children, and individualist. However, the amount of variance accounted for by a principal components analysis was low, suggesting that the categorizing of clergy wives by their involvement in their husbands' ministry may be inappropriate. Two thirds of respondents scored above the mean on the MSS . Marital satisfaction in this population was correlated with the amount of time spent with spouse, family, and others across activity categories. For both priests and wives, the most powerful predictor of low marital satisfaction was time spent alone in specified activities: church administration and recreation for priests, housework and recreation for wives. Clergy wives most involved in church work and least in secular employment, socializing, and study (teamworker role) were found more likely to have low marital satisfaction; wives most involved in secular activities and least in housework and home management (individualist role) were found likely to be more satisfied with their marriages. Other implications of the study and recommendations for further research are discussed.
Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1986.
Bibliography:
Bibliography: leaves 115-119.
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Judith E. Edsall.

Record Information

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University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
000879779 ( AlephBibNum )
AEH7564 ( NOTIS )
014937780 ( OCLC )

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TIME ALLOCATION, CLERGY WIFE ROLE, AND MARITAL SATISFACTION
AMONG PRIESTS AND WIVES IN AN EPISCOPAL DIOCESE







By

JUDITH E. EDSALL


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY




UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


1986























































Copyright 1986

by

Judith E. Edsall








ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS


I would like first to offer respectful thanks to the members of my

doctoral committee: My chairman, Dr. Joe Wittmer, has provided

constructive counsel and support throughout my five years in the

program and especially during the two years it has taken to bring this

dissertation to completion. Drs. Ellen Amatea and Robert Jester have

offered their interest, guidance, and wisdom both as committee members

and as professors. Drs. Margaret Fong and Greg Neimeyer have each

contributed solid and welcome suggestions from their experience and

expertise as researchers.

Lane Felix has given so generously of her time, talent, and

friendship that words cannot express my appreciation. Bill Noffsinger

has made smooth the pathways of the computer. Martha Hunro, Jane

Rothwell, Pat Warnock, and Nancy Mercure helped to conquer the mountain

of raw data. My thanks to all of them.

I would especially like to thank the Rt. Rev. Frank S. Cerveny,

Bishop of Florida, for his unfailing love and support; the priests and

clergy wives of the Diocese of Florida who gave of their time in

response to the study; and the members of St. Joseph's Church (espe-

cially Pat and Joan Bryan) and the Episcopal community of Gainesville

for their prayers and caring over the years.

Finally, and with grateful joy, I acknowledge and thank each

member of my family-especially Hugh, who has made all things beautiful

and who has taught me the meaning of Love.












TABLE OF CONTENTS


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . .

LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . .


Pape

iii

vi


ABSTRACT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . viii

CHAPTERS

I INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . 1


Statement of the Problem .
Need for the Study . . .
Purpose of the Study . .
Rationale for the Approach
Definition of Terms . . .
Organization of the Remainder

II REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

Time Allocation . . . .
Clergy Wife Roles . . .
Marital Satisfaction . .
Summary . . . . .


III METHODOLOGY . . . .


Research Questions . . . . . . . . . . .
Research Design . . . . . . . . . . . .
Subjects . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Instruments . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Research Procedures . . . . . . . . . . .
Data Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . .
Limitations of the Study . . . . . . . . .

IV RESULTS OF THE STUDY . . . . . . . . . .

Time Allocation . . . . . . . . . . . .
Clergy Wife Roles . . . . . . . . . . .
Marital Satisfaction . . . . . . . . . .
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . .


of the Study


. 12


. . . . . . . . . 33








Page

V SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND DISCUSSION . . . . . . 85

Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
Discussion . . . . . . . . . . . . 90
Implications . . . . . . . . . . . 95
Limitations . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
Recommendations for Further Study . . . . . . . 98

APPENDICES

A SURVEY OF CLERGY AND WIVES, COVER MATERIALS . . . . 102

B GENERAL INFORMATION . . . . . . . . . . 104

C DIRECTIONS FOR LOGGING . . . . . . . . . 106

D SAMPLE PAGE FROM LOG BOOK . . . . . . . . . 108

E FOLLOW-UP LETTER . . . . . . . . . . . 109

F TIME ALLOCATION TABLES . . . . . . . . . 110

G PRINCIPAL COMPONENT ANALYSIS . . . . . . . . 113

H TIME ALLOCATION OF CLERGY WIVES BY ROLE . . . . . 114

REFERENCES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH . . . . . . . . . . . . 120













LIST OF TABLES


Page
TABLE

1. Average Time Allocated in Minutes Per Day (m/d) To
Activities by All Clergy . . . . . . . . 50

2. Average Time Allocated in Minutes Per Day (m/d) To
Activities by All Clergy Wives . . . . . . 53

3. Average Time Allocated in Minutes Per Day (m/d) To
Activities by Background Supporter Clergy Wives
With Children . . . . . . . . . . 58

4. Average Time Allocated in Minutes Per Day (m/d) To
Activities by Background Supporter Clergy Wives
Without Children . . . . . . . . . . 61

5. Average Time Allocated in Minutes Per Day (m/d) To
Activities by Teamworker Clergy Wives . . . . . 64

6. Average Time Allocated in Minutes Per Day (m/d) To
Activities by Individualist Clergy Wives. . . . ... 67

7. Average Time Allocated in Minutes Per Day (m/d) To
Activities by Priests Scoring Above the Mean
For Marital Satisfaction . . . . . . . . 71

8. Social Context Profiles of Priests by
Marital Satisfaction . . . . . . . . . 73

9. Average Time Allocated in Minutes Per Day (m/d) To
Activities by Priests Scoring Below the Mean
For Marital Satisfaction . . . . . . . . 74

10. Average Time Allocated in Minutes Per Day (m/d) To
Activities by Clergy Wives Scoring Above the Mean
For Marital Satisfaction . . . . . . . . 76

11. Average Time Allocated in Minutes Per Day (m/d) To
Activities by Clergy Wives Scoring Below the Mean
For Marital Satisfaction . . . . . . . . 77










12. Social Context Profiles of Clergy Wives by
Marital Satisfaction . . . . . . . . . 78

13. Discriminant Analysis Upon Clergy Wife Role by
Marital Satisfaction . . . . . . . . 80

14. Stepwise Regression Analysis of Marital Satisfaction
Level Upon Activities of Priests . . . . . . 82

15. Stepwise Regression Analysis of Marital Satisfaction
Level Upon Activities of Clergy Wives . . . . . 82










Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

TIME ALLOCATION, CLERGY WIFE ROLE, AND MARITAL SATISFACTION
AMONG PRIESTS AND WIVES IN AN EPISCOPAL DIOCESE

By

Judith E. Edsall

May, 1986

Chairperson: Dr. Paul J. Wittmer
Major Department: Counselor Education

This study examined relationships among time allocation, clergy

wife roles, and marital satisfaction in 32 Episcopal priests and 34

clergy wives. Respondents were provided log books and asked to record

for two non-consecutive weeks within a six-week period all time spent

in 16 activity categories and the social context in which each activity

occurred (alone, with spouse, children, or others). Marital satisfac-

tion was measured by the Marital Satisfaction Scale (MSS) developed by

Roach in 1980.

The average priest was found to allot 55% of his waking time

to church work, 34% to domestic activities, and 11% to secular activi-

ties. Over half the wives were employed, but whether employed or

not, the average wife spent 56% of her time in home and family activi-

ties, 16% in church activities, and 28% in secular activities.

Previous studies have defined clergy wife roles by the wife's

level of participation in the husband's ministry. Based on this

criterion, this study found some support for four clergy wife roles:

teamworker, background supporter with children in the home, background


viii








supporter without children, and individualist. However, the amount of

variance accounted for by a principal components analysis was low,

suggesting that the categorizing of clergy wives by their involvement

in their husbands' ministry may be inappropriate.

Two thirds of respondents scored above the mean on the MSS.

Marital satisfaction in this population was correlated with the amount

of time spent with spouse, family, and others across activity cate-

gories. For both priests and wives, the most powerful predictor of low

marital satisfaction was time spent alone in specified activities:

church administration and recreation for priests, housework and

recreation for wives. Clergy wives most involved in church work and

least in secular employment, socializing, and study (teamworker role)

were found more likely to have low marital satisfaction; wives most

involved in secular activities and least in housework and home manage-

ment (individualist role) were found likely to be more satisfied with

their marriages. Other implications of the study and recommendations

for further research are discussed.













CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Bishop: [to ordinand] Will you do your best
to pattern your life and that of your family
(or household, or community) in accordance with the
teachings of Christ, so that you may be a wholesome
example to your people?

Answer: I will.
(The Episcopal Church, 1977, from the service
for The Ordination of a Priest, The Book of
Common Prayer, p. 532)

With this vow, candidates for ordination to the Episcopal priest-

hood must promise, not only for themselves but for their families, to

live in such a way as to be "a wholesome example" to their people.

Thus, it is not the priest only who is set apart by the sacrament of

ordination; the priest's family is also sacramentally committed to

serve as wholesome examples. Scanzoni (1965a) applied the term

"virtuoso" to those characteristics of their vocation by which clergy

are apart from others; being considered qualitatively different from

others, by virtue of their education and ordination, clergy are

expected by members of their subgroups to exhibit different behaviors

than the members expect from themselves. Scanzoni added that this

virtuoso quality is also imputed to a minister's spouse and children,

thereby also setting them apart from other members of the subgroup.

Because clergy and their spouses are set apart from the laity by

sacred vow, community expectation, or both, the marriages of ordained

persons have been treated in the literature as similarly set apart or










qualitatively different from the marriages of non-ordained persons.

Books have been written about the special problems and joys of clergy

marriage (e.g., Mace & Mace, 1980) and a.out the special roles of

clergy wives (e.g., Douglas, 1965). Writers (e.g., Spray, 1985) have

listed stressors which plague clergy and spouses, including the level

of involvement expected of a minister's spouse in her or his partner's

work, the couple's lack of time together, the loneliness inherent in

their roles. Other writers (e.g., Rolfe, 1984) have warned that the

marriages of ordained ministers are breaking down in increasing

numbers. According to Whybrew (1984) the growing failure of clergy

marriages could be defined as the greatest crisis presently facing the

church and its ministry.

Statement of the Problem

Marital distress has been linked to time pressures and conflicting

priorities between clergy and their spouses. Heavy schedules of

activities, 70- to 80-hour work weeks (including evenings and week-

ends), and being constantly on call for emergencies are among stressors

frequently reported by clergy couples (e.g., Keith, 1982; Mace & Mace,

1980; Noyce, 1980; Rolfe, 1984). However, research has not clearly

described these priorities in terms of the allocation of time to

various demands on clergy and their spouses.

While clergy wives have traditionally been expected to center

their lives around their husbands' work (Barstow, 1983; Deming &

Stubbs, 1984), role conflicts and ambiguities have been reported among

clergy wives, due in part to the rise in women's consciousness, a

renunciation of stereotypes, and a trend toward dual careers among









clergy couples (Deming & Stubbs, 1984; Niswander, 1982; Nyberg, 1979).

Attempts to classify clergy wife role patterns have been based on the

wife's level of involvement in the husband's ministry (Douglas, 1965;

Hartley, 1978; Platt & Moss, 1976; Sinclair, 1981). However, it is not

known empirically what roles in the home, church, and community are

played by women who are married to clergymen. Neither is it known

whether the type of role played by a clergy wife is related to her

level of marital satisfaction.

Studies of marital satisfaction among clergy and spouses have

produced conflicting results. Warner & Carter (1984) found pastors and

wives more lonely and less well-adjusted in their marriages than

non-pastoral husbands and wives. Barber (1982) found no significant

difference in marital satisfaction between clergy and lay couples.

Mace and Mace (1980) reported clergy wives in their study to be less

satisfied with their marriages than were their husbands, while Morgan

and Morgan (1980) and Hartley (1978) reported generally high levels of

marital satisfaction among clergy wives in their studies. Subjective

and clinical reports have delineated alarming rates of marital dis-

satisfaction among clergy (e.g., Bouma, 1979; Houts, 1982; Mace & Mace,

1980). However, it is not known whether there is a relationship

between the way clergy and spouses spend their time and their levels of

marital satisfaction.

This study investigated the relationships among time allocation,

the roles of clergy wives, and the levels of marital satisfaction of

Episcopal priests and wives in an attempt to answer the following

questions:










1. How do clergy and wives allot their time to various

activities and tasks within a week?

2. Do there appear to be role patterns among clergy

wives, as evidenced by the time allotted to various activi-

ties and tasks?

3. Is there a relationship between clergy and spouse

time allocation and their levels of marital satisfaction, as

measured by the Marital Satisfaction Scale (Roach, 1981)?

Need for the Study

A number of writers have reported that clergy spend up to 100

hours per week in church work (e.g., Rolfe, 1984), and others have pre-

sented convincing subjective reports of role conflicts and marital

dissatisfaction among clergy and their spouses (e.g., Houts, 1982;

Oswald, Gutierrez, & Dean, 1980). Although little has been done to

quantify the problems which are surmised to exist, the assumption of

the worst has profound and far-reaching effects. For example, the

Roman Catholic Church has used, as part of its continuing debate on the

issue of clergy celibacy, "studies of clergy spouses" indicating that

they often suffer from stress and difficulties with the lifestyle

(Carrel, 1985, p.lB).

If more facts were known, substantive steps could be taken toward

understanding the conditions under which clergy couples live and work,

improving the theology of ordination and marriage which clergy are

taught in seminaries and continuing education programs, strengthening

the marriage preparation offered to clergy or seminarians and their

future spouses, increasing the support and enrichment provided to










clergy couples and clergy spouses by their parishes and dioceses, and

providing the help needed for marital and family problems among the

clergy (Mace & Mace, 1980; Rolfe, 1984).

The training offered in Episcopal seminaries has been described as

"quasi-Roman Catholic," teaching an ideal of total loyalty and commit-

ment to the vocation of priesthood appropriate for a celibate clergy,

but full of ambiguities for the married priest (Michaeletto, 1983).

Few seminaries provide courses to prepare future clergy and spouses for

marriage, and only an estimated 50% of seminaries provide programs for

married couples (Rolfe, 1984).

Once out of seminary, clergy are perceived as caretakers, persons

to whom the community turns for support and solace (Bradshaw, 1977).

Clergy are expected to help others, not to need help themselves; as a

result, such help is too often not made available to them, not util-

ized, or sought too late (Rolfe, 1984). If more facts were known about

clergy marriage, seminaries and dioceses might provide or improve

courses and programs for sustaining clergy marriage. Dioceses might

set up counseling centers or establish procedures to make professional

therapeutic services available to clergy couples in distress. Further,

bishops might encourage, support, and provide incentives to clergy

couples to utilize prevention and enrichment programs, realizing that

the benefits thereof would be felt throughout the entire church (Mace &

Mace, 1980).

