Front Cover
 Front Matter
 Title Page
 Table of Contents
 List of documents
 Part VIII: Communications from...
 Part IX: Communications from...
 Part X: Communications from...
 Part XI: Communications from...
 Part XII: Communications from...
 Part XIII: Communications from...
 Part XIV: Communications from...
 Back Cover

Group Title: Publications of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Division of International Law
Title: Diplomatic correspondence of the United States concerning the independence of the Latin-American nations
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00098564/00003
 Material Information
Title: Diplomatic correspondence of the United States concerning the independence of the Latin-American nations
Series Title: Publications of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Division of International Law, volume III documents 755-1191
Physical Description: 3 v., xxx, 2229p. ; 26 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Manning, William R ( William Ray ), 1871-1942
United States -- Dept. of State
Publisher: Oxford University Press
Place of Publication: New York
Publication Date: 1925
Subject: Foreign relations -- United States -- Latin America   ( lcsh )
Foreign relations -- Latin America -- United States   ( lcsh )
History -- Sources -- Latin America -- Wars of Independence, 1806-1830   ( lcsh )
Relations extérieures -- États-Unis -- Amérique latine   ( rvm )
Relations extérieures -- Amérique latine -- États-Unis   ( rvm )
Histoire -- Sources -- Amérique latine -- 1806-1830 (Guerres d'indépendance)   ( rvm )
Relations extérieures -- Sources -- États-Unis -- Amérique latine   ( ram )
Relations extérieures -- Sources -- Amérique latine -- États-Unis   ( ram )
Histoire diplomatique -- Sources -- Amérique latine -- 1806-1830 (Guerres d'indépendance)   ( ram )
Genre: Sources   ( lcsh )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Statement of Responsibility: selected and arranged by William R. Manning.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00098564
Volume ID: VID00003
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 00806763
lccn - 25019089


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Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Front Matter
        Page i
        Page ii
        Page iii
        Page iv
    Title Page
        Page v
        Page vi
    Table of Contents
        Page vii
        Page viii
    List of documents
        Page ix
        Page x
        Page xi
        Page xii
        Page xiii
        Page xiv
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        Page xxx
    Part VIII: Communications from Great Britain
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    Part IX: Communications from Mexico
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    Part X: Communications from Netherlands
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    Part XII: Communications from Russia
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    Part XIII: Communications from Spain
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    Part XIV: Communications from Uruguay
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    Back Cover
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Full Text




CarneeiE Endowment

Publications of the
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Division ,of International Law






Division of Latin-American Affairs
Department of State

DOCUMENTS 755-1191





: : .: . .-.
' ,., ..


PART I.-Comnnunications from the United States............ I
P.\RI II.-Cormmunications from Argentina ................... 317

l'.\1R II I.-C-_ommunications from Brazil ...................... 667
PART IV.-Communications from Central America ............. 869
PART V.-Communications from Chile. ...... ........ .... 893
P. VI.- -CmmuI nications from (Great) Colombia ............ 1141
PART VI I.-Communications from France ....... ............. 1369

P.RT VII I.-Cormmunications from Great Britain ................ 1429
PA, IX.-Communications from Mexico ................ .... 1591
PART X -(Co:mmunications from the Netherlands ............ 1709
PART XI.-Coimmunications from Peru. ................ .... 1717
P.\Rr XII -Communications from Russia .................. .... 1849
PART XIIII.-Communications from Spain ...................... 1889
' PART XIV.-Conmmunications from Uruguay. ................ ... 2173

Each volume contains a detailed list of the documents included therein.




Doc. From To Date Page






.- 793






Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Gebrge Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great

George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great

George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Prince de Polignac,
French Ambassador
to Great Britain

Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great


John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great

George Canning, Sec. of
State for Foreign Af-
fairs of Great Britain
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great

George Canning, Sec. of
State for Foreign Af-
fairs of Great Britain
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great

John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Conference with Mr.
Canning, Sec. of State
for Foreign Affairs of
Great Britain
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

June 1o, 1822

June 24, 1822
July 24, 1822
July 26, 1822
Aug. 27, 1822'
Oct. 12, 1822
March 20, 1823
Aug. 19, 1823
Aug. 20, 1823

Aug. 23, 1823

Aug. 23, 1823

Aug. 23, 1823

Aug. 27, 1823

Aug. 28, 1823

Aug. 31, 1823

Sept. 8, 1823

Sept. 19, 1823
Oct. 2, I823
Oct. 9 to 12, 1823

Oct. 10, 1823

Nov. 26, 1823













P\I VlI -( ( IUNIC \T[)ION: F .O Ir (,I. RoIi .IN I. ,J!!t I,"; u, ,JI

fro .

G : or"- C r. n i 'r,.;.:
of Stati fL,r fror,.jcn
.Aliir- of Gri.r.
Briin n

Con.-i .i1.: Or li

Sp.nie Mi, i ter for
F :iri:i .11f.iir--

:,ri n i e '
[lr. Plr, ta, ol the
brrt. h For..:i_-r ri Oli:e

Richard Ru-h, U. S.
Minister ro Great


George Canning, Sec.
ofI tate for Foreign

Affairs of Great
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great

George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great

Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great

Francisco de Zea Ber-
mudez, Minister of
Foreign Affairs of

R ,.h a r ,d h u : lh 1 -1 ,
Mniiirer to rear
F. ritaln

Sime -
Sir W\ illijra ia C-ourt,
Erit-h l;n.-r..:r ro Spain

kicl.hr.J Ru-h, I_1 S
lMmniti.r 1to 1'.rlt
Bri rin
,-_.:,rce al.': I [nlnc, S,:c of,
StatI. for i'origrin .A -
fair: oif rear Pr;ta.n
S.I m<:
John Qiuiiic,. N.:.ini-,

Sac re

\\illiam Co rt. Eriti:h
Min;-trel to Spain

John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great

George Canning, Sec. of
State for Foreign Af-
fairs of Great Britain
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

His Britannic Majesty's
Charge d'Affaires at

5. nie

La.:. :6, T I h .

Dc 27, 1u23

nr,. r. I .'

J i . 1 4

Feb. 9, 1824

March 4, 1824

March 5, 1824

March 6, 1824

June 30, 1824

July Io, 1824
July 31, 1824
Dec. 30, 1824
Jan. 18, 1825
Jan. 21, 1825


1 5'47 -

I jl -

I 4



1524 -

1530 --

D.p. 13, 1 523 1 ,.or.



Doc. From To Date Page







,-L 829


- 833





John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

George Canning, Sec. of
State for Foreign Af-
fairs of Great Britain


Chevalier de los Rios,
Spanish Minister to
Great Britain

Feb. 5, 1825

March 2, 1825

March 1825

March 4, 1825

March 2, 1825
March 25, 1825

Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Count Lieven, Russian
Ambassador to
Great Britain
Prince Esterhazy,
Austrian Ambassa-
dor to Great Britain
Baron de Maltzahn,
Prussian Minister to
Great Britain
George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
John Adams Smith,
U. S. Charge d'Af-
faires ad interim at
Rufus King, U. S.
Minister to Great
John Adams Smith,
U. S. Charge d'Af-
faires ad interim at
George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Rufus King, U. S.
Minister to Great
George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Rufus King, U. S.
Minister to Great




Rufus King, U. S.
Minister to Great

Henry Clay, Sec. of

Rufus King, U. S. Min-
ister to Great Britain

Henry Clay, Sec. of

April 4, 1825
April 12, 1825
May 2,.1825
July 10, 1825

Aug. 9, 1825

Aug. II, 1825
Aug. 13, 1825

Aug. 21, 1825

Aug. 24, 1825

Sept. 4, 1825
Sept. 8, 1825

Sept.,I3, 1825














Henry Clay, Sec. of State March 26, 1825


PART VIII CoMMLi NIC-TIO';, FRO.M CutE.\1 BrII.\N Ilt(,- ,i,,'' I












F r -. -m

C;EI:.ori.e inning Sec.
o.l i ne fcor F(oreizn

Ru'lu Khine i. S
M inirctr r.. (.rear
,r i r in

Sj rlne
S rri E

Si me
George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Rufus King, U. S.
Minister to Great


George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Rufus King, U. S.
Minister to Great
Albert Gallatin, U. S.
Minister to Great

Sept. 5~, 5:-; 1'-


Ruh,, I,: 11. S. M ;n-
i-rtFr tc. ;rc i r'it ainr

li .nr, Cl.,, Sc:. .:.f

->'.ri' 't-r jnn, rL,. ,

Altjiri; -i (jrcar
P, rir r,
Hcrr'. C la.,, SN ,:. -,,

Sa Mc
S' rile

Sa me

Rufus King, U. S. Min-
ister to Great Britain

George Canning, Sec. of
State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Henry Clay, Sec. of
Rufus King, U. S. Min-
ister to Great Britain

Henry Clay, Sec. of


James Brown, U. S.
Minister to France

I') i, 1 25

NO,. 12, I'.25
Nw: 14. i", I 5

Dec. 5, ,--:5
Dec. 21, 1825
Dec. 25, 1825
Jan. Io, 1826

Jan. 12, 1826

Jan. 12, 1826

Jan. 13, 1826

Jan. 14, 1826

Feb. 21, 1826
Oct. 16, 1826

Dec. 16, 1826
Dec. 22, 1826
Dec. 30, 1826
Feb. 2, 1827

1 F7.'



1579 -







Doc. From To Date Page







Henry Clay, Sec. of State Nov. 18, 1825

William Taylor, U. S.
Consul for Vera Cruz
and Alvarado
Joel Roberts Poinsett,
U. S. Minister to
William Taylor, U. S.
Consul for Vera Cruz
and Alvarado
Pablo Obregon, Mexi-
can Minister to the
Sebastian Camacho,
Sec. of State of
Joel Roberts Poinsett,
U. S. Minister to

Joel Roberts Poinsett,
U. S. Minister to




Joel Roberts Poinsett,
U. S. Minister to
Sebastian Camacho, Sec.
of State of Mexico

Henry Clay, Sec. of State
Martin Van Buren, Sec.
of State

Same Aug. 9, 1829

Dec. 2, 1825

Dec. 7, 1825

Jan. 4, 1826

Jan. 13, 1826

Jan. 14, 1826

Jan. 14, 1826
Jan. 28, 1826
Feb. I, 1826
Feb. 25, 1826
March 8, 1826
March 18, 1826
April 8, 1826
May 6, 1826
Nov. 15, 1826
March 28, 1827
May 12, 1827
June 16, 1827
June 20, 1827
July 8, 1827
April 24, 1828
Oct. 28, 1828
Nov. 5, 1828
Dec. 30, 1828
March o1, 1829

Aug. 7, 1829










Aug. 9, 1829



DN, From To Date Page

(024 ,~torg, Prager, U. S. Martin Van Buren, Aug. o1, 1829 1699
\',,. Consul at Sec. of State
025 :,t1 R-oberts Poinsett, Same Aug. 22, 1829 1700
U. 5 Minister to

S.:6 Sami: Same Sept. 2, 1829 1701
(.:7 Sirme Same Sept. 22, 1829 1702
,." J:,.- Majrfa de Bocane- Joel Roberts Poinsett, Same 1702
cr.3, S-c. of State of U. S. Minister to
IM cico Mexico
u-4, li:-,l Roberts Poinsett, Martin Van Buren, Oct. 2, 1829 1704
Ili S. Minister to Sec. of State

',io rjn,,i Same Oct. 14, 1829 1705
'51 S'j rne Same Same 1706
,'. Geore R. Robertson, Same Dec. 4, 1829 1706
i;. S. Consul at

933 Jo-c Maria Tornel, Daniel Brent, Acting Aug. 22, 1830 1707
Mexican Minister to Secretary of State of
the U. S. the U. S.


Doc. From To Date Page

934 Alexander H. Everett, John Quincy Adams, Jan. 5, 1819 1711
Charge d'Affaires of Sec. of State
the U. S. at Brussels
935 Same Same Aug. 8, 1819 1711
936 Same Same Dec. 8, 1823 1712
937 Same Same Jan. 12, 1824 1713
938 Same Same Feb. 21, 1824 1714
939 Same Same March 26, 1824 1716
940 Christopher Hughes, Henry Clay, Sec. of July 17, 1826 1716
Charge d'Affaires of State
the U. S. at The



Doc. From To Date Page

Statement of W. G. D.
Worthington, U. S.
Special Agent to
Peru, Chile and
Buenos Aires
Joel Roberts Poinsett,
ex-Agent of U. S.
to South America
Act of Independence
of Peru
John B. Prevost, U. S.
Special Agent to
Peru, Buenos Aires
and Chile
William Tudor, U. S.
Consul at Lima
John B. Prevost, U. S.
Special Agent to Peru,
Bueno Aires and Chile
William Tudor, U. S.
Consul at Lima
Jos6 Ram6n Rodil,
Military and Politi-
cal Governor of the
Province of Lima
William Tudor, U. S.
Consul at Lima

John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State





William Tudor, U. S.
Consul at Lima

Jos6 Ram6n Rodil, Mili-
tary and Political Gov-
ernor of the Province
of Lima

July I, 1818

Nov. 4, 1818

July 15, 1821

Dec. 7, 1821

Feb. 6, 1822
March 4, 1822
April I, 1822
April 16, 1822
March 13, 1823
March 29, 1823
April 24, 1823
May 15, 1823
May 27, 1823
June 29, 1823
July 10, 1823
July 21, 1823
Jan. 10, 1824
March 13, 1824
April 4, 1824
May 3, 1824

June 7, 1824
June o1, 1824

July II, 1824

Aug. 24, 1824
Sept. 4, 1824

Sept. 6, 1824













Fr- n.

\V l ,,1i T .J.:.r, LI S
''t>r. il j Linti
Si me

J,.hn B. Fr: :..:-l. .; S
Sp,:,il .AL E-nt t..

and Ch'I l,.
\\ iill Tit.J, U. .i.
i nl : l ] L ai

I 'if i ,

[.ihn I:. Pr: .. .:l, i i .
Sp. :li Ac'.nit L..
MPru, rlunms.,i Air

\\'illiim Tudur. U. i .
'-'.nr:ul jL Li ii
IIh Fr'.- .
Sp .-i il A :Irnt ..i1 il.:
U. S t... P.ru, luc-
ti.:- Ar'c' .]r. t-hilh
Sc inh.:,p.- F'r-' ;.
\ lhnm Tud.,r,. U S.
i..n-,ijI it. I.inti

C1i IT It
S in-

S meII

S a FTI.:
Sji nii

S inme

J.n.i QuI'c, .\. lini,
S':,: f. S '-t t:





jmi n

S I mei


Si mc

3rSi it

I- i ,SF .' t.. S i atF




I 7 14




l:: l

S,:f IN I. '24
Se:|..t. 2;, 1 2.:4

L.N- ,, i' 4

Jin :. I:5

Nit.. I-. -e ,

,.n 2 1 ":2.
F>.b j : .:25

Jan. 24. I i"?

F,. .: i -x:
ApH I .'.
A. r 25, I :x2

Juno i 1 25x
lNO 5. I !6
i ..I 20 2r,

Alu. 24. 1I 1:
No.t Z5, 1In20
N- It'. 2
Jin 2-, I'27



Doc. From To Date Page

997 William Tudor, U. S. Henry Clay, Sec. of State Feb. 3, 1827 1815
Consul at Lima
998 Same Same Feb. 21, 1827 1823
999 Same Same March 23, 1827 1825
o000 Same Same May 23, 1827 1831
o001 Same Same June 15, 1827 1833
1002 James Cooley, U. S. Same Sept. 19, 1827 1835
Charge d'Affaires at
1003 Same Same Nov. 7, 1827 1835
1004 F. I. Mariategui, Same Nov. 16, 1827 1837
Minister of Foreign
Relations of Peru
1005 William Tudor, U. S. Same Nov. 20, 1827 1840
Consul at Lima
1oo6 James Cooley, U. S. Same Dec. 12, 1827 1843
Charge d'Affaires at
1007 William Tudor, U. S. Martin Van Buren, Aug. I, 1829 1844
ex-Consul at Lima Sec. of State
1008 Samuel Lamed, U. S. Same Dec. 15, 1829 1846
Charge d'Affaires at


No. From To Date Page

1009 William Pinkney, John Quincy Adams, Sept. 13/25, 1851
U. S. Minister to Sec. of State 1817
1oI0 Same Same Sept. 29/Oct. 1852
II, 1817
IoU Russian Memorial on For communication to Nov. 17, 1817 1853
the Negotiation rela- the interested Courts
tive to the question and to the Cabinets of
of Rio de la Plata, the Mediating Powers
and in general, on
the pacification of
the Colonies
1012 George W. Campbell, John Quincy Adams, Dec. 10/22, 1859
U. S. Minister to Sec. of State 1818
1013 Same Same Feb. 6/18, 1819 1860



". From To Date Page

ioI 4

lo 4-












,.I,:.rIe W. Campbell,
I.i S. Minister to
Su i ,rr

C.,unt Nesselrode, Sec.
of State for Foreign
.\fljirs of Russia
-;e.,r.e W. Campbell,
IU S. Minister to
F: u sia
He,-,r:, Middleton,
Ui '. Minister to
F:u sia
Baron de Tuyll, Rus-
sian Minister to the
Henry Middleton,
U. S. Minister to



Count Nesselrode,
Sec. of State for
Foreign Affairs of
Henry Middleton,
U. S. Minister to





John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State


Pierre de Poletica, Rus-
sian Minister to the
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State




Henry Clay, Sec. of
Count Nesselrode, Sec. of
State for Foreign
Affairs of Russia
Henry Clay, Sec. of
Henry Middleton, U. S.
Minister to Russia

Henry Clay, Sec. of


Count Nesselrode, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Russia
Henry Clay, Sec. of

Count Nesselrode, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Russia

April 21/May
3, 1819

Sept. 24/Oct.
6, 1819
Nov. 27/Dec. 9,

Dec. 31, 1819/
Jan. 12, 1820

July 8/20, 1822

Oct. 4/16, 1823

Feb. 5/17, 1824

Feb. 7/19, 1825
April 7/13, 1825

July 2/14, 1825

July 15/27,
Aug. 20, 1825

Aug. 27/Sept.
8, 1825

Sept. 18/30,
Feb. 27/March
II, 1826

Feb. 28/March
12, 1826
July 18/30,
Aug. 30, 1826




















Do. From To Date Page

1033 Henry Middleton, Henry Clay, Sec. of Sept. 5/17, 1884
U. S. Minister to State 1826
1034 Same Same Sept. 8/20, 1885
1035 Baron de Maltitz, Same Nov. 18/30, 1886
Charge d'Affaires of 1826
Russia at Wash-


Dc.FromToDate Page
No. From To Date Page

Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
George W. Erving,
U. S. Minister to
Pedro Cevallos, First
Minister of State of
George W. Erving,
U. S. Minister to
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.

James Monroe, Sec. of
Pedro Cevallos, First
Minister of State of
George W. Erving, U. S.
Minister to Spain

Pedro Cevallos, First
Minister of State of
James Monroe, Sec. of

Sept. 5, 1815

Dec. 30,1815
Jan. 2, 1816
Feb. 22, 1816
March 2, 1816
March 25, 1816
Sept. 26, 1816

Oct. 17, 1816

Oct. 25, 1816

Oct. 26, 1816

Jan. 2, 1817
Jan. 15, 1817
Jan. 16, 1817
Feb. 10, 1817
Feb. II, 1817
Feb. 12, 1817
Feb. 22, 1817
Feb. 28, 1817














P.r:T X1 l -(COMMIUN:ICATIjON FROM SP.I[N (Continued)

, oFr.:.m To Date Page

- ..rge .. r\\ ir,. S.
M n-licer t,-, S.iii
Lu.:- d i: (r,, S(p- ni-h

Ii S

S;] [iii

Si 1i,-

S.i in

G.,:rc E, inc,
U. S. Minister to
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to U. S.


Jos6 Pizarro, First Sec.
of State of Spain
George W. Erving, U. S.
Minister to Spain

Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
George-W. Erving, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
George W. Erving,
U. S. Minister to

J,,l-.,n irji Adl i

1Srec ."1 j M

J.:.in ;u[I. Ad rmn .,


Richl rJd [ u-h, .-\ tinc
Soom. ol 5tijri:

John Quir.,. .-\damn,
Sec. of State

Acting Sec. of State

Richard Rush, Acting
Sec. of State
John Quincy Adams, Sec.
of State
George W. Erving, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Jos6 Pizarro, First Sec. of
of State of Spain
John Quincy Adams, Sec.
of State



John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State


March o1, 1817

March II, 1817

March 15, 1817

March 26, 1817
March 29, 1817

April 4, 1817
April 5, 1817
April 6, 1817

April 18, 1817

April 19, 1817

July 9, 1817

Aug. 17, 1817

Aug. 19, 1817

Aug. 27, 1817

Sept. 2, 1817

Sept. 19, 1817
Nov. 2, 1817
Jan.o1, 1818

Jan.24, 818

Feb. Io, 1818

Feb. 26, 1818
March 1,1818



















Doc. From To Date Page













Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
George W. Erving,
U. S. Minister to
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
George W. Erving,
U. S. Minister to
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
George W. Erving,
U. S. Minister to
John Forsyth, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Francisco Dionisio
Vives, Spanish Min-
ister to the U. S.
John Forsyth, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Thomas L. L. Brent,
Charge d'Affaires ad
interim of the U. S.
at Madrid
John Forsyth, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Joaquin de Anduaga,
Spanish Minister to
the U. S.

John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State











May 7, 1818

June 9, 1818
June II, 1818

July 27, 1818

July 28, 1818
Aug. 9, 1818

Oct. 24, I818

Nov. 16, 1818
Dec. 12, 1818
Jan. 4, 1819

Feb. II, 1819
Aug. 22, 1819

April 14, 1820

April 19, 182o
April 24, 1820
May 5, 1820
May 9, 1820
June 29, 1820

July 13, 1820
July 10, 1821

Sept. 19, 1821

Dec. 17, 1821
Feb. 14, 1822
March 9, 1822

















N. From To Date Page

J.,hn Forsyth, U. S.
Minister to Spain
.ioquin de Anduaga,
Spanish Minister to
the U. S.
S u111,
John Forsyth, U. S.
Minister to Spain
S ine d
Sin M
S ae .

