Citation
Nieuwe West-Indische gids

Material Information

Title:
Nieuwe West-Indische gids
Alternate Title:
New West Indian guide
Portion of title:
NWIG
Abbreviated Title:
Nieuwe West-Indische gids
Place of Publication:
's-Gravenhage
Publisher:
M. Nijhoff
Publication Date:
Frequency:
Four no. a year
quarterly
completely irregular
Language:
Dutch
Physical Description:
v. : ill. ; 25 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Civilization -- Periodicals -- Caribbean Area ( lcsh )
Genre:
periodical ( marcgt )
serial ( sobekcm )

Notes

Citation/Reference:
America, history and life
Citation/Reference:
Historical abstracts. Part A. Modern history abstracts
Citation/Reference:
Historical abstracts. Part B. Twentieth century abstracts
Language:
Dutch or English.
Dates or Sequential Designation:
40. jaarg. (juli 1960)-
General Note:
Published: Dordrecht : Foris Publications, <1986->

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Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
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This item was contributed to the Digital Library of the Caribbean (dLOC) by the source institution listed in the metadata. This item may or may not be protected by copyright in the country where it was produced. Users of this work have responsibility for determining copyright status prior to reusing, publishing or reproducing this item for purposes other than what is allowed by applicable law, including any applicable international copyright treaty or fair use or fair dealing statutes, which dLOC partners have explicitly supported and endorsed. Any reuse of this item in excess of applicable copyright exceptions may require permission. dLOC would encourage users to contact the source institution directly or dloc@fiu.edu to request more information about copyright status or to provide additional information about the item.
Resource Identifier:
000273853 ( AlephBibNum )
01760350 ( OCLC )
ABP9733 ( NOTIS )
sn 86012467 ( LCCN )
0028-9930 ( ISSN )

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Preceded by:
West-Indische gids
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Vox guyane

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NIEUWE
WEST-INDISCHE
GIDS





VIER EN \ .t(llt-,.1S JAARGANG

















lI'(.AVI VAN )t"
STICHTING NIELIWE WEST-INDISCHE GIDS
te Utrecht
110" I













































































DL uitgave van tie 5lste jaargang van de NWIG welke verschiint met medewerking van de
I\'kgrcp (ullturcl Antropol(oiic der Riiksunniersileit te Utrech werd (gesubsidieerd door
de Ndtlcrlands St ichtin tioor Cullurt le Simenuerkingi en de Natuuruetenscbappeliike
Sta'udiring rtor Suriname, cn id NtAe.erliandsi Antillen.

























INHOUD VAN DE VIER-EN-VIJFTIGSTE JAARGANG




Boomert, A., The Sipaliwini archeological complex
of Surinam. A summary (1 afb.) ..................... 94-107

Klomp, Ank, Het 'oude' Bonairiaanse woonhuis.
Enige aantekeningen bij een foto-overzicht (48
afb.) ......... .. .. ............. ..... .... .......... 155-212

Laurence, K.M., The survival of the Spanish
language in Trinidad (1 afb.) ......................... 213-228

Price, Richard, 'So man ' different people in the same
device.' Recent Caribbean bibliography .............. 39- 44

van Soest, Jaap, Archival sources to the history of the
Netherlands Antilles. A challenge for archivists
and historians ...... ......... ...... ....... ...... ....... 73- 93

Tacoma, J., Studies on the physical anthropology of
the Netherlands Antilles: IV A prae-columbian
skeleton from Bonaire (13 afb.) ................... 229-258

Vernon, Diane, Bakuu: possessing spirits of witch-
craft on the Tapanahony (5 afb.) ................... 1- 38





Page
vii
Missing
From
Original





Page
vii
Missing
From
Original




















VI

Wagenaar Hummelinck, P., Boekbespreking ......... 45- 57


Bibliografie (48 50, Index) ................. ...... 58- 71
139-153
259-274

Wojciechowski, F.L., De Indianen van de
Westindische eilanden in de historische period ... 108-138




BIBLIOGRAFIE

Articles(W.H.) ... ..... 58- 71
119 153
Separate publications (W.H.) 259 268
Index to the sections 'Bibliography' of the (Nieiuuvl West Indische
Gids i 5-, 1919 1980 (W.H.) 269 274


BOEKBFSPREKING

Comitas. Lambros, The complete Caribbeana, 1977 (in Price) 39 41

Van Dalen. Henk H, & De Groot. Gerard C.. De Nederlandse
Antillen, 1978(W.H.) 57

Dicpraam. Willem & Van Westerltoo, Gerard. The Dutch
Caribbean. 1978 (W.H.) 56

Encyclopedie van Suriname, 1977 (W.H.) 54 56

Szwed. John F. & Abrahams, Roger D., Afro American lolk
culture: an annotated bibliography, 1978 (in Price) 39 41

VAN DE REDACTIE 154



















VIII

NIEUWE WEST-INDISCHE GIDS

wonder redactie van
Prof. dr. H. Hoetink, Prof. dr. H.U.E. Thoden van Velzen, Dr. J.H.
Westermann, Drs. L.J. Westermann-van der Steen en Dr. P. Wage
naar Hummelinck (eindredacteur).





































No I FEBRULARI 198I)p. 1 72
No 2' JLC1I 19O$tp " 15 1
No D)ECEMBER 1981) p 15' -' i


















DIANE VERNON


^./ \ "iK N-S




BAKUU: POSSESSING SPIRITS OF WITCHCRAFT /AND. EN Vo
ON THE TAPANAHONY -





This paper (1) is a report on one pantheon of possessing spirits known as Bakuu (2),
which was in full expansion among the Djuka of Tabiki on the Tapanahony river,
Suriname, in the period when I visited them between December 1976 and February
1978 (3). While even my oldest informants denied ever having seen Bakuu me-
diums in that village before (and I was unable to find any Bakuu spirit that had
possessed a medium longer than 3 years) the Bakuu phenomenon was then being
experienced as visions in the night; as interpretation of illness and death, as witch
accusation, and as spirit possession. One example of Bakuu social drama is recounted
below, and an attempt is made to situate the Bakuu in relation to other pantheons of
possessing spirits. All generalizations attempted here should be understood to be
premature, and to apply only to one village, observed at a moment when it was mo-
bilized by what it considered its first case of Bakuu possession and accusation.

THE DJUKA
The Djuka are one of six tribes of Bush Negroes whose territorial
homes are river-side villages in the rain forest of Suriname and
French Guyana (4). These tribes originally formed in the 17th and
18th century as African slaves escaping from the coastal planta-
tions grouped together in the sanctuary of the bush. The fugitive
bands worked out a subsistence economy in the forest based on
hunting, fishing and slash-and-burn agriculture, while they con-
tinued to acquire tools, arms, and new recruits by making periodic
raids on the plantations. They were in turn pursued by colonial mi-
litia which they fought off with guerrilla tactics until in 1760, the
first peace treaty was concluded with the Djuka, granting them the
semi-autonomy which they still retain today. Among the promises
made in the treaty was a regular tribute of coastal goods to be deliv-
ered to the village chiefs (BENOIT, 1839). Today, this has been
commuted into small salaries paid out to Djuka village officials, the
lantiman.

















DIANE VERNON
The abolition of slavery in 1863 opened new opportunities for
the Bush Negroes to obtain wealth and coastal goods, first through
lumbering, then from around 1880 until the 1920's, by their par-
ticipation in the gold rush. Overnight, Bush Negroes from all tribes
were able to cash in on their knowledge of difficult river navigation
and canoe construction to become the highly-paid specialists of
inland transport for the fortune-seekers of gold and balata (DE BEET
& THODEN VAN VELZEN, 1977). It was a period of intensive con-
tact between the Bush Negroes of different tribes and the bakaa
(whites and Creoles), and it seems to have ushered in a new era of
cultural exchanges between Afro-Surinamers which up-dated the
common cultural heritage they owed to an early plantation synthe-
sis (see PRICE, 1973 a). It is in this period, say the Djuka, that Ba-
kuu first made their appearance on the Tapanahony.
After 1920 gold production dwindled, the demand for boatmen
declined, and a time of handed-down remnants of hammocks and
re-filled cartridges set in, until from the 1950's on, and increasing-
ly so, male migrant labor became the obvious solution to Bush
Negro consumer needs.

BAKUU THROUGHOUT SURNAME
A comparison of the literature compiled today by students of the
various Afro-Surinamese groups reveals a remarkable similarity in
the belief systems of Bush Negroes and Creoles alike. As RICHARD
PRICE (1973) writes, referring to the Para and the Bush Negroes,
'Given the relative isolation of these peoples from one another for
more than 200 years... one can only conclude that a new, Afro-
American religious system was forged on the plantations during
the ... earliest decades of the colony's history...' Among those
spirits now commonly known to all Afro-Surinamers (5) is the
Bakuu, or Bakru.
WOODING(1972 b), who classified the Para version of this spirit
among their bush gods, traces its parentage to the Ivory Coast,
Central Ghana, and Togo. There, under the name of Biakuru, Bur-
ka, or Buku, the African forerunners of the Surinamese Bakuu
were known as lower deities of an evil nature, but capable of
confering wealth. HERSKOVITZ (1936), on the other hand, relates
the Bakuu to the Dahomean Abiku - spirits which are born as hu-

















BAKUU 5
man children but die young. Other particularities, such as the Fon
belief that the soul of a deceased may be stolen and manipulated for
purposes of witchcraft (OLA BALOGUN, personal communication)
- accrete to build up a patchwork spiritual entity: a tool for ambi-
tion, greed, vengeance, and murder that unites ideas of riches and
death behind the guileless appearance of childhood. Like other
spirits, the Bakuu varies from tribe to tribe - and probably over
time - as to what brings it, who is vulnerable to its attacks, and
what is to be done about it. But Djuka, Paramaka (LENOIR, 1973)
and Matawai (DE BEET, personal communication) all agree that it is
not native to their cultures but an imported evil, manufactured on
the coast by Creoles or Chinese (6). Among the Djuka, it is said to
have appeared relatively late in their history, first brought to the
river by bakaa who carried them in their luggage to guard their
gold.
THODEN VAN VELZEN (1978: 108-109), in transcribing the
Djuka massive exorcist wave that became known as 'Ma Cobi puu
sani' (Mother Coba removes things evil) circa 1890, noticed that
Bakuu were conspicuously absent from that list of eradicated evils.
His informants could not remember any Bakuu being exorcized
then, and some added that such spirits came only later - during
the heyday of the gold rush, or in the time of balata bleeding
(1920s) (T.v.V. pers. comm.). While THODEN VAN VELZEN
remarks that the latter date is the less probable since VAN LIER, a
balata bleeder himself, does not mention hearing of such a connec-
tion, the same relation between Bakuu and fortune hunters of both
gold and balata is confirmed by the Para Negroes, who told
WOODING (1972 b), 'In former days, the gold diggers and balata
bleeders were the main ones to make use of bakrus'.
It is possible, then that Bakuu belief was not part of the original
cosmology elaborated on the plantations but that it evolved on the
coast after the escapes and was not imparted to the maroon societies
until the feverish years of rainforest fortune hunting.
Tabikans point to the village of Malobi as being the first, or at
least the foremost, to have had Bakuu mediums. All of these early
Bakuu are remembered as avenging spirits (kunu) sent usually by
bakaa in retaliation for a theft. One such story from the 1920s is
recounted by an old Tabikan boatman who had indirectly been in-
volved.


















DIANE VERNON


A Creole lady from Martinique whose name was Medaille entrusted to a Malobi boatman a
large sum of gold. The boatman faked an accident in the rapids around Tapudam and ab-
sconded with the fortune. Suspecting a hoax, the woman tried several times, but to no avail,
to persuade the culprit to return at least part of the treasure. Finally, she fixed up a Bakuu
which she sent to reap revenge. In Malobi people sickened and died until the day when the
cause was discovered. The present headman of Malobi, kabiten Bonte, went to the lady and
pleaded with her, promising that they would try to repay her part of the gold in trade, but
she replied that with the best will in the world it was now too late - the Bakuu was already
in the Mahihi, family.

The Bakuu, as it appears to the Djuka of Tabiki when it startles
them from sleep in the night, resembles a doll (7) or a lightcolored
Creole child dressed in city clothes (8). In truth, it is neither child
nor doll nor deity, but the shade of some unknown (and probably
evil) dead, which had been captured and tinkered with by a Creole
or Chinese magician, and made to inhabit a mannekin. The little
body is composed half of flesh, half of wood, its wooden half serving
the Bakuu as a shield to foil its assailants.
While the Djuka claim not to know the art by which such magi-
cians enslave the ghost of a deceased, HERSKOVITS (1936) offers a
coastal description of how it is trapped in the hair and fingers of the
corpse. Such a technique fits easily into Djuka supernatural sche-
mes, for it resembles a perversion of one act of traditional Djuka
burial rites - abandoned since 1972 - of using the corpse, or its
hair and finger nails, as a temporary oracle for interrogating the
ghost of the deceased, which hovered over its remains.
Like the Haitian 'engagement' (METRAUX, 1977), the Bakuu is
a spirit pet which the bakaa (Whites, Creoles, or Chinese) may keep
to make and guard their money. Tabikans do not seem to see them-
selves as buying it for this purpose. They prefer to seek the assistan-
ce of the traditional Djuka spirit that helps men to acquire progeny
and fortune, the Papa (9). With the Bakuu there is always a risk
that it will turn on its owner, from its role of gift-giver to its role of
killer.
For, according to the information I have, it is only in its role of
killer that the Bakuu appears among the Djuka. Although all spirits
have some power over life and death, and although any but Kuman-
ti may come to sicken and kill, only the Bakuu comes exclusively as
an enemy. It carries a stick to knock down its victims, and its attack
is usually sudden and violent, and often aimed at the head. Migrai-























BAKUU


Fig. 1. Sketch map of northwestern Suriname, indicating the situation of Tabiki and neigh
bouring villages.

















DIANE VERNON


nes, nervous disorders, even toothache, and as VAN LIER (1944)
noted, insanity, all proved in 1976-78 to be attributable - at least
in an appropriate moment of brewing accusations - to the Bakuu
(10). But neither in theory nor in practice are these complaints
automatically diagnosed as a Bakuu attack, nor are they the only
ills of which he is capable. They tended to be the chief complaints of
the women who shortly became Bakuu mediums, or of the Bakuu's
contemporary surviving victims. (Whether or not the posthumous-
ly diagnosed Bakuu attacks that had killed past victims also took
into account this specialization in illness, I cannot say. I was rarely
able to disinter their symptoms).
What brings on a Bakuu attack? There are certain indications
that the 'cause' of a Bakuu attack may have undergone a funda-
mental change of definition from the introductory period of aveng-
ing Bakuu guardians in the service of bakaa hunting for gold, to the
present bewitching Bakuu in the service of evil Djuka out to kill
close relatives. Unfortunately, I have no information as to whether
or not Bakuu were bought by Djuka for witchcraft during the first
period. And I am told (THODEN VAN VELZEN, pers. comm.) that in
the villages of Malobi, Vandaki, and Tsjontsjon, Bakuu still appear
as avenging spirits today. In Tabiki, the correlation between social
+ spirit changes appears more clear-cut: while I could obtain no
satisfactory accounts of Tabiki Bakuu and their mediums from the
first period, it was said they had come - as kunu (avenging spirits)
- but that they came no more. The Bakuu witchcraft epoch is
cited as making its debut 'about 20 years ago'. This corresponds
roughly with the new era which THODEN VAN VELZEN (1977)
termed the 'opening up of the interior', characterized by renewed
traffic on the rivers and massive immigration of Djuka workers to
the coastal city. Tabikans say (but I have no statistics to verify this)
that it is only within the past twenty years that the flow of villagers
to the coast has begun to make itself felt so that certain ceremonies
must be abridged, and the Djuka social calendar synchronized with
bi-annual coastal holidays. It is within the latter half of this decade,
a few years after the retirement of the Gaan Gadu witch-cleansing
oracle (THODEN VAN VELZEN & VAN WETERING, 1975) that me-
diumship to Bakuu spirits of witchcraft began in Tabiki.

















BAKUU


SOCIAL ORGANIZATION IN TABIKI
The Djuka, like other Bush Negroes, are a tribal people, with at
their head a Paramount Chief, the Gaanman. The tribe is composed
of clans called lo, and the village of Tabiki is synonomous with one
clan known as Pedi. Within the framework of the clan, the matrilin-
ear descendents of individual ancestors form the most relevant so-
cial group in Djuka society: the bee - the corporate matrilineage.
The Pedi clan unites four such lineages, said to have escaped sepa-
rately from different plantations, and joined together in the forest.
Two of these bee - Amanta and Dona - are very small (approxi-
mately 60 and 40 adults respectively), and for several months in
the year, when labor migration and bush camp farming drain away
almost all their members, they are closed quarters. The two larger
lineages called Pedi (approximately 110 adults), and Kaysina (ap-
proximately 200 adults) are never so completely depopulated.
In Tabiki, the bee (even when as large as Kaysina or as geograph-
ically segmented as Pedi) seems still to be respected as the largest
exogamic unit. Since the preferential marriage partner is the classi-
ficatory cross cousin, and since individuals are more comfortable
marrying within the village (KOBBEN, 1967), members of the Pedi
clan were usually either lineage mates or affines.
Lineage members hold in common the rights to certain secular
status positions (see below). They are also supposed, collectively, to
hold the patents to particular gods, to avenging spirits (kunu), cer-
tain spirits that had formerly possessed a lineage member, as well as
appropriate certain paraphernalia such as shrines and carry-oracles.
Major deities, like the god Gedeonsu which is under the tutelage of
the Kaysina lineage, 'good' spirits such as an old line of Kumanti,
and even very ambivalent spirits such as those sent to bewitch, all
are either intentionally passed on or may be spontaneously revived
in new episodes in succeeding generations of the bee.
In a large lineage such as Kaysina, informal divisions occur. Seg-
ments of the lineage sort out distinct village quarters and are identi-
fied in common parlance as 'the people of...' its most prestigious
contemporary member. Within these smaller divisions, goods, ser-
vices and visits are exchanged, and certain spirits may be more rele-
vant to this unit. This is the first working arena for small-time and
novice spirit-mediums and the place from which they draw audien-

















DIANE VERNON


ce and clientele. Significantly, it is also the imagined target area for
witches, who may also employ spirits, but in secret, instead of pu-
blicly and to kill instead of cure. The autonomy of the segment in
witch accusations is clearly visible in the Bakuu case described be-
low: segments of two different lineages collaborated in the charges
from 1976 to 1978, while the remainder of each lineage stayed
aloof until 1979.
Further divisions may occur within the segment itself. Those
members of the quarter who spend from several months to most of
the year away from the village in neighboring bush camp residen-
ces seem to intensify relationships among themselves, and back in
the village quarter, they may show signs of functioning as an inde-
pendent group. One of these signs I take to be in-group elaboration
of witch accusations such as the one below. The Bakuu witch scare
appears to have had its origins in just such a product of intensified
relations of one part of a segment before being taken up by larger
units.

LANTI - GOVERNMENT
'When God made the earth, He retired from it. When He retired,
to whom did he leave it? To lanti' (from a speech by Da Balawan).
Lanti, as a noun, means 'government', or as a verb, means formally
to present a case to a third party. All problems of men - marriage
proposals, mortuary ceremonies, breaches of conduct, and even the
affairs of men and spirits - are dealt with in palavers with lanti-
man (elders and titled specialists) at appropriate levels of social or-
ganization (KOBBEN, 1966).
The most official part of village government consists of titles rec-
ognized and remunerated by the national government of Suriname.
These are secular offices, though they may be awarded to an impor-
tant religious leader. In Tabiki, clan head and village headman
(kabiten) was Da (father) Akaapa, of Pedi lineage (segment II).
Appointed by him were two sub-kabiten, one from the other half of
the Pedi lineage, the other from tiny Dona bee. Secondary positions
of basia were awarded to one man from each lineage, with, again,
two in the Pedi bee (11).
Although these positions are passed on within lineages, and even
within particular segments which guard them jealously, they ob-





















BAKUU


Fig. 2. Sketch map of the village of Tabiki.

















DIANE VERNON


viously fail to reflect the social structure or the numerical impor-
tance of the groups. They represent on the one hand favors which
offer status and a small salary, on the other, the obligation and
power to perform roles in government. These are government spe-
cialists who operate within the village, but may be invited to exer-
cise, as do religious specialists (12) even beyond the boundaries of
village and clan.

LANTI AND WITCH ACCUSATIONS
From the trials and burnings of witches in the proceeding cen-
tury (DE GROOT, 1969), witch accusations have been increasingly
relegated to the margins of the village judiciary. To conform to
pressures from the national government of Suriname, in keeping
down violence in the villages, treatment of suspects has perforce be-
come steadily more humane: lynchings are acts of outlaw justice,
and beatings - while still considered a justified course of action to
take against a witch - are discouraged by the lanti.
Yet suspicions, aided by illness and ill luck, build up little by lit-
tle say the Djuka; they are brought sharply into focus through vi-
sions and dreams, until, finally, the heinous act of witchcraft may
even be confirmed by the spontaneous revelations of a spirit me-
dium. The potentially most explosive form of revelation is the ac-
tual possession (in trance) of the witch's victim by the very spirit
sent to kill him. The spirit itself then admits to its deeds and calls
out the name of the witch it has been working for. Although once a
spirit gives itself up the danger to its former victims is largely past,
such revelations obviously will not be received calmly by the family
of the victim, who may have been sick for years. It becomes neces-
sary, in the interests of peace, to censor the new oracle so that is
does not broadcast the witch's identity: the name is from then on
withheld to protect the 'guilty'.
This censorship is usually first imposed by the basi who either
exorcises the spirit and replaces it by a good one, or 'washes' away
its evil parts and tailors its better half to permanent mediumship.
When the new possessing spirit (winti) later appears before the as-
sembled lanti to be officially heard and accepted as a member of the
community, it may once again be reminded, this time by the lanti,
not to call names.

















BAKUU


How obedient is a spirit to the commands of mortals? Theologi-
cally speaking, the orders of a lantiman are backed up in the celes-
tial realm by the great ancestors, while those of a basi are usually
spoken in the name of a powerful spirit to which he is medium. By
the fact of its possessing through trance, a spirit is demonstrating
that it desires the privileges that come of social intercourse with
men, and is prepared to respect their laws. The spirit's reputation is
then built up over the years to the greater status of its medium. The
unspoken penalty for anti-social behavior on the part of a winti is
probably exorcism, re-identification, or exposure of the medium as
a fraud.
Furthermore, mediums act as appendages to secular govern-
ment. Through their spirits they proffer oracular pronouncements
which interpret events and advise on a proper course of action. And
as both PRICE (1975) and KOBBEN (1967) remarked, these pro-
nouncements are not purely personal inspirations on the part of the
medium: he is rather the mouth-piece through which some part of
public opinion speaks. The medium is not only interpreter of his
group's opinion, he must also take into account the sometimes con-
flicting views of other groups - particularly those which hold sig-
nificant secular or religious power.
A tame spirit is thus cast in the role of a powerful, sometimes ca-
pricious fellow villager, but who has a respect for authority and cus-
tom. The reasonable man concept of GLUCKMAN (1963), which
KOBBEN (1966) found applicable to Djuka mortals is equally true
of their possessing spirits, which labor under an unspoken threat of
being discovered if their behavior does not conform to what might
be expected of a 'reasonable spirit'.

It sometimes happens as it does in the case below, that no censor-
ship is imposed on the revelations of a bewitching spirit, either by
the basi or by the lanti, and the winti is allowed to reveal the name
of the guilty before all the village. This leaves the way open to sanc-
tions being taken against the scapegoat without their being speci-
fied by the lanti as punishment: a beating may take place, which
will be condemned: the affinal lineage may decide, if the culprit is a
man, to break up the marriage; and of course, ostracism in all its
forms - refusal to help, to share, avoidance of social and sexual in-
tercourse.

















DIANE VERNON


If the accused is convinced of his own innocence, what recourse
does he have? This is the question which the scapegoat of the story
finally asks, and, in his case, the answer given him is 'none'. Djuka
judiciary protocol is such that a defendant does not plead his own
case. His defense is handled for him by his kin - either selected by
him, or who have themselves voluntarily come forward - and
these spokesmen will plead what they feel to be appropriate, given
popular opinion, the relationships of the protagonists, and political
pressures (KOBBEN, 1966). Obviously, then, the defense the ac-
cused wishes to present must be one which his kin feel they can
plead. But in the following case, it is these same kin who feel them-
selves to have been his victims - first members of his matri-seg-
ment, then the affinal group (segment), and finally people even
from his father's matri-segment (which was also the other half of
his affinal lineage). His kin, have, in a sense, already presented his
case - through the possessing spirit of the Bakuu which admitted
his guilt for him.