Purpose of the Study

Previous studies have examined the attitudes of clergy and spouses

toward their life and work, but they have lacked objective data by








6

which to interpret these attitudes. For example, Mace and Mace (1980)

reported that among pastors and wives studied, over half considered

time pressures due to the husband's heavy schedule to be a disadvantage

of clergy marriage. In previous studies clergy wife roles have been

defined either by asking wives to assess their level of involvement in

their husbands' ministry and thus formulating role definitions (Doug-

las, 1965), by asking wives to identify themselves subjectively with a

choice of previously defined roles (Hartley, 1978; Platt & Moss, 1976),

or by observation and description (Sinclair, 1981).

The purpose of this study was first to establish baseline data on

time allocated to various activities and social contexts by priests and

clergy wives, and then to examine the roles of clergy wives based on

time allocation, and finally to examine the relationships of both time

allocation and clergy wife role to marital satisfaction.

Rationale for the Approach

The use of time allocation techniques is well established in the

social science disciplines as well as in engineering and management

sciences. The study of time allocation (TA) provides a replicable and

reliable measure of role performance; by the inclusion of social

interaction information about the activities measured, TA studies also

provide a concrete record of encounters supplemental to other measures

of the nature and quality of relationships (Gross, 1984). The term

"role" is borrowed from the theater, denoting that behavior is related

to "parts" or positions, rather than to the players who enact them.

The word "role" itself originally referred to a sheet of parchment,

wrapped around a small wooden roller, from which an actor recited his










lines. To avoid the implication that role playing is akin to sham

behavior, social psychologists use the term "role enactment." One

dimension of role enactment is the amount of time a person spends

in one role relative to the amount of time she or he spends in other

roles. Degree of involvement may be assessed through noting relative

time spent in various roles (Sarbin & Allen, 1968).

In this study, currently active priests of the Episcopal Diocese

of Florida and their spouses were asked to keep a record of their daily

activities, including the social contexts in which these activities

occurred, during two non-consecutive weeks within a six-week period

(Becker & Felix, 1982). Each participant was also asked to complete a

demographic questionnaire and Form B of the Marital Satisfaction Scale

(Roach, 1981). Data from the time allocation portion of the study were

analyzed and compiled into individual and composite profiles of clergy

and spouses across the diocese. To study clergy wife roles, individual

profiles of clergy wives were analyzed to identify naturally-occurring

groups based on similarity of time allocation. To study marital satis-

faction, time allocation profiles for priests and wives scoring above

and below the mean on the Marital Satisfaction Scale were compared;

data were analyzed to assess relationships among time allocation,

clergy wife roles, and level of marital satisfaction for clergy and

spouses.

Definitions of Terms

Episcopal Church

The American branch of the world-wide Anglican Communion which was

established in the British Isles, probably before the year 100 A.D.,









under the leadership of bishops in the Apostolic Succession, teaching

the faith of the Nicene Creed, and practicing the sacraments instituted

by Jesus Christ. As of 1984 the Episcopal Church served 2,773,082

baptized persons in 98 dioceses in the United States (Clergy Deployment

Office, personal communication, November 26, 1985).

Clergy

In the Episcopal Church, the ordained ministry is composed of

three orders: Bishops, priests, and deacons. As of December 31, 1984,

the clergy numbered 13,598 active and retired priests and deacons and

276 active and retired bishops. Since 1977, these orders have included

women, who currently number 823 priests and deacons (Clergy Deployment

Office, personal communication, November 16, 1985). Most deacons

eventually become priests. To be ordained priest, a candidate must be

at least 24 years of age, have been a deacon for 1 year and a candidate

for 2 years. He or she must also be a seminary graduate (requiring

3 academic years' study) and/or pass a canonical examination. In the

Diocese of Florida in 1984, the number of clergy included 1 bishop, 111

active and retired priests, and 4 deacons. At the time of this study,

there were no women clergy in this diocese.

Diocese

In the Episcopal Church, a diocese is a geographic district and

its population, under the administrative and pastoral care of a bishop.

Parish

In Episcopal Church usage, a parish is defined as a local church

and its congregation, under the administrative and pastoral care of a

priest. (The term "parish" is sometimes limited to a financially









independent church whose priest is called a "rector," while a church

receiving diocesan or other financial support is termed a "mission" and

its priest is called a "vicar." However, unless otherwise noted, the

word "parish" is used throughout this study.)

Marital Satisfaction

As defined by Roach, Frazier, & Bowden (1981), marital satisfac-

tion is an attitude of greater or lesser favor toward one's own marital

relationship.

Social Context

In this study, "social context" refers to the presence or absence

of social interaction with other persons in the environment (specifi-

cally one's spouse, children, and/or others) during the performance of

an activity.

Role

The term "role" is defined as the set of behaviors or functions

associated with a particular position within a particular social

context. Assumptions that a person will act in certain ways in certain

situations are termed "role expectations" (Wrightsman & Deaux, 1981).

Clergy Wife Role

Anecdotal descriptions typical of the clergy wife roles discussed

in this study appear below (Douglas, 1965; Hartley, 1978; Platt & Moss,

1976; Sinclair, 1981):

Teamworker. Bill and Sandy LeCarrel have been married five years,

and have no children as yet. Bill works long hours as priest-in-charge

of a growing Episcopal mission, and Sandy also serves the church in the


1All names are fictitious.







10

vocation of clergy wife. She puts her talents to use wherever needed,

often in a leadership or semi-professional capacity such as directing

the choir, training church school teachers, organizing the altar

guild, playing hostess at social events, and counseling parishioners

who turn to her with problems. Although she is also an excellent

homemaker, her identity is largely derived from her public role as

clergy wife and church leader.

Background Supporter. David Santos is rector of a suburban

parish. His wife Barbara attends most church services and important

parish events, but she limits her participation in church organizations

and prefers to leave leadership activities to the "laity." Barbara has

not worked outside the home since she put her career "on hold" 15 years

ago after supporting David through seminary. She prides herself on the

accomplishments of her three children, her well-kept house, her

culinary skills, and her ability to maintain home and family, enabling

David to devote himself to the church.

Individualist. Marlene Sullivan's husband Paul is the rector of

a large urban parish, and works long hours as pastor and counselor to

his people as well as executive director of his parish staff. Marlene

does not think of herself as a "clergy wife;" she has a professional

identity of her own as a high school teacher and part-time instructor

at the local community college. Marlene considers herself no different

from any other member of the parish, and participates in only those

church activities which interest her. Paul respects and admires his

wife's accomplishments, and he is quick to explain her absence from

parish activities on the grounds that she is busy. Sometimes Paul and










Marlene have to make appointments with each other to spend time to-

gether.

Detached. Sarah Webster doesn't identify herself as a clergy

wife, either. In fact, she never expected to be married to a clergy-

man. She and Donald were married 25 years, had reared their two daugh-

ters, and were enjoying the fruits of Don's success as an industrial

salesman when he first felt a vocation to priesthood. After a complex

application process and much prayer, Don and Sarah sold their home and

spent the next three years in a tiny urban apartment near the seminary

campus. While Don was absorbed in course work and field experience,

Sarah sometimes felt all alone in her own search for identity. Now,

five years in the parish ministry have not resolved Sarah's discomfort

in her new role as wife of a priest. The congregation seemed to treat

her with either unwanted deference or unjust criticism, and her

response was to withdraw. Her feelings about the church include

sadness, anger, and guilt. Sometimes as Don ministers to the members

of his congregation, he wonders why he has to turn to others for the

companionship and support he used to find in his marriage.

Organization of the Remainder of the Study

The remainder of this study is organized into four chapters.

Chapter Two contains a review of related literature, discussed under

the headings of (1) time allocation, (2) clergy wife roles, and (3)

marital satisfaction. Research methodology is delineated and described

in Chapter Three. Chapter Four contains the results of the study.

Chapter Five includes a summary of the study, discussion, implications,

and recommendations for further research.














CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

The literature on clergy marriage presents a complex picture.

Time pressures, stereotypes, and marital dissatisfaction are reported

and their negative effects attested to by high clergy divorce rates.

The work of the minister is described as endless, repetitive, draining,

and usually defined by the expectations of others (Sanford, 1982).

Recent social changes in sex-roles and lifestyles have raised questions

about the traditional roles of pastors' spouses (Whybrew, 1984). While

these issues are all parts of a complex whole, each in turn affecting

and being affected by the others, the literature reviewed in this

chapter is organized to examine each one separately in three sections:

(1) time allocation, (2) clergy wife roles, and (3) marital satisfac-

tion.

Time Allocation

Although time is a finite resource, demands for it appear to be

limitless; consequently, research on the quality of modern life and

marriage inevitably involves the competition of roles. According to

Gross (1984), the study of time allocation (TA) provides a tool with

which to examine role competition; by measuring the behavioral "output"

of decisions, preferences, and attitudes, TA provides a reliable and

replicable measure of role performance. For example, a study by Becker

and Felix (1982) demonstrated an inverse relationship between counselor







13

preference for a given category of service activity and the amount of

time counselors estimated that they spent in the activity; when

counselors were asked to log their actual time in activity categories,

these researchers were able to obtain objective and accurate profiles

of counselor work days. Further, by the inclusion of social inter-

action codes, TA studies can provide "a concrete record of encounters

which can supplement informants' statements concerning the nature and

quality of relationships" (Gross, 1984, p. 536).

Because time is finite, the time a family member devotes to work

is generally time unavailable for such activities as family interac-

tion, child care, home maintenance, and leisure (Kingston & Nock,

1985). Role conflicts resulting when individuals are forced to meet

expectations for differing and incompatible roles (e.g., work and

conjugal roles) are generally resolved on the basis of time priorities

(Scanzoni, 1965b). Conflicts between work roles and conjugal roles are

scarcely peculiar to clergy marriage; Scanzoni called them "endemic to

industrial society" (1965b, p. 396). However, the occupational-con-

jugal role conflicts of clergy couples are exacerbated by demands which

are peculiar to clergy life.

Contrary to the common belief that ministers work primarily on

Sunday, clergymen and their spouses regularly report work weeks of

over seventy hours (Bailey & Bailey, 1979; Bouma, 1979; Douglas, 1965;

Mace & Mace, 1980; Noyce, 1980; Rassieur, 1982; Terkel, 1972). Clergy

working hours are described in the Occupational Outlook Handbook (1980,

p. 442), as long and irregular and include being "on call" for emergen-

cies. Nyberg (1961) entitled a chapter in her book for ministers'










wives "The Eighty Hour Week Made Easy." Rediger (1982) pointed out

that, while some clergy (due to an unsuitable situation or their own

lack of ability) are underworked and bored, clergy stress is usually

attributed to overwork. Rolfe (1984) typified clergymen working as

much as 100 hours a week with no set structure for time off or vaca-

tions. Noyce (1980) wrote of ordination and marriage as "conflicting

covenants," both involving vows that can easily be expanded into

all-consuming obligations. He suggested that such expansion of the

clergy vocation leads to some of the tensions that he said are breaking

up clerical marriages at a record rate. It was also suggested that

persons in ministry (spouses as well as clergy) have a unique vehicle

for rationalizing their violation of the marriage covenant: "These

long hours of work, after all, are for the Lord-as if family-building

were not" (Noyce, 1980, p. 20). Similar to executives married to a

corporation, persons in ministry are described as married not to each

other, but to the church.

The expectation of congregations and ministers alike that clergy

should be available 24 hours a day, 7 days a week has been labeled the

stereotype of total availability (Morris, 1985). Like all stereotypes,

escaping this one is complicated--not only by the diversity and urgency

of people's pastoral needs but also by the fact that these people are

the minister's employers (Ferner, 1981; Harris, 1977). Dean (1980)

compared a congregation to a group of people who have come forth and

volunteered to be taxed for the support a building and the hiring of a

minister. Thus, in a sense, they believe they own the minister and,

through him, his family; for example, if "our" minister is considered










24-hour property by the congregation, then "our" minister's wife can

not only expect to spend many evenings alone but also to be kept

apprised by her spouse's "employer" of how well he is doing at his job

(Oswald, Gutierrez, & Dean, 1980, p. 12).

Scanzoni (1965b) used time priorities to explore conflicts between

occupational and conjugal roles in church- and sect-type clergy

couples. Churches and sects were differentiated by acceptance (church)

or rejection (sect) of their social environment as measured by theolog-

ical position, membership requirements, orientation toward science,

and attitudes toward social patterns. It was hypothesized that since a

sect considers the family group as a competitor, sect clergy would

resolve marital-occupational conflicts differently than church clergy,

who consider the family as an ally. Responses were compared in terms

of the time priorities church- and sect-type subjects reportedly

assigned to conjugal as opposed to occupational behaviors and their

answers to questions regarding what they would do in certain hypothet-

ical conflict situations. Scanzoni reported that 80% of church-type

respondents would resolve conflict in favor of the family, while 73% of

sect-type subjects would postpone family expectations in favor of

occupational duties. He concluded that resolution of conjugal vs. oc-

cupational role conflict in clergy is dependent upon church or sect

affiliation. In the same study Scanzoni also examined role conflicts

of clergy wives. Church- and sect-type wives were assigned to two

groups, "assistant pastor" and "expressive companion," depending on

their degree of acceptance or rejection of the expectation that they

perform without pay the same kinds of occupational behaviors as their










husbands. Of church-type wives, 92% rejected the assistant pastor

role and tended to experience little or no conflict between religious

activities and family behaviors. Among sect-type wives, on the other

hand, the same 92% reportedly accepted the assistant pastor behaviors

incumbent on the position of minister's wife and as a result, tended to

experience conflict.

From a four-year study of clergy couples, Mace and Mace (1980),

found the two most frequently listed disadvantages of clergy marriage

were congregational expectations of perfection (85% of pastors, 59% of

wives) and time pressures due to the pastor's heavy schedule (52% of

pastors, 55% of wives). These researchers also pointed out that much

of a pastor's work takes place when others are free, in the evenings or

on weekends, and includes being on call for emergencies 24 hours a

day. Mace and Mace further suggested that many clergymen might

be classified as compulsive "workaholics" whose time priorities are

heavily weighted in favor of vocational activities at the expense of

the marriage. Fully a quarter of clergy couples studied indicated a

belief that the husband, in serving others, neglected his own family.