S lnee


Sjn le
iJo.iquin de Anduaga,
Fpanish Minister to
the U. S.
io]hn Forsyth, U. S.
Minister to Spain
i.jjqalin de Anduaga,
Spanish Minister to
the U. S.
John J. Appleton,
Charge d'Affaires ad
interim of the U. S.
at Madrid
John J. Appleton,
Charge d'Affaires
ad interim at Madrid
William a Court, Brit-
ish Minister to Spain

Hugh Nelson, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Francisco Hilario de
Rivas y Salmon,
Acting Charg6
d'Affaires of Spain
at Washington

John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State







Conversation with John
J. Appleton, U. S.
Charge d'Affaires ad
interim at Madrid
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Daniel Brent, Acting
Sec. of State

March 21, 1822

April II, 1822

April 24, 1822
May 2, 1822

May 20, 1822
June 23, 1822
June 28, 1822
July 18, 1822
Aug. 26, 1822
Oct. 31, 1822
Nov. 20, 1822
Dec. 13, 1822
Dec. 14, 1822

Jan. Io, 1823

March 6, 1823

March 7, 1823
March 20, 1823

July 9, 1823
Aug. 6, 1823

Dec. 7, 1823

Dec. 18, 1823

June 18, 1824
July 15, 1824
Sept. 29, 1824















Doc. From To Date Page

Hugh Nelson, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Alexander H. Everett,
U. S. Minister to




Duke del Infantado,
First Sec. of State of
Alexander H. Everett,
U. S. Minister to




John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Henry Clay, Sec. of

Francisco de Zea Bermu-
dez, First Sec. of State
of Spain
Henry Clay, Sec. of
Duke del Infantado,
First Sec. of State of
Henry Clay, Sec. of
Alexander H. Everett,
U. S. Minister to Spain

Henry Clay, Sec. of

Duke del Infantado,
First Secretary of State
of Spain
Henry Clay, Sec. of
Frederick Lamb, British
Minister to Spain

Oct. 17, 1824

Nov. 22, 1824
Aug. 12, 1825

Sept. 8, 1825
Sept. 25, 1825
Oct. Io, 1825

Oct. 16, 1825

Oct. 20, 1825
Nov. 21, 1825
Dec. 12, 1825
Jan. I, 1826
Jan.20, 1826

Jan. 26, 1826
Jan. 27, 1826

Feb. 3,1826
Feb. 8, 1826
Feb. 13, 1826
Feb. 14, 1826

Feb. 24, 1826

March 13, 1826
April 5, 1826
May 20, 1826

June 2, 1826

June 7, 1826

June 8, 1826














F'A.rr XliI.-C.-,MMXlTuNlC.\h.l...N Fi:. '. S"PAIN (Continued)

F r.:mn

Fre.ler;.:k L .iiib

,ir i l i.ier 6tv

l.li.. M tri. _[?r [,:.
pr'j IN

X-In.\l r 1 E r
S.i nie

S ir.i ,
Sir, i SE .: of StarL .1
X .\l'-im ler H-. E ?erel.,
l.i. S Mlin.-r r to

5. Iine

S rilc

Sn. F -

i nie

M j n:jl G,,'zle: S,-I
Nmon. Fir:t Seic o
bi 5r e o1 Sr.:.i
Ale,.mnder H. Efer ett,
I.i S. Mlinitrer C.:,

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June 8, 1826

June 9, 1826

June Io, 1826

June 12, 1826


June 25, 1826

July 8, 1826

July 13, 1826

Sept. I, 1826
Nov. 7, 1826
Jan. 7, 1827
March 31, 1827
April 7, 1827
April 19, 1827
June 9, 1827
Aug. 17, 1827
Nov. 8, 1827
Dec. 12, 1827
April 4, 1828
April 29, 1828
April, 1828

April 30, 1828

May I, 1828

June 23, 1828
















Doc. From To Date Page

1181 Alexander H. Everett, Manuel Gonzalez Salmon, Dec. 15, 1828 2162
U. S. Minister to First Sec. of State of
Spain Spain
1182 Same F. M. de Madrid, Colom- Dec. 30, 1828 2163
bian Minister to Great
1183 Same Henry Clay, Sec. of State Jan. o1, 1829 2169


Doc. From To Date Page

1184 General Jos6 Artigas, President James Monroe Sept. I, 1817 2175
revolutionary leader
of Uruguay
1185 W. G. Miller, U. S. John Quincy Adams, Sec. April 17, 1821 2175
Consul at Montevideo of State
1186 Same Same April 18, 1821 2176
1187 Same Same July 13, 1821 2177
1188 W. G. Miller, U. S. Same July 20, 1821 2183
Consul at Montevideo
1189 Same Same Sept. 14, 1821 2184
1190 Joshua Bond, U. S. Henry Clay, Sec. of State Feb. 20, 1829 2186
Consul at Montevideo
1191 Same Martin Van Buren, Sec. Nov. 20, 1830 2188
of State



The idiosyncrasies of spelling, punctua-
tion, capitalization and grammar of the
original manuscript stand uncorrected in
this print, except in case of manifest and
inadvertent error, where the correction
could in nowise affect the sense.



John Spear Snitl,, Ch;are d'.1ffaires of the United States at London, to James
Monroe, Secretary of State of the United States 1
[E X rACT]
LONDON, October 22, z8zI.
Mr. Su- irt, IMr. Mlrrier [MolrierJ & Captain Cockburn are the persons
appointed tL. the Prince Rcgent, for the purpose of reconciling the Spanish
Colonie- in S,:outh America, t., the M.Iother Country.
I ha:i\ the hon,.,ir [etc.j.

Jonathan Ruissell, Chare," d'.11f ires of the United States at London, to James
Monroe, Secretary of State of the United States 2
LONDON, January 14, 1812.
SIR: I hae:- the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your two letters of
the: 27th .,1 Nov'. list.
I shall endi\avour to perform the trust committed to me relative to the
independcncte of the Provinces of Venezuela in a manner calculated to
accomplish the \\i-hi of thos-: provinces & the United States without
c',mlpro:mnittin tlhi pacific relation- of the latter with other powers. I feel
it ht:ev.c.er t, be in the t'.isting state of things a delicate undertaking &
;h.,uld I defer it until I ha,-\: a more accurate knowledge of the spirit which
pre vails h: nre in relati.,n to tho-:e Provinces I hope the delay will be approved
L,, the Pre-sidenr
I have the honour [Cic.].
MS DL)patch-i- from rearat Britain. XVII. John Spear Smith left in charge of legation
in G(rcat Britain fromu Mji i.. .to No .ember 15, I8sI.
:MS LDhpatLhi from re-it Britain, XVIII.
S See aboc pt. i, dJoc. I-. Mnri roe t: Barlow, November 27, 1811, a copy of which also
'ent to the Icgation In Londorn.


Jonathan Russell, Charge d'Affaires of the United States at London, to James
Monroe, Secretary of State of the United States
LONDON, February 3, i8z2.
The persons appointed here as mediators between Spain & her colonies
will, I am well informed, immediately proceed to the execution of their trust.
Capt. Coburn probably leaves England this day for Lisbon with Mr. Ben-
ham on board who goes thither to replace Mr. Stuart. Capt. Coburn2 will
thence proceed with Mr. Stuart to join Mr. Morier. The object of this
mission as far as I can learn is to persuade the Spanish colonies to aid the
mother country in her present struggle and to promise them new privileges
immediately-and even to flatter them with independence when this conflict
is over. Much good is not indeed sanguinely expected from this interfer-
ence but it appears generally to be admitted that the efforts of old Spain
will cease the moment she is cut off from the resources of the new world.
England will no doubt endeavour to draw from those provinces all the sup-
plies which she possibly can for the aid of her ally during the war & to secure
for herself the monopoly of their commerce afterwards. If we go to war
with England these projects may not be unworthy of attention as we shall
have ample means to render them abortive.

John Quincy Adams, United States Minister to Great Britain, to James Monroe,
Secretary of State of the United States 3
LONDON, January 22, 1816.
On the 14th I wrote a Note to Lord Castlereagh, requesting an interview
with him. On the 18th I received his answer, appointing the 25th to meet
me, and apologizing for the delay, on account of his being detained in the
country. The Ratification by the President, of the Commercial Convention,
was received here on the 17th and was published in the Newspapers of the
next day, together with the speech of the Chevalier Onis, upon his reception
by the President. It is to be hoped that the restoration of the ordinary
Diplomatic Relations, between the United States and Spain, will be followed
SMS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XVIII.
Cockburn? See above pt. vin, doc. 755.
3 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XX.


DOCUMENT 758: J.\NUAR\Y 22, l816

by a more concilitory policy on the parr of rhe latter Power, than she has
hitherto pursutcd. The internal :almini;stratiorn of Spain has given so much
di 'ust to the public feeling of Euro:pe, -nd particularly of this Country,
that the British Cabinet its- I ha- in some scrt partaken of it. The National
Sentiment in ErnLiland i li;kev. ie strong in favour of the South Americans;
and the prevailin.c o.pini:n is that the-ir Independence would be highly
advantageous to the intere-sts of thi Country. A different and directly
opposite -entiment is entertained Ly the Government. Their Disposition
is decided :icainit the South .Am:-ricans; but [by a political obliquity, not
without example, it is not so unequix locally, in favour of the mothercountry.
In the year 1770, that wise and honest Minister, Mr. Turgot, reported to
the Kinr :of Fr:ince, that it was f.or the intere-st of his kingdom, that the
insurrection in No.rth America sho._uld be suppre.-.ed; because the Insurgents
whien subdued. w:, uld 'till be cuch turbulent : nd mutinous subjects, that
it wr.,uld employ all the force of Irear Britain to keep them down; and her
w.eakne would make her ,1 peaceable, or it least a harmless neighbour.
In the month -of Feblruar' 1775, France concluded a Treaty of Commerce,
and an %eentual Treatvy f Alliance, with the United States, because they
were de .l'ac,') Ind.ependent. In the interv-al between those two periods,
France was wavering, and temporiziill-With one hand seizing American
privateers in her Porrt, and w'\ith the other sending supplies of arms and
ammunition to America. This is precisely the present situation of Great
Britain toward- Spain. The Cabinet hale many, other reasons, besides that
of Mr. Turmot, to secure the good neighbourhood of impotence, for wishing
that the In.urrection should be suppre'.sed. I. They have a deep-rooted
and in\vetrate prejudice, fortiihed by all the painful recollections of their
own unfortunate contest, acQainrt any revolution by which Colonies are
emanicipatcd and become Independent State-s. 2. They have a forcible
niora, impression, like that :of their antip:-thy to the Slave Trade, that it is
w'rPl/,, to, a-.-is.t or encourage C,.lo:nies in the attempt to throw off the yoke
uo their mother Country. 3. They dread the influence of example, and
alway- remember how many Colonies they, themselves still possess. 4. They
fear the con-equences of South American Independence upon the whole
system of European Colonial Policy. Their attachment to this has been
amply displayed, in their an\iou, and persevering efforts to draw the
Brag.mnz.i family back tc. Lisbon; efort,. well kn-own to you; and which will
pro:lbl, yet be successful 5. The mystic Virtues of Legitimacy. It is
impossible to write with proper gra ity upon this subject. But it has no
small operation against the South American Independents. 6. And last
but not least, they look \vith no propiti:ou eye to the relations which will
naturally.\ arise between Independent il-overnments on the two American
Continents. They fI'oresee Ie,; direct -iadanrage to themselves, from a free
commercial inrtercourre with Sth uth .-merica, than indirect injury, by its



tendency to promote the interests of the United States-Perhaps they think
a period may arise when one of the parties to their struggle, will offer exclu-
sive advantages and privileges to them as the price of their assistance.
Hitherto they have professed to be neutral, and at one time offered their
mediation between the parties-But they have assisted Ferdinand at least
with money; without which, Morillo's armament never could have sailed
from Cadiz, and they have suffered all sorts of supplies to be sent to the
insurgents, from Jamaica. For, as, notwithstanding their inclinations, they
are aware the South Americans may ultimately prove de facto Independent,
they hold themselves ready to take advantage of the proper moment to
acknowledge them, if it should occur. This is one of the points upon which
the Opposition are continually urging the Ministry, but hitherto without
Should the United States be involved in a War with Spain, whether by
acknowledging the South Americans, or from any other cause, we may take
it for granted that all the propensities of the British Government will be
against us. Those of the Nation will be so, perhaps in equal degree; for we
must not disguise to ourselves that the national feeling against the United
States is more strong and more universal than it ever has been. The State
of Peace instead of being attended by general prosperity is found only to
have aggravated the burdens of taxation which press upon the Country.
There is considerable distress weighing chiefly upon the landed interest,
although the accounts which you will see of it, are excessively exaggerated.
Enough however is felt to prompt a strong wish for a new War, in a great
portion of the community; and there is no Nation with which a War would
be so popular as with America. But I have no hesitation in stating my
conviction that the present policy of the Ministry towards America is more
pacific than that of the Nation. They are aware of the responsibility which
such a War would bring upon them, and are not at this time prepared to
encounter it. Of the cession of Florida, I have not lately heard, but I
think there is no considerable armed force prepared or preparing to be sent
there either from England or Ireland. The Navy, as I have informed you,
is reduced to a Peace Establishment unusually small, and even the ships
that are recommissioned cannot be manned, without bounties and impress-
ment. There is a Coll. Stapleton, Secretary to the Commissioners of the
Barrack Office, going out in the frigate with Mr. Bagot. He goes to Charles-
ton, South Carolina, as he says, on private business of his own. This is the
only symptom I have yet perceived, of a large military expedition to Florida.



John Q( incy .4 Idams, United State!s Minister to Great Britain, to James Monroe,
Ser'teltary of .Sitai of the United States 1
LONDON, February 8, z8i6.
The tone of struggling irritation and complacency with which this was
said, induced me to ,:,b:erve that I did not precisely understand what he
[Lord Catlereagh] intended by this advice of moderation. That the United
States had no design of encroachment upon their neighbours, or of exercising
any injustice toward. Spain. . Instead of an explanation, he replied
only Ly recurring to the British policy with regard to Spain. "You may be
sure (said hei that Great Britain has no design of acquiring any addition
to her poassessi.,ns there. Great Britain has done every thing for Spain.
\\'e ha e saved, w\e have dIcli\vrcd her. We have restored her Government
t,:, her, and we had hoped the result would have proved more advantageous
to herself ac well as more useful to the world than it has been. We are
sorry that the Event has nut altogether answered our expectations. We
lament the unfortunate situation of her internal circumstances; owing to
which we are afraid that shc can neither exercise her own faculties for the
c:-mfort and happine-s of the Nation, nor avail herself of her resources for
the eftectual exertion :of her Power. We regret this, but we have no disposi-
tion to, take advantage of think star of things to obtain from it any exclusive
privilege for ours,!\ el.. In the unfortunate troubles of her colonies in South
America, we have not only avoidJed to seek, but we have declined every
exclusive indulgence or privilege to ourselves. We went even so far as to
ofier to take upon us that most unpleasant and thankless of all offices, that
of mediating between the parties to those differences. We appointed a
formal mission for that purpo-s, who proceeded to Madrid; but there, the
1C.,urt of Spain declined accepting our offer, and we have had the usual
fortune of impartiality; we have displeased both parties. The Spanish
G-:overnment for not taking part with them against their Colonies, and the
South Americans for not countenancing their resistance." . I told
him that the police of the American Government towards Spain, had in
this particular been the same. They had not indeed made any offer of their
mediation. The state of their Relations with the Spanish Government,
could neither ha.ve \ arrjnrcd, nor admitted of such an offer. But they have
ol.served the same sv-i tm Io impartial neutrality between the parties. They
h -,e sought no peculiar, or exclusive advantage for the United States, and
I was happy to hear from him that such was the policy of Great Britain; for
it might ha'\t an influence upon the Views of my own Government, to co-
operate with it"- "I have alas, (resumed he) "avowed it to be our
i MS. Di-paicisi from Great Britain, XX.



policy, in Parliament. We have never acknowledged the Governments set
up by the South Americans, because that would not have comported with
our views of neutrality. But we have not consented to prohibit the com-
merce of our People, with them, because that was what Spain had no right
to require of us. Our plan, in offering the mediation which Spain rejected
was that the South Americans should submit themselves to the Govern-
ment of Spain, as Colonies, because we thought she had the right to authority
over them, as the Mother Country. But that she should allow them com-
merce with other nations. Nothing exclusive to us. We neither asked, nor
would have accepted any exclusive privileges for ourselves. We have no
little, or contracted policy. But we proposed that Spain should allow a liberal
commercial intercourse between her Colonies and other Nations, similar to
that which we allow, in our Possessions in India." I then asked him what
he thought would be the ultimate issue of this struggle in South America?
whether Spain would subdue them, or that they would maintain their
Independence? He answered, that every thing was so fluctuating in the
Councils of Spain, and generally, every thing was so dependent upon Events,
not to be calculated, that it was not possible to say what the result might be.
The actual state of things was the only safe foundation for present Policy,
which must be shaped to Events, as they may happen. .. In closing
this part of our Conversation, Lord Castlereagh desired me to consider all
that he had just said with regard to Spain, the situation of her internal
affairs, and the conduct of her Government, as confidential; it having been
spoken with the most perfect freedom, and openness; and that if I should
report it to my Government, I would so state it. I have therefore to request
that it may be so received.

John Quincy Adams, United States Minister to Great Britain, to James Monroe,
Secretary of State of the United States 1
LONDON, March 30, I8i6.
SIR: A few days since, Mr. Del Real, residing here as a Deputy from New
Grenada called upon me and enquired if I had any knowledge of the arrival
at Washington of Mr. Peter Gual, in a similar capacity from that Country.
I told him I had heard generally that there were at Washington, deputies
from the South American Provinces, but not particularly the name of that
Gentleman. Mr. Del Real said he knew of his arrival at New York; but
had not heard from him at Washington. He then enquired what foundation
SMS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XX.


,DOCUMENT 760: M.ARCh 3O0, 1816

there w.as for a rumour generally circulating here, of a rupture between the
United States and Spain. I knew nothing further than had appeared in the
English Newpapers I had heard of a correspondence in December and
January between the Secretary of State, and the Spanish Minister Onis,
which had been communicated by the President to Congress, and the sup-
posed substance of which had -been publishd here. It had further been
said that about the 12th of last month, Mr. Onis had left Washington, and
that all communication between him and the American Government had
been broken off. Later .ccoiints equally unauthenticated, contradicted
this last circumstance, but repeated that Mr. Onis had left Washington
much dissatis ied It was impossible lor me 1to say what the real state of
the Relations, between the United States and Spain were, but as to the
question of Peace or War, I was persuaded it would depend upon Spain
herself. If the demands of Mr. Oni s, had been such as they were represented,
the American Government neither would nor could comply with them-
The present course of Spanish Policy was incomprehensible. If such de-
mands were made, it could not be but with a knowledge that they must, and
would be refused. In ordinary cases the very making of such demands
would imply a settled determination of the Power, advancing them to follow
up the refusal of them Lby immediate War. If .uch was the intention of
Spain, the Unied Sates wldSat have no alternative left, but to defend them-
selves. But they had no desire for a War with Spain As to the South
American Provinces struggling for their Indepndpdence, the general sentiment
in the United States was certainly in their favour. But the Policy of the
Government, a Policv dictated equally by their duty to their own Country,
by their state of amity with Spiin, and Lby their good-will to the South
Americans themselves, was a strict and impartial neutrality between them
and Spain. I said b\ their good-will for the South Americans themselves,
because the neutrality of the United States was more advantageous to them,
by :ecurinv to them the neutrality also of GIreat Britain, than any support
which the United States could cive them, ,by declaring in their favour, and
making coninon cause with then, the effect of which probably would be to
make Great Britain declare against both. He was aware that the popular
feeling in this country wa. now favourable to the South Americans. More
so thin the dispo:-ition. of the preseiit Minii-_try. They complied so far with
the prevailing opinion as to observe a neutrality. But the same popular
sentiment here, he knew \wa very strong against the North Americans; and
if the United States, were ope-nly ro join the cause of Soirth America, and
conseqtuentl \ be enlgaed in a War with Spain, the Briush People would
Inmllediatel1 consider them as the Principils in the contest: all their jealous-
ies, and national antipathies would be enlisted against the common American
cau-e, and as they are even now tormented wirh an uneasy hankering for
\ar, which they think would relieve them from their embarrassments,



their Ministers would take advantage of these Passions, and engage this
Nation upon the side of Spain, merely because the United States '\,_.uld bt
on the other side. He said he was perfectly convinced of the justice o:f the-ie
observations. I asked him if he had any knowledge of an order in Council,
lately issued here, prohibiting all British subjects from supplying arrms.
ammunition and warlike stores to the South Americans. He said he had
not. That the professed system of this Government had always been and
continued to be neutrality. That they allowed a free intercourse between
Jamaica and the South American Continent; and had given order- to their
Admirals on the Station, not to molest the Independent flag, and had re-
fused to deliver up vessels bearing it, which had entered their Ports. But
whenever applied to for an acknowledgment of the Independent Govern-
ments, they had declined upon the ground of their engagements with Spain.
I had shortly before had some conversation upon these subjects with
Count Fernan Nufiez, the Spanish Ambassador at this Court, who spoke to
me, with some courteous expressions of concern, of this abrupt departure
of Mr. Onis from Washington; which he said was altogether unexpected to
him-'though he supposed Onis could not have acted without Orders. He
then referred to the points which had been mentioned in the summary pub-
lished here of your correspondence with Onis. He thought the expeditions
from Kentuckey and Tennessee, might justly be considered by the Spanish
Government as offensive; and that after the surrender of Carthagena, there
was no insurgent Government and that all Vessels under its pretended flag
were to be considered, and treated as Pirates- I said that I had no knowl-
edge what the alleged expeditions from Kentuckey and Tennessee were, but
was very sure they had no countenance from the Government of the United
States. The President's Proclamation had on the contrary warned all the
Citizens of the United States against engaging in any enterprise hostile to
Spain. He said that the proceedings complained of were subsequent to the
Proclamation. I replied that if any illegal combination for such a purpose
had been formed at a distance from the seat of Government, it was to be
considered that the Government of the United States had not the same
means of immediate or of complete control over them, as in similar cases
were possessed by European Governments. They had an open Country.
No barrier of fortified cities, to stop persons intending to pass the frontiers.
No army, or corps of Gensdarmerie to support and give efficacy to measures
of Police; and no authority to arrest individuals, or disperse assemblages,
until possessed of proof that they have committed acts, or are in the process
of committing acts in violation of the Law. With these considerations, I
was very sure that if any such expeditions had been undertaken, they had
neither been sanctioned nor connived at by the American Government.
That they would on the contrary, in the manner, and according to the forms
allowed by our Constitutions be ultimately and effectually prevented, unless


DOCUMENT 761: APRIL 30, 1816

this impatience and heit of Mr. Onis should precipitate the two Countries
into a stite -if ho'-tilitv which we sincerely deprecated. That as to com-
mercial inter'c(our-c with the Independents, and the admission of their flag
into our Port., this he knew was conformable to the received usages of
Nati'-,n. It wa, practised in this case by Great Britain, the closest ally of
Spain, and no one knew better than he, that she had refused either to inter-
dict the commerce with the insurgents to her Subjects, or to exclude their
fl-ig fIrm her Ports. He at first nodded assent to these remarks; and I
observed that if hi- Colleague Onis was ordered to demand his Passports for
cau.-,e -Lsuh a: the-.e, I should expect to hear that he Fernan Nufiez had also
left this Co.urt without taking leave, as the causes of offence to Spain were
the same here, a. had been alleged by him at Washington. The Count said
he did n,-,t know what Onis' orders were, and in truth it was not his concern
Sbut for himself, he was pretty well satisfied with what he had
la/tel obtained here against the insurgents. By which I understood him to
allude tr, the recent order in Council, which I mentioned to Mr. Del Real,
but of which h h hald n,_t heard. Fernan-Nufiez is a man of great softness of
manners and po:ltete-ss of demeanour, and throughout the whole of this
con\er-ation, pre-erved the most perfect good humour.