At last, there is only one person who dares come before the lanti
on behalf of the accused, and that is the accused himself. He re-
quests an appeal to a higher instance, to the court of the Paramount
Chief. But the system is not devised to work in such a way. A de-
fendent cannot take himself to court, only his accusers can do that.
The advice given him is to wait. A man who feels he has not re-
ceived his full measure of justice will normally bide his time and
wait for future events to play into his hands (KOBBEN, 1966),
allowing him to ripost. But, in the case of someone unjustly accus-
ed by a spirit of practising witchcraft, it seems that he can only hope
for some new oracular revelation that casts suspicions on the older
one, and that opens the road to a reinterpretation in his favor. If
this does not happen during his lifetime, his ghost, become ances-
tor, may see to it after his death, by returning as kunu (avenging
spirit) interpreted by a new spirit medium.
When does it happen that the stops are pulled and an accusation
submitted by ecstatic witnesses heard? A year after the Bakuu
drama, people from the lineage of the accused (though from differ-
ent segments) commented that such 'preferential' treatment was
out of order, and that 'they' had been wrong in allowing the hear-




















BAKUU 13

ing. Who is 'they'? While the basi who socializes the Bakuu winti
(possessing spirit) is the first to censor it, it is the lanti, and particu-
larly the headman who has the final say. Leaving aside for a mo-
ment the question of private politics, which no doubt also played a
part, the accusation seems to have served an important social func-
tion as an oracular accounting for past tragedies, while at the same
time, acting as a return of justice for a man who had himself been a
particularly vicious witchbater.

COSMOLOGY AND THE PLACE OF THE BAKUU
Below the aloof apical God who created the earth and left it to the
lanti, sit the heavenly lanti - the Gaan Yooka (great ancestors).
They take an eternal interest in the lives of their descendants, both
protecting and punishing them. These spirits of the greater and les-
ser dead, avenging or blessing, all make up one pantheon of posses-
sing spirits - the Yooka. Beneath the Gaan Yooka the cosmos
teems with deities jostling for position. They are classified by the
Djuka in two ways:

1) Geographically
Spirits of the sky (tapu gadu); of the water (wataa gadu); of the bush (busi gadu); and the
latest - 'city thing' (foto sani), or the Bakuu.

2) By Pantheons
All the spirits classified under the above headings are reshuffled and arrayed in pantheons of
winti (possessing spirits). This classification has a direct bearing on the process of domestica-
tion of a new possessing spirit, and spirits which do not technically belong to any of these,
(i.e. Busunki, Njamasu) will be assimilated to one in the interests of socialization. In Tabiki,
five pantheons were functioning:

Kumanti: an ecstatic warrior cum doctor cult of benevolent spirits originally brought from
Africa by the ancestors. (In Tabiki, 24 people were mediums to Kumanti spirits).

Papa: 'Twelve' (sic) different types of spirits - of animals and plants from forest and river
- are said to belong to this pantheon.
(In Tabiki, 24 mediums).
Like the Kumanti, a Papa spirit may appear out of love for a person. But unlike Kumanti, it
may also come as a toobi gadu (affecting only one person), or as kunu (affecting a matri-
group) to avenge a plant or animal that someone has harmed.
Both Kumanti and Papa pantheons use high theatricality - employing sacred language,
dances and songs, and requiring training of several months for both medium and spirit to
become adept. The entertainment these spirits provide is taken as added proof of their
friendliness. The three remaining pantheons require no training for mediumship, and are
not expected to offer formal artistic displays - a sign of their more ambivalent nature.




















DIANE VERNON


Yooka: 'the cold people' - this heading, discussed earlier, regroups all the dead. Together
with the Bakuu, it is the only pantheon which may contain 'foreign' elements (i.e. the
ghosts of non-Djuka, or even non Bush Negroes). (I found 14 Yooka permanently attached
to Tabiki mediums, with three others of impermanent status).

Ampuku: A clever anthropomorphic bush spirit, it is said to resemble a human being -
tall of stature and black of skin. A great imitator, the Ampuku can pass itself off as another
spirit. It may possess (usually a man) out of friendship, or avenge as a kunu, or it may be
hired to bewitch. (In Tabiki, I found only one man who was medium to an Ampuku, that in
partnership with a Yooka, was an agent of kunu. All other Ampuku mediums (17) were
women, and their spirits had originally been sent to bewitch.

Bakuu: This is not a free spirit, like the above, but the witchcraft form of the Yooka - the
enslaved ghost of a probably evil person. The 'evil Yooka' as the Bakuu is also called, owes
part of its malevolent powers to the knowledge it retains - as do all Yooka - from a former
life on earth. But whose Yooka it was, no one ever knows. No doubt it is non-Djuka. It has
since been tampered with, and it may, when possessing a medium in trance, make confusing
and contradictory statements about its genealogy. Or it may call the names of present and
former owners in lieu of its father and mother. It may be of Creole identity, like the ones of
the story, or it may have been brought all the way from China to help Chinese storekeepers
earn money. When bought by Djuka. Bakuu are kept in the hen basket and fed on their fa-
vorite commercial foods such as tea, coffee, biscuits or corned beef. No Bakuu of 1976 had
any taste for blood.
For no matter how evil its original nature, the Bakuu like the Ampuku sent to bewitch, al-
ways kills on mission for another. As the Djuka say, 'Evil spirits are not evil - the only evil
is in the heart of man'. A single Bakuu spirit, like a bewitching Ampuku, is in fact a
complex of several spirit forces which must be broken down, like a chemical compound, into
parts evil and parts good. The bad parts are paid to remain in the bush while the good are
fixed to the human medium as a re-modeled spirit. This particular re-structuring is only part
of the process of 'washing' and 'fixing' through which a raw spirit is civilized, but it is the
major part, and appears to be peculiar to Ampuku and Bakuu alone, in their witchcraft di-
mension.

AMPUKU OR BAKUU
As a new agent of witchcraft, then, the Bakuu seems at first sim-
ply to double for the bewitching Ampuku among Djuka residing
most of the year on the coast. (In the four known cases of posses-
sion before 1976, all mediums lived outside the tribal village and
in three of these the witch did too). Then, from 1976 on, it appears
that a ban on in-village Bakuu revelations was lifted with the Boo-
kopali case (although attempts had been made even earlier against
another scapegoat), and it was suddenly demonstrated that villagers
back home were also threatened: by the Bakuu which the immi-
grant workers could bring back in their luggage.
Nor are opportunities to acquire this holocaust form of evil limit-
ed these days only to the itinerant husbands and sons. Wives are

















BAKUU I )
often taken to the city on shopping sprees, and old mothers who
might never have left tribal territory may now be flown to the coast
for a period of medical treatment. Even those who are villagebound
may acquire a Bakuu second-hand from spouse or relative, inherit
or steal one from a deceased witch. The imported Bakuu has been
incorporated into the multifarious repertoire of black arts back
home.
Yet, a comparison of cases of Bakuu and Ampuku possession in
Tabiki suggests that Djuka may be experimenting with functional
differences for each. In either case, the ecstatic victims of witchcraft
were the same: all (but one) were woman, none of whom (with one
exception) had even been medium to any spirit before. As for the
witch, the sender of an Ampuku seemed to be visualized as a wom-
an, while a Bakuu buyer could be of either sex.

In noting the symptoms of an Ampuku or Bakuu attack of ill-
ness, which proceeded possession trance of the mediums, one re-
marks an interesting distinction, not so much in the types of illnes-
ses attributed to each spirit, but in their duration. The histories of
Ampuku attacks are a mournful tale of many accidents, or chronic
ailments that stretch back over the years sometimes to childhood,
and of various attempts to come to grips with the unknown evil -
probably entailing many different diagnoses, until finally the witch-
craft is detected by a third person (an obiaman) who through many
washings in appropriate baths, manages to tame the Ampuku spirit
sufficiently for it to surface from the body to the head, leave off its
attack and settle for dialogue. Both victim and family express relief
that a cure is now in sight.
The histories of Bakuu attacks are remarkably short by compari-
son: one accident, not many, usually from a few months to a few
days, to a few hours suffering before the Bakuu takes possession of
the victim in trance (sometimes even without the aid of a third
party to diagnose and tame the spirit - see, in the story below, the
cases of Naami and Koli).
Both victim and family are incensed against the Bakuu buyer,
and they make no secret of his identity even though the village lanti
may censor such revelations. In 18 cases of Ampuku possession I
was never able to learn the identity of the sender, even though two

















16 DIANE VERNON
of my most cooperative informants were Ampuku mediums. On
the contrary, Bakuu mediums were unabashed tattlers, and either
they themselves or an informant from the same lineage could tell
me who the witch had been.

What this suggests is that victims of Ampuku witchcraft use pos-
session as a means of dealing with illness, while Bakuu victims use
illness as a lever to launch ecstatic witch accusations.
Furthermore, judging from the cases I recorded, a bewitching
Ampuku is but one spirit hired to attack one person (woman) and
perhaps her child. I know of no instance where such a spirit threat-
ened a wider group. Once the Ampuku reveals itself in trance and
is turned away (by exorcism) or tamed (by 'washing'), its original
attack is discontinued. If it sickens its medium or one of her family
after that, it is usually because someone has offended it, and it can
be persuaded to desist. In no case have I heard of its having a son or
brother spirit secretly pursuing the original witchcraft.
Yet this is exactly what occurs in most Bakuu attacks. A Bakuu
is not one spirit; and a Bakuu winti (possessing spirit) is not the
whole Bakuu. The Bakuu acts more like a hydra: just one can give
rise to an apparently unlimited number of attacking, possessing
spirits. Thus, the taming of one of these spirits does not bring the
witchcraft to an end, as the 'cooling' of the single Ampuku does
(though it brings the witchcraft under control for that one victim).
The Bakuu which produced the spirit still skulks in the secrecy of
the hen basket in the house of the Bakuu buyer, ready to send out
other spirits at his command. The benefit the public can derive
from civilizing a Bakuu spirit however, is that it may become a
turncoat, spying on new moves of the Bakuu buyer, detecting new
Bakuu attacks by its brothers, and helping to chaperone neophyte
Bakuu winti.
In other words, while Ampuku seems to be witchcraft aimed at
one individual (and possibly her child), the Bakuu can unleash its
spirits throughout a whole family of brothers and sisters, or a seg-
ment, or a lineage, or across the boundaries of lineages over the affi-
nal bridge.
And this is another interesting aspect of Bakuu witchcraft. It
seems apt to proliferate along affinal lines in a mirror imitation of


















BAKUU


'good' magical power wielded by obiaman, wintiman, and basi, for
whom marriage opens up new opportunities of extending activity
and influence into the spouse's lineage. The two different Bakuu
dramas which rocked Tabiki from 1976 to 1978 involved the vil-
lage's two largest lineages, Pedi and Kaysina, which are linked
through many marriages. In both cases, the accusations passed
from one lineage to the other through these bonds: in one case, the
wife in the other lineage was named victim, in the other, cited be-
low, she was dubbed accomplice.

Use of Bakuu expression for launching witchcraft accusations
against the affinal lineage is apparently not a speciality of Tabiki.
THODEN VAN VELZEN informs me he witnessed about a dozen
cases of conflicts between affinal lineages over Bakuu which were
brought before the Gaan Gadu oracle at Diitabiki in 1961 from the
villages of Malobi, Vandaki and Tsjontsjon. A full-blown Bakuu ac-
cusation may pit one affinal lineage against the other, allowing an
opportunity to express anger over issues which probably could not
be broached directly. (Thus, following on the coat-tails of the suc-
cesful Bakuu accusation recounted below, a particularly frustrated
segment of Kaysina lineage, whose candidate to the Gedeonsu
priesthood has been waiting for years for the headman to ratify his
appointment, launched an obviously well-thought out Bakuu accu-
sation against the headman's elder uncle who had taken a wife from
their midst). Conversely, a Bakuu accusation may unite two affinal
lineages in anger against a traitor in their midst, allowing a backlog
of tragedies to be laid at his feet.
So it was that one Da Bookopali was first denounced as having
bought two Bakuu (a reproductive couple) to use against his matri-
linear relatives. It was then quickly discovered that he had in fact
bought four - two for himself and two for his wife in the other lin-
eage, when this lineage decided to enter a complaint. A year later a
teen-age boy, whose sister Koli had recently been possessed by the
spirit of the first Bakuu, awoke one night to see a party of twelve
Bakuu stalking the village, and one of them was pregnant!
When I returned briefly in 1979, I learned that Da Bookopali
had in addition a storehouse full of Bakuu located in his abandoned
bush camp, and that some of these had accidently been imported





















l 5 DIANE VERNON

into Tabiki with a load of his benches, killing a child in yet another
lineage segment.

CASE OF KAYSINA III & PEDI II VS. DA BOOKOPALI
At the end of December 1976, Da Bookopali, who like so many
other Tabiki men spent most of the year working on the coast as a
manual laborer, was returning home for the holidays. But he al-
ready knew this home-coming wasn't something to look forward
to. In his absence, two spirit mediums had openly accused him of
buying Bakuu to kill his fellow villagers.

Da Bookopali is a man jn his late fourties. He is a member of his mother's lineage, Kaysi-
na III; his father belonged to Pedi 1. About fifteen years ago, Bookopali set up housekeep-
ing with Ma Bolon of Pedi II in what was for both of them a second marriage, and they had
three children.
Bookopali is reputed for a sneaky disposition and a violent temper, and it is said people
were afraid of him and careful not to cross him. But if he handed out beatings, it seems he
collected them as well, and one of these is thought to have caused his failing eyesight.
For somewhere upward of twenty years, Bookopali had periodically lived and farmed in a
region called Gaa Kaba, where part of Kaysina Ill, of Pedi I, and of Amanta lineages have
bush camps, and where Bookopali's parents and several of his real brothers and sisters resid-
ed. Between 15 and 20 years ago, a witch accusation broke out between members of these
bush camps which involved a number of the protagonists of the 1976 Bakuu case. The hus-
band of Bookopali's sister Atjalibaa was accused by another brother-in-law of having be-
witched him. On the side of the accusers were Bookopali's uncles - Papa Poku, Da Diiwan,
and the now deceased Papa X. Although no one had died, and no oracle had spoken, the of-
fended brother-in-law together with Papa X and Bookopali, tricked Atjalibaa's husband into
coming into their camp, then set upon him and beat him up. Bookopali followed up this first
attack with two more assaults, aided in one by Papa X. Papa X, was himself subsequently ac-
cused of witchcraft - against the daughter of another of Bookopali's sisters.
Over ten years ago, Bookopali's father died. Then a brother of Bookopali became ill in
Gaa Kaba, and was sent to the city for treatment, where he also died. Five years ago, Booko-
pali's mother fell ill, and the family bush camp in Gaa Kaba began to break up. Bookopali
and several brothers went off to the coast to work, their sister Atjalibaa moved across river
with her new husband; and Ma Bolon (Bookopali's wife) returned to Tabiki to cut fields. In
1974-75, the grown son of Atjalibaa from her first marriage shot himself in despair over
losing his wife.
Sometime in the year 1976, Bookopali's retinal infection which Tabikans put down to a
thrashing he had received for playing with another man's wife, took a turn for the worse,
and blindness set in. It was only later that the blindness was understood to have been caused
by the Bakuu.
The first cry of alarm was sounded by Sa Mooite, a classificatory sister of Bookopali, who
after two years of illness, went into trance in her bush camp home at Gaa Kaba, in
September 1976. Her ailment vanished and was replaced by an outspoken spirit claiming to
be a Bakuu. This raw uinti was tended to on the spot by the husband of Mooite's aunt, a
basi from another village who often resides in Gaa Kaba. He did not censor the winti, nor
did the Tabiki lanti when it was presented to them at the end of that month.




















BAKUU


There it was seen by Sa Pikinsa of Pedi II before she returned to her own bush camp at
Ampona Tapu. The following month Pikinsa herself was stricken with toothache, where
upon a second Bakuu winti came into her head, claiming to be the brother of the first, but
having been sent by Ma Bolon. Pikinsa returned to Tabiki to have it 'washed' and 'fixed' by
Da lyeemi, basi of her lineage segment, and lantiman. He did not silence the winti either.

'WASHING'
Judging from the materials I saw prepared in the village and from talks with Djuka partici-
pants, 'washing' - that process of conversion which separates the good spirit pars from
the bad, leaving the latter behind in the bush and fixing the good to the medium - is practi-
cally identical for Bakuu and Ampuku. The preferred basi for this work are those 'who know
how to fix Bakuu' or those with Kumanti spirits.
The 'washing' takes place in the bush. An offering is left at the base of a tree as payment
to the evil parts: rhum, cane juice, two eggs, one parrot feather, red corn, peanuts, rice, a
chopped tuberous vegetable, and a live rooster. Tiny flags are confectioned and planted
there. Two separate mixtures of plants and spices are macerated: one for the medium to
drink to 'break the tongue' of the spirit so that it can speak in public; the other to bathe the
medium's body, to 'cool the heart' of the spirit and bring it under control of the basi.
Finally, the separation of good and evil forces that compose the spirit is effected by the me-
dium's severing a root of singafu (genus Costus, family Zingiberaceae) which had been
painted black and white. The black is discarded, and the white wand is carried off by the me-
dium.
The basi must then provide the new medium with ties to wear around the neck whenever
the winti possesses its medium. These contain 'medicine' which keeps the spirit under con-
trol, like a portable basi. He also makes bench, table, flag, and in some cases a stick - to re-
place the one with which the Bakuu knocks down its victims - and is supposed to provide a
calabash, to store the ties and pemba (kaolin).

By January, Mooite's spirit had received two washings and was
ready for public revelations. (Pikinsa's was still not sufficiently con-
verted to add more than a chorus to the hearings. At the end of Jan-
uary, it was passed on to Papa Poku, a basi fu Kumanti (Kumanti
basi) of Kaysina III, for a second washing).
So it was that by the time Da Bookopali arrived in the village two
women from the largest lineages in Tabiki were possessed by spirits
- government-tested and unexpurgated - claiming to have been
sent by him. Bookopali did the rounds of all the lantiman, trying to
convince each of his innocence. Then, on January 7th, before a
large council and a huge gathering of villagers, Mooite revealed in
trance that Bookopali had already killed seven people. None of
these deaths was recent. The last Tabikan to have died was Atja-
libaa's son, and the Bakuu was not responsible for that demise. But
now a window on the past had been opened: one by one, deaths that
had not been explained could be blamed on the Bakuu. Further-
more, alleged the spirit, Bookopali, not satisfied with those



















ZU DIANE VERNON
murders, had planned to kill Mooite, her brother, her sister, their
uncle Papa Poku, and one of Bookopali's own sisters. So far, none
of them was sick.
Bookopali had of course not been called to the council, nor did he
join the audience, but his house was close enough for him to hear.
Perhaps in despair, perhaps in hopes of some supernatural revenge,
he tried to commit suicide by drinking vinegar. This merely added
to the conviction that he had a hard heart. After recovering, he was
called before a small gathering of lantiman. He was now completely
blind and had to be led. The lanti invited him to reveal all he knew
(i.e. confess) so they could help him. But he went on denying any
knowledge of Bakuu. In his defense, he told stories which demon-
strated his honesty, and his preference for good magic: Da Iyeemi
himself had given him Papa magic for making money in the city.
The Bakuu accusations, he suggested, might be a trick of the kunu
of his lineage whose medium having died, could no longer
warn of its displeasure.
The next day, under a scorching afternoon sun, Pikinsa and
Mooite, both in trance, strode, bellowing, through the village to-
ward Bookopali's house drawing a crowd in their wake. They stop-
ped before his door where he sat, and stood flailing their arms and
screaming at him. Then Pikinsa lunged at the blind man with a
stick.
Mooite picked up a stool and waved it over the scapegoat, feig-
ning an attack, while insinuating herself between the prostrate man
and her violent partner, until the villagers could part them.

That evening both winti were called before a council. Pikinsa's seemed to have spent itself
in the fight and made no appearance. Mooite's descended and declared that it would not ad-
dress the lanti again until it had fought once more with Bookopali. The lanti begged it not
to, and it promptly and graciously relented.
HEARINGS
From the 19th to the 21st of January, four councils were convened to philosophize and
doze on their benches while waiting for the spirits to possess their mediums and produce
further revelations.
The mediums would sit facing the anti for sometimes as long as an hour before full pos-
session would be achieved. This would be heralded by sporadic belching, hissing, laughing,
humming, bowing from the waist, and finally, as the spirit came in stronger, by short meta-
phors for the Bakuu, in lieu of the normal spirit litany, barked out in sequences that ended
on a rising inflection: 'Saatu-saatuman! (short-short man)! Jombo-jomboman! (jump-up























BAKUU


jump up man), Waka-uakaman! (hanky-panky man or visitor), Koi-koliman! (cheating-
man), Wedri-wedriman! (crazy-crazy man), Bai-baiman. (bought man), Tu-tusensiman'
(two-pence-two pence man)..'.
Bakuu spirits speak Sranan tongo, the coastal pidgin that all Djuka understand. But their
version is not the rapid staccatto of the city, but rather resembles the slow, carefully
enunciated speech of the radio announcer who broadcasts each evening to the interior. The
two women (whose spirits are male) used low registers, thus heightening the similarity and
their opening greetings to the assembly 'Kondreman, kondreman.. Famili, family!' are
precisely those heard on the radio.
During the four sessions, no further revelations were made. Mooite's winti, acting as
spokesman for the two would ceremoniously greet each lantiman in turn, then sit down
again, saying: '1 have nothing for today'. The winti seemed to prefer the night and the
company of their quarter mates for their oracular additions. But these formal reunions with
the lanti, and the laughing and joking with Mooite's spirit may have served to reassure the
Silage r hat dialogue and friendly relations were now established with these two formerly evil
spirits of the hidden bakuu.

PROPITIATION
Since spirits are best pacified with offerings, three feasts were held from February 18th
through 20th, consisting of traditional Djuka dishes prepared by the women, coastal deleca-
cies, and a large variety of beverages. The cost of this lavish meal was borne by the people of
Kaysina III, and it was held each time in a different house of the quarter under the direction
of Papa Poku. As is usual with ritual food offerings, the participants were mostly men: anti
and others, who crowded into the one-room house while the women peeked through the
doors and windows. The first hour was taken upwith speeches - by each lanliman - then,
by the winti, who sat on their consecrated benches before the tables of food until Mooite's
spirit teasingly asked 'Who is all the food for?', and rose to play host. The assembled men
became her guests, sharing in the drinks as the winti opened the bottles. The food was left to
be collected later by the women.
Theoretically, only two feasts were planned, however, on February 20th, yet a third one
was held because Mooite's spirit esteemed the first two inadequate.

THE MEDIUMSHIPS OF PIKINSA AND MOOITE
Until Da lyeemi passed on to Papa Poku the troublesome winti of Pikinsa for a second
washing, the young medium seemed to devote her trances merely to accompanying Mooite's
spirit, which, as 'older brother' spoke for both. But after the second washing, Pikinsa's
winti suddenly grew up, found its voice, and proffered new material on its own initiative. Of
the 15 sessions I saw of Pikinsa's winti, at least nine of these occurred spontaneously in the
evening, at night, or in the early morning - times when quarter members are most likely to
be at home and to themselves, and may be drawn by the call of a next-door winti.
Though many of these sessions were concerned with the medium's own problems in rela-
tion to her second basi, in two, and perhaps three sessions, this winti helped fill out the
Bakuu victim list (which by then included: Bookopali's dead brother, Akaapa's dead son,
Papa Poku's dead son), by adding to it the names of sick and dead from her lineage segment.
In this quarter, the Bakuu which had been used was the one Bookopali had given his wife,
Bolon. Certainly, the most shocking of the winti's revelations was that Bolon had used the
Bakuu to kill her own son several years ago! (This was not Bookopali's child, but one by a
former husband from another village). Another dead victim from the past was probably also
named by Pikinsa's spirit - that of Ba Motolu's young brother, also of Pedi II.
Accounting for these dead triggered off fresh tears, and no doubt an abiding anger against























DIANE VERNON


Ma Bolon, but the period of mourning for them had long been over. Much more dangerous
was Pikinsa's revelations that the one-night colic of Ba Motolu's baby was an attack of
Bolon's bakuu Ba Motolu flew into a rage, and it was fortunate that in keeping with the inhi-
bition on violence, Pikinsa had chosen a moment for this disclosure - as for the others -
when Bolon was away from the village. Bolon was convicted by the winti - as Bookopali had
been - in absentia, paradoxically for her own sake.
From the end of February on, Pikinsa's spirit began to practice some magic: during one
session, her winti invited a pregnant quarter member to be rubbed with eggs and rhum for a
good delivery; during another, it diagnosed the miscarriage of a classificatory sister's child,
as the attack of an unidentified witch and offered vulnerable members of the family preven-
tive remedies. It even joined the Kumanti spirits of Pedi II in one of their last attempts to ef-
fect a cure on the dying wife of a quarter member.
But these instances were opportunistically brought about by the spirit itself. With one ex-
ception, all of Pikinsa's magical practice of 76 78 took place during the two months when
the prestigious obiaman of the quarter, Da lyeemi, was absent. Perhaps, the presence of this
magician, with his reputable clinic of subordinate Kumanti wintiman left little opportunity
for minor independent mediums to find clientele even among immediate neighbors. Before
the new year of 1978, Pikinsa never even practised magic in a waking state. After the new
year, the medium found herself pregnant, and was therefore unlikely to go into trance again
for another year.
Of Mooite's early mediumship, I know much less, for I did not live in the same quarter
with her, and was never present at a spontaneous appearance. I presume that Mooite also
tested out her oracles first within the privacy of her quarter. The only informal seance I wit-
nessed with her was on the demand of the headman Da Akaapa, who requested that this pri-
mary Bakuu spirit be called, to learn if it were satisfied with the food offerings. The audience
was composed mostly of quarter members, and Mooite's spirit proceeded to draw out the
session for four hours - telling stories, joking, singing, and showing off her possessions.
She used the seance for a private triumph over Papa Poku and his daughter (a bush camp
neighbor), declaring the feasts he had organized failures, and diagnosing his daughter's ill-
ness as due to the breaking of a taboo, for which she had immediately to submit to treat-
ment.
At the beginning of March 1977, Mooite disappeared from the major village to her bush
camp in Gaa Kaba, where the clusters of other Tabikans camping there - lineage mates, af-
fines, friends, and the basi who had washed her winti - offered a complex social scene in
which to practice. The obiaman Da lyeemi, who was married to Mooite's sister, would
spend a few months of each year with them in their camp which he had helped build, and he
included Mooite as a subordinate in his magical practice. With the Ampuku winti of her
mati (formal friend), who camped on the next island, Mooite wove oracular intrigues. And
over the untutored Bakuu winti which was later to possess Bookopali's niece Koli, Mooite
assumed a certain temporary command when Koli returned to Gaa Kaba to alight in the
bush camp of her new husband.

