Citation
Diplomatic correspondence of the United States concerning the independence of the Latin-American nations

Material Information

Title:
Diplomatic correspondence of the United States concerning the independence of the Latin-American nations
Series Title:
Publications of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Division of International Law, volume III documents 755-1191
Creator:
Manning, William R ( William Ray ), 1871-1942
United States -- Dept. of State
Place of Publication:
New York
London
Publisher:
Oxford University Press
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
3 v., xxx, 2229p. ; 26 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Foreign relations -- United States -- Latin America ( lcsh )
Foreign relations -- Latin America -- United States ( lcsh )
History -- Sources -- Latin America -- Wars of Independence, 1806-1830 ( lcsh )
Relations extérieures -- États-Unis -- Amérique latine ( rvm )
Relations extérieures -- Amérique latine -- États-Unis ( rvm )
Histoire -- Sources -- Amérique latine -- 1806-1830 (Guerres d'indépendance) ( rvm )
Relations extérieures -- Sources -- États-Unis -- Amérique latine ( ram )
Relations extérieures -- Sources -- Amérique latine -- États-Unis ( ram )
Histoire diplomatique -- Sources -- Amérique latine -- 1806-1830 (Guerres d'indépendance) ( ram )
Genre:
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Statement of Responsibility:
selected and arranged by William R. Manning.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
00806763 ( oclc )
25019089 ( lccn )

Downloads

This item has the following downloads:

PDF ( 47 MBs ) ( .pdf )

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_307.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_194.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_203.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_787.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_524.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_324.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_059.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_810.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_161.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_304.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_538.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_470.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_755.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_718.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_772.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_353.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_102.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_490.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_575.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_804.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_145.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_736.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_077.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_632.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_365.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_660.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_157.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_607.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_195.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_827.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_800.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_753.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_471.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_401.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_557.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_363.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_320.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_313.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_201.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_227.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_263.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_791.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_693.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_405.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_302.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_361.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_463.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_008.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_202.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_020.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_256.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_504.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_521.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_733.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_187.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_258.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_199.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_633.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_803.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_624.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_165.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_769.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_236.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_319.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_479.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_028.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_798.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_437.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_536.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_421.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_126.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_595.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_473.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_092.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_792.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_427.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_534.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_023.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_299.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_216.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_708.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_467.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_037.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_315.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_522.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_100.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_403.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_039.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_535.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_025.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_245.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_766.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_125.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_234.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_221.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_824.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_355.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_310.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_122.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_368.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_061.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_326.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_723.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_578.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_091.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_653.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_544.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_466.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_685.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_608.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_451.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_619.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_306.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_493.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_543.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_566.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_238.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_583.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_209.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_274.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_143.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_173.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_192.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_806.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_786.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_709.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_334.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_436.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_763.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_283.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_117.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_261.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_007.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_540.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_228.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_003.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_033.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_549.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_344.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_223.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_371.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_411.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_743.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_441.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_138.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_715.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_110.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_779.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_139.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_109.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_090.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_395.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_686.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_645.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_589.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_131.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_095.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_674.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_495.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_204.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_551.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_586.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_417.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_086.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_612.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_286.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_627.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_351.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_404.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_414.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_146.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_483.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_305.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_198.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_333.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_761.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_303.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_430.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_807.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_561.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_478.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_654.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_244.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_702.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_213.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_770.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_523.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_652.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_802.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_175.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_662.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_111.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_666.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_291.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_793.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_148.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_281.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_383.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_029.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_114.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_498.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_336.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_267.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_526.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_816.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_629.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_147.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_035.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_449.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_517.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_205.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_591.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_287.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_343.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_172.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_829.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_235.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_239.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_168.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_735.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_775.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_167.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_400.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_603.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_275.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_570.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_486.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_292.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_398.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_063.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_046.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_458.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_692.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_598.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_018.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_571.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_186.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_113.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_830.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_782.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_507.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_707.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_719.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_182.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_389.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_070.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_312.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_560.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_667.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_631.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_688.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_691.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_606.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_760.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_154.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_413.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_756.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_767.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_294.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_242.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_446.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_694.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_832.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_716.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_222.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_308.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_502.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_457.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_726.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_724.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_418.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_370.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_406.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_088.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_440.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_285.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_831.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_268.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_777.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_330.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_137.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_485.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_171.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_105.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_021.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_530.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_376.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_529.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_252.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_465.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_644.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_128.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_101.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_474.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_730.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_565.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_112.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_211.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_141.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_279.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_153.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_369.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_814.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_759.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_068.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_456.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_259.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_438.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_703.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_280.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_799.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_821.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_475.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_337.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_577.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_637.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_372.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_132.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_190.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_224.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_226.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_136.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_106.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_680.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_752.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_676.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_710.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_241.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_385.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_329.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_391.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_293.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_817.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_664.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_610.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_084.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_094.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_681.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_098.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_618.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_590.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_481.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_188.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_548.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_460.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_554.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_416.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_402.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_169.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_808.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_082.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_682.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_500.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_054.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_640.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_062.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_339.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_208.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_345.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_179.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_108.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_013.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_480.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_362.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_412.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_740.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_300.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_788.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_695.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_559.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_828.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_574.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_601.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_768.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_254.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_513.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_415.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_080.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_152.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_408.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_282.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_207.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_448.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_180.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_459.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_706.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_162.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_552.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_697.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_600.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_373.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_397.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_155.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_388.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_704.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_237.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_757.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_609.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_613.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_069.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_200.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_646.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_381.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_722.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_655.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_396.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_099.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_288.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_509.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_811.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_546.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_431.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_104.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_206.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_754.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_656.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_387.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_026.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_751.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_321.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_734.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_765.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_634.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_732.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_219.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_346.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_433.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_737.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_096.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_720.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_747.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_273.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_528.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_127.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_278.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_214.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_246.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_093.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_317.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_429.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_064.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_805.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_531.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_669.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_675.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_801.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_340.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_328.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_041.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_058.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_289.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_825.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_650.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_588.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_379.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_107.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_350.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_185.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_164.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_679.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_045.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_265.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_170.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_375.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_813.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_103.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_614.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_156.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_250.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_232.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_819.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_503.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_124.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_563.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_067.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_678.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_247.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_661.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_699.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_044.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_394.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_581.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_511.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_257.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_731.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_525.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_748.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_349.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_572.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_359.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_233.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_496.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_638.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_462.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_812.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_499.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_725.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_290.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_452.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_049.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_673.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_569.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_776.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_690.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_262.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_378.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_684.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_420.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_626.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_073.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_576.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_568.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_648.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_562.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_455.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_541.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_515.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_822.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_434.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_393.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_332.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_820.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_461.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_599.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_489.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_249.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_251.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_625.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_547.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_248.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_327.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_338.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_826.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_742.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_785.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_435.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_135.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_677.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_335.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_797.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_672.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_043.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_243.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_780.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_076.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_316.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_468.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_510.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_727.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_738.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_342.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_140.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_055.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_358.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_643.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_553.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_352.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_040.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_573.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_712.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_542.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_425.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_177.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_623.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_620.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_191.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_488.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_764.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_579.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_297.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_134.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_432.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_809.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_189.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_009.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_390.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_051.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_630.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_447.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_823.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_815.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_050.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_784.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_181.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_717.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_621.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_450.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_818.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_083.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_567.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_758.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_506.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_266.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_622.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_439.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_658.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_318.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_160.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_616.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_512.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_597.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_487.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_781.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_392.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_585.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_739.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_380.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_705.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_587.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_301.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_687.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_115.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_215.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_605.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_721.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_360.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_604.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_284.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_036.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_295.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_053.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_537.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_464.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_183.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_713.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_701.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_277.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_728.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_151.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_518.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_323.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_356.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_593.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_741.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_230.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_762.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_118.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_269.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_671.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_657.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_047.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_426.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_384.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_453.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_129.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_476.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_532.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_348.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_012.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_271.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_078.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_217.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_176.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_592.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_698.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_564.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_771.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_255.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_354.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_130.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_424.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_296.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_163.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_024.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_081.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_377.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_647.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_002.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_696.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_665.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_550.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_594.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_074.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_477.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_032.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_700.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_331.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_386.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_325.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_520.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_428.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_423.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_142.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_789.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_615.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_505.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_711.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_584.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_670.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_642.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_231.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_072.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_270.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_641.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_407.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_085.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_482.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_253.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_123.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_596.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_159.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_545.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_628.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_193.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_060.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_663.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_442.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_469.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_689.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_636.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_347.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_533.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_027.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_218.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_116.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_519.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_497.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_pdf.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_066.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_744.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_220.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_539.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_309.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_056.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_144.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_422.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_580.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_272.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_075.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_260.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_367.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_149.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_197.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_364.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_382.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_773.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_015.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_729.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_443.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_341.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_783.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_225.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_087.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_649.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_374.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_746.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_659.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_558.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_582.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_030.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_516.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_276.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_150.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_133.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_158.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_178.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_038.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_445.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_602.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_079.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_419.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_174.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_357.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_508.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_097.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_774.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_120.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_184.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_210.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_019.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_014.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_611.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_635.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_651.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_556.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_366.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_501.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_790.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_527.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_229.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_714.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_795.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_745.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_555.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_071.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_484.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_409.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_668.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_264.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_639.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_057.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_119.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_399.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_617.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_121.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_472.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_166.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_048.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_491.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_750.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_089.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_212.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_022.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_042.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_683.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_410.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_444.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_749.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_311.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_240.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_052.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_065.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_298.txt

diplomaticcorres03mann_Page_514.txt


Full Text













UNIVERSITY
OF FLORIDA


LIB


RARY


THE: CAlT (A
CarneeiE Endowment























Publications of the
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Division ,of International Law
\\ashington








DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE

OF THE UNITED STATES


CONCERNING


THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE

LATIN-AMERICAN NATIONS




SELECTED AND ARRANGED BY
WILLIAM R. MANNING, PH.D.
Division of Latin-American Affairs
Department of State
Author of THE NOOTKA SOUND CONTROVERSY; of EARLY DIPLOMATIC
RELATIONS BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND MEXICO, and
Editor of ARBITRATION TREATIES AMONG
THE AMERICAN NATIONS




VOLUME III
CONTAINING PARTS VIII TO XIV
DOCUMENTS 755-1191








NEW YORK
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
AMERICAN BRANCH: 35 WEST 32ND STREET
LONDON, TORONTO. MELBOURNE, AND BOMBAY
1925


















-

























COPYRIGHT 1926
BY THE
CARNEGIE ENDOWMENT FOR INTERNATIONAL PEACE






























PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
AT THE RUMFORD PRESS, CONCORD, N. H.




: : .: . .-.
' ,., ..













CONTENTS

VOLUME I
PAGE
PART I.-Comnnunications from the United States............ I
P.\RI II.-Cormmunications from Argentina ................... 317

VOLUME II
l'.\1R II I.-C-_ommunications from Brazil ...................... 667
PART IV.-Communications from Central America ............. 869
PART V.-Communications from Chile. ...... ........ .... 893
P. VI.- -CmmuI nications from (Great) Colombia ............ 1141
PART VI I.-Communications from France ....... ............. 1369

VOLUME III
P.RT VII I.-Cormmunications from Great Britain ................ 1429
PA, IX.-Communications from Mexico ................ .... 1591
PART X -(Co:mmunications from the Netherlands ............ 1709
PART XI.-Coimmunications from Peru. ................ .... 1717
P.\Rr XII -Communications from Russia .................. .... 1849
PART XIIII.-Communications from Spain ...................... 1889
' PART XIV.-Conmmunications from Uruguay. ................ ... 2173




Each volume contains a detailed list of the documents included therein.


'b4A-e)-









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART VIII.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


781


782
783
784
785
786
787
788
-789



S790


791

S792



.- 793


794

795



796


797
798
799



800oo


Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Gebrge Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Britain
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same

George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Britain
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same

George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Britain
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same
Same
Prince de Polignac,
French Ambassador
to Great Britain

Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same


Same


John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain

George Canning, Sec. of
State for Foreign Af-
fairs of Great Britain
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain

George Canning, Sec. of
State for Foreign Af-
fairs of Great Britain
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain

John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Same
Same
Conference with Mr.
Canning, Sec. of State
for Foreign Affairs of
Great Britain
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State


June 1o, 1822


June 24, 1822
July 24, 1822
July 26, 1822
Aug. 27, 1822'
Oct. 12, 1822
March 20, 1823
Aug. 19, 1823
Aug. 20, 1823



Aug. 23, 1823


Aug. 23, 1823

Aug. 23, 1823



Aug. 27, 1823


Aug. 28, 1823

Aug. 31, 1823



Sept. 8, 1823


Sept. 19, 1823
Oct. 2, I823
Oct. 9 to 12, 1823



Oct. 10, 1823


Nov. 26, 1823


1467


1468
1468
1472
1473
1474
1475
1475
1478



1479


1480

1482



1482


1483

1485



1486


1487
1494
1495



I500








I I -I OF UOC.LiIMEN : 1 VOLUME III


P\I VlI -( ( IUNIC \T[)ION: F .O Ir (,I. RoIi .IN I. ,J!!t I,"; u, ,JI


fro .


G : or"- C r. n i 'r,.;.:
of Stati fL,r fror,.jcn
.Aliir- of Gri.r.
Briin n


Con.-i .i1.: Or li



Sp.nie Mi, i ter for
F :iri:i .11f.iir--









:,ri n i e '
[lr. Plr, ta, ol the
brrt. h For..:i_-r ri Oli:e









Richard Ru-h, U. S.
Minister ro Great

Britain


George Canning, Sec.
ofI tate for Foreign




Affairs of Great
Britain
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain




Same
George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Britain



Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain

Same
Same
Same
Same
Francisco de Zea Ber-
mudez, Minister of
Foreign Affairs of
Spain


R ,.h a r ,d h u : lh 1 -1 ,
Mniiirer to rear
F. ritaln

Sime -
Sir W\ illijra ia C-ourt,
Erit-h l;n.-r..:r ro Spain

kicl.hr.J Ru-h, I_1 S
lMmniti.r 1to 1'.rlt
Bri rin
,-_.:,rce al.': I [nlnc, S,:c of,
StatI. for i'origrin .A -
fair: oif rear Pr;ta.n
S.I m<:
John Qiuiiic,. N.:.ini-,

Sac re


\\illiam Co rt. Eriti:h
Min;-trel to Spain


John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain

George Canning, Sec. of
State for Foreign Af-
fairs of Great Britain
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Same


Same
Same
Same
Same
His Britannic Majesty's
Charge d'Affaires at
Madrid


5. nie



La.:. :6, T I h .



Dc 27, 1u23






nr,. r. I .'


J i . 1 4



Feb. 9, 1824


March 4, 1824



March 5, 1824


March 6, 1824

June 30, 1824


July Io, 1824
July 31, 1824
Dec. 30, 1824
Jan. 18, 1825
Jan. 21, 1825


Do.:
No.


1 5'47 -







I jl -





I 4






1513
1519










1523

1524 -



1525
1526
1527--
1528
1530 --


D.p. 13, 1 523 1 ,.or.









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART VIII.-CoMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


822


-823


824


825


826



827


828
,-L 829
830
831



832


- 833
-834



835



836


837
838



839


John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

George Canning, Sec. of
State for Foreign Af-
fairs of Great Britain
Same


Same


Chevalier de los Rios,
Spanish Minister to
Great Britain


Feb. 5, 1825


March 2, 1825

March 1825


March 4, 1825


March 2, 1825
March 25, 1825


Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Count Lieven, Russian
Ambassador to
Great Britain
Prince Esterhazy,
Austrian Ambassa-
dor to Great Britain
Baron de Maltzahn,
Prussian Minister to
Great Britain
George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Britain
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same
Same
Same
John Adams Smith,
U. S. Charge d'Af-
faires ad interim at
London
Rufus King, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same
John Adams Smith,
U. S. Charge d'Af-
faires ad interim at
London
George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Britain
Rufus King, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same
George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Britain
Rufus King, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain


Same
Same
Same
Same



Same


Same
Same



Rufus King, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain

Henry Clay, Sec. of
State

Same
Rufus King, U. S. Min-
ister to Great Britain


Henry Clay, Sec. of
State


April 4, 1825
April 12, 1825
May 2,.1825
July 10, 1825



Aug. 9, 1825


Aug. II, 1825
Aug. 13, 1825



Aug. 21, 1825



Aug. 24, 1825


Sept. 4, 1825
Sept. 8, 1825



Sept.,I3, 1825


1537


1538


1540


1541


1541



1547


1548
1550
1551
1552



1552


1557
1561



1561



1563


1564
1565



1567


Henry Clay, Sec. of State March 26, 1825







I.[ST OF [,OCUiMU NT I; \'OLUI;C III


PART VIII CoMMLi NIC-TIO';, FRO.M CutE.\1 BrII.\N Ilt(,- ,i,,'' I


'41


4'4





'.44
'4.15

'.47


849
850
851



852



853

854



855


856
857


358
859
16o
61i


F r -. -m


C;EI:.ori.e inning Sec.
o.l i ne fcor F(oreizn

Ru'lu Khine i. S
M inirctr r.. (.rear
,r i r in







Sj rlne
Sj-I
S rri E


Si me
Same
Same
George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Britain
Rufus King, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain

Same

George Canning, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Britain
Rufus King, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same
Albert Gallatin, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Same
Same
Same
Same


Sept. 5~, 5:-; 1'-


To


Ruh,, I,: 11. S. M ;n-
i-rtFr tc. ;rc i r'it ainr

li .nr, Cl.,, Sc:. .:.f

->'.ri' 't-r jnn, rL,. ,

Altjiri; -i (jrcar
P, rir r,
Hcrr'. C la.,, SN ,:. -,,
Sr1te


Sa Mc
S' rile




Sa me

Same
Same
Rufus King, U. S. Min-
ister to Great Britain


George Canning, Sec. of
State for Foreign
Affairs of Great
Britain
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State
Rufus King, U. S. Min-
ister to Great Britain


Henry Clay, Sec. of
State

Same
Same


Same
Same
Same
James Brown, U. S.
Minister to France


I') i, 1 25

NO,. 12, I'.25
Nw: 14. i", I 5

Dec. 5, ,--:5
Dec. 21, 1825
Dec. 25, 1825
Jan. Io, 1826



Jan. 12, 1826



Jan. 12, 1826

Jan. 13, 1826



Jan. 14, 1826


Feb. 21, 1826
Oct. 16, 1826


Dec. 16, 1826
Dec. 22, 1826
Dec. 30, 1826
Feb. 2, 1827


1 F7.'



1575
1576
1576
1577



1578



1579 -

1579



1580


1581
1582


1583
1585
1586
1587









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART IX.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


899


9oo


901


902


903
904
905
906
907
908
909
91o
911
912
913
914
915
916
917
918
919
920
921

922


Henry Clay, Sec. of State Nov. 18, 1825


William Taylor, U. S.
Consul for Vera Cruz
and Alvarado
Joel Roberts Poinsett,
U. S. Minister to
Mexico
William Taylor, U. S.
Consul for Vera Cruz
and Alvarado
Pablo Obregon, Mexi-
can Minister to the
U.S.
Sebastian Camacho,
Sec. of State of
Mexico
Joel Roberts Poinsett,
U. S. Minister to
Mexico
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same

Joel Roberts Poinsett,
U. S. Minister to
Mexico
Same


Same


Same


Same


Joel Roberts Poinsett,
U. S. Minister to
Mexico
Sebastian Camacho, Sec.
of State of Mexico

Henry Clay, Sec. of State
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Martin Van Buren, Sec.
of State
Same


Same Aug. 9, 1829


Dec. 2, 1825


Dec. 7, 1825


Jan. 4, 1826


Jan. 13, 1826


Jan. 14, 1826


Jan. 14, 1826
Jan. 28, 1826
Feb. I, 1826
Feb. 25, 1826
March 8, 1826
March 18, 1826
April 8, 1826
May 6, 1826
Nov. 15, 1826
March 28, 1827
May 12, 1827
June 16, 1827
June 20, 1827
July 8, 1827
April 24, 1828
Oct. 28, 1828
Nov. 5, 1828
Dec. 30, 1828
March o1, 1829

Aug. 7, 1829


1643


1644


1644


1645


1646


1647


1649
1650
1651
1653
1653
1655
1656
1657
1658
1659
1659
1661
1662
1662
1668
1669
1670
1672
1673

1685


Same


Aug. 9, 1829







LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


.iA RT IX.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO (Continued)

DN, From To Date Page


(024 ,~torg, Prager, U. S. Martin Van Buren, Aug. o1, 1829 1699
\',,. Consul at Sec. of State
Tarnii-co
025 :,t1 R-oberts Poinsett, Same Aug. 22, 1829 1700
U. 5 Minister to

S.:6 Sami: Same Sept. 2, 1829 1701
(.:7 Sirme Same Sept. 22, 1829 1702
,." J:,.- Majrfa de Bocane- Joel Roberts Poinsett, Same 1702
cr.3, S-c. of State of U. S. Minister to
IM cico Mexico
u-4, li:-,l Roberts Poinsett, Martin Van Buren, Oct. 2, 1829 1704
Ili S. Minister to Sec. of State

',io rjn,,i Same Oct. 14, 1829 1705
'51 S'j rne Same Same 1706
,'. Geore R. Robertson, Same Dec. 4, 1829 1706
i;. S. Consul at

933 Jo-c Maria Tornel, Daniel Brent, Acting Aug. 22, 1830 1707
Mexican Minister to Secretary of State of
the U. S. the U. S.




PART X.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE NETHERLANDS


Doc. From To Date Page
No.


934 Alexander H. Everett, John Quincy Adams, Jan. 5, 1819 1711
Charge d'Affaires of Sec. of State
the U. S. at Brussels
935 Same Same Aug. 8, 1819 1711
936 Same Same Dec. 8, 1823 1712
937 Same Same Jan. 12, 1824 1713
938 Same Same Feb. 21, 1824 1714
939 Same Same March 26, 1824 1716
940 Christopher Hughes, Henry Clay, Sec. of July 17, 1826 1716
Charge d'Affaires of State
the U. S. at The
Hague









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART XI.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM PERU

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


Statement of W. G. D.
Worthington, U. S.
Special Agent to
Peru, Chile and
Buenos Aires
Joel Roberts Poinsett,
ex-Agent of U. S.
to South America
Act of Independence
of Peru
John B. Prevost, U. S.
Special Agent to
Peru, Buenos Aires
and Chile
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
William Tudor, U. S.
Consul at Lima
Same
John B. Prevost, U. S.
Special Agent to Peru,
Bueno Aires and Chile
William Tudor, U. S.
Consul at Lima
Same
Jos6 Ram6n Rodil,
Military and Politi-
cal Governor of the
Province of Lima
William Tudor, U. S.
Consul at Lima


John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State



Same



Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same

Same
Same


Same

Same
William Tudor, U. S.
Consul at Lima


Jos6 Ram6n Rodil, Mili-
tary and Political Gov-
ernor of the Province
of Lima


July I, 1818




Nov. 4, 1818


July 15, 1821

Dec. 7, 1821



Feb. 6, 1822
March 4, 1822
April I, 1822
April 16, 1822
March 13, 1823
March 29, 1823
April 24, 1823
May 15, 1823
May 27, 1823
June 29, 1823
July 10, 1823
July 21, 1823
Jan. 10, 1824
March 13, 1824
April 4, 1824
May 3, 1824

June 7, 1824
June o1, 1824


July II, 1824

Aug. 24, 1824
Sept. 4, 1824



Sept. 6, 1824


1719




1720


1729

1729



1731
1734
1735
1736
1737
1739
1739
1741
1742
1742
1743
1744
1745
1747
1749
1749

1752
1754


1755

1758
1761



1762


XVII1








LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


P.\RI XI -COMRILTNICN[ TIONs FROM PERL I C".!in ldl


Fr- n.


\V l ,,1i T .J.:.r, LI S
''t>r. il j Linti
Si me


J,.hn B. Fr: :..:-l. .; S
Sp,:,il .AL E-nt t..

and Ch'I l,.
\\ iill Tit.J, U. .i.
i nl : l ] L ai

I 'if i ,

[.ihn I:. Pr: .. .:l, i i .
Sp. :li Ac'.nit L..
MPru, rlunms.,i Air

\\'illiim Tudur. U. i .
'-'.nr:ul jL Li ii
IIh Fr'.- .
Sp .-i il A :Irnt ..i1 il.:
U. S t... P.ru, luc-
ti.:- Ar'c' .]r. t-hilh
Sc inh.:,p.- F'r-' ;.
\ lhnm Tud.,r,. U S.
i..n-,ijI it. I.inti




C1i IT It
S in-







S meII

S a FTI.:
Sji nii







S inme
s.iiirn


J.n.i QuI'c, .\. lini,
S':,: f. S '-t t:


Simni












Siii'e





S.i-..





Snme


jmi n




S I mei
Saeni





SJine-?
J.11TII




Si mc



Sijrnc
3rSi it


I- i ,SF .' t.. S i atF


[ait.:


Pjce



1704

I 7 14



I77I



1772


1773

1774
l:: l


S,:f IN I. '24
Se:|..t. 2;, 1 2.:4

L.N- ,, i' 4















Jin :. I:5

Nit.. I-. -e ,




,.n 2 1 ":2.
F>.b j : .:25







Jan. 24. I i"?


F,. .: i -x:
ApH I .'.
A. r 25, I :x2



Juno i 1 25x
lNO 5. I !6
i ..I 20 2r,


Alu. 24. 1I 1:
No.t Z5, 1In20
N- It'. 2
Jin 2-, I'27









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART XI.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM PERU (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


997 William Tudor, U. S. Henry Clay, Sec. of State Feb. 3, 1827 1815
Consul at Lima
998 Same Same Feb. 21, 1827 1823
999 Same Same March 23, 1827 1825
o000 Same Same May 23, 1827 1831
o001 Same Same June 15, 1827 1833
1002 James Cooley, U. S. Same Sept. 19, 1827 1835
Charge d'Affaires at
Lima
1003 Same Same Nov. 7, 1827 1835
1004 F. I. Mariategui, Same Nov. 16, 1827 1837
Minister of Foreign
Relations of Peru
1005 William Tudor, U. S. Same Nov. 20, 1827 1840
Consul at Lima
1oo6 James Cooley, U. S. Same Dec. 12, 1827 1843
Charge d'Affaires at
Lima
1007 William Tudor, U. S. Martin Van Buren, Aug. I, 1829 1844
ex-Consul at Lima Sec. of State
1008 Samuel Lamed, U. S. Same Dec. 15, 1829 1846
Charge d'Affaires at
Lima


PART XII.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM RUSSIA

Doc.
No. From To Date Page



1009 William Pinkney, John Quincy Adams, Sept. 13/25, 1851
U. S. Minister to Sec. of State 1817
Russia
1oI0 Same Same Sept. 29/Oct. 1852
II, 1817
IoU Russian Memorial on For communication to Nov. 17, 1817 1853
the Negotiation rela- the interested Courts
tive to the question and to the Cabinets of
of Rio de la Plata, the Mediating Powers
and in general, on
the pacification of
the Colonies
1012 George W. Campbell, John Quincy Adams, Dec. 10/22, 1859
U. S. Minister to Sec. of State 1818
Russia
1013 Same Same Feb. 6/18, 1819 1860







LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III XXI

P'.Ar,r XII.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM RUSSIA (Continued)


". From To Date Page


ioI 4


lo 4-















1020
1021




1022

1023


1024

1025



1026


1027
1028

1029


1030

1031

1032


,.I,:.rIe W. Campbell,
I.i S. Minister to
Ku-sia
Su i ,rr

C.,unt Nesselrode, Sec.
of State for Foreign
.\fljirs of Russia
-;e.,r.e W. Campbell,
IU S. Minister to
F: u sia
He,-,r:, Middleton,
Ui '. Minister to
F:u sia
Baron de Tuyll, Rus-
sian Minister to the
U.S.
Henry Middleton,
U. S. Minister to
Russia
Same
Same

Same


Same

Count Nesselrode,
Sec. of State for
Foreign Affairs of
Russia
Henry Middleton,
U. S. Minister to
Russia
Same
Same

Same


Same

Same

Same


John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Same

Pierre de Poletica, Rus-
sian Minister to the
U.S.
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Same


Same


Same


Same
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State
Count Nesselrode, Sec. of
State for Foreign
Affairs of Russia
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State
Henry Middleton, U. S.
Minister to Russia


Henry Clay, Sec. of
State

Same
Same

Count Nesselrode, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Russia
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State
Same

Count Nesselrode, Sec.
of State for Foreign
Affairs of Russia


April 21/May
3, 1819

Sept. 24/Oct.
6, 1819
Nov. 27/Dec. 9,
1819

Dec. 31, 1819/
Jan. 12, 1820

July 8/20, 1822


Oct. 4/16, 1823


Feb. 5/17, 1824


Feb. 7/19, 1825
April 7/13, 1825

July 2/14, 1825


July 15/27,
1825
Aug. 20, 1825



Aug. 27/Sept.
8, 1825

Same
Sept. 18/30,
1825
Feb. 27/March
II, 1826

Feb. 28/March
12, 1826
July 18/30,
1826
Aug. 30, 1826


1862


1863

1864


1864


1866


1868


1868


1869
1870

1873


1874

1875



1877


1877
1878

1879


1881

1881

1883









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART XII.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM RUSSIA (Continued)

Dec.
Do. From To Date Page



1033 Henry Middleton, Henry Clay, Sec. of Sept. 5/17, 1884
U. S. Minister to State 1826
Russia
1034 Same Same Sept. 8/20, 1885
1826
1035 Baron de Maltitz, Same Nov. 18/30, 1886
Charge d'Affaires of 1826
Russia at Wash-
ington


PART XIII.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM SPAIN

Dc.FromToDate Page
No. From To Date Page
No.


Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
George W. Erving,
U. S. Minister to
Spain
Pedro Cevallos, First
Minister of State of
Spain
George W. Erving,
U. S. Minister to
Spain
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same


James Monroe, Sec. of
State
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Pedro Cevallos, First
Minister of State of
Spain
George W. Erving, U. S.
Minister to Spain

Pedro Cevallos, First
Minister of State of
Spain
James Monroe, Sec. of
State
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same


Sept. 5, 1815

Dec. 30,1815
Jan. 2, 1816
Feb. 22, 1816
March 2, 1816
March 25, 1816
Sept. 26, 1816


Oct. 17, 1816


Oct. 25, 1816


Oct. 26, 1816

Jan. 2, 1817
Jan. 15, 1817
Jan. 16, 1817
Same
Feb. 10, 1817
Feb. II, 1817
Feb. 12, 1817
Feb. 22, 1817
Feb. 28, 1817


1891

1891
1895
1897
1904
1905
1907


1908


1909


1909

1910
1913
1914
1914
1915
1917
1918
1919
1919


1036

1037
1038
1039
1040
1041
1042


1043


1044


1045

1046
1047
1048
1049
1050
ro5I
1052
1053
1054







I.IO- OF DOCUMENT IN \'OLUMI: III


P.r:T X1 l -(COMMIUN:ICATIjON FROM SP.I[N (Continued)


, oFr.:.m To Date Page


- ..rge .. r\\ ir,. S.
M n-licer t,-, S.iii
Lu.:- d i: (r,, S(p- ni-h

Ii S



S;] [iii

Si 1i,-



S.i in

G.,:rc E, inc,
U. S. Minister to
Spain
Same
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to U. S.
Same

Same

Jos6 Pizarro, First Sec.
of State of Spain
George W. Erving, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Same

Same
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
Same
Same
Same
George-W. Erving, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
George W. Erving,
U. S. Minister to
Spain
Same
Same


J,,l-.,n irji Adl i

1Srec ."1 j M


J.:.in ;u[I. Ad rmn .,

Si'n',i


Richl rJd [ u-h, .-\ tinc
Soom. ol 5tijri:


S-rme
John Quir.,. .-\damn,
Sec. of State

Same
Acting Sec. of State

Richard Rush, Acting
Sec. of State
John Quincy Adams, Sec.
of State
George W. Erving, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Jos6 Pizarro, First Sec. of
of State of Spain
John Quincy Adams, Sec.
of State
Same
Same

Same
Same
Same
Same

Same

John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State

Same
Same


March o1, 1817

March II, 1817


March 15, 1817

March 26, 1817
Same
March 29, 1817

April 4, 1817
April 5, 1817
April 6, 1817


Same
April 18, 1817

April 19, 1817

July 9, 1817

Aug. 17, 1817

Aug. 19, 1817

Aug. 27, 1817

Same
Sept. 2, 1817

Sept. 19, 1817
Nov. 2, 1817
Same
Jan.o1, 1818

Jan.24, 818

Feb. Io, 1818


Feb. 26, 1818
March 1,1818


1920

1920


1922

1923
1924
1925

1927
1929
1930


1932
1934

1935

1942

1944

1945

1946

1948
1949

1950
1951
1953
1957

1959

1961


XX111









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART XIII.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM SPAIN (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


o181

lo82
1082
1o83


1084

1o85
o186


1087

Io88
lo89
1090


1091
1092

1093
1094


1095
1096
1097
1098
1099

IIoo
1101
IIoI



1102

1103
1104
1105


Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
Same
George W. Erving,
U. S. Minister to
Spain
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
Same
George W. Erving,
U. S. Minister to
Spain
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
Same
Same
George W. Erving,
U. S. Minister to
Spain
Same
John Forsyth, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Same
Francisco Dionisio
Vives, Spanish Min-
ister to the U. S.
Same
Same
Same
Same
John Forsyth, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Same
Thomas L. L. Brent,
Charge d'Affaires ad
interim of the U. S.
at Madrid
John Forsyth, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Same
Same
Joaquin de Anduaga,
Spanish Minister to
the U. S.


John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Same
Same


Same

Same
Same


Same

Same
Same
Same


Same
Same

Same
Same


Same
Same
Same
Same
Same

Same
Same



Same

Same
Same
Same


May 7, 1818

June 9, 1818
June II, 1818


July 27, 1818

July 28, 1818
Aug. 9, 1818


Oct. 24, I818

Nov. 16, 1818
Dec. 12, 1818
Jan. 4, 1819


Feb. II, 1819
Aug. 22, 1819

Same
April 14, 1820


April 19, 182o
April 24, 1820
May 5, 1820
May 9, 1820
June 29, 1820

July 13, 1820
July 10, 1821



Sept. 19, 1821

Dec. 17, 1821
Feb. 14, 1822
March 9, 1822


1966

1967
1969


1971

1975
1977


1979

1980
1984
1984


1985
1986

1987
1988


1990
1990
1992
1994
1995

1996
2000



2005

2006
2006
2009


--~---~---~---~---~--


xxiv








LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


P \RT XIII.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM SPAIN (Continued)


N. From To Date Page


J.,hn Forsyth, U. S.
Minister to Spain
.ioquin de Anduaga,
Spanish Minister to
the U. S.
S u111,
John Forsyth, U. S.
Minister to Spain
S ine d
Sin M
S ae .

Johf'iF
S lnee

Same


Sjn le
iJo.iquin de Anduaga,
Fpanish Minister to
the U. S.
io]hn Forsyth, U. S.
Minister to Spain
i.jjqalin de Anduaga,
Spanish Minister to
the U. S.
Same
John J. Appleton,
Charge d'Affaires ad
interim of the U. S.
at Madrid
Same
John J. Appleton,
Charge d'Affaires
ad interim at Madrid
William a Court, Brit-
ish Minister to Spain


Hugh Nelson, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Same
Same
Francisco Hilario de
Rivas y Salmon,
Acting Charg6
d'Affaires of Spain
at Washington


John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Same


Same
Same

Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same
Same


Same

Same


Same
Same



Same
Same


Conversation with John
J. Appleton, U. S.
Charge d'Affaires ad
interim at Madrid
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Same
Same
Daniel Brent, Acting
Sec. of State


March 21, 1822

April II, 1822


April 24, 1822
May 2, 1822

May 20, 1822
June 23, 1822
June 28, 1822
July 18, 1822
Aug. 26, 1822
Oct. 31, 1822
Nov. 20, 1822
Dec. 13, 1822
Dec. 14, 1822


Jan. Io, 1823

March 6, 1823


March 7, 1823
March 20, 1823



July 9, 1823
Aug. 6, 1823


Dec. 7, 1823



Dec. 18, 1823

June 18, 1824
July 15, 1824
Sept. 29, 1824


2011

2012


2012
2013

2014
2016
2022
2022
2023
2024
2025
2028
2028


2030

2031


2032
2035



2038
2040


2044



2046

2047
2048
2049


XXV









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART XIII.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM SPAIN (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


Hugh Nelson, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Same
Alexander H. Everett,
U. S. Minister to
Spain
Same
Same
Same


Same

Same
Same
Same
Same
Same


Same
Same

Same
Same
Same
Duke del Infantado,
First Sec. of State of
Spain
Alexander H. Everett,
U. S. Minister to
Spain
Same
Same
Same
Same


Same

Same


Same


John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Same
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State

Same
Same
Francisco de Zea Bermu-
dez, First Sec. of State
of Spain
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State
Same
Same
Same
Same
Duke del Infantado,
First Sec. of State of
Spain
Same
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State
Same
Same
Same
Alexander H. Everett,
U. S. Minister to Spain

Henry Clay, Sec. of
State

Same
Same
Same
Duke del Infantado,
First Secretary of State
of Spain
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State
Frederick Lamb, British
Minister to Spain
Same


Oct. 17, 1824

Nov. 22, 1824
Aug. 12, 1825


Sept. 8, 1825
Sept. 25, 1825
Oct. Io, 1825


Oct. 16, 1825

Oct. 20, 1825
Nov. 21, 1825
Dec. 12, 1825
Jan. I, 1826
Jan.20, 1826


Jan. 26, 1826
Jan. 27, 1826

Feb. 3,1826
Feb. 8, 1826
Feb. 13, 1826
Feb. 14, 1826


Feb. 24, 1826


March 13, 1826
April 5, 1826
May 20, 1826
Same


June 2, 1826

June 7, 1826

June 8, 1826


2054

2055
2056


2058
2059
2063


2065

2066
2071
2072
2073
2075


2096
2097

2100
2100
2I03
2107


2107


2III
2114
2118
2119


2120

2127


xxvi








LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN 'tVOLIME III


F'A.rr XliI.-C.-,MMXlTuNlC.\h.l...N Fi:. '. S"PAIN (Continued)


F r.:mn



Fre.ler;.:k L .iiib


Siiie
,ir i l i.ier 6tv




l.li.. M tri. _[?r [,:.
pr'j IN



X-In.\l r 1 E r
S.i nie












S ir.i ,
Sir, i SE .: of StarL .1
Sp.jrr
X .\l'-im ler H-. E ?erel.,
l.i. S Mlin.-r r to




5. Iine




S rilc






Sn. F -
Sime
Si"1m':



Smi.e
i nie



M j n:jl G,,'zle: S,-I
Nmon. Fir:t Seic o
bi 5r e o1 Sr.:.i
Ale,.mnder H. Efer ett,
I.i S. Mlinitrer C.:,

S'a r-i.


Siime


T.o-



Al .ialn i'r i I L' i- r,- ,
I1. '.. M nl -t,. ',r r.,:



Si. ilim


H ,1 r l r






ri -r[-r :.I SrI .n
S. lin



Hienri C l.;,'. S,.: ,:i f




Suki el ire nid

FrMiner i.1 .-j L ; ;n h


lSr 1ce
Ale..:ri.ler H E- eri tk,
I 1 '5. rmin 1,.r t.:. S .iii


Henr, Ch
Stale


Se.. .1


Sinre
S_ .n lu


S rri I
Sij n,











Al- .,'I.der H F-.-rerr,
L I M% i-, : t .r t p, p: i n


[:in t ,'. e c u tt o'
S. p ii i I
Si ime










5r of

Sr itii
S.i nr .
.mne .


Date



June 8, 1826


June 9, 1826
Same


June Io, 1826


June 12, 1826


Same

June 25, 1826

July 8, 1826


July 13, 1826


Sept. I, 1826
Nov. 7, 1826
Jan. 7, 1827
March 31, 1827
April 7, 1827
April 19, 1827
June 9, 1827
Aug. 17, 1827
Nov. 8, 1827
Dec. 12, 1827
April 4, 1828
April 29, 1828
April, 1828


April 30, 1828


May I, 1828

June 23, 1828


Page



2128


2128
2129


2130


2131


2132

2132

2134


2134


2135
2137
2139
2140
2141
2142
2143
2146
2148
2149
2152
2157
2158


2159


2160


xxvii








LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III


PART XIII.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM SPAIN (Continued)

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


1181 Alexander H. Everett, Manuel Gonzalez Salmon, Dec. 15, 1828 2162
U. S. Minister to First Sec. of State of
Spain Spain
1182 Same F. M. de Madrid, Colom- Dec. 30, 1828 2163
bian Minister to Great
Britain
1183 Same Henry Clay, Sec. of State Jan. o1, 1829 2169


PART XIV.-COMMUNICATIONS FROM URUGUAY

Doc. From To Date Page
No.


1184 General Jos6 Artigas, President James Monroe Sept. I, 1817 2175
revolutionary leader
of Uruguay
1185 W. G. Miller, U. S. John Quincy Adams, Sec. April 17, 1821 2175
Consul at Montevideo of State
1186 Same Same April 18, 1821 2176
1187 Same Same July 13, 1821 2177
1188 W. G. Miller, U. S. Same July 20, 1821 2183
Consul at Montevideo
1189 Same Same Sept. 14, 1821 2184
1190 Joshua Bond, U. S. Henry Clay, Sec. of State Feb. 20, 1829 2186
Consul at Montevideo
1191 Same Martin Van Buren, Sec. Nov. 20, 1830 2188
of State


XXvill

































NOTE

The idiosyncrasies of spelling, punctua-
tion, capitalization and grammar of the
original manuscript stand uncorrected in
this print, except in case of manifest and
inadvertent error, where the correction
could in nowise affect the sense.





















PART VIII
COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN









COIIMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN

755
John Spear Snitl,, Ch;are d'.1ffaires of the United States at London, to James
Monroe, Secretary of State of the United States 1
[E X rACT]
LONDON, October 22, z8zI.
Mr. Su- irt, IMr. Mlrrier [MolrierJ & Captain Cockburn are the persons
appointed tL. the Prince Rcgent, for the purpose of reconciling the Spanish
Colonie- in S,:outh America, t., the M.Iother Country.
I ha:i\ the hon,.,ir [etc.j.




756
Jonathan Ruissell, Chare," d'.11f ires of the United States at London, to James
Monroe, Secretary of State of the United States 2
IE rRACT]
LONDON, January 14, 1812.
SIR: I hae:- the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your two letters of
the: 27th .,1 Nov'. list.
I shall endi\avour to perform the trust committed to me relative to the
independcncte of the Provinces of Venezuela in a manner calculated to
accomplish the \\i-hi of thos-: provinces & the United States without
c',mlpro:mnittin tlhi pacific relation- of the latter with other powers. I feel
it ht:ev.c.er t, be in the t'.isting state of things a delicate undertaking &
;h.,uld I defer it until I ha,-\: a more accurate knowledge of the spirit which
pre vails h: nre in relati.,n to tho-:e Provinces I hope the delay will be approved
L,, the Pre-sidenr
I have the honour [Cic.].
MS DL)patch-i- from rearat Britain. XVII. John Spear Smith left in charge of legation
in G(rcat Britain fromu Mji i.. .to No .ember 15, I8sI.
:MS LDhpatLhi from re-it Britain, XVIII.
S See aboc pt. i, dJoc. I-. Mnri roe t: Barlow, November 27, 1811, a copy of which also
'ent to the Icgation In Londorn.








PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


757
Jonathan Russell, Charge d'Affaires of the United States at London, to James
Monroe, Secretary of State of the United States
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, February 3, i8z2.
The persons appointed here as mediators between Spain & her colonies
will, I am well informed, immediately proceed to the execution of their trust.
Capt. Coburn probably leaves England this day for Lisbon with Mr. Ben-
ham on board who goes thither to replace Mr. Stuart. Capt. Coburn2 will
thence proceed with Mr. Stuart to join Mr. Morier. The object of this
mission as far as I can learn is to persuade the Spanish colonies to aid the
mother country in her present struggle and to promise them new privileges
immediately-and even to flatter them with independence when this conflict
is over. Much good is not indeed sanguinely expected from this interfer-
ence but it appears generally to be admitted that the efforts of old Spain
will cease the moment she is cut off from the resources of the new world.
England will no doubt endeavour to draw from those provinces all the sup-
plies which she possibly can for the aid of her ally during the war & to secure
for herself the monopoly of their commerce afterwards. If we go to war
with England these projects may not be unworthy of attention as we shall
have ample means to render them abortive.




758
John Quincy Adams, United States Minister to Great Britain, to James Monroe,
Secretary of State of the United States 3
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, January 22, 1816.
On the 14th I wrote a Note to Lord Castlereagh, requesting an interview
with him. On the 18th I received his answer, appointing the 25th to meet
me, and apologizing for the delay, on account of his being detained in the
country. The Ratification by the President, of the Commercial Convention,
was received here on the 17th and was published in the Newspapers of the
next day, together with the speech of the Chevalier Onis, upon his reception
by the President. It is to be hoped that the restoration of the ordinary
Diplomatic Relations, between the United States and Spain, will be followed
SMS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XVIII.
Cockburn? See above pt. vin, doc. 755.
3 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XX.


1432







DOCUMENT 758: J.\NUAR\Y 22, l816


by a more concilitory policy on the parr of rhe latter Power, than she has
hitherto pursutcd. The internal :almini;stratiorn of Spain has given so much
di 'ust to the public feeling of Euro:pe, -nd particularly of this Country,
that the British Cabinet its- I ha- in some scrt partaken of it. The National
Sentiment in ErnLiland i li;kev. ie strong in favour of the South Americans;
and the prevailin.c o.pini:n is that the-ir Independence would be highly
advantageous to the intere-sts of thi Country. A different and directly
opposite -entiment is entertained Ly the Government. Their Disposition
is decided :icainit the South .Am:-ricans; but [by a political obliquity, not
without example, it is not so unequix locally, in favour of the mothercountry.
In the year 1770, that wise and honest Minister, Mr. Turgot, reported to
the Kinr :of Fr:ince, that it was f.or the intere-st of his kingdom, that the
insurrection in No.rth America sho._uld be suppre.-.ed; because the Insurgents
whien subdued. w:, uld 'till be cuch turbulent : nd mutinous subjects, that
it wr.,uld employ all the force of Irear Britain to keep them down; and her
w.eakne would make her ,1 peaceable, or it least a harmless neighbour.
In the month -of Feblruar' 1775, France concluded a Treaty of Commerce,
and an %eentual Treatvy f Alliance, with the United States, because they
were de .l'ac,') Ind.ependent. In the interv-al between those two periods,
France was wavering, and temporiziill-With one hand seizing American
privateers in her Porrt, and w'\ith the other sending supplies of arms and
ammunition to America. This is precisely the present situation of Great
Britain toward- Spain. The Cabinet hale many, other reasons, besides that
of Mr. Turmot, to secure the good neighbourhood of impotence, for wishing
that the In.urrection should be suppre'.sed. I. They have a deep-rooted
and in\vetrate prejudice, fortiihed by all the painful recollections of their
own unfortunate contest, acQainrt any revolution by which Colonies are
emanicipatcd and become Independent State-s. 2. They have a forcible
niora, impression, like that :of their antip:-thy to the Slave Trade, that it is
w'rPl/,, to, a-.-is.t or encourage C,.lo:nies in the attempt to throw off the yoke
uo their mother Country. 3. They dread the influence of example, and
alway- remember how many Colonies they, themselves still possess. 4. They
fear the con-equences of South American Independence upon the whole
system of European Colonial Policy. Their attachment to this has been
amply displayed, in their an\iou, and persevering efforts to draw the
Brag.mnz.i family back tc. Lisbon; efort,. well kn-own to you; and which will
pro:lbl, yet be successful 5. The mystic Virtues of Legitimacy. It is
impossible to write with proper gra ity upon this subject. But it has no
small operation against the South American Independents. 6. And last
but not least, they look \vith no propiti:ou eye to the relations which will
naturally.\ arise between Independent il-overnments on the two American
Continents. They fI'oresee Ie,; direct -iadanrage to themselves, from a free
commercial inrtercourre with Sth uth .-merica, than indirect injury, by its


1433







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


tendency to promote the interests of the United States-Perhaps they think
a period may arise when one of the parties to their struggle, will offer exclu-
sive advantages and privileges to them as the price of their assistance.
Hitherto they have professed to be neutral, and at one time offered their
mediation between the parties-But they have assisted Ferdinand at least
with money; without which, Morillo's armament never could have sailed
from Cadiz, and they have suffered all sorts of supplies to be sent to the
insurgents, from Jamaica. For, as, notwithstanding their inclinations, they
are aware the South Americans may ultimately prove de facto Independent,
they hold themselves ready to take advantage of the proper moment to
acknowledge them, if it should occur. This is one of the points upon which
the Opposition are continually urging the Ministry, but hitherto without
effect.
Should the United States be involved in a War with Spain, whether by
acknowledging the South Americans, or from any other cause, we may take
it for granted that all the propensities of the British Government will be
against us. Those of the Nation will be so, perhaps in equal degree; for we
must not disguise to ourselves that the national feeling against the United
States is more strong and more universal than it ever has been. The State
of Peace instead of being attended by general prosperity is found only to
have aggravated the burdens of taxation which press upon the Country.
There is considerable distress weighing chiefly upon the landed interest,
although the accounts which you will see of it, are excessively exaggerated.
Enough however is felt to prompt a strong wish for a new War, in a great
portion of the community; and there is no Nation with which a War would
be so popular as with America. But I have no hesitation in stating my
conviction that the present policy of the Ministry towards America is more
pacific than that of the Nation. They are aware of the responsibility which
such a War would bring upon them, and are not at this time prepared to
encounter it. Of the cession of Florida, I have not lately heard, but I
think there is no considerable armed force prepared or preparing to be sent
there either from England or Ireland. The Navy, as I have informed you,
is reduced to a Peace Establishment unusually small, and even the ships
that are recommissioned cannot be manned, without bounties and impress-
ment. There is a Coll. Stapleton, Secretary to the Commissioners of the
Barrack Office, going out in the frigate with Mr. Bagot. He goes to Charles-
ton, South Carolina, as he says, on private business of his own. This is the
only symptom I have yet perceived, of a large military expedition to Florida.


1434







DOCLIMENT 759: FEBRUARY 8, 1816


759
John Q( incy .4 Idams, United State!s Minister to Great Britain, to James Monroe,
Ser'teltary of .Sitai of the United States 1
[EX TRACTS]
LONDON, February 8, z8i6.
The tone of struggling irritation and complacency with which this was
said, induced me to ,:,b:erve that I did not precisely understand what he
[Lord Catlereagh] intended by this advice of moderation. That the United
States had no design of encroachment upon their neighbours, or of exercising
any injustice toward. Spain. . Instead of an explanation, he replied
only Ly recurring to the British policy with regard to Spain. "You may be
sure (said hei that Great Britain has no design of acquiring any addition
to her poassessi.,ns there. Great Britain has done every thing for Spain.
\\'e ha e saved, w\e have dIcli\vrcd her. We have restored her Government
t,:, her, and we had hoped the result would have proved more advantageous
to herself ac well as more useful to the world than it has been. We are
sorry that the Event has nut altogether answered our expectations. We
lament the unfortunate situation of her internal circumstances; owing to
which we are afraid that shc can neither exercise her own faculties for the
c:-mfort and happine-s of the Nation, nor avail herself of her resources for
the eftectual exertion :of her Power. We regret this, but we have no disposi-
tion to, take advantage of think star of things to obtain from it any exclusive
privilege for ours,!\ el.. In the unfortunate troubles of her colonies in South
America, we have not only avoidJed to seek, but we have declined every
exclusive indulgence or privilege to ourselves. We went even so far as to
ofier to take upon us that most unpleasant and thankless of all offices, that
of mediating between the parties to those differences. We appointed a
formal mission for that purpo-s, who proceeded to Madrid; but there, the
1C.,urt of Spain declined accepting our offer, and we have had the usual
fortune of impartiality; we have displeased both parties. The Spanish
G-:overnment for not taking part with them against their Colonies, and the
South Americans for not countenancing their resistance." . I told
him that the police of the American Government towards Spain, had in
this particular been the same. They had not indeed made any offer of their
mediation. The state of their Relations with the Spanish Government,
could neither ha.ve \ arrjnrcd, nor admitted of such an offer. But they have
ol.served the same sv-i tm Io impartial neutrality between the parties. They
h -,e sought no peculiar, or exclusive advantage for the United States, and
I was happy to hear from him that such was the policy of Great Britain; for
it might ha'\t an influence upon the Views of my own Government, to co-
operate with it"- "I have alas, (resumed he) "avowed it to be our
i MS. Di-paicisi from Great Britain, XX.


1435







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


policy, in Parliament. We have never acknowledged the Governments set
up by the South Americans, because that would not have comported with
our views of neutrality. But we have not consented to prohibit the com-
merce of our People, with them, because that was what Spain had no right
to require of us. Our plan, in offering the mediation which Spain rejected
was that the South Americans should submit themselves to the Govern-
ment of Spain, as Colonies, because we thought she had the right to authority
over them, as the Mother Country. But that she should allow them com-
merce with other nations. Nothing exclusive to us. We neither asked, nor
would have accepted any exclusive privileges for ourselves. We have no
little, or contracted policy. But we proposed that Spain should allow a liberal
commercial intercourse between her Colonies and other Nations, similar to
that which we allow, in our Possessions in India." I then asked him what
he thought would be the ultimate issue of this struggle in South America?
whether Spain would subdue them, or that they would maintain their
Independence? He answered, that every thing was so fluctuating in the
Councils of Spain, and generally, every thing was so dependent upon Events,
not to be calculated, that it was not possible to say what the result might be.
The actual state of things was the only safe foundation for present Policy,
which must be shaped to Events, as they may happen. .. In closing
this part of our Conversation, Lord Castlereagh desired me to consider all
that he had just said with regard to Spain, the situation of her internal
affairs, and the conduct of her Government, as confidential; it having been
spoken with the most perfect freedom, and openness; and that if I should
report it to my Government, I would so state it. I have therefore to request
that it may be so received.



760
John Quincy Adams, United States Minister to Great Britain, to James Monroe,
Secretary of State of the United States 1
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, March 30, I8i6.
SIR: A few days since, Mr. Del Real, residing here as a Deputy from New
Grenada called upon me and enquired if I had any knowledge of the arrival
at Washington of Mr. Peter Gual, in a similar capacity from that Country.
I told him I had heard generally that there were at Washington, deputies
from the South American Provinces, but not particularly the name of that
Gentleman. Mr. Del Real said he knew of his arrival at New York; but
had not heard from him at Washington. He then enquired what foundation
SMS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XX.


1436







,DOCUMENT 760: M.ARCh 3O0, 1816


there w.as for a rumour generally circulating here, of a rupture between the
United States and Spain. I knew nothing further than had appeared in the
English Newpapers I had heard of a correspondence in December and
January between the Secretary of State, and the Spanish Minister Onis,
which had been communicated by the President to Congress, and the sup-
posed substance of which had -been publishd here. It had further been
said that about the 12th of last month, Mr. Onis had left Washington, and
that all communication between him and the American Government had
been broken off. Later .ccoiints equally unauthenticated, contradicted
this last circumstance, but repeated that Mr. Onis had left Washington
much dissatis ied It was impossible lor me 1to say what the real state of
the Relations, between the United States and Spain were, but as to the
question of Peace or War, I was persuaded it would depend upon Spain
herself. If the demands of Mr. Oni s, had been such as they were represented,
the American Government neither would nor could comply with them-
The present course of Spanish Policy was incomprehensible. If such de-
mands were made, it could not be but with a knowledge that they must, and
would be refused. In ordinary cases the very making of such demands
would imply a settled determination of the Power, advancing them to follow
up the refusal of them Lby immediate War. If .uch was the intention of
Spain, the Unied Sates wldSat have no alternative left, but to defend them-
selves. But they had no desire for a War with Spain As to the South
American Provinces struggling for their Indepndpdence, the general sentiment
in the United States was certainly in their favour. But the Policy of the
Government, a Policv dictated equally by their duty to their own Country,
by their state of amity with Spiin, and Lby their good-will to the South
Americans themselves, was a strict and impartial neutrality between them
and Spain. I said b\ their good-will for the South Americans themselves,
because the neutrality of the United States was more advantageous to them,
by :ecurinv to them the neutrality also of GIreat Britain, than any support
which the United States could cive them, ,by declaring in their favour, and
making coninon cause with then, the effect of which probably would be to
make Great Britain declare against both. He was aware that the popular
feeling in this country wa. now favourable to the South Americans. More
so thin the dispo:-ition. of the preseiit Minii-_try. They complied so far with
the prevailing opinion as to observe a neutrality. But the same popular
sentiment here, he knew \wa very strong against the North Americans; and
if the United States, were ope-nly ro join the cause of Soirth America, and
conseqtuentl \ be enlgaed in a War with Spain, the Briush People would
Inmllediatel1 consider them as the Principils in the contest: all their jealous-
ies, and national antipathies would be enlisted against the common American
cau-e, and as they are even now tormented wirh an uneasy hankering for
\ar, which they think would relieve them from their embarrassments,


1437







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


their Ministers would take advantage of these Passions, and engage this
Nation upon the side of Spain, merely because the United States '\,_.uld bt
on the other side. He said he was perfectly convinced of the justice o:f the-ie
observations. I asked him if he had any knowledge of an order in Council,
lately issued here, prohibiting all British subjects from supplying arrms.
ammunition and warlike stores to the South Americans. He said he had
not. That the professed system of this Government had always been and
continued to be neutrality. That they allowed a free intercourse between
Jamaica and the South American Continent; and had given order- to their
Admirals on the Station, not to molest the Independent flag, and had re-
fused to deliver up vessels bearing it, which had entered their Ports. But
whenever applied to for an acknowledgment of the Independent Govern-
ments, they had declined upon the ground of their engagements with Spain.
I had shortly before had some conversation upon these subjects with
Count Fernan Nufiez, the Spanish Ambassador at this Court, who spoke to
me, with some courteous expressions of concern, of this abrupt departure
of Mr. Onis from Washington; which he said was altogether unexpected to
him-'though he supposed Onis could not have acted without Orders. He
then referred to the points which had been mentioned in the summary pub-
lished here of your correspondence with Onis. He thought the expeditions
from Kentuckey and Tennessee, might justly be considered by the Spanish
Government as offensive; and that after the surrender of Carthagena, there
was no insurgent Government and that all Vessels under its pretended flag
were to be considered, and treated as Pirates- I said that I had no knowl-
edge what the alleged expeditions from Kentuckey and Tennessee were, but
was very sure they had no countenance from the Government of the United
States. The President's Proclamation had on the contrary warned all the
Citizens of the United States against engaging in any enterprise hostile to
Spain. He said that the proceedings complained of were subsequent to the
Proclamation. I replied that if any illegal combination for such a purpose
had been formed at a distance from the seat of Government, it was to be
considered that the Government of the United States had not the same
means of immediate or of complete control over them, as in similar cases
were possessed by European Governments. They had an open Country.
No barrier of fortified cities, to stop persons intending to pass the frontiers.
No army, or corps of Gensdarmerie to support and give efficacy to measures
of Police; and no authority to arrest individuals, or disperse assemblages,
until possessed of proof that they have committed acts, or are in the process
of committing acts in violation of the Law. With these considerations, I
was very sure that if any such expeditions had been undertaken, they had
neither been sanctioned nor connived at by the American Government.
That they would on the contrary, in the manner, and according to the forms
allowed by our Constitutions be ultimately and effectually prevented, unless


1438






DOCUMENT 761: APRIL 30, 1816


this impatience and heit of Mr. Onis should precipitate the two Countries
into a stite -if ho'-tilitv which we sincerely deprecated. That as to com-
mercial inter'c(our-c with the Independents, and the admission of their flag
into our Port., this he knew was conformable to the received usages of
Nati'-,n. It wa, practised in this case by Great Britain, the closest ally of
Spain, and no one knew better than he, that she had refused either to inter-
dict the commerce with the insurgents to her Subjects, or to exclude their
fl-ig fIrm her Ports. He at first nodded assent to these remarks; and I
observed that if hi- Colleague Onis was ordered to demand his Passports for
cau.-,e -Lsuh a: the-.e, I should expect to hear that he Fernan Nufiez had also
left this Co.urt without taking leave, as the causes of offence to Spain were
the same here, a. had been alleged by him at Washington. The Count said
he did n,-,t know what Onis' orders were, and in truth it was not his concern
Sbut for himself, he was pretty well satisfied with what he had
la/tel obtained here against the insurgents. By which I understood him to
allude tr, the recent order in Council, which I mentioned to Mr. Del Real,
but of which h h hald n,_t heard. Fernan-Nufiez is a man of great softness of
manners and po:ltete-ss of demeanour, and throughout the whole of this
con\er-ation, pre-erved the most perfect good humour.




761
Jolhn Quincy d.-nis, United States Minister to Great Britain, to James Monroe,
Secretary of State of the United States
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, April 30, z186.
Ml\ letters of 22 and 31. January, and 8. February,2 have given you a
very full account of the execution of your Instructions of io. December,3
and of the \vice of this- Government, in relation to Spain and Spanish Affairs.
The debate- in Parliament have occasionally furnished since then further
eliridati.'n -. of the British Policy. At the very commencement of the Session
of Parliament, Mr. Brougham made a motion in the House of Commons
for an Addrezs to the Prince Regent, requesting him to interpose in behalf
.-f the Span,'h Patri.,t-., who are suffering under Prosecutions by the Govern-
ment of Ferdin ri-d 7. On that occasion, after a very long speech of Mr.
Bro:uchnim, and an animated debate, Lord Castlereagh closed the whole by
a -ptech equally long, the main object of which was to inculpate the Spanish
SMS Dis[-.itchii Ifr,.ni Great Britain, XX.
Se -ahboa, pt viii, du':s. 758 and 759. The letter of January 31 is not printed in this
Cull, t ion
SSbae a-hu.e, pt i. d-)-: 17.


1439







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM C R IA.\T BRIT.\IN


Patriots, and to defend the proceedings of Ferdin:nd'% GC':\oern-niLnt against
them, but in which he at the same time said that thiis _:-\ ernment had inter-
posed, and were yet interposing in behalf of the P:triotr. If he had men-
tioned this at the time when Mr. Brougham gave notice of his motion the
whole debate would have been superseded, and it appe:tr; that the motive
for letting the debate take its course, must have been ro have the opportunity
of displaying in the face of Europe, a formal defence of Ferdinand's Govern-
ment. The interference in behalf of the Patriot., waz thus an o.tcnsible
compliance with the strong public sentiment o:f this Country, vlwile the
Spanish Government easily understood, that against these representations,
it might assert all its spirit of Independence without much offending the
remonstrants. It does not appear that there has been any relaxation of
rigour, in the treatment of the Patriots, but the Madrid Gazette has given
the utmost publicity in Spain to Lord Castlereagh's defence of Ferdinand.
Since then in other debates, notice has been taken of the commerce between
this Country and South America, and of the British Subjects taken at
Carthagena by Morillo. Lord Castlereagh said this Government were
taking all the measures in their power, to increase the commerce with South
America, and that the Spanish Government were disposed to treat the British
Subjects taken at Carthagena with indulgence. From all this, and especially
from a comparison between Lord Castlereagh's speech on Mr. Brougham's
motion, and what he was nearly at the same time saying to me, concerning
Spain, under an injunction of confidence, the present British policy towards
that Country may be accurately ascertained.