Jolhn Quincy d.-nis, United States Minister to Great Britain, to James Monroe,
Secretary of State of the United States
LONDON, April 30, z186.
Ml\ letters of 22 and 31. January, and 8. February,2 have given you a
very full account of the execution of your Instructions of io. December,3
and of the \vice of this- Government, in relation to Spain and Spanish Affairs.
The debate- in Parliament have occasionally furnished since then further
eliridati.'n -. of the British Policy. At the very commencement of the Session
of Parliament, Mr. Brougham made a motion in the House of Commons
for an Addrezs to the Prince Regent, requesting him to interpose in behalf
.-f the Span,'h Patri.,t-., who are suffering under Prosecutions by the Govern-
ment of Ferdin ri-d 7. On that occasion, after a very long speech of Mr.
Bro:uchnim, and an animated debate, Lord Castlereagh closed the whole by
a -ptech equally long, the main object of which was to inculpate the Spanish
SMS Dis[-.itchii Ifr,.ni Great Britain, XX.
Se -ahboa, pt viii, du':s. 758 and 759. The letter of January 31 is not printed in this
Cull, t ion
SSbae a-hu.e, pt i. d-)-: 17.



Patriots, and to defend the proceedings of Ferdin:nd'% GC':\oern-niLnt against
them, but in which he at the same time said that thiis _:-\ ernment had inter-
posed, and were yet interposing in behalf of the P:triotr. If he had men-
tioned this at the time when Mr. Brougham gave notice of his motion the
whole debate would have been superseded, and it appe:tr; that the motive
for letting the debate take its course, must have been ro have the opportunity
of displaying in the face of Europe, a formal defence of Ferdinand's Govern-
ment. The interference in behalf of the Patriot., waz thus an o.tcnsible
compliance with the strong public sentiment o:f this Country, vlwile the
Spanish Government easily understood, that against these representations,
it might assert all its spirit of Independence without much offending the
remonstrants. It does not appear that there has been any relaxation of
rigour, in the treatment of the Patriots, but the Madrid Gazette has given
the utmost publicity in Spain to Lord Castlereagh's defence of Ferdinand.
Since then in other debates, notice has been taken of the commerce between
this Country and South America, and of the British Subjects taken at
Carthagena by Morillo. Lord Castlereagh said this Government were
taking all the measures in their power, to increase the commerce with South
America, and that the Spanish Government were disposed to treat the British
Subjects taken at Carthagena with indulgence. From all this, and especially
from a comparison between Lord Castlereagh's speech on Mr. Brougham's
motion, and what he was nearly at the same time saying to me, concerning
Spain, under an injunction of confidence, the present British policy towards
that Country may be accurately ascertained.

Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States
LONDON, March 21, 1818.
Since my arrival here, I have not been unmindful of the interest which
the government and people of the United States take in the efforts which
South America is making for its emancipation; nor how desirable it hence
becomes to ascertain the intentions of this cabinet, and those of the principal
continental powers in relation to that contest. . .
In the absence of other sympathies, the actual and swiftly rising power of
the United States, guided as it is known to be by a policy liberal and just in
international intercourse, may then open more distinctly to view; gaining
MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXII.



for her government, through the medium of its appointed agents abroad, a
more quick and intimate participation in the councils of kings and princes
than any other considerations but such as spring from a senseof herresources,
and above all her complete independence, can promise to inspire.
I hope the digression of these remarks will be pardoned. They are merely
designed, if of any force, as hinting at some excuse for imparting so much
less of authentic information on the ifiairs of South America, than I should
desire to do, or than it has been my invariable aim to obtain. Should the
projected congress t.ke place, it may be affirmed, with reasonable certainty,
that those affairs will engage in part its deliberations. In the meanwhile,
were 1 to v venturee upon opinions, resting upon the best observation which the
imperfect opportunitiess of a short residence have yet afforded, they would
be chiefly, though not confidently, to the effect follow ing.
And first as to Englhnd. No:t\\ithstanding the scarcely disguised antip-
athies of her ministers to the principle of that struggle; notwithstanding their
late majority of one hundreds and seventy five on the indemnity bill, and their
increased security derived from a really meliorated condition of the country
in most of its internal co-ncerns, I do not believe that the cabinet of England
contemplates a departure from its hitherto substantially neutral course.
The cause of the patriots has numerous and p-owerful friends. Any active
or declared interference against it, would be denounced as a wanton crusade
against human liberty. It would want all the causeses that have marked
out France as the victim of foreign dictation, and besides being thought to
strike at some of the solid interests of the British nation, would shock the
spirit of freedom vet left in whole classes, and be likely to create and bind
together the elements of an opposition, that ministers with all their power
may not choose to face. As respects Russia, recent acts will best speak for
themselves. Judging from the little that has been open to meon this theatre,
I should infer a decided predominance of friendly feeling on her part towards
old Spain. France, from the force of several motives, seems to be more
inclined than the others to see the quarrel made up by free offers of the
olive branch proceeding from Ferdinand. But \what France thinks, under
her actual circumstances, is of so little account, that I will not further
hazard inaccurac' by dwellncg upon her \ ews. It is an anxiety to make
even the slightest contributions on a subject w which I know is regarded with
deer, interest by the P:'resident under all its a:pi:cts, that alone has led me as
far as I h,\ e gnne. Parik and St. Petersburgh, the former too being now the
scene ofl European discussions, ill be the fountain of opinions far more ample
and satisfactory



Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adam, s,
Secretary of State of the United States
LONDON, April 20, IS8S.
Leaving both papers in the hands of his Lordship, [Lord Castlereaghj 1
next reminded him of his apparent intention to say something further on
Spanish affairs at the moment of the breaking up of our last meeting. He
resumed the thread. First he gave me an account more in detail than before
of the manner in which their late mediation had been offered, and the
grounds of rejection. This being all known at Washington need not here
be repeated. He then said, speaking of the contest with the colonies and
lamenting its long continuance, that Great Britain had done all in her
power to cause it to be made up; but hitherto without success. That she
would not wholly give over her efforts, always desiring that Spain should
pursue a liberal course. He explained by saying, a course that would look
largely to the commercial emancipation of the colonies. The communica-
tion which he made of chief importance was this: that Great Britain would
not be instrumental to the settlement of the dispute upon terms, which,
drawing to herself peculiar advantages, would exclude the U. States, or any
other nation, from a just participation in the trade of South America. He
hoped that the United States would continue to be actuated by the same
policy. I naturally reminded him of the declaration on this point contained
in the President's Message at the opening of Congress in December last.
He asked if our government had given notice beforehand to Spain, of its
intention to take possession of Amelia Island; also, whether I was acquainted
with its determination as to the reception of deputies from the provinces,
and the character with which it designed to clothe them.
Respecting the first question, I replied, that I had no precise information.
It afforded me an opportunity for the first time, which I was careful to im-
prove, of alluding to the imperious considerations which led to that measure.
Even if Spain had had no previous formal notice, I said, that not only was the
government of the United States always ready to explain satisfactorily the
grounds of its conduct, but had also, I was sure, made the movement under a
proper sense of all the just rights and claims of that power to the territory
occupied. His Lordship offered no reply. While on that part of the sub-
ject which led me to speak of the vexatious interruptions of our neighboring
commerce as one of the motives for the occupation, his manner indicated an
acquiescence in its force.
The second question I thought still more pointed. It induced me to speak
with some particularity on our general relations with Spain. In doing so I
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXII.


DOCUMENT 764: JULY 25, 1818

had r.nlv to recall to his recollection facts contained in the many state papers
that have coine t- the world. I referred especially to the leading one of Jan-
uary' the nineteenth 1816 1 from the department of state to Mr. Onis, and to
tile occasion w which drew it forth. In that paper was stated at large the prin-
ciples upon which the United States had acted. Regarding the contest in
the licht of a ci1 il \ar, they had, as well before as since the distinctive ex-
position there given of the line of their policy, observed all the corresponding
duites -fi fair neutrality. I went on to say, that, urged by a sincere desire
t- .acLommonnLdiat their differences in a friendly manner with Spain, and a con-
stant reluctance ti disturb the peace of the world; they had maintained this
neutrality in the face of long-standing and as they conceived well-founded
cause ol complaint against the justice of the parent state. He neither as-
snited t.-, nr impugned any of my remarks. I said in conclusion, answer-
ing more directly the inquiry, that up to the time of my leaving Washington,
those deputies had not been formally received, and that I was without infor-
mation from nim *eiernment since.

Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States 2
LONDON, July 25, 1818.
I now proceed to state all that passed in these interviews relative to the
affairs of South America. This subject has taken a turn little anticipated;
but to me it only belongs to possess the department of the declarations of
Lord Castlereagh.
I endeavoured in the most ample and exact manner in my power, consis-
tently with the spirit of a friendly communication, to fulfil the instructions
of your number 43 on the interesting points which it discusses. Explaining
the views and expectations of the government of the United States I said that
it was not from a mere desire to draw aside the veil of European politics that
it sought information on the plans respecting Spanish America; but from the
real and deep interest which it had such good reason to take in that strug-
gle. That moreover it asked nothing which it was not willing to impart, be-
ing ready to disclose with candour and fulness its own course and intentions,
as in fact it had been doing; and that especially it was the wish of the Presi-
SSee above, pt. I, doc. 18.
2 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIII.
I See above, pt. I, doc. 56, Adams to Rush, May 20, I818.



dent, if so allowed, to act in perfect good understanding with this govern men t
in relation to all that bore upon that great question.
To a full opening on my part, his Lordship offered the following replies.
He began by declaring not merely the willingness but the desire which the
British government felt to communicate to that of the United States the
whole plan of mediation which had been projected, at the instance of Spain,
by the European alliance. That it most fully acknowledged our strong and
natural interest in the questions; but that, in truth, there was, to this hour,
no plan matured. That such difficulties had grown up with Spain touching
the very fundamental points upon which a general mediation should be in-
terposed, that no adjustment of them had taken place. That these diffi-
culties were increased by the obstacles to a quick intercourse of counsels
where some of the parties were so remote from each other as St. Petersburgh,
Vienna, and Madrid. That he was aware of the promise made by Mr. Bagot
the latter end of January, of which I had reminded him, and which had not
been kept only for the reasons mentioned, viz., an inability, prolonged much
beyond any period that had been expected, to do so upon any precise or satis-
factory grounds. That even the place of meeting for the mediation was not
fixed. That when the sovereigns got together in the Autumn, the subject
would be taken up, though not the primary one of the meeting, and efforts
made to arrange it. That whenever the terms and conditions of a pacifi-
cation could be settled, which still continued to rest in total uncertainty, the
promise made to our government would be redeemed. His Lordship ex-
pressed himself in a way full of conciliation towards the United States, say-
ing that the British government naturally abstained from all steps that might
have brought them in as party to the mediation, from a belief that it would
contradict their general wish and policy to be league with Europe for such
an object, added to the consideration of the peculiar nature of their subsist-
ing relations with Spain.
Here I took care distinctly to disavow for my government all desire to have
the least participation in the mediation. From the turn and exigencies of
the conversation I did not go on further and make known the terms upon
which alone it would ever yield its concurring assent to any plan of pacifica-
tion. Nothing having been said of terms on the other side, except to inform
me that none whatever had been agreed upon, I thought that such a com-
munication was not, for the present, called for. Other and more appropriate
opportunities may occur to me of disclosing that the United States look to
the absolute and unqualified independence of the colonies, and would
embark their consent on no other basis, if indeed it has not long since been
abundantly inferred that such is their fixed policy and determination.
Premising that I do not include the legations of either Russia or France
among the sources of my knowledge, I have incidentally heard, in diplo-
matic circles, thus much touching the mediation. Ist. That as regards the


DOCUMENT 765: AUGUST 3, 1818

Alliance, it i- the undoubted wish of one and all the potentates that a
mediation must. by all means, assume as its basis a continuance of the royal
g:, er n men t and supremacy of Spain-a delusion which seems even to survive
the annihilation of Osorio's forces in Chili. Next that as regards the
deternmindationlk if Ferdinand, he insists upon the following points, agreeing
to the .:onces- ionc which they import. I. That he will grant an amnesty to
the colonit- on condition that they submit and lay down their arms. 2.
That henceforth, in his royal service in America, he will, at his option,
o:,::aiionall, employ the natives, taking also, whenever he chooses, the
Europrian Spiniard. 3. That he will grant the colonies certain privileges
of trade, which he does not define. And 4th, That in the progress of the
mediation he will concur in all measures proposed by the sovereigns, pro-
vided he approve of them. Neither the indistinct, nor the ludicrous,
character of thete terms must be viewed as impugning their reality. I am
very credibly informed that they are such as he substantially and peremp-
torily holds to, -uomewhat to the discomfiture of the deliberations of those
who \would -taind by him.
In my interview with Lord Castlereagh on the sixteenth, he mentioned
the order of thi. government of the eighth of June respecting those unau-
thorised cruiser,. \which, under colour of the South American flag, commit
depredations upon British vessels or commerce on the high seas. It will be
seen by thit document, of which no other than a verbal mention was made
to: me but \which will be found in the newspapers that go to the department,
that the coloniei are recognized as competent to grant lawful commissions
of war Hi- Lordship made no comment upon the order, nor did I.
I have the honor [etc.].

Ricl,ard, Riul., United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States '
LONDON, August 3, 1818.
SIR: On the thirty first of last month I met Lord Castlereagh at the
French ambassador'-. It was on the occasion of a dinner given to the
Prince Regent, to which the whole diplomatic corps was invited.
In the e'.c-ninr_ hi; Lordship took me aside to say, that he had a communi-
cation to make on the affairs of South America. That since our last con-
\ers:tion, tihe Spanish government had made new propositions, through
the medium of the Spanish ambassador at this court, to-the British govern-
ment upon the subject of a mediation, inviting also the European alliance
SMS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIII.



generally as parties to it. That the note from the Spanish ambassador,
had been written early last month, but that the first interview with me had
taken place so immediately after his own return from Ireland that he had
not then seen it, and that at our second a convenient opportunity did not
present itself for dwelling upon the matter which it contained. He men-
tioned these circumstances as explanatory of the nature of his recent com-
munications to me, and which will of course be likewise applicable to the
contents of my despatch number thirty,' which embodies all that had been
said to me up to the period of its date. He added, that it had been his
desire to seek another and early interview specially upon this topic to which
end he invited me to come to his house on the following day at eleven in the
I went accordingly. Premising that what he was about to impart was to
be considered as confidential, he proceeded without further remark to put
into my hands a copy of the note itself from the Spanish ambassador, which
I read. It bears date on the third of July. Next he furnished me with a
copy of the answer of this government dated in July, which I also read.
Thirdly, as coupling itself with the subject, he likewise offered to my perusal
the paper drawn up by this government on the twenty eighth of August
1817 addressed not to Spain, but to the other powers of Europe, and con-
taining the sentiments of the British court at that epoch, of the nature of
which Spain was made acquainted through the channel of the British em-
bassy at Madrid.
If the knowledge of all that these several papers embrace was to be
communicated to the department through me alone, I should anxiously
strive to go through the task; but I am happy to subjoin, that his Lordship
stated it to be his intention, in compliance with former declarations, to trans-
mit them at once to Mr. Bagot with instructions to lay their contents fully
and unreservedly before our government. It is therefore unnecessary that
I should run the risk of inaccuracy by attempting to detail them, minutely,
after but a single perusal in quick succession; yet, knowing the anxiety of
the President upon this interesting subject, and in the possible hope of
anticipating the arrival of his Lordship's despatches to Mr. Bagot, I will
make known, for the President's early information, the most material and
prominent points.
As respects the paper of the twenty eighth of last August, I need say noth-
ing. Such of its matter as is not superseded by lapse of time, is recapitu-
lated in the late note from this government of which I shall have occasion
to speak. It may be sufficient to remark, that the attempt at mediation
went off at that time on the point of the slave trade, Great Britain insisting
on its cessation, for an agreement to which Spain was not then ripe.
The note from the Spanish ambassador of July the third, solicits in the
1 See above, pt. viii, doc. 764, Rush to Adams, July 25, 1818.


DOCUMENT 765: AUGUST 3, 1818

most form nl manner the mediation of this court. Its introductory remarks
dwell upon the rebellious character of the war, upon the past clemency of the
parent country, and its present willingness to see the unhappy quarrel ter-
minated upon principles that are moderate and just. The basis upon which
the mediation is asked is than stated. It consists of four conditions. It so
falls out that. as vell in real meaning from all that I could discover, as in the
order in %which thc. are set out, they are the same as those unofficially men-
tioned at the clo,: ofl my number thirty:' that is to say, Ist. An amnesty is
to:. be granted to the colonies on their being reduced. Lord Castlereagh ex-
pl.inedJ this %wrd, which h was a translation from the Spanish, by saying that
Spain did not mean by it conquered, but merely that the colonies must desist
from hostility. 2ndly. The King agrees to employ in the public service in
America, ;:,.lii'.it Americans, as well as European Spaniards. 3rdly. He
agrce to grn t the colonists privileges of trade, adapted to the existing
posture of things. 4thly. He engages to acquiesce in all measures which the
mediating powers may suggest calculated to effect, in their true intent, the
ab:o\ : o:bjets, which he further hopes will be speedily brought about by their
coope rating coun- els and efforts.
I do not pretend to give the words, but believe that the above will be
found to bh the purport of each condition.
I come tu whit is most important in proceeding to state the answer of the
British court.
I It approlves of( these propositions, considered as general propositions,
but call; fI'r explanations in detail that the meaning of some of them may be
rendered more definite.
2. It expresses an unequivocal opinion, that the dispute ought to be healed
\without overthro\\ing the political supremacy of the parent state.
3 Touching commerce, it declares, that the trade of the colonies ought to
be free tu the rest of the world, the mother country being placed upon a foot-
ing of reasonable preference.
4. I is v*.ery eplicit in making known, that Great Britain will do no more
than intirpo-se her friendly offices, repudiating every idea of compulsion or
Iforce, should the\ fail.
Under these explanations, the mediation is accepted. The note of the
twenty -eighth of August 1817 is alike explicit in disavowing all intention of
forcing by arms the colonies into any measures whatever. It is very full also
on the point of their commercial freedom, and goes the length of saying, that
Greit Britain will accept no privileges in this respect but on equal ground
with other nations.
Thus much will, I hope, be found to possess the President of the essential
features of both the notes, and consequently of the present views and deter-
minations of the British government upon this great question.
SSee above, pt. vmI, doc. 764.



Having gone through the reading of all three, and expressed, as I took leave
to do, an approbation of some of the principles disclosed by this court as be-
ing in unison with those held by the United States, his Lordship put the ques-
tion to me directly, whether I knew the views of my own government in re-
lation to the final termination of the struggle.
Here an occasion was made to my hand of distinctly communicating them,
which I accordingly improved. I said, that its desire was, to see the colonies
completely emancipated, and that such too was its belief, would be the only
permanent issue of the contest.
He received the communication with apparent regret. He was, he said,
sincerely desirous that the two governments should act in harmony, and this
was perhaps the only point where their policy would be found divergent. I
replied, that it was, unfortunately, a fundamental one. He reiterated his ex-
pressions of the interest which the United States naturally had in the whole
question, on which account its being known that they coincided in opinion
with Europe on all the points of pacification, though they took no part in it,
would have, as it ought to have, an influence in rendering it effectual. I
gave his Lordship no reason to expect that their policy would change. The
conversation soon afterwards ended in the same conciliatory spirit in which
it began,-a spirit which has invariably marked all the official conversations
I have held with his Lordship during my residence, thus far at this court.
Before parting, he asked in a way altogether casual, if I had any accounts
respecting the capture of Pensacola, by General Jackson. I replied that I
had not. I added, being careful that my manner should take from every
thing offensive in the sentiment, that although the United States felt them-
selves free to act, in their relations with Spain, without any appeal to Europe,
they nevertheless respected the moral force of opinion, and would, I doubted
not, be able in due time strictly to justify the measure. At the dinner at the
French ambassador's I was pointedly asked the same question by the Russian
and Prussian ambassadors, to which I gave, in effect, the same answer. An-
other of the corps said to me, that the duke of San Carlos, the Spanish am-
bassador, was greatly excited under the news. If I may be pardoned the
familiarity of repeating the very words of my informant, they were, that the
duke "had got the fidgets." It will be seen from the newspapers what sen-
sation it has produced upon at least a portion of the British public. Insur-
ance upon vessels of the United States has, I have just been told, risen one
half per cent within the last few days. Whether this has been occasioned by
the possible apprehension of a Spanish war, or arises from the increasing ac-
counts of depredations upon all ships going to America by piratical cruisers
under colour of some Spanish American flag, I have not, at this moment, the
means of determining.
I take this occasion to mention, that no reply has been given to my note to
this government of the eighteenth of June, relative to the four articles on



colonial trade; and that. from the harmony of all the intermediate conver-
sation: I l h:.e had v;ith Lord Castlereagh in the course of which the subject
ha- not again bLien referred to, I no longer anticipate one.
I ha\v the honor [etc.].