Predictably, time alone with their husbands was the area in which

clergy wives most frequently indicated a need for help in adjusting to

their husbands' ministry. In a survey of Episcopal priests and wives

by Keith (1982), lack of time together was also ranked highest among

factors leading to marital stress.

Stating the problem as "lack of time together" may be an oversim-

plification, however. Douglas (1965) proposed that indeed clergy wives

may have more time with their husbands than do most wives; he cited a








17

study (Koehler, 1960) in which Baptist ministers' wives estimated that

their husbands averaged 26 hours a week at home, exclusive of sleeping,

but still the wives mentioned lack of time together as their main

source of marital difficulty. Douglas (1965) concluded that it is the

distribution of this time that differs from that of most families, and

that the real problem for clergy is "to get away from the church,

mentally as well as physically" (p. 86).

To differentiate between clergy marriages and the marriages of

other professionals, Rolfe (1984) compared them with those of physi-

cians and family therapists. Although these professionals are similar-

ly well educated (3 to 5+ years of graduate school) and people-orien-

ted, the clergyman not only earns a much lower income but also labors

under a disadvantage with regard to role clarity, time structure, and

privacy. Of the three professions, the clergyman's work role is least

clearly separated from his personal and family roles. He has less

freedom to set his own hours or to work by appointment only. He and

his family may be living in a house owned by his "clientele," who

therefore feel free to call or visit at all hours, on routine as well

as emergency matters. Thus, of the three, the clergyman's time and

privacy are least insulated from intrusions.

Comparing the divorce rates of these three professionals, Rolfe

reported that while the divorce rate for family therapists is basically

the same as the that of the United States nationally and the rate for

physicians is 41% lower than the national rate, the divorce rate for

clergy is 49.4% higher than that of the general population. Lavender

(1976) also stated that among professionals clergy rank third in the










number of divorces granted each year. Slack (1979) identified as the

leading factors contributing clergy divorce: (1) pressure to fulfill

an expected role model, and (2) ministers' lack of time commitment to

marriage and family.

Time commitment to home and family is traditionally expected of

wives whether or not they are employed outside the home, and clergy

couples do not appear to differ from other married people in this

respect. In a study of dual-career couples, Kingston and Nock (1985)

found that men depended upon their wives to find time for home and

children and that working wives, indeed, made that accommodation.

Vanek (1973) reported that unemployed married women in her study

typically spent fifty hours a week in housework (home maintenance,

family business, and family care); employed married women were found to

spend about half that amount of time in housework.

Although the minister's spouse is still expected by tradition to

be a housewife, Deming and Stubbs (1984) pointed out that increasingly

the minister's spouse may be a husband, not a wife, and that at present

over half the women married to ministers are employed outside the

home. These two-career clergy couples must divide their time among not

only careers and family, but also their relationship with the church.

In addition to offering practical suggestions about the sharing of

household chores and career decisions, Deming and Stubbs suggested that

two-career clergy couples learn to set aside time to spend together and

to make this time public so that church people will know when not to

disturb them. Dunlap and Kendall (1983) similarly addressed the time

demands on two-career clergy/lay couples, particularly the difficulty








19

of scheduling leisure time and vacations; the clergy partner typically

must work on weekends and holidays when the lay partner is free. For

couples dealing with these conflicting time and career priorities,

Dunlap and Kendall suggested that they learn efficient time management

within the two careers, set priorities for leisure time, and build up

relationships, not only within the family and with the spouse but in

personal friendships and with the self as well.

Clergy Wife Roles

From 1139, when the Lateran Council forbade clergy marriage, until

the Protestant Reformation four hundred years later, any woman who

lived with a priest could be seen only as mistress or concubine

(Barstow, 1983; Dionne, 1985). According to Barstow (1983), the

medieval scorn of priests' "women" and the church's generally negative

views on marriage and womanhood characterized the climate into which

the role of clergy wife within Protestantism was launched. English

attitudes toward clergy marriages of the sixteenth century moved slowly

from outright persecution to lukewarm acceptance. However, the

prejudice lingered for many decades:

Just what sort of hostility might a clerical couple
face? When Robert Horne took his wife Margery to
live with him as dean of the chapter at Durham, he
was accused of "polluting the cathedral precincts."
Old women in Yorkshire called the children of the
vicarage "priests' calves," and midwives refused to
deliver the babies of priests' wives. As late as
1552 a parliamentary bill complained that many
"spoke slanderously of such marriages, and account-
ed the children begotten in them to be bastards."
When the conservative reaction to the Protestant
reforms of the church triggered an armed revolt in
Devon and Cornwall, the rebels demanded that
celibacy be enforced again on the priesthood.
(Barstow, 1983, p.9)







20

Barstow (1983) related that despite the persecutions, clerical families

survived and prospered until by 1800 clergy had acquired the genteel

social image still associated with the Anglican priesthood. "And yet

we must ask if clergy wives, then or now, Anglican or other, have ever

won a place of full respect" (p. 15).

Douglas (1965) cited an anonymous book published in England in

1832 (entitled Hints for a Clergyman's Wife; or, Female Parochial

Duties) which reminded the nineteenth century clergy wife of the extent

of her influence over the parish and the many and varied duties

incumbent upon her position. Women married to ministers in nineteenth-

century America were categorized by Sweet (1983) into four roles:

companion, sacrifice, assistant, and partner. Whichever role was

chosen, the expectation was "that one be supportive of the ministry of

one's husband and that one's own involvement be from personal commit-

ment, dedication, and sacrifice with no regard for professional

recognition. That has remained true" (Deming & Stubbs, 1984, p. 176).

Ministry has historically been more than a career; it has been a

life calling. The life of a woman married to a minister has tradition-

ally been centered, therefore, around his work (Deming & Stubbs,

1984). From the literature of the mid-twentieth century, Douglas

(1965) drew a "contemporary" portrait of the "ideal minister's wife,"

pointing out that although lower in status and influence than her nine-

teenth century counterpart, the role of clergy wife had not substan-

tially changed. She was still called upon to be first of all a good

wife to her husband. She was to realize that she had married not only

a man, but also the church and its way of life, with the understanding







21

that he belonged to the congregation as well as to the family. Among

the roles she was expected to play were those of parish hostess,

"dedicated Christian woman," example to others, and representative to

the community of her husband, his church, and the Christian faith

itself. In addition to being a skilled and resourceful homemaker with

little assistance from her husband, she was also to be attractive but

not overdressed, poised but not over-sophisticated, educated but not

lacking the common touch, sympathetic but not sentimental, serene but

at the same time brimming with energy and enthusiasm. In short, she

was to be the "uncrowned queen of the parish" (Douglas, 1965, p.9).

From an in-depth survey of clergy wife role patterns, attitudes,

and satisfactions, Douglas (1965) defined five role types based on the

wives' reported degree of involvement in their husbands' ministry.

Definitions of the five types and their representation in this sample

(n= 4,777 across 37 denominations) were as follows: First, "Team-

workers" (20%) typically performed 11 or more activities in their local

churches including such "semi-professional" activities as leadership

training, leading devotions, counseling, serving on the church staff.

These women gave second priority to family responsibilities and

invested little time in nonchurch community activities or hobbies.

Next, two groups of "Background Supporters" (60%) described themselves

as "very involved" in church activities such as Sunday school teaching,

choir, and women's groups, but as followers rather than leaders; they

tended to give first priority to their responsibilities as wives and

mothers. Douglas divided this role into "Purpose-Motivated Background

Supporters" (motivated by belief in the purposes of the church) and










"Useful-Work Background Supporters" (motivated by a desire to serve).

Finally, "Detached" (15%) was the term Douglas applied to those wives

who reported no more involvement in their husbands' work than if the

husbands were in another vocation. Detached wives, too, were divided

into two groups depending on whether they were "Detached on Principle"

(committed Christians but individualistic and analytic in -their

approach to the church) or "Detached in Rebellion" (withdrawn from the

church). Nearly 85% of clergy wives in this 1965 study accepted the

traditional obligations expected of them, either as full team members

or as active background supporters of their husbands; only 15% per-

ceived themselves as detached.

A decade later, Platt and Moss (1976) examined the role percep-

tions of Episcopal clergy wives, using three categories (first sug-

gested by Denton, 1962) to differentiate wife roles by their degree of

involvement in their husbands' ministry. Comparing their findings with

those of Douglas (1965), Platt & Moss reported that only 10.5% of

Episcopal clergy wives labeled themselves "teamworkers," half as many

as those found in the cross-denominational study (21%). Over 60% of

respondents in both studies characterized themselves as "background

supporters;" however, in the "aloof participant" (detached-on-princi-

ple) category, Platt and Moss reported 28% of Episcopal clergy wives,

contrasted with 15% of Douglas's sample.

In a self-help book for ministers' wives, Sinclair (1981) de-

scribed three clergy wife role patterns as a function of stages in

family life development: In the first stage, usually the early

marriage or career establishment years, the wife is often a "helpmate,"







23

living out her ambitions through her husband, assisting with whatever

ecclesiastical tasks need to be done. In the second stage, during the

years of childrearing, the wife may be primarily an "enabler" of her

husband's career while herself devoted to domestic and maternal inter-

ests. In the third stage, the "liberated" mid-life woman may become

free to be fully human, to resist stereotyping, and to develop her own

competence outside the family.

In a study of marital satisfaction among clergy wives, Hartley

(1978) classified clergy wives based on respondents' subjective

identification with three roles: (1) traditional wife-mother; (2)

associate pastor or helpmeet; and (3) individualist (i.e. striving for

personal fulfillment). Hartley found those wives most strongly

identifying with the helpmeet-associate pastor role were least likely

to report enthusiasm with their marital relationships; respondents who

identified with the wife-mother role were twice as likely to be

enthusiastic. Those wives identifying themselves as individualists

were the most likely to be consistently enthusiastic about their

marriages. As an implication of this research, Hartley suggested that

the role expectations of clergy and non-clergy wives might be increas-

ing in similarity.

Niswander (1982) ascribed to the women's movement a shift away

from the willing or eager acceptance by clergy wives of the traditional

identity, status, and obligations of the role. According to Niswander,

the rise in women's consciousness significantly undermined the ancient

assumption that a woman draws her primary identity from wifehood and

her husband's career. Said one such self-identified woman:










I am the wife of a minister, to be sure, just as
my husband is the husband of a medical technician.
But my husband is not therefore interested in
identifying with other husbands of medical techni-
cians, and I don't want to oe identified with wives
of ministers (Niswander, 1982, p. 162).

Niswander (1982) added that most women today see marriage as a

guarantee of neither social nor economic security. To be introduced as

the doctor's wife or the minister's wife no longer accords an automatic

and prestigious place in the community; therefore, for many clergy

wives like the woman quoted above, their own careers are their major

source of identity.

Nyberg (1979) listed several concerns of the contemporary clergy

wife: (1) She is concerned about divorce, no longer believing that

clergy marriages are immune; (2) she is concerned about her adequacy

as a parent; (3) she insists on a sharing of labor in the home; (4) she

is concerned for her own life and career; (5) her husband's ministry is

not the most important thing in her life; (6) she is less interested in

the social activities of women's groups, in or out of the church,

preferring to use her free time for whatever interests her personally;

and (7) she is interested in and willing to work for financial secur-

ity. Despite these changes, however, Nyberg described wives of clergy

as still concerned with their husbands' work and still experiencing

ambiguities in their roles.

Taylor and Hartley (1975) surveyed 448 wives of mainline Protes-

tant clergy in order to examine the ministry as a "two-person career."

The two-person career concept, introduced by Papanek (1973), focused

sociological attention on occupations requiring the active participa-

tion of the wife in the husband's work and providing her with vicarious










achievement through the husband and his career. Two-person careers

were characterized by Papanek as middle-class, male-dominated occupa-

tions requiring a high degree of training, generally within large

complex employing institutions (such as universities, private founda-

tions, the diplomatic corps, the armed services, and business corpora-

tions). To test the hypothesis that the Protestant ministry is a

two-person career, clergy wives were asked how many hours a week they

spent in specific church-related activities and to what extent they

agreed that their own fulfillment came through their husbands' work.

Clergy wives who "strongly agreed" were found to spend the most hours

per week (19-33) in church activities. Asked how many of their

church-related activities they thought they would be likely to partici-

pate in if they were not ministers' wives, only 18% of respondents said

"all," while 32% said "few" or "none." This led Taylor and Hartley to

conclude that for over four fifths of the sample, at least some of

their activities were attributable to their involvement in a two-person

career.

Marital Satisfaction

Despite the fact that marital quality and its related concepts-

adjustment, happiness, and satisfaction-have been the most frequently

studied variables in the field of family research (Spanier & Lewis,

1980), little appears to be known about the marriages of ministers

and their wives (Mace & Mace, 1980). Houts (1982) observed that avail-

able research studies on clergy marriage "while sparse and generally

poorly conducted, are all in agreement that things are in a terrible

state" (p. 141). Warner and Carter (1984) found higher levels of









loneliness and diminished marital adjustment in pastors and wives

than in non-pastoral males and females. In contrast, Barber (1982)

found no significant difference in the levels of marital satisfaction

of clergy and lay couples, while Morgan and Morgan (1980) reported that

over three fourths of clergy wives in their study rated themselves and

their husbands happy/fulfilled in their roles. Other writers (e.g.,

Bouma, 1979; Douglas, 1965; Hartley, 1978; Keith, 1982; Niswander,

1982; Nyberg, 1979) have delineated rewards, privileges, and joys which

are uniquely a part of the ministry. Mace & Mace (1980) listed

advantages clergy couples perceived in their lifestyle, including a

sense of shared commitment to the pastoral vocation; a strong sense of

unity and dedication to a life of service; nurturing support of the

congregation; respect in the community; wife's close identification

with husband's work (seen as an advantage by 50% of wives, 30% of

husbands); opportunities to meet interesting people, travel, attend

conferences; opportunities for study, training, and growth; a ready-

made community of friends; secure work; and the opportunity to be

agents of change in church and society.

If in reality all researchers are not "in agreement that things

are in a terrible state" (Houts, 1982, p. 14), nearly all are in

agreement that there is a positive relationship between marital

satisfaction and clergy effectiveness (Bailey & Bailey, 1979; Rassieur,

1982; Whybrew, 1984).

The married minister with an unhappy marriage is
crippled in the performance of his task. He knows
that the message he is proclaiming isn't working
for him in his own personal life. . His wife
also is in trouble. She must either put on an act
before the outside world or risk ruining her










husband's career by letting the sad truth be
known. They both face a grim choice between
hypocrisy and public humiliation. (Mace & Mace,
1980, p. 24)

Drawing from clinical experience as a pastoral counselor, Houts

(1982), cited symptoms and problems of troubled clergy marriages.