762
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States
[EXTRACTS]
LONDON, March 21, 1818.
Since my arrival here, I have not been unmindful of the interest which
the government and people of the United States take in the efforts which
South America is making for its emancipation; nor how desirable it hence
becomes to ascertain the intentions of this cabinet, and those of the principal
continental powers in relation to that contest. . .
In the absence of other sympathies, the actual and swiftly rising power of
the United States, guided as it is known to be by a policy liberal and just in
international intercourse, may then open more distinctly to view; gaining
MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXII.


1440






DOCUMENT 762: MARCH 21, IISIs


for her government, through the medium of its appointed agents abroad, a
more quick and intimate participation in the councils of kings and princes
than any other considerations but such as spring from a senseof herresources,
and above all her complete independence, can promise to inspire.
I hope the digression of these remarks will be pardoned. They are merely
designed, if of any force, as hinting at some excuse for imparting so much
less of authentic information on the ifiairs of South America, than I should
desire to do, or than it has been my invariable aim to obtain. Should the
projected congress t.ke place, it may be affirmed, with reasonable certainty,
that those affairs will engage in part its deliberations. In the meanwhile,
were 1 to v venturee upon opinions, resting upon the best observation which the
imperfect opportunitiess of a short residence have yet afforded, they would
be chiefly, though not confidently, to the effect follow ing.
And first as to Englhnd. No:t\\ithstanding the scarcely disguised antip-
athies of her ministers to the principle of that struggle; notwithstanding their
late majority of one hundreds and seventy five on the indemnity bill, and their
increased security derived from a really meliorated condition of the country
in most of its internal co-ncerns, I do not believe that the cabinet of England
contemplates a departure from its hitherto substantially neutral course.
The cause of the patriots has numerous and p-owerful friends. Any active
or declared interference against it, would be denounced as a wanton crusade
against human liberty. It would want all the causeses that have marked
out France as the victim of foreign dictation, and besides being thought to
strike at some of the solid interests of the British nation, would shock the
spirit of freedom vet left in whole classes, and be likely to create and bind
together the elements of an opposition, that ministers with all their power
may not choose to face. As respects Russia, recent acts will best speak for
themselves. Judging from the little that has been open to meon this theatre,
I should infer a decided predominance of friendly feeling on her part towards
old Spain. France, from the force of several motives, seems to be more
inclined than the others to see the quarrel made up by free offers of the
olive branch proceeding from Ferdinand. But \what France thinks, under
her actual circumstances, is of so little account, that I will not further
hazard inaccurac' by dwellncg upon her \ ews. It is an anxiety to make
even the slightest contributions on a subject w which I know is regarded with
deer, interest by the P:'resident under all its a:pi:cts, that alone has led me as
far as I h,\ e gnne. Parik and St. Petersburgh, the former too being now the
scene ofl European discussions, ill be the fountain of opinions far more ample
and satisfactory


1441







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


763
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adam, s,
Secretary of State of the United States
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, April 20, IS8S.
Leaving both papers in the hands of his Lordship, [Lord Castlereaghj 1
next reminded him of his apparent intention to say something further on
Spanish affairs at the moment of the breaking up of our last meeting. He
resumed the thread. First he gave me an account more in detail than before
of the manner in which their late mediation had been offered, and the
grounds of rejection. This being all known at Washington need not here
be repeated. He then said, speaking of the contest with the colonies and
lamenting its long continuance, that Great Britain had done all in her
power to cause it to be made up; but hitherto without success. That she
would not wholly give over her efforts, always desiring that Spain should
pursue a liberal course. He explained by saying, a course that would look
largely to the commercial emancipation of the colonies. The communica-
tion which he made of chief importance was this: that Great Britain would
not be instrumental to the settlement of the dispute upon terms, which,
drawing to herself peculiar advantages, would exclude the U. States, or any
other nation, from a just participation in the trade of South America. He
hoped that the United States would continue to be actuated by the same
policy. I naturally reminded him of the declaration on this point contained
in the President's Message at the opening of Congress in December last.
He asked if our government had given notice beforehand to Spain, of its
intention to take possession of Amelia Island; also, whether I was acquainted
with its determination as to the reception of deputies from the provinces,
and the character with which it designed to clothe them.
Respecting the first question, I replied, that I had no precise information.
It afforded me an opportunity for the first time, which I was careful to im-
prove, of alluding to the imperious considerations which led to that measure.
Even if Spain had had no previous formal notice, I said, that not only was the
government of the United States always ready to explain satisfactorily the
grounds of its conduct, but had also, I was sure, made the movement under a
proper sense of all the just rights and claims of that power to the territory
occupied. His Lordship offered no reply. While on that part of the sub-
ject which led me to speak of the vexatious interruptions of our neighboring
commerce as one of the motives for the occupation, his manner indicated an
acquiescence in its force.
The second question I thought still more pointed. It induced me to speak
with some particularity on our general relations with Spain. In doing so I
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXII.


1442






DOCUMENT 764: JULY 25, 1818


had r.nlv to recall to his recollection facts contained in the many state papers
that have coine t- the world. I referred especially to the leading one of Jan-
uary' the nineteenth 1816 1 from the department of state to Mr. Onis, and to
tile occasion w which drew it forth. In that paper was stated at large the prin-
ciples upon which the United States had acted. Regarding the contest in
the licht of a ci1 il \ar, they had, as well before as since the distinctive ex-
position there given of the line of their policy, observed all the corresponding
duites -fi fair neutrality. I went on to say, that, urged by a sincere desire
t- .acLommonnLdiat their differences in a friendly manner with Spain, and a con-
stant reluctance ti disturb the peace of the world; they had maintained this
neutrality in the face of long-standing and as they conceived well-founded
cause ol complaint against the justice of the parent state. He neither as-
snited t.-, nr impugned any of my remarks. I said in conclusion, answer-
ing more directly the inquiry, that up to the time of my leaving Washington,
those deputies had not been formally received, and that I was without infor-
mation from nim *eiernment since.





764
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States 2
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, July 25, 1818.
I now proceed to state all that passed in these interviews relative to the
affairs of South America. This subject has taken a turn little anticipated;
but to me it only belongs to possess the department of the declarations of
Lord Castlereagh.
I endeavoured in the most ample and exact manner in my power, consis-
tently with the spirit of a friendly communication, to fulfil the instructions
of your number 43 on the interesting points which it discusses. Explaining
the views and expectations of the government of the United States I said that
it was not from a mere desire to draw aside the veil of European politics that
it sought information on the plans respecting Spanish America; but from the
real and deep interest which it had such good reason to take in that strug-
gle. That moreover it asked nothing which it was not willing to impart, be-
ing ready to disclose with candour and fulness its own course and intentions,
as in fact it had been doing; and that especially it was the wish of the Presi-
SSee above, pt. I, doc. 18.
2 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIII.
I See above, pt. I, doc. 56, Adams to Rush, May 20, I818.


1443







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


dent, if so allowed, to act in perfect good understanding with this govern men t
in relation to all that bore upon that great question.
To a full opening on my part, his Lordship offered the following replies.
He began by declaring not merely the willingness but the desire which the
British government felt to communicate to that of the United States the
whole plan of mediation which had been projected, at the instance of Spain,
by the European alliance. That it most fully acknowledged our strong and
natural interest in the questions; but that, in truth, there was, to this hour,
no plan matured. That such difficulties had grown up with Spain touching
the very fundamental points upon which a general mediation should be in-
terposed, that no adjustment of them had taken place. That these diffi-
culties were increased by the obstacles to a quick intercourse of counsels
where some of the parties were so remote from each other as St. Petersburgh,
Vienna, and Madrid. That he was aware of the promise made by Mr. Bagot
the latter end of January, of which I had reminded him, and which had not
been kept only for the reasons mentioned, viz., an inability, prolonged much
beyond any period that had been expected, to do so upon any precise or satis-
factory grounds. That even the place of meeting for the mediation was not
fixed. That when the sovereigns got together in the Autumn, the subject
would be taken up, though not the primary one of the meeting, and efforts
made to arrange it. That whenever the terms and conditions of a pacifi-
cation could be settled, which still continued to rest in total uncertainty, the
promise made to our government would be redeemed. His Lordship ex-
pressed himself in a way full of conciliation towards the United States, say-
ing that the British government naturally abstained from all steps that might
have brought them in as party to the mediation, from a belief that it would
contradict their general wish and policy to be league with Europe for such
an object, added to the consideration of the peculiar nature of their subsist-
ing relations with Spain.
Here I took care distinctly to disavow for my government all desire to have
the least participation in the mediation. From the turn and exigencies of
the conversation I did not go on further and make known the terms upon
which alone it would ever yield its concurring assent to any plan of pacifica-
tion. Nothing having been said of terms on the other side, except to inform
me that none whatever had been agreed upon, I thought that such a com-
munication was not, for the present, called for. Other and more appropriate
opportunities may occur to me of disclosing that the United States look to
the absolute and unqualified independence of the colonies, and would
embark their consent on no other basis, if indeed it has not long since been
abundantly inferred that such is their fixed policy and determination.
Premising that I do not include the legations of either Russia or France
among the sources of my knowledge, I have incidentally heard, in diplo-
matic circles, thus much touching the mediation. Ist. That as regards the


1444







DOCUMENT 765: AUGUST 3, 1818


Alliance, it i- the undoubted wish of one and all the potentates that a
mediation must. by all means, assume as its basis a continuance of the royal
g:, er n men t and supremacy of Spain-a delusion which seems even to survive
the annihilation of Osorio's forces in Chili. Next that as regards the
deternmindationlk if Ferdinand, he insists upon the following points, agreeing
to the .:onces- ionc which they import. I. That he will grant an amnesty to
the colonit- on condition that they submit and lay down their arms. 2.
That henceforth, in his royal service in America, he will, at his option,
o:,::aiionall, employ the natives, taking also, whenever he chooses, the
Europrian Spiniard. 3. That he will grant the colonies certain privileges
of trade, which he does not define. And 4th, That in the progress of the
mediation he will concur in all measures proposed by the sovereigns, pro-
vided he approve of them. Neither the indistinct, nor the ludicrous,
character of thete terms must be viewed as impugning their reality. I am
very credibly informed that they are such as he substantially and peremp-
torily holds to, -uomewhat to the discomfiture of the deliberations of those
who \would -taind by him.
In my interview with Lord Castlereagh on the sixteenth, he mentioned
the order of thi. government of the eighth of June respecting those unau-
thorised cruiser,. \which, under colour of the South American flag, commit
depredations upon British vessels or commerce on the high seas. It will be
seen by thit document, of which no other than a verbal mention was made
to: me but \which will be found in the newspapers that go to the department,
that the coloniei are recognized as competent to grant lawful commissions
of war Hi- Lordship made no comment upon the order, nor did I.
I have the honor [etc.].



765
Ricl,ard, Riul., United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States '
LONDON, August 3, 1818.
SIR: On the thirty first of last month I met Lord Castlereagh at the
French ambassador'-. It was on the occasion of a dinner given to the
Prince Regent, to which the whole diplomatic corps was invited.
In the e'.c-ninr_ hi; Lordship took me aside to say, that he had a communi-
cation to make on the affairs of South America. That since our last con-
\ers:tion, tihe Spanish government had made new propositions, through
the medium of the Spanish ambassador at this court, to-the British govern-
ment upon the subject of a mediation, inviting also the European alliance
SMS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIII.


1445







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


generally as parties to it. That the note from the Spanish ambassador,
had been written early last month, but that the first interview with me had
taken place so immediately after his own return from Ireland that he had
not then seen it, and that at our second a convenient opportunity did not
present itself for dwelling upon the matter which it contained. He men-
tioned these circumstances as explanatory of the nature of his recent com-
munications to me, and which will of course be likewise applicable to the
contents of my despatch number thirty,' which embodies all that had been
said to me up to the period of its date. He added, that it had been his
desire to seek another and early interview specially upon this topic to which
end he invited me to come to his house on the following day at eleven in the
morning.
I went accordingly. Premising that what he was about to impart was to
be considered as confidential, he proceeded without further remark to put
into my hands a copy of the note itself from the Spanish ambassador, which
I read. It bears date on the third of July. Next he furnished me with a
copy of the answer of this government dated in July, which I also read.
Thirdly, as coupling itself with the subject, he likewise offered to my perusal
the paper drawn up by this government on the twenty eighth of August
1817 addressed not to Spain, but to the other powers of Europe, and con-
taining the sentiments of the British court at that epoch, of the nature of
which Spain was made acquainted through the channel of the British em-
bassy at Madrid.
If the knowledge of all that these several papers embrace was to be
communicated to the department through me alone, I should anxiously
strive to go through the task; but I am happy to subjoin, that his Lordship
stated it to be his intention, in compliance with former declarations, to trans-
mit them at once to Mr. Bagot with instructions to lay their contents fully
and unreservedly before our government. It is therefore unnecessary that
I should run the risk of inaccuracy by attempting to detail them, minutely,
after but a single perusal in quick succession; yet, knowing the anxiety of
the President upon this interesting subject, and in the possible hope of
anticipating the arrival of his Lordship's despatches to Mr. Bagot, I will
make known, for the President's early information, the most material and
prominent points.
As respects the paper of the twenty eighth of last August, I need say noth-
ing. Such of its matter as is not superseded by lapse of time, is recapitu-
lated in the late note from this government of which I shall have occasion
to speak. It may be sufficient to remark, that the attempt at mediation
went off at that time on the point of the slave trade, Great Britain insisting
on its cessation, for an agreement to which Spain was not then ripe.
The note from the Spanish ambassador of July the third, solicits in the
1 See above, pt. viii, doc. 764, Rush to Adams, July 25, 1818.


1446







DOCUMENT 765: AUGUST 3, 1818


most form nl manner the mediation of this court. Its introductory remarks
dwell upon the rebellious character of the war, upon the past clemency of the
parent country, and its present willingness to see the unhappy quarrel ter-
minated upon principles that are moderate and just. The basis upon which
the mediation is asked is than stated. It consists of four conditions. It so
falls out that. as vell in real meaning from all that I could discover, as in the
order in %which thc. are set out, they are the same as those unofficially men-
tioned at the clo,: ofl my number thirty:' that is to say, Ist. An amnesty is
to:. be granted to the colonies on their being reduced. Lord Castlereagh ex-
pl.inedJ this %wrd, which h was a translation from the Spanish, by saying that
Spain did not mean by it conquered, but merely that the colonies must desist
from hostility. 2ndly. The King agrees to employ in the public service in
America, ;:,.lii'.it Americans, as well as European Spaniards. 3rdly. He
agrce to grn t the colonists privileges of trade, adapted to the existing
posture of things. 4thly. He engages to acquiesce in all measures which the
mediating powers may suggest calculated to effect, in their true intent, the
ab:o\ : o:bjets, which he further hopes will be speedily brought about by their
coope rating coun- els and efforts.
I do not pretend to give the words, but believe that the above will be
found to bh the purport of each condition.
I come tu whit is most important in proceeding to state the answer of the
British court.
I It approlves of( these propositions, considered as general propositions,
but call; fI'r explanations in detail that the meaning of some of them may be
rendered more definite.
2. It expresses an unequivocal opinion, that the dispute ought to be healed
\without overthro\\ing the political supremacy of the parent state.
3 Touching commerce, it declares, that the trade of the colonies ought to
be free tu the rest of the world, the mother country being placed upon a foot-
ing of reasonable preference.
4. I is v*.ery eplicit in making known, that Great Britain will do no more
than intirpo-se her friendly offices, repudiating every idea of compulsion or
Iforce, should the\ fail.
Under these explanations, the mediation is accepted. The note of the
twenty -eighth of August 1817 is alike explicit in disavowing all intention of
forcing by arms the colonies into any measures whatever. It is very full also
on the point of their commercial freedom, and goes the length of saying, that
Greit Britain will accept no privileges in this respect but on equal ground
with other nations.
Thus much will, I hope, be found to possess the President of the essential
features of both the notes, and consequently of the present views and deter-
minations of the British government upon this great question.
SSee above, pt. vmI, doc. 764.


1447







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


Having gone through the reading of all three, and expressed, as I took leave
to do, an approbation of some of the principles disclosed by this court as be-
ing in unison with those held by the United States, his Lordship put the ques-
tion to me directly, whether I knew the views of my own government in re-
lation to the final termination of the struggle.
Here an occasion was made to my hand of distinctly communicating them,
which I accordingly improved. I said, that its desire was, to see the colonies
completely emancipated, and that such too was its belief, would be the only
permanent issue of the contest.
He received the communication with apparent regret. He was, he said,
sincerely desirous that the two governments should act in harmony, and this
was perhaps the only point where their policy would be found divergent. I
replied, that it was, unfortunately, a fundamental one. He reiterated his ex-
pressions of the interest which the United States naturally had in the whole
question, on which account its being known that they coincided in opinion
with Europe on all the points of pacification, though they took no part in it,
would have, as it ought to have, an influence in rendering it effectual. I
gave his Lordship no reason to expect that their policy would change. The
conversation soon afterwards ended in the same conciliatory spirit in which
it began,-a spirit which has invariably marked all the official conversations
I have held with his Lordship during my residence, thus far at this court.
Before parting, he asked in a way altogether casual, if I had any accounts
respecting the capture of Pensacola, by General Jackson. I replied that I
had not. I added, being careful that my manner should take from every
thing offensive in the sentiment, that although the United States felt them-
selves free to act, in their relations with Spain, without any appeal to Europe,
they nevertheless respected the moral force of opinion, and would, I doubted
not, be able in due time strictly to justify the measure. At the dinner at the
French ambassador's I was pointedly asked the same question by the Russian
and Prussian ambassadors, to which I gave, in effect, the same answer. An-
other of the corps said to me, that the duke of San Carlos, the Spanish am-
bassador, was greatly excited under the news. If I may be pardoned the
familiarity of repeating the very words of my informant, they were, that the
duke "had got the fidgets." It will be seen from the newspapers what sen-
sation it has produced upon at least a portion of the British public. Insur-
ance upon vessels of the United States has, I have just been told, risen one
half per cent within the last few days. Whether this has been occasioned by
the possible apprehension of a Spanish war, or arises from the increasing ac-
counts of depredations upon all ships going to America by piratical cruisers
under colour of some Spanish American flag, I have not, at this moment, the
means of determining.
I take this occasion to mention, that no reply has been given to my note to
this government of the eighteenth of June, relative to the four articles on


1448







CDIIUMENT 766: NOVEMBER 20, I818


colonial trade; and that. from the harmony of all the intermediate conver-
sation: I l h:.e had v;ith Lord Castlereagh in the course of which the subject
ha- not again bLien referred to, I no longer anticipate one.
I ha\v the honor [etc.].



766
Ri'chard Rush, 'u't,:d States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, November 20, i818.
I hae. anio,,uly .watched, with the best lights I could command in this
quarter, the jpr,-_rt-. of events at Aix la Chapelle, so far as they chiefly
co-ncern uLi. I mean in regard to the affairs of South America and Spain.
Thie o:.vernmen t :of the latter might perhaps receive commiseration for its
imbecility, didil n,:t its conduct in all other respects strip it, day by day, of
all remainmrii title rto confidence and respect. Accordingly, deserving no
friend: at .\i la Clhapftle, it appears to have found none. From what I
can collect in diplomatic circles, there exists no serious intention on the
part 1of nvy of rthe i:rea t sovereigns to take the cause of Ferdinand effectively,
in hand. I have lietn told, that when the king of Prussia first heard of his
capricious remou\val of Pirano, and tyranical treatment of him afterwards, he
really uttered the ecl.lamyation which the journals of Europe ascribed to
him: "Thi; i- rhe policy of Asia." Pirano had once been ambassador at
Berlin. Thiii unpopularity of a king among kings; this political solecism
happily pro-duce-. another. It softens if it does not subdue their natural
lho-tility again.g t lii former subjects struggling for their freedom. The,
a'embl;n; nof rhi- c,-nngress at a period up to which the United States had
mairinained pa-sive course, appears to have created a favorable and
peculiar juncture respecting that interesting contest, which will perhaps
leav\- rthem he-nc :forth more at liberty to act upon their own views of it;
view: bringing; from feelings known to be alike dear to the American
' llov0crnment and people. I will add, that I have reason to think, that the
comnmunicari n which, by order of the President, I made some time ago
rt- til: L. overn ment., of the unequivocal determination of the United States
t,:' iLcqui&c,:e in no plan o-f settling the contest that did not look to the abso-
lute independence of the colonies as a fundamental point, has not been
withoutt irn inrltenci, in working a change in British councils; and that it
may ?%even prove the means, in connexion with other causes, of exciting
MS fDi;iprche; fr.:nm Great Britain, XXIII. The portion of this document printed in
EmIIll cipill letIrer- ,as received in cipher.


1449







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


kinder feelings in them towards the patriots, not indeed from sympathy in
their cause, but an apprehension of other consequences. But on this head
I speak doubtfully.
IT WILL BE ENOUGH THAT I REPEAT WITH INCREASING CONFIDENCE THE
BELIEF WHICH I HAVE HERETOFORE EXPRESSED THAT G. B. WOULD NOT CON-
SIDER OUR RECOGNITION OF THE INDEPENDENCE OF ANY OF THE COLONIES
AS IN ITSELF CAUSE OF WAR.
I have the honor [etc.].


767
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States 1
LONDON, February 15, 1819.
SIR: Your despatch, number fifteen, of the first of January,2 got to hand
on the eighth of this month. On the ninth I addressed a note to Lord
Castlereagh, asking an interview for the purpose of making known to him
the matters of which it treats. He named Friday the twelfth at nine in the
evening, for me to call upon him.
I informed him that the despatch which I had received related altogether
to the struggle going on in South America, and was very distinct and full in
its disclosure of the intentions of the President upon that subject. That it
set out with stating, that the government of the United States, continued
to consider the controversy in the light of a civil war, under which head a
course of general reasoning followed, going to ascertain the true duty of a
neutral state, which had been the condition of the United States, towards
both the parties to this war. It showed next in order, that the conduct
of the United States had, in point of fact, always strictly conformed, as far
as had been possible, to this duty. It then spoke of the mediation invoked
by Spain for the settlement of the dispute, bringing into view what had also
been the uniform conduct of the United States in relation to it up to the
present period. Dwelling upon the visible progress which some of the newly
formed states in South America had made towards an independent existence,
it next gave into a hope, that the time was rapidly approaching if it had not
arrived when the British government and the powers of Europe generally,
might perhaps see their own interest, that of Spain herself, as well as of theec
new states, in such a recognition of the latter as would bring them within
the pale of nations. Finally it declared, that, as regarded Buenos Ay rcs,
the President had come to a determination to grant an exequatur to a con-ull
general who had been appointed by the government of that country so long
ago as before the month of May last to reside in the United States; or to
SMS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIII. 2 See above, pt. I, doc. 71.


1450






DOCUMENT 767: FEBRUARY 15, 1819


recognize its independence in some other way, should no event occur in the
meantime to lustiil' a postponement of his intention.
After thii suummarv- of the points, I thought that I could in no way so well
put his Lord-hip in possession of the facts and reasoning by which they were
elucidclted and enforced, as by reading to him the despatch itself. Besides
the adv.'.intaz.c which this course would be sure to bring with it of enabling
me to fulfil with perfect precision my instructions, I was the more induced
rt it by the recollection that he had himself, in more than one instance,
aidoptoid it .1i .i mean- of informing me of the intentions of this government.
It sccmed to be the first occasion which I have yet deemed a suitable one for
recipr:ocating on r ptrt this kind of confidence. The despatch embracing
no other topic, and dealing of this, throughout, in terms which it appeared
to me proper lor this government to hear, and better than any I could have
emple:.d, I accordingly proceeded to read the whole of it to him.
It w. i e ident, when I had done that some passages were unexpected to
him. They were tho-e the spirit of which seemed to import, that the govern-
ment of CGrat Britain was, in reality, inclining to our view of the subject as
regarded the emancipation of the colonies. He said he was not aware upon
what occasion hi- government had uttered sentiments leading to this im-
preision. At any rate, none such had been intended to be conveyed. On
the contrary, he ol.=erved, that while Great Britain had, from the first, anx-
iously Ji. sired to see the controversy at an end, and had done her best to effect
thi; dieire, it had always been upon the basis of a restoration of the suprem-
acy of Spain: on an improved plan of government indeed, especially as re-
garded the commercial interests of the colonies, but still a complete and total
supremacy That he candidly thought, that this mode of ending the con-
lictr, besidc- being the one pointed out to Great Britain by all the subsisting
relations between herself and Spain, would prove the best for both parties,
andl tht w-orld at large, as the materials of regular and orderly government
m:iong the colonies did not, at present, appear to exist. That it was there-
fore inip.-:sible to predict in what manner they would be able to sustain
them.el'.e- aI independent communities, whether as it concerned their own
happiness and pro. peri ty or the principles which might affect their intercourse
M ith e-tabliIihd nations. These had been the leading motives with Great
Britain to w\ish that the colonies might be brought back again under the au-
thority, of the parent -tate, motives that still had their operation, and must
continue to hiave i s long as any room or hope was left of the result at which
they timed being accomplished. The employment of force as a means of
bringing it ab:u.t, Great Britain had ever repudiated, and still did, the moral
power of opinion and advice being the sole ground upon which he had acted,
hitherto he 1adnmtted to no effective purpose. It was, upon this basis,
h-wveter, that she had agreed to become party to the mediation in the man-
ner made known to: me during the last summer, and the relations which


1451







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


bound her to the allied powers as well as to Spain, held her to this course, in
whatever degree the councils and conduct of Spain might seem to retard the
hope of its success.
Such was the nature of his remarks. They corresponded, as he observed,
with what had been stated to me in the summer, for a detail of which I must
beg to refer to my number thirty two, of the third of last August.' Things
stood, he said, in regard to the mediation upon the same footing, substantial-
ly, now as then; that is, although it had been acceded to by the European al-
liance, nothing in effect had been done. The subject had several times been
brought into discussion at Aix la Chapelle, but no act had yet followed.
Spain seemed bent upon a prosecution of the contest upon her own means, and
was rallying them at the present moment in the hope of bringing it to a close
upon her own terms. In the discussions above alluded to, he had found both
France and Russia labouring under a belief that the United States desired to
be associated in the mediation, and that they would be willing to come in up-
on the same basis with the other powers, until he had removed it. The duke
of Richelieu had been very decided in this belief. His Lordship concluded
with expressing anew his regrets, that my government viewed the question of
emancipation in a light opposite to that in which it was still looked at by the
government of Great Britain.
What fell from him on this occasion may seem to clash with some of the
opinions expressed, on less authentic grounds, in my despatch number forty
six.2 I am bound on the other hand to add, that his whole manner was con-
ciliatory. While he expressed regret at the divergent views of our two govern-
ments upon the point of emancipation, he indulged in no other sentiment than
regret, nor was this expressed but in the mildest way. The known opinions
of the United States, he thought, from obvious political and local causes,
could not fail to have had an influence upon the South Americans. Hence,
he said, the wish that had been cherished here, that their policy had harmo-
nized with that of Europe upon this fundamental point, thinking that it
might have been the means, although they were not formal parties to the
mediation, of sooner healing the dispute upon terms which the governments
of Britain and of Europe really thought best for the colonies, best for Spain,
and best for all other nations. How far it was yet practicable to settle it,
giving back to Spain her supremacy, and granting to the colonies a just govern-
ment under her sway, he could not affirm; but it was the hope to which the
European alliance clung. He admitted that Buenos Ayres stood upon a bet-
ter footing in the proofs it had afforded of capacity to exist as an independent
community, than any of the other colonies; and freely admitted also the pres-
ent and prospective value of our commerce in that quarter when I had oc-
casion to mention that it already consisted on our side of articles so important
1 See above, pt. viii, doc. 765.
SIbid., 766, Rush to Adams, November 20, 1818.


1452






DOCUMENT 767: FEBRUARY 15, 18I9


to particular p.-rtions .-.f the United States as fish, naval stores, ready built
ves.el.s furniture, and lumber of every description.
The c:onv\ers,rition clo-ed with a declaration on his part, that the unreserved
and candid discl-d,-urt- which had been made to this government of the Presi-
den t's i i teIn tion re- pcc ing this struggle, and especially of the intended rec-
ug,,nitil,-n .-,l Buenos- Ayres, would be taken as a mark of confidence, and re-
ceived in the spirit in! hlich they had been communicated. He said nothing
further.
Beine the Iirst interview I had had with his Lordship since the arrival in
thi.- .ounItry ofI your despatch to Mr. Erving of the twenty eighth of Novem-
ber,' and the ,--ther documents relating to the transactions in Florida which
were laid beIfore Corneress on the twenty eighth of December, I was not sure
thLat li would not hayt made some allusion to them. He, however, did not.
Thii le.-\ves me to in!er, for the present, that no exception is taken by this
courtt to any f-, them. The names of Arbuthnot and Ambrister were only
on,:e glanced at, and that incidentally. His Lordship was saying, that
notwith-ti-nding the neutrality of the government of Great Britain as be-
tween Sp.aln and the colonies, the latter had undoubtedly received aid from
Enjland, a.s frrom the linited States, in arms, ammunition, and men, in ways
that the law; could not prevent. This led him to speak of the order of the
court of M1adrid .-,I the fourteenth of January last, denouncing such heavy
penalties ar',in;t aill subjects of foreign states, who join the standard of the
colonsts "This order' said he, "is very much felt by France; but we give
ourel,-e !ino coInccrn at it, to whatever remarks the principles on which it
a-ulme; r.-, rest ni.:lt he open. Those of our subjects who choose to join
the ,:ol-.ni-ts must take .ill consequences; we can hold out no hand to protect
them. any more than we thought ourselves bound to do in the case of the
tv.%o men wh.-i intermeddled with the savages along your borders." I have
learned that the Spanish ambassador at this court, makes frequent and
e.irneit remnonstanc-.s against t the military supplies and assistance which it
is notorious are going almost daily from English ports to South America.
It se-m1, d;Cilicult to reconcile the professions with the conduct of the British
cabinet upon ilil- subject; for certainly, lax as the existing laws of Eng-
I ind ima, be in all p.-ier to restrain these armaments, it would be easy to
-trencthen th0emi Lord Castlereagh did hint at a half-formed intention
that had existed o:f bringing a bill into parliament with this object, which
however had been abandoned from the difficulties attending any attempt
to c:onriliate w ith all O:ither parts of their present system, any new prohibitory
or restrainm n t -ut tu .
I ha e the honor l Cetc.].
Not printed in this collection.