THE AFRMATH: UNPOPULAR CONTRIBUTIONS
Until the end of March 1977, the accusations against Bookopali and his accomplice wife,
with their revelations of past tragedies, had unfolded in a village where no death had oc-
curred for almost two years. Then abruptly, just as the accusation was waning, Bookopali's
sister, Atjalibaa committed suicide. Her death seemed to usher in a whole series of tragedies
in Tabiki. Yet, none of these - not even the worsening illness of Bookopali's mother -
was laid at the Bakuu 's feet. With the rehashing of 5 past deaths, the accusation seemed to
have at least temporarily spent itself. (It was to know a brief revival in 1979 when the death






















BAKUU


of a child from Pedi I, was attributed to it).
Suddenly, on May 2, 1977, Sa Naami landed in Tabiki, and still in her city clothes, she
stalked into Pedi II, possessed by a vociferous Bakuu winti which began to harangue Ma
Bolon accusing her of further Bakuu crimes. For while the New Years accusation had been
breaking over the village, Naami had been with it in spirit: away in the coastal city, the same
Bakuu - which had sent spirits after Pikinsa and Mooite - had sent another of its winti to
hit Naami over the head, leaving her unconscious, with a gash in her scalp. Left to her own
devices, Naami found some commercial product which she rubbed on her skin in perhaps an
impromptu imitation of the plant washing techniques of Djuka medicine, and when the
burning subsided, the bakuu winti possessed her in trance. She had returned to the village to
have this new spirit attended to.
The reaction to this third bakuu manifestation was general dismay. Two mediums had al-
ready been recognized, one for each of the major Tabiki lineages: each had pointed out the
culprit within her own quarter and had revealed past and prospective victims. The winti had
been properly attended to and propitiated and had now been integrated into the realm of
positive religion, where their knowledge of evil made them specialists in the detection of
witchcraft. There was no need for new witnesses - Naami was flogging a dead horse.
The best she could manage was to rekindle hostility in a few women of her lineage seg-
ment; her real sister who lived in her husband's quarter next door to Bookopali, and Pikinsa
herself - whose spirit immediately recognized Naami's as a younger brother and treated it
as such, assuming the role of an unofficial basi in response to Naami's needs.
In July, Bookopali returned from the hospital where he had gone in a vain attempt to find
help for his eyes, and a few days later Naami and Pikinsa both in trance, led an attack on the
scapegoat. Although the aggression was still made in the safety of daylight, they had chosen
a time when the village was practically deserted and the headman was away. This time, two
other women, one of them Naami's above-mentioned sister, joined the furies. An artery in
Bookopali's neck was severed. By a miracle of magic made on the spot by two Kumanti me
diums of Kaysina III, the bleeding was stopped and the accused survived. Kabiten Akaapa
returned in anger to upbraid the unruly spirits, and the attack was not repeated.
Now the violence of Naami's uncared-for uinti turned against her, tormenting her with
vague complaints. By the New Year, her winti was diagnosing as the cause of her 18 year-
old-son's nervous disorder, the neglect it was shown. Both she and her husband applied to
Da lyemmi, who gave the boy a Kumanti spirit to protect him, but the basi wanted no part
of the new bakuu winti, and 2 years after her arrival in Tabiki, Naami was still waiting for
attention.
The lack of interest which Naami's spirit inspired should have discouraged further appari-
tions. By the new year 1978 a new Bakuu accusation launched against a new culprit had
captured popular imagination. Then, at the annual dance of Papa spir us. Bookupali s niece,
Sa Koli, (daughter of Atjalibaa) fell writhing to the ground. A few days later, the spirit re-
vealed itself as yet another winti from the Bookopali Bakuu. Koli, in trance, strode over to
her uncle's door and bellowed out in bakuu dialect. Bookopali invited the possessed inside.
When she crossed his threshold, he turned the tables by launching an attack himself, biting
the girl on the head, and tearing out tuffs of her hair. They were parted by a rush of
villagers.

AFrERMATH FOR A SCAPEGOAT
Bookopali had begun by losing his sight, which made him totally dependent on others, at
the same time that the accusation deprived him of all those on whom he might have depen-
ded. Ma Bolon abandoned him at the outbreak of the trouble, trying in vain to save herself
from a similar ostracism, but she continued to send him food by the children. All other ser-


















DIANE VERNON


vices were refused him - except that of magic performed to save his life or a magical treat-
ment which he paid for. He would sit in front of his house in hopes of visitors but the only
ones who stopped to chat were other-lineage people up from the city. Knowing himself un-
welcome, he never visited anyone, but he carried on a vicarious social life by prowling on
cat's feet and eavesdropping on others.
When yet a fourth Bakuu winti came to molest him in the person of his niece, he took
matters into his own hands. With no one else to speak for him, he requested permission to
address an already assembled lanti which was in council for the end of mourning rites. His
proposal was to take his case before the court of the Paramount chief and accept its verdict
and the consequences thereof. He was reminded that such a procedure was out of order: a
defendant cannot take himself to court - only his accusers can do that.
The death rate continued to be high for Tabiki through Spring 1979, yet only one of
these deaths was attributed to the Bookopali Bakuu; that of a child who was on the shore
when a Tabikan boatman did Bookopali one of the few favors he had known since the accu-
sation by delivering to him some chairs he had left behind in his abandoned bush camp of
Gaa Kaba. Was the outcome of divination a reminder that Bookopali was to be ostracized by
all?
HOW THE ACCUSATION SPREAD

Quarter and camp
The accusation seems to have broken out first in segment III of
Kaysina lineage which occupies a quarter of the village called Maki-
sitalaan, taken over and settled from the Pedi bee people, about 50
years ago by Papa Poku and Papa X. Yet, only part of this quarter
ever seems to have been involved: those descendents of two sisters
(B + C) who have cut out their separate but neighboring bush
camps on the islands at Gaa Kaba.


*
I----I-----C---I
A B BO CO

I I -----
0 0 A 0
SI Papa Poku
Mooite Bookopali
Mooite Bookopali


Fig. 3. Skeleton genealogy of Kaysina Ill - Makisitalaan

















BAKUU


The primary mouthpiece of the accusation, Mooite, shares one
bush camp there with two of Bookopali's 'future victims' - her
brother and sister. The other people she named as menaced by
Bakuu attack - Papa Poku and Bookopali's sister, were also Gaa
Kaba residents. Ma Bolon had only lately abandoned the fields she
and Bookopali planted there, and her Bakuu is said to have attacked
the baby of Da Motolu, who spends the farming session in Gaa
Kaba with his wife, Papa Poku's niece. The mother of this young
woman has her own bush camp there, and is married to the basi
who washed Mooite's winti. Others, such as the lately possessed
Koli, or deceased victims like Bookopali's brother, also lived there,
and active behind-the-scene sponsors of the accusation such as Da
Iyeemi have personal interests in that area.
While people of other lineages farming there were passed over by
the oracle, all those of Kaysina III (with the exception of one small
family) were implicated - either accusing or accused or named as
victims or involved in the trimming and tutoring of new winti, or
being voluntarily or unwittingly assimilated to the new medium's
clientele.

Affinal Links
Most of the population of Tabiki belong to one of the two major
lineages of Pedi and Kaysina: the first is the seat of secular power,
the second the seat of oracular power in the form of a tribal god,
and a continuing struggle for dominance is played out between the
two. At the same time, much unites these rival groups - member-
ship in one clan of which Da Akaapa is the head, residence in one
village, and above all the many marriages contracted between these
two lineages.
Judging by the list of people said to be victimized, the Bookopali
accusation seems to lay particular stress on affinal links between
Pedi and Kaysina. Collaboration between the two lineages began
with the naming of Bookopali's wife as the other half of an infernal
couple. Each of these 'witches' had also been a child of a marriage
between the two lineages. Among those either threatened, posses-
sed, or killed by the bakuu spirits, the following are either off-
springs of such marriages or have contracted one themselves, or
both:




















child of

Koli
Motolu's brother
Bookopali's brother
Akaapa's son
Poku's son


DIANE VERNON

contracted

Mooite's sister


-0'-


-0 -


-0-
'0
d
L^�_|-




-�-o-- �Oa >- d^


-

both

Naami
Motolu


.--+o-0-- -o



















�i
- ,r -It rI ,
9 4 o 0



o
^* 9"1"
^T J O


I
0

9 Q
P V~,h


;" P


Fig. 5. Skeleton genealogy of Pedi lineage, segment II.
9 IA deceased

. 4 spouse from other major lineage


T threatened by the Bakuu

p possessed by the Bakuu


9 L killed by the Bakuu


ly{K


I
1 9
At


I

















28 DIANE VERNON
At the same time, that the two lineages were cooperating in de-
nouncing the guilty, however, Pedi II was subtly promoting a 'less
guilty than thou' version with Ma Bolon becoming an ever more
white-washed accomplice, and the evil of Bookopali used as proof of
the dubious morals of Kaysina people. Remarked one Pedi II
member: 'Makisitalan will break the village!'. Naami, who retur-
ned to Tabiki railing at Bolon, had to be cued in. A month later,
she decided that this classificatory sister was really innocent. While
Pedi II wanted to participate in the accusation, its naming of Bolon
seems simply to have brought the danger of Bookopali nearer to
home, touching off persecutory feelings at that level of social struc-
ture where VAN WETERING (1973) found them to be most inflam-
mable: that matrisegment of daily contact which one Djuka women
referred to as 'where one sweeps one's door sill'.

MEDIUMS
We have already seen that Mooite and Pikinsa, by assuming the
double identity of villagers victimized by the Bakuu attack and the
possessed spokesman of the Bakuu spirits pleading guilty to the cri-
mes, created an open and shut case against the accused. But how-
ever expedient such possession is for launching an accusation, it ap-
pears to be the prerogative of those whose reputations can afford it:
who are neither lantiman nor religious specialists. Lantiman are
supposed to be personally under the protection of the great ances-
tors, while spirit mediums are watched over by their winti who
would defend them against possession by a bewitching spirit. In all
but one case, Tabikans who had been possessed by or become me-
diums to an Ampuku or a Bakuu spirit had never known medium-
ship before. (In a few cases, women were medium to both a be-
witching Ampuku and a Papa spirit, but it was always the bewit-
ching one which had come first).
The women possessed by the Bakuu winti were able to assume
ecstatic leadership of a public expression, but they remained depen-
dent on the support of the anti. Their licence to accuse could al-
ways be called into question, as it almost was by Da Akaapa, who,
at last, exasperated by the assaults on Bookopali (whose death
would certainly bring in the police and jeopardize the headman's
excellent relations with Diitabiki (THODEN VAN VELZEN, pers.


















BAKUU z7
comm.), dropped his respectful appelations and referred to the me-
diums as, '... little ladies who run around the village with winti
screaming in their heads trying to kill people'.

LANTI
Obviously, since for once the headman neglected to silence the
winti, the accusations of Mooite and Pikinsa were receiving prefer-
ential support. Was the naming of Da Akaapa's son as former vic-
tim and Da Iyeemi's wife as intended one supposed to invite or re-
ward the cooperation of these important figures? Did Da lyemmi
use his influence on his headman uncle (to whom he owes his posi-
tion as basia) to help his in-laws in Gaa Kaba, uncover a long-bre-
wing suspicion? Certainly, he made his own contributions to the
evidence if it is true that he went out one night in trance, possessed
by his great ancestor spirit, to beat the Bakuu off the roofs of the
menaced Pedi II homes. At least, in a waking state, he emphatically
stated that Bookopali had bought Bakuu, and later, when Pikinsa's
revelations raised anger at Ma Bolon, that people '... should fight
with Bolon, make her see!'.
But other statesmen too, even from other lineages, made their
contributions. One bore witness to having actually caught sight of
the Bakuu itself sitting on Bookopali's table, while the guilty man
tried to distract him from the evidence. And the day after Bookopa-
li's pleas of innocence, both Da Akaapa and the basia of Kaysina
voiced their regret at the scapegoat's 'lack of cooperation' and 'in-
ability to tell the story straight'.
Why was a witch accusation, which was so explosive that Booko-
pali barely escaped being lynched, treated as something so respect-
able by a village government concerned about keeping down violen-
ce? Judging from the attention shown the first two mediums, it was
the revelations of Mooite and Pikinsa that interested the lanti. Per-
haps by proffering them the accusation was serving a very respect-
able function.

THE ORACLE
Almost from the beginning, the accusation became an oracle, re-
viewing a backlog of tragedies: five deaths from the past were attri-
buted to Bookopali's Bakuu. All deaths and most illnesses are seen

















DIANE VERNON


by Djuka as having a spirit cause. And the danger may cast a long
shadow over the future: an avenging spirit will kill one lineage
member after another until it is propitiated.
Before 1972, when the new prophet Akalali put an end to the
practice, the cause of a demise used to be established in a last dialo-
gue with the ghost of the deceased by carrying his corpse as an
oracle. Now that post mortem interrogation is forbidden, if a spiri-
tual diagnosis has been decided on as the cause of the terminal ill-
ness, then it is put down as the cause of death. (Of the six deaths
which occurred in Tabiki from May 1977 to the end of the year,
only two - that of Atjalibaa and that of a young man stabbed in a
knife fight in the city, could not immediately be accounted for).
Problems seem to arise most often in the case of death from acci-
dents (such as the above), or from illnesses which evolve too quick-
ly. But even in these cases, there is surreptitious speculation and
consultation of mediums until one day the death is spontaneously
accounted for by the oracle of a winti.
Four of five deaths put down to the Bakuu had occurred since the
ban on corpse-carrying in 1972. (The one that happened prior to
this date was that of Bookopali's brother who died in the city, and
was not brought back for examination and burial). Two were
caused by accidents, two others by illness, in one case evolving rap-
idly. I was unable to verify whether or not any of these had been
diagnosed earlier. Informants denied having 'heard what killed
them before'.
It seems likely that what the lanti was underwriting was a very
positive function of oracular autopsy: the evil Bakuu spirits were
rendering a traditional service in accounting for past deaths.

THE BAKUU AS A SYMBOL
In addition to this oracular use of the accusation, this first publi-
cized discovery of a Bakuu in their midst seems to have rallied the
fears and moral indignation of Tabikans from every quarter against
an uncontrollable evil introduced from the outside. For during the
course of the year other witch accusations were voiced: Ampuku
were sent against women, sickened them, possessed them, and were
quietly washed; spirit mediums in trance saw and denounced
witches; inter-lineage brawls over witchcraft took place; two con-

















BAKUU 51
temporary deaths were attributed to the witchcraft of two living wo-
men... but all of these were circumscribed events affecting a small
group, village headlines for a day. The Bakuu witchcraft of Booko-
pali, although it began as an equally local affair within part of a lin-
eage segment, whipped up anger and persecutory feelings in seg-
ments with no victims to declare. An ever-multiplying number of
Bakuu could be seen wandering about the village at night. 'Obia-
man don't know anything about Bakuu,' explained one woman,
'they too are afraid'.
The very traditionalist Da Iyeemi took this opportunity to re-
mind people of the constant threat to the village posed by returning
Djuka men who secreted these monstrous coastal weapons in their
luggage. Do such popular Bakuu accusations as that against Booko-
pali express the negative aspects of immigration and serve as sym-
bolic demonstrations of what will happen to immigrant workers
who turn traitor to the society back home? 'If Bookopali bought
Bakuu then let him leave the village', said the headman, 'let him
go live among the bakaa!'.
As a bakaa money-maker, used by Djuka to make trouble, the
Bakuu may symbolize competition between traditionally coopera-
tive kinsmen for jobs on the coast; strained relations within the vil-
lage over the growing importance of cash exchanges in place of sha-
ring; the envy of those who are village-bound.
As a self-reproducing agent of destruction to which the tradition-
al magicians have no answer (13), the Bakuu may stand for invisib-
le but real threats to traditional life which do return with the men:
attitudes, language, gadgets from the coast which are flaunted as
signs of success and superiority, while aspersions are cast on native
costume and custom: delinquent activity which the lanti seems
unarmed to deal with; and the mysterious fate of community funds
which disappear into city banks. Neither religious nor secular
authority can at present control the flow of men and their families
away from the villages, nor inhibit the foreign influences they in-
troduce on their return. 'All those men who bring Bakuu up from
the city,' cried Da Iyeemi, 'the ancestors should strike them
down!'.

















52 DIANE VERNON
BAKUU PROSPECTS
How important is the Bakuu pantheon in Tabiki and what are its
prospects for the future? In 1976, the situation there gave the cu-
rious impression that in spirits Bakuu Tabikans were starting from
scratch. The Bakuu of the fortune-hunting era have disappeared
without a trace if ever they were there. One informant vaguely re-
called that a long time ago, a man of Tabiki had protected his fields
with a Bakuu and that the theft of his bananas had brought it's spir-
it down on them as a kunu. But it didn't stay long. Apparently,
since 1973, a new Bakuu pantheon is building up, composed en-
tirely of bewitching spirits.
Prior to the outbreak of the Bookopali case in October 1976, out
of 73 spirits possessing Tabiki mediums (14), only four were Ba-
kuu (or 5%), (as opposed to 20 Kumanti. 20 Papa, 13 Yooka, 16
Ampuku). By February 1978, ten winti out of a new total of 82
(one medium died that year) were Bakuu or 12%.
But how accurate a reflection of the Bakuu phenomenon do these
figures offer? While mediums of traditional spirits normally have
their winti tended to within tribal territory, where they are seen by
fellow villagers and presented to the major village deity (Gedeonsu),
Bakuu possession more frequently occurs in town, where the Ba-
kuu rather than the Ampuku is used to bewitch. When these are
small-time accusations between women in the city, the winti are
tamed by an immigrant basi there, and may not be seen in the tribal
village for several years. This was true of all those Bakuu winti
which happened before 1976. Since New Years of both 1977 and
1978, drew few Tabikans back to the native village, there may be
more Bakuu winti on the coast - ones that did not make it home
for the holidays.
Furthermore, since Bakuu possession is essentially witch accusa-
tion, it will result in mediumship only if the accusation meets with
no objections on the part of the powers that be. If it does, then the
Bakuu winti, which is evidence of witchcraft, may be denied its
identity and passed off as something else, or be quietly exorcized
and replaced by something socially more acceptable. I witnessed
one such metamorphosis of a Bakuu winti and was told of others. In
fact a close look at the histories of such spirits as Papa and Kumanti
whose mediums are women, sometimes reveals that they were put

















BAKUU


as protecting spirits after an original possession by a bewitching
Ampuku or Bakuu.
I suspect then that the percentage of spontaneous Bakuu posses-
sion in comparison to spontaneous possession by non-bewitching
spirits may favor the Bakuu pantheon more than these figures
show.
If we look at the development that took place during the period
October 1976 to February 1978, the total of new spirits for that
period (counting those that first came and were identified and those
that may have appeared before but were civilized at that time) is 20,
and six of these were Bakuu, or 30%. But if we ask which, of all the
spirit categories produced the greatest number of new winti in that
period, then it is the new pantheon that dominated the scene: 6 Ba-
kuu, 4 Kumanti, 4 Papa, 4 Yooka, 2 Ampuku. (Two of the Ku-
manti and one of the Papa were originally bewitching spirits, one of
which was a Bakuu).
Bakuu mediumship seems to open doors to the same sort of
small-time magical-medical practice, which in Tabiki exemplifies
the careers of mediums to bewitching Ampuku spirits. But the are-
na of opportunity specifically open to Bakuu mediums is perhaps in
Bakuu accusations - not only the ones they trigger off but even in
later incoming ones where they are given an opportunity to speak.
A properly trimmed Bakuu spirit is like a turn-coat which now
spies for the other side (i.e. the village). Furthermore, Bakuu me-
diums support and provoke one another. It is possible that the exis-
tence of a Bakuu pantheon in a village may indirectly stimulate new
Bakuu possession.
The logical relevance of Bakuu for witch accusations between
Djuka living on the coast; the greater outspokenness of the Bakuu
winti for major accusations within the tribal village, particularly be-
tween it's competing affinal lineages; the anxiety over changing re-
lations between Djuka in the context of a tempting, intimidating,
threatening rapprochement to Western culture which may be ex-
pressed in the nefarious bakuu - these may all contribute to its
popularity. When it takes over functions such as diagnosis of past
deaths (formerly under the auspice of the grave diggers), then it
may be ushered to the fore by the lanti.
The Tabiki bakuu pantheon is building up in an interim where



















DIANE VERNON


the higher religious institutions are enjoying less influence: the re-
tirement of the Gaan Gadu anti-witchcraft oracle; the aloofness of
Tabiki to Akakali's replacement cult; the present neglect of the ma-
jor oracle, Gedeonsu, whose licence to operate was the object of a
political struggle for domination between the very two lineages -
Kaysina and Pedi - which spent the year in collaboration and op-
position over Bakuu accusations.
While spontaneous Bakuu possession as an expression of perse-
cution and aggression seems to have taken root in Bilo religion,
treatment of it mediumshipp or exorcism) may vary, and the extra
functions (e.g. post mortem oracles) it opportunistically takes over,
may eventually be more systematically handled by another institu-
tion.
The emergence of a new cult may quickly impose new limita-
tions on Bakuu possession and rob it of the privileges it presently
enjoys: those of permanent, respectable mediumship, and govern-
ment recognition of its accusations.



NOTES


1. I wish to thank JEAN HURAULT and BONNO THODEN VAN VELZEN for their valuable
help and contributions and DANIEL DE COPPET for his criticism of an earlier draft.

2. By the term bakuu I denote a type of spirit that is the object of worship of a spirit me-
dium cult. These should be distinguished from a more common type of bakuu spirit,
also known as taku sani ('evil thing') and usually regarded as connected with bush spir-
its in general and the Ampuku in particular (VAN LIER 1940: 191). Here I will refer to
this category of bakuu as 'bewitching Ampuku'. Such malevolent spirits torment their
victims with illness, insanity or death. They are different from the bakuu I deal with in
that they fail to make the invaded persons speak out in coherent language. The fantasies
woven around them equally single them out as a different category (THODEN VAN VEL-
ZEN, pers. comm.). I have adopted the spelling used by LENOIR rather than the more
usual baku (current for other tribes and for the Opo Djuka) to conform with what seems
to be a local pronunciation. Mediums in trance use the coastal version bakru.

3. Another visit from May 4 to June 1., 1979, allowed me to review the case described be-
low at a later stage in its evolution.

4. The following is a summary using material from: DE GROOT, 1969; PRICE, 1973;
THODEN VAN VELZEN, 1977 & 1978; VAN DER ELST. 1970; WOLBERS, (1861) 1952.























BAKUU


5. GREEN, for the Matawai; HERSKOVITS, 1936, for Paramaribo Creoles; LENOIR, 1973,
for the Paramacca; WOODING, 1972 for the Para. VAN LIER, 1940, mentions them as
less well known among the Djuka than among the Paramacca. HURAULT found the Alu
ku knew of bakuu but he saw no evidence of possession by them at the time (HURAULT,
pers. comm).

6. Whites, also, are assumed to be past masters in Bakuu use. 'How could you never have
seen one?', retorted an informant, 'The streets in Holland must be teeming with
them!'.

7. WOODING (1972 b, pp. 195-196) mentions actual wooden images being made among
the Para.

8. The Paramaribo Creoles (HERSKOVrrS, 1936), on the contrary, picture Bakuu as res-
sembling a Bush Negro child.

9. A similar belief exists among the Creoles of Paramaribo, where the Dagowe (Boa con-
strictor) or Aboma (Anaconda) snake is said to be purchased and kept for 'luck'. This is
a milder form of lucrative witchcraft than ownership of Bakru, but with the same tragic
ending: it is the family of the owner that suffers, the snake growing jealous of the chil-
dren, kills them (HERsKOvTrS, 1936). Among the Djuka, no snake is bought: the Papa
spirits that ride on these snakes confer to the magician the knowledge of certain recipes
(Papa obia) that draw wealth to the practitioner, with no sinister results. This method of
obtaining riches belongs entirely to the realm of good magic.

10. As originally described by VAN LIER (194f4), the Bakuu doll had a deformed, hydroce
phalic head. This feature was absent from the 1976 visions, although sicknesses of the
head still tended to be associated with it.