Regarding amount of time couples spend together, extremes in either

direction (always together or never together) and evidence of workahol-

ism in either partner were seen as symptomatic. Listed as problems

were the semi-public life, unrealistic expectations, inadequate income,

an educational gap between spouses, frequent moves, and a tendency to

have very limited friendships. Iles (1985) wrote of a lack of trust

that characterizes the peer relationships of the clergy. Such isola-

tion may be instrumental in the clergy's vulnerability to extramarital

affairs (Bouma, 1979; Iles, 1985; Whybrew, 1984), the occurrence of

which are particularly devastating to clergy couples in which the

pastor has derived his sense of worth from vocation while the wife

derived her sense of worth from him (Houts, 1982).

A number of studies have shown clergy wives less satisfied with

marriage than are their husbands (Mace & Mace, 1980; Morgan & Morgan,

1980; Scanzoni & Fox, 1980). Earlier sociological studies (e.g., Ber-

nard, 1973; Cove, 1972) observed in housewives apparently lower levels

of mental and physical health than in employed wives and much lower

levels than in married men. Further, regardless of women's employment

status, comparisons with married men consistently showed men to be

advantaged regarding morbidity, mental health, and life satisfaction-a

sex differential which was generally interpreted to mean that marriage

provides a more effective support system for men than for women.










Recent studies, however, have often failed to find significant rela-

tionships between demographic characteristics and marital satisfaction

(Spanier & Lewis, 1980; Yogev & Brett, 1985). In their decade review

of the literature on marital satisfaction, Spanier and Lewis (1980)

drew attention to the research on the relationship of marital quality

and stages of the family life cycle. They observed that most studies

have claimed to find a U-shaped pattern for marital quality over the

marital career, that is, finding highest levels of marital satisfaction

at the earliest and latest life stages. Spanier and Lewis added,

however, that most of these studies have been flawed (e.g., based on

cross-sectional rather than longitudinal data), and cautioned against

misinterpreting the relationship of marital quality and family life

stages.

Yogev and Brett (1985) found significant relationships between

marital satisfaction and perceptions of the distribution of housework

and child care in husbands and wives in single-and dual-earner marri-

ages. These researchers concluded that demographic characteristics

(e.g., employment, income, sex, education, family stage) are less

powerful correlates of marital satisfaction than are perceptions of the

distribution of family work. It was noted by the researchers, however,

that this study did not measure actual share of family work in terms of

hours or number of tasks. It was also noted that, because the family

work variables in this study were single-item measures, they were

substantially less reliable than the marital satisfaction scale

(Spanier, 1976) with which they were correlated. Yogev and Brett thus

surmised that the correlations reported (R = .37, p < .01) were likely








29

to underestimate the true relationship between family work and marital

satisfaction.

Summary

In this chapter theories and research findings relevant to clergy

and spouse time conflicts, theoretical roles expected of and played by

clergy wives, and clergy marital satisfaction have been examined. It

is evident that the researchers and clinicians most concerned with this

segment of the population believe a rising incidence of marital

dissatisfaction and divorce among the clergy to be one of the most

pressing problems facing the church today (Mace & Mace, 1980; Whybrew,

1984).

Conflicts between occupational and conjugal roles have been called

endemic to industrial society (Scanzoni, 1965b), but demands and

expectations peculiar to the ordained ministry have been found to

increase the effects of such conflicts upon clergy couples. In

particular, the literature reviewed disclosed long clergy work weeks;

unrealistic expectations of clergy availability (Morris, 1985); unclear

distinctions between the work, personal, and family roles of clergy

(Rolfe, 1984); insufficient time commitment of clergy to home and

family (Mace & Mace, 1980); and among two-career clergy couples,

complications due to conflicting work schedules (Deming & Stubbs, 1984;

Dunlap & Kendall, 1983). For clergy and spouses, in addition to the

lack of time together, the quality of time is problematic; it is

difficult for clergy to get away from the church mentally as well as

physically (Douglas, 1965; Sanford, 1982).










Historically, women married to ministers have been expected to

center their lives around their husbands' work (Deming & Stubbs, 1984);

thus, the roles of clergy wives have been based on the extent to which

a wife is involved in her husband's ministry (Douglas, 1965; Hartley,

1978; Platt & Moss, 1976; Sinclair, 1981). Using this theory, writers

reviewed in this chapter have categorized clergy wife roles (under

various titles) as (1) Background Supporter or traditional wife-mother;

(2) Teamworker or associate pastor-helpmeet; (3) Individualist or

liberated; and (4) Detached or aloof. Hartley (1978) also found some

clergy wives in her study to be ambivalent or a mixture of the defined

roles. Douglas (1965) and Platt and Moss (1976) found that 60% of

wives studied identified with the background supporter role; teamworker

or associate pastor type wives were found less frequently among

Episcopalians than in interdenominational samples. These findings

appear to agree with those of Scanzoni (1965b), who found that wives of

church-type pastors were less likely to play the associate pastor role

than were wives of sect-type clergy. Hartley (1978) examined the

relationship of clergy wife role and marital satisfaction and found

consistent enthusiasm for the marital relationship most frequently in

the individualist, least frequently in the associate pastor type wives;

she concluded that role expectations of clergy wives are becoming

increasingly more similar to those of non-clergy wives. Clergy wives,

like other women, have become less accepting of the historic assumption

that a woman's identity is derived from her husband's career (Niswan-

der, 1982); however, they are still seen as concerned with their










husbands' work and experiencing ambiguities in their roles (Nyberg,

1979).

Research in clergy marital satisfaction produced conflicting

findings. In comparison with non-pastoral husbands and wives, no

significant differences in marital satisfaction were found by Barber

(1982), but clergy and spouses were found by Warner and Carter (1984)

to be more lonely and less well-adjusted in their marriages. Houts

(1982) also listed loneliness, extremes in amount of time spent

together, and a tendency to have very limited friendships among

characteristics of persons in troubled clergy marriages.

In their study of single- and dual-earner marriages, Yogev and

Brett (1985) found marital satisfaction was significantly related to

husbands' and wives' perceptions of the distribution of family work.

Spanier and Lewis (1980) reported that marital quality has been found

to follow a U-shaped pattern over the marital career, with highest

levels of satisfaction at the earliest and latest stages of the family

life span.

Nearly all of the research on clergy life and marriage has been

based on either clinical data or subjective self-report (e.g., Houts,

1982; Mace & Mace, 1980; Morgan & Morgan, 1980). Variables relating to

clergy marital satisfaction have been measured subjectively by means of

questionnaires or interviews (e.g., Keith, 1982) or single-item

measures (e.g., Hartley, 1978) rather than by objective measures using

a validated instruments (c.f. Barber, 1982; Warner & Carter, 1984).

Studies of clergy wife roles have been based on personal observation

(Sinclair, 1981) or on self-report questionnaires (Douglas, 1965;








32

Hartley, 1978; Platt & Moss, 1976), a method which has well-documented

weaknesses, not the least of which is that people's self-perceptions

may not reflect the way they are actually living their lives (Becker &

Felix, 1982). Further, with few exceptions (c.f. Keith, 1982; Scan-

zoni, 1965b; Warner & Carter, 1985), researchers have studied clergy

wives but not husbands, thus limiting their observations to one half of

the marital system.

This study attempts to build on existing research through an

examination of the time allocation of Episcopal priests and their

wives, using the more objective technique of time allocation to define

clergy and wife roles according to actual behaviors (Becker & Felix,

1982; Gross, 1984). In addition, this study measures marital satisfac-

tion by means of a validated instrument (Marital Satisfaction Scale,

Roach, 1981) in order to compare levels of marital satisfaction with

the actual time allocation profiles of clergy and spouses.














CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY

"The competing demands and expectations of the ministry" (Whybrew,

1984, p. 2), the changing roles of clergy spouses, and the inseparabil-

ity of the minister's vocational, personal and family roles have been

linked to a high incidence of marital distress and divorce among clergy

couples (Rolfe, 1984). This study examined the relationships among

clergy and spouse time allocations, clergy wife roles, and marital

satisfaction. The complexity of these issues precluded a two-dimen-

sional approach; therefore, this investigation utilized a multi-dimen-

sional design to establish baseline data on the manner in which priests

and their spouses allocate their time to various activities and social

contexts in response to the competition of these demands and expecta-

tions. Next the investigation addressed whether or not the delinea-

tions of clergy wife roles found in the literature are justified by the

recorded behaviors of clergy wives. Finally, the investigation

examined the relationships among time allocation, role enactments, and

levels of marital satisfaction in clergy and spouses. In this chapter

the research methodology utilized in the study is described. Topics

presented are the research questions, research design, subjects,

instruments, research procedures, data analysis, and limitations of the

study.










Research Questions

This study addressed the following research questions:

1. How do clergy and wives allot their time to various activities

and tasks within a given week?

2. Do there appear to be role patterns among clergy wives, as

evidenced by the time allotted to various activities and tasks?

3. Is there a relationship between clergy and spouse time alloca-

tion and their levels of marital satisfaction as measured by the

Marital Satisfaction Scale (Roach, 1981)?

Research Design

This is a descriptive study which utilized two types of data

collection. A time allocation procedure was designed to answer the

first two questions. Subjects were asked to keep a record of their

daily activities during two assigned non-consecutive weeks within a

six-week period. To insure maximum generalizability, assignment

procedures were designed so that no husbands and wives logged at the

same time as their spouses, no individuals logged two consecutive

weeks, and no clergy working together in a parish logged at the same

time.

To measure marital satisfaction, subjects were given Form B of the

Marital Satisfaction Scale (Roach, 1981). Using the mean MSS score of

198 reported by Roach (1981), subjects were identified as either more

or less satisfied with their marriages. More-satisfied husbands and

wives were defined as those scoring 199 or above on the MSS; less-sat-

isfied were defined as those scoring 198 or below.










Subjects

The population for this study included all active clergy and

their wives in the Episcopal Diocese of Florida, a geographical area

extending across the state from the Atlantic Ocean on the east to

the Apalachicola River on the west, and south from the Georgia-Florida

border to a line just north of Ocala. According to diocesan records as

of December 31, 1984, the Diocese of Florida served 28,902 baptized

persons in 72 congregations. "Active clergy" included 72 priests and

deacons currently serving full- or part-time in any parochial or

diocesan capacity, but excluded the bishop, retired and non-parochial

priests, whose time allocations could be expected to differ sharply

from those of active clergy. Of these active clergy, 68 were married,

and their wives were included in the population. At the time of the

study, there were no female clergy in this diocese.

Identical survey packets were sent out to each of the 72 active

clergy and the 68 clergy wives. The response rate was 61% (N = 86),

and the resulting file consists of demographic data and Marital

Satisfaction Scale scores for 42 priests and 44 wives. The analysis

file is smaller (N = 32 priests and 34 wives, 47% of the eligible

population) due to missing time allocation data from 10 priests and 10

wives. The lower return rate for this part of the study can be

accounted for in part by the demanding nature of the task. Among those

not responding to the survey were two couples who moved out of the

diocese during the period and two additional couples who separated.

The demographic characteristics of the respondents were as

follows: The priests ranged in age from 32 to 78 years, with the










majority between 39 and 61 (M = 50). Thirty-five (83%) had master of

divinity degrees, while three (7%) reported no graduate degrees and

another four (10%) held doctorates in ministry. The number of years

since ordination varied widely in this group (<1 52 years); but they

were for the most part a mid-career population of whom 75% had been

ordained for more than 10 years, with an average of 19 years. Since

Florida clergy conform to the canons for ordination (Constitution,

1979), they can therefore be presumed representative of the Church

with regard to age, education, and professional qualifications.

Sixteen of these priests (38%) had spent their entire working

lives in the ordained ministry; the remainder named previous occupa-

tions including seven in education/social service (17%), six in

professional/managerial (14%), six in sales (14%), three in scienti-

fic/technical (7%), two in construction (5%), and two in the military

(5%).

Twenty priests (48%) reported their present positions as rectors

of parishes; another nine (21%) were assistants in multi-staff church-

es; six (14%) were vicars of mission congregations; four (10%) were

chaplains; two (5%) were in diocesan positions; and one (2%) was

non-parochial. Length of tenure in their current positions reflected a

high level of career mobility: Twenty-one (50%) of the priests had

been in their present positions for 4 years or less, 13 (31%) for 5-10

years, and 8 (19%) for 11-25 years. Of 37 parochial priests, 13 (35%)

were serving in large parishes of over 500 communicants, 7 (19%) were

in mid-sized churches of 251-500, 14 (38%) reported between 100-250

communicants, and 3 (8%) were serving fewer than 100 parishioners. The










annual income of these priests averaged $27,000, slightly above the

1984 median salary of Episcopal priests nationally ($25,937 according

to the National Report of the Church Pension Fund).

The 44 clergy wives who responded were only slightly younger than

the priests, ranging in age from 22-70, with a mean of 49 years. Like

the sample reported by Platt and Moss (1976), these women were well

educated; 12 wives (27%) reported some college education, 20 (45%) held

professional or baccalaureate degrees, 8 (18%) had master's or special-

ist's degrees, and 2 (5%) had doctorates. Four wives reported that

they were currently working toward advanced degrees. As reported by

Deming and Stubbs (1984), 26 (59%) of these women were employed part-

or full-time (M = 30 hours/week). Occupations of employed wives were

those traditionally chosen by women: Eight (31%) were teachers; 8

(31%) held clerical or secretarial jobs; 5 (19%) held professional/man-

agerial positions (e.g., psychology, counseling, consulting, agency

administration); 2 (8%) worked in health or social services; and 1 (4%)

in the arts. Salaries reported ranged from $2,000 to $25,000 per year,

with a mean of $12,590 and the majority earning between $5,200 and

$19,900 annually. Of the 18 housewives, all but 3 (83%) had been

employed previously in education, clerical work, social services, or

the arts.

Three fourths of this population had been married only once (33

priests, 32 wives); 8 priests and 10 wives (21%) had been divorced

and remarried; 2 wives had been widowed and remarried; and 1 priest

was divorced. Thirty-three respondents (39%) had been married over 25

years; another 22 (26%) had been married from 16-25 years; 19 (22%)







38

from 8-15 years; and 11 (13%) for 7 years or less. The average family

had from 2 to 4 children; however, only 45 respondents (52%) reported

children presently living at home. The ages of these children,

categorized by the age of youngest child (as in Yogev & Brett, 1985),

reflected the maturity of this population: Seven respondents (16%)

were parents of infants aged 0-2; 5 (11%) had children in the 3-5 age

group; 12 (27%) had children 6-12; 10 (22%) had teenagers 13-18; and

11 (24%) had young adults 19 or older living at home.