1453







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


768
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adam s,
Secretary of State of the United States
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, March 22, i8I9.
His Lordship [Lord Castlereagh] informed me that, since our conversation
of the twelfth of last month,2 the long standing topick of the mediation,
had taken a decisive turn. This turn consisted, in Spain having absolutely
and finally declined it. There was therefore he said at present an entire end
of the subject, as to any further steps to be taken either by Great Britain,
or, as I also understood him, by any of the powers of Europe in relation to it.
Recapitulating the history of this mediation, now, after so much expecta-
tion, come to an abortive close, he went over many of the grounds connected
with its origin and progress to which he had alluded in past conversations,
and which have had place from time to time in my former despatches.
Referring to what had passed at Aix la Chapelle, he said, that it had entered
into the plan of the allies, that if the mediation had been acted upon, it
should have been upon the basis, superadded to every other, of Spain con-
ceding to such of her South American colonies as had not been in general
revolt, the same terms, so far as would be applicable to their future govern-
ment, as were proposed to be granted to those that had openly resisted her
authority. He also said, that it had been suggested, that some one indi-
vidual in whom as well Spain herself as the allies had confidence, should be
selected to repair to Madrid as the representative with full powers of the
latter, in the whole business of the mediation, and that the duke of Welling-
ton should be that individual; but that this proposition had not been acceded
to by Spain. Further he observed, that Spain had made a request to be
permitted to send a representative to the congress at Aix la Chapelle; but
that this request was deemed of a nature not to be acquiesced in by the allies.
These were the only points adverted to by his Lordship which had not been
stated to me upon former occasions. I collected from all he said, that the
part Spain has now acted, has grown out of the change of minister in that
country. It will be recollected that this event took place contemporaneously
with the assemblage of the sovereigns at Aix la Chapelle. It appears, that
those who have since directed the public councils at Madrid, are resolved
to place exclusive reliance upon their own efforts of vigor by sea and land,
and upon the supplies of their own treasury, for putting down all insurrec-
tion throughout the dominions of Ferdinand.
His Lordship concluded by remarking, that this total rejection of the
mediation would not influence the course which this government would
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIII.
2 See above, pt. vnI, doc. 767, Rush to Adams, February 15, 1819.


1454







LOCLcu'MNT 7 t9: M.\V 14, 1819


otherwise have adopted under the communication which I made to him on
the twelfth of February; m.eainng, as he e..plained, that it had created no
unfriendly sen-ibilitv in the British cabinet towards Spain. I am left to
infer from this remark, that the precise and final views which are to be
taken by this government of our recognition of the independence of Buenos
Avres, ire not yet determined upon. The intentions of the President
upon this point, have doubles been under consideration; but beyond the
expressions of a general nature uttered by his Lordship on first being made
acquainted with them, he h:a said nothing except what dropped from him
as above. I was desirous that he should have pursued the subject; but he
was evidently isinclined to go to o it it with any more particularity.




769
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of Stati of the United States 1
[ENTRACT|
LONDON, May 14, I819.
I have been in conlmpany with the Portuguese charge d'affaires.
He informed me, that he has little hope of count Palmella's succeeding in the
object of his visit to Parts, and that the great armament at Cadiz was carry-
ing on its preparations with all tCxpdition to go against Monte Video, which
he thought %would certainly be its first destination should this last attempt at
negotiation fail. He spoke as if hii court was under but slight alarm from
the meditated hostility of Spain, and alluded with complacency to the sub-
sisting guarantee of the European possessions of Portugal by Great Britain.
He inquired with some intere-t as to the intentions of the United States re-
specting the acknowledgement of Buenos Ayres, saying that whenever that
event took place, he believed that Portugal would not be slow to follow the
example. It wa- at the table of the duke of San Carlos that I met this gen-
tleman. \ith the former I exchanged congratulations on the happy pros-
pect of seeing Spain and the IUinited States placed by the late treaty upon the
best of terms, both of u~ agreeing, thit the happiness of each nation was
thereby best to be promoted.
Last week, I hid a request from Mr Hamilton, that I would refer him to
.ill our Act- o.,f Congress passed to presrvet our neutral relations, but chiefly
those that were known to, h-ave been aimed :it Spain and the colonies. It is
nut the first time since I have been here, that I have sent these laws to the
Foreign otfice. The motive and result of this second application for them,
MS. Dipipatch.- fr.:.m Grn ;e Britain, XXIII.


1455







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


may be seen in the proceedings of the house of commons yesterday. I ap-
pears that the attorney general has asked leave to bring in a bill the object c
which is to prevent for the future the departure from the ports of this king-
dom of men, ships, or military supplies, for the use of the Spanish patri:ots.
Thus is the British government at last about to tread in the steps of our Itezic-
lation upon this subject, with a declaration from Lord Castlereagh, that his
majesty's ministers owe an apology to Europe, for not having adopted the
measure sooner. Other parts of this debate may attract the eye of the Presi-
dent.



770
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, July 21, 1819.
A minister or deputy, Mr. Yrisari [Yrisarri], has lately arrived here from
Chili. It will be taken for granted, that the government has not received
him. It is said that he has been invested by the Independents with five hun-
dred thousand pounds to aid their cause in this capital, and that he cherishes
the expectation of being able to send out assistance to them in men as well as
in other ways, notwithstanding the provisions of the foreign enlistment law.
I presume by evading them. Rumours add, that the great banker, Roths-
child, has declared that he will advance the whole sum if Sir Robert Wilson
will take the command of the expedition to be sent out, and that the latter
has actually gone to Paris to see if he can select and organize a corps of officers.
The Cadiz armament is now said to be bound to Venezuela, to cut up the
English auxiliaries.
I have the honor [etc.].


771
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, August 24, 1819.
Knowing that the course of events in South America must influence more
or less the wayward councils of Ferdinand, I feel a desire more frequently
than it is in my power to execute it to report for the information of the Presi-
MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIV.


I456






DOCUMENT 771: AUGUST 24, I819


dent all such occurrences in this quarter as held out any prospect of affecting
tihe progress of those events. I had the honor upon former occasions, to
speak of the intended departure of Lord Cochrane to act in a naval capacity
wi th the So uth Americans at Chili, and of the embarkation from the Thames
of the recruits under Colonel English that have since been associated with the
arm-. of:f the p-itriots at Venezuela. With the same views I have watched the
armament ofI Ireland under General Devereux, notoriously set on foot with
the same intentions of aiding the cause of Spanish emancipation. But I
have it not in my power to impart all the information I could wish respecting
it.
I believe ir to be a fact, that about twelve hundred men have actually sailed
within the last month from Dublin, and that two or three hundred more may
LIe expc-cted to sail very shortly. These numbers fall far below the accounts
satied in the newspapers. Their immediate destination I understand to be
lMargaritta. whence they will act as events in Venezuela may render expedi-
ent. CGeneral Devereux is to command them, but has not yet embarked.
'Tis said rh-it he is expected here before his final departure. This is all the
inlornma'ion pretending to authenticity that I find myself able at this time to
transmit in regard to this enterprise.
.-\ far as I may judge from all indications of opinion within the compass
o.:f my obs-ervations, the cause of South American freedom continues to ripen
in the judgment and affections of the British public. I consequently
continue to hold to the belief, and even more strongly than heretofore, that
whenever it may be thought to comport with a wise policy in all other
respects for the government of the United States to recognize Buenos Ayres,
that the British government will not consider such a measure, per se, as any
cause of breach with us. It will not have escaped attention in what manner
our presumed intention to recognize this new state was treated in the debate
on the foreign enlistment bill, both by the ministerialists and the whigs, in
connexion with the treaty by which the Floridas are ceded to us.
1 here is good reason for believing, as might so naturally have been
expected, that as soon as the mutiny broke out among the troops at Cadiz,
Spain began to give ground in the negotiations with Portugal respecting
NMl.ne Video These negotiations are still unclosed, and will probably
remain in :i state of vibration while the fate of this long-talked of expedi-
tion hangs in any degree in suspense.


S . ,


1457







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


772
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy A.dams,
Secretary of State of the United States L
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, September 17, 1819.
Another short anecdote, with which I will conclude, may help us to infer
how general an interest is taken throughout the courts of Europe, even
those that are inland and subordinate, in our supposed intention to recognize
the independence of Buenos Ayres. It is of date some little time back;
but present circumstances serve to recall it. During the last spring, Baron
Just, the minister at this court from the king of Saxony, opened a conversa-
tion with me upon this express subject. He did not conceal his wish to be
informed upon it, stating as a reason, that he had on the day preceding
received a despatch from his government, in which it was mentioned that
I had, by order of mine, made a communication to Lord Castlereagh in
relation to it, in February. The precise nature of this communication it
was the Baron's anxious desire to learn through what he imagined to be the
best source. That the communication should thus have been wafted
through the circle of cabinets, and reach for the first time the ears of a
Saxon minister at London in the shape of a despatch from his own court,
made, at the moment, an impression upon me.
With the greatest respect [etc.].



773
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States
LONDON, October 5, 18l9.
SIR: In a late communication,2 I had the honor to allude to the prepara-
tions that were going on under the auspices of General Devereux, in aid of
the cause of South American freedom.
In addition to the troops heretofore dispatched on this service, I learn,
that from two to three thousand will be embarked from Ireland, by the first
of December. Their first destination, as with the former, will be Margaritta.
It is from General Devereux himself, that I have this information. He
intends to embark with this principal section of his force, placing himself
at its head. The foreign enlistment law is evaded by the men going out
under colour of settling as farmers and labourers in the province of Vene-
MS. Dispatches from G-rat Britain, XXIV.
2 See above, pt. vit,-.doct 7' I; Rush to Adams, August 24, 1819.


1458






DOC.UIMENI 774: O'CIOBER 15. 1819


zucla. The better to mask this project, General Devereux has received
either an actual or an o-tensible grant from General Bolivar, of fifty square
leagues -,f land in that province. Against think mode of violating the law,
the Spanish ambassador hs a-s I hear, remons-trated with the British
ministry: but to no effect. The inference would seem to be unavoidable,
that their zeal for it- execution, miut bc tery slack. They fold their arms
v.whil-t it is infringed almo-,t in open day. In Ireland, it is well understood,
that an attachment to the cause of the South Americans, is nearly universal.
It taker in men o- the highest standing, and what 13 remarkable but true,
embraces conspicuous indiJidual w\ho on all other points of their political
conduct, are entirely identified with the ministers. Whence the pecuniary
supplies are derived of hitting out so, large an expeditin, is not known to me.
General De\vreuu pr'oesses to do it upon his own rrc-ources. But this seems
iinpro.iblc Troopc have been rai-ed and equipped, transports hired, muni-
tions nf v. r provided, and a greatt military enterprise in all things completed
upon the scale I ha-e stated. The whole number of men by the time the
next division s-ent coff, will scarcel fall short of four thousand. All this
xonuld appear to be an undertaking roo much for the purse of an individual.
That General De)cereux's movements ll be ahead of those of the armada
at Cadiz, is, to the lat degree, probable
There arrived in this capital a fortnight ago, from Venezuela, two indi-
viduals. Don Fern.indo Penalvez and Colonel Bergara, in capacity of new
deputies from that province. I have been informed, that a Mr. Vondam,
now here frorn Sweden, and \ho alleges himself to be possessed of an informal
authority for what he does-;, ha propos-e' to thece deputies to be the bearer of
propositions to his Swedish Mlajiety for entering into some commercial
arrangements, with Venezuela and New Granada. This information, while
I do not confidently rely upon it reaches me through a channel entitled to
some respect.
\\'ith very great respect [etc.].


774
Richard Rush, Unitied States Mi;niscr to Gr,a! Brao in, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United .Sates 1
[E XTR..T I
Lo:,DO)N, October 15, 1z89.
I have lately heard, through a channel up,'n which I can rely, that Mr.
Irsari [\ri-arri], the depurv from Chill, of w hom I made mention in a former
despatch,- had an interview with Lord Castlereagh soon after his arrival.
'MS. Clispatche. from Grcat Britin, XXIV
'Si: aboi., pt. vili, doc. 77o, Ru-h to Adams. July 21, 1819.


1459







1460 PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN
He inquired in the course of it, if the vessels of Chili would be admitted and
hospitably received, when they came to the ports of Great Britain? His
Lordship replied certainly, at all times. Would their prizes be admitted,
it was next asked. Here an objection was interposed by Lord Castlereagh,
who said that such a permission might give cause of complaint to Spain.
Whether England allows Chilian prizes taken by Spain, to be brought into
her ports, is a point that cannot so well be known, as it is understood to be a
fact, that Spain has never yet captured a vessel belonging to Chili! His
Lordship went on to say, that Sir Thomas Hardy, who was appointed to the
command of the squadron destined 'to act in the South Seas, was charged to
attend to British interests in that quarter, and specially authorised to be the
medium of any communications between his government and the authorities
at Chili, which events upon his arrival there might make necessary or con-
venient. He would thus exercise, substantially, the functions of a consul.
Mr. Irisari [Yrisarri] inquired if England would not in return receive a consul
from Chili. His Lordship replied, that such reciprocity did not appear to
follow as a duty, Chili not being recognized by other nations as an established
power. Finally, his Lordship read to Mr. Irisari [Yrisarri] the instructions
given to Sir Thomas Hardy. Far from being hostile, they bore a friendly
aspect towards Chili, and directed Sir Thomas to respect all the just regula-
tions touching trade and commerce, which those who exercised the powers of
government in that community, might establish.
Mr. Irisari [Yrisarri] preferred no request for the acknowledgment of the
independence of Chili, by England. His government deemed it better to
let that matter rest where it is, than run the hazard of receiving a direct re-
fusal.



775
Colonel Yrisarri, Envoy of Chile to Europe and the United States, to Richard
Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain '
LONDON, November 3, I8zp.
Col'. Yrisarri presents his compliments to His Excellency the Minister
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, Mr. Rush, and begs leave
to inform him through Mr. Ribas on some points, which Col Y. hopes His
Excellency's goodness will consider with interest.
MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIV, enclosed in Rush to Adams, November Io,
1819, which see below, pt. vim, doc. 777.






E[-'CLUMENT 777: NOVEMBER 10, 1819


776
Richard Rush. Uiiitcd States Minister to Great Britain, to Colonel Yrisarri,
E;:'oy o. Chile to Europe and the United States 1
LONDON, November 6, 1819.
Mr. Ru-h pnr--ieil his compliments to Colonel Yrisarri, and has had the
lionor to, receive thi.- day, through the hands of Mr. Ribas, his note of the
third of thii mninth.: Air. Rush had not the good fortune to see Mr. Ribas;
L.bt rhe p,.per-. v.hlich lie left with the secretary of his Legation, Mr. R has
read ,wii, th th intere-t that belongs to them. The official document,3 signed
by tilt Sup[reme Direct:or of the state of Chili, is herewith returned. A copy
of it, t:.:, otherr \\irh Colonel Yrisarri's letter to the Secretary of State,3
M r. R v.ill h.t\ve re,. pleasure in transmitting to Washington, by the earliest
opportunity



777
Richard Rush, ULniied States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States *
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, November io, 1819.
The inttr';a\w might here have closed. But I was unwilling to let pass
the opportunity \vhich it presented of touching upon our affairs with Spain.
In a lctrer from N r Forsyth, of the seventeenth of October, informing me of
the continued ref ti-al :of Ferdinand to ratify the treaty, he also says that it
\va. rumourecd whil;t he was writing, that some agreement in relation to
Sp.tin and her cl::i:'rlni, or to Spain and the United States, was then actually
ib,:o:utC to bie tr:ain-sitted by the court of Madrid to that of London, and by
the \ver iamn courier despatchedd by Sir Henry Wellesley) that had charge
of I' Iltte:r. \.'.:it t:he agreement was, Mr. F. did not profess accurately
t:, kn,:v.. H inmprecs.ions pointed to its being one by which Great Britain
ihad pledield hier.,ll, .n efficientt inducements, to convey for Spain the troops
in\\ in the it;i.llIorlrho:iod of Cadiz, to some of her possessions in America.
Nothing that I lhad heard, or no scrutiny that it has fallen within my power
[it n1akit in thii qIarter,. had reflected any light upon this rumour. Perhaps
hi- Lord(hip miielt nor have felt himself bound to answer to it, at such a
moment. \cti I th:uciht it right to take the chances of what he might say
MS Di-.atLh.?: from GCrat Britain, XXIV, enclosed in Rush to Adams, November Io,
1510. .- hwch -e, Ie -l.I, (.1 \ilI, doc. 777.
See .:ib- '. e, It. iI ..11 -75.
See ib.:bo -.t. I, do:. 4,2, Yrisarri to the Secretary of State, October 31, 1819.
MS. L'i-i.:.t-ri I'roim Great Britain, XXIV.
\ ith Lord Ct-r.Icr ia3,ch


1461







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


under an allusion to it. I described the rumour in terms that appeared to me
best adapted to the end proposed. In spite of my best caution, lisi Lord-hip
I thought manifested a slight, momentary, excitement. "Falsehood-s", he
said, "will get into circulation upon this, as upon other occa-ions." Re-
suming his complacency he observed, "I can assure you, that our policy
upon this subject remains unchanged." I replied, that my government
would, I well knew, hear his declaration with new satisfaction, anticipating
no other.
Here the matter ended. The above report of the little that fell from his
Lordship is given, for the information of the President, with as close an ad-
herence as possible to his words as well as manner.
On the sixth instant I received from Mr. Yrisarri a note dated on the third,
of which a copy is enclosed.1 This is the gentleman of whom I have spoken
heretofore (with a deviation in the spelling of his name) who came to London
a few months ago in capacity of deputy or envoy from the new state of Chili.
A copy of my reply to his note is also enclosed,1 together with the papers re-
ferred to; one being a letter to your address as secretary of state; the other a
copy of Mr. Yrisarri's credentials, or diploma from the government of Chili.
The original of this instrument, I Have seen. It is stamped with every mark
of authenticity. It bears date at Santiago, on the eighteenth of November,
1818. It sets forth in the name of the Supreme Director and Senate of Chili,
that, having determined to send a public minister from Chili, to solicit from
the governments of Europe and of the United States, an acknowledgment
of the independence of that state, the said Director, has appointed for that
purpose, Mr. Yrisarri, constituting him also minister envoy from Chile to the
United States, with all necessary powers to enter upon negotiations respect-
ing such acknowledgment; and engaging to confirm whatever he may do in
fulfilment of his trust. Mr. Yrisarri continues to be confined by ill-health,
which hinders him from embarking for the United States. In this state of
things I could not hesitate to become the medium, at his request, of trans-
mitting to your hands the documents in question.
With the highest respect [etc.].
SSee above, pt. vim, doc. 775 and 776, Yrisarri to Rush, November 3, r819, and Rush to
Yrisarri, November 6, 1819.


1462






DOCUMENT 778: JULY 20, 1820


778
Riciard Rush, L:nicI .Slatls Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secrc.'ary of State of the United States
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, July 20, 1820.
I send herewith a pamphlet containing, in a convenient form, all the docu-
ments which have been published in this country respecting the attempt of
France to set up :-, throne in Buenos Ayres, and place upon it a prince of the
house of Bi-urbon. The subject has excited universal interest in the political
circles of this c:lpital. I have good information for saying, that this project
was not known to. the British cabinet until it burst upon it by the recent ar-
rival from South Anierica of these documents. The duke de Cazes, I under-
-taind, does not :idmit them to be genuine. He positively disavows, I have
heard, ever ha ing seen the South American envoy, Gomez. Whether he
disaulow\- fir the Mlarquis Desolles also, I have not heard. That France has
been engaged in tht project, nobody doubts; and this government, as might
be expected, evidently regards the whole transaction with no complacency.
In an interesting debate in the house of commons on the eleventh of this
month, onl a call for information respecting the above documents, Dr. Lush-
ington argued the broad principle, that England ought to recognize immedi-
ately and fully the independence of Buenos Ayres. Already he said the gov-
ernment had an accredited consul residing in that country, an-assertion that
%ias not afterward-s controverted. Lord Castlereagh, in reply, expressed his
entire dissent as to the policy of taking an early opportunity of recognizing
:nny of those comnlunitie;. Sir James Macintosh plainly intimated it as his
opinion, that, since the altered state of things in Spain, the question of desir-
ing a separation of the c-:olonies from the parent state, had also essentially
changed. Thi- I t:Jkt to be now a prevailing sentiment with thewhigs. The
very preliminary dissertation to the pamphlet which I send, was, I have rea-
son to think, drawn up by one of the conductors of the Morning Chronicle,
thi leading w.hig journal of London. During the debate, a sentiment was
uttered by Mlr. Canning which may deserve to be repeated. He said, that
as his,:tor, had sliown the condition of colonies always to have been more ser-
ile under the government of a popular assembly, than under the authority
o1 even a b-,Olute monarchies, (a position which the learned speaker assumed
.\I lthout pro.virng.', .I ll those persons who had wished tosee thecolonieseman-
cipated from monarchical Spain, ought to cherish this wish with much more
ze:l, n'o.t that Spain \\as democratical! This sentiment, not perhaps the less
sicnitricant from its having escaped the lips of distinguished member of the
ministry, points to, a prophecy which there need be little scruple in hazard-
ing. It is this. That if Spain makes the advances in energy and power to
SMS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXV.


1463







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


be naturally expected from her free constitution, to which no compliment \vwa
intended by the epithet of democratical, we shall find parties here --iit'in
sides. All the branches of the opposition will desire to see Spain rein-[ tted.
in full sovereignty over her dominions beyond sea; whilst the ministeri'lictrc.
through an instinctive counterpart of feeling, will desire to see them itri.i:k
off. The government will, I believe, observe great caution for a \hilc.
watching events. But, on the contingency presupposed, we can scarcely err
in predicting this ultimate reverse in the public opinion of the country
Mr. Forsyth has stated to me in a letter, dated Madrid, June the twenty
ninth, that he had understood, that the agents in London from Caracca,,
Buenos Ayres and Chili held a meeting in May, when it was determined to
address applications to Russia, Austria and Prussia, desiring that princes if
their families might be given to Spanish America generally, and tiat o'ne
might be specially selected from the Brazils for Buenos Ayres. This i- as I
understand his statement. But it comes to me in cypher, and, either from
some inadvertence on the part of his copyist, so liable to happen with figures,
or possibly from there not being a perfect conformity between our cyphert ,
there are parts which I cannot make out, and may therefore have taken up
the meaning inaccurately. I am aware of no such facts as Mr. Forsyth sta te.
What I have heard is, that, in the month of April, (being subsequent t-, the
establishment of the constitution of 1812,) the agents of Chili, Bueno- Avrets
and Venezuela, did meet together in this city, with however a different ob-
ject. They jointly signed an address to the king of Spain asking that the
independence of thege countries might be acknowledged. This addr: wv,:a-
transmitted to Ferdinand through the medium of the duke of San C:,rlo-,
then the Spanish ambassador at this court. The reply to it through the ai m
channel was, that no proposition would be listened to that had not for itr
basis the return of the colonies to their subjection to the mother cuuntr,
This information I have derived since the publicity of the project of FrIncc
upon Buenos Ayres.



779
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy -ldar:;s,
Secretary of State of the United States
[EXTRACTS]
LONDON, April 22, 1. 22.
Our acknowledgement of the South American states, has produced an
effect upon those communities on this side of the water, of which the evi-
dences are universal in the public opinion of all circles. It seems to hayv
SMS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVII.


1464







DOCUMENT 780: MAY 6, 1822


,poken them into being; to have cleared away the doubts that lingered in
men'; minds as to their true condition; to have revealed and defined before
tile world the maturity of their attributes for sovereign and independent
existence. It has forlned a foundation point around which the judgment of
the world can rally, undistracted by the uncertainties and contradictions
under which the destinies of those new empires seemed hidden. It has come
at tie happy moment when their destiny complete in all things else by exer-
tions of their own, seemed to wait only this moral welcome from the sister
Republic of tie north, as its last finish. So the citizen of the United States
is happy to contemplate it, so mankind have hailed it. The day after the
news arrived, the v,,ilue of the Colombian bonds, a species of security for a
loan contracted ib that state, rose in the London market, nor have I caught
from any source as yet a single objection to the measure. To this govern-
ment, it i- not my intention to speak of or allude to it in any way, in the first
instance. TIo Nlr. 'inis, I broached the topick at the levee last week, as one
of familiar cr-nvers-ation, saying, in the spirit of the President's message, that
I hoped Spain would see no unfriendliness in the step, but rather one out of
which good fruits would grow up to all parties. He replied, that he thought
Spain otrgi: /.o fllo:,. the example. If the commercial penalties which a
French newspaper d;tates as those which the Republick of Colombia designs
to inflict upon the nations withholding a recognition, be correctly stated, and
if the other new Republicks do the same, it may be presumed that the ex-
ample of the UInited States will not be long without imitators.
I received the day before yesterday from Mr. Sartoris, at Rio Janeiro, a
letter dated February the i5th, in which he states that the Portuguese
troops had been compelled, through the firmness of the Prince Regent, to
embark for Europe, and that he had little doubt but that the whole of the
Brazils in a fewI months more would declare independence, organizing a
separate government i th the Prince Regent at its head.




780
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States L
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, May 6, 1822.
A meeting was held on the twenty third of last month of the merchants,
ship owners, ma nufactuirers, and traders, of London for the purpose of taking
into con-ideration the means of opening a beneficial conimercial intercourse
SMS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVII.


1465








1466 PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN

with the countries of South America formerly under the dominion tf Spa ui. 3
mode of expression which it is remarkable has sprung into use since the
President's message on the recognition, and seems already to have become
as universal, as it was before unknown. It was agreed at the meeting, t,:,
present a memorial to the Lords of the privy council submitting whether it
would not be expedient to open the ports of Great Britain to the ships of
these "newly established countries" in the same manner as to the ship-: of tlhe
United States and the Brazils. The Lords of the privy council -haie replied,
in general terms, that the vessels of these countries will be admitted into, the
ports of the United Kingdom.
They have, in fact, been admitted heretofore, whenever they ha\ chosen
to come, but not as vessels of the Independent governments of South .1 in: ricl, c,
nominee. They have come as other vessels, that comply in all things with
the British laws of navigation and trade. No interdict existed against them,
founded upon the nature of their flag, which was not inquired into on their
arrival at British ports, but admitted like other foreign flags. .\s to their
being admitted upon the same terms with the vessels of the United Stati s :or
the Brazils, this could only be the effect of compact. None whatever exist-
ing between Britain and these new states, the prayer of the memoriahlst in
this respect goes unattended to. It is in this way that my inquiries lead me
to understand the subject, though aware of the contradictory as;erti:onrs in
the English journals in relation to it.
It will be seen, that Lord Londonderry stated in the house of comrmonsr
on the second instant, in answer to the questions of Sir James Mackintosh,
that whilst this government had neither formally recognized, or entered in to
any correspondence that would imply a recognition of, these new govern-
ments, it had nevertheless considered them as governments d,: l'tlo: had
looked upon the parties at war in that quarter of the world as belligerents;
had respected as such their rights of blockade, and that the commercial
intercourse with them would be found to be provided for by Mr. Robins.-.n'.
bill on the subject of foreign trade. This bill is not yet published, as far as I
can learn, and probably not yet fully matured.







DOCUMENT 781: JUNE 10, 1822


781
Richard Ru/h, Uit'dild States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States'
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, June 1I, 1822.
Touching the que-tion of South American independence, I am happy to
find that I have taken the same view of the part proper for me to act at
this court that your despatch has now presented to me. From the moment
of the arrival of the President's message of the 8th of March proposing the
reco.iiition, it appeared to me, that, as it was a measure adopted on our
own view% of its intrinsick justice and expediency, without concert with
other nations, .:and .:_i the great principles upon which it stood were suffi-
ciently pronimlgated to the world in that message, no further mention of it
by me wa;i due to conciliation, or to any other duty in my intercourse with
this governmentn; but that, on the contrary, to avoid all notice of the subject
in the First instance., would be the course most proper on my part. I have,
accordingly., abstained from alluding to it when with Lord Londonderry,
and he hajs not mentioned it to me. Whenever he may do so, I will not fail
tor express the sentiments with which you have charged me.
But although the measure has not been mentioned on either side, I have
no rea,:~_o t:o ?upp:ose ltht it is regarded by this cabinet otherwise than as its
true nature demands. The public voice of the country is manifestly and
loudly in its favor. The manufacturers and merchants take the lead, and
urge the government to follow our example, rather than arraign it. When
to this we add wh.it Lord Londonderry has said upon the subject in parlia-
ment, a ln the step already taken by the lords of the privy council, and the
further steps projected in parliament, for encouraging commercial relations
with the ne',-bLorn states in those regions, we should perhaps rather be
w\\rranted in inferring that it cannot be very long before our example, will,
in elect, be follow-ed. I have heard, indeed, from a respectable though not
official source. that a person who has. heretofore been in diplomatic trusts
under this government (the name I did not hear) is going out at once to
Buenos A.yres. heather r as agent or minister, or with what distinct objects,
my inflormi.:-t could not say, but we may suppose with some' view to the
commencement of an official intercourse with that community, f.a character
m-ire marked than has yet existed. As to any formal or perfect recognition
of the indepnenden':e CI that or any of the other new states of South America,
I greatly doubt whether this government will give in to it, except on con-
sulltaticrn with the European Alliance, which the reanimated hope of pre-
ser\ ing peace in the Eist will probably tend to bind still more closely to-
gether.
lMS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVII.


1467







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


782
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Ada I.;,
Secretary of State of the United States 1
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, June 24, 1822.
SIR: Mr. Zea, the representative of the Republic of Colombia, arrived here
lately from France. He waited upon me on the twenty first instant, but
not being in at the moment of his call, I did not see him. I have on my part
made efforts to see him since, but as yet we have not met.
I learn that he has had an interview with Lord Londonderry. The partic-
ulars of what passed at it, I am not instructed in, but understand that the
following is the result.
That to the application which he distinctly preferred to this government
to recognize the independence of Colombia, his lordship gave as distinct a
refusal. He alleged that Great Britain would make no movement towards
the recognition of any of those new states, except in concert with her Euro-
pean Allies, and that these latter were not at present disposed, any more than
Great Britain, to take any steps in regard to the subject without consulting
Spain.
What was said by his lordship in explanation of this policy; whether or
not he took any notice of our act of recognition, or touched upon any of the
prospects of commercial intercourse between this country and those new
states, I am not informed. Upon such and other points that may be inter-
esting in connexion with this subject, I will transmit whatever further
information I may be able to obtain henceforth.




783
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States I
LONDON, July 24, I822.
SIR: Mr. Echeverria, representing himself to be the minister plenipoten-
tiary from the Republick of Colombia to this court, called upon me last
week. I say representing himself as such, as there appears to be some
question whether he or Mr. Zea actually holds this trust at the present
moment, the latter having asked his recall from Europe some time ago on
account of ill health, but now as it is understood intending to remain longer,
his health having become better. Without deciding this point between them
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVII.


1468







DOCUMENT 783: JULY 24, 1822


Mr Echevertria i-, at all events, a prominent citizen of his country having
Been ,elected, a.: .ne of the deputies or commissioners sent by Colombia
to Madrid lat 'year, with proposals from his government to treat with Spain,
on the b.asi-s -*. recognition, but to which, as is known, Spain utterly refused
t,. ac.jede. He expressed in a warm and feeling manner the satisfaction he
had dern~\d from the acknowledgement of the independence of his country
bv the United States, and requested my acceptance of a copy of the consti-
tution of C:olombni which has lately been republished in Paris, and which
uva- rendered. the more worthy to be accepted from having the President's
mer-rage and the report of the committee of the house of representatives on
the question of recognition, bound up with it. This volume, forwarded
herewith, I .i-k leave to send to the department of state, having in my
pos-:e-:ion oth r copies of the instruments which it contains.
I rmut take ..:,-a-ion to mention, that after my despatch of the 24th of
June,' I was pelr\trii, by circumstances not in my power to control, of all
.-.pprtunity olf -ecing Mr. Zea, who has I believe since gone out of town.
Thi: publick dinner given to this gentleman by the merchants of London
on the tenrh of trhi month, at which the duke of Somerset presided, and
which was attended by several members of parliament without distinction of
p.arry-wwhere among:-t others of the group we saw Sir William Curtis ranged
bv the -ide .i Sir James Macintosh,--carries with it stronger indications
than are usually to be attached to festivals of this nature, and goes to show
how impre--i\ve and lI.,ud public opinion is becoming in this country in favor
of S.-.urh American independence. This voice will grow louder and louder,
nor can it, I beliExe, be ultimately resisted by the government. In effect,
the -tate- of Siuth America are already regarded by Great Britain as in-
dependen t, for tLn o,.t,:s of parliament have been passed by which commercial
intercouirse haI been opened between them and every part of the British
dominion-. The-,- a.-ts [the] government will be in possession of through
th parliamentary documents which are forwarded by this legation to the
Trta-ury, -, well as probably through the consul at this port, who mentioned
:o nme that he h.a- -nt them.
I return to Mr. Echeverria. He informed me that he had had an inter-
view with I.,:rd Londonderry; but that h had in vain urged upon him the
'cl.-im of C..ihmbia to be recognized by this government. His Lordship
-aid, that thi-s was a measure into which Great Britain could not come con-
sistintIly with what she owed to Spain. That Spain had been consulted re-
Ispecting it, and had replied in a way which showed that she felt it to concern
her interest and her rights that other nations should forbear to take such a
step. Nor could Great Britain, he said, take it without the concurrence of
Fr'ince, and France '.vas not prepared to lend her concurrence. Spain had
alr... replied, that she had just despatched commissioners to her colonies,
SSee above, pt. vm, doc. 782.


