Citation
American and German children's perceptions of war and peace

Material Information

Title:
American and German children's perceptions of war and peace : a photo-communication approach
Creator:
Dinklage, Rosemarie I., 1938- ( Dissertant )
Larsen, Janet ( Thesis advisor )
Wass, Hannelore ( Reviewer )
Ziller, Robert ( Reviewer )
Fong, Margaret ( Reviewer )
Smith, David C. ( Degree grantor )
Place of Publication:
Gainesville, Fla.
Publisher:
University of Florida
Publication Date:
Copyright Date:
1986
Language:
English
Physical Description:
x, 170 leaves : ill. (some col.) ; 28 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Child psychology ( jstor )
Children ( jstor )
Nuclear warfare ( jstor )
Parents ( jstor )
Peace ( jstor )
Photography ( jstor )
Pictorial representation ( jstor )
Schools ( jstor )
War ( jstor )
World wars ( jstor )
Children and war -- Germany ( lcsh )
Counselor Education thesis Ph. D
Dissertations, Academic -- Counselor Education -- UF
Social perception in children ( lcsh )
Youth and peace -- Germany ( lcsh )
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Abstract:
The purpose of this study was to explore the perceptions of war and peace of young American and German children. The sample consisted of 80 fourth graders, 40 from each country, chosen from urban schools, with an equal number of boys and girls. Each child was asked to take two photographs, one representing war and one peace, and was interviewed individually about the photographs, the sources of information regarding war and peace, the ideas about the future, the preferred source of comfort if worried about war, and whether and when education should be provided. All photographs were separated into five categories of peace, i.e., sanctuary, human, animals, nature, and other, and five categories of war, i.e., destruction, human, armaments, consequences of war, and other. The chi-square statistic was employed for analyses. The children's verbal responses were analyzed using percentages and z-statistics. Regarding war, significantly more German than American children saw war as "destruction" and "consequences of war" through photographs and verbal responses. Results indicated that both American and German children saw peace as tranquility and cooperation. No significant difference was found between German and American children's photographs and verbal expressions. The two groups did not differ on their major first source of information about war or peace. Children from both countries ranked "television" as their major source of information about war. "Mother" was ranked as the major source for peace. Both groups perceived a need for education about peace; approximately half of each group believed it should begin in elementary school. Sixty percent of the German and 93% of the American children desired war education; 38% of the German and 68% of the American children thought it should start in elementary school. American and German children viewed peace similarly. War was seen differently, especially in the focus on "destruction" and the "consequences of war. " The study gives evidence that children perceive a need for war and peace education starting in elementary school.
Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1986.
Bibliography:
Bibliography: leaves 163-168.
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Rosemarie I. Dinklage.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
029609368 ( AlephBibNum )
AEH8246 ( NOTIS )
014971368 ( OCLC )

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AMERICAN AND GERMAN CHILDREN'S PERCEPTIONS OF WAR AND PEACE: A PHOTO-COMMUNICATION APPROACH By ROSEMARIE I. DINKLAGS A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1986

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Copyright 1986 by Rosemarie Ingrid Dinklage

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The energy, time, and willpower i'or this dissertation are dedicated to my late husband RaJph, who gave me the courage to ut^rt it and the belief to be able to complete it.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Gratitude is expressed to Dr. Janet Larsen, committee chairperson, and the committee members, Dr. Margaret Fong, Dr. Hannelore Wass, and Dr. Robert Ziller, for their unending support, help, and guidance. Dr. Joseph Wittmer's continuous support and challenge to the clarity of the task is greatly appreciated. Gratitude is also expressed to other professors for their collective support in my undertaking and completing this study. My friends, Anne, Betty, Boots, Christa, Dolores, Jackie, Jeanne, Kathy, Linda, Millie, Vivian, my sister Ute, Siegrun and David, Winnie and Bob, and Helga and Arthur, are remembered for their never-ending support and encouragement. The fourth grade students and their parents, administrators, school principals, teachers, and secretaries in Germany and in Florida are thanked for participating and/or supporting this research endeavor. Barbara's typing excellence, understanding, and patience are very much appreciated.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Pag^e ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ABSTRACT CHAPTERS I INTRODUCTION Background Germany Historical Events Effects on Children United States Historical Events Effects on Children Nuclear War Statement of the Problem Need for the Study Purpose of the Study Research Questions Rationale Definition of Terms Assumptions Overview of the Remainder of the Study II RELATED LITERATURE Children's Awareness of War and Peace — A Developmental Approach Studies Concerning War and Peace Using Piaget's Stages of Children's Cognitive Development. Studies Concerning War and Peace Using a Developmental Approach Other than Piaget's Stages of Cognitive Development Reactions of Children Toward Peace and War Factors Influencing Children's Reactions Toward War and Peace.. Fears of Children 3 3 6 6 7 7 8 9 11 12 13 14 15 17 13 19 20 20 22 27 31 34 40

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Education Regarding Peace and War 4 6 Photography as a Research Tool 54 Overview of Chapter III 57 III METHODOLOGY 53 Relevant Variables 58 Matching Variables 59 Populations and Samples 5 9 Populations 59 Procedures for Obtaining the Samples 59 Final Samples 61 School Contacts 61 Contingencies and Safeguards 65 Instrumentation 66 Research Questions 67 Pilot Studies 69 Data Analysis Procedures 71 Overview of Chapter IV 73 IV RESULTS 7 4 Description of Samples 74 Questions Concerning Pictorial Representations and Pictorial Representations Plus Verbal Responses About War and Peace... 76 Pictorial Representations of Peace. 78 Pictorial Representations Plus Verbal Responses About Peace.... 80 Pictorial Representations of War. . . 81 Pictorial Representations Plus Verbal Responses About War 82 Questions Concerning Sources of Information About Peace and War. 8 4 Questions Related to Children's Ideas Toward War and Peace Regarding the Future 93 Questions Concerning the Person from Whom Children Would Seek Comfort If Worried About War 94 Questions Concerning Children's Perceived Need for Education Related to War and Peace 9 4 Questions Regarding the Grade in Which Children Believe War and Peace Issues Should be Taught 96 Summary of Findings 9 7

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V DISCUSSION, INTERVIEW OBSERVATIONS, CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS, RECOMMENDATIONS, AND LIMITATIONS 99 Interview Observations 101 Conclusions 103 American and German Children's Perceptions About Peace 103 American and German Children's Perceptions About War 104 American and German Children's Major Sources of Information About War and Peace 10 5 American and German Children's Ideas Toward War and Peace Regarding the Future 106 Question Concerning the Person from Whom Children Would Seek Comfort if Worried About War 106 Children's Perceived Need and Grade Levels for War and Peace Education 107 Implications 108 Recommendations for Further Research. . . 108 Limitations Regarding Generalizability . 110 APPENDICES A RELEASE FORM Ill B GERMAN TRANSLATION OF RELEASE FORM.... 112 C INSTRUCTIONS FOR TAKING THE PHOTOGRAPHS 113 D GERMANY TRANSLATION OF INSTRUCTIONS FOR TAKING THE PHOTOGRAPHS 114 E STRUCTURED INTERVIEW 115 F GERMAN TRANSLATION OF STRUCTURED INTERVIEW 118 G PARENT CONSENT FORM — U.S. A 121 H PARENT CONSENT FORM — GERMANY 123 I GERMAN TRANSLATION OF PARENT CONSENT FORM 126 J CERTIFICATE 130 vii

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K PICTORIAL REPRESENTATIONS ABOUT PEACE. 132 L PICTORIAL REPRESENTATIONS ABOUT WAR... 143 M AiMERICAN CHILDREN'S RESPONSES TO PICTORIAL REPRESENTATIONS ABOUT PEACE. 151 N GERMAN CHILDREN'S RESPONSES TO PICTORIAL REPRESENTATIONS ABOUT PEACE. 153 AMERICAN CHILDREN'S RESPONSES TO PICTORIAL REPRESENTATIONS ABOUT WAR... 157 P GERMAN CHILDREN'S RESPONSES TO PICTORIAL REPRESENTATIONS ABOUT WAR 159 REFERENCES 163 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 169

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Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy AMERICAN AND GERMAN CHILDREN'S PERCEPTIONS OF WAR AND PEACE: A PHOTO-COMMUNICATION APPROACH By Rosemarie Ingrid Dinklage May 198 6 Chairperson: Janet J. Larsen Major Department: Counselor Education The purpose of this study was to explore the perceptions of war and peace of young American and German children. The sample consisted of 80 fourth graders, 40 from each country, chosen from urban schools, with an equal number of boys and girls. Each child was asked to take two photographs, one representing war and one peace, and was interviewed individually about the photographs, the sources of information regarding war and peace, the ideas about the future, the preferred source of comfort if worried about war, and whether and when education should be provided. All photographs were separated into five categories of peace, i.e., sanctuary, human, animals, nature, and other, and five categories of war, i.e., destruction, human, armaments, consequences of war, and other. The chi-square ix

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statistic was employed for analyses. The children's verbal responses were analyzed using percentages and z-statistics. Regarding war, significantly more German than American children saw war as "destruction" and "consequences of war" through photographs and verbal responses. Results indicated that both American and German children saw peace as tranquility and cooperation. No significant difference was found between German and American children's photographs and verbal expressions. The two groups did not differ on their major first source of information about war or peace. Children from both countries ranked "television" as their major source of information about war. "Mother" was ranked as the major source for peace. Both groups perceived a need for education about peace; approximately half of each group believed it should begin in elementary school. Sixty percent of the German and 93% of the American children desired war education; 38% of the German and 68% of the American children thought it should start in elementary school. American and German children viewed peace similarly. War was seen differently, especially in the focus on "destruction" and the "consequences of war. " The study gives evidence that children perceive a need for war and peace education starting in elementary school.

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CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION In one very important sense the threat of a nuclear war is strictly a professional issue. . . . The consequences of growing up under the influence of a nuclear crisis seem to have direct professional implications. To explore those implications through research and case study and to develop measures appropriate to the findings for action on an individual, group, or systems basis are very much the business of every intelligent and enlightened counselor. (Schwebel, 1984, p. 74) Since World War II, 8,914,000 civilians and 5,643,000 people in the military have died as a result of war (Sivard, 1983). Due to the media, such as newspapers, radio, and particularly television, we are more aware of what is happening in the world. At a time when countries all over the world are trading goods and technical know-how, the question arises as to what we are learning from other countries in terms of war and peace education. How do children view war and peace ? Specifically, how do children from different nations perceive war and peace ? How can they learn the meaning of war and peace for their personal security, survival, and happiness, that of their families, other children and grown-ups in their country and in all countries

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2 of the world? How can children from different countries be taught to abhor war and cherish peace? And how can they be persuaded to believe that each individual can be assured of peaceful living? The general public has a poor record when it comes to helping the young with critical issues. This deficiency may not be the result of carelessness or disregard. It may be based on misconceptions of children's intellectual capacities, their sensitivities, and the depth of their fears and concerns. Even the experts on children have paid little attention to these issues. Mack (1982) states that "mental health professionals have been late to get involved, but they are coming to recognize that they can have something constructive to contribute to the nuclear debate" (p. 591). The VIII International Colloquium of the International School Psychology Association, August 3-8, 1985, at Southampton, England, had the theme, "The Psychologists' Role in Creating Harmony in the Home, in the School, in Society, Throughout the World" (Psychologists for Social Responsibility, 1985). Within this context, the English poet, Robert Southey (1774-1843), in his poem "The Battle of Blenheim," writes on the "famous victory" won at Blenheim in 17 04 "Now tell us what 'twas all about," Young Peterkin, he cries: And little Wilhelmine looks up With wonder-waiting eyes; "Now tell us all about the war, And what they fought each other for."

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"It was the English," Kaspar cried, "Who put the French to rout; But what they fought each other for, I could not well make out; But everybody said," quoth he, "That 'twas a famous victory." Background There are many significant historical events which may have influenced German and American children's views regarding war and peace. Some of these major events will be discussed to illustrate possible historical influences on the formation of today's children's perceptions of war and peace. It is roughly between the ages of six and twelve that children learn about the world and develop what might be called an inner map of the social and physical environment. . . . They come to view their own family and community as but a tiny part of a large structure that surrounds and supports personal experience. (Escalona, 1982, p. 603) Germany A German child is likely to have been influenced by Germany's recent history. Many sources may have contributed to children's understanding of this history: parents, family members, schools, reading materials, television, and radio. Brief descriptions of conditions in Germany during wartime and peacetime as well as the transition between war and peace will be presented in order to illustrate the effects of war on the German population.

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4 During World War II, constant daily reminders of the immediacy of the war were apparent. Shrill sirens warned of impending enemy planes. Darkened windows attempted to hide civilian targets. Men and boys left home. Women struggled to keep their husbands' businesses going and to rear their children. Mothers, wives, and sisters longed for the safe return of their loved ones. They feared for their own survival. Men were shot by enemy soldiers in front of their families, wives, and children alike. Germans feared both winning and losing the war. Women trembled to think that their children might be sent to foreign countries should Germany win the war. Losing the war meant invasion by the Soviets and succumbing to the brutality of the Soviet military as reported by German soldiers who had returned from the Eastern front. This fear prompted thousands of Germans to flee toward the West. People attempted to escape by train or by wagons pulled by horses or men. At times, these journeys lasted weeks or months. Many children died of starvation; others were lost in the chaos of the hordes of people making these long treks to the West. Some mothers were forced to contemplate killing their own children as an alternative to watching them starve to death. On May 7, 1945, the world rejoiced as the Germans surrendered to the Allies at Rheims, France, where General Dwight D. Eisenhower accepted the surrender for the Allied Forces. On June 5, 1945, "The Big Four (United States,

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5 Great Britain, France, U.S.S.R-) [made] arrangements to divide Berlin, together with the occupation of Germany" (Wade, 1983, p. 500). To the nations of the world, World War II and its horrors were over— at least in actuality, if not in spirit and consequence. War stopped for the German people only to the extent that the weapons were silenced. The bombings and killings had stopped and many fathers, sons, and brothers were returning from the fronts, others were missing in action, many were in labor camps in Siberia, and still others were hiding out in the forests. Food was scarcer than during the war. For many years following World War II, radio announcers and newspapers gave descriptions of persons sought by their families. Not all men who came back were well: Soldiers had limbs missing, were blind, undernourished, and had horrible nightmares. Many could not find their families. German prisoners of war captured by the Americans and Canadians (as opposed to the British, the French, or the Soviets) were the more fortunate ones, for they were not only treated well but could eat as much as they wanted. Few of the families who arrived in the western part of the country had relatives or friends to help them find housing, clothing, and food. Western Germans did not welcome the refugees because this meant sharing food and what housing had not been destroyed by bombs and fires. Many mothers attempted to feed

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themselves and their children by picking berries and gathering mushrooms. Historical Events The Berlin Wall was erected in 1961. The Soviets used military force twice, in Budapest in 1956 and in Czechoslovakia in 1968. The German people feared that the Soviets would invade Germany and psychologically experienced the horrors of war over again. Effects on Children Children grew up among ruins that often were not replaced by new buildings for years. Many children remained permanently without fathers. They grew up with grieving mothers who were overwhelmed by the strains and stresses of building a new life. Men were declared either dead or missing in military action. Food, clothing, books, and toys were scarce. Germany's division into East and West is a constant reminder of the horrors of war. Do people, who lived through World War II, remain afraid of noise, uniforms, lack of food and clothing? And, if so, do they talk about their fears and experiences to their own children or grandchildren? Do these fears diffuse through to children in succeeding generations?

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United States Some recent historical events may have contributed to American children's views of war and peace issues. The United States has had the good fortune not to have experienced similar war situations on home soil since the Civil War. The devastation of modern military weaponry has never been directly encountered by the American civilian population. However, American soldiers fought in World War II in the 1940s. American soldiers also fought in the Korean War in the early 1950s and in the Vietnam War in the 1960s and early 1970s. Further, during the Cuban missile crisis in 1963 Americans faced the prospect of experiencing a war on home soil. Historical Events In the 1940s, United States service men were trained under battle conditions. Many men were injured or killed accidentally during training. Those men who were injured were frustrated because they received injuries without having been in the war. United States servicemen were sent to Europe to fight in World War II. The loved ones left behind feared for the lives of their husbands, brothers, fathers, and sons. Many men were killed; many men who came back were wounded and had emotional reactions to the horrors of war. They were heroes to the American people.

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The American people tried to help the war effort by buying war bonds and stamps and collecting waste paper and metal. They also received ration books for food. "As men went into the armed forces, women took their places in war plants. By 1943, more than 2 million women were working in American war industries" (The World Book Encyclopedia, 1982, p. 409). Many of the military men who returned in good health were recalled in the 1950s to fight in the Korean war — a war the American people felt could not be won. Those left behind again feared for their loved ones. In the 1960s men were sent to Vietnam. Many men did not want to leave (and women did not want them to go) and some chose to desert to Canada. Generally, these men who returned from Vietnam were not greeted as heroes--it was an unpopular war with which the American people could not identify. Effects on Children Most wars involving the United States were fought on foreign soil, and children were often told as little as possible about where their fathers were. Many children never knew their fathers because they were either too young or not yet born when their fathers were killed. While the American children did not experience the horrors of warfare, they, like the German children, still had to confront the

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9 uncertainty of parental well-being and fear of abandonment. "It has been known that small children can experience physical danger without serious traumatic effects; what does traumatize them is separation from their parents or reactions of fear in their mothers and other adults around them" (Baider & Rosenfeld, 1974, p. 497). Do these children — now adults--and their parents talk to their children and grandchildren about their experiences, feelings, and thoughts concerning war? Are there lasting effects on these children? Do they remain anxious and fearful of abandonment? Nuclear War It was learned from the annihilation of Hiroshima and Nagasaki that atomic weapons were so powerful that they could not realistically be utilized. Total casualties in Hiroshima ranged between 68,000 and 140,000 and in Nagasaki between 38,000 and 74,000 (Rotblatt, 1984, p. 199). These statistics do not describe how many family lives were disrupted, or how many children were left without parents, or how this terrible event marked the future of the people who survived. In No Place to Hide--1946/1984 (1983), David Bradley described the peacetime tests of nuclear weapons conducted off the shore of the Pacific island of Bikini in 1946. Jerome Wiesner in the foreward wrote

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10 But no one knows how to use nuclear weapons. While there are thousands of experts on technical matters and hardware, on the critical issues of strategies, tactics, deterrents, war-winning, etc., there are truly no experts. None i No one knows for sure about the actual field performance of missiles or their accuracy and reliability, (p. xii) In 1963, the Cuban missile crisis alarmed the nation, especially people living in Florida. The possibility of the Soviets sending missiles to major Florida cities was of utmost concern. Due to this serious threat, people frantically bought items for basic survival. Increasing antinuclear demonstrations in the western world signaled the fear of a possible nuclear war. At the current time, nuclear missiles are deployed on both German and American soil. More recently, groups of people all over the world have joined to look at issues related to war and peace for the purpose of preventing a nuclear war. For example, there are Educators for Social Responsibility, Psychologists for Social Responsibility, Physicians for Social Responsibility as well as International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War, who received the Nobel Prize for Peace in 1985 ("Nobel Prizes Awarded," 1985). Issues of interest and concern include children's fears regarding nuclear war, physical effects of nuclear war, "nuclear winter," the effects of the threat of a nuclear war on today's children, and the responsibilities of educators and other helping

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11 professionals for education about peace and war. According to Mantynen (1978), "the final goal is to make peace education unnecessary as people will be neither subjects nor objects of peace education: they are peace education" (p. 39). Statement of the Problem The perceptions of war and peace among young American and German children have not been studied systematically. Nor is there any research indicating the sources that contribute to these children's perceptions, beliefs, and views concerning war and peace. Further, we have no empirical data telling us about children's expectations of the future: We do not know whether they consider a war in their country in their lifetime a strong or remote possibility. We have no information en these children's sense of efficacy for preventing war and promoting peace or even their belief about the power their parents and other adults have for assuring the future. We do not know from whom children would seek comfort when confronted with a threat of war or when distressed or frightened by the prospect of war. Do children think that the topics of war and peace should be taught in school, and if so, at what grade levels would such teaching be most effective?