11. This concentration of secular power in the smaller of the two major lineages (Pedi)
should normally be off set by the power and privilege which accrue to the Kaysina lin-
eage from its licence to operate the village oracle of Gedeonsu - a separation of church
and state which is said to have been instituted at the founding of the present village of
Tabiki. In the period under question, however, this cult was in a state of suspended
animation partly because of the disputed inheritance of the priesthood, partly because of
conflicts with a rival village practicing this cult.

12. Religious specialists - obiaman medicinee man), wintiman (spirit mediums), and basi
('boss', exorcist or tailor and tutor of spirits and initiator of their mediums) - also
enjoy free-lance privileges. Obiaman usually, but not necessarily, are also spirit me
diums, and derive their magical powers from their possessing spirit. They may, in
addition, be basi if they know the technique for socializing one or more types of spirits.

13. Tabikans say that in the upper half of the tribe, Bakuu spirits are exorcised, '... but it
does no good - they always return!'.

14. This count includes absent members of the Pedi clan who retain contact with the native
village and the few konlibi (Djuka of other clans but who are permanent members of the
village).

















DIANE VERNON


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GLUCKMAN, MAX, 1963. The reasonable man in Barotse law. In:
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GREEN, EDWARD, n.d. [abt. 1977]. Winti and Christianity: A case
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GROOT, SILVIA W. DE, 1969. Djuka Society and Social Change.
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HERSKOVITS, MELVILLE J., 1936. Surinam Folklore. New York:
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-, 1937. Life in a Haitian Valley. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.

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-, 1969a. Law at the village level: The Cottica Djuka of Surinam. In
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-, 1969b. Classificatory kinship and classificatory status: The Cottica
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BAKUU 3/
LENOIR, J.D., 1973. The Paramacca Maroons: A study in religious accul-
turation. New York: New School for Social Research (doctoral thesis).

METRAUX, ALFRED, (1958) 1977. Le Vaudou Haitii n Paris: Gallimard.

PRICE, RICHARD, 1973a. Review of Charles Wooding, 1972. American
Anthropologist 75 (6): 1884-1886.

-, 1973b. Avenging Spirits and the structure of Saramaka lineages. Bijdr.
Taal- Land- Volkenkunde 129 (1): 86-107.

-, 1975. Saramaka Social Structure: Analysis of a Maroon Society in Su-
rinam. Caribbean Monograph Series 12. Rio Piedras: Institute of
Caribbean Studies.

THODEN VAN VELZEN, H.U.E., 1966. Het geloof in wraakgeesten: bind-
middel en splijtzwam van de Djuka matri-lineage. Nieuwe West-Indi-
sche Gids 45 (1): 45-51.

-, 1975. Why disorder? In: (P.Kloos & K.W. van der Veen, eds.) Rule
and Reality: Essays in honour of Andre JF. Kobben. Amsterdam:
Anthropologisch - Sociologisch Centrum (pp. 134-154).

-, 1977, Bush Negro regional cults: A materialist explanation. In: (R.P.
Werbner, ed.) Regional Cults. A.S.A. Monograph 16. London: Aca-
demic Press (pp. 93-118).

-, 1978. The origins of the Gaan Gadu movement of the Bush Negroes
of Surinam. Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 52 (3/4): 81-130.

THODEN VAN VELZEN, H.U.E. & WETERING, W VAN, 1975. On the po-
litical impact of a prophetic movement in Surinam. In: (W.E.A. van
Beek & J.H. Scherer, eds.) Explorations in the Anthropology of Reli-
gion. Essays in honour of Jan van Baal. The Hague: Koninklijk Insti-
tuut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 74 (pp. 215-233).

VAN DER ELST, DIRK HENDRIK, 1970. The Bush Negro Tribes of Suri-
nam, South America: a synthesis. Evanston: Northwestern University
(doctoral thesis).



















DIANE VERNON


VAN LIER, W.F., 1940. Aanteekeningen over het geestelijk leven en de
samenleving der Djoeka's (Aukaner Boschnegers) in Suriname. Bijdr.
Taal- Land- Volkenkunde Ned. Indie 99 (2): 131-294.

-, 1944. Een en ander over het wisi-begrip bij de Boschnegers. Suriname-
Zending 3, 4, 5/6. (Reprint 18 pp.)

VAN WETERING, W., 1.973. Witchcraft among the Tapanahoni Djuka. In:
(R. Price ed.) Maroon Societies: Rebel Slave Communities in the
Americas. New York: Doubleday Anchor ( pp. 370-388).

WOLBERS, V. (1861) 1952. Geschiedenis van Suriname. Fragments de
I'Histoire du Surinam. Trad. franc. Paris: I.G.N.

WOODING. CHARLES J., 1972a. The Winti Cult in the Para District.
Caribbean Studies 12 : 51-78.

-, 1972b. Winti: een Afroamerikaanse Godsdienst in Suriname. Meppel:
Krips Repro.



















RICHARD PRICE


'SO MANY DIFFERENT PEOPLE IN THE SAME DEVICE'
RECENT CARIBBEAN BIBLIOGRAPHY




LAMBROS COMrrAs. The Complete Caribbeana, 1900-1975 :Millo-d. New York: Kraus
Thomson Organization Ltd., 1977). 4 vols. Vol. I, lxxiii, 647 pp.; Vol. II, xl, 700 pp.; Vol
III, xi, 672 pp.; Vol. IV, xi, 162 pp. ($179.00)

JOHN F. SZWED and ROGER D. ABRAHAMS (with Robert Baron, Linda Rabben, Richard Rai
chelson, Beverly Robinson, Robert Ulle and Richard Wright). Afro-American Folk Culture:
an Annotated Bibliorap'hy of Materials from North, Central and South America and the
West Indies. (Publications of the American Folklore Society, Bibliographical and Special Se-
ries, Volumes 31-32. Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues. 19'8 . 2 vols,
Vol. I, xvii, 467 pp.; Vol. II, viii, 405 pp. :5 I8 1Ii,

In Cat's Cradle, Vonnegut has his mad Calypsonian sing:
'...And a Chinese Dentist/ And a British Queen/ All fit together in
the same machine/ Nice, nice, very nice [3 x ]/ So many different
people/ In the same device.' The multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, im-
mensely varied islanders of the Caribbean share a broad colonial ex-
perience which has placed them, ultimately, in the same general de-
vice. Research scholars of the region have for long struggled with
the paradox stemming from this diversity - that 'precisely what
makes the region attractive for comparative study also makes it
very difficult to comprehend' (MINTZ 1978:371).* The publica-
tion in 1968 of COMITAS' one-volume Caribbeana was, therefore, a
major event in Caribbean scholarship. The appearance a decade la-
ter of his four-volume Complete Caribbeana marks a still-greater ac-
complishment, and one for which we all should be deeply apprecia-
tive.



* My comments on the Comitas volumes have inevitably been influenced by SID MINTZ'
erudite and witty review (1978), which I just read.

















RICHARD PRICE


The total work runs well over 2200 pages and includes more
than 17,000 individual references (all of which, except certain dis-
sertations, were personally examined by COMITAS and his team).
Like its slimmer predecessor, the work is neatly divided into topical
chapters, now organized within the first three volumes - I People,
II Institutions, III Resources. The 63 topical chapters are further
imbedded in nine thematic sections: Introduction to the Caribbean
(including such chapters as Bibliographical and Archival Resour-
ces; Travel and Description), The Past (including, e.g., Archaeolo-
gy and Ethnohistory; Slavery and Emancipation), The People (e.g.,
Socialization, Family and Kinship; Population Segments: East In-
dians; West Indians Abroad), Elements of Culture (e.g., Ethnic and
National Identity; Language and Linguistics), Health Education
and Welfare (e.g., Folk Medicine; Housing and Architecture), Po-
litical Issues (e.g., Politics and Government; Post-Colonial Issues),
Socio-Economic Institutions (e.g., Agricultural Economics; The
Fishing Industry), the Environment and Human Geography (e.g.,
Geology and Land Forms; Weather and Oceanography), and Soils,
Crops and Livestock (e.g., Coffee, Cacao, Tobacco and Root Crops;
Silviculture and Lumbering).
Technically, the work is first-rate - clear layout and design,
crisp typography, and handsome binding. I found but a few typos
and only occasional translation infelicities (all non-English-lan-
guage titles are given also in English translation). The bibliographi-
cal conventions and apparatus are clearly laid out and easy to learn,
and there is excellent cross-referencing among chapters. The body
of the work is preceded by an enormous list of periodical abbrevia-
tions covering some 1500 journals and newspapers, as well as by
codes to libraries and to geographical areas. Each full bibliographi-
cal entry in the text includes both a geographical identification and
a library location. (Unfortunately, as these latter locations are but
one per entry, they cannot be used to check at a glance the local
availability of particular items; such a listing, systematically includ-
ing at least one Caribbean location and one in Europe would have
nicely complemented the U.S. listing provided - but, as MINTZ re-
marks (1978:373), 'one can hardly expect Comitas to do one's re-
search for one!') The fourth and final volume consists entirely of
two comprehensive and extremely valuable indices, one organized


















CARIBBEAN BIBLIOGRAPHY 41
by author, the other by geographical area. Thanks to the latter, one
can quickly and almost effortlessly locate, for example, studies of
agriculture in Grenada, folk medicine in Belize, or any other spe-
cialized topic that might strike a researcher's fancy.
The Complete Caribbeana has broadened the geographical range
of its earlier incarnation, adding the Bahamas and Bermuda. As it
stands, its coverage includes 'those mainland and insular posses-
sions or former possessions of Great Britain, France, the Nether-
lands, and the United States in the Caribbean region... [including]
Surinam[e], French Guiana, and Guyana in South America, Belize
in Central America, the Bahamas and Bermuda... and the scores of
inhabited islands of the Antillian archipelago except Haiti, Cuba,
Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic' [my italics] (COMrrAS, p.
xi). Given what he has accomplished, COMITAS can hardly be fault-
ed for the omission of three of the Greater Antilles - the task
might simply have been too great, and might have delayed publica-
tion inordinately. Yet, for those researchers who work on these
areas, COMITAS' statements that 'a considerable bibliography al-
ready exists for these important territories' and that 'the geograph-
ical units ultimately selected for coverage form a distinctive and
meaningful whole' may seem somewhat lame. I, at least, have nev-
er been overly impressed with the state of Haitian or Dominican bi-
bliography (though LOWENTHAL & WOODSON 1974 is one no-
table exception), nor do I see how the Cuban, Puerto Rican or Hai-
tian historical experience is any less a part of the general Caribbean
'device' than is that of Jamaica. There are minor geographical ex-
clusions from the Caribbean whole as well, e.g. the islands of San
Andr6s and Providencia, which in cultural terms are quite West In-
dian, though politically part of Colombia. Their exclusion from the
bibliography eliminates PETER WILSON's Oscar as well as several
other works of relevance to Caribbean anthropologists.
The reviewer of a bibliography - particularly if he is himself a
sometime bibliographer - may perhaps be excused a small self-in-
dulgence. In the present case, I have allowed myself to 'try out' the
Comitas work on home turf, as it were, by examining his chapter
on 'Bush Negroes' or Maroons. A few rough counts tell part of the
story: COMITrrAS's Suriname Maroon references number about 181
(five of which in fact have nothing to do with Maroons); of these,

















RICHARD PRICE


10 - almost all of them medical references - do not appear
(through my own negligence) in my published bibliography on the
subject (1976). But my bibliography does include approximately
1000 references on Suriname Maroons, published between 1900
and 1975, that are missing from COMITAS's work. These omissions
do not seem to be explicable in any systematic way. They range
from several of HERSKOVITS' pioneering papers ('On the prove-
nience of the Portuguese in Saramacca Tongo,' 'Bush Negro
Art,') to 64% (27 out of 42) of the relevant works of L.C. VAN
PANHUYS, and a surprising 90% (29 out of 33) of the relevant
writings of W.F. VAN LIER. And the work of modern authorities,
such as H.U.E. THODEN VAN VELZEN, is also covered
sporadically. Since many of the omitted items appeared in journals
that are elsewhere cited by COMITAS (e.g., De West-Indische Gids),
it appears that complete runs of journals were not reviewed syste-
matically, certainly a methodological shortcoming in the
compilation of a work as ambitious as this one. Of course, this
chapter of the bibliography might be expected to be one of its
weakest, in that a significant portion of the literature is in Dutch.
Nevertheless, the total percentage of coverage - 15% (176 of
1200, probably a 'high' estimate since my own bibliography is
certainly incomplete) - calls into question MINTZ' generous
expression of 'more than reasonable confidence that these volumes
make available in convenient form a very substantial proportion -
perhaps something like 75-80% - of what is available on the topic
of interest, for the societies covered' (1978:372).
But enough nitpicking. No significant bibliography can pretend
to completeness, and the fact remains that COMITAS's Complete Ca-
ribbeana is far and away the finest research tool ever offered Carib-
beanist scholars. It will stand as a landmark publication, unchal-
lenged in breadth and depth, for a very long time to come. COMITAS
and his coworkers at the Research Institute for the Study of Man
have made scholarship and teaching significantly easier for each of
us, and for this we are all very much in their debt.

The two-volume SZWED/ABRAHAMS bibliography is at once a
more limited and modest work and one that is, in my view, more
intellectually challenging. Focusing exclusively on 'the expressive


















CARIBBEAN BIBLIOGRAPHY 4J
and symbolic aspects of the lives of ordinary people' throughout
Afro-America, it is intended to be used 'in conjunction with those
other bibliographies which are more concerned with the history,
economics and social organization of black people' (xiii-xiv). It is, as
the authors state in their brief but excellent introduction, 'a bi-
bliography with a thesis... [written] because of our frustrations ari-
sing from the unwillingness of both the academic community and
the general public to recognize that a huge body of material exists
on Afro-American traditions and cultural expressions' (ix).

The two volumes are set in clear, offset typography. I was alarm-
ed to find a misspelling of the author's name in the very first entry
of the bibliography but, on further reading, found the overall tech-
nical standards adequate for a work of this kind. The majority of
bibliographical entries are followed by a 1-2 sentence descriptive
annotation, often pointing to an aspect of the work that might
otherwise not be at all apparent to the reader from the title alone.
For example, an obscure eighteenth-century journal [NA 2578]
turns out to include a description of 'the barrafou, an African
xylophone played by a slave near Fredericksburg', and other such
scattered bits of fascinating information are signalled throughout
the annotations. Each volume is followed by a General Index and a
[geographical] Locale Index; no Author Index is provided, but this
is only a minor inconvenience because of the relative lack of inter-
nal subdivision in the text itself. The overall organization of the
work is geographical: following listings of Bibliographical and Gen-
eral works, the bulk of Vol. I is devoted to a single alphabetical list-
ing of North American materials, while Vol. II is sub-divided in-
to 26 geographical sections (e.g. Dominican Republic, Belize, Bra-
zil, Uruguay). The intent throughout is to facilitate cross-cultural
comparison and the examination of similarities and differences
from one Afro-American setting to another, as well as through
time. This last point is important, for - along with the truly Hemi-
spheric approach - it is the major conceptual difference between
this work and that of COMTrAS. While COMITAS treats only post-
1900 publications, SZWED & ABRAHAMS take on the full span of
the Afro-American historical experience.
Dissertations and other unpublished materials are not included



















44 RICHARD PRICE
in this bibliography, in contrast to that of COMITAS, but many liter-
ary works, record liners and other less-usual resources for scholar-
ship are listed. In some ways, this work - in spite of its broad geo-
graphical and temporal scope, and its total of 6,426 entries - is
more an exploratory than a definitive bibliography. But it is never-
theless guaranteed to delight all serious Afro-Americanists. The
extensive index runs from 'Africa: questions of antecedents and in-
fluences' to 'Zydeco' (Black Cajun music from Louisiana), with
stops in between for such topics as 'Afro-American contacts with
American Indians,' 'African "nations,"' 'Dance, dance music,
and songs,' 'Dirt Eating,' 'Dreams,' 'Food and cooking.'
'Lullabies,' 'Medicine,' 'Pottery,' 'Proverbs and proverbial
expression,' 'Ragtime,' 'Religious rites and services,' 'Rent
parties,' 'Slang, argot and jargon,' 'Stick fighting,' 'Secret systems
of writing,' and a host of others.
With its uniquely pan-Afro-American perspective, the Szwed/
Abrahams bibliography is a veritable treasure-trove for researchers.
Along with the Comitas volumes, it will play a major catalytic role
in encouraging new generations of scholars to build on the insights
of their predecessors as they move toward a fuller understanding of
the complex development of culture and society in the Americas.

REFERENCES

COMITAS, LAMBROS, 1968. Caribbeana 1900-1965. A topical bibliography. Seattle and Lon-
don: University of Washington Press.

LOWENTHAL, IRA P. & WOODSON, DREXEL G. (redacteurs), 1974. Catalogue de la collec-
tion Mangonds, PitJ,inr diit, Haiti New Haven: Antilles Research Program, Yale Uni-
versity.

MINTZ, SIDNEY W., 1978. Review article: Comitas, The Complete Caribbeana. Revista In-
teramericana 7: 371-374.

PRICE, RICHARD. 1976. The Guiana Maroons: a historical and hrbli.,f'rapj al introduction,
Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press.



RICHARD PRICE, Department of
Anthropolx'. The Johns Hopkins
University, Baltimore, Maryland 21218.























BOEKBESPREKING





Encyclopedia van Suriname. Hoofdredactie prof. dr. C.F.A. BRUI-
NING en prof. dr. J. VOORHOEVE. Samensteller drs. W. GORDIJN.
Uitgegeven wonder auspicien van de Stichting Encyclopaedie van Su
riname'), met steun van de Alcoa Foundation, B.V. Uitgeversmaat-
schappij Argus Elsevier, Amsterdam, nov. 1977, 716 biz., talrijke
illustrates (f 85,-).


In 1970 verklaarde STICUSA zich bereid de samenstelling van de Encyclopedie van Suri-
name op zich te nemen. Reeds zeven jaar later kon dit werk - waarnaar al zovele jaren ver
langend was uitgezien - aan de autoriteiten norden .aniht dlen i.fit, usa jouraal 7, no. 7,
31 .XII. 1977). Men had het eigenlijk n6g seller gewild - maar de ...nathanklehkhe'dtE r
klaring van 25 november 1975 zorgde voor een vertraging, welke w~I maakte, dat dit werk
thans als een laatste grote geschenk van Sticusa aan Suriname kon worden aangeboden.
Samensteller werd drs. W. GORDYN - die als zodanig eveneens had behoren te worden
vermeld op bet titelblad van de Encyclopedie van de Nederlandse Antillen welke in 1969
van de pers kwam. Hij was in 1972 ook redacteur van de Brbiiiatl van Suriname en van
de B&hr, .afri. van de Nederlandse Antillen die in 1975 ook nog 'eventjes' verscheen.

Beide encyclopedieen - de E.S. en de E.N.A. - zijn vrijwel a0llk wat betreft opzet, for-
maat en omvang - alleen - door een meer compact zetwijze telt de E.S. 72.000 regels
tekst, terwiji de E.N.A. 48.000 regels omvatte. Zij kunnen slechts ten dele worden vergele-
ken met de Encyclopaedie van Nederlandsch- West-lndit, die - hoewel natuurlijk zeer ver-
ouderd (1914 p.1-229, 1915 p. 321-512. 1916 p.513768, 1917 p.769782) - zijn waar
de blijft behouden.
Uit de 'Lijst van Medewerkers' en de door hen verzorgde rubrieken blijkt dat voor deze
encyclopedia gegevens van 122 personen moesten worden geredigeerd. Soms waren dit ma-
nuscripten waaraan slechts weinig zorg meer behoefde te worden besteed, maar meestal going
het toch om hildragen die slechts met veel moeite tot persklare kopij konden worden omge-
werkt. Naar her aantal aangeschreven personen dat nooit of op onbevredigende wijze ant-
woordde kan slechts worden gegist; 75% lijkt mij bij een ondereming als deze niet onwaar
schijnlijk.
'Vele artikelen en biografieen moesten worden herschreven of geredigeerd met behulp
van material dat soms van verscheidene medewerkers afkomstig was; om willekeur tegen te
gaan, werd daarom afgezien van het signeren van bildrigen. de namen der medewerkers en
rubrieksredacteuren en de door hen verzorgde rubrieken zijn gezamenlijk afgedrukt'. wordt
in de 'Verantwoording' gezegd. Daar mij dit niet-ondertekenen van bijdragen - waaronder
overzichten waarvan mag worden verwacht dat zij in de vakliteratuur nog vele malen zullen



') Bestuur: prof. dr. E. VAN DER KUYP (voorz.), dr. J.P. KAULESAR SUKUL (ondervoorz.),
mr. dr. S.E. WLt ER! I sec r i. dr. H.E. LAMUR (2e secr.), mr. L.F. RAMDAT MISIER (penn.),
drs. J. MICHELS, drs. R.T. WONGSODIKROMO.






















46 BOEKBESPREKING

worden genoemd - in het algemeen niet just lijkt, is in deze bespreking getracht de anoni-
miteit van een aantal anikelen op te heffen - evenals dit bij de bespreking van de E.N.A.
(NWIG 48, 1971, p.123-129) werd gedaan. Hierbij werd dankbaar gebruik gemaakt van ge-
gevens welke door de Samensteller werden verstrekt in die gevallen waarbij aan de hand van
de 'Lijst van Medewerkers' de verantwoordelijke auteur(s) niet kon(den) worden vastge-
steld. Het is duidelijk dat in deze list het aandeel van vele medewerkers niet tot zijn recht
komt. De manuscripten moesten in zeer veel gevallen grondig worden bewerkt, opgesplitst,
samengevoegd of aangevuld, terwiji ook het niet-toezenden van drukproeven zeker voor on-
prettige verrassingen zal hebben gezorgd. Dit allies - gevoegd bij de noodzaak om de ency-
clopedie binnen een bepaalde tiid gereed te krijgen - heeft een duidelijk stempel op deze
uitgave gedrukt, in die zin dat veel fouten, onzuiverheden of onvolledigheden hadden kun-
nen worden vermeden indien men de kans had gekregen er nog een paar jaar langer aan te
werken.
In een kritische bespreking van de E.S. in de Amigoe di Curacao van 16 okt. 1978 word
gevreesd, dat deze uitgave het verschijnen van een nieuwe en betere encyclopedia in de
eerstkomende twintig, denig jaren onmogelijk zal maken; de market is immers verzadigd,
geen uitgever zal zich eraan wagen en ook geen subsidiegever. Maar - zou het misschien
ook z6 kunnen zijn, dat deze uitgave, en de reacties hierop, de weg vrij maakt voor een nieu-
we E.S. van wat bescheidener opzet en omvang, waarin bepaalde zaken op een meer indrin-
gende wijze worden behandeld? Zou men in Suriname voor een dergelijke onderneming
voelen, dan zou het wellicht goed zijn dat nO reeds stappen hiertoe werden ondernomen,
bijv. door alle verbeteringen en aanvullingen te verzamelen. In Nederland zullen zich de
gunstige omstandigheden die de uitgave van deze E.S. mogelijk maakten (als daar zijn de fi-
nanciele inbreng van diverse instanties en de personele hulp van Sticusa) niet spoedig, of
wellicht nimmer meer voordoen.