1469








PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


carrying out the most liberal offers of compromise, from which he -till
hoped for the best results, and which would serve to render but the morenr
objectionable the interference of other Powers. Mr. Echeverria adverted to:
the fallacy of such hopes, and asked his Lordship whether this government
would not use its influence to induce Spain herself to recognize the inde-
pendence of the colonies as the best and only policy left to her. His LorIdsip
replied, that Great Britain would hold up this course to Spain. He alluded .to
the recognition by the government of the United States, which, he rein- rked,
stood upon a ground by itself, the United States having no European crnne'-
ions to look to when determining upon such a policy, which was not thu- cast
with Great Britain. But whilst Gt. Britain could not justify to herself the
political measure of formally recognizing the independence of those com-
munities at present, his Lordship said, that it was her intention to maintain
an unrestricted intercourse of commerce with them all, and of this intention
Spain had been informed. I here mentioned to Mr. Echeverria the case of
the Lord Collingwood, and asked if he ascertained from Ld Londonderry what
Great Britain meant to do if Spain continued to capture British merchant
vessels trading with those countries which Spain still assumed to treat as her
colonies. He replied that his Lordship intimated, that as Great Britain
would consider such a trade as regularly open to her merchants, she would
sustain them in it.
The foregoing is the amount of what Mr. Echeverria told me. The
Lord Collingwood it will be recollected was an English merchant vessel bound
from Buenos Ayres to the Havannah with a cargo of hides. Pursuing this
voyage, she was captured by a Spanish privateer, carried into Porto Rico
and there condemned as good prize on the ground of trading with a Spanish
colony, without a license from the king of Spain. A copy of the decree of
condemnation in this case was sent to Lord Londonderry by Dr. Lushington,
and its circumstances have been the subject of full remark in the house of
commons.
Mr. Echeverria's interview with Lord Londonderry and his call upon me,
were prior to the disclosures made as well by Lord Liverpool as Lord London-
derry in parliament on the same subject on the fifteenth and seventeenth
instant. Taken together, they may be considered as affording a sufficiently
satisfactory clue to the present feelings of this cabinet in relation to South
American Independence. How much longer it will be able to withhold the
formal recognition, and thus stand out against the importunities so universal
of the commercial and manufacturing classes; against the just claims of those
new states themselves, and against such cogent and irresistible appeals to
the authority of public law and historical facts as were yesterday again
made by Sir James Macintosh in the house of commons in support of those
claims, time must show. These appeals are the more gratifying from follow-
ing up as they do the grounds taken in the state papers of the United States.


1470







DOCUMENT 783: JULY 24, 1822


A vwe ha\e lately -een an important branch of the colonial policy of Britain,
give way before the remonstrances of only her West India merchants and
proprietor., it can -carcely be too much to imagine that we shall before very
long behold her on this question of South America giving way to the uni-
verzal demand of her merchants and manufacturers, backed too as their
-iolicitation- are by a commanding eloquence in her senate, and by the en-
lightened dictate- of public opinion throughout the nation. To motives so
powerful for lully,' acknowledging the independence of South America, her
mini-tir- hae.- nothing to oppose but their connexions with the Europeau/
Alliance, and their obligations to old Spain. From the trammels of the
Former it would be wise to extricate themselves, whilst it may be strongly
-utspected that their alleged delicacy towards Spain will not last longer than
their hope of -till seeing the ancient state of things brought back in that
country. How far this hope will survive the events which have transpired
at \lMadrid ~lnInct the present month set in, we do not as yet know. In the
meantime, British interests are suffering, and will probably continue more or
leI to Lufflr, a; I:ong as the full recognition is delayed. The journals of the
day announce, that insurance upon ships from London to the ports of
Colombia, cannot Lbe effected at Lloyds but at great cost, and this not merely
onl account .:*, the ri-k of capture from pirates in those seas, but also from
S.pani-h ,hip; of w\ar and privateers. From these and other considerations \
we may infer, that British commerce with those new states will never have
its full -cope and fair advantage of competition, until their independence is '
completely acknowledged. If I have accurately understood Mr. Echeverria,
and he in turn Lord Londonderry, it is plain that this government has taken
in n: ill parr the act of recognition by the United States. It would seem-
that it i' rather aV.ake to the advantages of our situation which has enabled
u- o o tak our o\wn measures freed from the incubus of the Holy Alliance.
That Britain will rake the step herself at a day not distant, is my confident
belief, for whatever present excuses her statesmen may have laid hold of, I
can c.arcel>l believe it possible that they will not be roused to it by our
rivalry, hichl the:y must be sensible will be rendered more formidable and \
dangerou-u by every hour of their procrastination.
Mr. Echc-'verria having had an object of his own in calling upon me, pro-
cetdeud, after hi- or her communicationsto stateit. He said that he was about
to ,et out for Pari- in a few days, and requested that in the event of any des-
patche' arri\ ing for him in London during his absence, I would permit them
to be forwarded to him in Paris, under cover of my seal to the minister of the
United Sta.it, in ihat capital. I replied that I feared they would have little
additional -ecurity by this course, as I seldom wrote to Mr. Gallatin but by
the mail, and it wa'- well known that no seals, whether of foreign ministers or
other, enjoyed much inviolability in the French post offices. He said that
he believed ithe ri-k to his correspondence would be less if it could be put


1471







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


under cover to our legation at Paris, to which I replied again that I would for-
ward it in that manner, if Mr. Gallatin had no objections; but that as it was a
measure which would concern him also, I could not make him a party to it
without his consent. Something was said of special couriers, upon which 1
remarked that I had never yet had occasion to employ one in my correspond-
ence with Paris. Mr. E. here upon asked whether I could employ one f-,r hi-
despatches, allowing him to be at the expense. I replied that such a course
would be objectionable, but that if ever I found it necessary to employ one
on the objects of my own government, I would send any letters addressed to
him by the same conveyance, with Mr. Gallatin's concurrence, to whom I re-
ferred him, more especially as he would have an opportunity of consulting
him at Paris. He then asked my permission to address a note to me em-
bracing the request which he had made in person, adding that it was at the
wish of his government that he had made it.
A copy of the note which he subsequently wrote to me, with a copy of my
answer, is enclosed.' It appears that he had not conceived with entire ac-
curacy what fell from me in conversation. I will either act in this matter on
my own discretion henceforth, or receive any suggestions with which you may
think it necessary to favor me.
I have the honor [etc.].



784
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States 2
LONDON, July 26, 1822.
SIR: Mr. Zea called upon me this day. He confirms all that Mr. Echeverria
told me respecting the views and intentions of this government on the ques-
tion of South American independence. To repeat what he said, would there-
fore only be to go over again what is recounted in my last despatch,3 there
having been a substantial and entire agreement in their communications to me.
Those of Mr. Zea have, if any thing, been given with rather the most strength.
He says that Lord Londonderry explicitly remarked, that Great Britain
would not carry her consideration for Spain so far as to postpone too long her
rights of acting as she might think fit; in other words, as the sentiment may
be understood, that she will acknowledge the independence of the colonies
after a little more formality, whatever may be the conduct or opinions of
Spain in relation to the subject. Mr. Zea also represents Lord Londonderry
as saying, that this court would strongly advise Spain herself to recognize the
SNot printed in this collection.
2 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVII.
3See above, pt. vII, doc. 783.


1472







DOCUMENT 785: AUGUST 27, 1822


colonic-, and thus free the powers of Europe from all further embarrassment
upon the occasion.
I collected from Mr. Zea that he, and not Mr. Echeverria, is the actual rep-
resentati e of Colombia at the present juncture. This may render unneces-
sary all notice of what I have written concerning the despatches of the latter.
Should any similar requests ever be made to me by any of the representa-
ti e o-f thc;e our new sister republics, whilst they remain unacknowledged
in Europe, I shall feel a disposition to do what courtesy demands, without
howevt:r ~coing further than my proper duties to my own government will
warrant. I shall, at the least, be ever disposed to extend to them as much ac-
cino:mmodatii:n in this line, as I have myself received from members of the resi-
dent diplomatic corps, from time to time since I have been in London.
I have the honor [etc.].



785
Richard Rustl, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, August 27, I822.
To all that is said in your number 58,2 respecting Mr. Ravenga, I will take
care to ppa.\ special attention, so as to execute as far as circumstances may al-
l,\w. the President's desire in the spirit that it is conveyed to me. As yet I
iave not teen, or heard of thisgentleman'sarrival, in this capital. Mr. Eche-
verria, and Ir. Zea, both called upon me, as I have mentioned in formercom-
muni:ations. The latter still claims, as I understand, to be considered the
rt:pre::entati\ e of Colombia. Heretofore there has been some difficulty in
a-certainini with precision who has filled this trust, from the circumstance
:of that new Republick not being acknowledged here; but your despatch be-
coi.mec full authority to me that it is in Mr. Ravenga's hands, and I will act
aLccrdirin ly
SMS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVII.
See above, pt. I, doc. 111, Adams to Rush, July 24, 1822.


1473







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


786
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Ada nms,
Secretary of State of the United States t
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, October 12, I.-22.
On the eighth instant, Mr. Garcia and General Paroissien, the Peru\ an
envoys mentioned in my number 267,2 waited upon me. They did not lay
before me any complaints whatever respecting our naval officers in the Pa-
cific, or any other of our officers or citizens residing in Peru or Chili, or tr.ai in
there. They confined their visit, for this time, to one of personal and ofticiil
civility, making it the occasion of expressing their gratitude and thankfulness
to the United States for acknowledging the independence of their country.
I gathered from them that their hopes of a speedy recognition by this govern-
ment are not sanguine; yet they think the prospect better since Mr. Canning's
appointment, than before. On what ground they rest this hope I know not, un-
less it be that Mr. Canning's long connexion with Liverpool, as the representa-
tive in parliament of that town, may be thought to have predisposed him to a
participation in the sympathies of its commercial population upon this ques-
tion. Mr. Garcia apologized for the medals he had sent me.3 I said to him,
that the last gift of this kind which I had declined previously to his, was that
of a coronation medal, set apart for my acceptance by one of the officers of
this government on the occasion of the king's coronation last year; and that I
was bound on such a point as this to look upon all foreign states in the same
light, that of Great Britain and that of Peru, the latter being now in the eyes
of my government, sovereign and independent like the former. The ex-
planation being offered in a friendly and conciliating spirit, was so received,-
a spirit which marked the whole conversation of both these gentlemen dur-
ing the half hour they sat with me. I returned their visit on the following
day, and shall omit no opportunity within my power of keeping up good will
between us. I distinctly said to them, that it fell within the desire of the
President, that I should use such endeavours as circumstances might justify
in my intercourse with this court, to dispose it towards a recognition of the
independence of their country, for I consider what is said in your number 58 4
in regard to Colombia, as in its spirit extending to the other states of South
America, comprehended in the President's message. They seemed to be sen-
sible of the benefits which our act of recognition has already conferred upon
the cause of South American freedom and independence throughout the
world, and received with satisfaction this assurance from me, that the Presi-
dent did not cease to take an active interest in it.
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVIII.
2 Not printed in this collection.
SSee below, pt. viii, doc. 787.
SSee above, pt. I, doc. 111, Adams to Rush, July 24, 1822.


1474






DOCUMENT ;78: AUGUST 19, 1823


787
Richard Rish, United .States ministerr to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
.S'ecretrry eof Slate of the United States
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, March 20, 1823.
SIR: Mr. Garcia del Rio, one of the envoys from Peru, whose name I have
mentioned to you in communications 2 at a former period, has given into
my care, for the government of the United States, a medal struck to com-
mernmrate the Independence of Lima. In compliance with his request,
having heretofore informed him that I could not accept such gifts myself,
I now transmit this medal to your hands. It is enclosed in this despatch
and I hope uill reach you safely I send also from Mr. Garcia, four pam-
phlets on Peru ian affairs, two o-f which he designs for the President, and two
for your acceptance.
A conspicuous journal here, the Morning Chronicle, intimated a week ago
that this government was. upon the eve of recognizing the Independence of
Colombia. I can only say that if this be the case I have heard nothing of
it through any other channel, nor has Mr. Ravenga. This gentleman has
not yet had an interview with Mr. Canning, or any other member of this
government, nor does he know at present when one will be granted him.




788
Richard Rush, United Stales Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States 3
[EXTRACT]
LONDON, August 19, 1823.
SIR: When my interview with Mr. Canning on Saturday was about to
close, I transiently -iked him nl either, notwithstanding the late news from
Spain, we might not still hope that the Spaniards would get the better of all
their difficulties. I hlid allusion to the defection of Ballasteros, in Andalu-
sia, ani event seeming to threaten with new dangers the constitutional cause.
His repl\ was general, importing nothing more than his opinion of the
increased difi cultice and dlangirs with which, undoubtedly, this event was
calculated to- surround the Spanish cause.
Pursuing the topick of Spanish affairs, I remarked that should France
SMS. [ris.pachce tironm Creit Prit-iin. XXVIII.
:See abj\re, pt. \i i, doc. 7'-.., Ru-h t: Adams, October 12, 1822.
MS Dispaichc ir..mn- Greir Rrir-in. XXIX.


1475







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


ultimately effect her purposes in Spain, there was at least the consolation
left, that Great Britain would not allow her to go farther and lay her hands
upon the Spanish colonies, bringing them too under her grasp. I here had
in my mind the sentiments promulgated upon this subject in Mr. Canning's
note to the British ambassador at Paris of the 31st of March, during the
negotiations that preceded the invasion of Spain. It will be recollected
that the British government say in this note, that time and the course of
events appeared to have substantially decided the question of the separa-
tion of these colonies from the mother country, although their formal
recognition as independent states by Gt. Britain might be hastened or
retarded by external circumstances, as well as by the internal condition
of those new states themselves; and that as his Britannic majesty disclaimed
all intention of appropriating to himself the smallest portion of the late
Spanish possessions in America, he was also satisfied that no attempt would
be made by France to bring any of them under her dominion, either by
conquest, or by cession from Spain.
By this we are to understand, in terms sufficiently distinct, that Great
Britain would not be passive under such an attempt by France, and Mr.
Canning, on my having referred to this note, asked me what I thought my
government would say to going hand in hand with his, in the same senti-
ment; not as he added that any concert in action under it, could become
necessary between the two countries, but that the simple fact of our being
known to hold the same sentiment would, he had no doubt, by its moral
effect, put down the intention on the part of France, admitting that she
should ever entertain it. This belief was founded he said upon the large
share of the maritime power of the world which Gt. Britain and the United
States shared between them, and the consequent influence which the knowl-
edge that they held a common opinion upon a question on which such large
maritime interests, present and future, hung, could not fail to produce
upon the rest of the world.
I replied, that in what manner my government would look upon such a
suggestion, I was unable to say, but that I would communicate it in the
same informal manner in which he threw it out. I said, however, that I
did not think I should do so with full advantage, unless he would at the
same time enlighten me as to the precise situation in which His Majesty's
government stood at this moment in relation to those new states, and espe-
cially on the material point of their own independence.
He replied that Great Britain certainly never again intended to lend her
instrumentality or aid, whether by mediation or otherwise, towards making
up the dispute between Spain and her colonies; but that if this result could
still be brought about, she would not interfere to prevent it. Upon my
intimating that I had supposed that all idea of Spain ever recovering her
authority over the colonies had long since gone by, he explained by saying


1476






Ci

that he lid not mean t: controI.rt that opinion, foir lhe too bele-ced that the
day had .-irrived \when .ll America might tbe c-n-idered is lo-st to- Eur'ope,
-n far a. thili tie O:f po-litical de-pendcince n wa-, concerne. .All that he meant
wa-, that if Spain .-nd the c.lonnie-s should -till Ibe able to brinn the di-pute,
not yet totally e .tinct be teen them, to a clo-e up 'rn term-s -at islactory to
both -ide-, and% \hi ch shr, tlld at the -ame ime ece lll- e to Spain comICmerciiI
or either ad.,int.iage not extended to other na.tion s, that greatt Britain
would not obj' ct c to a cor.niprri:,nise in tin-s spirit of prl:ft:ren,:e to Spain All
that she .r,uldl ask \-ould be, to .tand uptipn as Ifairoured i f'oting as any other
nation after Spain. Uiponi my again alluding to the imnprob.ibility of the
dis-pute .it.r -etctlng d:'..n now even upon thi- bassi, lie -aid that it iwas not
his intention to, m.tintain -uch a pIo-ition, and that he had e':pre _ed hiim-elf
as abole rather fior tlih purpose of indlicating the feeling which this cabinet
still had tr,oard- Spain in relatio-n tr- the cointrvr.'er;\, than of predicting
result..
\\'i shinrt, however, to be still more specifically infi:rmred. I a..ked %whether
Great Britain was at thiizs mroent taking any step, or contemplating iny,
which had reference to the recognition to tho.e states. think being the point
in \ whicl we felt the chicf inti ret.
He replied that she had taken noc-ne whatever, as yet, but \'.a- upon the
e\t. :of taking one. not fnal, but pri:p.lir.to'ry, and which wo-uld -till lea e her
ait large to rec:'gnile o:r not according Lc: the .p:itlion of events at a future
period The mea.,t~re in qrtes-tirn \wa-, to : cnd C:iut orne or more indl, idual!
under authority from this go'ernme nt t- South America, noct -tricly dip-
lomatic, but clr,thd with powercr in the nature i1 a commit ion of inquiry ,
and which in -shoirt he detcrihed a- .-inalagn:,u-s to thos-e %cxercied lby our co-m-
mi-sioner- in I~S7; and that upon the restilt -if this conimim-i on much might
depend as toi the uilttrior conduct of GCt. Britain. I akT:d w tlihCer I wa- to
understand that it would comprehend ill tlhe new -tares, or which of them;
to w\\ h che: replied that, for the present it v.otld Ibe limited t:, Mexico.
Reverting to, hi- (irst idea he aga;n -aid, that he hoped that France worldd
not. -hrould :cn: ii v\nts in the Peninsula be fao\.rable to her, ,.tend her iev. -
to -South America for the purpose of reducing the colonies, nominally perhap-
for Spain, but in efftec ttr- ubl: er t e: nd-: of her own but that in ca-e -he -hf-1.-1d
meditate -uch a policy, he wias S.atiLl-ed th-it the kri',wledge of the United
State. being i:pporl-,ei d to it as %vell a- Ct. Britain, could not fail to hiave it
inlu iflnc in checking ht-r ctepc. In thin way lie ithoiught go:iod might bc done
hi prt\ention, and iaceilful pro-pects all round' increased A- to thei form
in which -iuch knowledge might be ani.ide to reach France, and ev: n the other
power,- of Euro-pe,l he said in concluion that that might prob.ibly Lie arranged
in a manner that v.ould he free from oLbit.:t-ion
I 'cnan told hi th l cney hii -h I ulld ggce-itinions ti yL r o il for thle l n-
formation of the Presidenti, an.I i import to, him whateur repl-r I mi;.-ht


1477







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


receive. My own inference rather is, that his proposition was a fortuitL.us
one; yet he entered into it I thought with some interest, and appeared to.
receive with a corresponding satisfaction the assurance I gave him that it
should be made known to the President. I did not feel myself at liberty tr.
express any opinion unfavorable to it, and was as careful to give none in its
favor.



789
George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain, to
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain I
Private & confidential. FOREIGN OFFICE, August 20, 1823.
MY DEAR SIR: Before leaving Town, I am desirous of bringing before you
in a more distinct, but still in an unofficial and confidential, shape, the ques-
tion which we shortly discussed the last time that I had the pleasure of
seeing you.
Is not the moment come when our Governments might understand each
other as to the Spanish American Colonies? And if we can arrive at such an
understanding, would it not be expedient for ourselves, and beneficial for
all the world, that the principles of it should be clearly settled and plainly
avowed?
For ourselves we have no disguise.
I. We conceive the recovery of the Colonies by Spain to be hopeless.
2. We conceive the question of the Recognition of them, as Independent
States, to be one of time and circumstances.
3. We are, however, by no means disposed to throw any impediment in
the way of an arrangement between them, and the mother country by
amicable negotiation.
4. We aim not at the possession of any portion of them ourselves.
5. We could not see any portion of them transferred to any other Power,
with indifference.
If these opinions and feelings are as I firmly believe them to be, common to
your Government with ours, why should we hesitate mutually to confide
them to each other; and to declare them in the face of the world?
If there be any European Power which cherishes other projects, which
looks to a forcible enterprise for reducing the Colonies to subjugation, on the
behalf or in the name of Spain; or which meditates the acquisition of any
part of them to itself, by cession or by conquest; such a declaration on the
part of your government and ours would be at once the most effectual and
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, August 23,
1823, which see below, pt. vii, doc. 791.


1478







DOCUMENT 790: AUGUST 23, 1823


the le.st :.ffen;ive mode of intimating our joint disapprobation of such
pr,:,jec t .
It \ouldl,- at thI: 5-ime time put an end to all the jealousies of Spain with
rt.tpl:ct t.-, her remaining Colonies-and to the agitation which prevails in
tho,- C,-A.lnis.. :in imitationn which it would be but humane to allay; being
d'rtermnind (as rwe are) not to profit by encouraging it.-
DI-, IL1 c-rncti. that under the power which you have recently received,
\:itI air: "cthl:,rizd to enter into negotiation, and to sign any Convention
up,-n this -4ubjIct? Do you conceive, if that be not within your competence,
\-Iu c:uld :\C:lhangil \with me ministerial notes upon it?
N'o:,hing c-.uli be more gratifying to me than to join with you in such a
,.w;rk, ,nd, I am pueridaded, there has seldom, in the history of the world,
ccurri.d- an opportunity, when so small an effort, of two friendly Govern-
mn:ntc. might pr-.duce so unequivocal a good and prevent such extensive
c ilamitic.-.
I shall be absi nt fr:rom London but three weeks at the utmost: but never so
far dis.-tnt, but that I can receive and reply to any communication, within
thrvte -,r f,-four day-s.
I have the. honc.r letc.].


790
Rr,:hi'rd Rush, L'nutd States Minister to Great Britain, to George Canning,
Se,:'rt I.]ry of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain I
LONDON, August 23, 1823.
?l \ DEAR SIR- Y,-~ur unofficial and confidential note of the 20th instant2
rn.ach,-dJ n, \c.t*.-rrd..ly, and has commanded from me all the reflection due to
the intcr:r :,f its -iibject, and to the friendly spirit of confidence upon which
it is so, emph.itic:.lly founded.
The g,:.-crninhr t :,f the United States having, in the most formal manner,
,;ckn,-wvll,--i tl, independence of the late Spanish provinces in America,
Ide-irc-s nothing mr-.re anxiously than to see this independence maintained
with ta-ibilit y, d inJ under auspices that may promise prosperity and happiness
:. thre,-e ne\v s-r.,t themselves, as well as advantage to the rest of the world.
A.- cOiI'ducing: t.: these great ends, my government has always desired, and
still dl-;ir-., ri:, -. them received into the family of nations by the powers of
Euro:pe, and ec peclally, I may add, by Great Britain.
M, p-,.'etrnnmrnt is also under a sincere conviction, that the epoch has ar-
rived i ,he the in tcr, ts of humanity and justice, as well as all other interests
would bet tes-.ntiall subserved by the general recognition of these states.
MS D-inrci,': ifr,.m Great Britain, XXIX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, August 23,
S-:, i.hich -r-, b pl,.-. pi. viii, doc. 791.
S-:e atIbfj '. vI, .JXc. 789.


1479








PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GRE.\T i BRIT.AIN


Making these remarks, I believe I may confidently say, that the senti-
ments unfolded in your note are fully those which bce-lng al.su t..- my got em-
ment.
It conceives the recovery of the colonies by Spain, to be hilipciles.
It would throw no impediment in the way of an arrangnementr between them
and the mother country, by amicable negociation-s-upposing an irraInge-
ment of this nature to be possible.
It does not aim at the possession of any portion .-,f those communities for
or on behalf of the United States.
It would regard as highly unjust, and fruitful of disadtrrus c,_-ns~quences,
any attempt on the part of any European power to taki pos5;se-ion of t hem by
conquest, or by cession; or on any ground or pretext whatever.
But, in what manner my government might deem it c\xpdint to av\:w
these principles and feelings, or express its disapprobation of such projects as
the last, are points which none of my instructions, or the power which I have
recently received, embrace; and they involve I am forced to add considera-
tions of too much delicacy for me to act upon them in advance.
It will yield me particular pleasure to be the organ of promptly causing to
be brought under the notice of the President, the opinions and views of which
you have made me the depository upon this subject, and I am of.nothing
more sure than that he will fully appreciate their intrinsick interest, and not
less the frank and friendly feelings towards the United States in which they
have been conceived and communicated to me on your part.
Nor, do I take too much upon myself, when I anticipate the peculiar satis-
faction the President will also derive from the intimation which you have
not scrupled to afford me, as to the just and liberal determinations of His
Majesty's government, in regard to the colonies which still remain to Spain.
With a full reciprocation of the personal cordiality which your note also
breathes, and begging you to accept [etc.].





791
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States 1
LONDON, August 23, 1823.
SIR: I yesterday received from Mr. Canning a note headed "private and
confidential" setting before me in a more distinct form the proposition re-
specting South America affairs, which he communicated to me in conversa-
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX.


1480







DOCUMENT 791: AUGUST 23, 1823


tion, o:n the i16th, as already reported in my number 323. Of his note2 I
lose no time in transmitting a copy for your information, as well as a copy of
my an.-wer- to it written and sent this day.
In shap;rng the answer on my own judgment alone, I feel that I have had a
task ol s:ome embarrassment to perform, and shall be happy if it receives the
President's appro:barion.
I belic'L e that thiiu government has the subject of Mr. Canning's proposi-
tion much it heart, arnd certainly his note bears, upon the face of it, a charac-
ter of cordi.alit\ towards the government of the United States which cannot
ecCjp notice.
I have therefore thought it proper to impart to my note a like character,
and to m ct the points laid down in his, as far as I could, consistently with
other and ,param:'ount considerations.
The-e I conceived to be chiefly twofold; first the danger of pledging my
government to any m,-.isure or course of policy which might in any degree,
now o:r hefrca after, I implicate it in the federative system of Europe;and, second-
I%. I h.ive felt mve-ll alike without warrant to take a step which might prove
e:..cepti.:-nabl in the. eyes of France, with whom our pacific and friendly re-
lations remain I presume undisturbed, whatever may be our speculative ab-
horrence of her attack upon the liberties of Spain.
In frminirlnu my answer, [ had also to consider what was due to Spain her-
scll, and I hope that I hive not overlooked what was due to the colonies.
The whoil subject is open to views on which my mind has deliberated anx-
iously. If the matter of my answer shall be thought to bear properly upon
ilmti e and cn:,n idcrations which belong most materially to the occasion, it
will he a source of creat satisfaction to me.
The tone ole rrne-tneQ in Mr. Canning's note and the force of some of his
expressions, naturally start the inference that the British cabinet cannot be
without its .erioui apprehensions that ambitious enterprises are meditated
ac-ainst the independence of the South American states. Whether by France
.lone. I cannot no.w say, on any authentic grounds.
I ha\e the honor [etc ]
I Se- albve, pt. \III. Jdoc 7:.J, Rush to Adams, August 19, 1823.
'See abuje, p[. t. \ i.c do. 7.9 and 790, Canning to Rush, August 20, and Rush to Can-
ning, Augii-t: 2;. 1P323


1481








PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


792
George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Briltain, to
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain I
Private & confidential. LIVERPOOL, August 23, 1823.
MY DEAR SIR: Since I wrote to you on the 20th,2 an additional motive has
occurred for wishing that we might be able to come to some understanding on
the part of our respective Governments on the subject of my letter; to come
to it soon, and to be at liberty to announce it to the world.
It is this. I have received notice, but not such a notice as imposes upon me
the necessity of any immediate answer or proceeding-that so soon as the
military objects in Spain are achieved (of which the French expect, how just-
ly I know not a very speedy achievement) a proposal will be made for a Con-
gress, or some less formal concert and consultation, specially upon the affairs
of Spanish America.
I need not point out to you all the complications to which this proposal,
however dealt with by us, may lead.
Pray receive this communication in the same confidence with the former;
and believe me with great truth [etc.].




793
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to George Canning,
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain 3
LONDON, August 27, 1823.
MY DEAR SIR: Your favor of the 23d,4 dated at Liverpool, got to hand
yesterday, and I perceive in its contents new motives for attaching impor-
tance to the subject to which it relates.
In the note which I had the honor to address to you on the 23rd,-two prin-
cipal ideas have place.
I. That the government of the United States earnestly desires to see main-
tained, permanently, the independence of the late Spanish provinces in
America.
2. That it would view with uneasiness any attempt on the part of the powers
of Europe to intrench upon that independence.
I will add, in the present note, that my government would view with like
SMS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, August 28,
1823, which see below, pt. viii, doc. 794.
2 See above, pt. viii, doc. 789.
3MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, August 28,
1823, which see below, pt. vii, doc. 794.
4 See above, pt. viII, doc. 792.


1482







DO:C'Ml!ENT 794: AUGUST 28, 1823


un.eai;ness- in intrrltrenc_- whatever, by the powers of Europe in the affairs
of th,:-ce nciw tat ~i-. iun o.:li :itd by the latter and against their will. It would
regard the conm ening if ;i co-ngress, for example, at this period of time, to de-
hlterat- upon their jffjir-, .a a measure uncalled for, and indicative of a pol-
icy highly unilrien-dl to the tranquillity of the world. It could never look
with ;n en-ibilit. tiup-n -uch an exercise of European jurisdiction over com-
murnitici n,:- :f right e'.empr from it, and entitled to regulate their own con-
c,:rns unmilerted from abroad. In speaking thus, I am entirely confident
that I do n,,thing m:ore than strictly interpret the opinions of my government,
and :if r h w'l.:.l- pe:orpl.r ,if the United States. It is only as to the mode in
which thI, former micht choose to give expression to its strong disapproba-
tion *:,f Much enlterprite-., thiit my instructions at this moment, as I think, fail
me
If y':u supp,-e an\ of the sentiments of this, or my preceding, note,' sus-
ceptiblke :.fi bving nm:tildcd by me into a form promising to achieve the object
pr:,po,:'-ed in _our notei of ti.- 20th, or make2 any useful approximation to it,
I ;hall be mo-t happy to take into consideration whatever suggestions you
ima. fiav.:r mll: with, t':ward this end, either immediately in writing, or in the
mre Lnreserved interco:ur-lr of conversation when you return to town, being
in thi- re-pect iltigether at your disposal.
I will. for tic pr-e:nt, only add, that could His Majesty's government see
fit to cun-lsid-r the time n,;.' arrived for a full acknowledgment of the inde-
pendence of the- South American states by Great Britain, it is my unequivo-
cal belf., ernte-rt:inc-d notr on light grounds, that it would accelerate the steps
:of my go erinment in a coitirze of policy intimated as being common to this
governmii-nt, for the i v'.-lfar of those states. It would also naturally place
,n in a new po-iti.:n in my further conferences with you, upon this interesting
Iubjeict.
Begging to asiurce you that the notes with which you favor me are treated
in the -pirit of confidence with which they are written, I have the honor [etc.].