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12 Need for the Study Not many studies have focused on war and peace issues in relationship to the young. This is true for the United States as well as other countries. Existing studies have almost exclusively investigated teenagers and college students and virtually none have studied young children. It has become urgent, therefore, to research the perceptions, ideas, and views of younger children. In 1979 the United Nations sponsored the International Year of the Child to help all of the countries of the world carefully focus their attention on children and to identify their unmet needs (Catterall, 1982, p. 1123). The expansion of knowledge gained at that time could include study of values regarding peace and war. Because of the devastating effects of war, regardless of who wins it, we need to educate children all over the world. Increased knowledge of young children's perceptions toward war and peace could have a significant impact on practices of educators and mental health professionals. If such perceptions were known, counselors, school psychologists, teachers, and parents could be sensitive and respond to the needs of children. Chivian (1983) states It is at first surprising that there have been so few studies on the threat of nuclear war. In general, this phenomenon may be explained by the

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13 almost universal avoidance of the subject, particularly the human aspects, in order to block out its associated horror, anxiety, and despair. But the lack of studies with children may involve still another form of avoidance. Adults, especially when they are parents, find it even more threatening to consider terrible things happening to children than they do happening to themselves. (p. 1) Adults, like children, need hope. If everyone could learn how to work toward achieving and maintaining peace, a chance for a peaceful future would be more likely. Purpose of the Study The purpose of this study was to fill a gap in the research literature by exploring young children's perceptions of war and peace. Specifically, the following related aspects were investigated: (1) children's visual and verbal images of war and peace; (2) the sources from which children learn about war and peace; (3) children's ideas about the future; (4) the person from whom they would seek comfort when confronted with a threat of war or when distressed or frightened by the prospect of war; (5) the children's perceived need to learn about war and peace issues in schools; and (6) the differences in the above aspects of perceptions of war and peace between children in Germany and in the United States. In order to accomplish this purpose, 16 specific research questions were formulated as follows :

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14 Research Questions 1. When a German child thinks of war, what visual and verbal images are brought to mind? 2. When an American child thinks of war, what visual and verbal images are brought to mind? 3. When a German child thinks of peace, what visual and verbal images are brought to mind? 4. When an American child thinks of peace, what visual and verbal images are brought to mind? 5. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in the sources used to learn about peace? 6. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in their rankings of first, second, and third sources used to learn about peace? 7. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in the sources used to learn about war? 8. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in their rankings of first, second, and third sources used to learn about war? 9. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders' expectations for war in their country, in their lifetime? 10. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders with respect to whether they think that their parents can do something to prevent war?

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15 11. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders with respect to whether they think that they themselves can do something to prevent war? 12. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in whom they seek for comfort to discuss war? 13. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in the extent of agreement with the statement "Do you think we should teach about peace in schools?" 14. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in the extent of agreement with the statement "Do you think we should teach about wars in schools, such as how they come about?" 15. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in their opinion regarding the grade in which children should begin learning about peace? 16. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in their opinion regarding the grade in which children should begin learning about war? Rationale Most studies concerning war and peace have primarily been conducted using the written questionnaire method. However, these studies involved older children (12 years and above), or children chosen for their superior intelligence (Cooper, 1965). Such studies rely heavily on children's

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16 ability to understand and express their ideas in written form. This approach is of questionable value for younger children. Therefore, the use of photography combined with a structured interview were selected for this study. Photography does not involve language on the part of children, and photographs taken by children from countries with different native tongues can be readily compared. Photography also serves to determine what images are brought to mind when a child thinks of war and peace. Engestrom (1978) states The educator needs a richer and more concrete picture of the different conceptions and views prevailing among youth and children. He needs a classification that describes the contents, the substance of these different conceptions through the eyes of the youth and children themselves , not forced into a frame of ideologies given from above, (p. 19) The interview method allowed the researcher to explore children's perceptions regarding their photographs. Also, it permitted the child to elaborate on the questions asked and express concerns. The children were able to verbalize their thoughts and feelings without the limiting factors of reading and writing. Fourth grade children were selected for this study for the following reasons: (1) to obtain age groups that are essentially similar with respect to the German and American school systems and (2) to assure the child's ability to use a camera. Children in regular classrooms were selected in

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17 order to assure representativeness of the German and American populations. Definition of Terms Anxiety --"Anxieties are diffused states of tension . . . which magnify and even cause the illusion of an outer danger, without pointing to appropriate avenues of defense or mastery." (Erikson, 1963, pp. 406-407) Categories -Animals of peace A photograph showing an animal. Human A person or persons or something representing a person or persons. Nature A photograph showing flower (s) and/or tree( s ) . Sanctuary A place, such as a house or church, where a person would feel safe from external environmental conditions. Signs of peace, such as Holy Bible. Other A photograph which is ambivalent as to content or not clear and does not fall into any of the above categories. Categories -Armaments of war Ships, weapons, nuclear weapons, or objects symbolic of armament. Consequences of war A person or persons or representations of person(s) who have been injured or killed because of war. Destruction A photograph, drawing, or picture that shows a home or house or anything that represents a home, such as a doll house,

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which is either destroyed or deserted, or dead trees. Human Person(s) and representations of person(s), who are fighting, shooting, or show a weapon. Other A photograph which is ambivalent as to the content or not clear and does not fall into any of the above categories. Fear — "Fears are states of apprehension which focus on isolated and recognizable dangers so that they may be judiciously appraised and realistically counted" (Erikson, 1963, p. 406). Germany — Federal Republic of Germany. Pictoral representations --Photographs, drawings, and pictures taken from book ( s ) . Sources of information --Television, radio, mother, father, grandmother, grandfather, other relatives, teacher/s, reading materials (ex. books, newspapers), friends, church. Worry --"Worry connotes activated fear, a more cognitive rather than emotionally evocative word" (Goldenring & Doctor, 1984, p. 3). Assumptions The researcher made the following assumptions concerning this study: It was assumed that 1. the photographs taken by children would reflect their perceptions of war and peace;

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19 2. the children would answer the researcher's questions truthfully; 3. the parents would answer the questions concerning the demographic data accurately, e.g., their own nationalities and ages; 4. the photographs together with the verbal responses would reflect more accurately the perceptions of war and peace than photographs alone; 5. the parents and/or family members would not make suggestions to the children as to photographs to be taken of war and peace and/or discuss the topic prior to the interview of the children. Overview of the Remainder of the Study In Chapter II, pertinent research is discussed concerning children's perceptions of war and peace from a developmental perspective, children's reactions, factors influencing children's reactions, fears of children, education regarding war and peace, and photography as a research tool. Chapter III presents the methodology used in this study. Also, the pilot studies and data analysis procedures are outlined. Chapter IV presents the results of the study. Chapter V includes discussion, interview observations, conclusions, implications, recommendations for further research, and limitations regarding generaliz ability.

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CHAPTER II RELATED LITERATURE Many studies concerning war and peace have focused on children above the age of 12 and are difficult to compare because of the varying methodologies used. In the 1960s, most studies outside the United States were based on developmental theory, primarily Piaget's. As a result of a new awareness concerning the threat of nuclear war, more recent studies conducted in many different countries have concentrated on the impact this threat has on both children and adults. This chapter will report on research in the literature related to the focus of this study. Children's Awareness of War and Peace--A Developmental Approach Wass (1984, p. 3) states, "If we adults want to help the child cope with death, it is essential that we know something of the child's world of thoughts and feelings." This statement can also be applied to war and peace. It is important for adults to learn at what age children become aware of such topics. Further, the question arises of what children know about war and peace at different stages of development. Jean Piaget, the famed Swiss developmental psychologist, has designed the most comprehensive theory of 20

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21 cognitive development to date. Although Piaget himself has not specifically studied the question of children's awareness and knowledge of war and peace issues, his theory and findings on conceptual development in general can be readily applied to the development of the concepts of war and peace. Piaget' s monumental work cannot be discussed here. Rather, the focus will be on those aspects of his theory that are relevant to studies conducted within the framework of his theory as they relate to the present study. Piaget identified three major periods and subperiods or stages of cognitive development, all of which are agerelated. The child passes through the stages sequentially, and stages cannot be skipped. The rate at which they are reached for each individual can vary. The periods of interest to the literature review of this study are the second and third periods. In Piaget 's model, the second period, the preparation and organization of concrete operations, consists of two stages. Piaget labeled the first stage the stage of preoperational thought (approximately 2 to 7 years). It is characterized by egocentric orientation or subjective perception of reality, irreversible thinking, and a number of different types of prelogical causation, such as magical, animistic, and phenomenistic reasoning. The second stage, that of concrete operations (approximately 7 to 11/12 years), is characterized by decentered orientations and by concrete, naturalistic thinking and reasoning.

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22 The child now recognizes laws of conservation and reversibility. The third period is termed the period of formal operations (approximately 12+ years). It is characterized by prepositional and hypo-deductive thinking as well as generality of thinking. By this stage reality is objective (Wass, 1984, pp. 4-11). Several studies have been conducted using Piaget's theory of children's intellectual development. These investigations addressed the development of politico-moral ideas (Cooper, 1965, in England), moral judgment of war (Alvic, 1968, in Norway), and children's concepts of justice (Durkin, 1959, in the United States). Studies Concerning War and Peace Using Piaget's Stages of Children's Cognitive Development Cooper (1965) completed a study examining the value of investigating children's understanding of adult outlooks. Also, he wanted to devise a model for the development of politico-moral ideas, with regard to Jean Piaget's three stages of children's intellectual development: (1) sensorimotor stage , (2) stage of concrete reasoning , and (3) stage of abstract reasoning . He states, Whilst these concepts cannot be directly applied to the present topic, they are introduced in order to demonstrate a useful method of treating the child's reasoning and capacities at different ages. (p. 2)

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23 Cooper's sample for the study consisted of approximately 300 English and 100 Japanese school children between the ages of 7 and 16. Both sexes were included, and they were selected for their superior intelligence. Subjects were given mainly open-ended questions, to which they gave written replies on the following items: verbal associations to the words war and peace , the definition of war, interpretation of historical events, ideas about nuclear war, the circumstances which might provoke war, the justification for war, and the moral and psychological effects of war. Only word associations could be administered to the Japanese children. "Hence, the data for any crosscultural comparison were restricted to the verbal imagery which the words 'War' and 'Peace' prompt" (Cooper, 1965, p. 3). Forty percent of the younger children (up to age 12) and 20% of the older children were then individually interviewed, and tape recordings were made. Results showed that by the time a child is seven or eight, he, and most of his friends, have fairly well-defined ideas of what War and Peace are. . . . The younger group of subjects are primarily concerned with the concrete aspects of War, e.g., guns, aeroplanes, and ships and to a lesser extent with the participants of war, soldiers, sailors, and countries. As the child grows older, they are displaced in favor of a recognition of the consequences and actions of War. (Cooper, 1965, pp. 3, 4) .

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24 According to this study, the Japanese children begin with a relatively more concrete concern with war weapons and maintain it at the age of 14. However, the Japanese were more outward (international) looking than the English, and they were less concerned with fighting, killing and dying, and the effects of war (p. 9). Seventy percent of the 8-year-olds argue that war has no justification, while a mere 10% of the 15-year-olds share this view. The 15-yearolds are firm in their belief that war is justified to "punish" an aggressor in order to demonstrate to him his "immortality" (p. 6). Cooper concludes that the idea of "Peace" to these English children scarcely represents a vigorous drive towards international co-operation, but corresponds to a state of mind, or "inner peace." (p. 5) The ideas both of respite and of reconciliation are stronger in Japanese children. Older children respond with Peace Symbols of an international kind, mainly, "dove." There is an absence of ideas of "inner peace" or "peace of mind" amongst Japanese children. (p. 9) Alvik (1968) investigated Norwegian children's conceptions of war and peace and specifically children's moral judgment of war. In order to determine what variables influence these conceptions, Piaget's theory of intellectual development was used as the theoretical base. In particular, Alvik used Piaget's element of "horizontal decalage, " which would seem to be at work if a child has a

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25 comprehension of war and peace that indicates a lower stage of reasoning than that which ordinarily characterizes him or her. The researcher also investigated whether, in case of war and peace, this "horizontal decalage" could be due to the remoteness of war and peace from the child's general sphere of interest or the child's lack of information. Conceptions of the 114 Norwegian children aged 8, 10, and 12 were related to age, socio-economic status, and stage of intellectual development. These children were asked to draw "war" on one sheet of paper and "peace" on another sheet of paper. The students drew the pictures of "war" and "peace" and then were individually interviewed for 25 to 50 minutes concerning associations to the word peace , associations to the word war , and moral judgment of war. They were asked for detailed comments on their drawings and sources of information and given tests measuring their capacity for reciprocal reasoning and general moral judgment. Results showed that the subjects' associations with war revolve around conventional war (fighting, killing, dying, war weapons) rather than nuclear war; peace was seen as passive, i.e., as respite and inactivity. Age seems to play a minor role regarding knowledge about the more concrete aspects of war and peace. Results also indicated that socio-economic level was related to the conception of both the more concrete and the more abstract aspects of peace and war. However, subjects

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26 from high socio-economic level did not necessarily have a more active peace concept than did subjects from the low socioeconomic level. Reciprocal reasoning seems to play some role with knowledge about the more concrete aspects of war and peace. Reciprocal reasoning and type of socioeconomic background are strongly related to the moral judgment of war. "Influence and information given through various sources gradually change the subject's point of view" (Alvic, 1968, p. 189). Durkin (1959) investigated children's concepts of justice, in yet another attempt to evaluate and extend Piaget's investigation. The subjects were 119 boys and girls in grades 2, 5, 8, and 11 from a low socio-economic stratum, had IQ scores above 69, and had American-born parents (p. 252). The schools were in a large West Coast city. Subjects' oral responses were obtained in individual, tape recorded interviews. Results showed that the oldest of the children, as well as the younger ones, tend to seek justice in the authority person. "This did not support Piaget's contention that acceptance of reciprocity as a justice-principle increases with age. . . . Although not always statistically significant, there is a trend toward no relationship between a child's particular concept of what is just and his level of intelligence" (p. 256).

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27 Studies Concerning War and Peace Using a Developmental Approach Other than Piaget's Stages of Cognitive Development Rosell (1968) in Sweden attempted to consider developmental patterns as a result of socialization, i.e., learning of social roles. Two hundred Swedish subjects (equal numbers of girls and boys) aged 8, 11, and 14, from lower, middle, and upper classes, were studied. The instrument used was, to a great extent, identical with the interview guide used by Cooper (1965) with some additional questions, partly taken from Alvik (1968). The youngest group was interviewed individually; the older groups were interviewed in class-groups and wrote down the answers themselves. Results indicated that of the socialization agents investigated (family, friends, mass-media), mass-media was the main agent. The concept of peace was mainly perceived by all age groups as negation of war, i.e., a state of stillness, silence, etc. , and not as a process towards integration. "The dimensions of 'war' perceived are mainly 'war processes' and 'consequences' which correlate negatively, respectively positively, with age" (p. 276). Svancarova and Svancara (1967-1968) examined 199 drawings and written notes by 7-, 11-, and 14-year-old Russian children on scenes of war or peace. "Youngest subjects' expression of the themes was concrete, descriptive, and static, with a tendency to self-aim coloring" (Abstract). Peace was expressed mainly with content that

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28 included play, children, sun, and trees. Girls used these content areas significantly more than boys, who drew habitations and transporting devices. War drawings made by boys showed fire, destruction, and marking of fighting troops, whereas girls' drawings depicted buildings and killings. Svancarova and Svancara (1967-1968) stated, Effort to express the activity and dynamics of the action increased with the 11-year-old group; in the oldest group, there was greater independence in view, a rise in humanistic aspects, and softening of colored expression, asserting more understanding for the connection of war and peace. (Abstract) Allerhand (1965) conducted a study in May of 1962. The sample consisted of 200 families--75 rural and 125 suburban in the vicinity of Cleveland, Ohio. The parents answered the questions for all their elementary age children. Seventy percent of the parents indicated that their chidren had made reference to shelters, fallout, and other nuclear war subjects. No differences were seen between the rural and suburban groups in frequency of comment. Haavelsrud (1970) investigated through a questionnaire 565 West Berlin public school children of ages 10, 12, 15, and 17 at the height of the Berlin Crisis. One of the dimensions studied was the images of war and peace. The results showed that war weapons were mentioned equally by all subjects. Negative evaluation of war was more common with the older subjects. The greatest difference between the 10-year-olds on the one hand and the 15and

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29 17-year-olds on the other hand was that the 10-year-olds were not as much concerned with negative effects of war on people as the 17-year-olds were. Concerning peace, the subjects were asked to define the word peace to another child. The 10-year-olds described peace as no fighting in addition to the positive attribute of "friendship." Reference to people in defining peace seemed to increase greatly with age. The purpose of Nummenmaa ' s (1971) study was to describe Finnish children's conceptions of war and peace, power and the use of power, deviating groups, and the protection of nature. Ninety children, ages 5-6, 7-8, and 9-10, were randomly chosen. Each group consisted of 15 girls and 15 boys. The interview method was selected and tape recordings were made to find out where in different age groups the answers were similar and where they were different. Each topic consisted of at least 15 interview questions. The following questions were asked: (1) Is it possible that war could come to Finland? (2) What can people do to prevent war? (3) If you had to draw a picture of war, what would you put into it? (4) If you had to draw a picture of peace, what would you put into it? Results showed that the majority of children thought that war could come to Finland. To the second question, the answers given by the youngest group were vague, e.g., nothing could be done or they would move to another country. Other responses

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30 indicated that they would fetch soldiers, ask Jesus, tell the police, defend oneself, build solid houses (p. 9). Regarding peace, about half of the middle group responded with being nice, not fighting, and not quarreling. About half of them didn't know. In the oldest group, not quarreling and good international relations with other countries were dominant responses (p. 10). To the third question, almost half of all age groups said "soldiers, may be shooting" (p. 52). The fourth question resulted in the following answers: The youngest group predominantly responded with peaceful, night, people, sleep, and rest. One third of the middle group responded "people who smile, are in peace, good," and about one third "houses are built or repaired." Seven of the oldest group stated, "people eat, play, walk, and do other every day chores." Other responses were "people who smile, are in peace, good" as well as "white flag, peace flag" (p. 55). Del Barrio, Martin, and Nieto (1985) explored the thoughts of war and peace of Spanish children, aged 6 to 15. The researchers found that the notions of peace and related subjects were much less elaborated in all age groups than those of war. The youngest group saw peace as the absence of war and the older group as nonexistence of war.