Ri'chard Rush, 'u't,:d States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States
LONDON, November 20, i818.
I hae. anio,,uly .watched, with the best lights I could command in this
quarter, the jpr,-_rt-. of events at Aix la Chapelle, so far as they chiefly
co-ncern uLi. I mean in regard to the affairs of South America and Spain.
Thie o:.vernmen t :of the latter might perhaps receive commiseration for its
imbecility, didil n,:t its conduct in all other respects strip it, day by day, of
all remainmrii title rto confidence and respect. Accordingly, deserving no
friend: at .\i la Clhapftle, it appears to have found none. From what I
can collect in diplomatic circles, there exists no serious intention on the
part 1of nvy of rthe i:rea t sovereigns to take the cause of Ferdinand effectively,
in hand. I have lietn told, that when the king of Prussia first heard of his
capricious remou\val of Pirano, and tyranical treatment of him afterwards, he
really uttered the ecl.lamyation which the journals of Europe ascribed to
him: "Thi; i- rhe policy of Asia." Pirano had once been ambassador at
Berlin. Thiii unpopularity of a king among kings; this political solecism
happily pro-duce-. another. It softens if it does not subdue their natural
lho-tility again.g t lii former subjects struggling for their freedom. The,
a'embl;n; nof rhi- c,-nngress at a period up to which the United States had
mairinained pa-sive course, appears to have created a favorable and
peculiar juncture respecting that interesting contest, which will perhaps
leav\- rthem he-nc :forth more at liberty to act upon their own views of it;
view: bringing; from feelings known to be alike dear to the American
' llov0crnment and people. I will add, that I have reason to think, that the
comnmunicari n which, by order of the President, I made some time ago
rt- til: L. overn ment., of the unequivocal determination of the United States
t,:' iLcqui&c,:e in no plan o-f settling the contest that did not look to the abso-
lute independence of the colonies as a fundamental point, has not been
withoutt irn inrltenci, in working a change in British councils; and that it
may ?%even prove the means, in connexion with other causes, of exciting
MS fDi;iprche; fr.:nm Great Britain, XXIII. The portion of this document printed in
EmIIll cipill letIrer- ,as received in cipher.



kinder feelings in them towards the patriots, not indeed from sympathy in
their cause, but an apprehension of other consequences. But on this head
I speak doubtfully.
I have the honor [etc.].

Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States 1
LONDON, February 15, 1819.
SIR: Your despatch, number fifteen, of the first of January,2 got to hand
on the eighth of this month. On the ninth I addressed a note to Lord
Castlereagh, asking an interview for the purpose of making known to him
the matters of which it treats. He named Friday the twelfth at nine in the
evening, for me to call upon him.
I informed him that the despatch which I had received related altogether
to the struggle going on in South America, and was very distinct and full in
its disclosure of the intentions of the President upon that subject. That it
set out with stating, that the government of the United States, continued
to consider the controversy in the light of a civil war, under which head a
course of general reasoning followed, going to ascertain the true duty of a
neutral state, which had been the condition of the United States, towards
both the parties to this war. It showed next in order, that the conduct
of the United States had, in point of fact, always strictly conformed, as far
as had been possible, to this duty. It then spoke of the mediation invoked
by Spain for the settlement of the dispute, bringing into view what had also
been the uniform conduct of the United States in relation to it up to the
present period. Dwelling upon the visible progress which some of the newly
formed states in South America had made towards an independent existence,
it next gave into a hope, that the time was rapidly approaching if it had not
arrived when the British government and the powers of Europe generally,
might perhaps see their own interest, that of Spain herself, as well as of theec
new states, in such a recognition of the latter as would bring them within
the pale of nations. Finally it declared, that, as regarded Buenos Ay rcs,
the President had come to a determination to grant an exequatur to a con-ull
general who had been appointed by the government of that country so long
ago as before the month of May last to reside in the United States; or to
SMS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIII. 2 See above, pt. I, doc. 71.



recognize its independence in some other way, should no event occur in the
meantime to lustiil' a postponement of his intention.
After thii suummarv- of the points, I thought that I could in no way so well
put his Lord-hip in possession of the facts and reasoning by which they were
elucidclted and enforced, as by reading to him the despatch itself. Besides
the adv.'.intaz.c which this course would be sure to bring with it of enabling
me to fulfil with perfect precision my instructions, I was the more induced
rt it by the recollection that he had himself, in more than one instance,
aidoptoid it .1i .i mean- of informing me of the intentions of this government.
It sccmed to be the first occasion which I have yet deemed a suitable one for
recipr:ocating on r ptrt this kind of confidence. The despatch embracing
no other topic, and dealing of this, throughout, in terms which it appeared
to me proper lor this government to hear, and better than any I could have
emple:.d, I accordingly proceeded to read the whole of it to him.
It w. i e ident, when I had done that some passages were unexpected to
him. They were tho-e the spirit of which seemed to import, that the govern-
ment of CGrat Britain was, in reality, inclining to our view of the subject as
regarded the emancipation of the colonies. He said he was not aware upon
what occasion hi- government had uttered sentiments leading to this im-
preision. At any rate, none such had been intended to be conveyed. On
the contrary, he ol.=erved, that while Great Britain had, from the first, anx-
iously Ji. sired to see the controversy at an end, and had done her best to effect
thi; dieire, it had always been upon the basis of a restoration of the suprem-
acy of Spain: on an improved plan of government indeed, especially as re-
garded the commercial interests of the colonies, but still a complete and total
supremacy That he candidly thought, that this mode of ending the con-
lictr, besidc- being the one pointed out to Great Britain by all the subsisting
relations between herself and Spain, would prove the best for both parties,
andl tht w-orld at large, as the materials of regular and orderly government
m:iong the colonies did not, at present, appear to exist. That it was there-
fore inip.-:sible to predict in what manner they would be able to sustain
them.el'.e- aI independent communities, whether as it concerned their own
happiness and pro. peri ty or the principles which might affect their intercourse
M ith e-tabliIihd nations. These had been the leading motives with Great
Britain to w\ish that the colonies might be brought back again under the au-
thority, of the parent -tate, motives that still had their operation, and must
continue to hiave i s long as any room or hope was left of the result at which
they timed being accomplished. The employment of force as a means of
bringing it ab:u.t, Great Britain had ever repudiated, and still did, the moral
power of opinion and advice being the sole ground upon which he had acted,
hitherto he 1adnmtted to no effective purpose. It was, upon this basis,
h-wveter, that she had agreed to become party to the mediation in the man-
ner made known to: me during the last summer, and the relations which



bound her to the allied powers as well as to Spain, held her to this course, in
whatever degree the councils and conduct of Spain might seem to retard the
hope of its success.
Such was the nature of his remarks. They corresponded, as he observed,
with what had been stated to me in the summer, for a detail of which I must
beg to refer to my number thirty two, of the third of last August.' Things
stood, he said, in regard to the mediation upon the same footing, substantial-
ly, now as then; that is, although it had been acceded to by the European al-
liance, nothing in effect had been done. The subject had several times been
brought into discussion at Aix la Chapelle, but no act had yet followed.
Spain seemed bent upon a prosecution of the contest upon her own means, and
was rallying them at the present moment in the hope of bringing it to a close
upon her own terms. In the discussions above alluded to, he had found both
France and Russia labouring under a belief that the United States desired to
be associated in the mediation, and that they would be willing to come in up-
on the same basis with the other powers, until he had removed it. The duke
of Richelieu had been very decided in this belief. His Lordship concluded
with expressing anew his regrets, that my government viewed the question of
emancipation in a light opposite to that in which it was still looked at by the
government of Great Britain.
What fell from him on this occasion may seem to clash with some of the
opinions expressed, on less authentic grounds, in my despatch number forty
six.2 I am bound on the other hand to add, that his whole manner was con-
ciliatory. While he expressed regret at the divergent views of our two govern-
ments upon the point of emancipation, he indulged in no other sentiment than
regret, nor was this expressed but in the mildest way. The known opinions
of the United States, he thought, from obvious political and local causes,
could not fail to have had an influence upon the South Americans. Hence,
he said, the wish that had been cherished here, that their policy had harmo-
nized with that of Europe upon this fundamental point, thinking that it
might have been the means, although they were not formal parties to the
mediation, of sooner healing the dispute upon terms which the governments
of Britain and of Europe really thought best for the colonies, best for Spain,
and best for all other nations. How far it was yet practicable to settle it,
giving back to Spain her supremacy, and granting to the colonies a just govern-
ment under her sway, he could not affirm; but it was the hope to which the
European alliance clung. He admitted that Buenos Ayres stood upon a bet-
ter footing in the proofs it had afforded of capacity to exist as an independent
community, than any of the other colonies; and freely admitted also the pres-
ent and prospective value of our commerce in that quarter when I had oc-
casion to mention that it already consisted on our side of articles so important
1 See above, pt. viii, doc. 765.
SIbid., 766, Rush to Adams, November 20, 1818.



to particular p.-rtions .-.f the United States as fish, naval stores, ready built
ves.el.s furniture, and lumber of every description.
The c:onv\ers,rition clo-ed with a declaration on his part, that the unreserved
and candid discl-d,-urt- which had been made to this government of the Presi-
den t's i i teIn tion re- pcc ing this struggle, and especially of the intended rec-
ug,,nitil,-n .-,l Buenos- Ayres, would be taken as a mark of confidence, and re-
ceived in the spirit in! hlich they had been communicated. He said nothing
Beine the Iirst interview I had had with his Lordship since the arrival in
thi.- .ounItry ofI your despatch to Mr. Erving of the twenty eighth of Novem-
ber,' and the ,--ther documents relating to the transactions in Florida which
were laid beIfore Corneress on the twenty eighth of December, I was not sure
thLat li would not hayt made some allusion to them. He, however, did not.
Thii le.-\ves me to in!er, for the present, that no exception is taken by this
courtt to any f-, them. The names of Arbuthnot and Ambrister were only
on,:e glanced at, and that incidentally. His Lordship was saying, that
notwith-ti-nding the neutrality of the government of Great Britain as be-
tween Sp.aln and the colonies, the latter had undoubtedly received aid from
Enjland, a.s frrom the linited States, in arms, ammunition, and men, in ways
that the law; could not prevent. This led him to speak of the order of the
court of M1adrid .-,I the fourteenth of January last, denouncing such heavy
penalties ar',in;t aill subjects of foreign states, who join the standard of the
colonsts "This order' said he, "is very much felt by France; but we give
ourel,-e !ino coInccrn at it, to whatever remarks the principles on which it
a-ulme; r.-, rest ni.:lt he open. Those of our subjects who choose to join
the ,:ol-.ni-ts must take .ill consequences; we can hold out no hand to protect
them. any more than we thought ourselves bound to do in the case of the
tv.%o men wh.-i intermeddled with the savages along your borders." I have
learned that the Spanish ambassador at this court, makes frequent and
e.irneit remnonstanc-.s against t the military supplies and assistance which it
is notorious are going almost daily from English ports to South America.
It se-m1, d;Cilicult to reconcile the professions with the conduct of the British
cabinet upon ilil- subject; for certainly, lax as the existing laws of Eng-
I ind ima, be in all p.-ier to restrain these armaments, it would be easy to
-trencthen th0emi Lord Castlereagh did hint at a half-formed intention
that had existed o:f bringing a bill into parliament with this object, which
however had been abandoned from the difficulties attending any attempt
to c:onriliate w ith all O:ither parts of their present system, any new prohibitory
or restrainm n t -ut tu .
I ha e the honor l Cetc.].
Not printed in this collection.



Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adam s,
Secretary of State of the United States
LONDON, March 22, i8I9.
His Lordship [Lord Castlereagh] informed me that, since our conversation
of the twelfth of last month,2 the long standing topick of the mediation,
had taken a decisive turn. This turn consisted, in Spain having absolutely
and finally declined it. There was therefore he said at present an entire end
of the subject, as to any further steps to be taken either by Great Britain,
or, as I also understood him, by any of the powers of Europe in relation to it.
Recapitulating the history of this mediation, now, after so much expecta-
tion, come to an abortive close, he went over many of the grounds connected
with its origin and progress to which he had alluded in past conversations,
and which have had place from time to time in my former despatches.
Referring to what had passed at Aix la Chapelle, he said, that it had entered
into the plan of the allies, that if the mediation had been acted upon, it
should have been upon the basis, superadded to every other, of Spain con-
ceding to such of her South American colonies as had not been in general
revolt, the same terms, so far as would be applicable to their future govern-
ment, as were proposed to be granted to those that had openly resisted her
authority. He also said, that it had been suggested, that some one indi-
vidual in whom as well Spain herself as the allies had confidence, should be
selected to repair to Madrid as the representative with full powers of the
latter, in the whole business of the mediation, and that the duke of Welling-
ton should be that individual; but that this proposition had not been acceded
to by Spain. Further he observed, that Spain had made a request to be
permitted to send a representative to the congress at Aix la Chapelle; but
that this request was deemed of a nature not to be acquiesced in by the allies.
These were the only points adverted to by his Lordship which had not been
stated to me upon former occasions. I collected from all he said, that the
part Spain has now acted, has grown out of the change of minister in that
country. It will be recollected that this event took place contemporaneously
with the assemblage of the sovereigns at Aix la Chapelle. It appears, that
those who have since directed the public councils at Madrid, are resolved
to place exclusive reliance upon their own efforts of vigor by sea and land,
and upon the supplies of their own treasury, for putting down all insurrec-
tion throughout the dominions of Ferdinand.
His Lordship concluded by remarking, that this total rejection of the
mediation would not influence the course which this government would
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIII.
2 See above, pt. vnI, doc. 767, Rush to Adams, February 15, 1819.


LOCLcu'MNT 7 t9: M.\V 14, 1819

otherwise have adopted under the communication which I made to him on
the twelfth of February; m.eainng, as he e..plained, that it had created no
unfriendly sen-ibilitv in the British cabinet towards Spain. I am left to
infer from this remark, that the precise and final views which are to be
taken by this government of our recognition of the independence of Buenos
Avres, ire not yet determined upon. The intentions of the President
upon this point, have doubles been under consideration; but beyond the
expressions of a general nature uttered by his Lordship on first being made
acquainted with them, he h:a said nothing except what dropped from him
as above. I was desirous that he should have pursued the subject; but he
was evidently isinclined to go to o it it with any more particularity.

Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of Stati of the United States 1
LONDON, May 14, I819.
I have been in conlmpany with the Portuguese charge d'affaires.
He informed me, that he has little hope of count Palmella's succeeding in the
object of his visit to Parts, and that the great armament at Cadiz was carry-
ing on its preparations with all tCxpdition to go against Monte Video, which
he thought %would certainly be its first destination should this last attempt at
negotiation fail. He spoke as if hii court was under but slight alarm from
the meditated hostility of Spain, and alluded with complacency to the sub-
sisting guarantee of the European possessions of Portugal by Great Britain.
He inquired with some intere-t as to the intentions of the United States re-
specting the acknowledgement of Buenos Ayres, saying that whenever that
event took place, he believed that Portugal would not be slow to follow the
example. It wa- at the table of the duke of San Carlos that I met this gen-
tleman. \ith the former I exchanged congratulations on the happy pros-
pect of seeing Spain and the IUinited States placed by the late treaty upon the
best of terms, both of u~ agreeing, thit the happiness of each nation was
thereby best to be promoted.
Last week, I hid a request from Mr Hamilton, that I would refer him to
.ill our Act- o.,f Congress passed to presrvet our neutral relations, but chiefly
those that were known to, h-ave been aimed :it Spain and the colonies. It is
nut the first time since I have been here, that I have sent these laws to the
Foreign otfice. The motive and result of this second application for them,
MS. Dipipatch.- fr.:.m Grn ;e Britain, XXIII.



may be seen in the proceedings of the house of commons yesterday. I ap-
pears that the attorney general has asked leave to bring in a bill the object c
which is to prevent for the future the departure from the ports of this king-
dom of men, ships, or military supplies, for the use of the Spanish patri:ots.
Thus is the British government at last about to tread in the steps of our Itezic-
lation upon this subject, with a declaration from Lord Castlereagh, that his
majesty's ministers owe an apology to Europe, for not having adopted the
measure sooner. Other parts of this debate may attract the eye of the Presi-

Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States
LONDON, July 21, 1819.
A minister or deputy, Mr. Yrisari [Yrisarri], has lately arrived here from
Chili. It will be taken for granted, that the government has not received
him. It is said that he has been invested by the Independents with five hun-
dred thousand pounds to aid their cause in this capital, and that he cherishes
the expectation of being able to send out assistance to them in men as well as
in other ways, notwithstanding the provisions of the foreign enlistment law.
I presume by evading them. Rumours add, that the great banker, Roths-
child, has declared that he will advance the whole sum if Sir Robert Wilson
will take the command of the expedition to be sent out, and that the latter
has actually gone to Paris to see if he can select and organize a corps of officers.
The Cadiz armament is now said to be bound to Venezuela, to cut up the
English auxiliaries.
I have the honor [etc.].

Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States
LONDON, August 24, 1819.
Knowing that the course of events in South America must influence more
or less the wayward councils of Ferdinand, I feel a desire more frequently
than it is in my power to execute it to report for the information of the Presi-
MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIV.



dent all such occurrences in this quarter as held out any prospect of affecting
tihe progress of those events. I had the honor upon former occasions, to
speak of the intended departure of Lord Cochrane to act in a naval capacity
wi th the So uth Americans at Chili, and of the embarkation from the Thames
of the recruits under Colonel English that have since been associated with the
arm-. of:f the p-itriots at Venezuela. With the same views I have watched the
armament ofI Ireland under General Devereux, notoriously set on foot with
the same intentions of aiding the cause of Spanish emancipation. But I
have it not in my power to impart all the information I could wish respecting
I believe ir to be a fact, that about twelve hundred men have actually sailed
within the last month from Dublin, and that two or three hundred more may
LIe expc-cted to sail very shortly. These numbers fall far below the accounts
satied in the newspapers. Their immediate destination I understand to be
lMargaritta. whence they will act as events in Venezuela may render expedi-
ent. CGeneral Devereux is to command them, but has not yet embarked.
'Tis said rh-it he is expected here before his final departure. This is all the
inlornma'ion pretending to authenticity that I find myself able at this time to
transmit in regard to this enterprise.
.-\ far as I may judge from all indications of opinion within the compass
o.:f my obs-ervations, the cause of South American freedom continues to ripen
in the judgment and affections of the British public. I consequently
continue to hold to the belief, and even more strongly than heretofore, that
whenever it may be thought to comport with a wise policy in all other
respects for the government of the United States to recognize Buenos Ayres,
that the British government will not consider such a measure, per se, as any
cause of breach with us. It will not have escaped attention in what manner
our presumed intention to recognize this new state was treated in the debate
on the foreign enlistment bill, both by the ministerialists and the whigs, in
connexion with the treaty by which the Floridas are ceded to us.
1 here is good reason for believing, as might so naturally have been
expected, that as soon as the mutiny broke out among the troops at Cadiz,
Spain began to give ground in the negotiations with Portugal respecting
NMl.ne Video These negotiations are still unclosed, and will probably
remain in :i state of vibration while the fate of this long-talked of expedi-
tion hangs in any degree in suspense.

S . ,



Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy A.dams,
Secretary of State of the United States L
LONDON, September 17, 1819.
Another short anecdote, with which I will conclude, may help us to infer
how general an interest is taken throughout the courts of Europe, even
those that are inland and subordinate, in our supposed intention to recognize
the independence of Buenos Ayres. It is of date some little time back;
but present circumstances serve to recall it. During the last spring, Baron
Just, the minister at this court from the king of Saxony, opened a conversa-
tion with me upon this express subject. He did not conceal his wish to be
informed upon it, stating as a reason, that he had on the day preceding
received a despatch from his government, in which it was mentioned that
I had, by order of mine, made a communication to Lord Castlereagh in
relation to it, in February. The precise nature of this communication it
was the Baron's anxious desire to learn through what he imagined to be the
best source. That the communication should thus have been wafted
through the circle of cabinets, and reach for the first time the ears of a
Saxon minister at London in the shape of a despatch from his own court,
made, at the moment, an impression upon me.
With the greatest respect [etc.].

Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States
LONDON, October 5, 18l9.
SIR: In a late communication,2 I had the honor to allude to the prepara-
tions that were going on under the auspices of General Devereux, in aid of
the cause of South American freedom.
In addition to the troops heretofore dispatched on this service, I learn,
that from two to three thousand will be embarked from Ireland, by the first
of December. Their first destination, as with the former, will be Margaritta.
It is from General Devereux himself, that I have this information. He
intends to embark with this principal section of his force, placing himself
at its head. The foreign enlistment law is evaded by the men going out
under colour of settling as farmers and labourers in the province of Vene-
MS. Dispatches from G-rat Britain, XXIV.
2 See above, pt. vit,-.doct 7' I; Rush to Adams, August 24, 1819.