794
Richard Rushl. Uni i d Stltes ,Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Seci.,a.r of State of the United States 3
LONDON, August 28, 1823.
S.IR: Sinc:- my i.-ir d.-patch, I have received a second confidential note4
from Mlr. C..nning. dated it Liverpool, the 23rd, a copy of which and of my
See _.bor e. ) t. i.i, do.:. 7,-', Rush to Canning, August 23, 1823.
15. LDi:.iache-. I'r.m Grein Britain, XXIX.
i S,'e ,b.. c p . ill, do.: 7


1483







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROMI .GREA.T BRIT.AIN


answer,' dated yesterday, are enclosed. The -ubLjcct if our corre-pondence
being, as appears to me, of deep interest, I think proper to apprize y.'Iu *,f it
from step to step, without waiting for the further development to \\ Inch it
may possibly lead. I hence hope that this communicati.-,n will be in time to
accompany my last, in the packet ship that will ltca\ x Li\ krp: :pool oni thLe lir t o
September.
Mr. Canning having now distinctly informed me, that he ha: recui-,ed no-
tice of measures being in projection by the p:ower- ,:,f Eur,:pe rel-tive to the
affairs of Spanish America, as soon as the French -uccetd in their military
movements in Spain,-which it would seem they v' pert .-:,n 1to do,-- can-
not avoid seeing this subject under the complications to which Mr. Canning
alludes.
My first object will be to urge upon this government the -,li. us expe-diency
of an immediate and unreserved recognition hf1 the e independence of the
South American states.
It will be seen by my note to Mr. Canning of ye terd.iy. th.r I h wie made a
beginning in this work, and, should the opportunity Le all'.f.rded me, it i- myr
intention to follow it up zealously.
Should I be asked by Mr. Canning, whether, i" i.i rc.:,im'il I:. m,.nade iby
Great Britain without more delay, I am, on my part, prepared to make .t dec-
laration in the name of my government that it w ill not remain inactive under
an attack upon the independence of those stat:tc L' the -Holy Alliance, the
present determination of my judgment is, that I \% ill mak this declirat:ion.
explicitly, and avow it before the world.
I am not unaware of the responsibility which I 1-ho:uld, by -ucl a me-:zure,
assume upon myself. My reasons for assumi-ng it, I h-ie rnt, :it present, the
leisure to recount with the requisite fulness. The leading, on(.-1 wu,:ild be, in
brief, as follow:
I. I may thereby aid in achieving an immediate and p ,-iti\ve .:ood to th h-e
rising states in our hemisphere; for such I should co:nc'l:i their recognition
at this juncture by Great Britain, in itself, t. Ie.
2. Such recognition, cooperating with the declaration iwhicll tIh- ,overn-
ment has already in effect made, that it will nit l:.-.k quietly ,n if mpanih
America is attacked, and followed up by a simr.ilar I thoui;h no:t joint I dec.lara-
tion from me that neither will the United State;, \would pr.-- e at le a-t a pro.l-
able means of warding off the attack. The mini-ter o foreign allairs f thi
government, it appears, is under a strong persuasion that irt oul- I'..rest all it,
and this without the recognition by England Ibeing. a. yet, .' p'lrt of hii case
3. Should the issue of things be different, and even t n..tr'witht landing ari-e
threatening the peace of the United States, or -.ther.vi-e serio:usli to co:mnmi
them, under such a declaration from me, it wo,:uld -till remain with the vi-
dom of my government to disavow my conduct, a- I should m.nif-tl,.h ha\e
SSee above, pt. viii, do:. 7 ;.


1484







n',,M-ITIENT 795: Al.\uGi' T .1I, I.23


acted without its previous warrant. tho-ugh hoping for its subsequent sanc-
tion. I would. take t-i mnyi-lf all the repro:ach, i:onioled if not justified under
the desire that had animated me rto render henefir- of- great magnitude to the
cause ,of South American ind.-ependi nce and freedom at a point of time, which,
if lo t, w3a. not to be regainled: and believing that, at all events, I should have
rendered -orme benehrt ro it, in b,:ing instruiLmntal tow arrds accelerating the
recognition LIy GCrLat Britain. "
lMy conduct night be di-avnord in any i-Iue io the transaction, and I
should -till n,-,t be left witlho i-r a lope, liar thei President would see in it
proof:'. ,:1:" good intent ion, ni i.cd *with a 7eal f.or the advancement of great politi-
cal interc-t-, nor appearing at the moment, t., he in,;llterent ultimately to
the welfare of the L.nited States triem ielvet.
Thl re-uult of imy reasoning in a r\i'-r then. i, thra I find myself placed in a
situation in which, by deciding nd acting promptly. I may do much public
good, whilst publi-ck mischitf-: may bi. arrested b l the controuling hand of
mi government. -hlould mlli Conduct be likely to dra' any down.
I co-ncllde with the u-ual a.; uranc,.- [erc.j.





795
Georie C .l,*,i, _, Sr.'r,ary r i Siale fir Fr'ign affairss o.( Great Britain, to
Rich,r.J Rush, L'.ril', Stats ,[intisir i, Great Britain I
Private & confidential. St,'RR.-, \\WF.TMOltA.\.N, .lugust 31, 1823.
NI' DEr.\R Sh1: I liae nrw to acknorwledce the receipr of your answer to
bo-rh m;, letter-; & whatever ma;, be the practical result of our confidential
cornmunlnicki.ion, it i- in iunii e.d sarisf3action o t i m: that thie spirit in which it
hiegan on my p'rt, ha- been met i-o, cIordially in yo, ur..
To a practical resLlt :mine-n.ly bt-n-flicial I .-ee no obstacle; except in your
want -of .,ccilic powerr, & in lih delay which may intervene before you can
pro.'iire ltnhem: & durrin i-- which events may getr befi-re u-.
Had \,-Iu felt y,'urs:ll ..Auithiir;zr,- to entertain any foi:rmal propositions, and
to decide up':n it, wilth:,ur rifiirenci homel I would immediately have taken
mn.asurc, f-,or as-emblinz my Colleague- in London, upon my return, in order
to be enabled to uibmit t,, :'ou a:s hi .t of m; gi. ovlrnment, all that I have
srateld ro you as mniy own s-*iti,.,:nou & thi, ir.- But with -utch a delay in pros-
pect, I think I -h:uld hardly be juSitified in propoi:ini to bind ourselves to
any thing po-itively. & unconditionally; and think on the other hand that a
propo-iti on quali.id eii.her in respec-t to tihe contingveny of your concurrence
'MS Dizparhe- ir.:,mn Great arirain, XXIX, enclo.i).e in Rush r.: Adams, September 8,
1 ;2 i, which :i t.el.:. pt. iiij .. 79I ..


1485







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


in it, or with reference to possible change of circumstances, would \\ mnt the
decision & frankness which I should wish to mark our proceeding.
Not that I anticipate any change of circumstances, which cculd v ir;N the
views opened to you in my first letter:-nor that, after what you hj'.e writ ten
to me in return, I apprehend any essential dissimilarity of view- on rhe p.irr
of your Government.
But we must not place ourselves in a position, in which, if called iupo:n from
other quarters for an opinion, we cannot give a clear & definite .i'c-,unt nftt
only of what we think & feel, but of what we have done or are doing, iupon the
matter in question. To be able to say, in answer to such an appeal, that the
Ud. States & Great Britain concur in thinking so & so-would be well. Io
anticipate any such appeal by a voluntary declaration to the irne etHec
would be still better. But to have to say that we are in communic.a ui.-n \ irh
the U. States, but have no conclusive understanding with them, \\w:iuld be in-
convenient-Our free agency would thus be fettered with respect tin. *clther
powers; while our agreement with you would be yet unascertained.
What appears to me, therefore, the most advisable is that you sh.-,ulI1 see
in my unofficial communication enough hope of good to warrant \':,u in re-
quiring Powers & Instructions from your Government on this po:lnt, in iddi-
tion to the others upon which you have recently been instructed & emrn po:\e red:
treating that communication not as a proposition made to you. hur 1 the
evidence of the nature of a proposition which it would have been nl\ dJc-ire
to make to you, if I had found you provided with authority to enterr.,in it.
I have the honor [etc.].



796
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy .-damns,
Secretary of State of the United States
LONDON, September S, I-'23.
SIR: I yesterday received another confidential note from Mr. iC'.nning,
dated the thirty first of August, a copy of which I have the honr-mr to:, iIcli-te
herewith for the President's information.
From this note it would appear, that Mr. Canning is not prup.:tred r:o
pledge this government to an immediate recognition of the independence Of
the South American states. I shall renew to him a proposition It,: thli eifllct
when we meet; but should he continue to draw back from it, I -h.tll .-.n nmy
part not act upon the overture contained in his first note, not fiulin.ni my-elf
at liberty to accede to them in the name of my government, but up'i.n the
basis of an equivalent. This equivalent as I now view the sulji ct could be
1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX. 2 See above, pt. vin. d...c. 7y5.


1486







DOCUMENT 797: SEPTEMBER 19, 1823


nothing le-: than the immediate and full acknowledgment of those states, or
some o.f them, ,b Gt Britain.
I shall end thi- despatch by this evening's mail to Liverpool, and have
rea-on to hope that it will go in a ship that sails on the eighth, whereby there
%ill h\ae been not a moment's delay in putting you in possession of all the
corre-pondence that has passed between Mr. Canning and me, or that now
-eems likely rto pass, upon this delicate subject. I cannot help thinking,
however, that its apparent urgency may, after all, be lessened by the turn
which h \'i:- ma\ n et \vtness in affairs, military and political, in Spain.
I have the hono-r [etc.].



797
Rihard't Rush, L'n ied States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State of the United States l
LONDON, September 19, 1823.
', I:: M r. Secretary Canning returned to town about a week ago, and I had
an interview with him yesterday at the foreign office, at his request.
He entered at once upon the subject of Spanish America, remarking that
he thought it claimed precedence, at present, over all others between us.
Military events in the Peninsula seemed every day to be drawing nearer to a
cri-i- in ifa\vr o:f the French arms, and the political arrangements projected
alteravard_, wX_,uld. there was good reason to suppose, be immediately direct-
Cd It:, the affair. of: the late colonies. He would therefore not give up the
hop-e, nr,-twirthltanding the footing upon which this subject appeared to be
placed at the clo-e of our recent correspondence, that I might yet see my way
-,towards a ubstantial acquiescence in his proposals. They were hourly ac-
quliring new. imnip,rtance and urgency under aspects that neither of our
gE.: rnrnnt-- couldl be insensible to.
Having pc-rcci ed, since we had last been together, the publication in the
n<-pWpapers of" the correspondence between a portion of the merchants of
L.-indo:n and the foreign office, respecting the appointment of consuls, or
commercial a.-enr-, for the South American states, I asked Mr. Canning
whether I va-4 to infer that this government was speedily about to adopt
tLch a me-a-ure, to which he replied in the affiriiative, saying that commer-
ciil agents would certainly be soon appointed, and sent out to the proper
ports n tho:i quart-:rs.
A- to the prn.,pusals he had submitted to me, I said that I was sure that he
\would him-nelf appreciate the delicacy of the ground upon which I stood. The
LUnite:d State-. it was true, would view any attempt on the part of France and
I MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX.


1487







1488 PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN
the continental alliance to re-subjugate those new states, .. a rralncendenr
act of national injustice, and indicative of a progressive and m-i t alarming
ambition. Yet, to join Great Britain in a declaration to thiL elect rniLhii
lay them open in some respects to consequences upon the character ;ind e:-
tent of which it became my duty to reflect with great caution, before I nmade
up my mind to meet the responsibilities of them. The value of the d-lcl tra-
tion, it was agreed, would depend upon its being formally nmaiJ kn.o-wn to,:
Europe. Would not such a step wear the appearance of the Inited Statec
implicating themselves in the political connexions of Europe? \VWuld it n.-,t
be acceding, in this instance at least, to the policy of one of it leading po:,ers
in opposition to the projects avowed by other powers? Thi- heretrl'ore had
been no part of the system of the United States. Their foreizln police had
been essentially bottomed on the maxim of keeping peace and harmony with
all powers, without offending any. Upon the institutions as upon the Ji.--
sentions of foreign nations, the government and the people of the l united
States might have, and might express, their speculative opini;o-n-; but it had
been no part of their past conduct to interfere with the one, or, being un-
molested themselves, to become parties to the other. In thi- broad princi-
ple laid one of my difficulties under his proposals.
He replied, that however just such a policy might have been f-,rmerly., or
might continue to be as a general policy, he apprehended that p. wtrlul and
controuling circumstances made it inapplicable on the present :ccasi-.n. The
question was a new and a complicated one in modern affairs. It .,lo. to
the full, as much American as European, to say no more. It concerned the
United States under interests as immediate and commanding, ;i it dJid or
could any of the states of Europe. They (the United St:.ite I were the first
power established on that continent, and now confessedly the leading prov.er.
They were connected with Spanish America by their position a wit I Europe
by their relations. They also stood connected with t-e:c ne.w states liy
political relations. Was it possible that they could see ivith'in.ditference
their fate decided upon by Europe? Could Europe expect tliis inditference?
Had not a new epoch arrived in the relative position of the Linited St..tte to-
wards Europe, which Europe must acknowledge? Were the Lre.at po-litic-al
and commercial interests which hung upon the destinies of the new v. continent,
to be canvassed and adjusted in this hemisphere without the c:ooperaticrn or
even knowledge of the United States? Were they to be can\a.--,ed ..ind Id-
justed, he would add, without some proper understanding bIetwen the
United States and Great Britain, as the two chief commercial and m..iritime
states of both worlds? He hoped not, he would wish to per-iuadI hinimell
not. Such was the tenor of his remarks. I said, that hi -ugge~-ti. ns were
not unworthy of great consideration, and that such and o ithr: .11 the :time
nature would probably not escape the attention of my government. There
might, I was aware, be room for thinking, that the late formation of these






DOCUM.i.ENT 797: SEPTEMBER 19, 1823


new state would impo:,Ie new political duties upon the United States, not
merely a~ coupled with th:e re-t cause of national justice and freedom, but
as more cloh.el coupled with their own present and future interests, and with
thl very eiotence \ iKInally of their own institutions. That I might, perhaps,
speaking for mnys-;lf a- an individual, be able to imagine that the expression
of a \voice Lby the United StatCe, upon the destinies of these states, admitting
that lthi powers of: Eurrpe uzurped a right to bring them under deliberation,
uwoulh imply n n real departure from the principles that had heretofore regulat-
ed their foreign intercorce, or pledge them henceforth to the federative or
political conniexions of the old world. If, too, that voice happened to be in
uniscn w ith the voice :of Great Britain, I admitted that it might prove but
the more auspiciou- to the common object which both nations had in view,
without committing either to any systematic or ulterior concert. But I
said, that a.i the question of the- united States expressing this voice, and pro-
mulgiating it tinder oticial authority to the powers of Europe, was one of
novelty a: well as magnitude in their history, it was for my government
and nut for me to decide upon it. Concomitant and after-duties of a grave
and .ui.nentoi.u character might be bound up in such a step. I was willing
to take upon myself any Iair responsibility growing out of the station which
I hold under the confidence of my government. But here was a case wholly
new, and not e-emlin; to:I fall within the range of any of the contingent or dis-
cretir-nary duties that could h\te been in contemplation when I was clothed
with my coninii.ion. Fur meeting a case thus extraordinary, if I could do
o, at all, I c:.u.hr to have :,omr justification beyond any that had yet been
laid before me. S.ucLh wa- my opinion; such the conclusion to which I had
been forced to c*'ome .liter full and anxious reflection.
-le Iaid that the ,'ase being new, might serve to account for my not being in
pu:-ez .ion ouf prL-vi uu. or spec'ilick powers respectingit, but that its very nature
-steined 1. precluie delay. HeI had the strongest reasons for believing, that '-
the cooperation of the lUnited States with England through my instrumen-
tality, alforded with promptitude, would ward off altogether the meditated
juri-dicti:n :of the Eurnpean powers over the affairs of the new world. Delay
this cooperation until I could receive specific powers, and the day might go
by; the progre-: of events, v .a rapid; the evil might come on. A portion of it
might and pr-obhblI would b.- consummated, and if Great Britain could by
her-el afterward- arrte-r it, there was at least more of uncertainty in this, be-
sides that preventive mnc.stures v.ere always, whether on the score of humani-
ty or efltiacy, preferable to th-,e that were remedial. Why then should the
iUnited Stater- wlho:e In-ttutlto:n- always, and whose policy in this instance,
appro:l\inated them -o much more closely to Great Britain than to any other
power in Eur:op, lheitate to act with her to promote a common object ap-
proved alike by Lboth: : t achieve a common good estimated alike by both?
To this effect did lhe e:pre- himself, amplifying his ideas of which I present


1489







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN


but the substance and outline. He finished by saying, that his station -and
duties as the organ of this government would oblige him to call up._n me in
another way, if I continued to feel unable to assent to his past prrop:.il-:
for, said he, "if a congress be in fact assembled on the affairs ':f Spanish
America, I shall ask that you, as the representative of the United State ,at
this court, be invited to attend it. If you are not invited, I shall re-ert e t[.
myself the option of determining whether or not Great Britain will s-nd n:I rep-
resentative to it. If you are invited and refuse to go, I shall still rested to..
myself the same option. Hence you see the complication of the \\ hliol: su-b-
ject; hence you see how essential it is, in the opinion of Great Britain, that
the United States should not be left out of view, if Europe determine to: tak
cognizance of the subject." These last declarations could not fail to: make
an impression upon me, and I give them as nearly as may be in his ,\: n \\ ordis.
The complication of the subject said I, continuing the discussion, im .1 bc
cured at once, and by Great Britain. Let Great Britain immediately .nd
unequivocally acknowledge the independence of the new states. Thi- h ill
put an end to all difficulty. The moment is auspicious, every thin: invites
to the measure, justice, expediency, humanity; the repose of the \ h:,rld. the
cause of national independence, the prosperity and happiness oi both hemni-
spheres. Let Britain but adopt this measure-so just in itself, so reconi mend-
ed by the point of time before us-the cause of all Spanish Am.ii.rira tri-
umphs. The European congress may meet afterwards, if it see ht
He said that such a measure was open to objection, but asked il he V..:- to,
understand that it would make any difference in my powers or conduct
I replied, the greatest difference. I had frankly told him that I hiad no
powers that would cover my consent to his proposals in the shape that h had
first made them to me. I would as frankly say, that I had no sp--i.:ick
powers to consent to them coupled with the fact of this government nt acknol-
edging at once the independence of Spanish America. But, this being dln.c,
I would stand upon my general powers. I had no hesitation in sa:n,, that,
under their warrant, I would put forth with Great Britain the decl:rati.,n t.i
Which he had invited me; that I would do so in the name of my government,
and consent to its being promulgated, with all the present va!lldty th.t I
could give it, to the world. I had carefully examined all my instructions for
years past bearing either directly or remotely on the great cause of the ce ta te-.
I saw in them all, so steady and so strong a desire for the firm estal:li-i ment
of their freedom and independence; I saw, too, sometimes in their letter and
/always in their spirit, so concurrent a desire to see their independence: ac:-

Sevent brought about, to lend my official name, as far as it could 2':. Li:I the
course which he had proposed, and count upon my government stam pin v. ith
its subsequent sanction the part which I acted. If I could be in an.- degree in-
strumental towards accelerating this acknowledgment, I should fel th..tt I


1490






DOC:iE.'MF\T 7;17 : SEPTEMBER 19, 1823


had achieve cd a reat land positive good. Upon British recognition hung, not
indeed the final, but perhaps in in eminent degree the present tranquility and
happiness of those state- Their final safety was not, as I believed, at the
mercy of Euro.pe:,n dictation: but we could not disguise that it might pro-
lone their suffering.. -ind throw fresh clouds over all their prospects. It was
in this manner that I e:.:presed myself, displaying to him with entire can-
doTr ml feelings .nd deteriminations, as well as the precise ground upon which
the steps that I took, \ whatever they might be, would rest.
He said th:-t amonin the ojec tions to recognizing at present, was still that
of the uncertain condition, internally, of these new states, or, at any rate, of
some of them He- h d. for example, sent an agent in January last to Mexico,
suppo:inQ that Iturbide \\as at the head of affairs; but by the time he had ar-
rived, a fresh revO':lutionT had set up other representatives of the executive'
power The s:-me in eternal icissitudes were to be remarked in others of these
comiiunities, more to the south.
Ar.nther objection he said was started by the circumstances of this very
Colombman Il-an, which h:ad created so much agitation on the stock exchange'
of London for a twelvlemnnth past. It was true, that as this subject actually
stood, rthei British (Governnment owed no obligation to those British subjects
who had embarked their money\ in an adventure of the safety of which they
had themselves chosen to [be the judges. But suppose the recognition to
haje been im'idc b- Gcreat Brita;in sometime ago, as was wished, and the loan
to have followed, would not the duty of countenance and protection have
attached, and m i'h t not this serve to portray the hazards of coming too hastily
into relation, with di;st:ant states \\ hose credit or whose means, in their deal-
ings with the subjects of other nations, did not as yet appear to rest on any
sure or adefquate fohunldatilons
Respectini the l:itter topick I replied, that it was beyond my competence
to di-entancle all its details. All I could say was, that the government of
Colh:.nibia as far .is I \\ s informed had fallen into no departure from good
faith in the tr'-nsaction, -and it yet remained to-be known whether it would
not in tih end ci\ e satisfaction to all the parties concerned. But,-far from
an obstaclee in thdi \way of recoignizing, it appeared to me that the incident
fairl. led to different conclusions: for had Colombia at the period of the loan
been aidmnitted to regular relations with this government, it is to be presumed
that the powers of her diplo'matck agents would have been open to other
e\aminiLtions than they appear to have received, and the whole transaction
thus been freed fr.:om the subsequent embarrassments which surrounded it.
As to internal .icissitudes, I remarked that the dilemma thence arising was
not -recter than had b ,en witne-sed in France from time to time during a
period o:f more than twenty \ears, than had been seen in Naples since, or
than was e:.perienced :at this '.ery moment by Britain herself in her diplo-
matick intercourse with Portumal and Spain. Had we not seen revolutions


1491







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRII. I N


and counter-revolutions, royal governments, constitutional gov'-rnlments,
regencies, succeeding each other almost day by day in the oldest countries
of Europe, whose affairs too were still as unsettled as when tlhe. comrnotit:Il.
began? Why then be surprised at changes in the new world:? Besides,
these changes would be likely to be largely if not entirely checked Ly the fact
of the new states being recognized by Europe. This would ;.ive -tabilitv
to their institutions, and, by breaking down the hopes of the discontcnted
and the factions amongst themselves, become the sure guaranteed of their
greater internal prosperity and repose. What proofs had they not giien O:
military power? What proofs were they not giving of political \wd:clinm
Look at Buenos Ayres, that as long ago as 1807 could repulse the well-
appointed legions of Britain herself. Look at Colombia,-shce w;as at this
moment, at one and the same time, laying the ground work of a confederacy
for all Spanish America, and by her auxiliary veterans marched into Peru,
upholding the cause of emancipation upon that shore. Every thiiii attested
the reality of that emancipation. It was irrevocable. Spain minilt go on
with her languid efforts and protract, through her delusion, the nmiierie of
war. But over Spanish American independence, she had no longer ,iny
controul-Europe had no control. It was a question forever Settled. It
would soon be seen by Britain, that the United States, in :heir propops Is for
adjusting with Russia, and with Britain, the respective preten-ions of the
three powers on the coasts of the Pacific, were forced to take for ;ranted the
independence of all the late colonies of Spain on that continent, as the
inevitable basis of all just and practical negotiation. Their independence
was, in fine, the new political element of modern times and mu-t hencl'orth
.pervade the political arrangements of both worlds. \Why then should
SBritain longer forbear to acknowledge this independence? She had already
done so in effect; why should she not in form? She had, by her solemn
; statutes, made her trade with those new states lawful; she had sto:,d ready
to support that trade with her squadrons; she was on the eve of sending out
commercial agents to reside in some or all of them, as tlihe ,'uirdJian of
British interests; all this she had done, and more. She had e\en de:l ire, in
her state papers, that the question of their independence \\wa ::,.nT:!iilly
decided though the formal recognition of it might indeed be retardted, o. b'
hastened, by external circumstances. What external cirtumltancec Coldi,11
. be imagined more imperious for hastening this formal reco:,gnition than the
present, when Spain is seen to be doubly incapacitated from rei:,l.mnn
dominion over these states, and continental Europe actually nimditating -uch
unwarrantable designs upon them?
It was thus that I endeavoured to develop what I suppo-e to be the \iews
and convictions of the President upon this important subject. Our conver-
sation was prolonged to a couple of hours, and, although informal, wa,. I
need not say, of extraordinary interest. It was characterised by the freedom


1492






DOCC) M~.ENT 7"0-: CEPt f EM .LR 10, 1.523


with which I have reported it. In condemning it within the limits of these
sheet;, I can only hope that I have faithfully preserved its material points.
I do not flatter myself with any sanguine bIelef, that thi t-overnment will be.
prepared to yield to my appeals in favor ol immediate recognition; but I am
to have another interview with Mr. Canning somre dlay next week, or the
week alter, which he is yet to name, and I can only uiay that I will zealously
renew and extend, theel appeals as op:prtunitiks may be fitly afforded me.
Not knowing what other topick-n might have been handled at our interview
ve'terday, I had carried severall :of my paper' with me, and amongst them a
copy of your despatchl number seventy one.' I was glad that I had done so,
for thinking that the sentiment; which it expresses on the value of the
exi-ting and prospective concord between the two countries, were in unison
with the spiritt :, parts of our conversation, I did not scruple to read to him
before we separatedd its introductory pages. He was alike struck with their
applicability, and I carter myself that ;o opportune an exhibition to him of
these .entiments so recently conveyed to me from the high source of my
CIgovernment, may not he without its uset.
Should a ncnireiss be assembled under the guilty intention and hope of
cru-hinE South American freedom, and I receive an in station to it, I shall
not go, though the time lor me to say so will not arrive until the invitation
comes. For, first, I have no warrant Irom the Prcsident for such a step.
Nct, I infer from Mr. Canning's intimations, that Great Britain will send
no representative to it, -hould the United St sites have none there. I should
in this manner, by my absence, do more good than I possibly could by.my,
presence. It i1 thut that I already make known my contingent determina-
tion- upon event- that are contingent!
M1r. I-anninig a-_ not, as it appeared, aware until yesterday, that I was
prepared to come into hi- views, on condition of this government immedi-
at il and formally rLccgnizilig the new ctateI. I had intended that the
concluding ;entcnce of my note to him of the twenty seventh of August
should start this idea to his mind, though I hIld de-igncdly abstained from
putting it forth more openly :it that period of our correspondence.
I have the honor [ete I.
I Nor prnrEd. Sc. Ac :ib. .., pt. \lu, .1J.c. 793.


1493







PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GR EAT B RITAIN


798
Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, t. Johihn Qlrinciy I d,:s,
Secretary of State of the United Sta,,s '
LONDiON, (-I,.:,r 2, 1 27.
SIR: I had another interview with Mr. Canning ,on the twenty si'.th of
last month, at Gloucester Lodge, his residence a ihort dJitance fronl town.
The immediate motive of his inviting me to this interview nva-, t:o -I o\ me
a despatch which he had just received from Sir Charrlet Sitewart. the British
ambassador at Paris, which had a bearing upon our late conferences respect-
ing Spanish America. It recounted a short conver-atiun v.which he had had
with our charge d'affaires at that court, Mr. Sheldon, the purport :f which
was, that Sir Charles having taken occasion to mention to Mr. Sheldon the
projects of France and the Alliance upon Spanish America, Mr. Sheldon
replied that the government of the United States wi:s aware :f them all, and
disapproved of them. Mr. Canning, inferring that this reply of,1 our charge,
d'affaires probably rested upon some instructions or information from the
government of the United States, also inferred that it night lend it- aid
towards my consent to his proposals 2 of the 2oth of .\ u- t. iHe added, that
the despatch of Sir Charles Stewart had proceeded frcomn n-o pre\vicou- com-
munication whatever from him (Mr. Canning) upol.n the subject, but had
been altogether written on his own motion.
I replied, that what instructions or information the Legation of the U.
States at Paris might have received upon this subject. I could not undertake
to say with confidence; but that I scarcely believed :iny had reached it, which
were not common to me. That certainly I had none. other thl-n tho-e
general instructions which I had already mentioned to- him, evidently never
framed to meet the precise crisis which he supposed to be at hand respecting
Spanish America, but under the comprehensive spirit of which 1 v-:s never-
theless willing to go forward with him in his proposals upon the termrn I had
stated, in the hope of arresting this crisis.
He now declared that this government felt great em-barrassments aL re-
garded the immediate recognition of these new state LmiLbarrasi-s e-nt-s which
had not been common to the U. States, and asked w whether I could not give
my assent to his proposals on a promise by Great Britain of Il'lte acknowl-
edgment. To this intimation I gave an immediate and unnequivocal refusal.
Further conversation passed between us though chieily o:f a desucltory nature,
(it shall be reported at a future time,) and the conference ended l-b hi- siy-
ing that he would invite me to another interview in the ,ou:ir-e of a few days.
Having waited until now without yet hearing from himn I have concludc-d
to write you thus much of what passed on the 26th withoutt more del:ci. It


' MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXI X.
2 See above, pt. VIII, doc. 789.


1494







DOCliMENT 709: OCTOBER 0, IS.23


does not 'all within any of nm intentions to accede to Mr. Canning's over-
tures but on the basis of a fprevi.oas and explicit acknowledgment of the new
states by this government in manner as formal and ample in all respects as
was done bL the United States, \\ hose act of acknowledgment will be the
example upon which I shall stand. Even then, the guarded manner in
which alone my consent will be given when I come to use the name of my
government, ill, I trust, be found t:, free the step from all serious exception
on my part, should I finally take it.
I cannot be unaware, that in this whole transaction the British cabinet
are striving for their own ends; yet if these ends promise in this instance to
be also auspicious to the safety and independence of all Spanish America,
I persuade myself that we cannot look upon them but with approbation.
England it is true has given her countenance, and still does, to all the evils
with which the holy Alliance have afflicted Europe; but if she at length has
determined to stay the career of their formidable and despotick ambition in
the other hemisphere, the United States seem to owe it to all the policy and
to all the principles of their system, to hail the effects whatever may be the
motives of her conduct
M r. Cannine at the closef the the above interview, expressed his desire, that
in nfrinforming my government of his communications to me, I would treat
them as entirely confidential, as well the verbal as the written; the more so
if no act resulted from them. That no act will result from them, is my pres-
ent belief.
I have the honor letc.1.