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31 Reactions of Children Toward Peace and War Newspapers, popular magazines, and professional literature have recently reported on fears of nuclear war expressed by American children, adolescents, and adults. In an article entitled, "When Kids Think the Unthinkable," Yudkin (1984) described several studies conducted by psychiatrists, educators, and psychologists. Children of 4 to 6 years of age can be very frightened about what they hear on the news, while not really comprehending it, explains Milton Schwebel, a Rutgers University psychologist. At 10 or 11 years old, children begin to have the capacity to understand the danger as well as the fact that people are doing something about it. In between, however, he says, is "a difficult stage when kids are aware of something that can kill them or separate them from their families. They hear that people can do something about it, but they can't connect these two things." (p. 25) In the same article Lifton, a Yale University psychiatrist who studied Hiroshima survivors in the 1960s stated, "adults cope by blocking out knowledge of the nuclear threat, a process he [Lifton] calls 'psychic numbing. ' Children, however, learn to develop this defense against their fears only gradually" (p. 25). Goldenring and Doctor (1984) reported that 76.6% of 913 California students, aged 11-19, thought that nuclear war could probably or definitely be prevented. Their first, second, and third sources of information were television,

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32 school, and newspapers (p. 7). The authors stated, "The most well-adjusted, communicative, and those who do best in school appear most concerned about the probability of a US-USSR nuclear war in their lifetime, yet retain more optimism than their peers" (p. 10). Schwebel and Schwebel (1981) gave an open-ended, four-item questionnaire to 368 students in grades 4 through 12 in New Jersey. The authors found that their results were very similar to a study conducted by Escalona in 1962 with 311 children aged 10 to 17. In the Schwebel study, 44% expected war and 95% said that they cared about the danger of war, as compared to 70% of the subjects in the Escalona study who spontaneously raised the possibility of war (Schwebel & Schwebel, 1981, pp. 260, 261). The authors also examined children's reactions to nuclear plant accidents. In this 1979 study, 70% predicted a serious nuclear plant accident. Goodman, Mack, Beardslee, and Snow (1983), in a pilot study, interviewed 31 high school students (17 girls and 14 boys ranging in age from 14 to 19) living in Boston and surrounding communities. These interviews were conducted in July and August of 1982 to study the impact on their lives of the threat of nuclear war and to explore their perceptions of the related social context. The researchers concluded that A certain consistency emerges in the responses. The horror of nuclear war is

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33 immediate and vivid for these young people. . . . They experience an intense sense of helplessness and see the world as increasingly chaotic and out of control, run by technology rather than human beings, (p. 501) Kodama (1984) interviewed 19 people who were orphaned by the atomic bomb in Hiroshima and whose ages were from 3 to 14 when the bomb was dropped. Based on his findings, Kodama classified the children damaged by the atomic bomb in Hiroshima into three patterns: (1) Pattern of drif ting--the persons in this group felt that their lives were meaningless and that the A-bomb deprived them of the vitality of life. They felt hopeless. (2) Pattern of resistance--they had found meaning in their existence in the action for the abolishment of nuclear weapons. They were mentally relieved. (3) Pattern of resignation — they were indifferent to the threat of nuclear war. Their experiences of A-bombing, the present threat of nuclear war, and their daily lives did not relate to each other. Results of a survey of 876 New Zealand school children, aged between 15 and 19, conducted in the last quarter of 1983, showed that 23% thought there would be a world war before the year 2,000; 50% thought New Zealand could help prevent nuclear war (Valentine, 1984). According to Cooper (1965), Turning to the future, the younger children, up to the age of 12, believe that there will be Nuclear War within the next fifteen years. The majority of older boys, however, claim that War

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34 will never occur. Whilst appreciating the "bad" motives, they believe that morality will outweigh them. (p. 7) Factors Influencing Children's Reactions Toward War and Peace Environmental, as well as mental and physical, factors influence our lives, our way of thinking, and our feeling. Factors influencing children's reactions toward war and peace can be many: for example, having been in a war themselves; having had a father and/or relatives fighting in a war or currently fighting in a war; having been exposed to the mass media; what they have been told by parents, family members, church, schools, and peers; and books, magazines, and newspapers they have read. Dueck (1974) assessed the relative impact on 438 Menonite high school students, grades 9, 10, 11, and 12, of various orientation sources toward the issues of war and peace. Sixteen sources of orientation, such as family, religion, and media, were coordinated with variables such as school attended, grade level, and sex differences. A 10page survey contained both closedand open-ended questions. Results showed that religion is the most important source of orientation. Next in importance were experiences gained at school, with emphasis on teacher's impact, followed by the peer group, the minister, and the mass media. The family played no significant role with respect to this issue. War was seen in terms of conventional war

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35 and not as nuclear war. At all ages and grade levels "subjects listed a number of emotions including: hate, anger, disgust, fear, sorrow, selfishness and unbelief. A large proportion of the responses focused on the consequences of war — death, blood, hunger, destruction and killing" (p. 16). Considerably fewer responses were elicited to the question of peace, which was seen as tranquility and stillness — a stage of not fighting, sociability and friends, and symbols of peace (p. 16). Sigal (1976) studied 16 families in which the father was captured by the Japanese and held prisoner in Hong Kong or in Japan in 1941 for 44 months. Psychological problems were tension, anxiety, depression, irritability, social isolation, fatigue, sleep disturbance, etc. If the family is affected, it is likely to be the oldest child, provided it is a female. "She will probably manifest depressive affects and be described as either disruptive, quick tempered and difficult to manage, or timid, withdrawn, excessively dependent, but lovable" (p. 170). The researcher wanted professionals working with these families to be alerted to an important area which might otherwise be overlooked. Ziv, Kruglanski, and Shulman (1974) examined the psychological reactions of 521 children in Israeli settlements subjected to frequent artillery shellings and compared those with 287 children never subjected to shelling. The

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36 shelled children exhibited more local patriotism, more covert aggression, and more appreciation for the personality trait of courage than did the non-shelled controls. No differences between the shelled and non-shelled groups emerged with respect to attitudes toward the war, desire for peace, and overt aggressiveness toward the enemy. Haavelsrud (1971) explored the relative impact of various communciation structures on the formation of attitudes regarding war and peace and the relationship of these source ratings to age and sex. Six hundred and eleven public school students from grades 5, 7, 10, and 12 were randomly selected in Vancouver, Canada. The instrument consisted of 10 pages with open-ended questions. Six-point scales were utilized to examine the influence of family members, friends, home TV, radio, newspapers, magazines, books, movies, teachers, textbooks, school movies, school TV, minister, and content of religion. Results showed that TV at home had the highest degree of utility for all concepts. Also, TV at home accounted for presentation of more war material than material pertaining to peace, prevention of war, morality of war, and the question of inevitability of war and human nature. Engestrom (1978) did a study of 122 Finnish pupils, grades 5, 7, and 9, who completed a total of 1,709 fantasy essays. War as violence and war as heroism are significantly more common types among pupils from cities.

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37 Correspondingly, war is seen as disaster by a significantly greater percentage of the pupils coming from rural areas. The researcher concluded that farmers may experience war as a more concrete threat and potential disaster to their lands, crops, and cattle. Girls see war as disaster and an elicitor of empathy, while boys see it as adventure and heroism (p. 21 ) . Salzer (1981) in an article called, "To Combat Violence in the Child's World: Swedish Efforts to Strengthen the Child's Rights," discussed the prohibition of war toys and the outlawing of corporal punishment because violence breeds violence. "No violence! It might be a tiny contribution towards peace in the world" (p. 6). Thus, the child may become a peace-loving, independent individual. Tolley (1972) examined four aspects of socialization to international conflict: (1) How and when children acquire attitudes toward war; (2) what attitudes children have about a specific conf lict--Vietnam--and how and when these were acquired; (3) how much factual knowledge children have about the Vietnam war; and (4) what the primary sources are of children's information about the war. This study was conducted in 1971. American children (2,677), aged 7 to 15 years, received a questionnaire from their teachers. The questions were read aloud in the lower grades. To question (1) Tolley found that parents play a secondary role in socialization to war. Concerning point (2) of the study,

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38 one question was "Does the President always tell the truth about the war?" About 25.3% of the third graders, compared to 64.9% of the eighth graders, responded with "no," and 43.4% of the third graders, compared to 15.3% of the eighth graders, responded with "no" (p. 69). To question (3) about factual knowledge, 2% of the third grade girls and 8% of the third grade boys answered 4 or 5 out of 5 questions correctly (p. 96). Regarding question (4), in comparing children who viewed television on a regular basis and who did not, 30% of the regular viewers and 16% of the nonviewers answered 4 or 5 questions out of 5 correctly on the Vietnam Fact Test (p. 107). Tolley concluded that "the data confirmed the initial hypothesis that communications media account for important increases in information levels" (p. 121). Parents improved their children's factual understanding of the Vietnam conflict. Beardslee and Mack (1982), between 1978 and 1980, examined 1,151 questionnaires given to students, grades 5 to 12, living in urban and suburban areas in Los Angeles, Boston, and Baltimore. Both public and private schools were represented (p. 84). The questionnaire included 10 questions and asked for detailed information. The researchers asked questions such as the following: (1) What does the word nuclear bring to mind? (2) Do you think you could survive a nuclear attack? Your city? Your country (p. 74)? To question (1), most students thought of nuclear

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39 weapons or nuclear energy, or a combination. To question (2), 70% responded that the United States would be ruined. The researchers concluded from all responses that our society must make important choices if we are to protect our young from the devastating psychological impact of nuclear developments. At the very least, we need to educate our children to the realities of nuclear energy and weaponry so that they can be helped to overcome at least that aspect of fear which derives from ignorance and which leaves them feeling so powerless. (Beardslee & Mack, 1982, p. 91) Punamaki (1984) studied 185 Israeli Jewish children, 128 West Bank Palestinian Arab children, and 40 Israeli Arab children. Most of the children were 11-year-olds; 46% were boys and 54% girls. Specifically studied were the subjects' attitudes to war and peace, their opinions about causes and solutions of their national conflict, and how children's own traumatic experiences of war and violence affected their attitudes and feelings of fear and aggression. "In general, the Palestinian group living under Israeli occupation was the most exposed to the traumatic experiences of war and violence, as compared with Jews and Arabs living in Israel" (p. 3). Generally boys tend to show more favorable attitudes toward war and fighting. Further, Palestinian children seem to have more fears (p. 4), and these children's personal exposure to trauma increased their tearfulness. In particular, loss of

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40 a close person (death of a family member in war or losing a family member taken to prison) was related to positive attitudes to war and national struggle among the Palestinian children. Goldenring and Doctor (1984), in a sample of 913 students ranging in age from 11 to 19 years (grades 7 to 12), reported that the chief sources about nuclear issues were (1) television, (2) schools, (3) newspapers, and (4) parents. Friends, radio, movies, and books were all less prominent. Only 23% mentioned churches as a source of information about nuclear warfare (p. 7). They state that "our most important finding is that, contrary to the popular view, not all adolescents are centered on self and the opposite sex" (p. 10). One third of their sample professed an interest in the future of their environment and the world they live in. Fears of Children In childhood, of course, fear and anxiety are so close to one another that they are indistinguishable, and this for the reason that the child, because of his immature equipment, has no way of differentiating between inner and outer, real and imagined, dangers: he has yet to learn this, and while he learns, he needs the adult's reassuring instruction. (Erikson, 1963, p. 408) Alvik (1968) in Norway examined whether or not questioning children about war and peace provokes anxiety. A four-group pretest/posttest design to register variations

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41 in level of anxiety was employed. Results from 24 second, fourth, and sixth grade children show that no anxiety is provoked. Milgram and Milgram (1976) compared peacetime and wartime anxiety levels in 85 fifth and sixth grade Israeli boys and girls as a function of sex, socio-economic status, degree of warrelated stress, and self -concept . Children who reported the lowest peacetime anxiety levels reported the highest wartime levels. The rise in anxiety level was not related to personal war stress or to self -concept . Goldenring and Doctor (1984) explored 913 California students' worries (ages 11-19, grades 7 to 12). Twenty worries from "1" (not at all worried) to "4" (very worried) where listed, and students were asked to rank order just five. "Vocabulary used was designed to be commensurate with an eighth grade reading comprehension level" (p. 4). The results were that the highest rated worry (worried or very worried) was "parent dying" (74.4%); the number two worry (68.1%) was "getting bad grades"; and number three worry (58.2%) was "nuclear war." About 7% of the adolescents mentioned nuclear war as one of their top three worries, and another 5% mentioned fear of war in general. Forty-two percent of the adolescents, aged 11-19, felt that they had not been given sufficient information about nuclear issues in school. The researchers concluded, "Among these adolescents, the most well-adjusted, communicative, and

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42 those who do best in school appear most concerned about the probability of a US-USSR nuclear war in their lifetime, yet retain more optimism than their peers" (p. 10). Chivian et al. (1985) conducted a study in two Pioneer Camps in the Soviet Union (one near Moscow and one in the Caucasus, on the Black Sea) in midsummer of 1983 and October of 1984. The sample consisted of 50 children, aged 10-15 years with a mean age of 12.8, who were interviewed in 1983, and 293 children, aged 9-17 years with a mean age of 12.8 years, who completed questionnaires. The Soviet children had many sources of information about nuclear weapons — television, radio, documentary and feature films, school curricula, and parents. A 14-year-old from Moscow said, "In our third and fourth grade they started telling us what nuclear war is, telling us about Hiroshima and Nagasaki" (p. 491). According to the researchers, Soviet children believed in total devastation if there were a nuclear war and expressed feelings of pain, sadness, bitterness, and great anxiety. Although the Soviet children did not believe in possibly surviving a nuclear war, they were optimistic that children could help prevent one. "Ninety percent of the Soviet children regarded the prospect of nuclear war as 'disturbing' or 'very disturbing' compared with 72% of the American group" (p. 495). Almost all children in their sample had taken part in organized peace education and

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43 activities, e.g., sending letters to world leaders, designing banners and posters, for example (p. 500). Solantaus, Rimpela, and Taipale (1984) in Finland collected data in February of 1983 by means of a postal health questionnaire containing 108 questions. The sample consisted of 12-18-year-olds, and analysis was based on 5,572 responses (the response rate was 81%). The researchers were surprised to find that the fear of war, although it declined with age, exceeded all other fears in each age group and was more common than anticipated. Holmborg and Bergstroem (1984), in March-April of 1984, presented a survey to 41 schools in different parts of Sweden (adolescents, ages 13-15). The questionnaire, filled out by 917 adolescents, contained 14 worries, and subjects were asked to rank-order their first three worries. Fortytwo percent listed nuclear war as their greatest worry, and the death of a parent obtained the second highest mean score, with 11% listing it as their greatest worry. Pollution received the third highest mean worry score. The researchers were surprised to find that 42% of the adolescents consider the possibility of a nuclear war a greater worry than their parents' dying. Thirty-seven percent of the boys and 67% of the girls were "very worried." What worries Swedish adolescents very much is the fact that adults seem indifferent to the issue of nuclear war. Only 17% think the adults are "very worried."