Kunnen wij al aannemen dat elke specialist kritisch zal staan tegenover hoofdstukken
waarin een hem bekend gebied door anderen is behandeld, hoe moeilijk moet het dan niet
zijn om overeenstemming te bereiken over opzet, inhoud en presentatie van een regional
encyclopedia welke elke kenner van de betreffende landstreek zou behoren te bevredigen.
Ook hier zijn wij geneigd de grotere, afgeronde overzichten van een eigen vakgebied als
de sterke punten te beschouwen. Moet er worden opgesplitst, dan wordt het stellen van
prioriteiten steeds moeilijker en de kans op fouten groter.
Nemen wij en voorbeeld uit de dierenwereld, waar GEIJSKES, wonder 'Fauna', bijna negen
kolommen wijdt aan het historisch onderzoek en de zoogeografie, en verder - met VAN
DOESBURG - wonder 25 trefwoorden alle insecten behandelt. Doordat er geen drukproeven
werden gezonden, ziin ook hier in de tekst veel vergissingen gemaakt. Zo vielen - doordat
in het wantsenstuk werd gekapt - in de bibliografie op p. 664 (die voor alle wantsen geldt)
o.m. de belangrijke publicaties van N. Nieser weg. Ook in de onderschriften komen fouten
voor. Op p. 643 is wonder twee tekeningen van de nesten van parasolmieren de nummering
verwisseld (1 moet zijn uitgangen, 2 schimmeltuinen, 3 afvalputten met bladresten, 4 wa-
terputten); foto 2 stelt een andere wespensoort voor; foto 3 is gen graafwesp (maar een
urntjeswesp, Eumenes argillaceus), foto 5 staat op zijn kop. De entomologische onderwer-
pen zijn soms wonderlijk verstopt achter onverwachte benamingen, die ook al moeilijkhe-
den geven bij het reconstrueren van de amfibieen- en reptielenfauna waaraan door HOOG-
MOED niet minder dan 53 stukjes worden gewijd. Overigens wekt het enige verbazing dat bij
alle pentekeningen van de vogels Paul Barruel als tekenaar staat vermeld (wat reeds in de In-
leiding werd gezegd), maar dat nergens wordt medegedeeld dat de talrijke vissentekeningen
door D.C. Geijskes zijn vervaardigd.
Voor vele lezers zijn de belangrijkste twee bladzijden ongetwijfeld die, waarop - geheel
achterin - de gekleurde kaart van Suriname is afgedrukt. Deze kaan 1 : 2,100.000 maakt























BOEKBESPREKING


op het eerste gezicht een voortreffelijke indruk. Van het noordelijke deel zijn op blz. 582-
587 drie meer gedetailleerde zwart-wit kaarten 1 : 500.000 opgenomen. Nu is op elke kaart
wel iets te vinden dat niet klopt, en zo heeft het mij dan ook niet verbaasd te horen dat perso-
nen die delen van het binnenland goed kennen met deze overzichtskaan niet helemaal ge-
lukkig waren. Hoe moeilijk de aanduiding van woonkeren kan zijn, bleek uit een medede-
ling van een anthropoloog, die opmerkte dat er langs de Saramaccarivier vanaf Kwakoegron,
8 plaatsen waren getekend die niet bestaan en waarvan sommige ook nooit bestaan hebben
(Ing 'w, Bofe, Lemiki, Mofina, Wetihedeston, Atereboto, Lombe en Waimakaston), en dat
er 10 dorpen ontbraken (Makakieki, Misalibi, Balen, Pikin Paka Paka, Bethel, Tevrede, Soe
kibaka, Pijeti, Pniel en Vertrouw; Boslanti i.p.v. Bosland).
Is voor het kunnen maken van dergelijke opmerkingen een wezenlijke kennis van zaken
vereist, geen deskundige behoeft men te zijn om zich te verbazen dat van het 'Afaka-schrift'
(waarover toch vrij veel is gepubliceerd) nergens melding wordt gemaakt, en dat ook het
trefwoord 'Kwinti' ontbreekt. Men kan zich ook afvragen waarom de schaaldieren (Crusta-
cea: krabben, kreeften en garnalen) niet worden behandeld; waarom er geen trefwoorden 'bi-
bliografie', 'negersprookjes' en 'surinamistiek' werden opgenomen, en waarom wel iets
wordt gezegd over de 'Begrafenisgebruiken' van Creolen. Bosnegers, Indianen (p.53) en Ja-
vanen (p. 313) maar niet van Hindostanen. Het selectiebeleid, dat grotendeels in handen was
van de redacteuren van de deelgebieden, was niet eenvoudig, vooral niet in het laatste sta-
dium toen in een groot aanbod van alsnog aangeboden kopij duchtig most worden ge-
schrapt.


Drs. W. GORDIJN schreef - naar aanleiding van mijn wens om de anonimiteit van een
aantal artikelen op te heffen: 'Hoewel ik dit verlangen alleszins kan begrijpen, zit ik daarte-
gen met betrekking tot de E.S. nogal zwaar aan te kijken. Immers in de teksten is vooral
door mij als samensteller en in wat mindere mate door de hoofdredacteuren over de gehele
linie redactioneel vaak niet zuinig ingegrepen zowel ter bekorting als ter verbetering van de
originele kopij, vooral in het laatste stadium van de produktie. Vaak zal een schrijver weinig
of niets van de door hem ingezonden tekst hebben teruggevonden. Wanneer U nu bepaalde
kritiek op een auteur zoudt willen spuien is het lang niet ondenkbaar dat hij deze niet heeft
verdiend... Grote nadruk wil ik er dan ook op leggen, dat uitsluitend de samensteller verant-
woordelijkheid draagt voor het redactionale eindresultaat zoals het thans gedrukt voor U
ligt. Ook als de kritiek scherp zou zijn dan aanvaard ik die op voorhand en zonder enige ran-
cune; daarop kunt U gerust zijn!' - 'Laten we hopen dat het boek een zodanige uitdaging
zal blijken dat, ruim v66rdat deze eeuw een einde neemt, een nog betere herdruk op tafel zal
liggen.'

De Encyclopedie van Suriname is een uniek naslagwerk, waarbij wij betreuren dat - me-
de door de haast waarmede most worden gewerkt - nog zoveel 'onzuiverheden' zijn blij-
ven staan. Maar wAt voor critiek men op deze belangrijke en aantrekkelijke bron van infor-
matie ook moge hebben - een feit is, dat wij, grotendeels dankzij de enorme inzet van drs.
W. GORDIJN, binnen enkele jaren, nu eindelijk de beschikking hebben gekregen over een
E.N.A. welke reeds enige tijd is uitverkocht, en een E.S. die op het ogenblik dat deze bespre-
king verschijnt, zijn weg stellig reeds zal hebben gevonden.


P. WAGENAAR HUMMEUNCK






















48 BOEKBESPREKING

LIST VAN MEDEWERKERS AAN DE ENCYCLOPEDIA VAN SURNAME
waarbij gepoogd is de anonimiteit van een aantal artikelen op te heffen. Hierin word geen
recht gedaan aan medewerkers die kleinere bijdragen leverden welke in de E.S. zijn ver-
spreid. - De rubrieksredacteuren zijn door een * aangeduid.

ABBENHUIS, frater M.F.

ADHIN, H.S.: Havens, p.270. Ontwikkelingshulp, p. 450-451. Ontwikkeling van West-Su-
riname, p.451-455. Saramaccakanaal (p.p.), p.544-545. Scheepvaart, p.548-552 (& Gor-
dijn). Tienjarenplan, p. 606-608 (& Gordijn). Verkeer en vervoer, p.629-632. Welvaarts-
fonds, p. 666.

*ADHIN, J.H.: Afgoderij, p. 16. Brandweer, p. 99-100. Crematie, p. 131-132. Decentrali-
satie, p.143. Districten (p.p.), p.155-156. Hindi, p. 273. Hindoefeesten, p.273-274. Hin-
doeisme, p. 274-275. Hindostanen (p.p.), p. 275-284. Huiselijke jurisdictie, p. 289 290.
Huwelijksrecht, p. 291-293. Kinderrecht, p. 334-335. Persvrijheid, p. 477-478. Poenale
sanctie, p. 485-486. Politie, p. 486-487. Strafrecht (p.p.),p.577-578. Volksuniversiteit, p.
653-654.

ALBERGA, A.H.: behoorde tot Sandel's collectief.

ALVARES, H.C.: Landsboerderij, p. 371-373. Veeteelt, p. 624-625.

AMERSFOORT, J.M.M. VAN: Emigratie (p.p.), p. 174-180.

ANKUM-HOUWINK, J.C.: Chinezen (p.p.), p.119-121.

ARRIAS, D.J.Ph.: Jodensavanna (p.p.). p. 314-316. Geneeskunde (p.p.),p.212-218.

BIERVUET, W.E.: Emigratie (p.p.), p.174-180.

BINNENDIJK, W.A. VAN: Toneel, p. 611-612 (& Voorhoeve)

BOESEMAN, M.: Vissen, p. 634-636.

BOOMERT, A.: Archeologie, p. 30-31. Prehistorie, p. 506-515.

BOOMGAARD, P.: Geschiedenis (p.p.), p. 233-245.

BOSMA, W.: Economische geologic, p. 164-170. Geologie, p. 218-227. Geologisch onder-
zoek, p. 227-229.

BOVENKERK, F.: Emigratie (p.p.), p. 174-180.

*BRAHIM, A.J.: Bank- en kredietwezen, p. 41-43. Belastingen, p. 54-56. Central Bank van
Suriname, p. 115-116. Deviezen, p. 154. Economic, p. 162-164. Europees ontwikkelings-
fonds (p.p.), p. 182-184.Geldwezen (p.p.), p. 211-212. Monetaire ontwikkeling en - poli-
tiek, p. 406-407.























BOEKBESPREKING 49

BRIt l\t. G.A. DE: Chinezen (p.p.), p. 119 121. Libanezen, p. 380-381. Paramaribo, p.
462-468. Portugezen, p. 502 503.

BRUIJNING, C.F.A.: Geneeskunde (p.p.), p.212-218. Ziekten (p.p.), p.687-688.

BUBBERMAN, F.C.: Bos, p. 78-80. Bosbeheer, p.80-83. Bosbranden, p. 83-84. Bosbijpro-
dukten, p. 84. Bosexploitatie, p. 85. Bosontsluiting, p. 93 94. Bosverjonging, p. 95-96.
Houtsoorten, p. 286-288. Houtverwerking, p. 288-289. Prehistorische landbouw, p. 515-
517. Rotstekeningen, p. 538-540. Sliir.r.-.en. p.566-567.

*BUSCHKENS, W.F.L.: Begrafenisgebruiken (p.p.), p. 53. Creolen, p. 132-139. Creool,
p.139-140. Gezinsplanning, p. 246-247. Sox aal werten' happrllk onderzoek, p. 568-569.

CAMPBEuL, E.E.: Werkstaking, p. 667-668. Vakbeweging, p.619-623 (& Gordijn).

CARRILHO - FAZAL AUKHAN, mevr. C.: Bibliotheekwezen (p.p.), p.67-69.

CHIN A FOENG M.A., J.: Beeldende kunst, p. 52 (& Voorhoeve). Fotografie, p. 207.
Kunstinstituten en - opleidingen (p.p.), p. 357-358. Musea (p.p.), p.411-412.

CINGEL, A.A.J. VAN DER: Migratie, Binnenlandse, p.402-403.

CROISET VAN UCHELEN, B.: Vrijmetselarij (p.p.), p. 656-658.

DANTZIG A. VAN: Slavenhandel (p.p., herkomst), p. 558-561. Slavernij (p.p.), p.561-566.

DEW, E.: Nationale Partij Suriname, p. 417. Politieke ontwikkeling, p. 487-501 (& Gor-
dijn). - Alle kleinere artikelen gewijd aan politieke partijen.

DOELWIJT, mevr. T.: Pers (p.p.), p. 473-475.

DOESBURG, P.H. VAN: Cicaden en bladluizen, p. 121-122. Houtluizen (termieten), p. 285
286. Kakkerlakken, p. 322-323. Kevers, p.329-331. Muggen en vliegen, p.409-410.
Sprinkhaanachtigen, p. 572-573. Vliesvleugeligen. p. 642-645 (& mevr. F.N. DINGE-
MANS-BAKELS). Wantsen, p. 662-663. Waterwantsen, p. 664.

DONSELAAR, J. VAN: Surinaams-Nederlands (p.p.), p.580-581.

DUSSELDORP, D.B.W.M. VAN: Occupatievornen, p. 434-436.

EISMA, D.: Estuarium, p. 182. Zeebodem, p.681-682. Zeestromen, p.684-685. Zeewater,
p.685-686.

EMANUELS, A.R.: Drinkwatervoorziening, p. 159-160. Electriciteitsvoorziening, p.171-
172. Gasvoorziening, p. 209 210.

EMANUELS, D.H.: Joodse gemeenten, p. 316 321.

EMANUELS, J.A.: Visserij, p.636-640 (& Bruijning).






















BOEKBESPREKING


EMMER, P.C.: Slavenhandel (p.p., deelname Nederland), p. 558-561. Slavernij (p.p), p. 561
566.

ERPECUM, C.P. VAN: Geneeskunde (p.p.), p.212-218.

ESSED - FRUIN, mevr. E.D.: Helman (p.p.), p. 270-271. Letterkunde, 376-379 (& Voorhoe-
ve). Volkslectuur, p. 652-653. Ziel, de, p. 688-689.

FERRARI, F.: Blommesteinmeer (& GC-rdini.p, 73-74. Brokopondo, District, p. 101-103.
Commewijne, District, p.123-124. Commewijnerivier, p.124-125 (& Ng-A-Tham). Cop-
penamerivier, p. 126 127 (& Ng-A-Tham). Corantijnrivier, p.127-128 (& Ng-A-Tham).
Coronie, District, p. 129-131. Cotticarivier, p. 131. Jodensavanna(p.p.), p. 314-316. Maro-
wijne, District, p. 395-396. Marowijnerivier, p. 396-397 (& Ng-A-Tham). Nickerie. Dis-
trict, p. 425-427. Nickerierivier, 428. Para, District, p. 460-461. Saramacca, District, p.
543-544. Saramaccakanaal (p.p.), 544-545. Saramaccarivier, p. 545-5 )1 r1& Ng-A-Tham).
Surinamerivier, p. 591-592 (& Ng-A-Tham). Wilhelminagebergte, p.677-678. - Tevens
nog vele kleinere bijdragen.

FLORSCHOTZ, P.: Adviseerde bij de rubriek Flora ( t 1976).

FUNG, L.W.: Behoorde tot Sandel's collectief.

GEIJSKES, D.C.: Fauna, p. 199-203. Libellen, p.381-382. Netvleugeligen, p.424-425.
Schorpioenvliegen, p. 553. Vlinders, p. 645-646.

GORDIJN. W.: Bioscoopwezen (p.p.). p. 70-71. Boeren, p. 75-76 (& Buschkens),
Branden,p.98-99. Ceramiek (p.p.), p. 116-118. Culturele centra, p. 141. Doedel (p.p.),
p.157 158. Emancipatie (p.p.), p.172 174. Film, p. 204-206. Geldwezen (p.p.), p. 211-
212. Geschiedenis, (p.p.), p.233-245. Kom, de (p.p.),p.351-354. Kunstinstituten en oplei-
dingen (p.p.), p.357-358. Meerjarenontwikkelingsprogramma, p. 399-400. Musea (p.p.),
p.411-412. Ojeda, p.437. Pers (p.p.), p.473-475. Persdelicten en preventive maatregelen,
p. 475-477. Radio-omroep (p.p.), p. 522-524. Sticusa, p. 576. Strafrecht (p.p.), p. 577-578.
Suriname, p. 581 591. Televisie, p. 604 605. Toerisme. p. 609-610. Ziekten (p.p.), p.687-
689.

GOSLINGA, C. Ch.: Middelburgsche Commercie Compagnie, p.401-402 (& Voorhoeve).
West Indische Compagnie, Eerste, p.668-673. W.I.C., Tweede, p. 673-675.

GROOT, mevr. SILVIA W. DE: Boni-oorlog, p. 76-78 (& Gordijn). Bosnegers, p. 87-93 (&
CGirdJin, Doedel (p.p.), p. 157-158. Kom, de (p.p.), p.351 354. Redi Moesoe, p. 527-528.

HAMECOURT, J.L.A.d': Behoorde tot Sandel's collectief

HAMMEN, L. VAN DER: Myriapoda, p. 414-415. Mijten, p.415. Spinachtigen, p. 570-571.

HAVERSCHMIDT,F.: Alle trefwoorden bij de aftonderlijke vogelnamen.

HEINEN. H.: Een stukie van het trefwoord Geschiedenis.


HELSDINGEN, P.J. VAN: Spinnen, p. 571.























BOEKBESPREKING 51

HENGST - KLEYN, mevr. C.A.M. DEN: Huisvesting, p. 290-291.

HETrrT-HUISMAN, mevr. M.: Ballet, p. 39-40. Klederdrachten, p.335-338. Setdansen, p.
554-555.

HOFF, B.J.: Indiaanse talen, p. 294-296.

HOOGHIEMSTRA, E.: Abattoir (p.p.), p. 14.

HOOGMOED, M.S.: 53 stukjes, w.o. Anaconda, p. 25. Hagedissen, p.261-262. Kaaimans,
p. 322. Kromneki, p. 356-357. Schildpadden (p.p.), p. 552.

HUSSON, A.M.: Buideldieren, p. 105-106 (& Schulz). Evenhoevigen, p. 190-191.
Knaagdieren, p. 347-348 (& Schulz). Onevenhoevigen, p. 449 450. Vleermuizen, p. 641-
642. Zoogdierfauna, p. 689-690.

JANSSEN, J.J.: Aluinaarde, p.22-23. Aluminiumsmelter, p.23. Bauxiet, p. 44-50. Broko-
pondo krachtcentrale, p.103. Goud, p.248-253. Mijnwetgeving, p.413-414

JESSURUN, J.A.: Kleinere artikelen betreffende de meer westerse muziekbeoefening, bijv.
Maranatha, p. 394, Militaire Kapel, p. 403 en Valpoort, p. 623.

KETWARU, E.: Muziekinstrumenten (p.p.), p.412-413.

KLoos, P.: Akoerio, p.19. Arowakken, p.36. Ceramiek (p.p.), p. 116-118. Indianen, p.
296-299. Karaiben, p. 325-326. Wajana, p. 659-660.

KOEFOED, G. A.T.: Surinaams-Nederlands (p.p.), p.580-581.

KOULEN, P.R.S.: Manumissie, p.392-393.

KUSTNER, E.: Prijsbeheersing, p. 520-521.

*KUYP, E. VAN DER: Abattoir (p.p.), p.14. Diergeneeskunde, p.155. Geneeskunde (p.p.), p.
212-218. Voedingsgewoonten (p.p.), p. 647-651. Ziekten, p. 687-688 (& Bruijning &
Gordijn)

KuYP, G. VAN DER: Onderwijs, p. 438-449.

*LAMUR, H.E.: Demografie, 144-154.

LATOUR, F.S.: Telecommunicatievoorziening, p. 602-605.

LEDE, E.G.: Posterijen, p. 503-505.

LEGENE, J.J.: Kleinere artikelen inzake Protestantisme.

*LINDE, J.M. VAN DER: Algemene bemoeiingen met Godsdiensten.

LINDEMAN, J.C.: Bijdragen over de Landflora.























52 BOEKBESPREKING

LOEMBAN TOBING - KLEIN, mevr. IE.: Schreef o.m. over de Voogdijraad, p. 654.

LONT, R.Ch.W.: Bibliotheekwezen (p.p), p.67-69.

LOOR, A.H.: Geschiedenis (p.p.), p. 233-245.

LUYKEN, R.: Geneeskunde (p.p.), p. 212-218. Voedingsgewoonten (p.p.), 647-651.

MIRANDA, J.C. DE: Geneeskunde (p.p. tandverzorging). p. 215-216.

MOL, M.J.M.: Architectuur (p.p.), p. 33-36.

MULLER, E.J.: Handel, p. 262-268. (ontbreekt in Lijst van medewerkers)

NG-A-THAM, K.S.A.: Verschafte hydrologische gegevens over Surinaamse rivieren, blz.
124, 127, 128, 396, 428, 545 en 592.

NODS, W.: Europees Ontwikkelingsfonds (p.p.), p. 182-184. Industrialisatie, p. 300-301.

*OOFT, C.D.: Defensie, p. 143-144. Districten (p.p.), p. 155-156. Kiesstelsel, p. 331-333.
Nationaliteit, p. 418. Parlement, p. 469-471. Rechtswezen (p.p), p. 526-527. Regering, p.
528-529. Rekenkamer, p. 530-531. Bestuursregeling (1936-1975). p.64-66.

OOSTBURG, B.F.J.: Geneeskunde (p.p.), p.212-218.

OPSTALL, mej. M.E. VAN: Archieven, p. 31-33.

PAAP, C.A.: Hervormde Gemeente, p. 272-273 (& Gordijn).

PARABIRSING, E.N.: Farmacie, p. 198-199.

PENGEL. F.J.: Bioscoopwezen (p.p.), p. 70-71. Radio-omroep (p.p.), p. 522-524.

PETTEN, J. VAN: Enkele aanvullende gegevens.

Pos, H.: Vox Guyanae, p. 655, en enkele aanvullingen op Politieke Partijen.

PRAAG, S. VAN: Geneeskunde (p.p.), p. 212-218.

*QUINTUS BOSZ, A.J.A.: Bestuursregeling, p. 58-64 (Ooft, 1936-1975). Plantages, p.
479-484.

RAALTE, J. VAN: Protestantisme, p. 519-520.

RAMDAT MISIER, L.F.: Advocaat, p. 15-16 (& Gordijn). Arbeitswetgeving, 28-30 (& Gor-
dijn). Rechtswezen (p.p.), p. 526-527. Strafrecht (p.p.), p. 577-578. Woonerfhuur, p. 679-
680.

RAVALES. R.E.: Aleke, p. 20. Awasa, p. 38. Seketi, p. 554. Songe, p. 570. Toeka, p. 609, en
andere bijdragen.






















BOEKBESPREKING 53

REGTEREN ALTENA, C.O. VAN: Slakken, p. 557. Tweekleppigen, p. 617. Weekdieren, p.
665-666.

ROESSINGH, M.P.H.: Emancipatie (p.p.), p. 172-174.

RUINARD, J.: Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek, Wotro, p. 675-676.

SAMSON, D.A.: Notariaat, p. 431433. Vrijmetselarij (p.p.), p. 656-658.

SAMSON, J.A.: Landbouw, p. 361-370.

SANDEL, A.A.: Leider van een collectief dat o.a. correcties en aanvullingen heeft gegeven op
de meteorologische bijdragen van Van Scherpenzeel.

SCHAAD, J.D.G.: Geneeskunde (p.p.), p.212-218.

SCHALKWIJK, J.M.W.: Evangelische Broedergemeente, p. 184-188.

SCHERMEL, R.A.: Bedrijfsleven, p. 50. Bruynzeel. p. 104-105. Kamer van Koophandel en
Fabrieken, p. 323-324. Kersten, p. 328-329. Victoria, p. 634.

SCHERPENZEEL, C.W. VAN: Klimaat, p. 338-347. Meteorologische Dienst, p. 401. Zee-
wind, p. 686.

SCHNEIDER, J.W.: Evangelisch-Lutherse Gemeente, p. 188-190.

SCHULZ, J.P.: Dierenbescherming, p. 155. Jacht, p. 305-308. Natuurbeheer, p. 418-419.
Natuurreservaten, p. 419-423. Roofdieren, p. 535-537. Stinasu, p. 576-577. Tandelozen,
p. 600. Zeeschildpadden (p.p.), p. 683-684.

SPECKMANN, J.D.: Hindostanen (p.p.), p. 275-284. Inter-etnische relates, p. 301-303.

SPONG, G.: Criminaliteit, p. 40.

STAPHORST, mevr. S.: Jeugdbewegingen, p. 313-314.

STOFFERS, A.L.: Botanisch onderzoek, p. 96-97. Cactaceae, p. 109-110.

SUTMULLER, A.M.: Behoorde tot Sandel's collectief.

TEMMINCK GROLL, C.L.: Architectuur (p.p.), p. 33-36.

THEL, P.H. VAN: Geneeskunde (p.p.), p. 212-218.

VERNOOY, J.: Bisdom Paramaribo, p. 72-73.

VERVOORT, W.: Coordinator van de Fauna artikelen, met Bruijning.

*VooRHEVE, J.: Afrodansen, p. 17. Bijbelvertalingen, p. 107-108. Creolentalen, p. 139.
Doe, p. 157. Geschiedenis (p.p.), p. 233-245. Helman (p.p.), p. 270-271. Muziekinstru-
menten (p.p.), p. 412-413. Sranan tongo, p. 573 574. Taalstudie, p. 598. Toneel (p.p.), p.
611 612.






















BOEKBESPREKING


WEKKER, J.B.: Cartografie, p. 110 115. Expedities en reibewihrnivingen. p. 191-197.
Grenzen en grenskwesties, p. 255-259.

WENGEN, G.D. VAN: Javanen, p. 309-313. Muziekinstrumenten (p.p.), p. 412-413.

WESENHAGEN, R.F.: Behoorde tot Sandel's collective.

Wi xili.., Ch.J.: Traditionele godsdiensten, p. 612-615. Tevens nog vele kleine bijdragen
gewijd aan traditionele godsdiensten.

WIJDENBOSCH, R.Th.C.: Luchtvaart, p. 384-388 (& Gordijn).

ZEEFUIK, K.A.: Haagsche Maatschappij, p. 261.

ZIELHUtI, L.: Community development, p. 125.

*ZONNEVELD, J.I.S.: Geomorphologie, p. 229 233. Rivieren, p. 532-535. Savannen, p.
546-548.


BOEKBESPREKING
The mammals ofSurmame, door A.M. HUSSON. Zodlogische Mo-
nographiein van het Rijksmuseum van Natuurlijke Historie No. 2.
E.J. Brill, Leiden, (dec.) 1978; xxxiv + 569 blz. 26.5 x 19cm, 51
fig. tussen de tekst en 151 zwart-witte & 10 gekleurde platen daar-
buiten. (f 225,-)

Weet U hoeveel in her wild levende zoogdiersoorten er in Suriname voorkomen? 145!, de
cultuurvolgende ratten en muizen en de eveneens geimporteerde mongoose niet medegere-
kend: 11 opossums: 61 vleermuizen; 8 apen; 10 miereneters. luiaarden en gordeldieren; 15
roofdieren; 1 zeekoe; 1 tapir; 5 peccaries en heren; 1 konijn; 27 knaagdieren; 5 walvissen
en dolfijnen. Dit - en nog v&el meer - kunnen wij te weten komen uit de prachtig geillu
streerde uitgave over The mammals ofSuriname, dat stellig tot in length van dagen het stan-
daardwerk over de zoogdieren van Suriname zal blijven.
Op 23 december 1978 werd het eerste exemplaar aan de Schrijver aangeboden. Dit ge-
beurde in Huize St. Josef te Cadier en Keer, waar Pater HUSSON zich enkele jaren geleden
om gezondheidsredenen had moeten terugtrekken. Deze aanbieding was een belangrijke ge-
beurtenis: niet alleen voor Pater HUSSON, maar ook voor dr. D.C. GElJSKE (die hem tot het
schrijven van dit werk had aingief i. dr. L.B. HOLTHUIS en dr. M. BOESEMAN (die zich ten
doel hadden gesteld na HUSSON's vertrek uit Leiden in 1975 de uitgave tot stand te bren-
gen), en alle preparateurs, tekenaars en fotografen die zich hebben ingespannen om dit boek
tot een succes-uitgave van het RMNH te maken.