DOC.UIMENI 774: O'CIOBER 15. 1819

zucla. The better to mask this project, General Devereux has received
either an actual or an o-tensible grant from General Bolivar, of fifty square
leagues -,f land in that province. Against think mode of violating the law,
the Spanish ambassador hs a-s I hear, remons-trated with the British
ministry: but to no effect. The inference would seem to be unavoidable,
that their zeal for it- execution, miut bc tery slack. They fold their arms
v.whil-t it is infringed almo-,t in open day. In Ireland, it is well understood,
that an attachment to the cause of the South Americans, is nearly universal.
It taker in men o- the highest standing, and what 13 remarkable but true,
embraces conspicuous indiJidual w\ho on all other points of their political
conduct, are entirely identified with the ministers. Whence the pecuniary
supplies are derived of hitting out so, large an expeditin, is not known to me.
General De\vreuu pr'oesses to do it upon his own rrc-ources. But this seems
iinpro.iblc Troopc have been rai-ed and equipped, transports hired, muni-
tions nf v. r provided, and a greatt military enterprise in all things completed
upon the scale I ha-e stated. The whole number of men by the time the
next division s-ent coff, will scarcel fall short of four thousand. All this
xonuld appear to be an undertaking roo much for the purse of an individual.
That General De)cereux's movements ll be ahead of those of the armada
at Cadiz, is, to the lat degree, probable
There arrived in this capital a fortnight ago, from Venezuela, two indi-
viduals. Don Fern.indo Penalvez and Colonel Bergara, in capacity of new
deputies from that province. I have been informed, that a Mr. Vondam,
now here frorn Sweden, and \ho alleges himself to be possessed of an informal
authority for what he does-;, ha propos-e' to thece deputies to be the bearer of
propositions to his Swedish Mlajiety for entering into some commercial
arrangements, with Venezuela and New Granada. This information, while
I do not confidently rely upon it reaches me through a channel entitled to
some respect.
\\'ith very great respect [etc.].

Richard Rush, Unitied States Mi;niscr to Gr,a! Brao in, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United .Sates 1
Lo:,DO)N, October 15, 1z89.
I have lately heard, through a channel up,'n which I can rely, that Mr.
Irsari [\ri-arri], the depurv from Chill, of w hom I made mention in a former
despatch,- had an interview with Lord Castlereagh soon after his arrival.
'MS. Clispatche. from Grcat Britin, XXIV
'Si: aboi., pt. vili, doc. 77o, Ru-h to Adams. July 21, 1819.


He inquired in the course of it, if the vessels of Chili would be admitted and
hospitably received, when they came to the ports of Great Britain? His
Lordship replied certainly, at all times. Would their prizes be admitted,
it was next asked. Here an objection was interposed by Lord Castlereagh,
who said that such a permission might give cause of complaint to Spain.
Whether England allows Chilian prizes taken by Spain, to be brought into
her ports, is a point that cannot so well be known, as it is understood to be a
fact, that Spain has never yet captured a vessel belonging to Chili! His
Lordship went on to say, that Sir Thomas Hardy, who was appointed to the
command of the squadron destined 'to act in the South Seas, was charged to
attend to British interests in that quarter, and specially authorised to be the
medium of any communications between his government and the authorities
at Chili, which events upon his arrival there might make necessary or con-
venient. He would thus exercise, substantially, the functions of a consul.
Mr. Irisari [Yrisarri] inquired if England would not in return receive a consul
from Chili. His Lordship replied, that such reciprocity did not appear to
follow as a duty, Chili not being recognized by other nations as an established
power. Finally, his Lordship read to Mr. Irisari [Yrisarri] the instructions
given to Sir Thomas Hardy. Far from being hostile, they bore a friendly
aspect towards Chili, and directed Sir Thomas to respect all the just regula-
tions touching trade and commerce, which those who exercised the powers of
government in that community, might establish.
Mr. Irisari [Yrisarri] preferred no request for the acknowledgment of the
independence of Chili, by England. His government deemed it better to
let that matter rest where it is, than run the hazard of receiving a direct re-

Colonel Yrisarri, Envoy of Chile to Europe and the United States, to Richard
Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain '
LONDON, November 3, I8zp.
Col'. Yrisarri presents his compliments to His Excellency the Minister
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, Mr. Rush, and begs leave
to inform him through Mr. Ribas on some points, which Col Y. hopes His
Excellency's goodness will consider with interest.
MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIV, enclosed in Rush to Adams, November Io,
1819, which see below, pt. vim, doc. 777.

E[-'CLUMENT 777: NOVEMBER 10, 1819

Richard Rush. Uiiitcd States Minister to Great Britain, to Colonel Yrisarri,
E;:'oy o. Chile to Europe and the United States 1
LONDON, November 6, 1819.
Mr. Ru-h pnr--ieil his compliments to Colonel Yrisarri, and has had the
lionor to, receive thi.- day, through the hands of Mr. Ribas, his note of the
third of thii mninth.: Air. Rush had not the good fortune to see Mr. Ribas;
L.bt rhe p,.per-. v.hlich lie left with the secretary of his Legation, Mr. R has
read ,wii, th th intere-t that belongs to them. The official document,3 signed
by tilt Sup[reme Direct:or of the state of Chili, is herewith returned. A copy
of it, t:.:, otherr \\irh Colonel Yrisarri's letter to the Secretary of State,3
M r. R v.ill h.t\ve re,. pleasure in transmitting to Washington, by the earliest

Richard Rush, ULniied States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States *
LONDON, November io, 1819.
The inttr';a\w might here have closed. But I was unwilling to let pass
the opportunity \vhich it presented of touching upon our affairs with Spain.
In a lctrer from N r Forsyth, of the seventeenth of October, informing me of
the continued ref ti-al :of Ferdinand to ratify the treaty, he also says that it
\va. rumourecd whil;t he was writing, that some agreement in relation to
Sp.tin and her cl::i:'rlni, or to Spain and the United States, was then actually
ib,:o:utC to bie tr:ain-sitted by the court of Madrid to that of London, and by
the \ver iamn courier despatchedd by Sir Henry Wellesley) that had charge
of I' Iltte:r. \.'.:it t:he agreement was, Mr. F. did not profess accurately
t:, kn,:v.. H inmprecs.ions pointed to its being one by which Great Britain
ihad pledield hier.,ll, .n efficientt inducements, to convey for Spain the troops
in\\ in the it;i.llIorlrho:iod of Cadiz, to some of her possessions in America.
Nothing that I lhad heard, or no scrutiny that it has fallen within my power
[it n1akit in thii qIarter,. had reflected any light upon this rumour. Perhaps
hi- Lord(hip miielt nor have felt himself bound to answer to it, at such a
moment. \cti I th:uciht it right to take the chances of what he might say
MS Di-.atLh.?: from GCrat Britain, XXIV, enclosed in Rush to Adams, November Io,
1510. .- hwch -e, Ie -l.I, (.1 \ilI, doc. 777.
See .:ib- '. e, It. iI ..11 -75.
See ib.:bo -.t. I, do:. 4,2, Yrisarri to the Secretary of State, October 31, 1819.
MS. L'i-i.:.t-ri I'roim Great Britain, XXIV.
\ ith Lord Ct-r.Icr ia3,ch



under an allusion to it. I described the rumour in terms that appeared to me
best adapted to the end proposed. In spite of my best caution, lisi Lord-hip
I thought manifested a slight, momentary, excitement. "Falsehood-s", he
said, "will get into circulation upon this, as upon other occa-ions." Re-
suming his complacency he observed, "I can assure you, that our policy
upon this subject remains unchanged." I replied, that my government
would, I well knew, hear his declaration with new satisfaction, anticipating
no other.
Here the matter ended. The above report of the little that fell from his
Lordship is given, for the information of the President, with as close an ad-
herence as possible to his words as well as manner.
On the sixth instant I received from Mr. Yrisarri a note dated on the third,
of which a copy is enclosed.1 This is the gentleman of whom I have spoken
heretofore (with a deviation in the spelling of his name) who came to London
a few months ago in capacity of deputy or envoy from the new state of Chili.
A copy of my reply to his note is also enclosed,1 together with the papers re-
ferred to; one being a letter to your address as secretary of state; the other a
copy of Mr. Yrisarri's credentials, or diploma from the government of Chili.
The original of this instrument, I Have seen. It is stamped with every mark
of authenticity. It bears date at Santiago, on the eighteenth of November,
1818. It sets forth in the name of the Supreme Director and Senate of Chili,
that, having determined to send a public minister from Chili, to solicit from
the governments of Europe and of the United States, an acknowledgment
of the independence of that state, the said Director, has appointed for that
purpose, Mr. Yrisarri, constituting him also minister envoy from Chile to the
United States, with all necessary powers to enter upon negotiations respect-
ing such acknowledgment; and engaging to confirm whatever he may do in
fulfilment of his trust. Mr. Yrisarri continues to be confined by ill-health,
which hinders him from embarking for the United States. In this state of
things I could not hesitate to become the medium, at his request, of trans-
mitting to your hands the documents in question.
With the highest respect [etc.].
SSee above, pt. vim, doc. 775 and 776, Yrisarri to Rush, November 3, r819, and Rush to
Yrisarri, November 6, 1819.


DOCUMENT 778: JULY 20, 1820

Riciard Rush, L:nicI .Slatls Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secrc.'ary of State of the United States
LONDON, July 20, 1820.
I send herewith a pamphlet containing, in a convenient form, all the docu-
ments which have been published in this country respecting the attempt of
France to set up :-, throne in Buenos Ayres, and place upon it a prince of the
house of Bi-urbon. The subject has excited universal interest in the political
circles of this c:lpital. I have good information for saying, that this project
was not known to. the British cabinet until it burst upon it by the recent ar-
rival from South Anierica of these documents. The duke de Cazes, I under-
-taind, does not :idmit them to be genuine. He positively disavows, I have
heard, ever ha ing seen the South American envoy, Gomez. Whether he
disaulow\- fir the Mlarquis Desolles also, I have not heard. That France has
been engaged in tht project, nobody doubts; and this government, as might
be expected, evidently regards the whole transaction with no complacency.
In an interesting debate in the house of commons on the eleventh of this
month, onl a call for information respecting the above documents, Dr. Lush-
ington argued the broad principle, that England ought to recognize immedi-
ately and fully the independence of Buenos Ayres. Already he said the gov-
ernment had an accredited consul residing in that country, an-assertion that
%ias not afterward-s controverted. Lord Castlereagh, in reply, expressed his
entire dissent as to the policy of taking an early opportunity of recognizing
:nny of those comnlunitie;. Sir James Macintosh plainly intimated it as his
opinion, that, since the altered state of things in Spain, the question of desir-
ing a separation of the c-:olonies from the parent state, had also essentially
changed. Thi- I t:Jkt to be now a prevailing sentiment with thewhigs. The
very preliminary dissertation to the pamphlet which I send, was, I have rea-
son to think, drawn up by one of the conductors of the Morning Chronicle,
thi leading w.hig journal of London. During the debate, a sentiment was
uttered by Mlr. Canning which may deserve to be repeated. He said, that
as his,:tor, had sliown the condition of colonies always to have been more ser-
ile under the government of a popular assembly, than under the authority
o1 even a b-,Olute monarchies, (a position which the learned speaker assumed
.\I lthout pro.virng.', .I ll those persons who had wished tosee thecolonieseman-
cipated from monarchical Spain, ought to cherish this wish with much more
ze:l, n'o.t that Spain \\as democratical! This sentiment, not perhaps the less
sicnitricant from its having escaped the lips of distinguished member of the
ministry, points to, a prophecy which there need be little scruple in hazard-
ing. It is this. That if Spain makes the advances in energy and power to
SMS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXV.



be naturally expected from her free constitution, to which no compliment \vwa
intended by the epithet of democratical, we shall find parties here --iit'in
sides. All the branches of the opposition will desire to see Spain rein-[ tted.
in full sovereignty over her dominions beyond sea; whilst the ministeri'lictrc.
through an instinctive counterpart of feeling, will desire to see them itri.i:k
off. The government will, I believe, observe great caution for a \hilc.
watching events. But, on the contingency presupposed, we can scarcely err
in predicting this ultimate reverse in the public opinion of the country
Mr. Forsyth has stated to me in a letter, dated Madrid, June the twenty
ninth, that he had understood, that the agents in London from Caracca,,
Buenos Ayres and Chili held a meeting in May, when it was determined to
address applications to Russia, Austria and Prussia, desiring that princes if
their families might be given to Spanish America generally, and tiat o'ne
might be specially selected from the Brazils for Buenos Ayres. This i- as I
understand his statement. But it comes to me in cypher, and, either from
some inadvertence on the part of his copyist, so liable to happen with figures,
or possibly from there not being a perfect conformity between our cyphert ,
there are parts which I cannot make out, and may therefore have taken up
the meaning inaccurately. I am aware of no such facts as Mr. Forsyth sta te.
What I have heard is, that, in the month of April, (being subsequent t-, the
establishment of the constitution of 1812,) the agents of Chili, Bueno- Avrets
and Venezuela, did meet together in this city, with however a different ob-
ject. They jointly signed an address to the king of Spain asking that the
independence of thege countries might be acknowledged. This addr: wv,:a-
transmitted to Ferdinand through the medium of the duke of San C:,rlo-,
then the Spanish ambassador at this court. The reply to it through the ai m
channel was, that no proposition would be listened to that had not for itr
basis the return of the colonies to their subjection to the mother cuuntr,
This information I have derived since the publicity of the project of FrIncc
upon Buenos Ayres.

Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy -ldar:;s,
Secretary of State of the United States
LONDON, April 22, 1. 22.
Our acknowledgement of the South American states, has produced an
effect upon those communities on this side of the water, of which the evi-
dences are universal in the public opinion of all circles. It seems to hayv
SMS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVII.


DOCUMENT 780: MAY 6, 1822

,poken them into being; to have cleared away the doubts that lingered in
men'; minds as to their true condition; to have revealed and defined before
tile world the maturity of their attributes for sovereign and independent
existence. It has forlned a foundation point around which the judgment of
the world can rally, undistracted by the uncertainties and contradictions
under which the destinies of those new empires seemed hidden. It has come
at tie happy moment when their destiny complete in all things else by exer-
tions of their own, seemed to wait only this moral welcome from the sister
Republic of tie north, as its last finish. So the citizen of the United States
is happy to contemplate it, so mankind have hailed it. The day after the
news arrived, the v,,ilue of the Colombian bonds, a species of security for a
loan contracted ib that state, rose in the London market, nor have I caught
from any source as yet a single objection to the measure. To this govern-
ment, it i- not my intention to speak of or allude to it in any way, in the first
instance. TIo Nlr. 'inis, I broached the topick at the levee last week, as one
of familiar cr-nvers-ation, saying, in the spirit of the President's message, that
I hoped Spain would see no unfriendliness in the step, but rather one out of
which good fruits would grow up to all parties. He replied, that he thought
Spain otrgi: /.o fllo:,. the example. If the commercial penalties which a
French newspaper d;tates as those which the Republick of Colombia designs
to inflict upon the nations withholding a recognition, be correctly stated, and
if the other new Republicks do the same, it may be presumed that the ex-
ample of the UInited States will not be long without imitators.
I received the day before yesterday from Mr. Sartoris, at Rio Janeiro, a
letter dated February the i5th, in which he states that the Portuguese
troops had been compelled, through the firmness of the Prince Regent, to
embark for Europe, and that he had little doubt but that the whole of the
Brazils in a fewI months more would declare independence, organizing a
separate government i th the Prince Regent at its head.

Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States L
LONDON, May 6, 1822.
A meeting was held on the twenty third of last month of the merchants,
ship owners, ma nufactuirers, and traders, of London for the purpose of taking
into con-ideration the means of opening a beneficial conimercial intercourse
SMS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVII.



with the countries of South America formerly under the dominion tf Spa ui. 3
mode of expression which it is remarkable has sprung into use since the
President's message on the recognition, and seems already to have become
as universal, as it was before unknown. It was agreed at the meeting, t,:,
present a memorial to the Lords of the privy council submitting whether it
would not be expedient to open the ports of Great Britain to the ships of
these "newly established countries" in the same manner as to the ship-: of tlhe
United States and the Brazils. The Lords of the privy council -haie replied,
in general terms, that the vessels of these countries will be admitted into, the
ports of the United Kingdom.
They have, in fact, been admitted heretofore, whenever they ha\ chosen
to come, but not as vessels of the Independent governments of South .1 in: ricl, c,
nominee. They have come as other vessels, that comply in all things with
the British laws of navigation and trade. No interdict existed against them,
founded upon the nature of their flag, which was not inquired into on their
arrival at British ports, but admitted like other foreign flags. .\s to their
being admitted upon the same terms with the vessels of the United Stati s :or
the Brazils, this could only be the effect of compact. None whatever exist-
ing between Britain and these new states, the prayer of the memoriahlst in
this respect goes unattended to. It is in this way that my inquiries lead me
to understand the subject, though aware of the contradictory as;erti:onrs in
the English journals in relation to it.
It will be seen, that Lord Londonderry stated in the house of comrmonsr
on the second instant, in answer to the questions of Sir James Mackintosh,
that whilst this government had neither formally recognized, or entered in to
any correspondence that would imply a recognition of, these new govern-
ments, it had nevertheless considered them as governments d,: l'tlo: had
looked upon the parties at war in that quarter of the world as belligerents;
had respected as such their rights of blockade, and that the commercial
intercourse with them would be found to be provided for by Mr. Robins.-.n'.
bill on the subject of foreign trade. This bill is not yet published, as far as I
can learn, and probably not yet fully matured.

DOCUMENT 781: JUNE 10, 1822

Richard Ru/h, Uit'dild States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States'
LONDON, June 1I, 1822.
Touching the que-tion of South American independence, I am happy to
find that I have taken the same view of the part proper for me to act at
this court that your despatch has now presented to me. From the moment
of the arrival of the President's message of the 8th of March proposing the
reco.iiition, it appeared to me, that, as it was a measure adopted on our
own view% of its intrinsick justice and expediency, without concert with
other nations, .:and .:_i the great principles upon which it stood were suffi-
ciently pronimlgated to the world in that message, no further mention of it
by me wa;i due to conciliation, or to any other duty in my intercourse with
this governmentn; but that, on the contrary, to avoid all notice of the subject
in the First instance., would be the course most proper on my part. I have,
accordingly., abstained from alluding to it when with Lord Londonderry,
and he hajs not mentioned it to me. Whenever he may do so, I will not fail
tor express the sentiments with which you have charged me.
But although the measure has not been mentioned on either side, I have
no rea,:~_o t:o ?upp:ose ltht it is regarded by this cabinet otherwise than as its
true nature demands. The public voice of the country is manifestly and
loudly in its favor. The manufacturers and merchants take the lead, and
urge the government to follow our example, rather than arraign it. When
to this we add wh.it Lord Londonderry has said upon the subject in parlia-
ment, a ln the step already taken by the lords of the privy council, and the
further steps projected in parliament, for encouraging commercial relations
with the ne',-bLorn states in those regions, we should perhaps rather be
w\\rranted in inferring that it cannot be very long before our example, will,
in elect, be follow-ed. I have heard, indeed, from a respectable though not
official source. that a person who has. heretofore been in diplomatic trusts
under this government (the name I did not hear) is going out at once to
Buenos A.yres. heather r as agent or minister, or with what distinct objects,
my inflormi.:-t could not say, but we may suppose with some' view to the
commencement of an official intercourse with that community, f.a character
m-ire marked than has yet existed. As to any formal or perfect recognition
of the indepnenden':e CI that or any of the other new states of South America,
I greatly doubt whether this government will give in to it, except on con-
sulltaticrn with the European Alliance, which the reanimated hope of pre-
ser\ ing peace in the Eist will probably tend to bind still more closely to-
lMS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVII.



Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Ada I.;,
Secretary of State of the United States 1
LONDON, June 24, 1822.
SIR: Mr. Zea, the representative of the Republic of Colombia, arrived here
lately from France. He waited upon me on the twenty first instant, but
not being in at the moment of his call, I did not see him. I have on my part
made efforts to see him since, but as yet we have not met.
I learn that he has had an interview with Lord Londonderry. The partic-
ulars of what passed at it, I am not instructed in, but understand that the
following is the result.
That to the application which he distinctly preferred to this government
to recognize the independence of Colombia, his lordship gave as distinct a
refusal. He alleged that Great Britain would make no movement towards
the recognition of any of those new states, except in concert with her Euro-
pean Allies, and that these latter were not at present disposed, any more than
Great Britain, to take any steps in regard to the subject without consulting
What was said by his lordship in explanation of this policy; whether or
not he took any notice of our act of recognition, or touched upon any of the
prospects of commercial intercourse between this country and those new
states, I am not informed. Upon such and other points that may be inter-
esting in connexion with this subject, I will transmit whatever further
information I may be able to obtain henceforth.

Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States I
LONDON, July 24, I822.
SIR: Mr. Echeverria, representing himself to be the minister plenipoten-
tiary from the Republick of Colombia to this court, called upon me last
week. I say representing himself as such, as there appears to be some
question whether he or Mr. Zea actually holds this trust at the present
moment, the latter having asked his recall from Europe some time ago on
account of ill health, but now as it is understood intending to remain longer,
his health having become better. Without deciding this point between them
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVII.