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44 Sixty-seven percent of the teenagers surveyed state that they receive insufficient information or none at all from school about the threat of nuclear war. Sixty-three percent of the sample seldom or never talked to anyone about their worries — 84% who talked, talked to their peers. About 50% also talked to parents. Goldberg et al. (1985) conducted a study in the spring of 1984 involving two samples of about 1,000 student each, yielding 1,011 completed questionnaires in grades 7-13 in metropolitan Toronto and 1,126 questionnaires in a smaller urban center in Ontario. Nuclear war (mentioned by 51% of sample 1 and 55% of sample 2) was the most frequently mentioned worry and most frequently the first mentioned worry (29% in sample 1 and 32% in sample 2), but decreased with age (from 64% of seventh graders to 36% in grade 13). The mention of war was approximately equal in females and males (55% of females versus 52% of males) (p. 506). The researchers found that "social class per se does not determine whether or not students worry about nuclear war. . . . Those who are most worried about the threat of nuclear war are also most concerned about their own future plans" (p. 508) and had some personal influence in preventing nuclear war. Students who did not feal anxious and fearful felt that they could not have any personal influence (p. 509). The researchers concluded that "it is inappropriate to assume that existence of fear or worry is

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45 necessarily a negative reponse or that it is damaging to mental health" (p. 512). According to Baider and Rosenfeld (1974) children can be afraid of many things (the dark, animals, insects, strange sounds, strangers), but may gradually overcome these fears as they grow older, particularly when they are allowed to talk about their fears. During wartime, the sounds of shelling, shooting, bombing, and air raids frighten adults and children alike. Children need to form bonds through meaningful, common, self-protective activities. When a nation is not directly affected by such terror of war, as bombings, shootings, and air raids, and the absence of father, the strain of war reaches children indirectly through the tension, anxiety, sadness, and irritability expressed by adults around them. Small children who cannot ask questions would be particularly affected, because they sense that "something" is wrong. As a result, the children may exhibit crankiness, apathy, regressive behavior such as bedwetting or sucking, eating disorders, crying, hitting out, or clinging (p. 498). With older children (from 3 years on) "sharing of concern and worry with a child capable of understanding the relevant facts is preferable to denial" (p. 502). The mother may be using soothing words and thereby confusing the child even more because of the discrepancy between the soothing words and the upsetting things the child sees and senses. The parents feel guilty for

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46 bringing children into this world, and "their sense of guilt leads them to close off the one way which could give both them and their children the strength to face reality together" (p. 503). Blackwell and Gessner (1983) examined the responses to a 14-question questionnaire by 716 males and 708 females, with a mean age of 15.1 years, in geographic areas which were either predominantly black or predominantly white. There were 854 whites and 570 blacks in the sample. One question, although related to nuclear war, is similar to this researcher's: "If you have such fears, who could you express them to: (a) parents/guardian, (b) teacher(s), (c) friend(s) my age, (d) other adults, (e) romantic friend(s), (f) siblings, and (g) other?" (p. 244). Results showed that 44% of the white and 48% of the black individuals responded "their parents," 15% of the white and 19% of the black said "their friends," 20% of the white and 15% of the black said "other adults." Of the white individuals, .01% responded "their romantic friend(s)," .01% said "their siblings," and .01% said "other." None of the black individuals mentioned the last three sources of information (p. 249). Education Regarding Peace and War Social institutions are many. Bailey (1976) in his book The Purposes of Education stated,

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47 The resources at the nation's disposal are . . . families, libraries, massmedia, journals, books, platters, tapes, churches and synagogues, day care centers, medical clinics, welfare services, research institutes, industries, unions, agricultural and civic associations — these in addition to our schools, colleges, and universities. All such instruments can and often do function as organic parts of the contemporary educational system, (pp. 2, 3) Stephens (1967) reviewed the literature on "Schools and War" and concluded that during times of national crises, the schools were agents of war. The focus of school education must be changed because we can no longer afford "to comfortably carry on 'education as usual'" (p. 264). Several problems arise in terms of education. Who should educate whom, in what grade should education start, and what should education consist of? Newman (1974) stated, the family and the school are among the crucial sociocultural institutions that can (and must) be harnessed to the cause of world peace. From where else will our future statesmen be drawn except from the ranks of babes in arms and playground toddlers? (p. 142) Ro'hrs (1983) interviewed 20 low SES mothers of kindergarten children in Germany. The questions, which were mostly open-ended, were grouped into three categories: (1) "Frieden in unserer Welt" (peace in our world) ;

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48 (2) "Kindliche Agressivitaet und eigene Erziehungsmassnahmen" (childhood aggression and own rearing practices); and (3) "Aspekte einer Erziehung zur Friedensf aehigkeit" (aspects of child rearing for peace potential). The mothers of a strict and strict-authoritarian upbringing (almost two thirds) reported, for example, that there were no discussions, authoritarian decisions, sharp reactions, corporal punishment, suppression, and threats, whereas mothers with a mild upbringing reported no corporal punishment, conscious problem solving, never threatening, and clarification through discussion. Results indicated that mothers who had a strict and strict-authoritarian upbringing characterized our world today as closer to peace, about the same, or distant. All of the mothers with a mild upbringing saw peace today as distant or very distant. The following suggestions were made: verbal conflict resolution, helpfulness, tolerance, no corporal punishment, adults as models, rearing with kindness, Christian upbringing, intact families, and rearing with understanding and explanations (pp. 175, 176). Ramona (1972) made a survey of 475 Catholic high school administrators. An overwhelming number of them equated a course on Education, Justice, Peace, and Development as "antipatriotic, antiadministration, and anti-Vietnam" (p. 33). According to White, in Kneller (1982), "during

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49 peacetime, society educates for peace, but when the nation is at war, it educates for war" (p. 21). Mantynen (1978), in an article entitled "Is Peace Education Just a Piece of Education, " wrote that "wars begin in the minds of men" is a frequently quoted phrase included in the preamble to the Constitution of UNESCO (p. 25). He pointed out that neither war nor peace begin in the minds of men but that "the willingness and preparedness to make peace and keep peace has to be put into the minds of men and reinforced there" (p. 26). Peace needs to be promoted worldwide and should be everybody's business. Holmsborg and Bergstroem (1984) said that now is txhe time to begin talking honestly with youth about the threat of nuclear war. The talks should be conducted in families, in schools, in churches, and in communities throughout the world. The results of his survey in Sweden showed that 67% of the teenagers felt that schools give them insufficient information or none at all about the threat of nuclear war. Law (1973) wrote in a position paper, "The Association for Childhood Education International takes the position that a vital way to prevent war and bring about peace is to raise a generation of children who reject killing as uncivilized and as a barbaric, unproductive way to deal with human conflicts" (p. 235). Whiteley (1984) discusses six components, from a social ecological perspective, that have an impact on our potential

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50 for achieving a lasting peace: government, religion, business, education, family, and human nature. Referring to education, he writes, "There is no institution of society that could contribute more to achieving peace, and the basis of that contribution would be to incorporate the topic into the core curriculum" (p. 83). There is also consensus (Ellis, 1984; Gearhart, 1984; Schwebel, 1984; Whiteley, 1984) that mental health professionals are and will be called upon in making contributions to peace. Alvik (1968) points out that teachers and parents must help children analyze any conflict situation in terms of values fought for, and how conflict can be prevented or resolved. "Conversation does not seem to provoke so much anxiety on part of the pupils that one should advise teachers or parents to avoid such discussion" (p. 189). McGivern (1975), in an article called "Peace and Justice Education for Children, " argues that adults are ignoring the issues the media raise and are reinforcing the despair and helplessness children are already learning. McGivern advocates peace and justice education, such as global awareness and conflict resolution, in the classrooms (p. 47). According to Escalona (1982), children of ages 6 to 12 learn how to cope with challenges, demands, temptations, and apprehensions encountered in school and peer groups. They assume more responsibility for their own safety and well

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51 being. They learn to regulate their behavior from within, along with developing the capacity to delay gratification (p. 603). Adults set examples by how they deal with conflict, and "the adult response to ultimate danger is, to growing children, also the ultimate test of the trustworthiness of adult society" (p. 607). Elam (1983), in 1983, conducted a survey of high school students in three states: California, Connecticut, and Indiana. Fifty-one (43%) of the 118 seniors who answered a 20-question, 3-page survey instrument, said that they had not studied the threat of nuclear war in any of their courses. Of the students who had studied this topic, none reported that it was taught to them in elementary or middle school. The researcher asked the students to rank-order several sources of information concerning nuclear armaments and the threat of nuclear v/ar as "very important," "important," or "unimportant." Very important sources were television (60 students), newspapers (57), books and magazines (48), and parents (18). Schools obtained the highest vote (62) as an "important" source of information. Twenty-four seniors voted schools as an "unimportant" source of information (p. 535). The questionnaire also included multiple-choice questions, e.g., the president who authorized the use of the atomic bomb against Japan in World War II, well-known individuals or organizations, the meaning and 2 developer of the formula E = mc , and the effects of one

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52 relatively small (1 megaton) conventional thermonuclear weapon over a city. The researcher concludes from the responses given by these high school students, In general, these responses show an appalling ignorance of some characteristics of the force that may yet execute us all. If students emerging from high school knew as little about, say, nutrition, I believe they would be judged incompetent to cope with life's demands. (Elam, 1983, p. 537) Escalona (1975) argues that we need to alleviate what she calls the "deprivation syndrome," since children have little opportunity to learn about controlled and purposive resistance, about altruism, and about the power of nonviolent modes of conflict resolution (p. 771). The researcher stresses "telling children about human actions, both past and present, that are more congruent with what we expect of them in terms of inner-personal modes of functioning" (p. 771). Lifton (1982), an American psychiatrist who has lived and worked in Hiroshima, advises that we need "to move from the fragmentary awareness that is beginning to take shape, toward more informed awareness, toward awareness that informs, that becomes part of our world view, that influences our actions, our behavior, our commitments, our lives" (p. 628). Lifton further argues that people from all professions and from all areas should be urged to take part in peace movements.

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53 Barnet (1982), on the other hand, argues that in Washington, the capital of the United States, for example, large numbers of people are ill-housed and ill-fed, there is hardly a middle-class conversation that does not talk about fear, the shadow of crime hangs over the poor all the time, neither the government nor legitimate business has the drug trade under control, and the education system is in shambles. He further argues that "we seem obsessed, transfixed by distant and highly implausible dangers while immediate social and economic problems threaten to undermine our culture, even if we avoid stumbling into nuclear war" (pp. 558-559). Frank (1982) asserts, with information from Gallup Poll studies, that when nations regard each other as enemies, the enemy is war-like, treacherous, evil, and cruel; and our allies are intelligent, hard-working, peace-loving, and humane. In 1942, the characteristics of an enemy applied to the German people and those of an ally to the Soviets. By 1966, the characteristics of the two nations were reversed (p. 633). Frank advocates the use of audiovisual communication by satellite and transistor radios to promote worldconsciousness (p. 636). In summary, studies give evidence of the need to understand children's reactions, factors influencing their reactions concerning war and peace, fears that must be

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54 addressed, and education regarding the study of peace and war. "It is a call to life" (Lifton, 1982, p. 629). Photography as a Research Tool Photography has been used by Rorer and Ziller (1982), Ziller and Smith (1977), and Ziller and Lewis (1981). Rorer and Ziller (1982) asked 40 American and 36 Polish male and female college students to take three photographs to describe the "good life." Subjects were given an instamatic pocket camera with built-in flash. For content analysis, the photographs were coded in accordance with 15 categories. Each set of photographs was coded by two independent raters. The results indicated that the more familiar people are with their environment, the greater is their orientation toward people, as opposed to buildings, within the environment. Interrater reliability ranged from .79 to 1.00. Ziller and Smith (1977) conducted three studies. In the first study, 16 male students (8 in their first term and 8 in their third term) were provided with an instamatic camera and a 12-picture roll of black and white film to learn how they view the environment at the University of Florida. Each set of photographs was coded in accordance with three categories, i.e., man-made landscapes, natural landscapes, or people. Photographs taken by the first-term and third-term students were compared. Third-term students took significantly more photographs of people. The second

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55 study explored the orientations of physically handicapped persons and nonhandicapped persons to their physical and social environments. The subjects were five University of Florida students permanently confined to wheelchairs. The control group consisted of the 15 students in the previous study. Results showed that "Through the eyes of the handicapped person we see a pictorial description of avoidance. The handicapped person sees bodies without eyes" (p. 178). In the third study, 22 female and 2 male students were asked to take 12 photographs describing "who you are. " The photographs were placed into nine categories, and similarities and differences between male and female roles were discussed. Ziller and Lewis (1981) conducted two studies exploring academic achievement orientation and aesthetic orientation. Subjects were 20 male and 22 female students. The validity of the construct aesthetic orientation was tested using the Vernon-Allport-Lindsey Study of Values, which includes an aesthetic value scale. Interrater reliability of the ratings was .74. The resulting correlation coefficient between the two scores was .34 (n=42, p<.05) (p. 341). The second study examined academic orientation and aesthetic orientation in relation to juvenile delinquency. Subjects consisted of 35 male students in two alternative education settings and 44 male students from two public school settings. Instamatic cameras with a 12-shot load of film

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56 were provided for each student. The results showed that delinquent youths "have reduced recourse to socially acceptable and more readily available sources of reinforcement" (p. 342). The above studies using photography as the instrument "offer promises of a new avenue of inquiry. For example, since photography may be described as 'the universal language, ' the approach lends itself to international and cross-cultural studies" (Ziller & Lewis, 1981, p. 343). In summary, as the above literature indicates, most studies concerning war and peace were conducted with children above age 12. Further, investigations using Piaget's stages of cognitive development date back to the late 1950s and 1960s. With the exception of one study, all studies from a developmental viewpoint were conducted in the 1960s and early 1970s. By using a combination of photography and an interview with each child individually as research tools, the present study attempted to explore children's perceptions, conceptions, and ideas about war and peace. As Engestrom (1978) states, The educator needs a richer and more concrete picture of the different conceptions and views prevailing among youth and children. He needs a classification that describes the contents, the substance of these different conceptions through the eyes of the youth and children themselves , not forced into a frame of ideologies given from above, (p. 19)

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57 Overview of Chapter III Chapter III will focus on the populations and samples drawn as well as on the relevant variables and controlled variables. Further, the research procedures (sample selection, contingencies, safeguards, and instrumentation) will be described. The research questions will be stated. Also, the pilot studies and data analysis procedures will be discussed.

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CHAPTER III METHODOLOGY The purpose of this study was to explore children's perceptions of war and peace: specifically, (1) children's visual and verbal images of war and peace; (2) the sources from which children learn about war and peace; (3) children's ideas about the future; (4) the person from whom they would seek comfort if discussing war; (5) the children's perceived need to learn about war and peace issues in schools; and (6) the differences in the above aspects of perceptions of war and peace between children in Germany and the United States. The sample consisted of 40 fourth grade students living in Orange County, Florida, U.S.A., and 40 fourth grade students living in Bremerhaven, West Germany. Relevant Variables The relevant variables in the study were the visual and verbal images that are brought to mind when an American or a German child thinks of war, the visual and verbal images that are brought to mind when an American or a German child thinks of peace, the sources of information, the parents' country of birth, and American and German children's ideas toward war and peace. 58

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59 Matching Variables Gender, grade level, age, regular class placement, SES levels, urban communities, and parents' country of birth were matched as follows. Twenty female and 20 male fourth graders were selected in each country. All children were of similar age (between 8 years and 10 months and 10 years and 11 months) and attended regular classrooms. Two elementary schools representing all SES levels were selected from urban communities. The parents' country of birth was either Germany or the United States of America. Populations and Samples Populations Fourth graders attending public schools in Orlando and Winter Park, Orange County, Florida, and fourth graders attending public schools in Bremerhaven, Bremerhaven, West Germany, were the populations for this study. Orlando and Winter Park are situated in Central Florida. Bremerhaven, West Germany, is situated on the North Sea. Procedures for Obtaining the Samples Germany . Permission to conduct this study was granted by the University of Florida Human Subjects' Committee in Gainesville, Florida. A photostatic copy of the permission

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60 as well as of the German translations of the release form, the instructions for taking the photographs, the structured interview, the parent consent form, the certificate for the children (see Appendices B, D, F, I, and J), and the researcher's resume were sent to the Kultusministerium fuer Unterricht und Kultus (Ministry of Culture for Instructions and Culture), Munich, Germany, to request permission to conduct this study in two public schools in Bayreuth, Bavaria, Germany. Permission to conduct the research in Bavaria was denied. Consequently, a personal meeting was held with the Oberschulrat (superintendent of schools) in Bremerhaven, West Germany, to obtain permission to conduct this study in two elementary schools, which was granted. The Oberschulrat recommended two elementary schools which would be cooperative and which met the SES levels. One school presented SES levels ranging from low to high, and one school ranged from middle to high. Since there were only three days left in the school year, the researcher arranged with the principals a time to conduct the study in the new school year, i.e., during the latter part of September 1985. U.S.A . The school boards of six school districts in Florida (Alachua County, Leon County, Clay County, Pinellas County, Marion County, and Orange County) were contacted and their cooperation was solicited. Alachua County was contacted first but denied access. The school boards of the

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61 other five districts were sent a copy of the Human Subjects' Committee's permission, the release form, the instructions for taking the photographs, the structured interview, the parent consent form, the certificate for the children (see Appendices A, C, E, G, and J), and the researcher's resume. Of all six districts, only Orange County gave permission. The Supervisor of School Psychology Services, Orange County Public Schools, helped to identify two schools which included all SES levels. One elementary school in Orlando with low to middle SES levels and one elementary school in Winter Park with middle to high SES levels were chosen. Final Samples The final samples consisted of 20 boys and 20 girls in Germany and 20 boys and 20 girls in the United States. All students were fourth graders in public elementary schools. With the exception of one child (age 11 years, 8 months), all children ranged in age from 8 years and 10 months to 10 years and 11 months. Only those American and German children were included in the sample whose parents gave permission, who answered the demographic data, and who were born in the country where the interviews took place. School Contacts The schools were contacted first by telephone and then in person, and a time was arranged to conduct the study

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62 in October, 1985, upon the return of the researcher from Germany. Subsequent contacts were made with the principals and teachers of the identified schools in Germany and Florida to discuss the logistics of the study. Each school received a release form stating that the school, parents, and children would not be held responsible for the loss or damage of any camera or film (Appendices A and B). The schools in this study were informed that photography and a structured interview would be employed. Each school was also informed that the results of the research would be made available once the study had been completed. The researcher and the school personnel developed a schedule to determine the time and setting for the researcher to give the instructions regarding the two photographs to be taken (Appendices C and D) as well as for a 15-minute interview (Appendices E and F). The researcher, together with the principal in each identified school, distributed the parent consent forms to all fourth-grade classes (in one school, the principal distributed the consent forms to one class without the researcher being present). The children were then asked to return the consent forms the following day. The teachers collected the consent forms and asked the children who had not returned them please to do so. Two days were allowed for the return.

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S3 In the identified schools, the researcher asked the children if they wished to participate in the study. One child refused and another child was chosen instead. Upon approval, the researcher provided each of 10 children with a Polaroid camera and film and asked them to take one photograph representing war and one photograph representing peace (see Appendices C and D). Further, the researcher assured each child that all participants would receive a certificate stating participation in the study (Appendix J). Questions the children had were also answered at this time. For example, some children asked, "Can I take a photo of anything I want? Can I take two photos?" It was also added to the instructions that they would receive another camera the following day in case the camera did not work. After the first 10 children returned the photographs and cameras the following day, these children were then interviewed during school hours. On the next day 10 children received the same instructions as the first group, and they were interviewed when they returned their pictures . After all children had been interviewed and the pictorial representations received by the examiner, the photographs taken by the American students in the pilot study during the fall of 1983 were shown to the German children. The photos taken by the German children during the summer of 1983 were shown to the American children.

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64 This procedure was followed in each of the two schools in Germany and in Florida. The open-ended questions of the structured interview allowed the children to explain their rationale for their choices of photographs taken representing war and peace. The researcher then coded the photographs with war or peace and the student's initials and date of birth. Further, the interview allowed the children to expand on their responses if desired. The structured interview consisted of 15 questions and some demographic data (Appendices E and F). The interview form contained the name of the student, date of birth, grade, age, name of school, and date interviewed. The first five questions of the interview related to the pictorial representations and were open-ended. For example, (1) "What does this photo mean to you (relating to war and peace)?" and (2) "What made you decide to take this particular photo (relating to war and peace)?" The remaining questions were closed questions. For example, (1) "Did you learn about peace from TV, radio, mother, father, etc. --yes or no?"; (2) "Do you think there will ever be a war in your country in your lifetime — yes or no?"; and (3) "Do you think we should teach about peace in schools — yes or no?"