In een voorwoord (d.d. dec. 1975) vertellen HOLTHUIS en BOESEMAN iets over de wor-
dingsgeschiedenis van deze indrukwekkende verhandeling. Wij zien hieruit hoe Pater Hus-
SON - als conservator van het RMNH - na bestudering van het rijke material dat door
GEIJSKES en anderen was verzameld, steeds meer belang going stellen in de zoogdieren van
Suriname - nadat zijn 'Notes on the Primates of Suriname' (Studies fauna Suriname (2),
1957) waren gepubliceerd en ook zijn boekje over De zoogdieren van de Nederladse Antil-
les (1960) was verschenen.






















BOEKBESPREKING


In 1962 promoveerde ANTONIUS MARIE HUSSON op The bats of Suriname (Zool. Verh.
RMNH 58), een monografie over de vleermuizen, welke beantwoordt aan dezelfde maatsta-
ven die The mammals tot een meesterwerk hebben gemaakt.
Van december 1962 tot juli 1963 verzamelde HUSSoN - samen met zijn assistant P.
STAFFELEU - zelf in Suriname. Daarns beschikte hij over zoveel belangwekkend material
dat hij zich gedrongen voelde tot het schrijven van een groot werk dat een beeld zou kunnen
geven van onze kennis van de zoogdierfauna van dit ogenblik. Een \', *rl. ,pwr list van de
zoogdieren van Suriname' (Zool Bidr. RMNH 14. 1973) - waarom men al 7z lang had
gevraagd zonder te beseffen wat dit voor een perfectionist als HUSSON was betekende -
werd gepubliceerd op een ogenblik dat het duidelijk was, dat het nog wel enkele jaren zou
kunnen duren voordat het volledige werk zou verschijnen. Nu het over is, past ons aller
eerst hulde te brengen aan de nagedachtenis van prof. dr. H. BOSCHMA - aan wie het werk
is opgedragen; hij stierf in 1976, nadat hij het handschrift nog van zijn op- en aanmerkingen
had kunnen voorzien. Nadat HUSSON zijn werkzaamheden had moeten neerleggen werd het
manuscript verder door dr. L.B. HOLTHUIS en dr. M. BOESEMAN persklaar gemaakt en ten
slotte met de financiele steun van de Stichting Zuiver Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek
(Z.W.O.) gepubliceerd.
Op de regel dat bijna alle diersystematici - ook al vanwege de aard van hun vak - een
grote historische belangstelling hebben, is Pater HUSSON geen uitzondering. In zijn inlei-
ding wijdt hij zes bladzijden aan de geschiedenis van her onderzoek van de zoogdieren van
Suriname, beginnende bij DE LAET (1625), KEYE (1679) en WARREN (1667). Vol bewonde
ring is hij voor de gebroeders PENARD, FREDERIK PAUL ( t 1909) en ARTHUR PHILIP ( t
1932), die niet alleen bekende ornithologen waren maar ook op mammalogisch gebied pio
nierswerk verrichtten - daarbij bijgestaan door hun moeder, PHIUPPINA SALOMONS. On-
der de titel 'Grepen uit de natuurkunde van Suriname' schreven zij in De Surinamer van
1905 en 1906 niet minder dan 91 artikeltjes, waarvan de eerste 57 betrekking hebben op
zoogdieren.
Zoals kon worden verwacht bevatten de hoofdstukken, volgend op de 527 bladzijden
waarin 149 zoogdiersoorten uitvoerig worden beschreven, een literatuurlijst en indices op
de geografische namen, de anlenhJa.rpeliil, namen der dieren en de inheemse namen.
Uit de literatuurlijst - 545 titels (met alle artikeltjes van de PENARD's erbij 635) waar-
van 1 zestiende-. 10 zeventiende en meer dan 50 achttiende eeuws - ziet men de behoefte
van de Schrijver om ook de oudste zoogdiervermeldingen tot hun recht te laten komen, en
voelt men ook welke beperkingen hij zich most opleggen om zich niet in details van slechts
historische waarde te verliezen. Men zou het kunnen betreuren dat daardoor o.m. A. Vos-
MAER's beschrijvingen en afbeeldingen van een 'langstaartige aap-soort Quatto' (1768)
en een 'langstaartige ... Wezel, Potto' (1771) niet zijn vermeld, en dat ook BUFFON's ver-
meldingen niet alle konden worden verwerkt. Er is aan later snuffelaars toch nog wel enige
ruimte gelaten om hier en daar wat punten op de i te zetten.

Wat het uiterlijk van The mammals ofSuriname betreft, meen ik dat aan de typografische
verzorging van een monumental uitgave als deze andere eisen moeten worden gesteld dan
aan publicaties van meer bescheiden aard. Men zou er over kunnen twisten of door een
meer gebruiken van klein-kapitaal, met wellicht hier en daar spatiiren, de leesbaarheid zou
zijn bevorderd en de overzichtelijkheid verhoogd, maar zeker is, dat moet worden betreurd
dat men er niet toe is kunnen komen de 92 tabellen met een bescheiden lettertje te zetten,
inplaats van ze in getypte vorm at te drukken - bij deze publicatie welke zowel wat betreft
tekstinhoud als illustrate een uitgave van klasse kan worden genoemd.























BOEKBESPREKING


De 53 platen van de hand van R. VAN ASSEN verdienen een bijzondere vermelding; de 10
gekleurde hiervan zijn ware schilderstukjes. Met het werk van J.J.A.M. WESSENDORP,
W.C.G. GERTENAAR en H. HEYN geven zij een goed beeld van waartoe de tekenkamer van
het RMNH op dit gebied in staat is. Ook de fotografen van het Museum, C. HOORN en H.F.
ROMAN, leverden uitstekend werk; hun 79 platen met schedelfoto's geven aan The mam-
mals een documentaire waarde welke niet gemakkelijk in enige andere publicatie zal worden
geevenaard.
Opvallend is het bescheiden aantal foto's van levende dieren. Het zijn er niet meer dan
18, merendeels genomen door dr. D.C. GEJSKES, wiens verzamelingen niet alleen van fun-
damentele betekenis waren voor HUSSON's studies, maar die ook tal van gegevens aandroeg
waardoor dit werk voor Suriname van meer dan zuiverwetenschappelijke waarde is gewor-
den.

P. WAGENAAR HUMMELINCK


DIEPRAAM, WILLEM: The Dutch Caribbean. Foto 's uit Suriname en
de Nederlandse Antillen, met een tekst van GERARD VAN WESTER-
LOO. De Arbeiderspers, Amsterdam, 1978, 114 blz. 27 x 29 cm
incl. omslag. Engels en Nederlandse tekst op p. 6-16. (Suriname p.
17-70, 49 phot.; Ned. Antillen p. 71-111, 37 phot.)

Het is merkwaardig cen fotoboek wonder ogen te krijgen dat z6zeer afwijkt van de prachtig
,eillihlrevrrdk werken welke wij reeds bezitten, dat veel lezers Suriname en de Nederlandse
Antillen hierin nauwelijks zullen herkennen. Weldadigheidsgestichten, krottenwijken en
boerenbedrijfjes geven zelden iets anders te zien dan beelden van een kommervol bestaan,
welke ook getoond worden van de straat, het strand en het terrein van de arbeid. Schilder-
achtige beelden, die echter de teleurstelling niet kunnen goedmaken van foto's van Suri-
naamse rivieren en Antilliaanse kusten welke in grauwe tinten op soms meer dan bladzij-
grootte zijn afgedrukt. Nergens blijken van enige levensvreugd - zelfs niet bij de toeristen
aan het Arubaanse strand. Het enige gebaar van een creoolse moeder tegen de fotograaf is er
een van afweer.
Wij kennen reeds verscheidene fotoboeken in zwart-wit, bijvoorbeeld die van VAN DE
PoLL (Suriname 1949, De Nederlandse Antillen 1951), BRIJIInNG & LICHTVELD (Surina-
me 1957), BUSCH (Aruba en Curacao, 1960) en Hugenholtz' Curacao (1963), 66k met
mooie foto's op groot format, die echter ook nog iets laten zien van de zonnige kanten van
de samenleving en daarbij nog een aantal wetenswaardigheden geven welke hier ontbreken.
Maar dit heeft DIEPRAAM kennelijk zo gewild: Dit boek is 'geen poging tot definite of volle-
dige documentatie van het Nederlands CaraTbische gebied. Het is slechts een verzameling
beelden die ik selecteerde omdat ik ze terug wil zien', schrijft hij; het zijn herinneringen die
'werden gemaakt tussen 1973 en 1978 tijdens diverse reizen naar Suriname en de Neder-
landse Antillen.'
Al heeft het stellig zijn nut om ook eens de minder aantrekkelijke kanten van deze landen
te belichten, toch kan ik mij goed voorstellen dat velen niet erg gelukkig zullen zijn - mis-
schien zelfs verontwaardigd - over de wijze waarop Suriname en de Nederlandse Antillen
in deze uitgave met nadruk worden getoond.
Hoewel de tekst van GERARD VAN WESTELOO - waarin 'de historische waarheid van
het koloniale verleden en de actuele waarheid van het neo-koloniale heden wonder ogen wordt
gezien' - geheel op zichzelf staat, sluit zijn verhaal geheel aan bij de sfeer welke de foto's
oproepen.






















BOEKBESPREKING


De Nederlandse Antitlen. The Netherlands Antilles. Las Antillas
Holandesas, door Henk H. VAN DALEN I.:,t:arlie I en GERARD C.
DE GROOT (tekst). Bosch & Keuning nv, Baarn, 191 blz. 19 x 25
cm, vier kaartjes, 67 zwart-witte en 68 gekleurde foto's. (geb. met
stofomslag f 29,50)

Dit boek wil proberen een antwoord te geven op de vragen: 'Wat is de charge, wat is het
fascinerende van deze eilanden, die ogenschijnlijk zo bescheiden liggen te glinsteren wonder
de zon. Vanwaar die geheimzinnige aantrekkingskracht op toeristen van heinde en ver?
Vanwaar die grote betekenis in het international handelsverkeer?' Dit antwoord wordt hier
gegeven aan de hand van 67 zwart-witte en 68 gekleurde reproducties van foto's, welke
worden ondersteund door een korte tekst in drie talen die vooral voor toeristen is bestemd.
Uit den aard der zaak zijn het vooral kleurrijke, zonnige beelden welke er worden ge-
geven; wat dit betreft doet dit werk denken aan het fraaie platenboek van RICHARD GIELEN
(1965) over Zes eilanden in de zon, en de opvalende boekjes (met de belabberde tekst) van
HANS W. HANNAU (1967) over Aruba en Curacao; met als tegenvoeter het fotoboek van
WILLEM DIEPRAAM (1978) over The Dutch Caribbean dat zich ten doel stelt just de minder
opgewekte kanten van een samenleving te belichten.
Wij zijn verwend door het werk van de talrijke goede fotografen die zich, op velerlei ge-
bied reeds door de Nederlandse Antillen hebben laten inspireren. Daardoor ziin wij geneigd
de eisen aan een nieuw platenboek hoger te stellen dan waaraan dit werk voldoet: Mooie,
soms zelfs heel mooie en charmante foto's worden als vanzelfsprekend aanvaard, terwiji
minder geslaagde beelden met enige ergernis worden afgewezen, en gemiste kansen nauwe-
lijks worden geaccepteerd.
Dat de meeste aandacht aan Curacao en Aruba word gegeven - met bijna 50 en 30
foto's - is begrijpelijk; Sint Maarten is goed voor een 20-tal afbeeldingen, bijna zoveel als
de overige drie eilanden tezamen: Bonaire 10, Saba 10 en St. Eustatius 3.
Van het landschap en zijn planten en dierenwereld krijgt men slechts een over beeld,
hetgeen toch - desnoods met medewerking van een van de vele bekwame amateurfotogra-
fen welke de eilanden rijk zijn - waarlijk niet nodig was geweest. Met lets meer belangstel-
ling in deze richting hadden de toeristische mogelijkheden van Bonaire misschien 66k nog
wat tot hun recht kunnen komen.
Met een wat meer kritisch oog hadden een aantal onzuiverheden in deze uitgave gemak
kelijk kunnen worden vermeden. Dat er bij een sterk overheersende Oostenwind nog steeds
over Noord-Oost Passaat word gesproken kan door het foutieve spraakgebruik worden ver-
klaard; een 'tropisch regen- en nevel woud' is niet op The Quill van St. Eustatius, maar wel
op The Mountain van Saba te vinden; cargo voor carc6 kan niet tot misverstand aanleiding
geven, en dat de bananenfoto (p.71) op zijn kop staat en het kaantje van Bonaire ip I 25 nim
werd afgemaakt, ook dit alles kan tot de schoonheidsfoutjes gerekend worden. Wel erg is
echter het onderschrift op bladz. 131, waar koraalkalk wordt beschouwd als 'gestolde lava'
waaraan men 'nog de vulkanische oorsprong van de eilanden' zou kunnen herkennen.
Met dit al blijft dit opvallend laag-geprijsde platenboek echter een aantrekkelijke uitgave,
waaraan vele personen die met de Nederlandse Antillen willen kennismaken, of deze eilan-
den reeds kennen, stellig hun plezier kunnen beleven.


P.W.H.































BIBLIOGRAFIE

ARTICLES





(48)
Continued from N. WI.G. 53, 1978, p. 66-84. and previous lists since 1947. - Publica-
tions not seen by the compiler of this incomplete bibliography are not included. - The exis-
tence of a Summary is indicated by a translation of the title.

Aardgas voor Aruba. Amigoe 7.VI.1978,p. .(from Venezuela)

(ABRAHAM, Drs. J.A.) in aanbeveling voor Statia. Amigoe 25.1X.1975,p.l 1 iRapp.n be-
treffende de social dynamiek en onderemingsgeest op St. Eustatius)

(ABRAHAM- VAN DER MARK, Eva): Statianen moeten zo snel mogelijk in active komen. Ami-
goe 20.1X.1975, p.9. - Tuinbouw. 19.1X.,p.9.

ABVO drijlt algemene staking ambtenaren door. Beurs 2.IV.1979. Also 30.I1I.

ADHIN, Jnan H.: Beginnend' Surinaams - Hindostaanse literatuur. Dharm Prakash 4,
1979, 4,p. 5-14. (p.5-13 from Soela 1963, no.4/5.)

ADHIN, Jnan H.: De culturele invloed van de Aziatische bevolkingsgroep op Suriname.
Dharm Prakash 4, 1979, 6, p.5-13. (p.5-9 from Vox Guyane 1, 1955, p.29-34.)

ADHIN, J.H.: Holi Paghwa. - Divali. Suraco Mag. 10, 1978,2, p. 20-22 & 23-25, 4 & 4
figs.

ADHIN, Jnan H.: Welkomstrede bij de opening van de 'Antarrashtriya Hindi Sammelan'
(Internationale Hindi Conferentie). Dharm Prakash 4, 1979, 5,p. 12-14. See also p.14-20.

Administrateur (George) Larmonie over zich snel ontwikkelend Saba. Amigoe
22.11.1979,p.9.

Advies van deskundigen Claesgut op Statia in totaliteit aanpakken. Amigoe
16.VII.1975.p. 11, 2figs.

Affiliatie (of Horacio Oduber Hospitaal) met de Groningse universiteit nog onmogelijk.
Amigoe 10.11I.1978.p.5






















BIBLIOGRAFIE


Afscheid dr. (L.W. Statius) van Eps: De eens jonge idealist verlaat Curacao. Beurs
16.XI1.1975,p.2 & 6, portr.

Akkoord zeegrenzen Venezuela-Antillen ondenekend. Beurs 31.111.1978,i11.

ALVARES, H.C.: Het effect van slijpmeel op de groei van jonge stieren. Effect of rice-polish-
ings on the growth of young bulls. Sur. Landb. 25, 1977 (Publ. 1979), p.1-3.

Antarrashtrya Hindi Sammelan - Internationale Hindi Conferentie (Paramaribo, 1 t/m 4
februari 1979). Dharm Prakash 4, 1979, 5, p. 14-20, 3 figs. (From Verslag Seer. Pt.S.Biere.
- See also p. 12-14.)

Antillean Soap Company. Beurs 25.XI.1978, 8 pp., ill.

Antilliaans volkslied heeft nog steeds geen woorden. Sticusa journal 56, 1978, p.9.

A.O.B.- pro paupre. Kontakto Antiano 11, 1979, 1, p. 13-5, 17 & 19. (Antilliaans Ontwik-
kelings Brigade = Ant. Development's Brigade)

(ARENDS, Ebby): Nieuwjaarswens KvK. Amigoe 16.XII.1977,p.9. (Aruba)

(Arubaanse Pedagogische Academie, APA). Amigoe 17.VIII.1978,p.9, 4 figs. (Interview
W.C.H. Driessen, dir.)

Aruba Carnival. Aruba Esso News 39, 19".2- p 4-9: 40,1979, 3, p. 4-9; profusely ill.

Aruba contra Curaqao. Dr. F.A. Hoogendijk in 'Elseviers Magazine'. Beurs
20.VllI.1977,p.2.

Aruba en water. Aquanova (CF verdamper). Amigoe 29.1.1979,p.8.

Aruba komt er goed at bij grensverdrag. Amigoe 11 XI I 'r.p i.

ATTEMA, Ypie: Paramaribo. Stad van houten huizen en historic. History rich town of wood-
en houses. Suralco Magazine 10, 1978 (Feb.1979), 4, p. 6-19, 20 figs. + 2 cover pictures.

AUGUSTINUS, P.G.E.F. & SLAGER, S.: Soil formation in swamp soils of the coastal fringe of
Surinam. Geoderma 6, 1971. p. 203-211, 1 fig.

Bank Nederlandse Antillen herdacht op 6 februari 150-jarig bestaan. Beurs 8.11.1978,p.9-
12, ill.; also 18.1.

BAREN, F.A. VAN & HARMSE, H.J. VON M.: Surinam and the African continent: a clay-
mineralogical study of sea water solids. Journal Sedim. Petrol. 39, Dec.1969, p. 1588-
1592, 1 fig.

BARTELINK, E.J.: Hoe de tijden veranderen. How times change. Suralco Mag. 10, 1978, 1,
p. 10-19, 12 figs (incl. 7 water-colours of Nicolaas Box, 1824-1839. From a serial in 17
parts in the daily paper Suriname, July 1914.)






















60 BIBLIOGRAFIE

BEAUJ6N, Oscar: Las primicias de Coro. Bol. Ac. Nac. Hist., Caracas 60, 1977, 239, p.435-
454.

BECHYNC, J. & SPRINGLOVA-BECHYNI, B.: Zur Phylogenesis einiger neotropischen Altici-
den (Col. Phytophaga). Stud Neor. Fauna 12, 1977, p. 81-145, 16 figs. (Suriname men-
tioned.)

BEERMAN, Mieke (text) & MACLEOD, lan C. phott.): Schelpen van Aruba. Stinapa 14 (Aru-
ba), 1977,p.20-42, 38 figs.

BEET, Chris DE & STERMAN, Miriam: Male absenteeism and nutrition: factors affecting fer-
tility in Matawai Bush Negro society. NWIG 52, 1978, p. 131-163, 7 + 3 figs.

BEIJER, H.J. DE: Papiamento in het onderwijs. Amigoe 10.X1I.1977, p. 8.

Bejaardentehuis viert 25-jarig jubileum. St. Ricardus tehuis. Amigoe 7.IV.1979,p. B 1, 5
figs. (Broeder Ton)

BERCHT, C.A.L.: Curacao, een konkrijksdeel met cactussen. Succulenta 57, Okt. 1978, p.
223-227, 4 figs. (1); 58, 1979, p. 17-20, 7 figs. (2); p.117-122, 6 figs. (3); p.145-151, 7
figs. (4); p. 220-223, 5 figs (5); p. 243-248, 5 figs.

Betico. Amigoe 24.XII.1976; manifestatie 1.VIIl,1977. See also 9.VII.1977 (opruiing);
21.VII (doel heiligt middelen); 31.XII (1977 Jaar van doorbraak). - Gilberto Francois
Croes Eis: twee weken Beurs 11.XII.1976. - Betico's Aruba, Kontakto Antiano 9,
1977, 9,p.12-13.

Betico Croes: demagoog en geen staatsman . Amigoe 11.II.1977,p.5 (article in The Flag
Bulletin,1976,Winchester Mass.)

Beginning op Zending in Suriname. Sur Zending 1978 - 4, p.2-3,6-7.

Bezoek president Carlos Andres Perez in woord en beeld. Beurs 1 & 3.IV.1978; Bienveni-
do, 30.IIl,p.l.

Bicentennial viering te St. Eustatius. Bears 18 & 25.XI.1976.

Bij zeventigste verjaardag van pastoor Burgemeester. Amigoe 22.VIII.1975,p.3,portr.

'Birds in the Caribbean' documentaire van E. van Campen. Amigoe 23.VII.1975,p.9,fig.
- Bers 22.VII.1975

BIRMINGHAM Jr., John C.: Lexical decreolozation in Papiamentu. Kristf 4, 1978, 2, p.49-
59. (Refers to authors thesis: The Papiamentu Language of Curafao, Univ. of
Vlirgina.19"'(l

Blanca Hodge 10 jaar bibliothecaresse St.Maarten. Sticusajournaal8,1978,54,p.8 - Ami-
goe 20.11 - Beurs 7.11.























BIBLIOGRAFIE 61

BOER, Ban A. DE: Factors influencing the distribution of the damselfish Chromis cyanea
(Poe\ . Pomacentridae, on a reef at Curacao, Netherlands Antilles. Bull. Mar Sci. 28,
1978, 3,p.550-565, 10 figs.

BOERSTRA, Egbert H.J.: Prehistorical inhabitants of Aruba. Stinapa 14 (Aruba), 1977, p.7-
16, 8 figs.

BOLDEWIJN, A.C. & LAMUR, H.E. & LAMUR, R.A.: Life table for Suriname 1964-1970.
NWIG 52, 1977, 1/2, p.51 57.

BOuvAR, Chila & Roo, B. Jos DE: Elis Juliana bekroond met Cola Debrotprijs.. Amigoe
23.IV.1977,p.9, 5 portr.

Bonaire gaat landbouw en veeteelt series aanpakken. PWFC-Koeiers geeft lezingen . Ami-
goe 7.VIII.1974.p.2

Bonaire, hoe lang nog flamingo-eiland? Ban de Boer onderzoekt voedseltoestand in zout-
pannen. Amigoe 17.ll1.1979,p.11, 5 figs.

BOND, James: Derivations and continental affinities of Antillean birds, in: Zoogeography in
the Caribbean, Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., Spec. Publ. 13, 1978, p. 119-128

(Booi, Frans): identocraat, kunstenaar, industrieel ontwerper en zakenman. Amigoe
24.1.1978,p.6, 3 figs. (Bonaire)

(Booi, Frans): Ontwerp van het wapen van Bonaire bij de Raad van Adel. Sticusajournaal 9,
1979, 61, p. 6-7. - Amigoe 23.11.1979

BOOM, W.R.: Criminologische aspecten van social marginaliteit. Lustrum van een ideal,
Uitg. Hogeschool .N.A. 6, 1976, p.133-145.

BOOMERT, A.: Een zo6morf stenen beeldje uit Suriname. NWIG 53, 1978, 1/2, p. 21 30, 4
figs.

Bopec interview Theo Tijssen. Bears 22.VIII.1977,p.4

BOR, W. VAN DEN: Agrarische ontwikkelingen op Saba en St. Eustatius. Een historische
analyse. Intermediair 14, 19 mei 1978,20, p. 39, 41, 43, 45,47 & 49,9 figs. - Peasantry
in isolation. History and agrarian development of two small Caribbean communities; the
cases of St. Eustatius and Saba. Third Caribbean Colloquium, 16-18.XII.1977, Leiden.
Amigoe 5.VI.1978, p. 9.

BOR Wout VAN DEN: Fort Oranje op St.Eustatius herboren. Sticusa Journaal 9, 1979, 63,
p.6-8, 3 figs. See also Amigoe 12.I.1978,p.9, 2 portr.

Bosnegers in Suriname stellen regering eisen. Amigoe 24.III.1979,p.8. (transmigratiedor-
pen)

BOVENKERK, Frank: De terugkeer van Surinamers anno 1978. Intermediair 14,
21.VII.1978, 29, p. 1,3,5,7,9 & 11, 4 figs.























62 BIBLIOGRAFIE

BOVENKERK, F. & KOOT, W.: Causes and consequences of Caribbean emigration to the
Netherlands. Wolro report 1974.1975,p.27-30.