DOCUMENT 783: JULY 24, 1822

Mr Echevertria i-, at all events, a prominent citizen of his country having
Been ,elected, a.: .ne of the deputies or commissioners sent by Colombia
to Madrid lat 'year, with proposals from his government to treat with Spain,
on the b.asi-s -*. recognition, but to which, as is known, Spain utterly refused
t,. ac.jede. He expressed in a warm and feeling manner the satisfaction he
had dern~\d from the acknowledgement of the independence of his country
bv the United States, and requested my acceptance of a copy of the consti-
tution of C:olombni which has lately been republished in Paris, and which
uva- rendered. the more worthy to be accepted from having the President's
mer-rage and the report of the committee of the house of representatives on
the question of recognition, bound up with it. This volume, forwarded
herewith, I .i-k leave to send to the department of state, having in my
pos-:e-:ion oth r copies of the instruments which it contains.
I rmut take ..:,-a-ion to mention, that after my despatch of the 24th of
June,' I was pelr\trii, by circumstances not in my power to control, of all
.-.pprtunity olf -ecing Mr. Zea, who has I believe since gone out of town.
Thi: publick dinner given to this gentleman by the merchants of London
on the tenrh of trhi month, at which the duke of Somerset presided, and
which was attended by several members of parliament without distinction of
p.arry-wwhere among:-t others of the group we saw Sir William Curtis ranged
bv the -ide .i Sir James Macintosh,--carries with it stronger indications
than are usually to be attached to festivals of this nature, and goes to show
how impre--i\ve and lI.,ud public opinion is becoming in this country in favor
of S.-.urh American independence. This voice will grow louder and louder,
nor can it, I beliExe, be ultimately resisted by the government. In effect,
the -tate- of Siuth America are already regarded by Great Britain as in-
dependen t, for tLn o,.t,:s of parliament have been passed by which commercial
intercouirse haI been opened between them and every part of the British
dominion-. The-,- a.-ts [the] government will be in possession of through
th parliamentary documents which are forwarded by this legation to the
Trta-ury, -, well as probably through the consul at this port, who mentioned
:o nme that he h.a- -nt them.
I return to Mr. Echeverria. He informed me that he had had an inter-
view with I.,:rd Londonderry; but that h had in vain urged upon him the
'cl.-im of C..ihmbia to be recognized by this government. His Lordship
-aid, that thi-s was a measure into which Great Britain could not come con-
sistintIly with what she owed to Spain. That Spain had been consulted re-
Ispecting it, and had replied in a way which showed that she felt it to concern
her interest and her rights that other nations should forbear to take such a
step. Nor could Great Britain, he said, take it without the concurrence of
Fr'ince, and France '.vas not prepared to lend her concurrence. Spain had
alr... replied, that she had just despatched commissioners to her colonies,
SSee above, pt. vm, doc. 782.



carrying out the most liberal offers of compromise, from which he -till
hoped for the best results, and which would serve to render but the morenr
objectionable the interference of other Powers. Mr. Echeverria adverted to:
the fallacy of such hopes, and asked his Lordship whether this government
would not use its influence to induce Spain herself to recognize the inde-
pendence of the colonies as the best and only policy left to her. His LorIdsip
replied, that Great Britain would hold up this course to Spain. He alluded .to
the recognition by the government of the United States, which, he rein- rked,
stood upon a ground by itself, the United States having no European crnne'-
ions to look to when determining upon such a policy, which was not thu- cast
with Great Britain. But whilst Gt. Britain could not justify to herself the
political measure of formally recognizing the independence of those com-
munities at present, his Lordship said, that it was her intention to maintain
an unrestricted intercourse of commerce with them all, and of this intention
Spain had been informed. I here mentioned to Mr. Echeverria the case of
the Lord Collingwood, and asked if he ascertained from Ld Londonderry what
Great Britain meant to do if Spain continued to capture British merchant
vessels trading with those countries which Spain still assumed to treat as her
colonies. He replied that his Lordship intimated, that as Great Britain
would consider such a trade as regularly open to her merchants, she would
sustain them in it.
The foregoing is the amount of what Mr. Echeverria told me. The
Lord Collingwood it will be recollected was an English merchant vessel bound
from Buenos Ayres to the Havannah with a cargo of hides. Pursuing this
voyage, she was captured by a Spanish privateer, carried into Porto Rico
and there condemned as good prize on the ground of trading with a Spanish
colony, without a license from the king of Spain. A copy of the decree of
condemnation in this case was sent to Lord Londonderry by Dr. Lushington,
and its circumstances have been the subject of full remark in the house of
Mr. Echeverria's interview with Lord Londonderry and his call upon me,
were prior to the disclosures made as well by Lord Liverpool as Lord London-
derry in parliament on the same subject on the fifteenth and seventeenth
instant. Taken together, they may be considered as affording a sufficiently
satisfactory clue to the present feelings of this cabinet in relation to South
American Independence. How much longer it will be able to withhold the
formal recognition, and thus stand out against the importunities so universal
of the commercial and manufacturing classes; against the just claims of those
new states themselves, and against such cogent and irresistible appeals to
the authority of public law and historical facts as were yesterday again
made by Sir James Macintosh in the house of commons in support of those
claims, time must show. These appeals are the more gratifying from follow-
ing up as they do the grounds taken in the state papers of the United States.


DOCUMENT 783: JULY 24, 1822

A vwe ha\e lately -een an important branch of the colonial policy of Britain,
give way before the remonstrances of only her West India merchants and
proprietor., it can -carcely be too much to imagine that we shall before very
long behold her on this question of South America giving way to the uni-
verzal demand of her merchants and manufacturers, backed too as their
-iolicitation- are by a commanding eloquence in her senate, and by the en-
lightened dictate- of public opinion throughout the nation. To motives so
powerful for lully,' acknowledging the independence of South America, her
mini-tir- hae.- nothing to oppose but their connexions with the Europeau/
Alliance, and their obligations to old Spain. From the trammels of the
Former it would be wise to extricate themselves, whilst it may be strongly
-utspected that their alleged delicacy towards Spain will not last longer than
their hope of -till seeing the ancient state of things brought back in that
country. How far this hope will survive the events which have transpired
at \lMadrid ~lnInct the present month set in, we do not as yet know. In the
meantime, British interests are suffering, and will probably continue more or
leI to Lufflr, a; I:ong as the full recognition is delayed. The journals of the
day announce, that insurance upon ships from London to the ports of
Colombia, cannot Lbe effected at Lloyds but at great cost, and this not merely
onl account .:*, the ri-k of capture from pirates in those seas, but also from
S.pani-h ,hip; of w\ar and privateers. From these and other considerations \
we may infer, that British commerce with those new states will never have
its full -cope and fair advantage of competition, until their independence is '
completely acknowledged. If I have accurately understood Mr. Echeverria,
and he in turn Lord Londonderry, it is plain that this government has taken
in n: ill parr the act of recognition by the United States. It would seem-
that it i' rather aV.ake to the advantages of our situation which has enabled
u- o o tak our o\wn measures freed from the incubus of the Holy Alliance.
That Britain will rake the step herself at a day not distant, is my confident
belief, for whatever present excuses her statesmen may have laid hold of, I
can c.arcel>l believe it possible that they will not be roused to it by our
rivalry, hichl the:y must be sensible will be rendered more formidable and \
dangerou-u by every hour of their procrastination.
Mr. Echc-'verria having had an object of his own in calling upon me, pro-
cetdeud, after hi- or her communicationsto stateit. He said that he was about
to ,et out for Pari- in a few days, and requested that in the event of any des-
patche' arri\ ing for him in London during his absence, I would permit them
to be forwarded to him in Paris, under cover of my seal to the minister of the
United Sta.it, in ihat capital. I replied that I feared they would have little
additional -ecurity by this course, as I seldom wrote to Mr. Gallatin but by
the mail, and it wa'- well known that no seals, whether of foreign ministers or
other, enjoyed much inviolability in the French post offices. He said that
he believed ithe ri-k to his correspondence would be less if it could be put



under cover to our legation at Paris, to which I replied again that I would for-
ward it in that manner, if Mr. Gallatin had no objections; but that as it was a
measure which would concern him also, I could not make him a party to it
without his consent. Something was said of special couriers, upon which 1
remarked that I had never yet had occasion to employ one in my correspond-
ence with Paris. Mr. E. here upon asked whether I could employ one f-,r hi-
despatches, allowing him to be at the expense. I replied that such a course
would be objectionable, but that if ever I found it necessary to employ one
on the objects of my own government, I would send any letters addressed to
him by the same conveyance, with Mr. Gallatin's concurrence, to whom I re-
ferred him, more especially as he would have an opportunity of consulting
him at Paris. He then asked my permission to address a note to me em-
bracing the request which he had made in person, adding that it was at the
wish of his government that he had made it.
A copy of the note which he subsequently wrote to me, with a copy of my
answer, is enclosed.' It appears that he had not conceived with entire ac-
curacy what fell from me in conversation. I will either act in this matter on
my own discretion henceforth, or receive any suggestions with which you may
think it necessary to favor me.
I have the honor [etc.].

Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States 2
LONDON, July 26, 1822.
SIR: Mr. Zea called upon me this day. He confirms all that Mr. Echeverria
told me respecting the views and intentions of this government on the ques-
tion of South American independence. To repeat what he said, would there-
fore only be to go over again what is recounted in my last despatch,3 there
having been a substantial and entire agreement in their communications to me.
Those of Mr. Zea have, if any thing, been given with rather the most strength.
He says that Lord Londonderry explicitly remarked, that Great Britain
would not carry her consideration for Spain so far as to postpone too long her
rights of acting as she might think fit; in other words, as the sentiment may
be understood, that she will acknowledge the independence of the colonies
after a little more formality, whatever may be the conduct or opinions of
Spain in relation to the subject. Mr. Zea also represents Lord Londonderry
as saying, that this court would strongly advise Spain herself to recognize the
SNot printed in this collection.
2 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVII.
3See above, pt. vII, doc. 783.


DOCUMENT 785: AUGUST 27, 1822

colonic-, and thus free the powers of Europe from all further embarrassment
upon the occasion.
I collected from Mr. Zea that he, and not Mr. Echeverria, is the actual rep-
resentati e of Colombia at the present juncture. This may render unneces-
sary all notice of what I have written concerning the despatches of the latter.
Should any similar requests ever be made to me by any of the representa-
ti e o-f thc;e our new sister republics, whilst they remain unacknowledged
in Europe, I shall feel a disposition to do what courtesy demands, without
howevt:r ~coing further than my proper duties to my own government will
warrant. I shall, at the least, be ever disposed to extend to them as much ac-
cino:mmodatii:n in this line, as I have myself received from members of the resi-
dent diplomatic corps, from time to time since I have been in London.
I have the honor [etc.].

Richard Rustl, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States
LONDON, August 27, I822.
To all that is said in your number 58,2 respecting Mr. Ravenga, I will take
care to ppa.\ special attention, so as to execute as far as circumstances may al-
l,\w. the President's desire in the spirit that it is conveyed to me. As yet I
iave not teen, or heard of thisgentleman'sarrival, in this capital. Mr. Eche-
verria, and Ir. Zea, both called upon me, as I have mentioned in formercom-
muni:ations. The latter still claims, as I understand, to be considered the
rt:pre::entati\ e of Colombia. Heretofore there has been some difficulty in
a-certainini with precision who has filled this trust, from the circumstance
:of that new Republick not being acknowledged here; but your despatch be-
coi.mec full authority to me that it is in Mr. Ravenga's hands, and I will act
aLccrdirin ly
SMS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVII.
See above, pt. I, doc. 111, Adams to Rush, July 24, 1822.



Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Ada nms,
Secretary of State of the United States t
LONDON, October 12, I.-22.
On the eighth instant, Mr. Garcia and General Paroissien, the Peru\ an
envoys mentioned in my number 267,2 waited upon me. They did not lay
before me any complaints whatever respecting our naval officers in the Pa-
cific, or any other of our officers or citizens residing in Peru or Chili, or tr.ai in
there. They confined their visit, for this time, to one of personal and ofticiil
civility, making it the occasion of expressing their gratitude and thankfulness
to the United States for acknowledging the independence of their country.
I gathered from them that their hopes of a speedy recognition by this govern-
ment are not sanguine; yet they think the prospect better since Mr. Canning's
appointment, than before. On what ground they rest this hope I know not, un-
less it be that Mr. Canning's long connexion with Liverpool, as the representa-
tive in parliament of that town, may be thought to have predisposed him to a
participation in the sympathies of its commercial population upon this ques-
tion. Mr. Garcia apologized for the medals he had sent me.3 I said to him,
that the last gift of this kind which I had declined previously to his, was that
of a coronation medal, set apart for my acceptance by one of the officers of
this government on the occasion of the king's coronation last year; and that I
was bound on such a point as this to look upon all foreign states in the same
light, that of Great Britain and that of Peru, the latter being now in the eyes
of my government, sovereign and independent like the former. The ex-
planation being offered in a friendly and conciliating spirit, was so received,-
a spirit which marked the whole conversation of both these gentlemen dur-
ing the half hour they sat with me. I returned their visit on the following
day, and shall omit no opportunity within my power of keeping up good will
between us. I distinctly said to them, that it fell within the desire of the
President, that I should use such endeavours as circumstances might justify
in my intercourse with this court, to dispose it towards a recognition of the
independence of their country, for I consider what is said in your number 58 4
in regard to Colombia, as in its spirit extending to the other states of South
America, comprehended in the President's message. They seemed to be sen-
sible of the benefits which our act of recognition has already conferred upon
the cause of South American freedom and independence throughout the
world, and received with satisfaction this assurance from me, that the Presi-
dent did not cease to take an active interest in it.
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVIII.
2 Not printed in this collection.
SSee below, pt. viii, doc. 787.
SSee above, pt. I, doc. 111, Adams to Rush, July 24, 1822.


DOCUMENT ;78: AUGUST 19, 1823

Richard Rish, United .States ministerr to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
.S'ecretrry eof Slate of the United States
LONDON, March 20, 1823.
SIR: Mr. Garcia del Rio, one of the envoys from Peru, whose name I have
mentioned to you in communications 2 at a former period, has given into
my care, for the government of the United States, a medal struck to com-
mernmrate the Independence of Lima. In compliance with his request,
having heretofore informed him that I could not accept such gifts myself,
I now transmit this medal to your hands. It is enclosed in this despatch
and I hope uill reach you safely I send also from Mr. Garcia, four pam-
phlets on Peru ian affairs, two o-f which he designs for the President, and two
for your acceptance.
A conspicuous journal here, the Morning Chronicle, intimated a week ago
that this government was. upon the eve of recognizing the Independence of
Colombia. I can only say that if this be the case I have heard nothing of
it through any other channel, nor has Mr. Ravenga. This gentleman has
not yet had an interview with Mr. Canning, or any other member of this
government, nor does he know at present when one will be granted him.

Richard Rush, United Stales Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States 3
LONDON, August 19, 1823.
SIR: When my interview with Mr. Canning on Saturday was about to
close, I transiently -iked him nl either, notwithstanding the late news from
Spain, we might not still hope that the Spaniards would get the better of all
their difficulties. I hlid allusion to the defection of Ballasteros, in Andalu-
sia, ani event seeming to threaten with new dangers the constitutional cause.
His repl\ was general, importing nothing more than his opinion of the
increased difi cultice and dlangirs with which, undoubtedly, this event was
calculated to- surround the Spanish cause.
Pursuing the topick of Spanish affairs, I remarked that should France
SMS. [ris.pachce tironm Creit Prit-iin. XXVIII.
:See abj\re, pt. \i i, doc. 7'-.., Ru-h t: Adams, October 12, 1822.
MS Dispaichc ir..mn- Greir Rrir-in. XXIX.



ultimately effect her purposes in Spain, there was at least the consolation
left, that Great Britain would not allow her to go farther and lay her hands
upon the Spanish colonies, bringing them too under her grasp. I here had
in my mind the sentiments promulgated upon this subject in Mr. Canning's
note to the British ambassador at Paris of the 31st of March, during the
negotiations that preceded the invasion of Spain. It will be recollected
that the British government say in this note, that time and the course of
events appeared to have substantially decided the question of the separa-
tion of these colonies from the mother country, although their formal
recognition as independent states by Gt. Britain might be hastened or
retarded by external circumstances, as well as by the internal condition
of those new states themselves; and that as his Britannic majesty disclaimed
all intention of appropriating to himself the smallest portion of the late
Spanish possessions in America, he was also satisfied that no attempt would
be made by France to bring any of them under her dominion, either by
conquest, or by cession from Spain.
By this we are to understand, in terms sufficiently distinct, that Great
Britain would not be passive under such an attempt by France, and Mr.
Canning, on my having referred to this note, asked me what I thought my
government would say to going hand in hand with his, in the same senti-
ment; not as he added that any concert in action under it, could become
necessary between the two countries, but that the simple fact of our being
known to hold the same sentiment would, he had no doubt, by its moral
effect, put down the intention on the part of France, admitting that she
should ever entertain it. This belief was founded he said upon the large
share of the maritime power of the world which Gt. Britain and the United
States shared between them, and the consequent influence which the knowl-
edge that they held a common opinion upon a question on which such large
maritime interests, present and future, hung, could not fail to produce
upon the rest of the world.
I replied, that in what manner my government would look upon such a
suggestion, I was unable to say, but that I would communicate it in the
same informal manner in which he threw it out. I said, however, that I
did not think I should do so with full advantage, unless he would at the
same time enlighten me as to the precise situation in which His Majesty's
government stood at this moment in relation to those new states, and espe-
cially on the material point of their own independence.
He replied that Great Britain certainly never again intended to lend her
instrumentality or aid, whether by mediation or otherwise, towards making
up the dispute between Spain and her colonies; but that if this result could
still be brought about, she would not interfere to prevent it. Upon my
intimating that I had supposed that all idea of Spain ever recovering her
authority over the colonies had long since gone by, he explained by saying



that he lid not mean t: controI.rt that opinion, foir lhe too bele-ced that the
day had .-irrived \when .ll America might tbe c-n-idered is lo-st to- Eur'ope,
-n far a. thili tie O:f po-litical de-pendcince n wa-, concerne. .All that he meant
wa-, that if Spain .-nd the c.lonnie-s should -till Ibe able to brinn the di-pute,
not yet totally e .tinct be teen them, to a clo-e up 'rn term-s -at islactory to
both -ide-, and% \hi ch shr, tlld at the -ame ime ece lll- e to Spain comICmerciiI
or either ad.,int.iage not extended to other na.tion s, that greatt Britain
would not obj' ct c to a cor.niprri:,nise in tin-s spirit of prl:ft:ren,:e to Spain All
that she .r,uldl ask \-ould be, to .tand uptipn as Ifairoured i f'oting as any other
nation after Spain. Uiponi my again alluding to the imnprob.ibility of the
dis-pute .it.r -etctlng d:'..n now even upon thi- bassi, lie -aid that it iwas not
his intention to, m.tintain -uch a pIo-ition, and that he had e':pre _ed hiim-elf
as abole rather fior tlih purpose of indlicating the feeling which this cabinet
still had tr,oard- Spain in relatio-n tr- the cointrvr.'er;\, than of predicting
\\'i shinrt, however, to be still more specifically infi:rmred. I a..ked %whether
Great Britain was at thiizs mroent taking any step, or contemplating iny,
which had reference to the recognition to tho.e states. think being the point
in \ whicl we felt the chicf inti ret.
He replied that she had taken noc-ne whatever, as yet, but \'.a- upon the
e\t. :of taking one. not fnal, but pri:p.lir.to'ry, and which wo-uld -till lea e her
ait large to rec:'gnile o:r not according Lc: the .p:itlion of events at a future
period The mea.,t~re in qrtes-tirn \wa-, to : cnd C:iut orne or more indl, idual!
under authority from this go'ernme nt t- South America, noct -tricly dip-
lomatic, but clr,thd with powercr in the nature i1 a commit ion of inquiry ,
and which in -shoirt he detcrihed a- .-inalagn:,u-s to thos-e %cxercied lby our co-m-
mi-sioner- in I~S7; and that upon the restilt -if this conimim-i on much might
depend as toi the uilttrior conduct of GCt. Britain. I akT:d w tlihCer I wa- to
understand that it would comprehend ill tlhe new -tares, or which of them;
to w\\ h che: replied that, for the present it v.otld Ibe limited t:, Mexico.
Reverting to, hi- (irst idea he aga;n -aid, that he hoped that France worldd
not. -hrould :cn: ii v\nts in the Peninsula be fao\.rable to her, ,.tend her iev. -
to -South America for the purpose of reducing the colonies, nominally perhap-
for Spain, but in efftec ttr- ubl: er t e: nd-: of her own but that in ca-e -he -hf-1.-1d
meditate -uch a policy, he wias S.atiLl-ed th-it the kri',wledge of the United
State. being i:pporl-,ei d to it as %vell a- Ct. Britain, could not fail to hiave it
inlu iflnc in checking ht-r ctepc. In thin way lie ithoiught go:iod might bc done
hi prt\ention, and iaceilful pro-pects all round' increased A- to thei form
in which -iuch knowledge might be ani.ide to reach France, and ev: n the other
power,- of Euro-pe,l he said in concluion that that might prob.ibly Lie arranged
in a manner that v.ould he free from oLbit.:t-ion
I 'cnan told hi th l cney hii -h I ulld ggce-itinions ti yL r o il for thle l n-
formation of the Presidenti, an.I i import to, him whateur repl-r I mi;.-ht



receive. My own inference rather is, that his proposition was a fortuitL.us
one; yet he entered into it I thought with some interest, and appeared to.
receive with a corresponding satisfaction the assurance I gave him that it
should be made known to the President. I did not feel myself at liberty tr.
express any opinion unfavorable to it, and was as careful to give none in its

George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain, to
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain I
Private & confidential. FOREIGN OFFICE, August 20, 1823.
MY DEAR SIR: Before leaving Town, I am desirous of bringing before you
in a more distinct, but still in an unofficial and confidential, shape, the ques-
tion which we shortly discussed the last time that I had the pleasure of
seeing you.
Is not the moment come when our Governments might understand each
other as to the Spanish American Colonies? And if we can arrive at such an
understanding, would it not be expedient for ourselves, and beneficial for
all the world, that the principles of it should be clearly settled and plainly
For ourselves we have no disguise.
I. We conceive the recovery of the Colonies by Spain to be hopeless.
2. We conceive the question of the Recognition of them, as Independent
States, to be one of time and circumstances.
3. We are, however, by no means disposed to throw any impediment in
the way of an arrangement between them, and the mother country by
amicable negotiation.
4. We aim not at the possession of any portion of them ourselves.
5. We could not see any portion of them transferred to any other Power,
with indifference.
If these opinions and feelings are as I firmly believe them to be, common to
your Government with ours, why should we hesitate mutually to confide
them to each other; and to declare them in the face of the world?
If there be any European Power which cherishes other projects, which
looks to a forcible enterprise for reducing the Colonies to subjugation, on the
behalf or in the name of Spain; or which meditates the acquisition of any
part of them to itself, by cession or by conquest; such a declaration on the
part of your government and ours would be at once the most effectual and
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, August 23,
1823, which see below, pt. vii, doc. 791.