799
,ftinorandumr, i.of a ConfeJrnec b.tai,'n tihe Prince de Polignac, French Am-
ba,ssador to Grat Britain. aund Mr. Cai'zinc. Secretary of State for
Fo:r i': Aflairs i of Gtrat Britain, ,iLLm Thursday, October
andi cncl.,d.d, 5;..nay, .'cto('cr 12, r823
The Prince de Polignac, having announced to Mr. Canning; that His
Excellency was now prepared to enter \with Mlr. Canning into a frank ex-
planation of the views of his Government respecting the question of Span-
ish Americai, in return for a similar communication which Mr. Canning had
previously offered to make tco the Prince de Polignac on the part of the
British .'abinet, Mr. Canning stated.
That the Briiish Cabinet has no disguise or reservation on that subject:
That their opinions and intentions were substantially the same as were an-
nounced to the French Govcrnme.nt by the dispatch of Mr. Canning to Sir
Charles Stuart IStewartl of the 3'1st of March; which that Ambassador
MS. Displatchcs iro m Grcat Branri XXiX encl...aic.J ach Rush to Adams, December
27, I1"3, uh ch see belI:, pt. %ilu o..c. fo".


1495








PART VIII: COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRIT A IN


communicated to M. de Chateaubriand, and which had since bten pub-
lished to the world.
That the near approach of a crisis, in which the affairs of Spanish America
must naturally occupy a great share of the attention of both Poi', er, made
it desirable that there should be no misunderstanding between them on any
part of a subject so important.
That the British Government were of opinion, that any attempt to brine
Spanish America again under its ancient submission to Spain, inu-t be utterly
hopeless; that all negotiation for that purpose would be unLuzccetcful; and
that the prolongation or renewal of war for the same object would be only
a waste of human life, and an infliction of calamity on both parties, to no
end.
That the British Government would, however, not only ab-tain from
interposing any obstacle, on their part, to any attempt at negotiation, which
Spain might think proper to make, but would aid and countenance such
negotiation, provided it were founded upon a basis which appeared to them
to be practicable; and that they would, in any case, remain strictlyy neutral.
in a War between Spain and the Colonies, if war should be unhappily pro-
longed.
But that the junction of any Foreign Power in an enterprise of Spain
against the Colonies, would be viewed by them as constitution an c-ntirldy
new question; and one upon which they must take such decision as the
Interests of Great Britain might require.
That the British Government absolutely disclaimed not only, any desire
of appropriating to itself any portion of the Spanish Colonie-, but any in-
tention of forming any connexion with them, beyond thoce of Amity and
Commercial Intercourse.
That in those respects so far from seeking an exclusive preference for it;
subjects over those of Foreign States, It was prepared and would be con-
tented, to see the Mother Country (by virtue of an amicable arrangement)
in possession of that preference; and to be ranked, after her, equally with
others, only on the footing of the most favoured nation.
That, completely convinced that the ancient system of the C'olonie- could
not be restored, the British Government could not enter into any stipula-
tion binding itself either to refuse or to delay its Recognition of their In-
dependence.
That the British Government had no desire to precip[itlate that Recog-
nition, so long as there was any reasonable chance of an accommodation
with the Mother country, by which such a recognition might come lir-t from
Spain-
But that it could not wait indefinitely for that result; that it could not
consent to make its Recognition of the New States dependii,'i upon that o1
Spain; and that it would consider any Foreign Interference, by force or


1496




Full Text

PAGE 2

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA LIBRARY THE GIFT OF Carnegie Endowment

PAGE 3

Publications of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Division of International Law Washington

PAGE 5

DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE OF THE UNITED STATES CONCERNING THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE LATIN-AMERICAN NATIONS

PAGE 7

DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE OF THE UNITED STATES CONCERNING THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE LATIN-AMERICAN NATIONS SELECTED AND ARRANGED BY WILLIAM R. MANNING, Ph.D. Division of Latin-American Affairs Department of State Author of The Nootka Sound Controversy; of Early Diplomatic Relations Between the United States and Mexico, and Editor of Arbitration Treaties Among the American Nations VOLUME III CONTAINING PARTS VIII TO XIV DOCUMENTS 755-1191 NEW YORK OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS AMERICAN BRANCH: 35 West 32nd Street LONDON, TORONTO. MELBOURNE, AND BOMBAY 1925

PAGE 8

/ v.S COPYRIGHT I926 BY THE CARNEGIE ENDOWMENT FOR INTERNATIONAL PEACE PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AT THE RUMFORD PRESS, CONCORD, N. H.

PAGE 9

Part

PAGE 11

LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III Part VIII. — Communications from Great Britain Doc. No.

PAGE 12

X LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III Part VIII. — Communications from Great Britain {Continued) Doc. No.

PAGE 13

LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III XI Part VIII. — Communications from Great Britain (Continued) Doc. No.

PAGE 14

Xll LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III Part VIII. — Communications from Great Britain {Continued) Doc. No.

PAGE 15

LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III Xlii Part VIII. — Communications from Great Britain (Continued) Doc. No.

PAGE 16

XIV LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III Part VIII. — Communications from Great Britain {Continued) Doc. No.

PAGE 17

LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III Part IX. — Communications from Mexico (Continued) xv Doc. No.

PAGE 18

Xvi LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III Part IX. — Communications from Mexico (Continued) Doc. No.

PAGE 19

LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III Part IX. — Communications from Mexico {Continued) xvu From To Date Page George Prager, U. S. Vice Consul at Tampico Joel Roberts Poinsett, U. S. Minister to Mexico Same Same Jose Maria de Bocanegra, Sec. of State of Mexico Joel Roberts Poinsett, U. S. Minister to Mexico Same Same George R. Robertson, U. S. Consul at Tampico Jose Maria Tornel, Mexican Minister to the U. S. Martin Van Buren, Sec. of State Same Same Same Joel Roberts Poinsett, U. S. Minister to Mexico Martin Van Buren, Sec. of State Same Same Same Daniel Brent, Acting Secretary of State of the U. S. Aug. 10, 1829 Aug. 22, 1829 Sept. 2, 1829 Sept. 22, 1829 Same Oct. 2, 1829 Oct. 14, 1829 Same Dec. 4, 1829 Aug. 22, 1830 1699 1700 1 701 1702 1702 1704 1705 1706 1706 1707 Part X. — Communications from The Netherlands Doc. No.

PAGE 20

XV111 LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III Part XI. — Communications from Peru Doc. No.

PAGE 21

LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III Part XI. — Communications from Peru {Continued) xix Doc. No.

PAGE 22

XX LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III Part XI. — Communications from Peru {Continued) Doc. No.

PAGE 23

LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III Part XII. — Communications from Russia (Continued) xxi Doc. No.

PAGE 24

Xxii LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III Part XII. — Communications from Russia (Continued) Doc. No.

PAGE 25

LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III Part XIII. — Communications from Spain (Continued) xxm Doc. No.

PAGE 26

XXIV LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III Part XIII. — Communications from Spain {Continued) Doc. No.

PAGE 27

LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III Part XIII. — Communications from Spain (Continued) xxv Doc. No.

PAGE 28

XXVI LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III Part XIII. — Communications from Spain {Continued) Doc. No.

PAGE 29

LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III Part XIII. — Communications from Spain (Continued) xxvn Doc No.

PAGE 30

XXV111 LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME III Part XIII. — Communications from Spain {Continued) Doc. No.

PAGE 32

NOTE The idiosyncrasies of spelling, punctuation, capitalization and grammar of the original manuscript stand uncorrected in this print, except in case of manifest and inadvertent error, where the correction could in nowise affect the sense.

PAGE 33

PART VIII COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN

PAGE 35

COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN 755 John Spear Smith, Charge d' Affaires of the United States at London, to James Monroe, Secretary of State of the United States * [extract] London, October 22, 1811. Mr. Stuart, Mr. Morrier [Morier?] & Captain Cockburn are the persons appointed by the Prince Regent, for the purpose of reconciling the Spanish Colonies in South America, to the Mother Country. I have the honour [etc.]. 756 Jonathan Russell, Charge d' Affaires of the United States at London, to James Monroe, Secretary of State of the United States 2 [extract] London, January 14, 18 12. Sir : I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your two letters of the 27th of Nov r . last. 3 . . . I shall endeavour to perform the trust committed to me relative to the independence of the Provinces of Venezuela in a manner calculated to accomplish the wishes of those provinces & the United States without compromitting the pacific relations of the latter with other powers. I feel it however to be in the existing state of things a delicate undertaking & should I defer it until I have a more accurate knowledge of the spirit which prevails here in relation to those Provinces I hope the delay will be approved by the President. I have the honour [etc.]. 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XVII. John Spear Smith left in charge of legation in Great Britain from May 7, 181 1, to November 15, 181 1. J MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XVIII. 3 See above, pt. I, doc. 12, Monroe to Barlow, November 27, 181 1, a copy of which also went to the legation in London.

PAGE 36

1432 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN 757 Jonathan Russell, Charge d' Affaires of the United States at London, to James Monroe, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] London, February 3, 18 12. The persons appointed here as mediators between Spain & her colonies will, I am well informed, immediately proceed to the execution of their trust. Cap*. Coburn probably leaves England this day for Lisbon with Mr. Benham on board who goes thither to replace Mr. Stuart. Cap*. Coburn 2 will thence proceed with Mr. Stuart to join Mr. Morier. The object of this mission as far as I can learn is to persuade the Spanish colonies to aid the mother country in her present struggle and to promise them new privileges immediately — and even to natter them with independence when this conflict is over. Much good is not indeed sanguinely expected from this interference but it appears generally to be admitted that the efforts of old Spain will cease the moment she is cut off from the resources of the new world. England will no doubt endeavour to draw from those provinces all the supplies which she possibly can for the aid of her ally during the war & to secure for herself the monopoly of their commerce afterwards. If we go to war with England these projects may not be unworthy of attention as we shall have ample means to render them abortive. 758 John Quincy Adams, United States Minister to Great Britain, to James Monroe, Secretary of State of the United States 3 [extract] London, January 22, 1816. On the 14th I wrote a Note to Lord Castlereagh, requesting an interview with him. On the 18th I received his answer, appointing the 25th to meet me, and apologizing for the delay, on account of his being detained in the country. The Ratification by the President, of the Commercial Convention, was received here on the 17th and was published in the Newspapers of the next day, together with the speech of the Chevalier Onis, upon his reception by the President. It is to be hoped that the restoration of the ordinary Diplomatic Relations, between the United States and Spain, will be followed 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XVIII. 2 Cockburn? See above pt. viii, doc. 755. 3 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XX.

PAGE 37

DOCUMENT 758: JANUARY 22, l8l6 I433 by a more conciliatory policy on the part of the latter Power, than she has hitherto pursued. The internal administration of Spain has given so much disgust to the public feeling of Europe, and particularly of this Country, that the British Cabinet itself has in some sort partaken of it. The National Sentiment in England is likewise strong in favour of the South Americans; and the prevailing opinion is that their Independence would be highly advantageous to the interests of this Country. A different and directly opposite sentiment is entertained by the Government. Their Disposition is decided against the South Americans; but by a political obliquity, not without example, it is not so unequivocally, in favour of the mother country. In the year 1776, that wise and honest Minister, Mr. Turgot, reported to the King of France, that it was for the interest of his kingdom, that the insurrection in North America should be suppressed; because the Insurgents when subdued, would still be such turbulent and mutinous subjects, that it would employ all the force of Great Britain to keep them down ; and her weakness would make her a peaceable, or at least a harmless neighbour. In the month of February 1778, France concluded a Treaty of Commerce, and an eventual Treaty of Alliance, with the United States, because they were de facto Independent. In the interval between those two periods, France was wavering, and temporizing — With one hand seizing American privateers in her Ports, and with the other sending supplies of arms and ammunition to America. This is precisely the present situation of Great Britain towards Spain. The Cabinet have many other reasons, besides that of Mr. Turgot, to secure the good neighbourhood of impotence, for wishing that the Insurrection should be suppressed. 1. They have a deep-rooted and inveterate prejudice, fortified by all the painful recollections of their own unfortunate contest, against any revolution by which Colonies are emanicipated and become Independent States. 2. They have a forcible moral impression, like that of their antipathy to the Slave Trade, that it is wrong, to assist or encourage Colonies in the attempt to throw off the yoke of their mother Country. 3. They dread the influence of example, and always remember how many Colonies they themselves still possess. 4. They fear the consequences of South American Independence upon the whole system of European Colonial Policy. Their attachment to this has been amply displayed, in their anxious and persevering efforts to draw the Braganza family back to Lisbon; efforts, well known to you; and which will probably yet be successful. 5. The mystic Virtues of Legitimacy. It is impossible to write with proper gravity upon this subject. But it has no small operation against the South American Independents. 6. And last but not least, they look with no propitious eye to the relations which will naturally arise between Independent Governments on the two American Continents. They foresee less direct advantage to themselves, from a free commercial intercourse with South America, than indirect injury, by its

PAGE 38

1434 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN tendency to promote the interests of the United States — Perhaps they think a period may arise when one of the parties to their struggle, will offer exclusive advantages and privileges to them as the price of their assistance. Hitherto they have professed to be neutral, and at one time offered their mediation between the parties — But they have assisted Ferdinand at least with money; without which, Morillo's armament never could have sailed from Cadiz, and they have suffered all sorts of supplies to be sent to the insurgents, from Jamaica. For, as, notwithstanding their inclinations, they are aware the South Americans may ultimately prove de facto Independent, they hold themselves ready to take advantage of the proper moment to acknowledge them, if it should occur. This is one of the points upon which the Opposition are continually urging the Ministry, but hitherto without effect. Should the United States be involved in a War with Spain, whether by acknowledging the South Americans, or from any other cause, we may take it for granted that all the propensities of the British Government will be against us. Those of the Nation will be so, perhaps in equal degree; for we must not disguise to ourselves that the national feeling against the United States is more strong and more universal than it ever has been. The State of Peace instead of being attended by general prosperity is found only to have aggravated the burdens of taxation which press upon the Country. There is considerable distress weighing chiefly upon the landed interest, although the accounts which you will see of it, are excessively exaggerated. Enough however is felt to prompt a strong wish for a new War, in a great portion of the community; and there is no Nation with which a War would be so popular as with America. But I have no hesitation in stating my conviction that the present policy of the Ministry towards America is more pacific than that of the Nation. They are aware of the responsibility which such a War would bring upon them, and are not at this time prepared to encounter it. Of the cession of Florida, I have not lately heard, but I think there is no considerable armed force prepared or preparing to be sent there either from England or Ireland. The Navy, as I have informed you, is reduced to a Peace Establishment unusually small, and even the ships that are recommissioned cannot be manned, without bounties and impressment. There is a Col 1 . Stapleton, Secretary to the Commissioners of the Barrack Office, going out in the frigate with Mr. Bagot. He goes to Charleston, South Carolina, as he says, on private business of his own. This is the only symptom I have yet perceived, of a large military expedition to Florida.

PAGE 39

DOCUMENT 759: FEBRUARY 8, l8l6 I435 759 John Quincy Adams, United States Minister to Great Britain, to James Monroe, Secretary of State of the United States l [extracts] London, February 8, 1816. The tone of struggling irritation and complacency with which this was said, induced me to observe that I did not precisely understand what he [Lord Castlereagh] intended by this advice of moderation. That the United States had no design of encroachment upon their neighbours, or of exercising any injustice towards Spain. . . . Instead of an explanation, he replied only by recurring to the British policy with regard to Spain. "You may be sure (said he) that Great Britain has no design of acquiring any addition to her possessions there. Great Britain has done every thing for Spain. We have saved, we have delivered her. We have restored her Government to her, and we had hoped the result would have proved more advantageous to herself as well as more useful to the world than it has been. We are sorry that the Event has not altogether answered our expectations. We lament the unfortunate situation of her internal circumstances; owing to which we are afraid that she can neither exercise her own faculties for the comfort and happiness of the Nation, nor avail herself of her resources for the effectual exertion of her Power. We regret this, but we have no disposition to take advantage of this state of things to obtain from it any exclusive privilege for ourselves. In the unfortunate troubles of her colonies in South America, we have not only avoided to seek, but we have declined every exclusive indulgence or privilege to ourselves. We went even so far as to offer to take upon us that most unpleasant and thankless of all offices, that of mediating between the parties to those differences. We appointed a formal mission for that purpose, who proceeded to Madrid; but there, the Court of Spain declined accepting our offer, and we have had the usual fortune of impartiality; we have displeased both parties. The Spanish Government for not taking part with them against their Colonies, and the South Americans for not countenancing their resistance." ... I told him that the policy of the American Government towards Spain, had in this particular been the same. They had not indeed made any offer of their mediation. The state of their Relations with the Spanish Government, could neither have warranted, nor admitted of such an offer. But they have observed the same system of impartial neutrality between the parties. They have sought no peculiar, or exclusive advantage for the United States, and I was happy to hear from him that such was the policy of Great Britain; for it might have an influence upon the Views of my own Government, to cooperate with it" — "I have always, (resumed he) "avowed it to be our 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XX.

PAGE 40

I436 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN policy, in Parliament. We have never acknowledged the Governments set up by the South Americans, because that would not have comported with our views of neutrality. But we have not consented to prohibit the commerce of our People, with them, because that was what Spain had no right to require of us. Our plan, in offering the mediation which Spain rejected was that the South Americans should submit themselves to the Government of Spain, as Colonies, because we thought she had the right to authority over them, as the Mother Country. But that she should allow them commerce with other nations. Nothing exclusive to us. We neither asked, nor would have accepted any exclusive privileges for ourselves. We have no little, or contracted policy. But we proposed that Spain should allow a liberal commercial intercourse between her Colonies and other Nations, similar to that which we allow, in our Possessions in India." I then asked him what he thought would be the ultimate issue of this struggle in South America? whether Spain would subdue them, or that they would maintain their Independence? He answered, that every thing was so fluctuating in the Councils of Spain, and generally, every thing was so dependent upon Events, not to be calculated, that it was not possible to say what the result might be. The actual state of things was the only safe foundation for present Policy, which must be shaped to Events, as they may happen. ... In closing this part of our Conversation, Lord Castlereagh desired me to consider all that he had just said with regard to Spain, the situation of her internal affairs, and the conduct of her Government, as confidential; it having been spoken with the most perfect freedom, and openness; and that if I should report it to my Government, I would so state it. I have therefore to request that it may be so received. 760 John Quincy Adams, United States Minister to Great Britain, to James Monroe, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] London, March jo, 1816. Sir: A few days since, Mr. Del Real, residing here as a Deputy from New Grenada called upon me and enquired if I had any knowledge of the arrival at Washington of Mr. Peter Gual, in a similar capacity from that Country. I told him I had heard generally that there were at Washington, deputies from the South American Provinces, but not particularly the name of that Gentleman. Mr. Del Real said he knew of his arrival at New York; but had not heard from him at Washington. He then enquired what foundation 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XX.

PAGE 41

DOCUMENT 760: MARCH 30, l8l6 1 437 there was for a rumour generally circulating here, of a rupture between the United States and Spain. I knew nothing further than had appeared in the English Newspapers. I had heard of a correspondence in December and January between the Secretary of State, and the Spanish Minister Onis, which had been communicated by the President to Congress, and the supposed substance of which had been published here. It had further been said that about the 12th of last month, Mr. Onis had left Washington, and that all communication between him and the American Government had been broken off. Later accounts equally unauthenticated, contradicted this last circumstance, but repeated that Mr. Onis had left Washington much dissatisfied. It was impossible for me to say what the real state of the Relations, between the United States and Spain were, but as to the question of Peace or War, I was persuaded it would depend upon Spain herself. If the demands of Mr. Onis, had been such as they were represented, the American Government neither would nor could comply with them — The present course of Spanish Policy was incomprehensible. If such demands were made, it could not be but with a knowledge that they must, and would be refused. In ordinary cases the very making of such demands would imply a settled determination of the Power, advancing them to follow up the refusal of them by immediate War. If such was the intention of Spain, the United States would have no alternative left, but to defend themselves. But they had no desire for a War with Spain. As to the South American Provinces struggling for their Independence, the general sentiment in the United States was certainly in their favour. But the Policy of the Government, a Policy dictated equally by their duty to their own Country, by their state of amity with Spain, and by their good-will to the South Americans themselves, was a strict and impartial neutrality between them and Spain. I said by their good-will for the South Americans themselves, because the neutrality of the United States was more advantageous to them, by securing to them the neutrality also of Great Britain, than any support which the United States could give them, by declaring in their favour, and making common cause with them, the effect of which probably would be to make Great Britain declare against both. He was aware that the popular feeling in this country was now favourable to the South Americans. More so than the dispositions of the present Ministry. They complied so far with the prevailing opinion as to observe a neutrality. But the same popular sentiment here, he knew was very strong against the North Americans; and if the United States, were openly to join the cause of South America, and consequently be engaged in a War with Spain, the British People would immediately consider them as the Principals in the contest: all their jealousies, and national antipathies would be enlisted against the common American cause, and as they are even now tormented with an uneasy hankering for War, which they think would relieve them from their embarrassments,

PAGE 42

1438 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN their Ministers would take advantage of these Passions, and engage this Nation upon the side of Spain, merely because the United States would be on the other side. He said he was perfectly convinced of the justice of these observations. I asked him if he had any knowledge of an order in Council, lately issued here, prohibiting all British subjects from supplying arms, ammunition and warlike stores to the South Americans. He said he had not. That the professed system of this Government had always been and continued to be neutrality. That they allowed a free intercourse between Jamaica and the South American Continent; and had given orders to their Admirals on the Station, not to molest the Independent flag, and had refused to deliver up vessels bearing it, which had entered their Ports. But whenever applied to for an acknowledgment of the Independent Governments, they had declined upon the ground of their engagements with Spain. I had shortly before had some conversation upon these subjects with Count Fernan Nunez, the Spanish Ambassador at this Court, who spoke to me, with some courteous expressions of concern, of this abrupt departure of Mr. Onis from Washington ; which he said was altogether unexpected to him — though he supposed Onis could not have acted without Orders. He then referred to the points which had been mentioned in the summary published here of your correspondence with Onis. He thought the expeditions from Kentuckey and Tennessee, might justly be considered by the Spanish Government as offensive; and that after the surrender of Carthagena, there was no insurgent Government and that all Vessels under its pretended flag were to be considered, and treated as Pirates — I said that I had no knowledge what the alleged expeditions from Kentuckey and Tennessee were, but was very sure they had no countenance from the Government of the United States. The President's Proclamation had on the contrary warned all the Citizens of the United States against engaging in any enterprize hostile to Spain. He said that the proceedings complained of were subsequent to the Proclamation. I replied that if any illegal combination for such a purpose had been formed at a distance from the seat of Government, it was to be considered that the Government of the United States had not the same means of immediate or of complete controul over them, as in similar cases were possessed by European Governments. They had an open Country. No barrier of fortified cities, to stop persons intending to pass the frontiers. No army, or corps of Gensdarmerie to support and give efficacy to measures of Police; and no authority to arrest individuals, or disperse assemblages, until possessed of proof that they have committed acts, or are in the process of committing acts in violation of the Law. With these considerations, I was very sure that if any such expeditions had been undertaken, they had neither been sanctioned nor connived at by the American Government. That they would on the contrary, in the manner, and according to the forms allowed by our Constitutions be ultimately and effectually prevented, unless

PAGE 43

DOCUMENT 761: APRIL 30, l8l6 1 439 this impatience and heat of Mr. Onis should precipitate the two Countries into a state of hostility which we sincerely deprecated. That as to commercial intercourse with the Independents, and the admission of their flag into our Ports, this he knew was conformable to the received usages of Nations. It was practised in this case by Great Britain, the closest ally of Spain, and no one knew better than he, that she had refused either to interdict the commerce with the insurgents to her Subjects, or to exclude their flag from her Ports. He at first nodded assent to these remarks; and I observed that if his Colleague Onis was ordered to demand his Passports for causes such as these, I should expect to hear that he Fernan Nunez had also left this Court without taking leave, as the causes of offence to Spain were the same here, as had been alleged by him at Washington. The Count said he did not know what Onis' orders were, and in truth it was not his concern . . . but for himself, he was pretty well satisfied with what he had lately obtained here against the insurgents. By which I understood him to allude to the recent order in Council, which I mentioned to Mr. Del Real, but of which he had not heard. Fernan-Nunez is a man of great softness of manners and politeness of demeanour, and throughout the whole of this conversation, preserved the most perfect good humour. 761 John Quincy Adams, United States Minister to Great Britain, to James Monroe, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] London, April jo, 1816. My letters of 22. and 31. January, and 8. February, 2 have given you a very full account of the execution of your Instructions of 10. December, 3 and of the views of this Government, in relation to Spain and Spanish Affairs. The debates in Parliament have occasionally furnished since then further elucidations of the British Policy. At the very commencement of the Session of Parliament, Mr. Brougham made a motion in the House of Commons for an Address to the Prince Regent, requesting him to interpose in behalf of the Spanish Patriots, who are suffering under Prosecutions by the Government of Ferdinand 7. On that occasion, after a very long speech of Mr. Brougham, and an animated debate, Lord Castlereagh closed the whole by a speech equally long, the main object of which was to inculpate the Spanish 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XX. 2 See above, pt. vm, docs. 758 and 759. The letter of January 31 is not printed in this collection. 3 See above, pt. 1, doc. 17.

PAGE 44

144-0 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN Patriots, and to defend the proceedings of Ferdinand's Government against them, but in which he at the same time said that this Government had interposed, and were yet interposing in behalf of the Patriots. If he had mentioned this at the time when Mr. Brougham gave notice of his motion the whole debate would have been superseded, and it appears that the motive for letting the debate take its course, must have been to have the opportunity of displaying in the face of Europe, a formal defence of Ferdinand's Government. The interference in behalf of the Patriots, was thus an ostensible compliance with the strong public sentiment of this Country, while the Spanish Government easily understood, that against these representations, it might assert all its spirit of Independence without much offending the remonstrants. It does not appear that there has been any relaxation of rigour, in the treatment of the Patriots, but the Madrid Gazette has given the utmost publicity in Spain to Lord Castlereagh's defence of Ferdinand. Since then in other debates, notice has been taken of the commerce between this Country and South America, and of the British Subjects taken at Carthagena by Morillo. Lord Castlereagh said this Government were taking all the measures in their power, to increase the commerce with South America, and that the Spanish Government were disposed to treat the British Subjects taken at Carthagena with indulgence. From all this, and especially from a comparison between Lord Castlereagh's speech on Mr. Brougham's motion, and what he was nearly at the same time saying to me, concerning Spain, under an injunction of confidence, the present British policy towards that Country may be accurately ascertained. 762 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l [extracts] London, March 21, 18 18. Since my arrival here, I have not been unmindful of the interest which the government and people of the United States take in the efforts which South America is making for its emancipation; nor how desirable it hence becomes to ascertain the intentions of this cabinet, and those of the principal continental powers in relation to that contest. . . . In the absence of other sympathies, the actual and swiftly rising power of the United States, guided as it is known to be by a policy liberal and just in international intercourse, may then open more distinctly to view; gaining 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXII.

PAGE 45

DOCUMENT 762: MARCH 21, l8l8 1 44 1 for her government, through the medium of its appointed agents abroad, a more quick and intimate participation in the councils of kings and princes than any other considerations but such as spring from a sense of her resources, and above all her complete independence, can promise to inspire. I hope the digression of these remarks will be pardoned. They are merely designed, if of any force, as hinting at some excuse for imparting so much less of authentic information on the affairs of South America, than I should desire to do, or than it has been my invariable aim to obtain. Should the projected congress take place, it may be affirmed, with reasonable certainty, that those affairs will engage in part its deliberations. In the meanwhile, were I to venture upon opinions, resting upon the best observation which the imperfect opportunities of a short residence have yet afforded, they would be chiefly, though not confidently, to the effect following. And first as to England. Notwithstanding the scarcely disguised antipathies of her ministers to the principle of that struggle; notwithstanding their late majority of one hundred and seventy five on the indemnity bill, and their increased security derived from a really meliorated condition of the country in most of its internal concerns, I do not believe that the cabinet of England contemplates a departure from its hitherto substantially neutral course. The cause of the patriots has numerous and powerful friends. Any active or declared interference against it, would be denounced as a wanton crusade against human liberty. It would want all the excuses that have marked out France as the victim of foreign dictation, and besides being thought to strike at some of the solid interests of the British nation, would shock the spirit of freedom yet left in whole classes, and be likely to create and bind together the elements of an opposition, that ministers with all their power may not choose to face. As respects Russia, recent acts will best speak for themselves. Judging from the little that has been open to me on this theatre, I should infer a decided predominance of friendly feeling on her part towards old Spain. France, from the force of several motives, seems to be more inclined than the others to see the quarrel made up by free offers of the olive branch proceeding from Ferdinand. But what France thinks, under her actual circumstances, is of so little account, that I will not further hazard inaccuracy by dwelling upon her views. It is an anxiety to make even the slightest contributions on a subject which I know is regarded with deep interest by the President under all its aspects, that alone has led me as far as I have gone. Paris and St. Petersburgh, the former too being now the scene of European discussions, will be the fountain of opinions far more ample and satisfactory.

PAGE 46

1442 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN 763 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] London, April 20, 18 18. Leaving both papers in the hands of his Lordship, [Lord Castlereagh] I next reminded him of his apparent intention to say something further on Spanish affairs at the moment of the breaking up of our last meeting. He resumed the thread. First he gave me an account more in detail than before of the manner in which their late mediation had been offered, and the grounds of rejection. This being all known at Washington need not here be repeated. He then said, speaking of the contest with the colonies and lamenting its long continuance, that Great Britain had done all in her power to cause it to be made up; but hitherto without success. That she would not wholly give over her efforts, always desiring that Spain should pursue a liberal course. He explained by saying, a course that would look largely to the commercial emancipation of the colonies. The communication which he made of chief importance was this: that Great Britain would not be instrumental to the settlement of the dispute upon terms, which, drawing to herself peculiar advantages, would exclude the U. States, or any other nation, from a just participation in the trade of South America. He hoped that the United States would continue to be actuated by the same policy. I naturally reminded him of the declaration on this point contained in the President's Message at the opening of Congress in December last. He asked if our government had given notice beforehand to Spain, of its intention to take possession of Amelia Island; also, whether I was acquainted with its determination as to the reception of deputies from the provinces, and the character with which it designed to clothe them. Respecting the first question, I replied, that I had no precise information. It afforded me an opportunity for the first time, which I was careful to improve, of alluding to the imperious considerations which led to that measure. Even if Spain had had no previous formal notice, I said, that not only was the government of the United States always ready to explain satisfactorily the grounds of its conduct, but had also, I was sure, made the movement under a proper sense of all the just rights and claims of that power to the territory occupied. His Lordship offered no reply. While on that part of the subject which led me to speak of the vexatious interruptions of our neighbouring commerce as one of the motives for the occupation, his manner indicated an acquiescence in its force. The second question I thought still more pointed. It induced me to speak with some particularity on our general relations with Spain. In doing so I 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXII.

PAGE 47

DOCUMENT 764: JULY 25, l8l8 I443 had only to recall to his recollection facts contained in the many state papers that have gone to the world. I referred especially to the leading one of January the nineteenth 18 16 l from the department of state to Mr. Onis, and to the occasion which drew it forth. In that paper was stated at large the principles upon which the United States had acted. Regarding the contest in the light of a civil war, they had, as well before as since the distinctive exposition there given of the line of their policy, observed all the corresponding duties of a fair neutrality. I went on to say, that, urged by a sincere desire to accommodate their differences in a friendly manner with Spain, and a constant reluctance to disturb the peace of the world ; they had maintained this neutrality in the face of long-standing and as they conceived well-founded causes of complaint against the justice of the parent state. He neither assented to nor impugned any of my remarks. I said in conclusion, answering more directly the inquiry, that up to the time of my leaving Washington, those deputies had not been formally received, and that I was without information from my government since. 764 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 2 [extract] London, July 25, 18 18. I now proceed to state all that passed in these interviews relative to the affairs of South America. This subject has taken a turn little anticipated; but to me it only belongs to possess the department of the declarations of Lord Castlereagh. I endeavoured in the most ample and exact manner in my power, consistently with the spirit of a friendly communication, to fulfil the instructions of your number 4 3 on the interesting points which it discusses. Explaining the views and expectations of the government of the United States I said that it was not from a mere desire to draw aside the veil of European politics that it sought information on the plans respecting Spanish America; but from the real and deep interest which it had such good reason to take in that struggle. That moreover it asked nothing which it was not willing to impart, being ready to disclose with candour and fulness its own course and intentions, as in fact it had been doing; and that especially it was the wish of the Presi1 See above, pt. 1, doc. 18. 2 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIII. 3 See above, pt. 1, doc. 56, Adams to Rush, May 20, 1818.