BRADA. O.P.. Pastoor W.M.: Tecla orkaan, 23 sept.1877. De Klok 347, Sept.1977. p. 22
& 24

BRAKEL, Frank: In Suriname is het echte oerwoud nog te beleven. Utr.N. 14.1.1978,ill.

BRANA-SHUTL Gary: Some aspects of youthful identity management in a Paramaribo Creole
neighborhood. NWIG 53, 1978. 1/2, p. 1 20.

BRATHWAITE, A.F.: Cancer statistics from surgical pathology data, Surinam, 1976 and
1977. Sur. Med. Bull. 2, 1978, 4, p. 124-127.

BRATHWAITE, Alfred F.: Pathologic observations on ectopic pregnancy in Surinam. Sur.
Med. Bull 1, 1977, p.52-55, 1 fig.

BRATHWAITE, A.F.: Surgical pathology of the thyroid in Surinam. Sur. Med. Bull. 2,
1978,p.43-45.

BRATHWArTE, A.F.: The accessory spleen in a Surinam study. Sur. Med. Bull. 3, 1979, 1,
p. 5-7.

BRATH A.IIn, A.F. & GIRBARAN. C. & KUYP, E. VAN DER: Pathology of the appendix in
Surinam. Sur. Med. Bull. 3, 1979, 1, p. 17-22.

BRAZIL-COFFIE, Mayra: Organisashonnan di muhb na Korsou. Kontakto Antiano 10,
1978,7, p. 3.5-7,9-11.

Broeder Pius na 20 jaar G(ouvemements) O(pvoedings) G(esticht). Amigoe 26.XI.1977, 6
figs.

BROEK, J.F. VAN DEN: Achter kleurige folklore in Suriname dreigt de chaos. NRC / Hand.
9.11.1978.

BRONGERSMA, L.D.: De bedreigde zeeschildpadden. Panda 14, 1978, 3, p.35-39, 8 figs.
(Also dealing with Suriname.)

BROWNELL, Willard N. & BERG, Jr, Carl J. & HAINES, Kenneth G.: Fisheries and aquacul-
ture of the conch, Strombus gigas in the Caribbean. Symp. marine research Caribbean,
CICAR II, Caracas 1976, FAO Fish. Rep. 200, Dec. 1977, p. 59-69, 6 figs.

BRUYNING, Con F.A.: Man-made lakes, irrigation and schistosomiasis. Man-made Lakes
and Human Health, Paramaribo, 1979, p. 21-25.

Bruynzeel Suriname Houtmij B.V., Suralco Magazine 9, 1977, 4, p.10-17, 11 figs. (Dutch
and English).

BUBBERMAN, F.C.: Goud in Suriname, begin en einde van een droom? Gold in Suriname.
The beginning and the end of a dream? Suralco Magazine 9, 1977, 3, p. 1-25, 26 figs. incl.
col.ones, excl. cover picture.






















BIBLIOGRAFIE 63

BURINGH, P.: Mondiaal bodemgebruik en voedselproduktie. Bull Faculty Nat. Resources
Univ. Suriname 1, p.58-71.

BurrTER Maureen E.: Biology and infestation rate of Corallonoxia longicauda, an endopara-
sitic copepod of the West Indian coral Meandrina meandrites. HBrJ Dierk. Amsterdam 48,
1979, 2, p.141-155, 8 figs. (Curatao)

CAIRNS, Stephen D.: The deep-water Scleractinia of the Caribbean Sea and adjacent waters.
Studies fauna Curacao 57, 1979, 341 pp., 60 figs., 40 pls. (Incl. specimens from Nether-
lands Antillen and Surinam waters.)

CALUWv, Jan DE: Verbaal verkeer tussen volwassenen en kinderen op Curacao. Kristof 4,
1978, 4, p. 178-195.

CAPRILES, Lionel: Investment problems in the Netherlands Antilles. Kristof 4, 1978, p.
161-174.

(CAPRILES, Lionel): Voorstel krachten particuliere sektor een maand per jaar ten dienste stel-
len van overhead. - (Opening bijkantoor Maduro & Curiel's Bank). Beurs 9.I11.1979, p. 9
& 12, 6 figs.

CASTLO LARA, Lucas G.: Santa Ana de Coro - simbolo de fe. Bol. Ac. Nac. Hist., Cara
cas, 60, 1977, 239, p.455-477.

CHACE Jr., Fenner A. & HOLTHUIS, Lipke B.: Psalidopus: The Scissor-Foot Shrimps
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Chinezen in Suriname. Sur. Zending 1977, 4, p.l-6,ill.

Christoffelproject. Beurs 11.VII.1977.

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(CLAASSEN, A.G.M.): Survey of the Aruban economy. Business news NA. 50,
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CLAY, A.N.: lsla de Aves - A bird's eye view. NWIG 53, 1979, 3/4, p. 85-101. 12 figs.
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(Climate Curacao) 1977.. Amigoe 10.1.1978,p.6, 3 figs.

COBBEN, R.H.: Een hardnekkige vestiging van de exotische orde Embioptera in Nederland.
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Cola Debrotprijs gistermiddag aan Dr. Jaap van Soest uitgereikt. BEURS 13.V.1978, p.3.

C(olegio) A(rubano) -studiedagen over milieu.. Amigoe 17.1.1975,p.5, 2 figs (Kees Heij
and Ray Farro)






















4 BIBLIOGRAFIE

Conclusie van tweejarig onderzoek: Grondwater-voorraad beperkt. Amigoe 1.VI.1978,p.4.
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Congress van Caribische universiteiten op Curacao (20-24 April). Amigoe 19.IV.1977.

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Curioso wordt in een hoek getrapt. Pater Brenneker. Amigoe 13.XI.1978,p.3 (Curio-
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De gezusters Curiel. The sisters Curiel. Suralco Mag. 10, 1978, 1, p.20-25, 19 figs.
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DEKKER, D.: Suriname, een laatste toevluchtsoord voor de zeekoe. Suriname, a last refuge
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De koningin en prins in Suriname. Ons Koningshuis 48, maart 1978, p. 12-22, 20 figs.. 5 of
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DLsa AMPS. Marius: La faune dendrophile neotropicale. I. Acrida 5, 1976. p. 63-167. - II.
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DIEz, Julio: En el trisesquicentenario de Coro. Bol Ac. Nac. Hist., Caracas, 60, 1977,
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DIJK, A. VAN: 100JaarNieuw Nickerie. 100 Years ol Nei Nickc r Srra L., Magazine 11,
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Dis, Mayra VAN DER: Natuurreservaat St. Christoffel. Amigoe 1.X.1977, p.9, 5 figs.






















BIBLIOGRAFIE 65

DIs, Mayra VAN DER: Op 23 september 1877: Tecla treft Cura;ao. Amigoe 23.1X. 1977, p.
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DJS, Mayra VAN DER: Velma Solomons . Amigoe 7.1.1978,p.6.- De Curacaoenaar en de
kreativiteit 21.1,p.9.- Ex CFW-voorzitter Ong-A-Kwie, 11.ll,p.10.- Direkteur Norbert
Hendrikse. 24.11,p.ll.- Echt Brenneker. Djos. 1.Ill,p.6.- Shell-man Gilbert Wa-
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DIJS, Mayra VAN DER: Kernuitgangspunt Sectie Cultuur: socialisering. Pacheco Domacasse.
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Directeur van Salt company Rene Hakkenberg: Bonaire's zout Amigoe
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'Drecha Cas' Foundation: a constructive organization in more ways than one. Aruba Esso
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Drieendertig kanonnen wachten op hun bergers. Amigoe 4.l.1977,p.I l;10.1,p.2. (L.D.
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Dutch slave-trade & Dutch slavery. Kontakto Antiano 9, 1977, 9,p.3 5,7 10.

Economen lichten situatie op Sint Eustatius door. Amigoe 29.X1.1968,p.9.

Economic St. Maarten... (Commissie van Onderzoek Bovenwindse Eilanden). Amigoe
31.111.1969.






















66 BIBLIOGRAFIE

Eerste besprekingen Koninkrijkswerkgroep gteindigd Beurs 24.1.1979,p.3.

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BIBLIOGRAFIE 67

FOCKE Jaap W.: & GEBELEIN, Conrad D.: Marine lithification of reef rock and rhodolithes
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GIZEa, Wim Piet & ADHIN, Shanti D. & OENRAWSINGH. Indradj: Abnormal hemoglobins
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68 BIBLIOGRAFIE

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Indianen van Suriname. Suriname Bulletin (Sur.-Comite, Amsterdam) 8, 1977, 4, p. 1- 16,
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JACOBI, E.F.: Natuurbescherming in Suriname. Artis 23. 1978, 5, p. 156-161, 10 figs.

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11 col. phot. by Maya Pejic.






















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JAAP VAN SOEST


ARCHIVAL SOURCES TO THE HISTORY V
OF THE NETHERLANDS ANTILLES

A CHALLENGE FOR ARCHIVISTS AND HISTORIANS





The Netherlands Antilles constitute no exception to a more gen-
eral Caribbean pattern in that the majority of their earlier historians
were of European origin. The last few decades, however, some dis-
crepancy has emerged. Much later and to a much lesser degree
than most other territories of the region the Netherlands Antilles
started to go through the process of conscientization that gave birth
to a historiography of, for, and (especially) by the proper citizens of
the respective countries. More than anyone else I realize that the
subject of this article might have had another flavour if it had been
done by someone who is not only CuraCaoan by heart (like I feel)
but also by birth.'
A second preliminary remark should be made. Done by a his-
torian instead of an archivist, the following article clearly presents a
consumer's point of view. The result is far from complete, and may
certainly benefit from further research.
This article is meant to survey the main archival collections,
both governmental and private; to mention the descriptions of and
source publications from those collections; and to discuss historical
research done and to be done. For practical purposes the subject has
been divided into four parts. The caesuras usually applied to the
history of the Netherlands Antilles - and derived mainly from the
political history of CuraCao - have been faded out in order to let
them coincide with the partitions used for archival collections.
They relate to the Spanish period (from the end of the fifteenth to
















74 JAAP VAN SOEST
the middle of the seventeenth century), the old colonial period (the
seventeenth and eighteenth century), the modern colonial period
(the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth century), and the con-
temporary period. For obvious reasons more attention will be paid
to the second and third, than to the first and fourth periods.

1. THE SPANISH PERIOD

In the Archivos de Indias at Sevilla, numerous documents relate
to the era between Columbus' voyages at the end of the fifteenth
century and the conquest of certain Caribbean islands by the Dutch
in the first half of the seventeenth century. At the same place,
'travellers through the times' may bring to light many data on
Curacao, Bonaire and Aruba, on St. Eustatius, St. Martin and Saba
(as well as other former Dutch West Indian possessions) in the
years when they were not any longer part of the Spanish colonial
empire. Of the documents relating to the period from 1621 to
1648 quite a few have been published by WRIGHT, and from the
years 1639 and 1640 some have been printed by MADURO. But I
would not be surprised if in Sevilla there was much more to be
found than WRIGHT, MADURO, CARDOT and GOSLINGA have in-
corporated in their books.2 However, given the lack of good entries
and inventories, it is not to be expected that for the time being the
Archives de Indias will be combed out more thoroughly by a
student of Dutch West Indian history. A description and analysis of
Curacao's position as a stepping stone between Hispaftola and con-
tinental Latin America will have to wait for future historians.

2. THE OLD COLONIAL PERIOD

Most archival sources to the history of our islands under the first
and second West India Companies and during the succeeding
Napoleonic era are deposited in the Netherlands, especially in the
General State Archives (GSA) at The Hague and in the Municipal
Archives at Amsterdam. The GSA collections do not only include
archives formed in the Netherlands, but also archival series formed
in the West Indies by the local administrations. The latter have
been transferred to Europe at the beginning of this century with the
















ARCHIVAL SOURCES TO THE NETHERLANDS ANTILLES /)
argument that they should be saved from complete destruction.3
Nevertheless, until very recently, those collections were not given
much more care in the Netherlands than they had been given in the
Caribbean.4 Anticipating the return of the 'transferred archives', a
project was put in hand last year to make a major part of the trans-
ferred documents (and some of the WIC-archives) available at the
Central Historical Archives (CHA) in Curacao in the form of
microjackets.' With an eye to the conscientization mentioned in
my introduction, it is regrettable that the selection of the docu-
ments to be microfilmed is not being done by one or more his-
torians of Antillean origin, but by Dutch historians.
In addition to the large GSA collections, numerous smaller ar-
chival collections relevant to the history of the Netherlands
Antilles are to be found in the Netherlands. It would carry me too
far to mention them here, and this can be omitted all the more as
they have been enumerated already by ROESSINGH.6
Outside the Netherlands important archival sources to our his-
tory in the years 1621-1816 lie in the United States, where part of
the papers of Curacao's administration found their way through
Peter Stuyvesant and were rediscovered at Albany (N.Y.) after
more than three centuries; in London at the Public Record Office,
especially for the two periods of English government in CuraCao,
and on the role of St. Eustatius in the American war of indepen-
dence; in Paris at the Archives Nationales, in particular for the
history of the island of St. Martin, peacefully shared by French and
Dutch since 1648; in Rome, mainly with regard to missionary ac-
tivities; in Copenhagen, on the settlements and commercial activ-
ities of the CuraCao Jews in the Virgin Islands; and, finally, in
Sevilla, as has been mentioned before.
Finally, archival materials of interest for this period can be found
within the Netherlands Antilles. From the old WIC-archives some
isolated documents or even series were overlooked when the
greater part of those archives were transferred to the Netherlands.
kmong the private archival collections the major ones are those of
he plantations (mainly titles, deeds, and inventories), and of the
churches and the synagogue (diaries, and registers of birth,
marriage and death). But an important part of the ecclesiastical
archives has been lost in the fire of the catholic bishop's palace in

















/6 JAAP VAN SOEST
1969, and from other private collections much has disappeared
(and still does disappear) through neglect, alienation and collectors'
crazes.
Not all archival collections mentioned have been described from
the viewpoint of their relevance to the history of the Netherlands
Antilles. In 1955 already MEILINK-ROELOFSZ published her 'Sur-
vey of archives in the Netherlands pertaining to the history of the
Netherlands Antilles', a detailed summary covering the material in
the General State Archives;7 the article was revised for the first
Caribbean Archives Conference in 1965.8 More recently VAN OP-
STALL made a somewhat comparable survey for students of slavery
and plantations.9 More detailed are the anonymous manuscript
inventories of the two Dutch West India Company archives. Later,
BIJLSMA made inventories of the archives transferred from the
Dutch West Indian islands immediately upon their arrival in The
Hague.o1 The publications mentioned together constitute a fairly
good introduction, but for more detailed studies additional indices
would be useful. The making of such indices is being considered in
connection with the micro-jacket-project. For the other collections
in the Netherlands I referred already to ROESSINGH'S excellent
Guide to the sources in the Netherlands for the history of Latin
America, which also covers the Netherlands Antilles.
Of the old archives in the United States SCHILTKAMP has pub-
lished a general enumeration that does not pretend to be exhaustive
but is quite workable." No selective surveys exist on sources for
Antillean history in the archives of London, Paris, Copenhagen,
Rome or Sevilla. In some archives - like Sevilla's - such a survey
can certainly only be made at the cost of disproportionate effort; but
in other places - and here I would like to think of London in par-
ticular - a rather modest effort may produce the heuristic frame-
work that is indispensable for the promotion of Antillean historio-
graphy. I offer no opinion on the question how this task has to be
divided among historians and archivists.
At home, we find similar work to be done. Since MEIINK-ROE-
LOFSZ' provisional and incomplete description in 1966,12 no
thorough surveys (let alone inventories) have been made of the
non-transferred government archives and of the older private
collections within the Netherlands Antilles. The list of a few plan-
















ARCHIVAL SOURCES TO THE NETHERLANDS ANTILLES / /
station archives, published by FELHOEN KRAAL as early as in
1956,13 waits for the additions that are most probably going to be
made by RENKEMA and VISMAN. For lack of inventories, we do not
know what has been lost from the bishop's archives in 1969.
The horror-stories that are circulating with regard to the govern-
ment archives from the old and new colonial period are more than
false rumours if one is to believe an expert's survey made only
three years ago.14 Apparently the Netherlands Antilles are caught
in a paradoxical situation: from one side they demand that the
voluminous archives, transferred half a century ago because of
neglect, be returned, but from the other side they do not demon-
strate their ability to take care even of the small quantities that were
left behind. The well-established departments for restoration and
microfilming of the Antillean archival service nowadays devote
their capacities almost completely to nineteenth and twentieth
century documents; one may ask whether under the circumstances
their employers apply the right priorities. What has been left of
archival materials from the seventeenth and eighteenth century
should, as far as such has not yet been done, immediately be de-
posited with the Central Historical Archives; here those archives
should be inventoried, restored and microfilmed with absolute
priority and on the shortest term possible.

After the preceding survey it is not surprising that almost all
source publications on the discussed period have been distilled from
the collections in the General State Archives in The Hague. HA-
MELBERG's series of documents were far from complete or bal-
anced, but had the virtue of being the first." Later came
L'HONORE NABER'S edition of the 13-volume history of the WIC
during its early years by contemporary DE LAET.16 More recently
the official documents relating to the slave rebellion of 1795 have
been published by the CHA in Curacao (be it from GSA-sources).'7
Last year saw the publication of the impressive Plakaatboek, con-
taining all colonial laws of the seventeenth and eighteenth century
that could be found.18
In the meantime rather few historians have devoted their time to
monographs on the history of the Netherlands Antilles in the old
colonial period. I already mentioned the names of GOSLINGA and
















78 JAAP VAN SOEST
SCHILTKAMP, who did notable research, and should add now the
valuable studies by VAN GROL, the EMMANUELS, KNAPPERT and
ATTEMA, and the (less accurate) works of HAMELBERG and HAR-
TOG.9 With those publications the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries have certainly not been dealt with exhaustively. One
might even say that the main sources to the history of the period,
the archives of the West India Companies, have still hardly been ex-
plored.
Although some of the islands of the Netherlands Antilles were of
particular importance as international commercial centres, their
economic history has never been studied in detail. Very little is
known, e.g., about their roles in the slave trade,20 and about their
other economic relations, especially in the staple trade, with their
Caribbean and continental neighbours; the internal economy of the
islands has also still to be described in more than generalizing or
oblique ways. Such studies on internal and international economic
relations would contribute substantially to a more general economic
history of the Dutch West Indies under Companies' rule. For the
latter, financial (including monetary) history will also be an undis-
pensable component. The origin, volume, destination and other
qualifications of the capital-flows involved in trade, public admini-
stration and defense, are attractive subjects for research and may fit
into economic as well as social and political history.
As long as no new inventories and detailed registers have been
made of the Companies' archives, it remains an open question
whether they contain sufficient data for research in social history
that might lead us further than the general description of early
Curacao society by HOETINK.21 In this connection it should be
stressed that even the largest and most cosmopolitan of the Dutch
West Indian islands had a population of not yet 15.000 at the end
of the eighteenth century: a microcosmos.
In the field of political, administrative and legal history, subjects
are easier to be defined. During the next few years it may be expec-
ted that the Law Department of the University of the Netherlands
Antilles will initiate several studies on the operation of Old Dutch
and Roman law under the tropical sun.

















ARCHIVAL SOURCES TO THE NETHERLANDS ANTILLES


3. THE NEW COLONIAL PERIOD

The principal archival sources to the history of the nineteenth
and early twentieth century are again to be found in the Nether-
lands and in Curacao. Minor quantities, but with important data,
may be expected in London, at the Public Record Office, in the
company archives of Shell and in the private papers of the Godden
family (who since 1871 exploited Curacao's phosphates); in Wash-
ington, especially on the nineteenth century expansion across the
Caribbean of U.S. economic interests, and elsewhere in the United
States, such as the headquarters of the various oil companies; in
Caracas, in particular with regard to the intricate Dutch-Vene-
zuelan political relations, but also on economic relations between
Curacao and the ports of the mainland; in BogotA, in Rome, in
Paris, in Copenhagen, and probably even in Madrid. Not much can
be said of any of them, as - as far as I am aware - no researcher
has ever visited those places with the specific purpose of collecting
data on new Antillean history.
In the Netherlands, the main repository is again the General
State Archives, where two main collections should be discerned. In
the first place there are the Dutch governmental archives from the
period 1813-1939. The most conspicuous of these for our purpose
are the collections formed within the Ministry for the Colonies, but
those of the General State Secretariat and of the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs should not be ignored. In the second place there are again
archives transferred from the West Indies. They must be distin-
guished in two parts: the documents for the years between 1816
and 1828, which have been transferred first, together with the old
WIC-archives; and the documents for the period 1828-1845 (to-
gether with a few records from later years) that have been trans-
ferred a decade after the WIC-archives.%
Relatively few family-archives are accessible in public reposi-
tories; I only mention the papers of VAN DEN BOSCH, VAN GROL,
and ROLLIN COUQUERQUE in the General State Archives for their
relevance to our subject. Among the company-archives in public
repositories (according to DE BooY & LOOIJENGA there are about
one thousand of them)22 not even a dozen are of interest for the
history of the Netherlands Antilles. Much more worthwhile are
















80 JAAP VAN SOEST
the company-archives in the private, mostly corporate, hands of the
Royal Dutch/Shell Group at The Hague, of OGEM at Rotterdam,
and of the Royal Netherlands Steamship Company, the Curacao
Trading Company, the Curacao Mining Company, Royal Dutch
Airlines KLM, and the ABN-Bank at Amsterdam - to mention
only the bigger Dutch companies operating in the Netherlands
Antilles.
On the islands of the Netherlands Antilles there are in the first
place some governmental records on the years prior to 1845. They
have been overlooked at the time of the transfers of 1916, 1920
and 1930, and have since fallen into further neglect. For the years
from 1845 to 1939 most government documents rest at the Cen-
tral Historical Archives in Curacao. In 1939 a decimal classifi-
cation to subject was introduced for general use in the government
registry. During the years that followed an enormous number of
documents was picked rather arbitrarily from the pre-1939 series
and regrouped into well over 2000 subject files, most of which are
now to be found in the Central Historical Archives. The subject
files are far from complete and have no detailed inventories, where-
as, for the ransacked series, no record has been kept that tells what
documents have or have not been taken out. So the completeness of
the old series and new files combined can never be checked.23
Moreover, the divisions and subject classifications used lead to
many misunderstandings. Nevertheless it should be admitted in
fairness that the artificial system facilitates a first exploration of
many a historical subject, and thus has its advantages at the rather
embryonic stage of development of historical research in the
Netherlands Antilles.
Among the important collections of nineteenth and early twen-
tieth century government documents outside the CHA, the most
voluminous probably is the archive of the Court of Justice in Cura-
cao. Close seconds are the archives of the Recorder of Mortgages
(since 1869), also in Curacao, and the older parts of the records of
the island government of Aruba, in Oranjestad. A similar collec-
tion of records in the government offices of St. Martin has been de-
stroyed by fire in 1974. In Curacao the central office of the island
government has no such records, because until 1951 the admini-
stration of this island and of the colony as a whole coincided almost
















ARCHIVAL SOURCES TO THE NETHERLANDS ANTILLES 81
completely; older documents may here be found with the specific
departments and services. The Office of the Domain has deeds etc.
dating back to the eighteenth and sometimes even seventeenth
century. The piles of archival documents at the Public Works De-
partment (mostly late nineteenth and early twentieth century) still
lie in about the same state of decay that shocked MEOLNK-ROELOFSZ
in 1966.2 The older registers of births etc. at the Registrar's Office
are in good order and well kept.
With regard to the nineteenth and early twentieth century the
Netherlands Antilles have many more private archival collections
than is usually assumed. In the first place there are the sequels to
the ecclesiastical and plantation records mentioned before; here the
corresponding remarks on loss by fire, neglect, and alienation
apply. Next, reference should be made to the archival sources of
CuraCao's St. Elisabeth Hospital (since 1855), of the masonic
lodges, and of burial and other societies. Many data for our history
rest in company archives, of which only the most prominent can be
mentioned here. The extensive records of Shell differ from those of
the company's headquarters in The Hague in that Curaqao has
more on local details and Holland has more on overall policy. The
other Dutch companies in the Netherlands Antilles, such as the
Royal Netherlands Steamship Company, OGEM, KLM and the
mining company, keep almost no older archives, because these
have been destroyed or sent to the metropolitan headoffices.
Among our own Curacao enterprises, the oldest and one of the
biggest of the still existing commercial firms is S.E.L. Maduro &
Sons (since 1837); they have a great quantity of documents, but
only a small part of these are kept in good order. Of the financial
institutions, the Centrale Bank van de Nederlandse Antillen has
remarkably complete archives, going back to 1828. The records of
the Spaar- en Beleenbank van Curacao (savings and pawn bank,
since 1850) and of the Curacaosche Hypotheekbank (mortgage
bank, since 1875) have been handed over to the Central Historical
Archives a few years ago. Lago Oil and Transport Company,
Exxon's subsidiary in Aruba, has probably the most important
company records outside Curaqao; but no outsider has ever been
allowed to cast even a distant glance at their files, and until now
nobody of Lago itself was able or willing to tell in what condition
















82 JAAP VAN SOEST
these files are and what they may contain.
The list of private archival caches can not be complete. Almost
weekly smaller or (rarely) bigger collections are brought to light,
sometimes by lucky accident, sometimes by the increasing aware-
ness of their owners or keepers. However, until today the official
archival service never initiated a co-ordinated and well-directed
treasure-hunt. Yet a complete survey of all private archival sources
to the history of the Netherlands Antilles would greatly enhance
the promotion of our historiography. Archivists, historians, and
the generally interested public (as e.g. united in the St. Eustatius
Historical Foundation and the Curacao Historical Society) should
together make an effort to form such a thesaurus.
A complete catalogue would not only facilitate research but
might also be an aid in the struggle against the often thoughtless
destruction of useful archival sources. To halt this destruction, the
CHA might expedite the introduction of the new archival legis-
lation which has lingered on since 1973, and might also develop an
active policy of conservation. This policy should then aim to work
along two lines at th same time. Firstly, a kind of field service oper-
ating from the CHA can give expert advice to the owners and
keepers of old records, both governmental and private. And,
secondly, the CHA can stimulate the transfer of dispersed
collections (again: governmental as well as private) to the CHA,
whether in property or in custody, and with or without additional
agreements on the accessibility of the documents concerned. The
lack of shelfroom and storage space - subject of justified
complaints by the CHA since many years - may not any longer be
used as an excuse to postpone such a policy of active acquisition.
The conditions of many archives have become too delicate for that.