DOCUMENT 790: AUGUST 23, 1823

the le.st :.ffen;ive mode of intimating our joint disapprobation of such
pr,:,jec t .
It \ouldl,- at thI: 5-ime time put an end to all the jealousies of Spain with
rt.tpl:ct t.-, her remaining Colonies-and to the agitation which prevails in
tho,- C,-A.lnis.. :in imitationn which it would be but humane to allay; being
d'rtermnind (as rwe are) not to profit by encouraging it.-
DI-, IL1 c-rncti. that under the power which you have recently received,
\:itI air: "cthl:,rizd to enter into negotiation, and to sign any Convention
up,-n this -4ubjIct? Do you conceive, if that be not within your competence,
\-Iu c:uld :\C:lhangil \with me ministerial notes upon it?
N'o:,hing c-.uli be more gratifying to me than to join with you in such a
,.w;rk, ,nd, I am pueridaded, there has seldom, in the history of the world,
ccurri.d- an opportunity, when so small an effort, of two friendly Govern-
mn:ntc. might pr-.duce so unequivocal a good and prevent such extensive
c ilamitic.-.
I shall be absi nt fr:rom London but three weeks at the utmost: but never so
far dis.-tnt, but that I can receive and reply to any communication, within
thrvte -,r f,-four day-s.
I have the. honc.r letc.].

Rr,:hi'rd Rush, L'nutd States Minister to Great Britain, to George Canning,
Se,:'rt I.]ry of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain I
LONDON, August 23, 1823.
?l \ DEAR SIR- Y,-~ur unofficial and confidential note of the 20th instant2
rn.ach,-dJ n, \c.t*.-rrd..ly, and has commanded from me all the reflection due to
the intcr:r :,f its -iibject, and to the friendly spirit of confidence upon which
it is so, emph.itic:.lly founded.
The g,:.-crninhr t :,f the United States having, in the most formal manner,
,;ckn,-wvll,--i tl, independence of the late Spanish provinces in America,
Ide-irc-s nothing mr-.re anxiously than to see this independence maintained
with ta-ibilit y, d inJ under auspices that may promise prosperity and happiness
:. thre,-e ne\v s-r.,t themselves, as well as advantage to the rest of the world.
A.- cOiI'ducing: t.: these great ends, my government has always desired, and
still dl-;ir-., ri:, -. them received into the family of nations by the powers of
Euro:pe, and ec peclally, I may add, by Great Britain.
M, p-,.'etrnnmrnt is also under a sincere conviction, that the epoch has ar-
rived i ,he the in tcr, ts of humanity and justice, as well as all other interests
would bet tes-.ntiall subserved by the general recognition of these states.
MS D-inrci,': ifr,.m Great Britain, XXIX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, August 23,
S-:, i.hich -r-, b pl,.-. pi. viii, doc. 791.
S-:e atIbfj '. vI, .JXc. 789.



Making these remarks, I believe I may confidently say, that the senti-
ments unfolded in your note are fully those which bce-lng al.su t..- my got em-
It conceives the recovery of the colonies by Spain, to be hilipciles.
It would throw no impediment in the way of an arrangnementr between them
and the mother country, by amicable negociation-s-upposing an irraInge-
ment of this nature to be possible.
It does not aim at the possession of any portion .-,f those communities for
or on behalf of the United States.
It would regard as highly unjust, and fruitful of disadtrrus c,_-ns~quences,
any attempt on the part of any European power to taki pos5;se-ion of t hem by
conquest, or by cession; or on any ground or pretext whatever.
But, in what manner my government might deem it c\xpdint to av\:w
these principles and feelings, or express its disapprobation of such projects as
the last, are points which none of my instructions, or the power which I have
recently received, embrace; and they involve I am forced to add considera-
tions of too much delicacy for me to act upon them in advance.
It will yield me particular pleasure to be the organ of promptly causing to
be brought under the notice of the President, the opinions and views of which
you have made me the depository upon this subject, and I am of.nothing
more sure than that he will fully appreciate their intrinsick interest, and not
less the frank and friendly feelings towards the United States in which they
have been conceived and communicated to me on your part.
Nor, do I take too much upon myself, when I anticipate the peculiar satis-
faction the President will also derive from the intimation which you have
not scrupled to afford me, as to the just and liberal determinations of His
Majesty's government, in regard to the colonies which still remain to Spain.
With a full reciprocation of the personal cordiality which your note also
breathes, and begging you to accept [etc.].

Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States 1
LONDON, August 23, 1823.
SIR: I yesterday received from Mr. Canning a note headed "private and
confidential" setting before me in a more distinct form the proposition re-
specting South America affairs, which he communicated to me in conversa-
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX.


DOCUMENT 791: AUGUST 23, 1823

tion, o:n the i16th, as already reported in my number 323. Of his note2 I
lose no time in transmitting a copy for your information, as well as a copy of
my an.-wer- to it written and sent this day.
In shap;rng the answer on my own judgment alone, I feel that I have had a
task ol s:ome embarrassment to perform, and shall be happy if it receives the
President's appro:barion.
I belic'L e that thiiu government has the subject of Mr. Canning's proposi-
tion much it heart, arnd certainly his note bears, upon the face of it, a charac-
ter of cordi.alit\ towards the government of the United States which cannot
ecCjp notice.
I have therefore thought it proper to impart to my note a like character,
and to m ct the points laid down in his, as far as I could, consistently with
other and ,param:'ount considerations.
The-e I conceived to be chiefly twofold; first the danger of pledging my
government to any m,-.isure or course of policy which might in any degree,
now o:r hefrca after, I implicate it in the federative system of Europe;and, second-
I%. I h.ive felt mve-ll alike without warrant to take a step which might prove
e:..cepti.:-nabl in the. eyes of France, with whom our pacific and friendly re-
lations remain I presume undisturbed, whatever may be our speculative ab-
horrence of her attack upon the liberties of Spain.
In frminirlnu my answer, [ had also to consider what was due to Spain her-
scll, and I hope that I hive not overlooked what was due to the colonies.
The whoil subject is open to views on which my mind has deliberated anx-
iously. If the matter of my answer shall be thought to bear properly upon
ilmti e and cn:,n idcrations which belong most materially to the occasion, it
will he a source of creat satisfaction to me.
The tone ole rrne-tneQ in Mr. Canning's note and the force of some of his
expressions, naturally start the inference that the British cabinet cannot be
without its .erioui apprehensions that ambitious enterprises are meditated
ac-ainst the independence of the South American states. Whether by France
.lone. I cannot no.w say, on any authentic grounds.
I ha\e the honor [etc ]
I Se- albve, pt. \III. Jdoc 7:.J, Rush to Adams, August 19, 1823.
'See abuje, p[. t. \ i.c do. 7.9 and 790, Canning to Rush, August 20, and Rush to Can-
ning, Augii-t: 2;. 1P323



George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Briltain, to
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain I
Private & confidential. LIVERPOOL, August 23, 1823.
MY DEAR SIR: Since I wrote to you on the 20th,2 an additional motive has
occurred for wishing that we might be able to come to some understanding on
the part of our respective Governments on the subject of my letter; to come
to it soon, and to be at liberty to announce it to the world.
It is this. I have received notice, but not such a notice as imposes upon me
the necessity of any immediate answer or proceeding-that so soon as the
military objects in Spain are achieved (of which the French expect, how just-
ly I know not a very speedy achievement) a proposal will be made for a Con-
gress, or some less formal concert and consultation, specially upon the affairs
of Spanish America.
I need not point out to you all the complications to which this proposal,
however dealt with by us, may lead.
Pray receive this communication in the same confidence with the former;
and believe me with great truth [etc.].

Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to George Canning,
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain 3
LONDON, August 27, 1823.
MY DEAR SIR: Your favor of the 23d,4 dated at Liverpool, got to hand
yesterday, and I perceive in its contents new motives for attaching impor-
tance to the subject to which it relates.
In the note which I had the honor to address to you on the 23rd,-two prin-
cipal ideas have place.
I. That the government of the United States earnestly desires to see main-
tained, permanently, the independence of the late Spanish provinces in
2. That it would view with uneasiness any attempt on the part of the powers
of Europe to intrench upon that independence.
I will add, in the present note, that my government would view with like
SMS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, August 28,
1823, which see below, pt. viii, doc. 794.
2 See above, pt. viii, doc. 789.
3MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, August 28,
1823, which see below, pt. vii, doc. 794.
4 See above, pt. viII, doc. 792.


DO:C'Ml!ENT 794: AUGUST 28, 1823

un.eai;ness- in intrrltrenc_- whatever, by the powers of Europe in the affairs
of th,:-ce nciw tat ~i-. iun o.:li :itd by the latter and against their will. It would
regard the conm ening if ;i co-ngress, for example, at this period of time, to de-
hlterat- upon their jffjir-, .a a measure uncalled for, and indicative of a pol-
icy highly unilrien-dl to the tranquillity of the world. It could never look
with ;n en-ibilit. tiup-n -uch an exercise of European jurisdiction over com-
murnitici n,:- :f right e'.empr from it, and entitled to regulate their own con-
c,:rns unmilerted from abroad. In speaking thus, I am entirely confident
that I do n,,thing m:ore than strictly interpret the opinions of my government,
and :if r h w'l.:.l- pe:orpl.r ,if the United States. It is only as to the mode in
which thI, former micht choose to give expression to its strong disapproba-
tion *:,f Much enlterprite-., thiit my instructions at this moment, as I think, fail
If y':u supp,-e an\ of the sentiments of this, or my preceding, note,' sus-
ceptiblke :.fi bving nm:tildcd by me into a form promising to achieve the object
pr:,po,:'-ed in _our notei of ti.- 20th, or make2 any useful approximation to it,
I ;hall be mo-t happy to take into consideration whatever suggestions you
ima. fiav.:r mll: with, t':ward this end, either immediately in writing, or in the
mre Lnreserved interco:ur-lr of conversation when you return to town, being
in thi- re-pect iltigether at your disposal.
I will. for tic pr-e:nt, only add, that could His Majesty's government see
fit to cun-lsid-r the time n,;.' arrived for a full acknowledgment of the inde-
pendence of the- South American states by Great Britain, it is my unequivo-
cal belf., ernte-rt:inc-d notr on light grounds, that it would accelerate the steps
:of my go erinment in a coitirze of policy intimated as being common to this
governmii-nt, for the i v'.-lfar of those states. It would also naturally place
,n in a new po-iti.:n in my further conferences with you, upon this interesting
Begging to asiurce you that the notes with which you favor me are treated
in the -pirit of confidence with which they are written, I have the honor [etc.].

Richard Rushl. Uni i d Stltes ,Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Seci.,a.r of State of the United States 3
LONDON, August 28, 1823.
S.IR: Sinc:- my i.-ir d.-patch, I have received a second confidential note4
from Mlr. C..nning. dated it Liverpool, the 23rd, a copy of which and of my
See _.bor e. ) t. i.i, do.:. 7,-', Rush to Canning, August 23, 1823.
15. LDi:.iache-. I'r.m Grein Britain, XXIX.
i S,'e ,b.. c p . ill, do.: 7



answer,' dated yesterday, are enclosed. The -ubLjcct if our corre-pondence
being, as appears to me, of deep interest, I think proper to apprize y.'Iu *,f it
from step to step, without waiting for the further development to \\ Inch it
may possibly lead. I hence hope that this communicati.-,n will be in time to
accompany my last, in the packet ship that will ltca\ x Li\ krp: :pool oni thLe lir t o
Mr. Canning having now distinctly informed me, that he ha: recui-,ed no-
tice of measures being in projection by the p:ower- ,:,f Eur,:pe rel-tive to the
affairs of Spanish America, as soon as the French -uccetd in their military
movements in Spain,-which it would seem they v' pert .-:,n 1to do,-- can-
not avoid seeing this subject under the complications to which Mr. Canning
My first object will be to urge upon this government the -,li. us expe-diency
of an immediate and unreserved recognition hf1 the e independence of the
South American states.
It will be seen by my note to Mr. Canning of ye terd.iy. th.r I h wie made a
beginning in this work, and, should the opportunity Le all'.f.rded me, it i- myr
intention to follow it up zealously.
Should I be asked by Mr. Canning, whether, i" i.i rc.:,im'il I:. m,.nade iby
Great Britain without more delay, I am, on my part, prepared to make .t dec-
laration in the name of my government that it w ill not remain inactive under
an attack upon the independence of those stat:tc L' the -Holy Alliance, the
present determination of my judgment is, that I \% ill mak this declirat:ion.
explicitly, and avow it before the world.
I am not unaware of the responsibility which I 1-ho:uld, by -ucl a me-:zure,
assume upon myself. My reasons for assumi-ng it, I h-ie rnt, :it present, the
leisure to recount with the requisite fulness. The leading, on(.-1 wu,:ild be, in
brief, as follow:
I. I may thereby aid in achieving an immediate and p ,-iti\ve .:ood to th h-e
rising states in our hemisphere; for such I should co:nc'l:i their recognition
at this juncture by Great Britain, in itself, t. Ie.
2. Such recognition, cooperating with the declaration iwhicll tIh- ,overn-
ment has already in effect made, that it will nit l:.-.k quietly ,n if mpanih
America is attacked, and followed up by a simr.ilar I thoui;h no:t joint I dec.lara-
tion from me that neither will the United State;, \would pr.-- e at le a-t a pro.l-
able means of warding off the attack. The mini-ter o foreign allairs f thi
government, it appears, is under a strong persuasion that irt oul- I'..rest all it,
and this without the recognition by England Ibeing. a. yet, .' p'lrt of hii case
3. Should the issue of things be different, and even t n..tr'witht landing ari-e
threatening the peace of the United States, or -.ther.vi-e serio:usli to co:mnmi
them, under such a declaration from me, it wo,:uld -till remain with the vi-
dom of my government to disavow my conduct, a- I should m.nif-tl,.h ha\e
SSee above, pt. viii, do:. 7 ;.


n',,M-ITIENT 795: Al.\uGi' T .1I, I.23

acted without its previous warrant. tho-ugh hoping for its subsequent sanc-
tion. I would. take t-i mnyi-lf all the repro:ach, i:onioled if not justified under
the desire that had animated me rto render henefir- of- great magnitude to the
cause ,of South American ind.-ependi nce and freedom at a point of time, which,
if lo t, w3a. not to be regainled: and believing that, at all events, I should have
rendered -orme benehrt ro it, in b,:ing instruiLmntal tow arrds accelerating the
recognition LIy GCrLat Britain. "
lMy conduct night be di-avnord in any i-Iue io the transaction, and I
should -till n,-,t be left witlho i-r a lope, liar thei President would see in it
proof:'. ,:1:" good intent ion, ni i.cd *with a 7eal f.or the advancement of great politi-
cal interc-t-, nor appearing at the moment, t., he in,;llterent ultimately to
the welfare of the L.nited States triem ielvet.
Thl re-uult of imy reasoning in a r\i'-r then. i, thra I find myself placed in a
situation in which, by deciding nd acting promptly. I may do much public
good, whilst publi-ck mischitf-: may bi. arrested b l the controuling hand of
mi government. -hlould mlli Conduct be likely to dra' any down.
I co-ncllde with the u-ual a.; uranc,.- [erc.j.

Georie C .l,*,i, _, Sr.'r,ary r i Siale fir Fr'ign affairss o.( Great Britain, to
Rich,r.J Rush, L'.ril', Stats ,[intisir i, Great Britain I
Private & confidential. St,'RR.-, \\WF.TMOltA.\.N, .lugust 31, 1823.
NI' DEr.\R Sh1: I liae nrw to acknorwledce the receipr of your answer to
bo-rh m;, letter-; & whatever ma;, be the practical result of our confidential
cornmunlnicki.ion, it i- in iunii e.d sarisf3action o t i m: that thie spirit in which it
hiegan on my p'rt, ha- been met i-o, cIordially in yo, ur..
To a practical resLlt :mine-n.ly bt-n-flicial I .-ee no obstacle; except in your
want -of .,ccilic powerr, & in lih delay which may intervene before you can
pro.'iire ltnhem: & durrin i-- which events may getr befi-re u-.
Had \,-Iu felt y,'urs:ll ..Auithiir;zr,- to entertain any foi:rmal propositions, and
to decide up':n it, wilth:,ur rifiirenci homel I would immediately have taken
mn.asurc, f-,or as-emblinz my Colleague- in London, upon my return, in order
to be enabled to uibmit t,, :'ou a:s hi .t of m; gi. ovlrnment, all that I have
srateld ro you as mniy own s-*iti,.,:nou & thi, ir.- But with -utch a delay in pros-
pect, I think I -h:uld hardly be juSitified in propoi:ini to bind ourselves to
any thing po-itively. & unconditionally; and think on the other hand that a
propo-iti on quali.id eii.her in respec-t to tihe contingveny of your concurrence
'MS Dizparhe- ir.:,mn Great arirain, XXIX, enclo.i).e in Rush r.: Adams, September 8,
1 ;2 i, which :i t.el.:. pt. iiij .. 79I ..



in it, or with reference to possible change of circumstances, would \\ mnt the
decision & frankness which I should wish to mark our proceeding.
Not that I anticipate any change of circumstances, which cculd v ir;N the
views opened to you in my first letter:-nor that, after what you hj'.e writ ten
to me in return, I apprehend any essential dissimilarity of view- on rhe p.irr
of your Government.
But we must not place ourselves in a position, in which, if called iupo:n from
other quarters for an opinion, we cannot give a clear & definite .i'c-,unt nftt
only of what we think & feel, but of what we have done or are doing, iupon the
matter in question. To be able to say, in answer to such an appeal, that the
Ud. States & Great Britain concur in thinking so & so-would be well. Io
anticipate any such appeal by a voluntary declaration to the irne etHec
would be still better. But to have to say that we are in communic.a ui.-n \ irh
the U. States, but have no conclusive understanding with them, \\w:iuld be in-
convenient-Our free agency would thus be fettered with respect tin. *clther
powers; while our agreement with you would be yet unascertained.
What appears to me, therefore, the most advisable is that you sh.-,ulI1 see
in my unofficial communication enough hope of good to warrant \':,u in re-
quiring Powers & Instructions from your Government on this po:lnt, in iddi-
tion to the others upon which you have recently been instructed & emrn po:\e red:
treating that communication not as a proposition made to you. hur 1 the
evidence of the nature of a proposition which it would have been nl\ dJc-ire
to make to you, if I had found you provided with authority to enterr.,in it.
I have the honor [etc.].

Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy .-damns,
Secretary of State of the United States
LONDON, September S, I-'23.
SIR: I yesterday received another confidential note from Mr. iC'.nning,
dated the thirty first of August, a copy of which I have the honr-mr to:, iIcli-te
herewith for the President's information.
From this note it would appear, that Mr. Canning is not prup.:tred r:o
pledge this government to an immediate recognition of the independence Of
the South American states. I shall renew to him a proposition It,: thli eifllct
when we meet; but should he continue to draw back from it, I -h.tll .-.n nmy
part not act upon the overture contained in his first note, not fiulin.ni my-elf
at liberty to accede to them in the name of my government, but up'i.n the
basis of an equivalent. This equivalent as I now view the sulji ct could be
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX. 2 See above, pt. vin. d...c. 7y5.



nothing le-: than the immediate and full acknowledgment of those states, or
some o.f them, ,b Gt Britain.
I shall end thi- despatch by this evening's mail to Liverpool, and have
rea-on to hope that it will go in a ship that sails on the eighth, whereby there
%ill h\ae been not a moment's delay in putting you in possession of all the
corre-pondence that has passed between Mr. Canning and me, or that now
-eems likely rto pass, upon this delicate subject. I cannot help thinking,
however, that its apparent urgency may, after all, be lessened by the turn
which h \'i:- ma\ n et \vtness in affairs, military and political, in Spain.
I have the hono-r [etc.].