Less than half of the marriages of these respondents (n=36, 42%)

had occurred before the husband was called to the priesthood, thus

involving both husband and wife in the vocational decision; an addi-

tional 10 (12%) were married after vocation but before seminary.

Wives in these two groups accompanied their husbands to seminary.

Slightly under half of this population (n=39, 46%) were married after

the husband's ordination and had thus been clergy marriages from the

outset. Asked whether their seminary experience had provided any

preparation for clergy marriage, three fourths of all priests and

applicable wives said "no." Several of those who said "yes" qualified

their response with comments such as "a little" or "yes and no."

Reflecting a trend reported by Mace and Mace (1980) and others,

50% of this population reported home ownership, 40% lived in rectories,

and 10% in rented homes. All clergy who did not live in rectories

reported receiving a housing allowance. Only a third of the rectories

were located next door or adjacent to the church; regardless of home

ownership, the majority of clergy families were housed 2-5 miles from

their church.










Instruments

Included in each survey packet were three data collection instru-

ments. First was the demographic questionnaire summarized above (See

Appendix B). Second, each packet contained two copies of a time

allocation log book in which to record daily activities in two assigned

seven-day periods (See Appendix D). Third was a copy of the Marital

Satisfaction Scale, Form B (Roach, 1981).

Time Allocation Log

The time allocation log book was designed by the researcher based

on a model originated by Becker and Felix (1982) for the evaluation of

educational support systems. Categories of activities to be logged

were derived from the literature and supplemented by suggestions made

to the researcher by priests at a clergy conference. To determine the

social context in which activities were performed, subjects were asked

to code each entry to indicate whether the activity was done alone,

with one's spouse, with one's own children, with others, or with some

combination such as spouse and children.

The validity and reliability of time allocation techniques are

well-established in the social science disciplines as well as in engi-

neering and management. Because time allocation provides a tool for

measurement of "the behavioral output of decisions, preferences, and

attitudes" it is therefore appropriate as a measure of role perform-

ance (Gross, 1984, p. 519). In addition, time allocation techniques

are replicable, thus allowing social scientists to achieve the same

reliability as empirical techniques in the other natural sciences

(Gross, 1984).








40

The time allocation instrument devised for this study was a daily

log book (8 1/2" x 11", 35pp.), with each day divided into five-minute

increments beginning at 6:00 a.m. and ending at 2:00 a.m. Simple

directions for logging at other hours were included (See Appendix C).

Inside the front cover, directions instructed participants to log all

activities as they occurred, leaving no time periods blank except for

such activities as sleeping or personal hygiene. All activities were

to be logged under the most appropriate category, using one or a

combination of social context codes depending upon whether the activity

was being performed alone (A), with one's spouse (B), with one's

children (C), with others (D), or with a combination (BC, BD, CD or

BCD).

The activity categories were named and defined as follows:

1. Secular Business/Employment Working at a paid job or

for-profit business outside the church;

2. Secular Study Reading, writing, or lesson preparation on

any secular subject, school or course work, learning a skill,

etc.;

3. Secular Social Activity Socializing in person or by tele-

phone; participating in any social function not primarily

church-related (e.g., entertaining, going out to dinner,

parties, theater, etc.);










4. Secular Group/Meeting Attending or participating in any

meeting of a secular group (e.g., political, civic, chari-

table, self-improvement, special interest group, etc.);

5. Personal/Family Business Grocery or other shopping,

banking, doctor or dentist visits, paying bills, budgeting,

etc.;

6. Recreation/Sport/Hobby Participating in or attending a

sporting event, game, physical activity (jogging, exercise,

golf). Watching T.V., resting, participating in a hobby

(playing a musical instrument, arts and crafts, fishing,

camping, etc.);

7. Housework/Home Maintenance Cleaning, laundry, meal prepara-

tion, lawn care, appliance or automobile repairs, etc.;

8. Child Care/Child Activity Taking care of children (one's

own or other people's), babysitting, attending school

activities (including church school), Scout meetings, youth

groups, etc.;

9. Eating/Mealtime Eating meals or snacks, alone or with

family, apart from social event;

10. Transportation/Commuting Traveling from one place to

another in the course of a day;

11. Prayer/Study Reading or studying the Bible or devotional

materials; meditation, prayer; sermon or religious lesson

preparation, etc.;

12. Counseling Talking and listening in a helping relationship

with another, either in person or by telephone;








42

13. Church Service Attending or conducting a service of worship

or administration of any sacrament, in any location (e.g., a

worship service, wedding, private communion, et..);

14. Church Social Activity Participating in any social activity

connected with the church or primarily with church members

(e.g., carry-in dinners, parties, social calling on parish-

ioners in their homes, etc.);

15. Church Group/Meeting Attending or officiating at any

meeting of a church group (e.g., vestry, church women,

acolytes, altar guild, choir, committees, etc.); calling or

meeting in parishioners' homes for evangelism, stewardship,

etc.;

16. Church Business/Administration Any work, correspondence, or

telephone calls for the purpose of conducting church busi-

ness, maintenance of facilities, budgeting and finance,

personnel management, report preparation, etc.

The time allocation log book appeared to be an adequate instrument

for measuring daily activities. No great discrepancies due to sex were

found; subjects tended to recognize inappropriate cells (e.g., counsel-

ing alone; secular business with children). Looking at the group as a

whole, activities were coded in appropriate cells and categories 95% of

the time. The instrument proved consistent across divergent demograph-

ic groups, indicating that the directions were clearly understandable

and not sexist. A minor problem was found within categories, apparent-

ly the result of differing perceptions, in that some subjects disagreed

on social context. It is to be noted, however, that this happened only







43

within certain categories, for example, husband and wife differing in

their perceptions of whether a child was a primary participant in an

adult activity or vice versa. The categories themselves appeared

valid.

The Marital Satisfaction Scale

The Marital Satisfaction Scale (MSS) was designed by Roach to

assess the level of an individual's satisfaction with his or her

marriage (that is, one's perceptions of or attitudes toward one's

marriage). The scale consists of 48 items using a 1-5 scoring system

on a Likert-type scale, possible scores ranging from 48 to 240. Mean

score (Roach, 1981) on the MSS is 198 (SD = 29.68, n = 463).

The Marital Satisfaction Scale, as devised in 1975 under the

original title of Marital Satisfaction Inventory (MSI), consisted

of 73 items. The instrument was shown to have a high level of internal

consistency and to involve a single factor (Roach, 1981). Concurrent

validity with the Marital Adjustment Test (MAT, Locke & Wallace, 1959),

was found to be .7851, relatively high for this type of psychological

measure (Frazier, 1976; Roach, Frazier, & Bowden, 1981). The correla-

tion coefficient for test reliability was +.76. A correlation between

the MSI and the Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale (Crowne &

Marlowe, 1964) was not significant (+.33), suggesting a low degree of

contamination of the MSI with social desirability. No sex bias was

found (Roach, 1981). Roach subsequently revised the original inventory

into the 48-item version which he renamed the Marital Satisfaction

Scale (MSS) in 1980. Validated with scores of 463 subjects, Chron-

bach's alpha for the MSS was +.969, indicating a high level of internal










consistency and no significant change from the same measure for the

original scale (Roach, 1981).

The MSS was selected for the present study because as a measure of

satisfaction it focuses on the attitude one has toward her or his own

marriage rather than on the quality of the relationship or the couple's

marital adjustment. These latter concepts suggest static states,

levels of achievement, or ultimate conditions which are unrealistic

conceptualizations of the actual dynamics of marriage (Roach et al.,

1981). Further, the items on the MSS are clear and unambiguous, the

Likert-type method of responding is consistent throughout, and the

items were designed to evoke opinion or affect rather than cognition or

recall. In addition, each item was written to evoke both agreement and

disagreement in a normal population, with a minimum of neutral re-

sponses. Finally, one might expect clergy couples to show bias in

favor of social desirability, a suspicion in part supported by other

studies in which clergy or wives tended to rate their marital satisfac-

tion very high on self-report questionnaires (e.g., Hartley, 1978;

Keith, 1982; Morgan & Morgan, 1980). Therefore, it was an important

criterion for this study that the MSS has a demonstrated lack of

contamination with social desirability or marital conventionalization

(Roach, 1981; Roach et al., 1981).

Research Procedures

Packets were mailed in late January, 1985, to clergy at their

offices and wives at their home addresses. Included in each packet

(See Appendix A) were a cover letter, a general instruction sheet, the

instruments themselves, and three stamped, self-addressed envelopes.








45

Because the data collection instruments were anonymous and respondents

all adults, the completion of the instruments implied informed consent

and no signed forms were requested.

Each priest and spouse was asked to log daily activities over two

non-consecutive weeks (14 days) within a six-week period. Couples were

scheduled to log different weeks to avoid direct duplication of data.

This distribution of time was designed to obtain a representative

sample of activity within the designated period.

Every effort was made to insure complete participation. Phone

calls and a follow-up letter (Appendix E) were used as reminders. In

the event of weeks missed, logging was rescheduled during the fifth and

sixth weeks of data collection. Results were calculated on the basis

of responses received (61%) as of March 15, 1985.

Data Analysis

Data pertaining to the three stated research questions were

analyzed as follows:

1. How do clergy and wives allot their time to

various activities and tasks within a week?

Data from the time allocation diaries were compiled into average

minutes per day (m/d) by activity and by social context. Data were

then summarized in composite profiles of clergy and spouse time

allocation priorities across the population, first by the 16 activity

categories, then by the 8 social contexts, and then by the 128 activi-

ties occurring in the 16 activities by the 8 social contexts. Addi-

tional profiles were compiled across the population by sex in terms of

selected demographic criteria: age, children at home, and wife's

employment status.









2. Do there appear to be role patterns among

clergy wives, as evidenced by the time allotted to

various activities and tasks?

Time allocations of clergy wives were analyzed by principal compo-

nents analysis to identify naturally-occurring groups based on similar-

ity of time allocation priorities. Subjects were assigned to groups

according to their loading on four components; only those subjects

showing a clear differentiation on the component loadings were assigned

to groups. Profiles of these groups were then compared with the

behaviors attributed to the theoretical clergy wife roles described in

the literature.

3. Is there a relationship between clergy and

spouse time allocation and their levels of marital

satisfaction, as measured by the Marital Satisfac-

tion Scale (Roach, 1981)?

Using the mean MSS score of 198 reported by Roach (1981), indivi-

dual priests and wives were assigned to one of four groups: more- or

less-satisfied priests and more- or less-satisfied wives. All subjects

scoring above the mean were considered more satisfied; those scoring

198 or below were considered less satisfied with their marriages. Time

allocation profiles for these groups were compared. Discriminant

analysis was used to assess the validity of clergy wife role (as

identified by principal components analysis) as a predictor of marital

satisfaction. The potential of time allocation priorities to predict

husbands' and wives' MSS group membership was investigated using

stepwise regression on MSS scores to activities.







47

Limitations of the Study

The main limitation of the study was that all data were collected

during one six-week period rather than distributed over the calendar

year. However, the timing of this data collection was designed to take

place during a season of the year uninterrupted by major holidays or

school vacations which might have produced a distortion of time commit-

ments for a population of this nature. Because theological, education-

al, and socioeconomic differences among Christian denominations have

been demonstrated to affect time allocation (Scanzoni, 1965) and clergy

wife role (Douglas, 1965; Platt & Moss, 1976; Scanzoni, 1965), the

generalizability of the results of this study to a population of clergy

from sect-type or fundamentalist groups cannot be assumed.












CHAPTER IV

RESULTS OF THE STUDY



This study was designed to investigate the relationships among time

allocation, roles of clergy wives, and marital satisfaction of Episcopal

priests and wives. Three research questions were formulated for the

study. The first was constructed to determine how clergy and wives allot

their time to church, family, and secular activities within a week.

The second question was directed toward investigating the existence of

role patterns among clergy wives, as evidenced by time allocation. The

relationship between clergy and spouse time allocation and marital

satisfaction served as the basis for the third question.

Presented in this chapter are the results of the analyses performed

on time allocation and marital satisfaction data collected for this

study. To answer the first research question, time allocation data were

summarized in composite profiles for priests and wives. To address the

second question, clergy wife profiles were analyzed by principal compo-

nents analysis. Discriminant analysis and stepwise regression were used

to address the third question. Outcome data pertaining to each research

question are presented separately in this chapter. Time allocation is

reported in minutes per day (m/d), hours per week (hrs/wk), or percent-

ages of total time. Numbers appearing in the tables have been rounded

off to the nearest whole number.









Time Allocation

Question 1. How do clergy and wives allot their time

to various activities and tasks within a week?

Thirty-two priests and thirty-four spouses completed the time

allocation portion of the study (N = 66). Time allocations were averaged

by minutes per day across categories and social contexts and were sorted

into profiles by sex, by children at home, and by wife's employment

status (See Appendix F). The amount of time reported by males and

females was equivalent and averaged 915 m/d, or slightly more than 15

hours of waking activity.

The average priest in this study spent 55% of his waking time, 49-68

hours per week, working for the church (See Table 1). Church-related

activities included (in order of average time allocation) church business

or administration, transportation or commuting, church group meetings,

prayer and study, counseling, church services, and church social activi-

ties. Most of the priest's church work did not include his spouse, but

instead occurred alone or "with others." (In this study the term

"others" denotes the social context of persons other than one's spouse or

children; e.g., 75% of the average clergyman's travel time was spent

either alone or with others; only 25% was with spouse and/or children.)

Of all church-related activities, the business and administration of

the church received the largest percentage of clergy time (14%). The

majority of priests in this population reported spending between 8 and 21

hours per week in administrative tasks; minimal involvement of spouses

was reported in this category. The remaining church time (4-16 hrs/wk)

















Table 1

Average Time Allocated in Minutes per Day (m/d)
To Activities by All Clergy

Activity Category m/d


Church-related

Business/administration
Transportation/commuting
Church groups
Prayer/study
Counseling
Church services
Church social

Home and Family

Recreation
Personal/family business
Eating
Housework/home maintenance
Children's activities


Secular


501 55%

125 14%
86 9%
83 9%
78 9%
52 6%
46 5%
31 3%

313 34%


101 11%


Recreation
Secular Social
Secular Study
Secular Groups
Employment









averaged six hours per week in counseling, five in church services,

and four in church social activities.

The average priest in this investigation devoted over an hour a day

to solitary prayer and study. He also spent a small portion of time in

prayer and study with his spouse (7 m/d) and with others (6 m/d);

however, prayer and study with his children was seldom reported (1.5

m/d).