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65 Contingencies and Safeguards The following contingencies and safeguards applied. Certain research instructions were followed by the children. If a child failed to follow the instructions, contingencies such as the following were applicable. For example, if a child failed to return to class on the prescribed day, the researcher allowed more time. If a camera or a film was damaged, and it was impossible for the child to take a photo, a substitute camera was provided. If the child experimented with taking photographs and thereby used up all of the film in the camera without having taken the two photographs requested for the study, the researcher provided the child with another roll of film. If a child made a drawing or used a picture from a book to take a photograph of it, but was unable to do so because of the limitations of a camera, the researcher asked the child for permission to take the drawing and/or picture in lieu of the photograph. All the children agreed. The researcher conducted all interviews and collected all data in Germany and the United States because of the bilingual focus of the study and her familiarity with cultural norms in the two countries. She is a certified and licensed school psychologist in the state of Florida and has had many years of experience with students ranging in age from 5 through 21. Her native tongue is German, and her

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66 second language is English. She is proficient in both, as she has been in the United States for 24 years. In order to keep the procedures consistent between the two nations, the following translations were made. The researcher translated the interview questionnaire, the parent information letter, the release form, and the instructions for taking the two photographs. All materials were back translated by another bilingual person. Berry (1980) recommends "translation equivalence" which can be accomplished "through the use of forward and back translation of words, sentences, and test items. . . . This technique usually involves an initial translation to a target language by one bilingual person, and a back translation to the original language by another" (pp. 9, 10). The responses made by the the German children to the open-ended questions contained in the interview questionnaire were translated by the researcher and double-checked by another bilingual person. Instrumentation The methods of photography and structured interview were selected to collect the data. Photography does not involve language on the part of the children, and photographs taken by children from countries with different native tongues can be compared.

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67 A flexible structured interview method was chosen to allow the researcher to be sensitive to children's needs, such as elaboration of the questions asked or any concerns they wanted to raise. Although the questions were of a forced-choice format (yes/no), the children were able to express their thoughts and feelings without the limiting factors of reading and writing, particularly since the researcher interviewed such young children. The interview questions were developed by the researcher and pilot-tested in the United States and Germany to ensure that fourth grade students would understand the questions. For example, question (13) "Do you think we should teach about war in schools?" was expanded to "Do you think we should teach about wars in schools? For example, how wars come about?" Research Questions The following questions were addressed in this study. 1. When a German child thinks of war, what visual and verbal images are brought to mind? 2. When an American child thinks of war, what visual and verbal images are brought to mind? 3. When a German child thinks of peace, what visual and verbal images are brought to mind? 4. When an American child thinks of peace, what visual and verbal images are brought to mind?

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68 5. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in the sources used to learn about peace? 6. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in their rankings of first, second, and third sources used to learn about peace? 7. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in the sources used to learn about war? 8. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in their rankings of first, second, and third sources used to learn about war? 9. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders' expectations for war in their country, in their lifetime? 10. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders with respect to whether they think that their parents can do something to prevent war? 11. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders with respect to whether they think that they themselves can do something to prevent war? 12. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in whom they seek for comfort to discuss war? 13. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in the extent of agreement with the statement "Do you think we should teach about peace in schools?"

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69 14. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in the extent of agreement with the statement "Do you think we should teach about war in schools, such as how they come about?" 15. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in their opinion regarding the grade in which children should begin learning about peace? 16. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in their opinion regarding the grade in which children should begin learning about war? Pilot Studies Pilot studies were conducted during the summer of 1983 in Germany and the fall of 1983 in Florida. The purpose was to ascertain whether or not children would be able to take photographs of what war and peace meant to them. In Germany, five boys and three girls volunteered to take photographs. The boys ranged in age from 9-1/2 to 14 and the girls from 11 to 16. In the United States, four boys and two girls volunteered to take photographs. The boys ranged in age from almost 12 to 18, and the girls were almost 12 to 14. All children were asked to take three photographs representing war and three photographs representing peace. For this purpose, they were provided with Polaroid cameras and film.

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70 All parents were asked for permission and were requested not to help the children in terms of making suggestions for taking the photographs. The children were asked, "Would you take some photos for me? I would like to see what American and German children think of war and peace. I would like to have three photos of what war means to you and three photos of what peace means to you . The photos do not have to be perfect, and there are no 'good' or 'bad' photos. You may have to build something and take a photo of it. How about taking the photos within two or three days? When I come back to Germany next year, I will show you the photos the American children took." (In the United States, "when I see you again, I will show you the photos the German children took.") Several problems with the instrument were encountered. In Germany, one girl, age 11, only took one photograph of war (a missile) because she did not know how to take photographs of "no nature is left, everything is built-up, no playgrounds are left." One 12-year-old boy did not know how to take a photograph representing nuclear war and "no nature left." In the United States, one 14-year-old stated that he did not take any photographs representing war because he did not know how to take photos of "people fighting with guns" and "people hurting an animal." With a few exceptions, the pilot studies demonstrated that the children were able to do the assignment.

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71 Data Analysis Procedures This is a descriptive study, and data consisted of (1) 79 pictorial representations (76 photographs, 2 drawings, and 1 picture) representing peace (38 photographs and 2 drawings from German children and 38 photographs and 1 picture from American children); (2) 77 pictorial representations (74 photographs, 2 pictures, and 1 drawing) representing war (37 photographs, 2 pictures, and 1 drawing from German children and 37 photographs from American children); (3) two responses each given by 77 children to open-ended questions related to war and peace, one response each given by two children to open-ended questions related to peace, and (4) 80 responses given to the remaining questions. Two independent certified school psychologists were asked to sort all pictorial representations of war and peace into five prescribed categories. The categories for peace were sanctuary, human, animals, nature, and other. The categories for war were destruction, human, armaments, consequences of war, and other. After the school psychologists finished the sorting process, they were given the children's responses, which are part of the open-ended questions. These responses were the children's own verbal explanations of their pictorial representations. The psychologists then recategorized any that were in their judgment misplaced on the first sorting. The researcher

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72 computed the percentage of agreement between the raters. Then, the categories were defined by the researcher, and the two school psychologists were asked to repeat the above procedures with respect to those photographs on which they had previously disagreed. The researcher again computed the percentage of agreement between the raters. Whenever the two school psychologists remained in disagreement as to the appropriate category, a third school psychologist was asked to make the decision. The data were analyzed as follows. The pictorial representations and the pictorial representations plus the verbal responses to the pictorial representations were analyzed by the use of chi-square procedures to determine the relationship of American and German children's visual and verbal images when they thought of peace or war. The five categories for peace, i.e., sanctuary, human, animals, nature, and other, and the five categories for war, i.e., destruction, human, armaments, consequences of war, and other, were subsequently analyzed by the use of the z-statistic which is "Test for Significance of Difference Between Two Proportions" (Bruning & Kintz, 1968, p. 199). Also, percentages and the z-statistic were employed to answer the research questions concerning the children's sources of information, their ideas about the future, the person from whom they would seek comfort if worried about

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73 war, and the children's perceived need and desired grade levels for war and peace education. Overview of Chapter IV Chapter IV presents the results of the study. The findings are organized as follows: interrater agreements, pictorial representations and pictorial representations plus verbal responses about peace and war, sources of information, children's ideas regarding the future, the person from whom children would seek comfort if worried about war, and children's perceived need and grade levels for war and peace education.

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CHAPTER IV RESULTS Description of Samples Two samples of 20 boys and 20 girls, one in Germany and one in Florida, were selected in accordance with the criteria specified in Chapter III. In each country, the children were randomly selected from five fourth-grade classrooms and in two elementary urban schools. In each of the 10 classrooms, parental consent forms were sent home with each child. The consent forms were distributed by the researcher together with the principal of each school and were collected by the teachers. The age data revealed that, with the exception of one child aged 11 years and 8 months, all children ranged in age from 8 years and 10 months to 10 years and 11 months. On the parent consent form, parents were asked to respond to the questions concerning their nationality and their own age. The parents' nationalities were requested to ensure that only those children would participate in the study whose parents were born either in Germany or in the United States. The parents were asked their ages to determine whether they were born during or after World War II. Three German parents did not give their ages. The data show 74

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75 that 5% of the German mothers and 8.1% of the German fathers were born during World War II, whereas 2.5% of the American mothers and 12.5% of the American fathers were born during that time. Therefore, all German children and most of their parents had not directly experienced war situations on home soil. The ages of the American and German mothers and fathers in percentages are presented in Table 1. Table 1 Ages of 79 Mothers and 78 Fathers of the Children in the Study Nationality Ages Mothers Fathers (in percent) (in percent) U.S.

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76 Questions Concerning Pictorial Representations and Pictorial Representations Plus Verbal Responses About Peace and War The following research questions were addressed: 1. When a German child thinks of war, what visual and verbal images are brought to mind? 2. When an American child thinks of war, what visual and verbal images are brought to mind? 3. When a German child thinks of peace, what visual and verbal images are brought to mind? 4. When an American child thinks of peace, what visual and verbal images are brought to mind? Each child was asked to take one photograph representing peace and one photograph representing war. Two independent certified school psychologists were requested to sort the resulting pictorial representations of war and peace into five prescribed categories each (most children took photographs, but some made drawings or used pictures from books). After the school psychologists finished the sorting process, they were given the children's responses, which were part of the open-ended questions. These responses were the children's own verbal explanations of their pictorial representations. Based on this additional information, the psychologists then recategorized any that they judged to be misplaced on the first sorting. Then the categories were defined by the researcher, and the two school psychologists were asked to repeat the above procedures with respect to

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77 those photographs on which they had previously disagreed. Whenever the two school psychologists remained in disagreement as to the appropriate category, a third school psychologist was asked to make the decision. After the two school psychologists had completed the sorting process of both the pictorial representations and the pictorial representations plus the children's verbal responses, interrater agreements were computed. The results are reported in Table 2. Table 2 Interrater Agreement for Sxperts ' Judgments — Categories Only Pictorial Pictorial Representations plus Nationality Representations Verbal Responses War Peace War Peace Percent Agreement Percent Agreement U.S. .81 .82 .68 .64 German .78 .68 .68 .79 The researcher then defined each category for the two school psychologists. After they had completed the second sorting process, interrater agreements were computed. The results are reported in Table 3.

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Table 3 Interrater Agreement for Experts' Judgments — Categories plus Definitions Pictorial Pictorial Representations plus Nationality Representations Verbal Responses War Peace War Peace D ercent Agreement Percent Agreement U.S. .97 .95 .95 .97 German .93 .90 .95 .98 Whenever the two school psychologists remained in disagreement as to the appropriate category, a third school psychologist was asked to make the decision. Pictorial Representations of Peace The data were analyzed by the use of chi square procedures to determine the relationship between the child's nationality and the five categories for peace. The chisquare analysis of peace categories by nationality are presented in Table 4. Examples of the peace categories and the children's responses to their pictorial representations are given in Appendix K. Chi-square analysis revealed that 2 there was no relationship (x (4) = 4.70, £ > .05) between the five categories and nationality.

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79 However, when each of the five categories was considered by itself by means of the z-statistic, a significant difference was found between the proportion of American and German children selecting the categories human (z = 2.39, £ < .05) and nature (z = 2.60, p_ < .01). Significantly more American children furnished pictorial representations of peace which were placed into the nature category, whereas significantly more German children supplied pictorial representations of peace which were placed into the human category. Table 4 Chi-square Analysis of Pictorial Representations of Peace by Nationality NationSanctuary Human Animals Nature Other Total ality U.S. 5 14* 8 10** 2 39 German 6 22* 6 4** 2 40 Note . x 2 (4) = 4.70, p_ > .05. Subsequent z-statistic analysis, *p_ < .05. **p_ < .01.

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80 Pictorial Representations and Verbal Responses About Peace As described, each child was asked in a structured interview to explain the meaning of each pictorial representation. The responses, together with the pictorial representations, were then sorted by three independent raters into five categories defined by the researcher. The same analyses as above were applied. Chi-square analyses revealed that there was no relationship between the five peace categories and the child's nationality (x (4) = 5.34, £ > .05). Further, when each of the five categories was considered by itself by means of the z-statistic, no significant differences were found between the proportion of American and German children selecting the categories. In some instances, the verbal responses changed the category into which the picture was originally placed. For instance, if the meaning of the pictorial representation was not clear, the pictorial representation was placed into the category "other." Once the child verbalized the meaning of the pictorial representation during the interview, it became possible to place the pictorial representation into the appropriate category. The chi-square analysis of the peace data is summarized in Table 5.

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Table 5 Chi-square Analysis of Pictorial Representations and Verbal Responses to Peace by Nationality NationSanctuary Human Animals Nature Other Total ality U.S. 5 16 8 10 39 German 7 22 5 6 40 12 38 13 16 79 Note . X 2 (4) = 5.34, £ > .05. Pictorial Representations of War All procedures employed for the pictorial representations and the pictorial representations plus verbal responses concerning war were identical to the procedures used for peace. Examples of war categories and the children's responses to their pictorial representations are given in Appendix L. Chi-square analyses revealed no relationship between the child's nationality and the five categories of the 2 pictorxal representations about war (X (4) = 2.62, £ > .05). However, when each of the five categories was considered by itself by means of the z-statistic, a significant difference was found between the proportions of American and German children selecting the category "other" (z = 2.06, £ < .05). Significantly more American children furnished

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82 pictorial representations of war which were placed into the "other" category. The chi-square analysis of war categories by nationality are presented in Table 6. Table 6 Chi-square Analysis of Pictorial Representations of War by Nationality NationDestrucHuman Armaments Consequences Other Total ality tion of war U.S. 8 9 12 8* 37 German 13 9 14 4* 4 Note . x 2 (4) = 2.62, p > .05. Subsequent z-statistic analysis, *p_ < .05. Pictorial Representations and Verbal Responses About War When the pictorial representations and the verbal responses about war were analyzed, it was found that there was a significant relationship between the child's national2 lty and the five categories (x (4) = 11.70, p < .05). Further, when each of the five categories was considered by itself by means of the z-statistic, significant differences were found between the proportion of American and German children selecting the categories "destruction" (z = 1.98, p < .05, "consequences of war" (z = 2.42, p < .05), and

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83 "other" (z = 2.42, p_ < .01). Significantly more German children furnished pictorial representations plus verbal responses of war which were placed into the "destruction" or "consequences of war" categories, whereas significantly more American children supplied pictorial representations plus verbal responses of the "other" category. Generally, the verbal responses to the pictorial representations made by the American children did not change the "other" category, whereas the responses made by the German children made a difference. The chi-square analysis of the war data is summarized in Table 7. Table 7 Chi-square Analysis of Pictorial Representations and Verbal Responses to War by Nationality ~~ NationDestrucHuman Armaments Consequences Other Total ality tion of war U.S. 4* 12 12 2* 7** 37 German 9* 10 14 7* 0** 40 Note . X 2 (4) = 11.70, £ < .05. Subsequent z-statistic analysis, *p_ < .05. **p_ < .01.

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84 Questions Concerning Sources of Information About Peace and War Four research questions addressed the sources from which children learn about war and peace. Specifically, the research questions were as follows: 5. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in the sources used to learn about peace? 6. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in their rankings of first, second, and third sources used to learn about peace? 7. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in the sources used to learn about war? 8. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in their rankings of first, second, and third sources used to learn about war? One purpose of this study was to explore where children gain their perceptions about war and peace. Specifically, questions were asked as to the various sources from which children learn about war and peace as well as their first, second, and third sources of information. As a result, many sources of information were reported in significantly different proportions by American and German children. Significantly more American than German children received information about peace from their mothers, fathers, grandmothers, other relatives, teachers, and church, whereas significantly more German children received

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85 information from the radio. The sources of information about peace by nationality are presented in Table 8 . Table 8 Sources of Information About Peace by Nationality (40 boys and 40 girls) U.S. Children German Children Sources

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86 The largest proportion of American children ranked church (87.5%) as a source of information about peace, followed by mother (80%) and father (75%), while the largest proportion of German children ranked reading materials (67.5%) as a source of information about peace, also followed by mother (57.50%) and father (55.00%). Rankordering of sources of information about peace by nation is presented in Table 9. When children were asked to select the three major sources of information according to their responses, similarities and differences were noted. The largest proportion of American (37.5%) and German (20%) children ranked mother as their major first source of information about peace. Father (42.5%) was ranked as the second source of information and church (20%) as the third source of information by the largest proportion of American children, whereas the largest proportion of German children ranked reading materials (17.5%) as their second source of information and T.V. (15%) and father (15%) as their third sources of information about peace. The rank-ordering of the three major sources of information about peace according to children's responses can be viewed in Table 10.

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Table 9 Rank-ordered Sources of Information About Peace by Nationality (40 boys and 40 girls) Rank-order of sources U.S. Children German Children Rank-order of sources Church 35 2 Mother 3 2 3 Father 3 4 Teacher (s) 2 6 87.5 80.0 75.0 65.0 Reading materials Mother Father Radio 5

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Table 10 Three Major Sources of Information About Peace by Nationality (40 boys and 40 girls) According to Children's Responses Rank-order of first sources U.S. Children Rank-order of first sources German Children 1

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89 Regarding sources of information about war, significantly more American children received information from other relatives, reading materials, friends, and church, while significantly more German children received information about war from the radio. The sources of information about war by nationality are summarized in Table 11. Table 11 Sources of Information About War by Nationality (40 boys and 40 girls) U.S. Children German Children Sources T.V.

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90 With respect to war, the largest proportion of American children ranked reading materials (92.50%) as a source of information, followed by television (70%) and father (65%), while the largest proportion of German children ranked television (80%) as a source of information, followed by reading materials (70%) and father (55%). Rank-orderings of sources of information about war by nation are presented in Table 12. With respect to rank-ordering of the three major sources of information about war, the largest proportion of American children ranked television (25.5%) as their first source, father (21%) and reading materials (21%) as their second sources, and reading materials (27.5%) as their third source of information, whereas the largest proportion of German children ranked television as their first source (37.5%), television (15.5%) and grandfather (15.5%) as their second source, and television (17%) and mother (17%) as their third sources of information. Rank-orderings of the major sources of information about war by nation according to children's responses are shown in Table 13.