What inventories have been made of the archival sources to new
Antillean history? At the General State Archives, most collections
stemming from Dutch public administrations have been inven-
toried, those of the Ministry for the Colonies from 1814 to 1900
by FASEL.24 The records transferred from the West Indies have part-
ly (for the years up to 1828) been included in BIJLSMA's inven-
tories,10 partly (for the period after 1828) summed up in type-
















ARCHIVAL SOURCES TO THE NETHERLANDS ANTILLES 53
written inventories by an anonymous archivist. Inventories are also
available of a few family-archives at the GSA, notably the papers of
VAN DEN BOSCH.25 Among the company archives, the good inven-
tories of the records at Shell's headquarters are commendable.26 I
am not informed on professionally done inventories of other com-
pany, family of ecclesiastical collections in the Netherlands relevant
to Antillean history.
Within the Netherlands Antilles the remnants of the transferred
nineteenth century archives ask for the same note as the left-overs
of the older transferred archives: since the indicative list compiled
by MEILINK-ROELOFSZ in 1966 no further surveys or inventories
have been made.12 The records of the period 1845-1939 have been
removed various times over the last forty years, they have been re-
grouped time and again, and carry at least three serial numbers on
each unit. The provisional entry, made by BosKALJON,27 had since
long to be replaced by a new, equally provisional, listing of all
records at the Court of Justice, recently made by J.Th. DE SMIDT (a
job has been done in the last few years. In addition, the accessibility
of the artificial subject files has been improved by some sort of
alphabetical topical index.28 In the meantime the CHA has sent
several members of its staff abroad for archival training on elemen-
tary and secondary level. The return of one assistant with special
training in the making of inventories has already given a fresh im-
petus to this indispensable work at the CHA.
Leaving the CHA, I mention the preliminary inventory of the
records at the Court of Justice, recently made by J. TH. DE SMIDT (a
visiting professor of law history) and some students of the Universi-
ty of the Netherlands Antilles.29 In Aruba one man has made a
start with the older archives of the island government, but for lack
of assistance he has no prospect of finishing this work within the
near future. None of the older collections deposited with the
various departments of the Curacao island government have inven-
tories; neither do any plans exist for the making of such lists. The
excuse that those records belong to current administrations can not
be taken seriously for the documents dating from before 1939.
Shell Curacao has a reasonable entry to its company records, be it
not of the same quality as the inventories at The Hague. Beside this
one, I know only of provisional lists of the old records of the Bank

















'4q JAAP VAN SOEST
van de Nederlandse Antillen, the Spaar- en Beleenbank van Cura-
Cao and the Curacaosche Hypotheekbank, made by myself and a
number of students over the last decade.30 A few years ago the
management of S.E.L. Maduro & Sons showed some willingness to
have their archives put in order and listed, but no followup has
been given to this idea after a change of the guard. In this connec-
tion it may be useful to say that the making of inventories of com-
pany archives must not be viewed as inevitably leading to the
immediate opening of these records to the public; a company can
also bring some order in its old documents with a view to a more
remote future.

Publications of sources to the history of the Netherlands Antilles
in the nineteenth and early twentieth century are relatively scarce.
DE HULLU and DE GAAY FORTMAN published some documents
from the beginning of the last century.31 BORDEWIJK printed the
basic documents on constitutional developments in the nineteenth
century.32 VAN ZANEN took care of the works of physician David
Ricardo Caprilles.33 Remotely allied to Antillean history is VAN
NOUHUYS' publication of documents relating to the first all-steam
crossing of the Atlantic by a ship called 'Curacao' and heading to
this island.34 Together with the inevitable reprints of old travel-
stories,3' the list is then complete. Which is regrettable, for in Wil-
lemstad as well as in The Hague and elsewhere there are quite a few
documents that are not easily accessible but are basic to any study
of Antillean history and should for this reason be widely available.
I think of the annual governor's reports with their statistical
annexes, especially those of the early nineteenth century but also
the later ones; the studies and documents that bear on the eman-
cipation of the slaves (think e.g. of the reports of the Royal Com-
mission of 1853); selections from laws and by-laws; documents on
Curacao-Venezuelan relations; and many more that can be added to
this arbitrary bid. An enormous field lies fallow for archivists and
historians.
As a consequence of the better conditions of the archives, the
availability of non-manuscript sources such as newspapers, books
and pamphlets, and of nonwritten visual and oral sources, it is no
wonder that more has been published on the nineteenth and twenti-
















ARCHIVAL SOURCES TO THE NETHERLANDS ANTILLES N)
eth century than on the previous ages. However, there are still
various gaps to be filled, and not only for shorter periods or very
specialised areas but often also for wider themes and for the whole
time-span. So the political history for this century and a half has
hardly been studied. BORDEWIK paid attention to legal aspects on-
ly, and KASTEEL and VAN HELSDINGEN concentrated on the years
after 1940.36 The numerous articles by DE GAAY FORTMAN can
not fill the gap.37 Among the topics that still deserve to be studied I
mention only a few: Dutch colonial policy and the reaction to it in
the islands; the relations amongst the islands of the Netherlands
Antilles (a very relevant subject, as the islands nowadays threaten
to split on the way to independence); the history of political
pressure groups and the representation of the people in general (for
the latter a research project has been initiated recently in Curacao).
In the field of international relations, the political relations
between Curacao and Venezuela are the only ones that have been
subjected to certain investigations, although the works of CORPO-
RAAL and GOSLINGA are both limited to the nineteenth century and
leave the more recent developments to others.38 Much might also
be said on the relations with Colombia, Suriname, Cuba, the Domi-
nican Republic, and Jamaica. They can not be studied from a
purely political point of view and will have to be seen in the context
of international economic relations.
On the economic history of the nineteenth and twentieth century
a general survey has been published by VAN SOEST.39 Certain
themes have been further elaborated by DE JONG, HARTOG, and
VAN SOEST, or are right now being worked by RENKEMA.40 But
many aspects deserve further investigations: transport and com-
munications, the government's role in the promotion of economic
development, Aruba in the era of the oil refinery, etc. In the
preparation of several research projects, the complete absense of
historical-demographic studies will be noticed as a vacuum that has
also to be filled.
The social history has attracted some attention through the
works of GOSLINGA, HOETINK, EMMER and ROMER.41 Among
the missing links here is the history of the labour movement
in general and of the labour unions in particular. In the socio-
cultural field, finally, the numerous smaller publications on church
















86 JAAP VAN SOEST
history42 present many facts but less insights; they should be
deepened and integrated in a book-length study. Almost nothing
has been done on the history of education and educational insti-
tutions.43 The histories of Antillean music and literature have not
yet been printed, with the exception of fragments by BOSKALJON
and DEBROT.44 Architecture has certainly not been exhausted with
the precious book of OZINGA.4' In health care also ample oppor-
tunities are left after the reader of STATIUS VAN EPS & LUCKMAN-
MADURO;46 the hospital is at present the subject of a historical in-
vestigation.

4. THE CONTEMPORARY PERIOD

The main documental data for the history of the Netherlands
Antilles after 1940 still form part of current administrations and
can not be considered as archival sources in the full sense. The few
series that have been closed are affected by legal standards of acces-
sibility. This goes e.g. for the complete archives of the Ministry for
the Colonies during the second world war, and for its successors
after 1945.47 They come under the Dutch law that only documents
older than 50 years are open to the public. There is, however, a
tendency to reduce this term to 30 years, and in many places the
keepers of archives anticipate the formalization of that develop-
ment.
Less rigorous rules on accessibility in the United States, where
important sources for the history of the Netherlands Antilles in the
second world war are to be found in Washington. I do not know
what rules are applied to this respect in London, Paris and Caracas,
and no archival authority in the Netherlands Antilles could inform
me on this.
Under the administrative regulations of 1939 all government
records remained with the General Secretariat of the Governor in
Curacao.48 This body was split into several services in 1968/
1969.49 The CHA then received most archival material that was
over 30 years old, i.e. dating back to before the year 1939. The
Central Office of Registry and Archives got the rest: files on
current affairs as well as files that were no longer in demand but
had been formed after 1939 (the latter may also contain documents
















ARCHIVAL SOURCES TO THE NETHERLANDS ANTILLES /
taken from pre-1939 records). The head of the Central Registry has
now made a plan to hand over the closed files (the so-called static
parts) of his collection to the CHA. These archives are well kept
and indexed professionally. Also this Office has made a start with
an advisory service on behalf of other administrations, in particular
of the Antillean government. For future archivists and historians
much will depend on the results of this field service.
When the separate islands of the Netherlands Antilles received a
certain degree of self-government, in 1951, the island government
of Cura;ao established a new administration of its own and also
took over certain departments and services of the former colonial
administration. The island governments of Aruba, Bonaire and St.
Martin converted the existing dependencies of the central admini-
strations into their own administrations as well. The islands work
with a decimal code that is almost identical to the code used by the
Central Registry - which makes work easier for historians-to-be.
The day to day management of the various collections is not of the
same standard quality in all islands. Moreover the main registries
in Curaqao and Aruba do not control the archives of the different
departments and services, although experience shows that such a
control is most desirable.
In principle the records of the central and islands' governments
are not open to the public, although in practice they may some-
times be consulted with the express consent of the responsible
minister or island government. This implies that even documents
from pre-war years which happen to rest in those archives are not
directly and unconditionally accessible. This situation will change
with the introduction of a new archival legislation. It is expected
that under the new law documents of over 30 years of age will be
open to the public, but only in so far as they are deposited with the
CHA. At the same time the law will stipulate the obligation that all
archival materials of over 30 years old in any of the central or is-
.ands' administrations be transferred to the CHA. (An extra argu-
nent for the soonest introduction of this law lies in the fact that the
:HA's capacity to act as recipient has then to be expanded, and
nore shelfroom may then also come available for the acquisition of
ion-governmental archives at the same time).
















88 JAAP VAN SOEST
No studies on the contemporary history of the Netherlands An-
tilles have been based predominantly on the use of archival sources.
VAN HELSDINGEN comes close to being an exception; he saw and
made use of the archives of the Ministry for the Colonies.36 KAS-
TEEL saw some government documents in Curacao, and more
recently VAN SOEST had access to the files of the Central Registry
and of a few departments of the island government of Curaqao.39
The other studies of contemporary developments rely heavily on
published sources or on verbal information, and are sociological or
anthropological rather than historical.50 Obviously, ample freedom
to consult the relevant records is an absolute condition for any
serious historical research on the Netherlands Antilles during the
second world war, on constitutional developments up to 1954, on
labour relations, on economic developments, etc.

5. TENTATIVE CONCLUSIONS

(a) The study of history by the proper citizens of the Netherlands
Antilles should be stimulated, as a contribution to the processes of
cultural conscientization and political decolonization.
(b) A general survey should be made of all archival collections,
both within and outside this country, relevant to the history of the
Netherlands Antilles.
(c) A policy of active acquisition by the Central Historical Ar-
chives, in Curacao, is an urgent necessity with regard to the re-
maining archival sources (both governmental and private) from the
seventeenth and eighteenth century, and is highly desirable for ar-
chival collections from the nineteenth and early twentieth century.
(d) Pending the establishment of a new public records office-build-
ing in Curacao, the shelfroom and storage space of the CHA should
be extended considerably on short notice.
(e) A dialogue should be initiated between all persons actively in-
volved in the study of Antillean history. Such a discussion should
aim at the identification of the blank and weak spots in our know-
ledge, and should also lead to the indication oftthe periods and
themes that are to be studied with some priority.




















ARCHIVAL SOURCES TO THE NETHERLANDS ANTILLES 89

NOTES

1. An earlier version of this article was submitted as a discussion-paper to the Eleventh
Conference of Caribbean Historians, Curacao, 5-10 April 1979. The author wishes to
thank Mr. W.E. FORTN for his friendly cooperation in the preparation of that paper.

2. WRIGHT, I.A. - Nederlandse zeevaarders op de eilanden in de CaraTbische Zee en aan
de kust van Columbia en Venezuela. Deel I en II, 1621 1641, 1635-1648. Utrecht,
1934.
MADURO, A.J. - Documenten uit de jaren 1639 en 1640, welke zich in de 'Archivo
General de Indias' bevinden.. Documentos de los atos 1639y 1640 que se encuentran
en el Archivo de Indias en Sevilla... Willemstad, 1961.
CARDOT, C.F. - Curazao Hispanico: Antagonismo Flamenco - Espanol Caracas.
1973.
GOSLINGA, C.Ch. - The Dutch in the Caribbean and on the Wild Cost, 1580-1680.
Assen, 1971.

3. Royal Decrees of 22 December 1915, 7 July 1919, and 12 May 1930.

4. See a.o. M. VAN OPSTALL - De koloniale archieven dienen beschermd te worden. Tref
punt, october 1972, p. 239-241.

5. PAULA, A.F. - A microfiche project to complete the Archives of the Netherlands An-
tilles. Working paper for the Second Caribbean Archives Conference, (1975).

6. ROESSINGH, M.P.H. - Guide to the sources in the Netherlands or the history of Latin
America. The Hague, 1968.

7. MEIINK-ROELOFSZ, M.A.P. - A survey of archives in the Netherlands pertaining to
the history of the Netherlands Antilles. West-lndische Gids 35, 1955, p. 1-38.

8. MEIUNK-ROELOFSZ, M.A.P. - A survey of the archives pertaining to the history of the
Netherlands Antilles in the General State Archives in the Hague. Paper for the First
Caribbean Archives Conference, 1965.

9. OPSrALL, M.E. VAN - Archival sources in the Netherlands. Comparative perspectives
on slavery in new world plantation societies (edited by Vera Rubin and Arthur Tuden),
New York, 1977, p. 501-509.

10. BIJLSMA, R. - Het oud Archief van Curacao en onderhoorige eilanden Bonaire en
Aruba. Verslagen omtrent 's R#ks oude archieven 42 (1). Annex 12. The Hague, 1920
(p. 617-687).
BIJLSMA, R. - Het oud Archief van Curacao en onderhoorige eilanden Bonaire en
Aruba. Supplement. Verslagen omtrent 's R#ks oude archiven 47(1). Annex 8. 1924
(p. 133-144).
BILSMA, R. - De oude archieven van St. Eustatius, Sint-Martin en Saba. Verslagen
omtrent 's R iks oude archieven 47(1). Annex 7. 1924 (p. 99-132).
11. SCHILTKAMP, J.A. - De geschiedenis van het notariaat in het octrooigebied van de
West-lndische Compagnie. The Hague, 1964.





















JAAP VAN SOEST


12. MEIINK-ROELOFSZ, M.A.P. - Een archiefreis in West-Indil. Report, 16 May 1966.
Also published in Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 46 (3), Dec. 1968, p. 261-287, and 47
(1), Sep. 1969, p. 67-90.

13. FELHOEN KRAAL, J. - Libraries and archives for research in West Indian history. With
an appendix on a collection of Curaqao plantation archives. West-Indische Gids 37(2/4),
1957, p. 71-92.

14. MEERENDONK, H.J. VAN - Advies inzake de archiefdiensten van de Nederlandse An-
tillen. (unpublished report) 2 April 1976.

15. HAMELBERG, J.H.J. (ed.) - Documenten behoorende b#i 'De Nederlanders op de West-
Indische eilanden'. - I. Curacao, Bonaire, Aruba. Amsterdam, 1901. - II. St. Eusta-
tius, Saba, St. Martin. Amsterdam, 1903.

16. HoNoRt NABER, S.P. I' (ed.) - J de Laet: laerlyck verhael van de Verrichtinghen der
Geoctroyeerde West-Indische Compagnie in dertien boeken, 1624-1636. 4 vols., The
Hague, 1931-1937.

17. 1795 de slavenopstand op Curacao: een bronnenuitgave van de overheidsdocumenten.
Curacao, 1974.

18. SCHILTKAMP, J.A., and J.Th. DE SMIDT (eds.) - West Indisch Plakaatboek. Publikaties
en andere uetten alsmede de oudste resoluties betrekking hebbende op Curacao Aruba
Bonaire. 1, 1638-1782. Amsterdam, 1978.

19. See note 2 for GOSUNGA, and note 11 for SCHITKAMP.
GROL, G.J. VAN - De grondpolitiek in het West-Indische domein der Generaliteit. - I.
Algemeen historische inleiding. The Hague, 1934 - II. De rechtstoestand van het
grondbezit. The Hague, 1942.
EMMANUEL, l.S. and S.A. EMMANUEL - History of the Jews of the Netherlands Antil-
les. 2 vols., Cincinnati, 1970.
KNAPPERT, L. - Geschiedenis van de Nederlandse Bovenwindse eilanden in de 18e
eeuw. West-lndische Gids 11, 1929/1930, p. 353-386, 421-436, 513-541, 559-574;
12, 1930/1931, p. 31-42, 73-84, 161-178, 279-290, 325-338, 423-440, 471-484,
573-590; 13, 1931/1932, p. 177-202, 249-268, 545-568; 14, 1932, p. 25-41.
ATTEMA, Y. - St. Eustatius, a short history of the island and its monuments. Zutphen,
1976.
HAMELBERG, J.H.J. - De Nederlanders op de West-Indische eiladen. 2 vols., Amster-
dam, 1901, 1903.
HARTOG, J. - Aruba, zoals het uws, zoals het wrd. Aruba, 1962.
HARTOG, J. - Curacao, van kolonie tot autonomie. Aruba, 1961.
HARTOG, J. - De Bovenwindse eilanden St. Maarten, Saba, St. Eustatius, eens gouden
rots, *u zilveren dollars. Aruba, 1965.
HARTOG, J. - Bonaire, van indianen tot toeristen. Aruba, 1957.

20. Some of the islands that today form part of the Netherlands Antilles played an important
role in the international slave trade. Studies on this subject by Dutch authors (e.g.
UNGER, POSTMA, EMMER, VAN WINTER) have all been done from an African and/or
Dutch point of view, touching only tangentially on the islands; until now, no com-





















ARCHIVAL SOURCES TO THE NETHERLANDS ANTILLES 91

parable study from a (Dutch) Antillean point of departure exists.

21. HOETINK, H. - Het patroon van de oude Curacaosche samenleving. Leiden, 1958.

22. BooY, E.P. DE, and A.J. LOOIJENGA - Overzicht van archieven van particuliere onder-
nemingen berustend in openbare archiefbewaarplaatsen. N.pl., 1975.

23. It is not even known how many of such artificial files have been made; one can still find
them in the attics of government offices.

24. FASEL, W.A. - Inventaris van bet archief van bet Ministerie van Kolonisn, 1814-1849.
Idem, 1850-1900. The Hague, 1954. See also:
PIRENNE, L.P.L. (ed.) - De Rijksarchieven in Nederland. 2 vols., The Hague, 1973;
and
WONDAAL, H.G. and R. BRAAD - Overzicht van de archieven geplaatst in bet hulpde-
pot van het Algemeen Rijksarchief in Schaarsbergen. The Hague, 1975.

25. JONGH, G.J.W. DE - Beschrijving van een vezameling stukken afkomstig van Johan-
nes van den Bosch en enige van zijn nakomelingen. N.pl., 1968,

26. VOERMAN, V.P. - Selectie en inventarisatie van het archief van Shell Internationale
Petroleum Maatschappij B.V. Nederlands Archievenblad 79, 1975, special edition.

27. Inhoud inventaris Boskaljon. Typescript, n.pl., n.y., 104 pp.

28. Klapper op de objectendossiers van het Centraal Historisch Archief N.pl., 1970.

29. Archief Hof van Justitie. Inventaris. N.pl., 1978.

30. Curafaosche Bank. Voorlopige inventaris Oud-Archief Typescript, 16 pp. (made in
1973).
Inhoud (van het archief van de N.V. Curacaosche Hypotheekbank). Typescript, 10 pp.
(made in 1973).
(Lijst van documenten in het archief van de Spaar- en Beleenbank van Curacao).
Manuscript, 35 pp. (made in 1976).

31. HULLU, J. DE - Bonaire in 1816. West-Indische Gids 4, 1923, p. 505-511.
HUu.U, J. DE - Aruba in 1816. West-lndische Gids 5, 1923, p. 371-382.
HULLu, J. DE - Curacao in 1817. Bijdragen van het Koninkijyk Instituut voor Taal-,
Land- en Volkenkunde 67, 1913, p. 563-609.
GAAY-FORTMAN, B. DE - Brieven van den Commissaris-Generaal van de (Nederland-
sche) West-lndische bezittingen J. van den Bosch aan den Minister voor de Marine en
de Kolonien (1827-1829). Biydragen en Mededeelingen van het Historisch Genoot-
schap 51, 1930, p. 189-335.

32. BORDEWIJK, H.W.C. - Ontstaan en ontwikkeling van bet staatsrecht van Curacao. The
Hague, 1911.
BORDEWIJK, H.W.C. - Handelingen overdue reglementen op bet bekid der Regering in
de koloniln Suriname en Curacao. The Hague, 1914.






















JAAP VAN SOEST


33. ZANEN, G.E. VAN - David Ricardo Caprilles: student, geneesheer, schrijver. Assen,
1969.

34. NouHUYS, J.W. VAN - De Eerste Nederlandsche Transatlantische Stoomvaart in 1827
van Zr.Ms Stoompakket 'Curacao'. The Hague, 1927.

35. BOSCH, G.B. - Reizen in West-lndil en door een gedeelte van Zuid- en Noord-Ameri-
ka. 3 vols., Utrecht, 1829, 1836, 1843.
BRUSSE, A.T. - Curacao en zine bewoners. Curaqao, 1882.
HERING, J.H. - Br i Minr rng van het eiland Curacao en de daaronder behorende eilan
den Bon-Aire, Oroba en Klein Curafao. Amsterdam, 1779.
SIMONS, G.J. - GBshritn inre van het eiland Curacou, uit verschillende bronnen bijeen-
verzameld. Oosterwolde, 1868.

36. For BORDEWIK, see note 32.
KASTEL, A.C.T. - De staatkundige ontwikkeling der Nederlandse Antillen. The
Hague, 1956.
HELSDINGEN, W.H. VAN - De Eilandenregeling Nederlandse Antillen. The Hague,
1963.
HELSDINGEN, W.H. VAN - De Staatsregeling van de Nederlandse Antillen van 1955.
The Hague, 1956.
HELSDINGEN, W.H. VAN en Th. VAN DER PEYL - Het Statuut van het Koninkrijk der
Nederlanden. The Hague, 1957.

37. DE GAAY FORTMAN has been a prolific writer; most of his publications are mentioned in
NAGELERKE, G.A. - Nederlandse Antillen. Literatuuroverzicht vanafde 17e eeuw tot
1970. Leiden, 1973, pags. 32-38.

38. CORPORAAL, K.H. - De internationaalrechtelijke betrekkingen tusschen Nederland en
Venezuela, 1816-1920. Leiden, 1920.
GOSLINGA, C.Ch. - Curafao and Guzman Blanco: a case study of small power politics
in the Caribbean. The Hague, 1975.

39. SOEST, J. VAN - Trustee of the Netherlands Antilles: a history of money, banking and
the economy... Curaao, 1978.

40. JONG, TH. DE - De krimpende horizon van de Hollandse kooplieden. Hollands welva
ren in bet Caribisch zeegebied, 1780-1830. Assen, 1966.
HARTOG, J. - Het verhaal der Maduro's... 1837-1962, Aruba, 192.
HARTOG, J. - U.S. Consul in the 19th century Curacao. The life and works of Leonard
Burlington Smith. Aruba, 1971.
SOEST, J. VAN - Olie als Water. De CuraCaose economic in de twintigste eeuw. Cura-
Fao, 1976.

41. GOSUNGA, C.Ch. - Emancipatie en emancipator. Assen, 1956.
HOETlNK, H. - Het patroon van de oude Curacaose samenleving. Assen, 1958.
EMMER, P. - Engeland, Nederland en Afrika en de afschaffing van de slavenhandel in
de negentiende eeuw. Leiden, 1974.
ROMER, R. - Un pueblo na kaminda. Een sociologisch-historische studied van de Cura-
faose samenleving. Curagao, 1977.