One third of the typical priest's time was spent in activities

centered around home and family, including (in order) recreation,

personal/family business, meals, housework/home maintenance, and child-

related activities. The broad category of recreation included hobbies,

physical fitness activities, sports, and games as well as such sedentary

pursuits as resting and watching television. The largest part of the

average priest's family time (103 m/d) was spent with spouse and/or

children in activities under this heading. The typical priest also spent

about 10 hours per week transacting personal or family business, half of

which was done with his spouse. Eating was another a family activity;

nearly three fourths (70%) of his meals were eaten with his spouse or

with spouse and children. The average priest in this study spent 3.5

hours per week (30 m/d) in housework or home maintenance tasks, of which

only a third was reportedly done alone and the rest with spouse and/or

children. In families with children at home, priests spent only slightly

more time in housework (37 m/d), and 41 minutes per day in child care or

children's activities.

Secular concerns accounted for only 11% of the average priest's

time. These activities included recreation alone or with non-family







52

others, secular social activities, study of secular topics, and partici-

pation in secular groups. Solitary recreation (e.g. exercise, hobbies,

television) accounted for nearly half of priests' secular time, 46

minutes a day; less than 1% of the average priest's time was spent in

recreation with friends outside his family. Secular social activities

(e.g. entertaining, going out to dinner, parties, theater) averaged

three hours per week (3% of total time). Study of secular subjects

accounted for about 15 minutes of the average priest's day. Participa-

tion in secular groups (e.g. civic, political, cultural organizations)

was essentially non-existent. None of the priests in this study reported

secular employment; the fraction of a percent of time allocated to this

category may indicate activities related to spouses' secular employment.

Thirty-four wives completed the time allocation portion of the

study. The wives in this population constituted a much less homogeneous

group than did the priests, making it difficult if not misleading to

characterize a "typical" clergy wife. The employed women's time alloca-

tion profiles differed from those of the housewives; women with children

at home spent their days differently from women without children (See

Appendix F). To form a basis for making comparisons, the "average"

clergy wife as described below is represented by a profile of the total

female population of the study (See Table 2). The variation of clergy

wife roles is the subject of the next section of this chapter.

Over half of the average wife's waking hours were spent in home- and

family-related activities, 61 hours per week, including (in order)

housework/home maintenance, personal/family business, recreation, meals,

transportation/commuting, and child care/children's activities.


















Table 2


Average Time Allocated in Minutes
By All Clergy Wives


per Day (m/d) to Activities


Activity Category m/d %


Home and Family

Housework/home maintenance
Personal/family business
Recreation
Eating
Transportation
Children's activities

Church-related

Church groups
Prayer/study
Church social
Church services
Counseling
Business/administration

Secular


519 56%


154 16%

48 5%
36 4%
27 3%
20 2%
13 1%
10 1%

244 28%


Employment
Recreation
Secular Social
Secular Study
Secular Groups








54

The average clergy wife in this study spent 16 hours per week (15%

of her time) in housework/home maintenance, the vast majority of which

(99 m/d) was done alone; wives reported husbands and children involved in

housework with them only 17 m/d and 9 m/d respectively. Employed wives

spent nearly as much time (14 hours per week) in housework as unemployed

wives, but working wives logged less of that time (72 m/d) alone, and

more with spouse (30 m/d) and children (17 m/d). Personal or family

business accounted for 13 hours of the average clergy wife's week and was

done primarily alone.

In family recreation the average wife in this study logged 9% of

her time (85 m/d), somewhat less than the 11% logged by the average

priest. Also, husbands reported spending 77 minutes per day in recrea-

tion with spouse, while wives allocated their time in that category

differently: 60 m/d with spouse and 15 m/d with spouse and/or children.

This discrepancy might be attributed to differing perceptions of what is

meant by being "with" someone, that is, whether it requires participation

or interaction in a common activity or mere physical presence (e.g.,

Does it include watching television while the partner reads a book in the

same room, or does it require interaction? If the spouses are conversing

while the children are also in the room, are they "with" the children?).

Time spent in eating varied only slightly between wives and husbands

in this population, but wives reported more time eating with friends and

others than did priests (12 and 9 m/d respectively). Transportation or

commuting cost the average clergy wife more than an hour per day, over a

third of which was spent alone, 25% with spouse, 19% with children, and

15% with others. Women with children in the home reported 7% of their







55

time spent in child care and children's activities, less than one fourth

of which included their spouses.

The average clergy wife in this study committed 18 hours a week to

the church. Her church-related activities were, in rank order: church

groups, prayer/study, church social activities, worship services,

counseling, and business/administrative tasks. Participation in church

groups comprised a third of the average clergy wife's church activity, 6

hours weekly, but this activity varied widely over the population (0-26

hrs/wk). Employed wives participated in church organizations much

less than did housewives (M = 2.5 hrs/wk, 9 hrs/wk, respectively). As

did priests, wives recorded most of their church group activities "with

others," participating together with spouses in church groups only a

fourth of the time. Church social activities accounted for an average of

three hours a week for the average clergy wife, and attendance at worship

services averaged 2.5 hours weekly. The clergy wives in this study

varied widely in time spent counseling, from 0 to 82 minutes per day

(M_= 13 m/d). (Activity in this category did not include professional

counseling by women employed in this field.) Clergy wives' involvement

in the business or administration of the church was minimal (10 m/d, 1%

of their total time).

This investigation showed the average clergy wife devoting slightly

more than 30 minutes a day to prayer and study, three fourths of which

was done alone. Prayer/study with her husband and with others was

reported (5 m/d and 3 m/d respectively), but like priests, wives with

children at home reported no time in prayer and study with their chil-

dren or as a family.








56

Secular activities of clergy wives averaged 28 hours per week (over

twice as much time as priests spent in these categories). Employed

wives' jobs accounted for 24% of their total time; among non-employed

wives, 19% of their time was spent in recreation and secular social

activity. Wives reported twice as much time as did priests in recreation

and social activity with friends. Secular study amounted to only 2% of

these women's time; their secular group participation was negligible.

Examination of profiles derived from the time allocation logs

provided answers to the first question regarding how priests and wives

allocate their time among church, family and secular activities. These

data then formed the basis upon which analyses were performed in order to

address the second and third research questions in this study.

Clergy Wife Roles

Question 2. Do there appear to be role patterns

among clergy wives, as evidenced by the time allotted

to various activities and tasks?

An attempt was made to analyze the activities of the women in the

population in light of a theoretical model which classifies clergy wives

into roles according to their degree of involvement in their husbands'

ministry. A principal component analysis was used to extract patterns of

activities which distinguish between groups in this population. Four

components were derived and loadings on these components were examined in

comparison with the four patterns of theoretical clergy wife behavior

represented in the literature (Douglas, 1965; Hartley, 1978; Platt &

Moss, 1976; Sinclair, 1981): (1) background supporter, (2) teamworker,

(3) individualist, and (4) detached.







57

The "background supporter," traditional wife-mother, or enabler role

describes the clergy wife whose church involvement is secondary to her

responsibilities as wife and mother. The "teamworker," associate pastor,

or helpmate role identifies the clergy wife whose involvement in church

activities takes precedence over both domestic and secular work. The

"individualist" or liberated role is identified by a predominance of

involvement in her own profession and/or in non-domestic secular activi-

ties. Finally, the "detached" or aloof participant role describes the

wife least involved in institutional church activities.

Clergy wives in the study were assigned to groups according to the

manner in which their various activities loaded on the four components

(See Appendix G). Time allocation profiles were compiled for those wives

who were best represented by each component and these profiles were

compared with the descriptions of the theoretical clergy wife roles

mentioned above.

Background Supporter

Components 1 and 3 bore the strongest resemblance to the role of

background supporter (Douglas, 1965; Platt & Moss, 1976), referred to

elsewhere as "traditional wife-mother" (Hartley, 1978), and "enabler"

(Sinclair, 1981); these two components differed from each other in the

presence or absence of children in the home and secular employment of the

wife. Table 3 presents the time allocation profile of wives in this

study who were best described by the loadings on Component 1 (n = 8),

identified here as "background supporter with children."

The typical background supporter with children (Table 3) spent a

preponderance of her time (69%) in home and family activities. She spent

















Table 3


Average Time Allocated in Minutes per Day (m/d) to Activities
By Background Supporter Clergy Wives With Children

Activity Category m/d %


Home and Family

Housework/home maintenance
Recreation
Children's activities
Eating
Personal/family business
Transportation

Church-related

Prayer/study
Church groups
Church social
Business/administration
Church services
Counseling

Secular


656 69%

173 18%
124 13%
118 12%
88 9%
80 8%
73 8%

151 16%

54 6%
37 4%
20 2%
19 2%
12 1%
9 1%

150 15%


Employment 69 7%
Recreation 41 4%
Secular Social 22 2%
Secular Study 17 2%
Secular Groups 1 0%

957 100%








59

less than one third of her time alone, and she logged more time with her

children (20%) or with spouse and children (14%) than with her spouse

only (13%). Of the time she spent with others (23%), nearly half also

included her husband and/or children.

Housework consumed the largest single share of this background

supporter's total time, and she did two thirds of this work alone. The

remainder was done mainly with the children or as a family; less than

10% of the housework was logged with her spouse. The background suppor-

ter with children participated in family recreation more than other

wives, dividing this recreation time evenly between the family and the

couple. Child care and children's activities accounted for another large

portion of her average day. During the rest of her family time, whether

spent in eating, family business or transportation/commuting, the

presence of children was reported 25% to 50% of the time.

If she had children at home, the typical background supporter's

church involvement equalled the population average (16%). However, she

differed from most wives in that over a third of this time was spent in

prayer/study (mostly alone), and considerably less than the average (4%)

was spent with church groups. This background supporter attended fewer

church services and social activities than the other wives and did very

little, if any, counseling. However, she was more involved than most in

church business (2%).

The background supporter with children spent only 15% of her time in

secular activities, just over half the overall average. Employment

accounted for 7% of her time. The rest was divided between non-family










recreation (4%, virtually all of it alone), social events (2%), and

secular study (2%).

The picture which emerges from this profile matches very closely

with that of the background supporter or traditional wife-mother as

defined by Douglas (1965), Hartley (1978), Platt and Moss (1976), and

Sinclair (1981). Her life is centered around home and children. She may

be employed (but probably not full-time) and she may be pursuing an

educational goal, but these receive much less of her time than either

family or religious activities. Her religion tends to be personal rather

than public, with more time spent in private prayer and study than in

meetings or church social events; she spends more time assisting her

husband with church business than attending services of public worship.

The wives represented by Component 3 (n = 7) appeared to differ from

those represented by Component 1 primarily in the absence of child-re-

lated activities and the presence of secular employment. The activity

profile of these wives, characterized as "background supporters without

children," is presented in Table 4.

This background supporter was distinguished by a smaller than

average percentage of time allocated to church activities, by the

absence of children's activities, and by the presence of secular employ-

ment. As shown in Table 4, the typical background supporter without

children spent slightly more time than average in home/family and

secular activities, but less in church activities (14%). She was with

others (33%) more than she was alone (30%), and she logged more time with

her spouse (32%) than did women in the other three groups. Time in

contexts with children totaled only 5%.



















Table 4

Average Time Allocated in Minutes per Day (m/d) to Activities
By Background Supporter Clergy Wives Without Children

Activity Category m/d %

Home and Family 529 57%

Personal/family business 136 15%
Housework/home maintenance 126 14%
Recreation 106 11%
Eating 75 8%
Transportation 73 8%
Children's activities 13 1%

Church-related 128 14%

Church groups 32 3%
Church services 28 3%
Church social 27 3%
Prayer/study 25 3%
Counseling 10 1%
Business/administration 6 <1%

Secular 267 29%

Employment 170 18%
Recreation 46 5%
Secular Social 36 4%
Secular Groups 10 1%
Secular Study 5 <1%


924 100%








62

As Table 4 reveals, the background supporter without children logged

an average amount of time (57%) in home-related activities while per-

sonal/family business received slightly more time than housework. She

reported more time in domestic work with her spouse than did either the

background supporter or the teamworker. Family recreation occupied 12

hours per week and was nearly all with her spouse. In the other domes-

tic categories, her time allocations paralleled the average, except those

relating to children.

The background supporter without children devoted about 15 hours per

week to church activities, evenly divided among meetings, worship

services, social activities, and prayer/study (3% each). Counseling and

church business were logged only 1% each. Unlike other wives, this

background supporter logged a third of her church group and social

activity time with her husband.

In the secular categories, the background supporter without children

recorded an average of 20 hours per week in paid employment. Like the

background supporter with children, she logged a small percentage of her

time in non-family recreation. Half of her secular social life was

logged with family and half with others (4% total). She did not report

time spent in secular groups or study.

The profile of the clergy wife represented by Table 4 appears to

resemble a background supporter with a job, or a traditional wife and mo-

ther whose children are grown. While her church participation is lower

than the average for this population, 15 hours per week would scarcely

seem to merit the descriptors "aloof" or "detached" (Douglas, 1965;

Platt & Moss, 1976), nor would the amount of time spent with her spouse











in home, secular, and religious activity describe an individualist

(Hartley, 1978). This clergy wife role, therefore, is categorized as

background supporter without children.

Teamworker

Loadings on Component 2 included characteristics most nearly

resembling the role of teamworker (Douglas, 1965; Platt & Moss, 1976),

referred to elsewhere as associate pastor-helpmeet (Hartley, 1978), or

helpmate (Sinclair, 1981). Table 5 shows the activity profile of the

typical teamworker clergy wife represented by this component (n = 7).

Compared with other clergy wives in this study, the teamworker spent

much more of her time in church-related activities (25%), slightly less

in secular pursuits (22%), and nearly the same (54%) in domestic activi-

ties as the total population. She appeared to have no children at

home, as evidenced by the small percentage of time allocated to family

contexts. Three fourths of the teamworker's time was spent either alone

(46%) or with non-family members (27%). Time with her spouse amounted to

only 12%, with children 8%, and combinations 7%.

The teamworker did over 90% of the housework and three fourths of

the family business alone. Unlike the background supporters, she spent

as much time traveling from place to place as in family recreation (6%),

and child-related activities accounted for just 3% of her total time.

Of the 26 hours per week the teamworker typically spent in church

work, 11 hours per week were devoted to church group meetings (85% of

which did not involve her husband). Church social events accounted for

four hours a week, as did prayer and study. The teamworker spent more

time than did background supporters in counseling others (nearly 3 hours

















Table 5


Av~r~o~' Time Allnrstnd in Minutes


ner Day (ald'i to Activities


By Teamworker Clergy Wives


Activity Category m/d 7.