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91 Table 12 Rank-ordered Sources of Information About War by Nationality (40 boys and 40 girls) U.S. Children German Children Rank-order Rank-order of sources of sources 3

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92 Table 13 Three Major Sources of Information About War by Nationality (40 boys and 40 girls) According to Children's Responses Rank-order of first sources U.S. Children Rank-order of first sources German Children 1 T.V. 10 2 Grandfather 7 3 Mother 6 4 Reading materials 5 5 Father 4 25.5 T.V. 17.5 2 Father 15.0 3 Grandmother 12.5 4 Grandfather 10.0 5 Mother 5

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93 Questions Related to Children's Ideas About War and Peace Regarding the Future The research questions were as follows : 9. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders' expectations for war in their country, in their lifetime? 10. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders with respect to whether they think that their parents can do something to prevent war? 11. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders with respect to whether they think that they themselves can do something tc prevent war? To answer the research question number 9, the children were asked "Do you think there will ever be a war in your country in your lifetime?" No significant differences were found; 52.5% of the American and 42.5% of the German children believed that there would be a war in their country in their lifetime (z = 1.273, £ > .05). To answer the research question number 10, the children were asked "Do you think your parents can do something to prevent war?," 35% of the American and 2 7.5% of the German children believed that their parents could do something to prevent war. The percentages are not significantly different (z = 1.027, £ > .05). To answer the research question number 11, the children were asked "Do you think that you can do something to prevent

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94 war?," 25% of the American and 20% of the German children felt that they could do something to prevent war. The percentages are not significantly different (z = .759, £ > .05). Question Concerning the Person From Whom Children Would Seek Comfort If Worried About War The following research quetion was addressed: 12. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in whom they seek for comfort to discuss war? To answer the research question, the children were asked "If you were ever worried about war, to whom would you talk, i.e., to your mother, your father, your teacher, or any other?" The data revealed that 67.5% of both American and German children would talk with their mothers (z = 0, p_ > .05), 62% of the American and 57.5% of the German children would talk with their fathers (z = .649, £ > .05), 2.5% of the American and 5% of the German children would speak with their teachers (z = -.834, o > .05), and 12.5% of the American and 17.5% of the German children would seek others, e.g., grandmothers, grandfathers, uncles, and friends (z = .888, £ > .05). Questions Concerning Children's Perceived Need for Education Related to War and Peace The following research questions were addressed: 13. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in the extent of agreement with the statement "Do you think we should teach about peace in schools?"

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95 14. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in the extent of agreement with the statement "Do you think we should teach about wars in schools, such as how they come about?" Since the literature stated that we need to educate for world peace, it was important to examine whether children perceived a need for education about peace and war in schools. To answer the research question number 13, the children were asked "Do you think we should teach about peace in schools?" The results indicated that 97.5% of the American and 92.5% of the German children felt that peace should be taught in school (z = 1.470, p_ > .05). To answer the research question number 14, the children were asked "Do you think we should teach about war in schools?" S-ignif icantly more American (92.5%) than German (60%) children agreed that schools should teach about wars (i.e., how wars come about) should be taught in schools (z = 5.242, p < .01). The data for education about peace and war are summarized in Table 14. Table 14 Children's Perceived Need for Education by Nationality Nationality " Peace War U.S. ~~ 97.50% 92.50%* German 92.50% 60.00%* *p < .01.

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96 Questions Regarding the Grade in Which Children Believe War and Peace Issues Should be Taught The following research questions were addressed: 15. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in their opinion regarding the grade in which children should begin learning about peace? 16. Are there differences between American and German fourth graders in their opinion regarding the grade in which children should begin learning about war? To answer the research questions, those children who believed that war and peace issues should be taught were asked (1) "In your opinion, when should children start learning about peace: in kindergarten ('Kindergarten' in Germany), in elementary school ( ' Volksschule ' in Germany), in middle school ('Gymnasium' in Germany), or in high school ('Gymnasium' in Germany)"? and (2) In your opinion, when should children start learning about war: in kindergarten ('Kindergarten' in Germany), in elementary school ('Volksschule' in Germany), in middle school ('Gymnasium' in Germany), or in high school ('Gymnasium' in Germany)?" For the purpose of data analysis, middle school and high school were combined for the American children. American and German children did not differ significantly in which grade they thought they should learn about peace, i.e., 25.64% of the Americans and 29.73% of the Germans felt that peace education should start in kindergarten

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37 (z = -.564, £ > .05), 51.28% of the Americans and 48.65% of the Germans in elementary school (z = .324, £ > .05), and 23.07% of the Americans and 21.62% of the Germans in middle-high school (z = .215, £ > .05). However, there were significant differences between American and German children concerning the grade in which they wished to learn about war. Significantly more American children wanted to learn during elementary school (z = 3.50, £ < .01), whereas significantly more German children wanted to learn about war during "Gymnasium," i.e., middle-high school (z = 3.65, £ < .01). The percentages are not significantly different with respect to kindergarten (z = .477, £ > .05). The data about war education are presented in Table 15 Table 15 Desired Grade Levels for War Education by Nationality NationKindergarten Elementary Middle-High ality (in percent) (in percent) (in percent) U.S. 5.41 67.57* 27.03* German 4.17 37.50* 58.33* *£ < .01 Summary of Findings Concerning peace, the chi-square analysis of the pictorial representations and the pictorial representations

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98 plus the verbal responses revealed that there was no significant relationship between the five peace categories and the child's nationality. Concerning war, there was no relationship between the five categories and the child's nationality. However, the chi-square analysis of the pictorial representations and verbal responses revealed that there was a significant relationship between the five war categories and the child's nationality. American and German children reported mother as the major first source of information about peace and television as the major first source about war. Mother was also reported as major source of comfort if worried about war. No significant differences were found between American and German children's belief that there would be a war in their country in their lifetime or that their parents or they themselves could prevent war. Further, no significant differences were found between American and German children's perceived need for peace education and grade levels. However, significant differences were found regarding war education and grade levels.

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CHAPTER V DISCUSSION, INTERVIEW OBSERVATIONS, CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS, RECOMMENDATIONS, AND LIMITATIONS Discussion This study was concerned with young children's perceptions of war and peace. Specifically, this study explored the perceptions of American and German fourth-graders, including the sources from which these children learn about war and peace, whether they believed that there would ever be a war in their country in their lifetime, and, if so, whether their parents or they themselves could do something to prevent war. Further, the children were asked whom they would seek for comfort if worried about war, whether they perceived a need for war and peace education and, if so, in what grade this education should start. Photography and an individual structured interview were employed, and the following methodology was used. Two elementary schools in Florida and two elementary schools in Germany were chosen to include all SES levels. Forty American and 4 German children, with an equal number of boys and girls, were randomly selected. Only children whose parents gave permission and who themselves were born either in Gemany or in the United States were included in 99

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100 this study. On the first day in each school, 10 children were lent a Polaroid camera and asked to take one photograph representing peace and one photograph representing war. The children were interviewed individually the following day. This procedure was continued until the pictorial representations (photographs, drawings, and pictures) had been received and all children had been interviewed by the researcher. Then the data were analyzed as follows. First, the researcher categorized all pictorial representations were categorized by the researcher. Then two independent school psychologists were asked to sort all pictorial representations of war and peace into five prescribed categories. The categories for peace were sanctuary, human, animals, nature, and other. The categories for war were destruction, human, armaments, consequences of war, and other. After the school psychologists finished the sorting process, they were given the children's verbal explanations of their pictorial representations. The two psychologists were then asked to recategorize any that were in their judgment misplaced on the first sorting. Then the researcher defined the categories, and the two school psychologists were asked to repeat the above procedure with those photographs on which they had previously disagreed. Whenever the two school psychologists remained in disagreement as to the appropriate category, a third school psychologist was asked to make the decision.

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101 Misunderstanding could have resulted from external representations, e.g., pictorial representations without the child's explanation as to the true meaning. For example, one girl took a photograph of two cats. However, these cats represented human beings to her, i.e., "me and my best friend together. " The data were then analyzed by means of chi-square statistics to determine the relationship between American and German children selecting the five categories for war and peace. Further, the children's responses to the remaining questions of the questionnaire were analyzed by means of the z-statistic to test for significance of difference between two proportions. Interview Observations All children were interviewed individually in a comfortable setting. The researcher had been introduced by the principals prior to handing out the parent permission forms and had given the instructions for taking the photographs, and so each child was aware of her and the purpose of the study. Also, the children were eager to show and describe their pictorial representations. Virtually all children were very serious during the interview and thought for a few minutes before answering the questions. None of the children in either the United States or Germany said only "yes" or "no" to questions; all

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102 made further comments. The question "Do you think there will ever be a war in your country in your lifetime?" seemed to be a difficult one to answer in that some children asked "Don't you have an easier question? This is so difficult." Others said, "I wouldn't be surprised the way the world is going." Also, their nonverbal behavior was of interest during this question. The children did not sit quietly in their chairs, but either moved around or stood up before responding. When the children were asked whether they could do something to prevent war, many of them laughed aloud and said, "I am much too small." Although all 8C children received the same instructions for taking the photographs representing war and peace, one American boy claimed that he did not know that he had to take a photograph of war. One American girl did not take any photographs because she did not know what to take. Another girl said she did not have a photograph of war because she could not get her dog and cat to fight. None of the American children mentioned nuclear war. Three German children had photographs representing nuclear war and verbalized concern that a nuclear war could happen. For example, one German boy said "Atomkrieg — Reagan hat die Macht. Er hat die ganze Welt unter Kontrolle mit einem Knopf." (Nuclear war — Reagan has the power. He has the whole world under control with one button. ) Although the Nobel Prize for Peace was announced over television and

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103 radio 4 days before interviewing the American children, none of them mentioned it. Conclusions American and German Children's Perceptions About Peace Fourth grade German and American children were more alike than different with respect to their perceptions of peace. Peace was seen as tranquility and stillness, with such images as sleeping animals, landscapes, trees, and flowers. Children also depicted symbols of peace. German children saw peace as the absence of war, the ability of families to do things together, and beautiful homes. American children saw flowers and trees as peaceful, whereas the growth of flowers was seen as symbolic of peacetime by the German children. Both American and German children saw peace as cooperation, i.e., being friends, shaking hands with people from other countries, and children from various countries playing with one another. During the verbal inquiry, each child was able to give reality to the very abstract terms of war and peace. It was possible for the interviewer to elicit meaningful responses through the technique of photography combined with an individual interview by talking about their photographs. As can be seen from the tables presented in Chapter IV, the verbal responses given by the children to their pictorial representations occasionally changed the meaning of the

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104 pictorial representations. There were no longer significant differences between American and German children when the verbal responses were added to the pictorial representations. The pictorial representations enabled the researcher to look for commonalities, i.e., to establish categories into which these pictorial representations could be sorted. American and German Children's Perceptions About War Fourth grade German and American children's perceptions of war were different. When the pictorial representations were analyzed by themselves, no relationship between the child's nationality and the five categories was found. However, when the pictorial representations and the child's verbal responses were analyzed, it was found that there was a significant relationship between the child's nationality and the five categories. The verbal responses changed the number of cells in each category so that the categories "destruction" and "consequences of war" became statistically significant when the German children's responses were compared with those of the American children. Since all the children were between 9 and 11 years old, they should all have been in Piaget's "concrete operational stage." However, it was noted that several children were in Piaget's next stage of cognitive development, i.e., the "Period of Formal Operations," which starts approximately at ages 11 or 12. About 17.5% of the German children and 5.3%

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105 of the American children verbalized consequences of war, i.e., human losses. For example, "Nach dem Krieg ist alles zerstoert, tote Menschen, wenig Ueberlebende" (after the war, everything is destroyed, dead people, few survivors). American and German Children's Major Sources of Information About War and Peace Studies have been conducted in which, inter alia , sources of information have been explored. In the present study, both German children and American children reported television as their major source of information about war. This confirms the findings of Allerhand (1965), Haavelsrud (1971), Elam (1983), and Goldenring and Doctor (1984), who found that television was the primary source of information concerning war issues. The German children reported during the interviews that they received their information from the "six o-clock news" on television. Both the American and German children stated that they were not permitted to watch war movies on television. However, concerning peace, mother was reported as the major source of information by American and by German children. This is possibly related to the nurturing role of the mother. Neither German nor American children associated peace with television as an external source of information about peace. It is interesting to note that in both countries the major source of information on war was external to the

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106 family, and the major source of information on peace was related to the mother in the home. One can hypothesize that mothers avoid talking about war in order to protect their children. They also may not acknowledge the threat associated with the topic because of its perceived negative influence on family life. American and German Children's Ideas Toward War and Peace Regarding the Future American and German children's beliefs were very similar concerning the future in that about 50% of the American and about 40% of the German children thought that there will be a war in their country in their lifetime. Also, approximately one-third of both the American and German children felt that their parents can do something to prevent war. One-fourth of the American children and one-fifth of the German children believed that they themselves could do something to prevent war. One American child added to his "Yes" response that he could become a pilot, and "if America has enough airplanes, nobody will attack us." Question Concerning the Person from Whom Children Would Seek Comfort if Worried About War American and German children's responses concerning the person from whom they would seek comfort if worried about war were very similar. Although the children from both countries reported that their mothers were the major source

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107 of information about peace, their major source of comfort if worried about war was also reported as being their mother, followed by father. Children's Perceived Need and Grade Levels for War and Peace Education Almost all children in both countries perceived a need for peace education, whereas 60% of the German and 92% of the American children felt that war issues should be taught in school. Some responses made by the German children were "we should just forget about war"; "some teachers told us that they were hiding under the bed or in a closet when the Soviets invaded Germany"; "the people have never been asked whether they wanted war"; "we should just concentrate on peace"; and "children all over the world should be able to play. " Although half of all children believed that peace education should be taught in elementary school, there was a significant difference between German and American children with respect to war education. Two-thirds of the American children believed that war education should start in elementary school, whereas only one-third of the German children had the same belief. In 1945, World War II and its horrors were over — at least in actuality, if not in spirit and consequence. In the years between 1945 and the present, the German people had to reconstruct their lives, remove the ruins of war, and rebuild property devastated by war. The

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108 German people also had to restore the national economy and are still paying war reparations today. As a NATO ally, the nation is required to permit missile deployment on its soil. As a consequence, the German people may be experiencing saturation with war issues, which could be affecting the ideas of German children toward war education. Implications The exploration of children's perceptions, knowledge, and ideas toward war and peace has several important implications for education, training, and research. Teachers need to be made aware that young children wish to learn about war and peace issues. Perhaps there should be teacher training for peace education and exploration of activities that would be suitable. For example, the curriculum could include finding peaceful solutions to problems arising in the classroom, on the playground, and at home. Since children are in school 5 days a week, teachers could explore the feelings and concerns of children in their classrooms. They could share their concerns and worries and discover how children would resolve problems arising in their own daily lives or in the world. Recommendations for Further Research Since this study showed that young children are interested in learning about war and peace issues, additional

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109 research could explore what children would actually like to learn: for example, do they wish to learn how they could help prevent any kind of war. A study conducted by Chivian (1985) in the Soviet Union in midsummer of 1983 showed that Soviet children felt more hopeful than American children about preventing a nuclear war and that this hopefulness might be because almost all children in their sample had taken part in organized peace education and activities, e.g., sending letters to world leaders and designing banners and posters (p. 500). Further, it is recommended that this study be replicated in other parts of the United States, Germany, and also in other parts of the world in order to explore children's perceptions of war and peace. The combination of photography and interview is an excellent tool to learn more about young children's feelings, concerns, and needs regarding this topic. During the interviews it was observed that the children generally felt uncomfortable responding to the question, "Do you think there will ever be a war in your country in your lifetime?" Before answering the question, the children fidgeted in their seats or stood up. Some verbalized their discomfort by asking for an easier question. All children reflected before giving a final answer. This behavior is similar to the behavior previously observed by this researcher when interviewing first-grade children on issues

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110 concerning death and dying (Wass, Dinklage, Gordon, Russo, Sparks, & Tatum, 1983a, 1983b). Those children had difficulty making a decision when asked, "Which of these two dolls is going to die?" The children did not want to respond to the question and quickly said, "I don't know." Even after prompting and the reassurance that "these are just dolls," children were still reluctant to decide which one was going to die. The behaviors and responses of the children in both studies suggest that the children felt a responsibility for the effect of their decision — either a future war or the death of a person. It is possible that the children would also feel responsible for preventing war or death, particularly since approximately 90% of both the German and American children perceived a need for peace education. Further research is warranted in this area. Limitations Regarding Generalizability The results of this study have limitations regarding generalizability. The results can be generalized only to fourth grade students attending regular classrooms who live in Germany or in Florida and whose parents were born either in Germany or in the United States. Further, with the exception of one American boy and one American girl in the samples, all children were white. Also, all children were interviewed during peacetime.

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APPENDIX A RELEASE FORM TC t'HOM IT MAY CONCERN; This is to certify that neither your school, nor the parents, nor the children will be held responsible for any damage or less incurred to cameras or films. Rosemarie Dinklage Date: 111

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APPENDIX B GERMAN TRANSLATION OF RELEASE FORM Erklaerung An die Schule Ich erklaere hiermit, dass weder Ihre Schule noch die Eltern oder Kinder fuer die Beschaedigung oder den Verlust der Kameras oder Filme verantwortlich gemacht werden. Rosemarie Dinklage Datum: 112

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APPENDIX C INSTRUCTIONS FOR TAKING THE PHOTOGRAPHS The following instructions for taking the photographs will be given (in the United States and Germany): Good morning (or good afternoon), I am Mrs. Dinklage. I would like to find out what American and German children think of war and peace. I would like to ask you to take two photos for me, one photo representing war and one photo representing peace. Take the photos of anything that comes to your mind when you think of war or peace. You may even decide to build something and take a photo of it. Whatever you do, it is entirely up to you. The photos do not have to be perfect, and there are no good or bad photos. Make sure you do not tell anybody about your ideas. Keep it a secret. I will show you the photos which were taken by German children. Please bring the photos tomorrow, and do not forget to return the camera. If you don't want to do this anymore, please let me know. All children, who will participate in this study, will receive a certificate. The children will also be shown how to use the cameras. 113

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APPENDIX D GERMAN TRANSLATION OF INSTRUCTIONS FOR TAKING THE PHOTOGRAPHS I nstruktionen Fuer Die Fotografien Die folgenden Instruktionen fuer die Fotcgrafien werden gegeben: Guten Morgen (oder guten Tag). Ich bin Frau Dinklage. Ich moechte gern herausf inden, was amerikanische und deutsche Kinder ueber Krieg und Frieden denken. Ich moechte Euch bitten, zwei Fotos fuer mich zu machen; ein Foto von Krieg und ein Foto von Frieden. Fotografiert irgend etwas was Euch in den Sinn kommt, wenn Ihr an Krieg und Frieden denkt. Es kann sein, dass Ihr Euch entschliesst, etwas aufzubauen und dann ein Foto zu machen. Egal was Ihr macht, es ist Euch ueberlassen. Die Fotos brauchen nicht perfekt zu sein, und es gibt keine guten oder schlechten Fotos. Achtet darauf, dass Ihr Eure Ideen keinem verratet. Haltet sie geheim. Ich werde Euch die Fotos, die die amerikanischen Kinder aufgenommen haben, zeigen. Bitte, bringt die Fotos morgen und vergesst nicht, die Kamera wieder mitzubringen. Wenn Ihr es nicht mehr tun wollt, lasst es mich bitte wissen. Alle Kinder, die an dieser Studie teilnehmen werden, bekommen eine Urkunde. Den Kindern wird auch gezeigt, wie man die Kameras bedient. 114

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APPENDIX E STRUCTURED INTERVIEW Name of student Grade Date of Birth Age Name of School Date interviewed Good morning (or good afternoon), I am Mrs. Dinklage, and I would like to ask you some questions about the two photos you took for me. 1. Which of the two photos represents peace and which represents war? (Photos will be coded accordingly.) 2. What does this photo mean to you (relating to war)? 3.