Rihard't Rush, L'n ied States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States l
LONDON, September 19, 1823.
', I:: M r. Secretary Canning returned to town about a week ago, and I had
an interview with him yesterday at the foreign office, at his request.
He entered at once upon the subject of Spanish America, remarking that
he thought it claimed precedence, at present, over all others between us.
Military events in the Peninsula seemed every day to be drawing nearer to a
cri-i- in ifa\vr o:f the French arms, and the political arrangements projected
alteravard_, wX_,uld. there was good reason to suppose, be immediately direct-
Cd It:, the affair. of: the late colonies. He would therefore not give up the
hop-e, nr,-twirthltanding the footing upon which this subject appeared to be
placed at the clo-e of our recent correspondence, that I might yet see my way
-,towards a ubstantial acquiescence in his proposals. They were hourly ac-
quliring new. imnip,rtance and urgency under aspects that neither of our
gE.: rnrnnt-- couldl be insensible to.
Having pc-rcci ed, since we had last been together, the publication in the
n<-pWpapers of" the correspondence between a portion of the merchants of
L.-indo:n and the foreign office, respecting the appointment of consuls, or
commercial a.-enr-, for the South American states, I asked Mr. Canning
whether I va-4 to infer that this government was speedily about to adopt
tLch a me-a-ure, to which he replied in the affiriiative, saying that commer-
ciil agents would certainly be soon appointed, and sent out to the proper
ports n tho:i quart-:rs.
A- to the prn.,pusals he had submitted to me, I said that I was sure that he
\would him-nelf appreciate the delicacy of the ground upon which I stood. The
LUnite:d State-. it was true, would view any attempt on the part of France and
I MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX.


the continental alliance to re-subjugate those new states, .. a rralncendenr
act of national injustice, and indicative of a progressive and m-i t alarming
ambition. Yet, to join Great Britain in a declaration to thiL elect rniLhii
lay them open in some respects to consequences upon the character ;ind e:-
tent of which it became my duty to reflect with great caution, before I nmade
up my mind to meet the responsibilities of them. The value of the d-lcl tra-
tion, it was agreed, would depend upon its being formally nmaiJ kn.o-wn to,:
Europe. Would not such a step wear the appearance of the Inited Statec
implicating themselves in the political connexions of Europe? \VWuld it n.-,t
be acceding, in this instance at least, to the policy of one of it leading po:,ers
in opposition to the projects avowed by other powers? Thi- heretrl'ore had
been no part of the system of the United States. Their foreizln police had
been essentially bottomed on the maxim of keeping peace and harmony with
all powers, without offending any. Upon the institutions as upon the Ji.--
sentions of foreign nations, the government and the people of the l united
States might have, and might express, their speculative opini;o-n-; but it had
been no part of their past conduct to interfere with the one, or, being un-
molested themselves, to become parties to the other. In thi- broad princi-
ple laid one of my difficulties under his proposals.
He replied, that however just such a policy might have been f-,rmerly., or
might continue to be as a general policy, he apprehended that p. wtrlul and
controuling circumstances made it inapplicable on the present :ccasi-.n. The
question was a new and a complicated one in modern affairs. It .,lo. to
the full, as much American as European, to say no more. It concerned the
United States under interests as immediate and commanding, ;i it dJid or
could any of the states of Europe. They (the United St:.ite I were the first
power established on that continent, and now confessedly the leading prov.er.
They were connected with Spanish America by their position a wit I Europe
by their relations. They also stood connected with t-e:c ne.w states liy
political relations. Was it possible that they could see ivith'in.ditference
their fate decided upon by Europe? Could Europe expect tliis inditference?
Had not a new epoch arrived in the relative position of the Linited St..tte to-
wards Europe, which Europe must acknowledge? Were the Lre.at po-litic-al
and commercial interests which hung upon the destinies of the new v. continent,
to be canvassed and adjusted in this hemisphere without the c:ooperaticrn or
even knowledge of the United States? Were they to be can\a.--,ed ..ind Id-
justed, he would add, without some proper understanding bIetwen the
United States and Great Britain, as the two chief commercial and m..iritime
states of both worlds? He hoped not, he would wish to per-iuadI hinimell
not. Such was the tenor of his remarks. I said, that hi -ugge~-ti. ns were
not unworthy of great consideration, and that such and o ithr: .11 the :time
nature would probably not escape the attention of my government. There
might, I was aware, be room for thinking, that the late formation of these

DOCUM.i.ENT 797: SEPTEMBER 19, 1823

new state would impo:,Ie new political duties upon the United States, not
merely a~ coupled with th:e re-t cause of national justice and freedom, but
as more cloh.el coupled with their own present and future interests, and with
thl very eiotence \ iKInally of their own institutions. That I might, perhaps,
speaking for mnys-;lf a- an individual, be able to imagine that the expression
of a \voice Lby the United StatCe, upon the destinies of these states, admitting
that lthi powers of: Eurrpe uzurped a right to bring them under deliberation,
uwoulh imply n n real departure from the principles that had heretofore regulat-
ed their foreign intercorce, or pledge them henceforth to the federative or
political conniexions of the old world. If, too, that voice happened to be in
uniscn w ith the voice :of Great Britain, I admitted that it might prove but
the more auspiciou- to the common object which both nations had in view,
without committing either to any systematic or ulterior concert. But I
said, that a.i the question of the- united States expressing this voice, and pro-
mulgiating it tinder oticial authority to the powers of Europe, was one of
novelty a: well as magnitude in their history, it was for my government
and nut for me to decide upon it. Concomitant and after-duties of a grave
and .ui.nentoi.u character might be bound up in such a step. I was willing
to take upon myself any Iair responsibility growing out of the station which
I hold under the confidence of my government. But here was a case wholly
new, and not e-emlin; to:I fall within the range of any of the contingent or dis-
cretir-nary duties that could h\te been in contemplation when I was clothed
with my coninii.ion. Fur meeting a case thus extraordinary, if I could do
o, at all, I c:.u.hr to have :,omr justification beyond any that had yet been
laid before me. S.ucLh wa- my opinion; such the conclusion to which I had
been forced to c*'ome .liter full and anxious reflection.
-le Iaid that the ,'ase being new, might serve to account for my not being in
pu:-ez .ion ouf prL-vi uu. or spec'ilick powers respectingit, but that its very nature
-steined 1. precluie delay. HeI had the strongest reasons for believing, that '-
the cooperation of the lUnited States with England through my instrumen-
tality, alforded with promptitude, would ward off altogether the meditated
juri-dicti:n :of the Eurnpean powers over the affairs of the new world. Delay
this cooperation until I could receive specific powers, and the day might go
by; the progre-: of events, v .a rapid; the evil might come on. A portion of it
might and pr-obhblI would b.- consummated, and if Great Britain could by
her-el afterward- arrte-r it, there was at least more of uncertainty in this, be-
sides that preventive mnc.stures v.ere always, whether on the score of humani-
ty or efltiacy, preferable to th-,e that were remedial. Why then should the
iUnited Stater- wlho:e In-ttutlto:n- always, and whose policy in this instance,
appro:l\inated them -o much more closely to Great Britain than to any other
power in Eur:op, lheitate to act with her to promote a common object ap-
proved alike by Lboth: : t achieve a common good estimated alike by both?
To this effect did lhe e:pre- himself, amplifying his ideas of which I present



but the substance and outline. He finished by saying, that his station -and
duties as the organ of this government would oblige him to call up._n me in
another way, if I continued to feel unable to assent to his past prrop:.il-:
for, said he, "if a congress be in fact assembled on the affairs ':f Spanish
America, I shall ask that you, as the representative of the United State ,at
this court, be invited to attend it. If you are not invited, I shall re-ert e t[.
myself the option of determining whether or not Great Britain will s-nd n:I rep-
resentative to it. If you are invited and refuse to go, I shall still rested to..
myself the same option. Hence you see the complication of the \\ hliol: su-b-
ject; hence you see how essential it is, in the opinion of Great Britain, that
the United States should not be left out of view, if Europe determine to: tak
cognizance of the subject." These last declarations could not fail to: make
an impression upon me, and I give them as nearly as may be in his ,\: n \\ ordis.
The complication of the subject said I, continuing the discussion, im .1 bc
cured at once, and by Great Britain. Let Great Britain immediately .nd
unequivocally acknowledge the independence of the new states. Thi- h ill
put an end to all difficulty. The moment is auspicious, every thin: invites
to the measure, justice, expediency, humanity; the repose of the \ h:,rld. the
cause of national independence, the prosperity and happiness oi both hemni-
spheres. Let Britain but adopt this measure-so just in itself, so reconi mend-
ed by the point of time before us-the cause of all Spanish Am.ii.rira tri-
umphs. The European congress may meet afterwards, if it see ht
He said that such a measure was open to objection, but asked il he V..:- to,
understand that it would make any difference in my powers or conduct
I replied, the greatest difference. I had frankly told him that I hiad no
powers that would cover my consent to his proposals in the shape that h had
first made them to me. I would as frankly say, that I had no sp--i.:ick
powers to consent to them coupled with the fact of this government nt acknol-
edging at once the independence of Spanish America. But, this being dln.c,
I would stand upon my general powers. I had no hesitation in sa:n,, that,
under their warrant, I would put forth with Great Britain the decl:rati.,n t.i
Which he had invited me; that I would do so in the name of my government,
and consent to its being promulgated, with all the present va!lldty th.t I
could give it, to the world. I had carefully examined all my instructions for
years past bearing either directly or remotely on the great cause of the ce ta te-.
I saw in them all, so steady and so strong a desire for the firm estal:li-i ment
of their freedom and independence; I saw, too, sometimes in their letter and
/always in their spirit, so concurrent a desire to see their independence: ac:-

Sevent brought about, to lend my official name, as far as it could 2':. Li:I the
course which he had proposed, and count upon my government stam pin v. ith
its subsequent sanction the part which I acted. If I could be in an.- degree in-
strumental towards accelerating this acknowledgment, I should fel th..tt I


DOC:iE.'MF\T 7;17 : SEPTEMBER 19, 1823

had achieve cd a reat land positive good. Upon British recognition hung, not
indeed the final, but perhaps in in eminent degree the present tranquility and
happiness of those state- Their final safety was not, as I believed, at the
mercy of Euro.pe:,n dictation: but we could not disguise that it might pro-
lone their suffering.. -ind throw fresh clouds over all their prospects. It was
in this manner that I e:.:presed myself, displaying to him with entire can-
doTr ml feelings .nd deteriminations, as well as the precise ground upon which
the steps that I took, \ whatever they might be, would rest.
He said th:-t amonin the ojec tions to recognizing at present, was still that
of the uncertain condition, internally, of these new states, or, at any rate, of
some of them He- h d. for example, sent an agent in January last to Mexico,
suppo:inQ that Iturbide \\as at the head of affairs; but by the time he had ar-
rived, a fresh revO':lutionT had set up other representatives of the executive'
power The s:-me in eternal icissitudes were to be remarked in others of these
comiiunities, more to the south.
Ar.nther objection he said was started by the circumstances of this very
Colombman Il-an, which h:ad created so much agitation on the stock exchange'
of London for a twelvlemnnth past. It was true, that as this subject actually
stood, rthei British (Governnment owed no obligation to those British subjects
who had embarked their money\ in an adventure of the safety of which they
had themselves chosen to [be the judges. But suppose the recognition to
haje been im'idc b- Gcreat Brita;in sometime ago, as was wished, and the loan
to have followed, would not the duty of countenance and protection have
attached, and m i'h t not this serve to portray the hazards of coming too hastily
into relation, with di;st:ant states \\ hose credit or whose means, in their deal-
ings with the subjects of other nations, did not as yet appear to rest on any
sure or adefquate fohunldatilons
Respectini the l:itter topick I replied, that it was beyond my competence
to di-entancle all its details. All I could say was, that the government of
Colh:.nibia as far .is I \\ s informed had fallen into no departure from good
faith in the tr'-nsaction, -and it yet remained to-be known whether it would
not in tih end ci\ e satisfaction to all the parties concerned. But,-far from
an obstaclee in thdi \way of recoignizing, it appeared to me that the incident
fairl. led to different conclusions: for had Colombia at the period of the loan
been aidmnitted to regular relations with this government, it is to be presumed
that the powers of her diplo'matck agents would have been open to other
e\aminiLtions than they appear to have received, and the whole transaction
thus been freed fr.:om the subsequent embarrassments which surrounded it.
As to internal .icissitudes, I remarked that the dilemma thence arising was
not -recter than had b ,en witne-sed in France from time to time during a
period o:f more than twenty \ears, than had been seen in Naples since, or
than was e:.perienced :at this '.ery moment by Britain herself in her diplo-
matick intercourse with Portumal and Spain. Had we not seen revolutions



and counter-revolutions, royal governments, constitutional gov'-rnlments,
regencies, succeeding each other almost day by day in the oldest countries
of Europe, whose affairs too were still as unsettled as when tlhe. comrnotit:Il.
began? Why then be surprised at changes in the new world:? Besides,
these changes would be likely to be largely if not entirely checked Ly the fact
of the new states being recognized by Europe. This would ;.ive -tabilitv
to their institutions, and, by breaking down the hopes of the discontcnted
and the factions amongst themselves, become the sure guaranteed of their
greater internal prosperity and repose. What proofs had they not giien O:
military power? What proofs were they not giving of political \wd:clinm
Look at Buenos Ayres, that as long ago as 1807 could repulse the well-
appointed legions of Britain herself. Look at Colombia,-shce w;as at this
moment, at one and the same time, laying the ground work of a confederacy
for all Spanish America, and by her auxiliary veterans marched into Peru,
upholding the cause of emancipation upon that shore. Every thiiii attested
the reality of that emancipation. It was irrevocable. Spain minilt go on
with her languid efforts and protract, through her delusion, the nmiierie of
war. But over Spanish American independence, she had no longer ,iny
controul-Europe had no control. It was a question forever Settled. It
would soon be seen by Britain, that the United States, in :heir propops Is for
adjusting with Russia, and with Britain, the respective preten-ions of the
three powers on the coasts of the Pacific, were forced to take for ;ranted the
independence of all the late colonies of Spain on that continent, as the
inevitable basis of all just and practical negotiation. Their independence
was, in fine, the new political element of modern times and mu-t hencl'orth
.pervade the political arrangements of both worlds. \Why then should
SBritain longer forbear to acknowledge this independence? She had already
done so in effect; why should she not in form? She had, by her solemn
; statutes, made her trade with those new states lawful; she had sto:,d ready
to support that trade with her squadrons; she was on the eve of sending out
commercial agents to reside in some or all of them, as tlihe ,'uirdJian of
British interests; all this she had done, and more. She had e\en de:l ire, in
her state papers, that the question of their independence \\wa ::,.nT:!iilly
decided though the formal recognition of it might indeed be retardted, o. b'
hastened, by external circumstances. What external cirtumltancec Coldi,11
. be imagined more imperious for hastening this formal reco:,gnition than the
present, when Spain is seen to be doubly incapacitated from rei:,l.mnn
dominion over these states, and continental Europe actually nimditating -uch
unwarrantable designs upon them?
It was thus that I endeavoured to develop what I suppo-e to be the \iews
and convictions of the President upon this important subject. Our conver-
sation was prolonged to a couple of hours, and, although informal, wa,. I
need not say, of extraordinary interest. It was characterised by the freedom


DOCC) M~.ENT 7"0-: CEPt f EM .LR 10, 1.523

with which I have reported it. In condemning it within the limits of these
sheet;, I can only hope that I have faithfully preserved its material points.
I do not flatter myself with any sanguine bIelef, that thi t-overnment will be.
prepared to yield to my appeals in favor ol immediate recognition; but I am
to have another interview with Mr. Canning somre dlay next week, or the
week alter, which he is yet to name, and I can only uiay that I will zealously
renew and extend, theel appeals as op:prtunitiks may be fitly afforded me.
Not knowing what other topick-n might have been handled at our interview
ve'terday, I had carried severall :of my paper' with me, and amongst them a
copy of your despatchl number seventy one.' I was glad that I had done so,
for thinking that the sentiment; which it expresses on the value of the
exi-ting and prospective concord between the two countries, were in unison
with the spiritt :, parts of our conversation, I did not scruple to read to him
before we separatedd its introductory pages. He was alike struck with their
applicability, and I carter myself that ;o opportune an exhibition to him of
these .entiments so recently conveyed to me from the high source of my
CIgovernment, may not he without its uset.
Should a ncnireiss be assembled under the guilty intention and hope of
cru-hinE South American freedom, and I receive an in station to it, I shall
not go, though the time lor me to say so will not arrive until the invitation
comes. For, first, I have no warrant Irom the Prcsident for such a step.
Nct, I infer from Mr. Canning's intimations, that Great Britain will send
no representative to it, -hould the United St sites have none there. I should
in this manner, by my absence, do more good than I possibly could by.my,
presence. It i1 thut that I already make known my contingent determina-
tion- upon event- that are contingent!
M1r. I-anninig a-_ not, as it appeared, aware until yesterday, that I was
prepared to come into hi- views, on condition of this government immedi-
at il and formally rLccgnizilig the new ctateI. I had intended that the
concluding ;entcnce of my note to him of the twenty seventh of August
should start this idea to his mind, though I hIld de-igncdly abstained from
putting it forth more openly :it that period of our correspondence.
I have the honor [ete I.
I Nor prnrEd. Sc. Ac :ib. .., pt. \lu, .1J.c. 793.



Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, t. Johihn Qlrinciy I d,:s,
Secretary of State of the United Sta,,s '
LONDiON, (-I,.:,r 2, 1 27.
SIR: I had another interview with Mr. Canning ,on the twenty si'.th of
last month, at Gloucester Lodge, his residence a ihort dJitance fronl town.
The immediate motive of his inviting me to this interview nva-, t:o -I o\ me
a despatch which he had just received from Sir Charrlet Sitewart. the British
ambassador at Paris, which had a bearing upon our late conferences respect-
ing Spanish America. It recounted a short conver-atiun v.which he had had
with our charge d'affaires at that court, Mr. Sheldon, the purport :f which
was, that Sir Charles having taken occasion to mention to Mr. Sheldon the
projects of France and the Alliance upon Spanish America, Mr. Sheldon
replied that the government of the United States wi:s aware :f them all, and
disapproved of them. Mr. Canning, inferring that this reply of,1 our charge,
d'affaires probably rested upon some instructions or information from the
government of the United States, also inferred that it night lend it- aid
towards my consent to his proposals 2 of the 2oth of .\ u- t. iHe added, that
the despatch of Sir Charles Stewart had proceeded frcomn n-o pre\vicou- com-
munication whatever from him (Mr. Canning) upol.n the subject, but had
been altogether written on his own motion.
I replied, that what instructions or information the Legation of the U.
States at Paris might have received upon this subject. I could not undertake
to say with confidence; but that I scarcely believed :iny had reached it, which
were not common to me. That certainly I had none. other thl-n tho-e
general instructions which I had already mentioned to- him, evidently never
framed to meet the precise crisis which he supposed to be at hand respecting
Spanish America, but under the comprehensive spirit of which 1 v-:s never-
theless willing to go forward with him in his proposals upon the termrn I had
stated, in the hope of arresting this crisis.
He now declared that this government felt great em-barrassments aL re-
garded the immediate recognition of these new state LmiLbarrasi-s e-nt-s which
had not been common to the U. States, and asked w whether I could not give
my assent to his proposals on a promise by Great Britain of Il'lte acknowl-
edgment. To this intimation I gave an immediate and unnequivocal refusal.
Further conversation passed between us though chieily o:f a desucltory nature,
(it shall be reported at a future time,) and the conference ended l-b hi- siy-
ing that he would invite me to another interview in the ,ou:ir-e of a few days.
Having waited until now without yet hearing from himn I have concludc-d
to write you thus much of what passed on the 26th withoutt more del:ci. It

' MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXI X.
2 See above, pt. VIII, doc. 789.



does not 'all within any of nm intentions to accede to Mr. Canning's over-
tures but on the basis of a fprevi.oas and explicit acknowledgment of the new
states by this government in manner as formal and ample in all respects as
was done bL the United States, \\ hose act of acknowledgment will be the
example upon which I shall stand. Even then, the guarded manner in
which alone my consent will be given when I come to use the name of my
government, ill, I trust, be found t:, free the step from all serious exception
on my part, should I finally take it.
I cannot be unaware, that in this whole transaction the British cabinet
are striving for their own ends; yet if these ends promise in this instance to
be also auspicious to the safety and independence of all Spanish America,
I persuade myself that we cannot look upon them but with approbation.
England it is true has given her countenance, and still does, to all the evils
with which the holy Alliance have afflicted Europe; but if she at length has
determined to stay the career of their formidable and despotick ambition in
the other hemisphere, the United States seem to owe it to all the policy and
to all the principles of their system, to hail the effects whatever may be the
motives of her conduct
M r. Cannine at the closef the the above interview, expressed his desire, that
in nfrinforming my government of his communications to me, I would treat
them as entirely confidential, as well the verbal as the written; the more so
if no act resulted from them. That no act will result from them, is my pres-
ent belief.
I have the honor letc.1.

,ftinorandumr, i.of a ConfeJrnec b.tai,'n tihe Prince de Polignac, French Am-
ba,ssador to Grat Britain. aund Mr. Cai'zinc. Secretary of State for
Fo:r i': Aflairs i of Gtrat Britain, ,iLLm Thursday, October
andi cncl.,d.d, 5;..nay, .'cto('cr 12, r823
The Prince de Polignac, having announced to Mr. Canning; that His
Excellency was now prepared to enter \with Mlr. Canning into a frank ex-
planation of the views of his Government respecting the question of Span-
ish Americai, in return for a similar communication which Mr. Canning had
previously offered to make tco the Prince de Polignac on the part of the
British .'abinet, Mr. Canning stated.
That the Briiish Cabinet has no disguise or reservation on that subject:
That their opinions and intentions were substantially the same as were an-
nounced to the French Govcrnme.nt by the dispatch of Mr. Canning to Sir
Charles Stuart IStewartl of the 3'1st of March; which that Ambassador
MS. Displatchcs iro m Grcat Branri XXiX encl...aic.J ach Rush to Adams, December
27, I1"3, uh ch see belI:, pt. %ilu o..c. fo".



communicated to M. de Chateaubriand, and which had since bten pub-
lished to the world.
That the near approach of a crisis, in which the affairs of Spanish America
must naturally occupy a great share of the attention of both Poi', er, made
it desirable that there should be no misunderstanding between them on any
part of a subject so important.
That the British Government were of opinion, that any attempt to brine
Spanish America again under its ancient submission to Spain, inu-t be utterly
hopeless; that all negotiation for that purpose would be unLuzccetcful; and
that the prolongation or renewal of war for the same object would be only
a waste of human life, and an infliction of calamity on both parties, to no
That the British Government would, however, not only ab-tain from
interposing any obstacle, on their part, to any attempt at negotiation, which
Spain might think proper to make, but would aid and countenance such
negotiation, provided it were founded upon a basis which appeared to them
to be practicable; and that they would, in any case, remain strictlyy neutral.
in a War between Spain and the Colonies, if war should be unhappily pro-
But that the junction of any Foreign Power in an enterprise of Spain
against the Colonies, would be viewed by them as constitution an c-ntirldy
new question; and one upon which they must take such decision as the
Interests of Great Britain might require.
That the British Government absolutely disclaimed not only, any desire
of appropriating to itself any portion of the Spanish Colonie-, but any in-
tention of forming any connexion with them, beyond thoce of Amity and
Commercial Intercourse.
That in those respects so far from seeking an exclusive preference for it;
subjects over those of Foreign States, It was prepared and would be con-
tented, to see the Mother Country (by virtue of an amicable arrangement)
in possession of that preference; and to be ranked, after her, equally with
others, only on the footing of the most favoured nation.
That, completely convinced that the ancient system of the C'olonie- could
not be restored, the British Government could not enter into any stipula-
tion binding itself either to refuse or to delay its Recognition of their In-
That the British Government had no desire to precip[itlate that Recog-
nition, so long as there was any reasonable chance of an accommodation
with the Mother country, by which such a recognition might come lir-t from
But that it could not wait indefinitely for that result; that it could not
consent to make its Recognition of the New States dependii,'i upon that o1
Spain; and that it would consider any Foreign Interference, by force or


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