Home and Family 502 54%

Housework/home maintenance 149 16%
Personal/family business 129 14%
Eating 85 9%
Recreation 58 6%
Transportation 53 6%
Children's activities 28 3%

Church-related 219 25%

Church groups 94 10%
Church social 34 4%
Prayer/study 33 4%
Counseling 24 3%
Church services 24 3%
Business/administration 10 1%


Secular

Recreation
Secular Social
Employment
Secular Groups
Secular Study


204 21%

131 14%
46 5%
13 1%
9 1%
5 <1%


925 100%







65

a week), and an equal amount of time attending church services; however,

only one hour a week was allocated to church business activities.

Secular interests for the teamworker accounted for the smallest per-

centage of her total time (21%); two thirds of this time was spent in

recreation, mostly alone. Time spent by teamworkers in secular social

activities was evenly divided between spouse and others. Employment,

secular groups, and secular study each accounted for 1% of her time or

less.

The composite portrait drawn by this profile appears, in many

respects, to match the teamworker role as defined in the literature

(Douglas, 1965; Hartley, 1978; Platt & Moss, 1976). This wife spends

less time at home than the background supporters, and her time there is

devoted much more to the necessities than to the pleasures of family

life. She has no children at home and is not employed. She appears to

be heavily involved in the work of the church, as evidenced by the amount

of time she devotes to church activities, particularly organized groups,

social events, and worship services. In this church work she appears to

be functioning independently of her husband, possibly in a leadership

capacity, rather than accompanying her husband or helping him with church

business. Perhaps most significantly, she reports spending 3% of her

time in counseling, an activity which Douglas (1965) attributed to the

"semi-professional" teamworker role. Her allocation of time to prayer

and study may indicate a spiritual foundation underlying her public

ministry.

Individualist

Loadings on Component 4 suggested a resemblance to the individualist

(Hartley, 1978) or "liberated" clergy wife (Sinclair, 1981). As seen in







66

Table 6, individualists (n = 7) were distinguished from the other roles

classified in this study in that they spent the least time in domestic

activities and the most time in secular pursuits. Individualists spent

slightly more time than did background supporters but less than team-

workers in church activities. They also spent more time in the company

of others (35%) and slightly less time with their husbands (17%) than did

background supporters, but more than did teamworkers.

Home and family activities occupied only half of the typical indivi-

dualist's time. Family business took priority over housework, which was

reported only 11% the time (cf. 18% for background supporters with

children). Only half of the individualist's domestic activity was done

alone; the rest was with either spouse, children, or others. She logged

only 5% of her time in family recreation, less than half that of the

background supporter or teamworker; these activities were evenly divided

between spouse and children.

The individualist spent 17% of her time in church activities, a

distant second to the teamworker in this category. The individualist

differed from the teamworker, however, in that she spent only 6% of her

time in church groups, and that prayer/study took precedence over

attendance at social activities and church services. The individualist

reported little participation in counseling or church business/adminis-

tration.

The typical individualist spent more time than the other wives

in secular activity (33%), with employment accounting for an average of

21 hours per week. She spent more time in secular social activities (6%)

















Table 6


Average Time Allocated in Minutes per
By Individualist Clergy Wiv s


Day (m/d) to Activities


Activity Category m/d %


Home and Family

Personal/family business
Housework/home maintenance
Transportation
Eating
Recreation
Children's activities

Church-related

Church groups
Prayer/study
Church social
Church services
Counseling
Business/administration

Secular

Employment
Recreation
Secular Social
Secular Study
Secular Groups


465 50%

143 15%
99 11%
81 9%
77 8%
50 5%
15 2%

154 17%


919 100%








68

than in recreation (5%); very little of her time (23 m/d) was in solitary

recreation. She reported limited involvement in secular study (2%) and

secular group activities (1%).

The woman characterized by Component 4 appears to resemble the

individualist role by virtue of her liberation from housework (or at

least from the expectation that she do it alone), her employment, her

lack of time for recreation, and a relatively high percentage of time

spent outside the family. In all of these characteristics she differs

most, of course, from the background supporters; the individualist spends

more time in religious activities and serious secular pursuits, less time

in domestic activities (especially family recreation), and less time

across all categories with her spouse. She differs also from the

teamworker in the extent and nature of her religious life and her

involvement in serious secular interests (employment, study, and organi-

zations).

Significance of Clergy Wife Roles

The four components described above accounted for only 14.88% of the

total variance in the clergy wives studied (See Appendix G). Of the

explained variance, Component 1 (background supporter with children)

accounted for 6.27%; Component 2 (teamworker), 3.61%; Component 3

(background supporter without children), 2.61%; and Component 4 (indivi-

dualist), 2.38%. It should be noted that the loadings most character-

istic of the background supporter role represent domestic activities

which are only 6 of the 16 categories, but account for 56% of the

variance across all roles. Forty-four percent of the explained variance

was distributed among the remaining 10 activity categories. It would








69

appear that the impact of domestic activities on clergy wife roles is

relatively equivalent across all groups; that is, the women in this study

allocated half or more of their time to the six home/family activity

categories, regardless of role.

When the wives in this study were assigned to groups according to

loadings on these four components, the resulting time allocation profiles

closely paralleled the theoretical clergy wife roles found in the litera-

ture. These results, while not conclusive, tend to support the theoreti-

cal clergy wife roles of background supporter, teamworker, and indivi-

dualist. The role identified as detached or aloof participant (Douglas,

1965; Platt & Moss, 1976) was not found, possibly because wives resemb-

ling that role did not participate in this study, or because that role

was not defined by behavioral descriptors. The roles of wives whose

profiles did not match any of the four components (n = 5) might be

classified as "ambivalent or mixed" (Hartley, 1978), thus giving some

support for Hartley's classification of clergy wife roles into four:

background supporter (traditional wife-mother), teamworker (associate

pastor-helpmeet), individualist, and ambivalent/mixed. These roles,

however, accounted for a very small percentage of the variance among

clergy wives in this study.

Marital Satisfaction

Question 3. Is there a relationship between clergy

and spouse time allocation and their levels of

marital satisfaction, as measured by the Marital

Satisfaction Scale (Roach, 1981)?










Marital Satisfaction Scale scores for priests and wives in this

study were equivalent and slightly above the mean (M = 198, SD = 30)

reported by Roach (1981). In this investigation, clergy scores ranged

from 143-240, with an average of 208 (SD = 25). Wives scored from

133-240 and averaged 205 (SD = 26). Priests (n = 21) and wives (n = 24)

who scored above the mean of 198 (Roach, 1981) were placed in the

more-satisfied groups. Those scoring 198 or below were placed in the

less-satisfied groups (priests n = 11; wives n = 10).

The typical priest in the more-satisfied group was 50 years old,

had been ordained for 20 years and married for 22 years. His reported

salary was $28,000, and his wife's earnings brought their combined family

income to $35,000. In contrast, the less-satisfied husband was slightly

younger (48), had been ordained 16 years and married 20 years. His

personal income was reported at $24,000 and combined family income

$28,000.

The typical wife in the more-satisfied group was 47 years old, had

been married 21 years, reported a personal income of $7,000 and a

combined family income of $38,000. The less-satisfied wife was older

(55), had been married 23 years, reported personal income of $2,000, and

family income of $30,000.

The time allocation profile of the more-satisfied husband is

summarized in Table 7. He typically reported spending less of his time

in church work, more time in home and family activities, and less time in

secular activities than the overall clergy average.

The more-satisfied priest spent only 52% of his time in church work

(cf. mean for all priests = 55%), and his priorities of activities in
















Table 7


Average Time Allocated in Minutes per Day


(m/d) to Activities


By Priests Scoring Above the Mean
For Marital Satisfaction

Activity Category m/d %

Church-related 468 51%

Business/administration 109 12%
Transportation/commuting 83 9%
Church groups 81 9%
Prayer/study 73 8%
Counseling 50 5%
Church services 46 5%
Church social 26 3%


Home and Family

Recreation
Personal/family business
Eating
Housework/home maintenance
Children's activities

Secular

Recreation
Secular Social
Secular Study
Secular Groups
Employment


344 39%

109 12%
97 11%
79 9%
32 4%
27 3%

90 10%

35 4%
34 4%
13 1%
5 1%
3 0%


902 100%








72

this category paralleled that of the population; the largest share of his

time went to church business and administrative tasks, followed by

transportation, groups, prayer/study, counseling, worship services, and

social activities. The more-satisfied priest spent 39% of his time in

home and family activities (5% more than average). Family recreation

(80% with spouse) equalled church business in the more-satisfied clergy-

man's time allocation profile. This priest spent less than the average

amount of time in secular pursuits, time which was evenly divided between

recreation alone and secular social activities; secular study and secular

groups each received less than 1% of the satisfied clergyman's time. The

social context profiles (Table 8) show that the more-satisfied priest

spent 11% less time alone than the less-satisfied priest, 2% more

time with non-family others, 5% more time with wife and children, and 8%

more time with his spouse.

The time allocation profile of the typical husband in the less-

satisfied group is presented in Table 9. This priest spent much more

than the average amount of time in church work, more time in non-social

secular pursuits, and much less time in home and family activities.

Church work consumed 60% of the less-satisfied priest's time, with

17% devoted to business and administrative tasks (cf. 12% for the more-

satisfied group). He also differed from the more-satisfied priest in

that he spent more time in prayer and study (largely alone) than he spent

participating in church groups. Home and family activities received only

27% of the less-satisfied husband's time (cf. 39% for more-satisfied hus-

bands); the less-satisfied priest spent considerably less time in

recreation and family business. This priest reported spending more



























Table 8


Social Context Profiles of Priests by Marital Satisfaction

Codea All Priests More Satisfied Less Satisfied
A 32% 28% 39%
D 30% 30% 28%
B 22% 25% 17%
BC 6% 8% 3%
BD 5% 3% 6%
C 4% 3% 4%
BCD 0 1% 0
CD 0 0 2%

Note. Percentages are of total time spent in all contexts.
aCodes: A=alone; B=with spouse; C=with own children; D=with others.

















Table 9


Average Time Allocated in Minutes per Day
by Priests Scoring Below the Mean
For Marital Satisfaction


(m/d) to Activities


Activity Category m/d %


Church-related


558 60%


Business/administration 155 17%
Transportation/commuting 91 10%
Prayer/study 87 9%
Church groups 85 9%
Counseling 55 6%
Church services 44 5%
Church social 41 4%

Home and Family 251 27%

Recreation 90 10%
Eating 64 7%
Personal/family business 50 5%
Housework/home maintenance 32 4%
Children's activities 22 2%

Secular 118 13%

Recreation 67 7%
Secular Social 17 2%
Secular Study 16 2%
Secular Groups 13 1%
Employment 11 1%

927 100%








75

time in secular activities (13%), over half of which was in recreation

(mostly alone). In contrast, he participated in secular social activi-

ties only 2% of his time (half that of the satisfied group) and spent an

equal amount of time in secular study, mostly alone.

To summarize, the social context profiles (Table 8, above) show that

compared with the more-satisfied group, the-less-satisfied priest spent

more of his time alone, less time with others, and much less time with

his wife. His is the only profile that records time spent in the context

of children and others (without spouse).

The time allocation profile of the more-satisfied clergy wife as

presented in Table 10 differs very little from the overall clergy wife

profile (Table 2). However, in comparison with the time allocations of

the less-satisfied wives summarized in Table 11, several differences

emerged and are presented below.

The more-satisfied clergy wife in this study spent less of her time

in housework, more time in recreation with her husband, and more time in

child-related activities than the less-satisfied clergy wife. She was

more likely to be employed outside the home than the less-satisfied

wife. The more-satisfied wife also spent more time in secular study;

however, she spent less than half as much time as the less-satisfied wife

in solitary recreation. Indeed, as shown in Table 12, the one social

context category that most differentiated the more- from the less-satis-

fied wives was time spent alone. Family time for the more-satisfied

clergy wife tended to include both spouse and children, while less-satis-

fied wives spent more time with their children. More-satisfied wives'

activity profiles tended to match more closely the profiles of the



















Table 10

Average Time Allocated in Minutes per Day (m/d) to Activities
By Clergy Wives Scoring Above the Mean
For Marital Satisfaction

Activity Category m/d %


Home and Family

Housework/home maintenance
Personal/family business
Recreation
Eating
Transportation
Children's activities

Church-related

Church groups
Prayer/study
Church social
Church services
Counseling
Business/administration

Secular

Employment
Recreation
Secular Social
Secular Study
Secular Groups


511 56%

128 14%
108 12%
85 9%
79 9%
67 7%
44 5%

160 18%

45 5%
37 4%
30 3%
19 2%
17 2%
12 1%

241 26%

133 15%
46 5%
36 4%
18 2%
8 1%


912 100%


















Table 11

Average Time Allocated in Minutes per Day (m/d) to Activities
By Clergy Wives Scoring Below the Mean
For Marital Satisfaction

Activity Category m/d %

Home and Family 530 57%

Housework/home maintenance 155 17%
Personal/family business 110 12%
Eating 88 9%
Recreation 82 9%
Transportation 66 7%
Children's activities 30 5%

Church-related 141 15%

Church groups 55 6%
Prayer/study 31 3%
Church services 23 3%
Church social 20 2%
Business/administration 7 1%
Counseling 5 <1%

Secular 257 27%

Employment 111 12%
Recreation 97 10%
Secular Social 39 4%
Secular Study 6 <1%
Secular Groups 4 <1%


928


1007


























Table 12

Social Context Profiles of Clergy Wives by Marital Satisfaction

Codea All Wives More Satisfied Less Satisfied
A 32% 33% 37%
D 28% 28% 27%
B 18% 18% 17%
C 8% 8% 9%
BC 5% 6% 3%
BD 5% 5% 4%
BCD 1% 1% 1%
CD 0 0 1%

Note. Percentages are of total time spent in all contexts.
aCodes: A=alone; B=with spouse; C=with own children; D=with others.










individualist and background supporter with children (cf. Tables 3

and 6), while the profile of wives less satisfied with their marriages

more closely resembled the profile of the teamworker (Table 5).

The patterns of relationship between marital satisfaction group and

clergy wife role were examined by means of a discriminant analysis.

Table 13 displays the linear discriminant functions of membership in the

more- or less-satisfied groups on the four components extracted by the

principal component analysis. Less-than-average marital satisfaction

among clergy wives in this study was characterized by a positive coeffi-

cient on the pattern of activities identified here as "teamworker" and a

negative coefficient on the pattern of activities identified here as

"individualist." The coefficients on the characteristics of background

supporters, with and without children, were more neutral.