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116 Of all these responses, if you could only give me three, which ones whould you chose as number 1, number 2, and number 3? 7. Did you learn about war from no no no no no no no no no no no Of all these responses, if you could only give me three, which ones would you choose as number 1, number 2, and number 3? TV

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117 14. In your opinion, when should children start learning about peace? kindergarten yes no elementary school yes no middle school ("gymnasium" in Germany) yes no high school ("gymnasium" in Germany) yes no_ 15. In your opinion, when should children start learning about war? kindergarten elementary school middle school ("gymnasium" in Germany) high school ("gymnasium" in Germany) Thanks, , for answering all my questions yes

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APPENDIX F GERMAN TRANSLATION OF STRUCTURED INTERVIEW Interview mit vorbestimmten Fragen Name des Kindes Klasse Geburtsdatum Alter Name der Schule Datum des Interviews Guten morgen (oder guten Tag), Ich bin Frau Dinklage, und ich moechte Dir gerne ein paar Fragen stellen bezueglich der beiden Fotos, die Du fuer mich aufgenommen hast. 1. Welches der Fotos stellt Frieden dar und welches stellt Krieg dar? (Die Fotos werden entsprechend bezeichnet. ) 2. Was bedeutet dieses Foto fuer Dich (bezueglich Krieg)? 3. Warum hast Du dieses spezielle Foto aufgenommen? 4. Was bedeutet dieses Foto fuer Dich (bezueglich Frieden ) ? 5. Warum hast Du dieses spezielle Foto aufgenommen? Hast Du ueber Frieden gelernt von Fernseher

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119 Wenn Du mir nur drei Antworten von all diesen Antworten geben koenntest, welche wuerdest Du waehlen als Nummer 1, Nummer 2, und Nummer 3? Hast Du ueber Krieg gerlernt von Fernseher

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14. Nach Deiner Meinung, warm sollten Kinder anfangen, ueber Frieden zu lernen? 120 Kindergarten Volksschule Gymnasium 33

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APPENDIX G PARENT CONSENT FORM — U.S.A. Dear Parents : I am a doctoral student at the Univerity of Florida in Gainesville, Florida, and would like to ask permission for your child to participate in a research project designed to explore children's attitudes concerning war and peace. Your child may be included in the study if you give permission. If selected, your child will be lent a Polaroid camera and will be asked to take one photo representing war and one representing peace. The artistic quality is of no importance. It is the content I am interested in. Therefore, family members or friends should not help your child. In addition, your child will be interviewed for about 15 minutes concerning his or her attitudes toward war and peace. All children will be asked the same questions. This investigation may be used for educational purposes which may include publication. The results of my research will be made available to the school. Should you have any questions, my telephone number is listed below. The information your child provides will be kept confidential unless disclosure is required under Florida law. Participation or nonparticipation will not affect your child's grade. You may withdraw your consent at any time. Please indicate your answer by signing this form and return it with your child tomorrow . I would appreciate your answering my questions listed below. Thank you very much for your assistance. Sincerely, Rosemarie Dinklage 8 Belleview Blvd. Belleair, FL 33516 Home Phone: 461-3855 121

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122 I have read and understand the procedures described above. I give permission for my child, to participate in the research project. I also grant permission to Rosemarie I. Dinklage, doctoral student at the University of Florida, or her agents, for the publication, reproduction, and exhibition of photographs taken by my son/daughter. Signature : Address Father born in the United States yes no_ Mother born in the United States yes no Father's age 25-30 31-35 36-40_ 41-45_ 46+ Mother's age 25-30_ 31-3 5_~" 36-40 41-45_ 46 + Child's birthdate:

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APPENDIX H PARENT CONSENT FORM — GERMANY Rosemarie Dinklage c/o . . . Deichstr. 78 2 85 Bremerhaven Tel: 41 17 95 September 18, 1985 Dear Parents: I am a German-born student at the "University of Florida" in Gainesville, Florida, U.S.A., and would like to conduct a research project with children. I would like to ask permission for your child to participate in this project. It is the object of this project to explore children's attitudes and thoughts concerning war and peace. The superintendent gave permission for this research project, and the principal and the teacher of your child are willing to support this endeavor. If you give permission as well, I'll lend your child a Polaroid camera asking to take one photograph representing war and one photograph representing peace. The artistic quality is of no importance. It is the content I am interested in. Therefore, I would like to ask you that family members or friends do not help your child. In addition, your child will be interviewed for about 15 minutes concerning his or her attitudes concerning war and peace. All children will be asked the same questions. Of course, the information will be kept confidential. In addition, you may withdraw your consent at any time. The results of the research project will be made available to the school. It is possible that the results will be published in professional journals. Should you have any questions, please contact me under the above telephone number. 123

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124 If your child is permitted to participate in the project, I would like to ask you to sign the enclosed consent form and to return it with your child. In addition, I would appreciate your answering my questions listed below. Thank you very much for your assistance. Sincerely,

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125 Consent I give permission for my child, _, to participate in the research project. I also grant permission to Mrs. Rosemarie Dinklage, or her agents, for the publication, reproduction, and exhibition of photographs taken by my son/daughter. Signature: Father was born in Germany yes no Mother was born in Germany yes no Father's age 25-30_ 31-35 36-40_ 41-45 4 6+ Mother's age 25-30 31-35 3 6-4 41-45 46+ Child's birthdate:

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APPENDIX I GERMAN TRANSLATION OF PARENT CONSENT FORM Rosemarie Dinklage c/o . . . Deichstr. 78 2 850 Bremerhaven Tel: 41 17 95 September 18, 1985 Sehr geehrte Eltern, Ich bin deutsch-gebuertige Studentin an der "University of Florida" in Gainesville, Florida, USA, und moechte in Deutschland ein Forschungspro jekt mit Kindern durchf uehren. Ich moechte Sie urn Ihre Erlaubnis bitten, dass Ihr Kind an diesem Projekt teilnehem darf. Ziel dieses Projektes ist es, die Ansichten und Gedanken von Kindern zu Krieg und Frieden zu erforschen. Die Schulauf sicht hat die Zustimmung zu diesem Forschungsvorhaben gegeben und der Schulleiter und der Klassenlehrer Ihres Kindes sind bereit, dieses Vorhaben zu unterstuetzen. Sollten auch Sie Ihr Einverstaendnis geben, so werde ich Ihrem Kind eine Polaroid-Kamera leihen mit der Bitte, je ein Foto aufzunehmen, das Krieg und das Frieden darstellt. Die kuenstlerische Qualitaet der Bilder ist nicht wichtig. Es ist der Inhalt, der mich interessiert . Daher moechte ich Sie bitten, dass Familienmitglieder und Freunde Ihrem Kind nicht helfen. Darueber hinaus wird Ihr Kind fuer ungefaehr 15 Minuten ueber seine Ansichten zu Krieg und Frieden befragt. Allen Kindern werden diese Fragen gestellt. Die Inf ormationen werden selbstverstaendlich vertraulich behandelt. Es ist Ihnen ausserdem moeglich, Ihre Zustimmung jederzeit zurueckzuziehen. 126

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127 Das Gesamtergebnis des Forschungspro jekts wird der Schule zur Information zugeschickt werden. Es ist moeglich, dass die Ergebnisse auch in Fachzeitschrif ten veroef f entlicht werden. Sollten Sie irgendwelche Fragen haben, koennen Sie mien unter der oben angegebenen Telef onnummer erreichen. Wenn Ihr Kind an dem Projekt teilnehmen darf, moechte ich Sie bitten, die anliegende Erklaerung zu unterschreiben und Ihrem Kind umgehend wieder mit zur Schule zu geben. Darueber hinaus waere ich dankbar, wenn Sie mir die darunter angegebenen Fragen beantworten wuerden. Ich bedanke mich fuer Ihre Hilfe. Hochachtungsvoll,

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128 Einverstaendniserklaeruna Ich gebe die Einwilligung, dass mein Kind an dem Forschungspro jekt ueber Krieg und Frieden teilnehmen darf. Ich gebe ausserdem Frau Rosemarie Dinklage oder Beauftragten die Erlaubnis zur Publikation, Reproduktion und Ausstellung der Fotografien, die mein Sohn/Tochter aufgenommen hat. Unterschrif t Datum Vater ist in Deutschland geboren. ja nein Mutter ist in Deutschland geboren. ja nein Vaters Alter

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APPENDIX J CERTIFICATE

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0; Tfos is to certify in^i. has participated in an ttrternatiovial $ladu ^n, toar and peace . Date: 130

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APPENDIX K PICTORIAL REPRESENTATIONS ABOUT PEACE AND CHILDREN'S VERBAL RESPONSES

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Catagory "Sanctuary" — U.S.A. Category "Sanctuary "--Germany 132

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133 American Children's Responses About Peace--Category "Sanctuary " 1) Holy Bible means peace. 2) Statue of Liberty — sign of peace. German Children's Responses About Peace—Category "Sanctuary " 1) Kirche--Leute, die Frieden wollen. Church--people who want peace. 2 ) Haus, schoen. House, beautiful.

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134 Category "Human" — U.S.A. Category "Human" — Germany

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135 American Children's Responses About Peace—Category "Human " 1) Shaking hands, making good friends, nice, no more war. 2) Sitting in peace--nobody is bothering you. German Children's Responses About Peace — Category "Human ' 1) Kein Krieg mehr--Leute wieder froehlilch. No longer war--people are happy again. 2) Kinder spielen zusammen. Children are playing together.

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136 Category "Animals" — U.S.A. Category "Animals" — Germany

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137 American Children's Responses About Peace—Category "Animals " 1) Dog sleeping. 2) Cat sleeping, plants and pool at peace. German Children's Responses About Peace--Category "Animals" 1) Vogel auf dem Baum, freut sich ueber die Sonne. Bird on the tree, is happy about the sun. 2 ) Blume kann in Frieden wachsen und schoen gross werden. Flower can grow in peace and can get nice and big.

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138 Category "Nature"--U. S. A. Category "Nature"--Germany

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139 American Children's Responses About Peace—Category "Nature " 1) Flower is growing — peaceful, has water, good care. 2) When you think about peace, you think about pretty things. German Children's Responses About Peace—Category "Nature ' 1) Blumen tun nichts Boeses, sind friedlich. Flowers do not do anything bad, are peaceful. 2) Baeume und Tiere leben in Frieden. Trees and animals live in peace.

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140 Category "Other" — U.S.A. 1 Translation: Stop the war in a child's room— do not buy war toys! Category "Other"Germany

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141 American Children's Responses About Peace—Category "Other " 1) People shaking hands. 2) Bear and Holy Bible, quiet and nice. German Children's Responses About Peace—Category "Other " 1) Um Krieg im Kinderzimmer zu vermeiden, keine Kriegssachen. In order to avoid war in a child's room, no war toys. 2) Strasse—alles ist normal, f riedlich--die Leute machen Mittagsschlaf . Street—everything is normal--peacef ul--people are taking a nap.

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APPENDIX L PICTORIAL REPRESENTATIONS ABOUT WAR AND CHILDREN'S VERBAL RESPONSES

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Category "Destruction"--U. S. A. Category "Destruction" — Germany 143

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144 American Children's Responses About War — Category "Destruction" 1) Dead trees--death reminds me of war. 2) After bombs have been dropped, the world is empty, nothing left. German Children's Responses About War — Category "Destruction" 1) Haeuser zerstoert. Houses destroyed. 2) iMan sieht nichts mehr—leer. Nothing is left--empty.

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145 Category "Human"--U. S. A. Category "Human "--Germany

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146 American Children's Responses About War—Category "Human " 1) People shooting at each other; don't want to live with each other. 2) People are fighting in war— it's action. German Children's Responses About War— Category "Human " 1) Kinder klopfen sich. Children hit each other. 2) Krieg ist schrecklich — Menschen bluten. War is terrible--people are bleeding.

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147 Category "Armaments" — U.S.A. Category "Armaments "--Germany

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143 American Children's Responses About War — Category "Armaments" 1) Knife, hammer, gun for shooting. 2) War toys, people fight with weapons. German Children's Responses About War — Category "Armaments" 1) Schiffe fahren in den Krieg. Ships go to war. 2) Waff en, urn zu toeten. Weapons to kill.

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149 Category "Other" — U.S.A. Translation: We did not want nuclear weapons in East and West. Category "Other "--Germany

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150 American Children's Responses About War — Category "Other " 1) After a fight, threatening, something frightening is going to happen. 2) Fighting for planet. German Children's Responses About War — Category "Other " 1) Keine Atomraketen in Ost und West wollten wir. We did not want nuclear weapons in East and West. 2) Menschen, die sich streiten. People who are arguing.

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APPENDIX M AMERICAN CHILDREN'S RESPONSES TO PICTORIAL REPRESENTATIONS ABOUT PEACE 1. Cat sleeping, plants and pool at peace. 2. Cat asleep--peacef ul . Peace means nothing mechanical, like trees. 3. People having fun. 4. People making up, nice and friendly. 5. Mr. and Mrs. Luther King--they are peace. 6. Children playing, no fighting, no loud noises, birds are singing. 7. When you think about peace, you think about pretty things. 8. Hospital — helps people if they get hurt. 9. Jesus on cross, forgives you for sins, is special to me. 10. Statue of liberty--sign of peace. 11. Church — everybody is at peace. 12. Trees are gentle, not rough, they are peaceful. 13. Bear and Holy Bible — quiet and nice. 14. Holy Bible — means peace. 15. No arguments, nice and peaceful. 16. Dog sleeping. 17. Me and best friend playing; someone wants to be my friend. 18. Unicorn and flowers are peaceful. 151

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152 19. Cat. 20. Quiet, soft and no noises. 21. Flowers are beautiful; nothing has happened to them. 22. Rose garden, it means beauty. 23. Beautiful sky and trees. 24. Flower is growing--peacef ul . It has water and good care. 25. Hugging is nice. 26. People are shaking hands. 27. Kid sitting down reading; people leave each other alone. 28. Shaking hands, making good friends, nice, no more war. 29. Sitting in peace--nobody is bothering you. 30. Lake, nice and calm, no police. 31. People go and live — flowers all around. 32. Nice and quiet, sun behind trees. 33. Sitting in park, feeding ducks. 34. Water is peacef ul--nice. 35. Delivers mail from out of town. 36. Good friends, holding hands. 37. Shaking hands, making up, like between two different countries. 38. Loving each other, no fighting. Peace is better than war. 39. Bunch of people together; nobody is fighting.

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APPENDIX N GERMAN CHILDREN'S RESPONSES TO PICTORIAL REPRESENTATIONS ABOUT PEACE 1. Wiesen, Felder, Strohhuetten, keine Raketen, keine Umweltverschmutzung, keinen Regen. Meadows, fields, straw huts, no rockets, no pollution, no rain. 2. Kinder spielen und zanken sich nicht. Children are playing and do not fight. 3. Lachen und Ball spielen. Laughing and playing ball. 4. Spielplaetze, Kinder koennen spielen. Playgrounds, children can play. 5. Kinder spielen, sie sind froehlich. Children are playing, they are happy. 6. Drei Kinder haekeln und spielen. Three children are crocheting and are playing. 7. Schoene, bunte Blumen. Beautiful, colorful flowers. 8. Frieden bedeutet, dass sich Kinder lieb haben. Peace means that children love each other. 9. Baeume und Tiere leben in Frieden. Trees and animals live in peace. 10. Blumen tun nichts Boeses, sie sind friedlich. Flowers do not do anything bad, they are peaceful. 153

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154 11. Kinder koennen spielen, keine Angst, brauchen sich nicht zu verstecken. Children can play, not scared, do not have to hide. 12. Man vertraegt sich. One gets along. 13. Spielende Kinder. Playing children. 14. Alle Menschen sind friedlich, ruhig. All people are peaceful, calm. 15. Kind spielt, das noch nicht daran denkt, dass Krieg kommen koennte. Child plays, it does not yet think that war could happen. 16. Im Frieden, Kinder koennen zusammen spielen. In peacetime, children can play together. 17. Friedlich gehen, Amerikaner und Deutscher reichen sich die Hand. Walking peacefully, American and German shaking hands. 18. Leute schuetteln sich die Haende. People are shaking hands. 19. Zwei Menschen, es ist gruen, Frieden herrscht. Two people, it is green, it is peacetime. 20. Familie, die Minigolf spielt. Family who plays mini golf. 21. Kein Krieg mehr--Leute sind wieder froehlich. No longer war--people are happy again. 22. Ein Haus, das steht--es ist ganz . A house that stands--it is whole.

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155 23. Familien, Kinder spielen. Families, children are playing. 24. Schoenes Haus, im Frieden. Beautiful house, in peacetime. 25. Im Frieden geht die Familie auch mal weg. In peacetime, the family can go out for recreation. 26. Steine/ urn Haeuser zu bauen. Stones to build houses. 27. Kinder spielen zusammen. Children are playing together. 28. Schif f ahrtsmuseum, Leben ist friedlich. Im Frieden kann man weggehen. Nautical museum, life is peaceful. In peacetime, one may go out. 29. Tauben sind das Symbol des Friedens. Doves are the symbol of peace. 30. Zwei Leute, die sich die Hand geben. Two people who are shaking hands. 31. Normales Haus mit Blumen. Normal house with flowers. 32. Vogel auf dem Baum, freut sich ueber die Sonne. Bird on the tree, is happy about the sun. 33. Strasse — alles ist normal, friedlich. Die Leute machen Mittagsschlaf . Street — everything is normal, peaceful. The people are taking a nap. 34. Blume kann in Frieden wachsen und schoen gross werden. Flower can grow in peace and can grow nice and big.