Discriminant analysis was used in order to examine patterns, not to

test hypotheses. The results of the test chi-square were not significant

at the .05 level and, therefore, cannot be used predictively. However,

this finding does suggest that identification with the teamworker role

tended to be associated with of lower marital satisfaction, while

identification with the individualist role was somewhat associated with

higher marital satisfaction among this population of clergy wives.

A comparison of the mean MSS scores for the four clergy wife role

groups (analysis of variance) revealed no significant differences between

groups (F(3, 28) = 1.26, p = .31) Although not statistically different,

the mean marital satisfaction score for wives in the teamworker role was

lower than the means of the other three groups. Time allocation profiles


























Table 13

Discriminant Analysis upon Clergy Wife Role by Marital Satisfaction
Group

Linear Discriminant Function

More-Satisfied Group Less-Satisfied Group

Constant -.0263 -.1513
Background Supporter/children -.0288 .0691
Teamworker -.1926 .4622
Background Supporter/no children -.0610 .1465
Individualist .1270 -.3047

Note: Test chi-square value = 8.33 with 10 df, p = .5966 (Kendall &
Stuart, 1961)








81

and marital satisfaction scores for each of the four clergy wife role

groups in this study are shown in Appendix H.

To examine the relationship of time allocation and marital

satisfaction, stepwise regression of Marital Satisfaction Scale

scores upon activities was used. As indicated by Table 14, for priests

in the study the amount of time spent alone in church business was

found to be the single strongest predictor of low marital satisfaction,

accounting for 30% of the variance (r = -.55, p = .0014). Other

activities found to be significantly related to marital satisfaction

among priests (p <.05) included participating with others in church

social activities and church business; spending time alone in recrea-

tion was negatively correlated with marital satisfaction.

Among clergy wives in this study the single strongest predictor of

low marital satisfaction was the amount of time spent in solitary

recreation (See Table 15). This single variable accounted for 27% of

the variance on marital satisfaction in clergy wives (r = -.51,

p = .0017). Other variables included in the regression model were not

significant at the .05 level of probability. Not included in the

regression model, but negatively related (p <.05) to marital satisfac-

tion in clergy wives in the study was the amount of time spent alone

doing housework (r = -.36, p = .038).



The majority of priests in this study spent over half of their

waking time in church-related activities and a third of their time in

home and family activities (predominantly recreation and family busi-

ness). Priests reported spending little time in secular activities,









Table 14


SteDwise Regression Analysis of Marital


Activities of Priests


Satisfaction Level Upon


Partial Model


Step Variable r Beta R2 R2 Prob>F

1. Church Business (A)a -.55*** -.36 .30 .30 .001
2. Church Social (D) .43* 1.37 .12 .42 .022
3. Eating (BC) .33 .29 .10 .52 .024
4. Recreation (A) -.39* -.38 .08 .60 .028
5. Church Service (D) .34 .81 .09 .69 .014
6. Transportation (D) .16 -1.34 .07 .76 .017
7. Recreation (BC) -.05 .44 .02 .78 .118
8. Family Business (A) .03 .14 .04 .82 .048
9. Church Business (D) .36* -.25 .02 .84 .092
10. Eating (A) -.10 .95 .03 .87 .051
11. Prayer/Study (A) .07 -.28 .03 .90 .023
12. Family Bus. (A) removed .01 .89 .261

Note: Overall F(10,30) = 17.14, p = .0001
aContext: A=alone; B=with spouse; C=with own children; D=with others
*p <.05 **p <.01 ***p <.001



Table 15

Stepwise Regression Analysis of Marital Satisfaction Level Upon
Activities of Clergy Wives
Partial Model
Step Variable r Beta R2 R2 Prob>F

1. Recreation (A)a -.52** -.25 .27 .27 .002
2. Counseling (D) .29 .53 .07 .34 .084
3. Housework (C) .26 .48 .05 .39 .104
4. Church Groups (BD) -.03 -.53 .06 .45 .089
5. Recreation (D) -.41* -.35 .04 .49 .125


D=with others


Note: Overall F(5,33) = 5.53, p = .0011
aContext: A=alone; B=with spouse; C=with own children;
*p <.05 **p <.01 ***p <.001


h bl I








83

and most of these were solitary recreational pursuits; priests reported

minimal social or recreational activity with non-family members.

Clergy wives in the study, whether employed or not, allocated over

half of their waking hours to home and family activities, primarily

housework and family business. Secular activities accounted for over a

fourth of clergy wives' time, while church-related activities received

an average of 16% of their time. Employed wives participated in church

activities, especially organizations, much less than did housewives.

Whether employed or not, clergy wives recorded more time than did

priests in recreational and social activities with persons other than

spouse and children.

Some support was found for the existence of four clergy wife

roles: background supporter with children, background supporter

without children, teamworker, and individualist. However, the percent-

age of variance among clergy wives attributable to the characteristics

of these roles was found to be small.

Two thirds of the priests and wives in the study were found to be

relatively well satisfied with their marriages, scoring above the mean

of 198 on the Marital Satisfaction Scale (Roach, 1981). Marital

satisfaction in this population appeared to be associated with the

amount of time spent alone across all activity categories, with

more-satisfied priests and wives spending higher percentages of time

with spouse, family, and others. Less-satisfied priests and wives

spent more time alone; priests in church business and recreation, wives

in housework and recreation. More-satisfied wives spent a larger

percentage of their time in secular employment and church-related








84

activities (but a lower percentage of time in church group meetings)

than did less-satisfied wives. Marital satisfaction among wives in

this population appeared to be more characteristic of women identified

by the individualist role than the teamworker role.

The results of the study also indicated that, for both priests and

wives, the single most significant predictor of low marital satisfac-

tion was time spent alone in significant categories: church business

administration for priests, housework for wives, and recreation for both.
















CHAPTER V

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND DISCUSSION

Summary

This study examined the degree of the relationships among time

allocation, clergy wife roles, and marital satisfaction in Episcopal

priests and clergy wives. Long, unstructured hours of work and the

conflicting demands of vocational and conjugal roles have been charac-

teristics ascribed to clergy marriages by writers such as Rolfe (1984)

and Scanzoni (1965). Previous studies have examined the attitudes of

ministers and wives toward their life and work (e.g., Mace & Mace,

1980) but have not had objective data by which to interpret these

attitudes. One of the purposes of this study was to provide such data

in the form of specific time allocations of clergy and wives to

activities within the church, the home, and the community.

Wives of ministers have traditionally been expected to center

their lives around their husbands' work (Barstow, 1983; Deming &

Stubbs, 1984). Therefore, theoretical clergy wife roles have been

defined by the wife's level of participation in the husband's ministry

(Douglas, 1965; Hartley, 1978; Platt & Moss, 1976; Sinclair, 1981).

Recent changes attributed to the women's movement, economic realities,

and the entrance of women into the ministry have resulted in increasing

ambiguities in the roles of clergy spouses (Deming & Stubbs, 1984;








86

Niswander, 1982; Nyberg, 1979). Nevertheless, the majority of clergy

wives surveyed by Oswald, Gutierrez, and Dean (1980) reported that they

were, at least in part, defined by their husbands' occupation. Another

purpose of this study was to explore whether the objectively recorded

time allocations of clergy wives would provide empirical support for

the theoretical clergy wife roles described in the literature.

Marital satisfaction among clergy has been the subject of conflic-

ting reports. Mace and Mace (1980) found a majority of clergy couples

in their survey to be struggling with time pressures and role con-

flicts; Warner and Carter (1984) found pastors and wives more lonely

and less well-adjusted in their marriages than non-pastoral husbands

and wives; Barber (1982) found no significant difference in levels of

marital satisfaction between clergy and lay couples; clergy wives

surveyed by Hartley (1978) and Morgan and Morgan (1980) reported

generally high levels of marital satisfaction.

The present study attempted to answer three research questions:

(1) How do clergy and wives allot their time to various activities and

tasks within a given week? (2) Do there appear to be role patterns

among clergy wives, as evidenced by the time allotted to various

activities and tasks? and (3) Is there a relationship between clergy

and spouse time allocation and their levels of marital satisfaction as

measured by the Marital Satisfaction Scale (Roach, 1981)?

Specifically, active clergy and clergy wives in the Episcopal

Diocese of Florida were asked to record in log books their daily

activities for two non-consecutive weeks (14 days) within a six-week










period. Respondents were also asked to complete a demographics

questionnaire and Form B of the Marital Satisfaction Scale.

Data received from individual priests (n = 32) and wives (n = 34)

were analyzed by the investigator and compiled into composite profiles

of clergy and wife activities. Males and females in this study were

found to allot their time in predictable ways: Priests devoted over

half their waking time to church work; wives, whether or not they were

employed, spent over half their time in home and family activities.

Clergy wife roles were examined by means of a principal component

analysis; four components were extracted and loadings on each component

were compared with characteristics of the theoretical roles described

in the literature. Some support was suggested for the existence of

four clergy wife roles among women in this study: background supporter

with children in the home, background supporter without children,

teamworker, and individualist. However, the amount of variance

accounted for by this analysis was low, suggesting that these roles

actually described only a small percentage of these women's lives and

that the assumption that the lives of clergy wives are centered around

their husbands' ministry may be inappropriate.

Based on their scores on the Marital Satisfaction Scale (MSS),

21 priests and 24 wives were classified as more satisfied with their

marriages (scoring above the mean on the MSS), while 11 priests and 10

wives were classified as less satisfied. The relationship of clergy

wife role to marital satisfaction was examined by discriminant analy-

sis. Clergy wives whose behaviors most closely resembled the team-

worker role (most involved in church work, least in secular activities)








88

were found more likely to have low marital satisfaction than were other

wives in this study; those identified as individualist (most involved

in secular activities, least in housework and home management) were

somewhat likely to be more satisfied with their marriages. The

predictive power of time allocation on marital satisfaction was tested

by stepwise regression. For both priests and wives, the most powerful

predictor of low marital satisfaction was found to be time spent in

activities alone (church administration and recreation for priests,

recreation for wives). For wives, the amount of time spent alone doing

housework was also negatively correlated with marital satisfaction.

The majority of priests and wives who participated in this study

scored above the mean on the MSS; however, among those who did not

respond to the study were two clergy couples who separated during or

shortly after the investigation. These findings therefore may apply

primarily to clergy and wives whose attitudes toward their marriages

are more favorable or less favorable, while those whose marital

satisfaction level is so low as to place them in imminent danger of

divorce may be under-represented in this study. Careful consideration

should also be given to the fact that this investigation did not set

out to establish cause-effect relationships or to support any experi-

mentally based hypotheses, but to describe observable characteristics

of a specific population.

Conclusions

1. The study revealed that while the average priest spent 59

hours per week in church-related activities, and 36 hours per week in

home and family activities, he spent less than 12 hours per week in








89

secular activities (half of which was in solitary recreation). These

priests spent minimal amounts of time in secular social or recreational

activities with non-family members. Clergy wives in the study typical-

ly allocated 60 hours per week to home and family activities, primarily

housework and family business. Employment outside the home did not

appear to decrease the amount of time spent in these activities so much

as it decreased the time employed wives spent in recreation. Whether

or not they were employed, clergy wives in the study recorded more time

than did priests in recreational and secular social activities with

non-family members. Church-related activities accounted for 18 hours

of the average clergy wife's week; employed wives' participation in

church activities nearly equaled that of housewives, except for church

organizations. Both priests and wives reported spending time in

daily prayer and study, usually alone, sometimes as couples, but rarely

(if ever) with their children.

2. Some support was found for the existence in this population of

four clergy wife roles similar to those described in the literature

(e.g., Douglas, 1965; Hartley, 1978): background supporter with

children (activities centered around home, family, and children with

church involvement secondary), background supporter without children

(activities centered around secular employment and home activities with

spouse, church involvement less frequent), teamworker (highest percent-

age of time spent in church activities of all wives) and individualist

(activities centered around secular employment with lowest percentage

of time spent in housework and recreation of all wives). However, the

amount of the variance among clergy wives attributable to these roles











was found to be small, suggesting that the practice of classifying

clergy wives according to their level of participation in their

husbands' ministry is inappropriate.

3. Two thirds of the priests and wives in the study were found to

be relatively well satisfied with their marriages, scoring above the

mean on the Marital Satisfaction Scale (Roach, 1981). The typical

priest in the more-satisfied group was slightly older (M = 50) than the

average less-satisfied priest (M = 48), had been ordained longer,

married longer, and both he and his wife made more money. On the other

hand, the typical wife in the more-satisfied group was younger (M = 47)

and had been married a slightly shorter time than the average less-sat-

isfied wife (M_= 55). The more-satisfied wife also reported a higher

personal and family income.

The study provided an activity profile for clergy marital health.

Among priests and wives in this study, marital satisfaction appeared to

be inversely related to the amount of time spent alone across activity

categories; more-satisfied respondents reported higher percentages of

time with spouse, family, and others. Less-satisfied priests spent

more time alone in church business administration and solitary recrea-

tion. Less-satisfied clergy wives spent more time alone in housework

and solitary recreation, while more-satisfied wives tended to spend

more time in secular employment and study.

Discussion

In contrast to the 70- to 80-hour work weeks reported throughout

the literature (e.g., Rassieur, 1982; Rolfe, 1984), when asked to

record their daily activities minute by minute, the majority of priests










in this study reported spending between 49 and 68 hours per week

actively working for the church. They also logged an average of 36

hours per week in home and family activities, of which the largest

amount of time was reported in recreation with their spouses. However,

wives in the study consistently reported less recreation time with

their spouses than did husbands, suggesting (as in Douglas, 1965) that

quality, rather than quantity, of time together is the problematic

variable in clergy marriage. The clergy wives studied were a hetero-

geneous group comprised of career women and homemakers, active mothers

and empty-nesters. Regardless of family stage or employment status,

however, these clergy wives spent two thirds of their time in activi-

ties centering around the home, the family, and the church.

The data from the time allocation portion of this study yielded an

actual record of time spent by clergy and spouses in each activity

category and the social context in which it was perceived to have

occurred. Thus, the data provided an accurate behavioral basis on

which to proceed to investigate questions related to clergy wife roles

and marital satisfaction.

Previous studies have attempted to classify clergy wives on the

basis of their participation in their husbands' ministry (Douglas,

1965; Hartley, 1978; Platt & Moss, 1976; Sinclair, 1981). The present

study investigated not only the clergy wife's relationship to her

husband and his work, but also the wife herself and her work. Several

important findings emerged from this investigation:

When time allocation profiles drawn for four groups of clergy

wives (identified by a principal component analysis) were compared to