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156 35. Weisse Schwaene als Taube. Taube Symbol des Friedens. White swans as dove. Dove is symbol of peace. 36. Urn Krieg im Kinderzimmer zu vermeiden, keine Kriegssachen. In order to avoid war in a child's room, no war toys. 37. Kirche--Leute, die Frieden wollen, gehen zur Kirche. Church—people who want peace go to church. 38. Tiere sind ruhig. Animals are calm. 39. Hund--f riedlich, schlaeft. Dog is peaceful, sleeps. 40. Kinder von verschiedenen Laendern, die zusammen spielen. Children from various countries who play together.

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APPENDIX AMERICAN CHILDREN'S RESPONSES TO PICTORIAL REPRESENTATIONS ABOUT WAR 1. After bombs have been dropped, the world is empty, nothing left. 2. Killing people--war picture. 3. Dead trees, death reminds me of war. 4. Cars went fast, noisy, cars run people off the road. 5. Dead tree, things die in a war, destruction. 6. Dead leaves, nothing else after a war, that's all that is left. 7. Ants biting everybody, they are mean. 8. Crying, fighting. 9. People shooting at each other, don't want to live with each other. 10. Somebody is shooting someone. 11. War toys, people fight with weapons. 12. Gun--in wars they have guns and tanks that can hurt people. 13. Weapon — used in a war. 14. Tank, helicopter, minitank with guns--people don't agree. 15. Weapons, makes you think of war. 16. Gun, weapons, remind me of war or fighting. 17. Fighting--in war realistic. 18. Cannon--all war is about is shooting people. 157

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151 19. Animals are fighting, ugly picture. 20. Trying to shoot somebody—realistic in war. 21. People shooting and taking swords at each other. 22. People are fighting in war— it's action. 23. Gun, people shooting each other. 24. Knife, hammer, gun for shooting. 25. Gun is something of war--f ighting, hating each other. 26. People are fighting, castle destroyed. 27. Fighting, falling off skateboard. 28. Fighting for planet. 29. People are fighting, war is mostly fighting. 30. After a fight, threatening, something frightening is going to happen. 31. Transformers fight. 32. Litter in a yard, fighting, not being kind to one another. 33. Cigarettes — helps to kill people, hurts people if they smoke. 34. Shooting, people fight. 35. Weapon--in war people use weapons to defend themselves. 36. Weapons to fight and protect yourself. 37. Two guys are fighting.

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APPENDIX P GERMAN CHILDREN'S RESPONSES TO PICTORIAL REPRESENTATIONS ABOUT WAR 1. Autounf all--Menschen werden getoetet wie im Krieg. Car accident — people are killed just like in a war. 2. Krieg ist screcklich--Menschen bluten. War is terrible--people are bleeding. 3. Menschen, die sich streiten. People who are arguing. 4. Zwei pruegeln sich. Two are hitting each other. 5. Kinder klopfen sich. Children are fighting with each other. 6. Zwei klopfen sich. Two are fighting with each other. 7. Menschen kaempfen. People are fighting. 8. Im Krieg wird geschossen. In wartime, one shoots. 9. Krieg — Leute schiessen mit Pistolen. In wartime, people shoot with pistols. 10. Haus zerf allen--passt zu Krieg. House destroyed--like in wartime. 159

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160 11. Baum ist tot, Atomkrieg — Haus faellt urn. Tree is dead— nuclear war— house is falling down. 12. Nach dem Krieg ist alles zerstoert, tote Menschen, wenig Ueberlebende. After the war, everything is destroyed, dead people, few survivors. 13. Man sieht nichts mehr — leer. Nothing is left--empty. 14. Leute bauen Haeuser, urn nicht an den Krieg zu denken. Krieg kann wieder ausbrechen. People are building houses in order not to think of war. War can break out again. 15. Haus zusammengetruemmert. House destroyed. 16. Altes Haus, zerfallen. Old house, destroyed. 17. Kaempfen, einen getoetet, einer laeuft, weil er nicht getoetet werden will. Fighting, one is dead, one runs because he does not want to be killed. 18. Abgebrannte Mauer, weil im Krxeg viele Haeuser kaputt gehen. Burned-down wall, because many houses get destroyed in war. 19. Haeuser zerstoert. Houses destroyed. 20. Kaputte Haueser. Destroyed houses. 21. Haeuser, in denen man nicht mehr wohnen kann, Schrotthaeuser. Houses in which one can no longer live.

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161 22. Schiffe fahren in den Krieg. Ships go into war. 23. U-Boot--sieht nach Krieg aus U-boot — looks like war. 24. Kriegsschif f , bedeutet nichts Gutes. War ship--means nothing good. 25. Kriegs-U-Boot--habe das in der Zeitung gelesen. War-U-boot--read this in the newspaper. 26. Kriegsschif fe--Krieg darf nie wieder sein, muss auch nicht. Das Volk wurde nie gefragt. War ships--There should never be a war again and does not have to be. The people were never asked. 27. Atomkrieg — Reagan hat die Macht. Er hat die ganze Welt unter Kontrolle mit einem Knopf. Nuclear war—Reagan has the power. He has the whole world under control with one button. 28. Schiff, Kanonen sind drauf . Ships with cannons. 29. Panzer. Tank. 30. Panzer--Menschen werden getoetet. Tank — people get killed. 31. Keine Atomraketen in Ost und West wollten wir. We did not want nuclear weapons in East and West. 32. U-Boot, Instrument fuer den Krieg, urn andere zu toeten. U-Boot, instrument for war in order to kill others. 33. Kriegsschif f. War ship.

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162 34. Waff en um zu toeten. Weapons to kill. 35. Soldat verblutet, Panzer explodiert, Feuer. Soldier bled to death, tank exploded, fire. 36. Schiessen mit Kanonen, Dach abgeschossen, tote Menschen, Pferde fluechten. Shooting with cannons, roof shot off, dead people, horses are fleeing. 37. Verletzte, Bomben, Feuer. Injured, bombs, fire. 38. Soldaten, um andere zu finden und zu bekaempfen. Soldiers, to find others and to fight them. 39. Berlin--Buergerkrieg--als die Mauer gebaut wurde. Berlin--Civil War—when the Wall was built. 40. Flugzeug, das Bomben wirft. Airplane that throws bombs.

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REFERENCES Allerhand, M. (1965). Children's reactions to societal crises: Cold war crisis. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry , 35 , 124-130. Alvik, T. (1968). The development of youth on conflict, war, and peace among school children (a Norwegian case study). Journal of Peace Resarch , 3, 171-195. Baider, L. , & Rosenfeld, E. (1974). Effects of parental fears on children in wartime. Social Casework , 55(4), 497-503. Bailey, S. (1976). The purposes of education , Bloomington, IN: Phi Delta Kappa Educational Foundation. Barnet, R. (1982). Fantasy, reality, and the arms race: Dilemmas of national security and human survival. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry , 5_2(4), 582-589. Beardslee, W. , & Mack, J. (1982). The impact on children and adolescents of nuclear development. American Psychiatric Association . Task Force Report No. 20, 64-93. Berry, J. (1980). Introduction to methodology. In H. Triandis & J. Berry (Eds.), Handbook of cross cultural psychology (Vol. 2, pp. 1-28). Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Inc. Blackwell, P., & Gessner, J. (1983). Fear and trembling. An inquiry into adolescent perceptions of living in the nuclear age. Youth & Society , 15 , 237-255. Bradley, D. (1983). No place to hide 1946/1984 . Hanover, NH : University Press of New England. Bruning, J., & Kintz, B. (1968). Computational handbook of statistics . Glenview, IL: Scott, Foresman and Company. 163

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164 Catterall, C. (1982). International school psychology: Problems and promises. In C. Reynolds & T. Gutkin (Eds.), The handbook of school psychology (pp. 1103-1127). New York: John Wiley & Sons. Chivian, E. (1983). The effects of the threat of nuclear war on children and adolescents . Background Paper. Personal communication. Chivian, E., Mack, J., Waletzky, J., Lazaroff, C, Doctor, R., & Goldenring, J. (1985). Soviet children and the threat of nuclear war: A preliminary study. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry , 5_5(4), 484-502. Cooper, P. (1965). The development of the concept of war. Journal of Peace Research , 1, 1-17. Darr, J. (1963). The impact of the nuclear threat on children. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry , 33 , 203-204. Del Barrio, C. , Martin, E. , & Nioto, I. (1985, September). National report on education for international understanding, cooperation and peace and education relative to the rights of man and to the fundamental freedoms . Paper presented at the Educational Research Workshop on Child Development at the Primary School, Council of Europe, Madrid, Spain. Dueck, K. (1974). Learning resources in formation of orientations by students in a subcultur e. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Educational Research Association, Chicago, IL. Durkin, D. (1959). Children's concept of justice: A further comparison with the Piaget data. Journal of Educational Research , 5_2(7), 252-257. Elam, S. (1983). Educators and the nuclear threat. The Phi Delta Kappan , 64.(8), 533-538. Ellis, A. (1984). The responsibility of counselors and psychologists in preventing nuclear warfare. Journal of Counseling and Development , 6_3(2), 75-76. Engestrom, Y. (1978). Attitudes toward war and peace. Adult Education in Finland , 15(4), 16-24. Erikson, E. (1963). Childhood and society . New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc.

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165 Escalona, S. (1975). Children in a warring world. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry , 4_5(5), 765-771. Escalona, S. (1982). Growing up with the threat of nuclear war: Some indirect effects on personality development. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry , 52(4), 600-607. Frank, J. (1982). Sociopsychological aspects of the nuclear arms race. American Psychiatric Association . Task Force Report No. 20, 1-10. Gearhart, J. (1984). The counselor in a nuclear world: A rationale for awareness and action. Journal of Counseling Development , 6_3(2), 67-72. Goldberg, S, LaCombe, S., Levinson, D., Parker, R. , Ross, C, & Sommers, F. (1985). Thinking about the threat of nuclear war: Relevance to mental health. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry , 5_5(4), 503-512. Goldenring, J., & Doctor, R. (1984, June). California adolescents' concerns about the threat of nuclear war . Presented at the International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear war, Fourth Congress, Helsinki, Finland. Goodman, L. , Mack, J., Beardslee, W. , & Snow, R. (1983). The threat of nuclear war and the nuclear arms race: Adolescent experience and perceptions. Political Psychology , 4(3), 501-530. Haavelsrud, M. (1970). Views on war and peace among students in West Berlin public schools. Journal of Peace Research , 2, 99-120. Haavelsrud, M. (1971, September). Development of concepts related to peace and war: An international perspective . Paper presented to the annual convention of the American Psychological Association, Washington, DC. Holmborg, P., & Bergstroem, A. (1984, June). How Swedish teenagers, aged 13-15, think and feel concerning the nuclear threat . Presented at the International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War, Fourth Congress, Helsinki, Finland. Kneller, G. (1982). Educational anthropology: An introduction . Malabar, FL: Robert E. Krieger Publishing Company, Inc.

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166 Kodama, K. (1984, June). The impact of nuclear war on children damaged by the atmomic bomb in Hiroshima . Paper presented at the International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War, Fourth Congress, Helsinki, Finland. Law, N. (1973). Children and war. Written for the Association for Childhood Education International. Childhood Education , 49(5), 231-237. Lifton, R. (1982). Beyond psychic numbing: A call to awareness. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry , 52(4), 619-62 9. Mack, J. (1982). The perceptions of U.S. -Soviet intentions and other psychological dimensions of the nuclear arms race. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry , 52(4), 590-599. Mantynen, H. (1978). Is peace education just a piece of education? Adult Education in Finland , 1_5(4), 25-41. McGivern, M. (1975). Peace and justice education for children. Journal of Clinical Child Psychology , 4, 47-48. Milgram, R. , & Milgram, N. (1976). The effect of the Yom Kippur War on anxiety level in Israeli children. Journal of Psychology , 94(1), 107-113. Newman, A. (1974). On the desirability of conditioning for world peace. Elementary School Journal , 75(3), 138-142. Nobel Prize awarded. (1935, November 8). Facts on file , p. 847. Nummenmaa, T. (1971). Children's conception of the adult world. Institute for Educational Research , Report No. 91, 1-4 6. Psychologists for Social Responsibility. (1985). Newsletter , 4_, 1. Punamaki, R. (1984, June). Children living under war and threat . Paper presented at the International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War, Fourth Congress, Helsinki, Finland. Ramona, M. (1972). Peace studies not popular in high schools. Momentum, 3(3), 33-36.

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167 Rohrs, H. (1983). Frieden — Eine paedagogische Aufgabe [Peace — A pedagogical objective]. Braunschweig, Germany: Agentur Pedersen. Rotblat, J. (1984). Radiation casualties in a nuclear war. In C. Cassel, M. McCally & H. Abraham (Eds.), Nuclear weapons and nuclear war (pp. 198-206). New York: Praeger Publishers. Rorer, B. , & Ziller, R. (1982). Iconic communication of values among American and Polish students. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology , 13(3), 352-361. Rosell, L. (1968). Children's views of war and peace. Journal of Peace Research , 3, 268-276. Salzer, E. (1981). To combat violence in the child's world: Swedish efforts to strengthen the child's rights. School Psychology International , 2_(2), 4-6. Schwebel, M. (1982). Effects of the nuclear war threat on children and teenagers: Implcations for professionals. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry , 52(4), 608-618. Schwebel, M. (1984). Growing up with the bomb: Professional roles. Journal of Counseling and Development , _63(2), 73-74. Schwebel, M. , & Schwebel, B. (1981). Children's reactions to the threat of nuclear plant accidents. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry , 51(2 ) , 260-270. Sigal, J. (1976). Effects of paternal exposure to prolonged stress on the mental health of the spouse and children. Canadian Psychiatric Association Journal , 21(3), 169-171. Sivard, R. (1983). World Military and Social Expenditures (9th ed). New York: World Policy Institute, p. 21. Solantaus, T., Rimpela, M. , & Taipale, V. (1984). The threat of war in the minds of 12-18-year-olds in Finland. The Lancet , 1, 784-785. Stephens, W. (1967). Schools and war. Teachers College Journal , 38(6), 256-265. Svancarova, L, & Svancara, J. (1967-1968). Expression of peace and war in children's drawing and verbalization. Translation from Russian in Children in conflict. Psychologia a Patopsychologia Dietata , 3(5-6), 501-507. (From ERIC, 1983, 44, Abstract No. 16321)

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168 Tolley, H. , Jr. (1972). Children and war . New York: Teachers College Press. Valentine, J. (1984, June). The knowledge and attitudes of New Zealand school children to nuclear war . Paper presented at the International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War, Fourth Congress, Helsinki, Finland. Wade, R. (1983). Expanding resources, 1901-1945. In A. M. Schlesinger, Jr. (Ed.), The almanac of American history (pp. 399-503). New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons. Wass, H. (1984). Concepts of death: A developmental perspective. In H. Wass & C. Corr (Eds.), Childhood and death (pp. 3-23). Washington, DC: Hemisphere Publishing Corporation. Wass, H. , Dinklage, R., Gordon, S., Russo, G. , Sparks, C, & Tatum, J. (1983a). Use of play for assessing children's death concepts: A reexamination. Psychological Reports , 53 , 799-803. Wass, H. , Dinklage, R. , Gordon, S., Russo, G. , Sparks, C, & Tatum, J. (1983b). Young children's death concepts revisited. Death Education , 1_, 385-394. Whiteley, J. (1984). The social ecology of peace: Implications for the helping professions and education. Journal of Counseling and Development , 63(2), 77-85. The World Book Encyclopedia . (1982). The home front in the United States and Canada. Chicago: Field Enterprises Educational Corporation. Vol. 21, p. 4 09. Yudkin, (1984). When kids think the unthinkable. Psychology Today , 1_8(4), 18-25. Ziller, R., & Lewis, D. (1981). Orientations: Self, social, and environmental percepts through autophotography. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin , 7(2), 338-343. Ziller, R., & Smith, D. (1977). A phenomenological utilization of photographs. Journal of Phenomenological Psychology , 1_, 172-185. Ziv, A., Kruglanski, A., & Shulman, S. (1974). Children's psychological reactions to wartime stress. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 30(1), 24-30.

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Rosemarie Ingrid Dinklage, nee Kasslack, was born on June 17, 1938, in Reppen, Germany, which is now Poland. In 1945, her mother, together with Rosemarie, her two sisters and her brother, fled before the Russians toward the West. They settled in Braunlage, close to the East German border, until 1953 when they moved to Mannheim. After attending the Hoehere Handelsschule fuer Maedchen (high school for girls) in Mannheim, Rosemarie worked as a secretary until 1959. She then lived in England and worked as au pair for 6 months. In 1960, she moved to New York City and worked first as a bilingual secretary and then as an independent translator for patent attorneys. From 1967 until January of 1975, Rosemarie attended Hunter College as a night student and graduated with a major in psychology and a minor in French. She moved to Clearwater, Florida, in 1975 and attended the University of South Florida, Tampa, majoring in school psychology. The title of her master's thesis was "A program for the development of English verbal behavior in non-English-speaking elementary students, " which was presented at the Southeastern Psychological Association in May of 1977. Rosemarie completed a one-year internship in 169

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170 school psychology in Pinellas County and subsequently worked there as a school psychologist for three years. After her husband's death, Rosemarie enrolled at the University of Florida in 1981 to obtain her Ed.S. degree in school psychology, which she received in December of 1982. While completing her doctoral studies, Rosemarie has served as a student assistant in school psychology and as an intern in the psychology department of All Children's Hospital in St. Petersburg, Florida. She also coauthored a study with one of her professors, Dr. Hannelore Wass, on children's perceptions of death and dying. The research was published. Additional professional activities included presentations at numerous conventions. Rosemarie attended the Fourth Congress of International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War in Helsinki, Finland, in 1984 and the Fifth Congress held in Budapest, Hungary, in 1985 to enrich the background for her study on war and peace.

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I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Janetr-Larsen," Chairperson Professor of Counselor Education I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. // -£. VHannelore Wass Professor of Foundations of Education I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Robert Professor of Psychology

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I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Margaret Fong y Assistant Professor of Counselor Education This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the College of Education and to the Graduate School and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. May 1986 Dean, College of Education Dean, Graduate School

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UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 31262 08285 185 7