PAGE 48

1444 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN dent, if so allowed, to act in perfect good understanding with this government in relation to all that bore upon that great question. To a full opening on my part, his Lordship offered the following replies. He began by declaring not merely the willingness but the desire which the British government felt to communicate to that of the United States the whole plan of mediation which had been projected, at the instance of Spain, by the European alliance. That it most fully acknowledged our strong and natural interest in the questions; but that, in truth, there was, to this hour, no plan matured. That such difficulties had grown up with Spain touching the very fundamental points upon which a general mediation should be interposed, that no adjustment of them had taken place. That these difficulties were increased by the obstacles to a quick intercourse of counsels where some of the parties were so remote from each other as St. Petersburgh, Vienna, and Madrid. That he was aware of the promise made by Mr. Bagot the latter end of January, of which I had reminded him, and which had not been kept only for the reasons mentioned, viz., an inability, prolonged much beyond any period that had been expected, to do so upon any precise or satisfactory grounds. That even the place of meeting for the mediation was not fixed. That when the sovereigns got together in the Autumn, the subject would be taken up, though not the primary one of the meeting, and efforts made to arrange it. That whenever the terms and conditions of a pacification could be settled, which still continued to rest in total uncertainty, the promise made to our government would be redeemed. His Lordship expressed himself in a way full of conciliation towards the United States, saying that the British government naturally abstained from all steps that might have brought them in as party to the mediation, from a belief that it would contradict their general wish and policy to be leagued with Europe for such an object, added to the consideration of the peculiar nature of their subsisting relations with Spain. Here I took care distinctly to disavow for my government all desire to have the least participation in the mediation. From the turn and exigencies of the conversation I did not go on further and make known the terms upon which alone it would ever yield its concurring assent to any plan of pacification. Nothing having been said of terms on the other side, except to inform me that none whatever had been agreed upon, I thought that such a communication was not, for the present, called for. Other and more appropriate opportunities may occur to me of disclosing that the United States look to the absolute and unqualified independence of the colonies, and would embark their consent on no other basis, if indeed it has not long since been abundantly inferred that such is their fixed policy and determination. Premising that I do not include the legations of either Russia or France among the sources of my knowledge, I have incidentally heard, in diplomatic circles, thus much touching the mediation, ist. That as regards the

PAGE 49

DOCUMENT 765: AUGUST 3, l8l8 I445 Alliance, it is the undoubted wish of one and all the potentates that a mediation must, by all means, assume as its basis a continuance of the royal government and supremacy of Spain — a delusion which seems even to survive the annihilations of Osorio's forces in Chili. Next that as regards the determinations of Ferdinand, he insists upon the following points, agreeing to the concessions which they import. 1. That he will grant an amnesty to the colonies on condition that they submit and lay down their arms. 2. That henceforth, in his royal service in America, he will, at his option, occasionally employ the natives, taking also, whenever he chooses, the European Spaniard. 3. That he will grant the colonies certain priviledges of trade, which he does not define. And 4th, That in the progress of the mediation he will concur in all measures proposed by the sovereigns, provided he approves of them. Neither the indistinct, nor the ludicrous, character of these terms must be viewed as impugning their reality. I am very credibly informed that they are such as he substantially and peremptorily holds to, somewhat to the discomfiture of the deliberations of those who would stand by him. In my interview with Lord Castlereagh on the sixteenth, he mentioned the order of this government of the eighth of June respecting those unauthorised cruisers, which, under colour of the South American flag, commit depredations upon British vessels or commerce on the high seas. It will be seen by this document, of which no other than a verbal mention was made to me but which will be found in the newspapers that go to the department, that the colonies are recognized as competent to grant lawful commissions of war. His Lordship made no comment upon the order, nor did I. I have the honor [etc.]. 765 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l London, August 3, 18 18. Sir: On the thirty first of last month I met Lord Castlereagh at the French ambassador's. It was on the occasion of a dinner given to the Prince Regent, to which the whole diplomatic corps was invited. In the evening his Lordship took me aside to say, that he had a communication to make on the affairs of South America. That since our last conversations, the Spanish government had made new propositions, through the medium of the Spanish ambassador at this court, to the British government upon the subject of a mediation, inviting also the European alliance 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIII.

PAGE 50

I446 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN generally as parties to it. That the note from the Spanish ambassador, had been written early last month, but that the first interview with me had taken place so immediately after his own return from Ireland that he had not then seen it, and that at our second a convenient opportunity did not present itself for dwelling upon the matter which it contained. He mentioned these circumstances as explanatory of the nature of his recent communications to me, and which will of course be likewise applicable to the contents of my despatch number thirty, 1 which embodies all that had been said to me up to the period of its date. He added, that it had been his desire to seek another and early interview specially upon this topic to which end he invited me to come to his house on the following day at eleven in the morning. I went accordingly. Premising that what he was about to impart was to be considered as confidential, he proceeded without further remark to put into my hands a copy of the note itself from the Spanish ambassador, which I read. It bears date on the third of July. Next he furnished me with a copy of the answer of this government dated in July, which I also read. Thirdly, as coupling itself with the subject, he likewise offered to my perusal the paper drawn up by this government on the twenty eighth of August 181 7 addressed not to Spain, but to the other powers of Europe, and containing the sentiments of the British court at that epoch, of the nature of which Spain was made acquainted through the channel of the British embassy at Madrid. If the knowledge of all that these several papers embrace was to be communicated to the department through me alone, I should anxiously strive to go through the task; but I am happy to subjoin, that his Lordship stated it to be his intention, in compliance with former declarations, to transmit them at once to Mr. Bagot with instructions to lay their contents fully and unreservedly before our government. It is therefore unnecessary that I should run the risk of inaccuracy by attempting to detail them, minutely, after but a single perusal in quick succession; yet, knowing the anxiety of the President upon this interesting subject, and in the possible hope of anticipating the arrival of his Lordship's despatches to Mr. Bagot, I will make known, for the President's early information, the most material and prominent points. As respects the paper of the twenty eighth of last August, I need say nothing. Such of its matter as is not superseded by lapse of time, is recapitulated in the late note from this government of which I shall have occasion to speak. It may be sufficient to remark, that the attempt at mediation went off at that time on the point of the slave trade, Great Britain insisting on its cessation, for an agreement to which Spain was not then ripe. The note from the Spanish ambassador of July the third, solicits in the 1 See above, pt. vin, doc. 764, Rush to Adams, July 25, 1818.

PAGE 51

DOCUMENT 765: AUGUST 3, l8l8 I447 most formal manner the mediation of this court. Its introductory remarks dwell upon the rebellious character of the war, upon the past clemency of the parent country, and its present willingness to see the unhappy quarrel terminated upon principles that are moderate and just. The basis upon which the mediation is asked is than stated. It consists of four conditions. It so falls out that, as well in real meaning from all that I could discover, as in the order in which they are set out, they are the same as those unofficially mentioned at the close of my number thirty: 1 that is to say, 1st. An amnesty is to be granted to the colonies on their being reduced. Lord Castlereagh explained this word, which was a translation from the Spanish, by saying that Spain did not mean by it conquered, but merely that the colonies must desist from hostility. 2ndly. The King agrees to employ in the public service in America, qualified Americans, as well as European Spaniards. 3rdly. He agrees to grant the colonists priviledges of trade, adapted to the existing posture of things. 4thly. He engages to acquiesce in all measures which the mediating powers may suggest calculated to effect, in their true intent, the above objects, which he further hopes will be speedily brought about by their cooperating counsels and efforts. I do not pretend to give the words, but believe that the above will be found to be the purport of each condition. I come to what is most important in proceeding to state the answer of the British court. 1. It approves of these propositions, considered as general propositions, but calls for explanations in detail that the meaning of some of them may be rendered more definite. 2. It expresses an unequivocal opinion, that the dispute ought to be healed without overthrowing the political supremacy of the parent state. 3. Touching commerce, it declares, that the trade of the colonies ought to be free to the rest of the world, the mother country being placed upon a footing of reasonable preference. 4. It is very explicit in making known, that Great Britain will do no more than interpose her friendly offices, repudiating every idea of compulsion or force, should they fail. Under these explanations, the mediation is accepted. The note of the twenty-eighth of August 181 7 is alike explicit in disavowing all intention of forcing by arms the colonies into any measures whatever. It is very full also on the point of their commercial freedom, and goes the length of saying, that Great Britain will accept no priviledges in this respect but on equal ground with other nations. Thus much will, I hope, be found to possess the President of the essential features of both the notes, and consequently of the present views and determinations of the British government upon this great question. 1 See above, pt. vin, doc. 764.

PAGE 52

I448 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN Having gone through the reading of all three, and expressed, as I took leave to do, an approbation of some of the principles disclosed by this court as being in unison with those held by the United States, his Lordship put the question to me directly, whether I knew the views of my own government in relation to the final termination of the struggle. Here an occasion was made to my hand of distinctly communicating them, which I accordingly improved. I said, that its desire was, to see the colonies completely emancipated, and that such too was its belief, would be the only permanent issue of the contest. He received the communication with apparent regret. He was, he said, sincerely desirous that the two governments should act in harmony, and this was perhaps the only point where their policy would be found divergent. I replied, that it was, unfortunately, a fundamental one. He reiterated his expressions of the interest which the United States naturally had in the whole question, on which account its being known that they coincided in opinion with Europe on all the points of pacification, though they took no part in it, would have, as it ought to have, an influence in rendering it effectual. I gave his Lordship no reason to expect that their policy would chang*e. The conversation soon afterwards ended in the same conciliatory spirit in which it began, — a spirit which has invariably marked all the official conversations I have held with his Lordship during my residence, thus far at this court. Before parting, he asked in a way altogether casual, if I had any accounts respecting the capture of Pensacola, by General Jackson. I replied that I had not. I added, being careful that my manner should take from every thing offensive in the sentiment, that although the United States felt themselves free to act, in their relations with Spain, without any appeal to Europe, they nevertheless respected the moral force of opinion, and would, I doubted not, be able in due time strictly to justify the measure. At the dinner at the French ambassador's I was pointedly asked the same question by the Russian and Prussian ambassadors, to which I gave, in effect, the same answer. Another of the corps said to me, that the duke of San Carlos, the Spanish ambassador, was greatly excited under the news. If I may be pardoned the familiarity of repeating the very words of my informant, they were, that the duke " had got the fidgets. " It will be seen from the newspapers what sensation it has produced upon at least a portion of the British publick. Insurance upon vessels of the United States has, I have just been told, risen one half per cent within the last few days. Whether this has been occasioned by the possible apprehension of a Spanish war, or arises from the increasing accounts of depredations upon all ships going to America by piratical cruisers under colour of some Spanish American flag, I have not, at this moment, the means of determining. I take this occasion to mention, that no reply has been given to my note to this government of the eighteenth of June, relative to the four articles on

PAGE 53

DOCUMENT 766: NOVEMBER 20, l8l8 1 449 colonial trade; and that, from the harmony of all the intermediate conversations 1 have had with Lord Castlereagh in the course of which the subject has not again been referred to, I no longer anticipate one. I have the honor [etc.]. 766 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] London, November 20, 1818. I have anxiously watched, with the best lights I could command in this quarter, the progress of events at Aix la Chapelle, so far as they chiefly concern us. I mean in regard to the affairs of South America and Spain. The government of the latter might perhaps receive commiseration for its imbecility, did not its conduct in all other respects strip it, day by day, of all remaining titles to confidence and respect. Accordingly, deserving no friends at Aix la Chapelle, it appears to have found none. From what I can collect in diplomatic circles, there exists no serious intention on the part of any of the great sovereigns to take the cause of Ferdinand effectively in hand. I have been told, that when the king of Prussia first heard of hi^ capricious removal of Pirano, and tyranical treatment of him afterwards, he really uttered the exclamation which the journals of Europe ascribed to him: "This is the policy of Asia." Pirano had once been ambassador at Berlin. This unpopularity of a king among kings; this political solecism happily produces another. It softens if it does not subdue their natural hostility against his former subjects struggling for their freedom. The assembling of this congress at a period up to which the United States had maintained a passive course, appears to have created a favorable and peculiar juncture respecting that interesting contest, which will perhaps leave them henceforth more at liberty to act upon their own views of it; views springing from feelings known to be alike dear to the American government and people. I will add, that I have reason to think, that the communication which, by order of the President, I made some time ago to this government, of the unequivocal determination of the United States to acquiesce in no plan of settling the contest that did not look to the absolute independence of the colonies as a fundamental point, has not been without its influence in working a change in British councils; and that it may even prove the means, in connexion with other causes, of exciting 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIII. The portion of this document printed in small capital letters was received in cipher.

PAGE 54

1450 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN kinder feelings in them towards the patriots, not indeed from sympathy in their cause, but an apprehension of other consequences. But on this head I speak doubtfully. IT WILL BE ENOUGH THAT I REPEAT WITH INCREASING CONFIDENCE THE BELIEF WHICH I HAVE HERETOFORE EXPRESSED THAT G. B. WOULD NOT CONSIDER OUR RECOGNITION OF THE INDEPENDENCE OF ANY OF THE COLONIES AS IN ITSELF CAUSE OF WAR. I have the honor [etc.]. 767 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l London, February is, i8iq. Sir: Your despatch, number fifteen, of the first of January, 2 got to hand on the eighth of this month. On the ninth I addressed a note to Lord Castlereagh, asking an interview for the purpose of making known to him the matters of which it treats. He named Friday the twelfth at nine in the evening, for me to call upon him. I informed him that the despatch which I had received related altogether to the struggle going on in South America, and was very distinct and full in its disclosure of the intentions of the President upon that subject. That it set out with stating, that the government of the United States, continued to consider the controversy in the light of a civil war, under which head a course of general reasoning followed, going to ascertain the true duty of a neutral state, which had been the condition of the United States, towards both the parties to this war. It showed next in order, that the conduct of the United States had, in point of fact, always strictly conformed, as far as had been possible, to this duty. It then spoke of the mediation invoked by Spain for the settlement of the dispute, bringing into view what had also been the uniform conduct of the United States in relation to it up to the present period. Dwelling upon the visible progress which some of the newly formed states in South America had made towards an independent existence, it next gave into a hope, that the time was rapidly approaching if it had not arrived when the British government and the powers of Europe generally, might perhaps see their own interest, that of Spain herself, as well as of these new states, in such a recognition of the latter as would bring them within the pale of nations. Finally it declared, that, as regarded Buenos Ayres, the President had come to a determination to grant an exequatur to a consul general who had been appointed by the government of that country so long ago as before the month of May last to reside in the United States; or to 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIII. 2 See above, pt. i, doc. 71.

PAGE 55

DOCUMENT 767: FEBRUARY 15, 1819 I45I recognize its independence in some other way, should no event occur in the meantime to justify a postponement of his intention. After this summary of the points, I thought that I could in no way so well put his Lordship in possession of the facts and reasoning by which they were elucidated and enforced, as by reading to him the despatch itself. Besides the advantage which this course would be sure to bring with it of enabling me to fulfil with perfect precision my instructions, I was the more induced to it by the recollection that he had himself, in more than one instance, adopted it as a means of informing me of the intentions of this government. It seemed to be the first occasion which I have yet deemed a suitable one for reciprocating on my part this kind of confidence. The despatch embracing no other topick, and dealing of this, throughout, in terms which it appeared to me proper for this government to hear, and better than any I could have employed, I accordingly proceeded to read the whole of it to him. It was evident, when I had done that some passages were unexpected to him. They were those the spirit of which seemed to import, that the government of Great Britain was, in reality, inclining to our view of the subject as regarded the emancipation of the colonies. He said he was not aware upon what occasion his government had uttered sentiments leading to this impression. At any rate, none such had been intended to be conveyed. On the contrary, he observed, that while Great Britain had, from the first, anxiously desired to see the controversy at an end, and had done her best to effect this desire, it had always been upon the basis of a restoration of the supremacy of Spain; on an improved plan of government indeed, especially as regarded the commercial interests of the colonies, but still a complete and total supremacy. That he candidly thought, that this mode of ending the conflict, besides being the one pointed out to Great Britain by all the subsisting relations between herself and Spain, would prove the best for both parties, and the world at large, as the materials of regular and orderly government among the colonies did not, at present, appear to exist. That it was therefore impossible to predict in what manner they would be able to sustain themselves as independent communities, whether as it concerned their own happiness and prosperity or the principles which might affect their intercourse with established nations. These had been the leading motives with Great Britain to wish that the colonies might be brought back again under the authority of the parent state, motives that still had their operation, and must continue to have as long as any room or hope was left of the result at which they aimed being accomplished. The employment of force as a means of bringing it about, Great Britain had ever repudiated, and still did, the moral power of opinion and advice being the sole ground upon which he had acted, hitherto he admitted to no effective purpose. It was, upon this basis, however, that she had agreed to become party to the mediation in the manner made known to me during the last summer, and the relations which

PAGE 56

1452 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN bound her to the allied powers as well as to Spain, held her to this course, in whatever degree the councils and conduct of Spain might seem to retard the hope of its success. Such was the nature of his remarks. They corresponded, as he observed, with what had been stated to me in the summer, for a detail of which I must beg to refer to my number thirty two, of the third of last August. 1 Things stood, he said, in regard to the mediation upon the same footing, substantially, now as then ; that is, although it had been acceded to by the European alliance, nothing in effect had been done. The subject had several times been brought into discussion at Aix la Chapelle, but no act had yet followed. Spain seemed bent upon a prosecution of the contest upon her own means, and was rallying them at the present moment in the hope of bringing it to a close upon her own terms. In the discussions above alluded to, he had found both France and Russia labouring under a belief that the United States desired to be associated in the mediation, and that they would be willing to come in upon the same basis with the other powers, until he had removed it. The duke of Richelieu had been very decided in this belief. His Lordship concluded with expressing anew his regrets, that my government viewed the question of emancipation in a light opposite to that in which it was still looked at by the government of Great Britain. What fell from him on this occasion may seem to clash with some of the opinions expressed, on less authentick grounds, in my despatch number forty six. 2 I am bound on the other hand to add, that his whole manner was conciliatory. While he expressed regret at the divergent views of our two governments upon the point of emancipation, he indulged in no other sentiment than regret, nor was this expressed but in the mildest way. The known opinions of the United States, he thought, from obvious political and local causes, could not fail to have had an influence upon the South Americans. Hence, he said, the wish that had been cherished here, that their policy had harmonized with that of Europe upon this fundamental point, thinking that it might have been the means, although they were not formal parties to the mediation, of sooner healing the dispute upon terms which the governments of Britain and of Europe really thought best for the colonies, best for Spain, and best for all other nations. How far it was yet practicable to settle it, giving back to Spain her supremacy, and granting to the colonies a just government under her sway, he could not affirm; but it was the hope to which the European alliance clung. He admitted that Buenos Ayres stood upon a better footing in the proofs it had afforded of capacity to exist as an independent community, than any of the other colonies; and freely admitted also the present and prospective value of our commerce in that quarter when I had occasion to mention that it already consisted on our side of articles so important 1 See above, pt. vm, doc. 765. 2 Ibid., 766, Rush to Adams, November 20, 1818.

PAGE 57

DOCUMENT 767: FEBRUARY 15, 1819 1453 to particular portions of the United States as fish, naval stores, ready built vessels, furniture, and lumber of every description. The conversation closed with a declaration on his part, that the unreserved and candid disclosure which had been made to this government of the President's intentions respecting this struggle, and especially of the intended recognition of Buenos Ayres, would be taken as a mark of confidence, and received in the spirit in which they had been communicated. He said nothing further. Being the first interview I had had with his Lordship since the arrival in this country of your despatch to Mr. Erving of the twenty eighth of November, 1 and the other documents relating to the transactions in Florida which were laid before Congress on the twenty eighth of December, I was not sure that he would not have made some allusion to them. He, however, did not. This leaves me to infer, for the present, that no exception is taken by this court to any of them. The names of Arbuthnot and Ambrister were only once glanced at, and that incidentally. His Lordship was saying, that notwithstanding the neutrality of the government of Great Britain as between Spain and the colonies, the latter had undoubtedly received aid from England, as from the United States, in arms, ammunition, and men, in ways that the laws could not prevent. This led him to speak of the order of the court of Madrid of the fourteenth of January last, denouncing such heavy penalties against all subjects of foreign states, who join the standard of the colonists. "This order" said he, "is very much felt by France; but we give ourselves no concern at it, to whatever remarks the principles on which it assumes to rest might be open. Those of our subjects who choose to join the colonists must take all consequences; we can hold out no hand to protect them, any more than we thought ourselves bound to do in the case of the two men who intermeddled with the savages along your borders." I have learned that the Spanish ambassador at this court, makes frequent and earnest remonstances against the military supplies and assistance which it is notorious are going almost daily from English ports to South America. It seems difficult to reconcile the professions with the conduct of the British cabinet upon this subject; for certainly, lax as the existing laws of England may be in all power to restrain these armaments, it would be easy to strengthen them. Lord Castlereagh did hint at a half-formed intention that had existed of bringing a bill into parliament with this object, which however had been abandoned from the difficulties attending any attempt to conciliate with all other parts of their present system, any new prohibitory or restraining statutes. I have the honor [etc.]. 1 Not printed in this collection.

PAGE 58

1454 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN 768 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] London, March 22, 18 ig. His Lordship [Lord Castlereagh] informed me that, since our conversation of the twelfth of last month, 2 the long standing topick of the mediation, had taken a decisive turn. This turn consisted, in Spain having absolutely and finally declined it. There was therefore he said at present an entire end of the subject, as to any further steps to be taken either by Great Britain, or, as I also understood him, by any of the powers of Europe in relation to it. Recapitulating the history of this mediation, now, after so much expectation, come to an abortive close, he went over many of the grounds connected with its origin and progress to which he had alluded in past conversations, and which have had place from time to time in my former despatches. Referring to what had passed at Aix la Chapelle, he said, that it had entered into the plan of the allies, that if the mediation had been acted upon, it should have been upon the basis, superadded to every other, of Spain conceding to such of her South American colonies as had not been in general revolt, the same terms, so far as would be applicable to their future government, as were proposed to be granted to those that had openly resisted her authority. He also said, that it had been suggested, that some one individual in whom as well Spain herself as the allies had confidence, should be selected to repair to Madrid as the representative with full powers of the latter, in the whole business of the mediation, and that the duke of Wellington should be that individual ; but that this proposition had not been acceded to by Spain. Further he observed, that Spain had made a request to be permitted to send a representative to the congress at Aix la Chapelle; but that this request was deemed of a nature not to be acquiesced in by the allies. These were the only points adverted to by his Lordship which had not been stated to me upon former occasions. I collected from all he said, that the part Spain has now acted, has grown out of the change of ministery in that country. It will be recollected that this event took place contemporaneously with the assemblage of the sovereigns at Aix la Chapelle. It appears, that those who have since directed the publick councils at Madrid, are resolved to place exclusive reliance upon their own efforts of vigor by sea and land, and upon the supplies of their own treasury, for putting down all insurrection throughout the dominions of Ferdinand. His Lordship concluded by remarking, that this total rejection of the mediation would not influence the course which this government would 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIII. 2 See above, pt. vni, doc. 767, Rush to Adams, February 15, 1819.

PAGE 59

DOCUMENT 769: MAY 14, 1819 1455 otherwise have adopted under the communication which I made to him on the twelfth of February; meaning, as he explained, that it had created no unfriendly sensibility in the British cabinet towards Spain. I am left to infer from this remark, that the precise and final views which are to be taken by this government of our recognition of the independence of Buenos Ayres, are not yet determined upon. The intentions of the President upon this point, have doubtless been under consideration; but beyond the expressions of a general nature uttered by his Lordship on first being made acquainted with them, he has said nothing except what dropped from him as above. I was desirous that he should have pursued the subject; but he was evidently disinclined to go into it with any more particularity. 769 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States x [extract] London, May 14, 18 ig. . . . I have been in company with the Portuguese charge d'affaires. He informed me, that he has little hope of count Palmella's succeeding in the object of his visit to Paris, and that the great armament at Cadiz was carrying on its preparations with all expedition to go against Monte Video, which he thought would certainly be its first destination should this last attempt at negociation fail. He spoke as if his court was under but slight alarm from the meditated hostility of Spain, and alluded with complacency to the subsisting guarantee of the European possessions of Portugal by Great Britain. He inquired with some interest as to the intentions of the United States respecting the acknowledgement of Buenos Ayres, saying that whenever that event took place, he believed that Portugal would not be slow to follow the example. It was at the table of the duke of San Carlos that I met this gentleman. With the former I exchanged congratulations on the happy prospect of seeing Spain and the United States placed by the late treaty upon the best of terms, both of us agreeing, that the happiness of each nation was thereby best to be promoted. Last week, I had a request from Mr. Hamilton, that I would refer him to all our Acts of Congress passed to preserve our neutral relations, but chiefly those that were known to have been aimed at Spain and the colonies. It is not the first time since I have been here, that I have sent these laws to the foreign office. The motive and result of this second application for them, 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIII.

PAGE 60

1456 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN may be seen in the proceedings of the house of commons yesterday. It appears that the attorney general has asked leave to bring in a bill the object of which is to prevent for the future the departure from the ports of this kingdom of men, ships, or military supplies, for the use of the Spanish patriots. Thus is the British government at last about to tread in the steps of our legislation upon this subject, with a declaration from Lord Castlereagh, that his majesty's ministers owe an apology to Europe, for not having adopted the measure sooner. Other parts of this debate may attract the eye of the President. 770 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] London, July 21, 18 ig. A minister or deputy, Mr. Yrisari [Yrisarri], has lately arrived here from Chili. It will be taken for granted, that the government has not received him. It is said that he has been invested by the Independents with five hundred thousand pounds to aid their cause in this capital, and that he cherishes the expectation of being able to send out assistance to them in men as well as in other ways, notwithstanding the provisions of the foreign enlistment law. I presume by evading them. Rumours add, that the great banker, Rothschild, has declared that he will advance the whole sum if Sir Robert Wilson will take the command of the expedition to be sent out, and that the latter has actually gone to Paris to see if he can select and organize a corps of officers. The Cadiz armament is now said to be bound to Venezuela, to cut up the English auxiliaries. I have the honor [etc.]. 771 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] London, August 24, 18 iq. Knowing that the course of events in South America must influence more or less the wayward councils of Ferdinand, I feel a desire more frequently than it is in my power to execute it to report for the information of the Presi1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIV.

PAGE 61

DOCUMENT 771: AUGUST 24, 1819 1 45 7 dent all such occurrences in this quarter as held out any prospect of affecting the progress of those events. I had the honor upon former occasions, to speak of the intended departure of Lord Cochrane to act in a naval capacity with the South Americans at Chili, and of the embarkation from the Thames of the recruits under Colonel English that have since been associated with the arms of the patriots at Venezuela. With the same views I have watched the armament of Ireland under General Devereux, notoriously set on foot with the same intentions of aiding the cause of Spanish emancipation. But I have it not in my power to impart all the information I could wish respecting it. I believe it to be a fact, that about twelve hundred men have actually sailed within the last month from Dublin, and that two or three hundred more may be expected to sail very shortly. These numbers fall far below the accounts stated in the newspapers. Their immediate destination I understand to be Margaritta, whence they will act as events in Venezuela may render expedient. General Devereux is to command them, but has not yet embarked. 'Tis said that he is expected here before his final departure. This is all the information pretending to authenticity that I find myself able at this time to transmit in regard to this enterprise. As far as I may judge from all indications of opinion within the compass of my observations, the cause of South American freedom continues to ripen in the judgment and affections of the British publick. I consequently continue to hold to the belief, and even more strongly than heretofore, that whenever it may be thought to comport with a wise policy in all other respects for the government of the United States to recognize Buenos Ayres, that the British government will not consider such a measure, per se, as any cause of breach with us. It will not have escaped attention in what manner our presumed intention to recognize this new state was treated in the debate on the foreign enlistment bill, both by the ministerialists and the whigs, in connexion with the treaty by which the Floridas are ceded to us. There is good reason for believing, as might so naturally have been expected, that as soon as the mutiny broke out among the troops at Cadiz, Spain began to give ground in the negociations with Portugal respecting Monte Video. These negociations are still unclosed, and will probably remain in a state of vibration while the fate of this long-talked of expedition hangs in any degree in suspense.

PAGE 62

1458 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN 772 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] London, September 17, 1819. Another short anecdote, with which I will conclude, may help us to infer how general an interest is taken throughout the courts of Europe, even those that are inland and subordinate, in our supposed intention to recognize the independence of Buenos Ayres. It is of date some little time back; but present circumstances serve to recall it. During the last spring, Baron Just, the minister at this court from the king of Saxony, opened a conversation with me upon this express subject. He did not conceal his wish to be informed upon it, stating as a reason, that he had on the day preceding received a despatch from his government, in which it was mentioned that I had, by order of mine, made a communication to Lord Castlereagh in relation to it, in February. The precise nature of this communication it was the Baron's anxious desire to learn through what he imagined to be the best source. That the communication should thus have been wafted through the circle of cabinets, and reach for the first time the ears of a Saxon minister at London in the shape of a despatch from his own court, made, at the moment, an impression upon me. With the greatest respect [etc.]. 773 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l London, October 5, 18 19. Sir: In a late communication, 2 I had the honor to allude to the preparations that were going on under the auspices of General Devereux, in aid of the cause of South American freedom. In addition to the troops heretofore dispatched on this service, I learn, that from two to three thousand will be embarked from Ireland, by the first of December. Their first destination, as with the former, will be Margaritta. It is from General Devereux himself, that I have this information. He intends to embark with this principal section of his force, placing himself at its head. The foreign enlistment law is evaded by the men going out under colour of settling as farmers and labourers in the province of Vene1 MS. Dispatches from G-eat Britain, XXIV. 2 See above, >pt. vin,-«ioct 751? Rush to Adams, August 24, 1819.

PAGE 63

DOCUMENT 774: OCTOBER 15, 1819 I459 zuela. The better to mask this project, General Devereux has received either an actual or an ostensible grant from General Bolivar, of fifty square leagues of land in that province. Against this mode of violating the law, the Spanish ambassador has, as I hear, remonstrated with the British ministry; but to no effect. The inference would seem to be unavoidable, that their zeal for its execution, must be very slack. They fold their arms whilst it is infringed almost in open day. In Ireland, it is well understood, that an attachment to the cause of the South Americans, is nearly universal. It takes in men of the highest standing, and what is remarkable but true, embraces conspicuous individuals who on all other points of their political conduct, are entirely identified with the ministers. Whence the pecuniary supplies are derived of fitting out so large an expedition, is not known to me. General Devereux professes to do it upon his own resources. But this seems impossible. Troops have been raised and equipped, transports hired, munitions of war provided, and a great military enterprize in all things completed upon the scale I have stated. The whole number of men by the time the next division is sent off, will scarcely fall short of four thousand. All this would appear to be an undertaking too much for the purse of an individual. That General Devereux's movements will be ahead of those of the armada at Cadiz, is, to the last degree, probable. There arrived in this capital a fortnight ago, from Venezuela, two individuals, Don Fernando Penalvez and Colonel Bergara, in capacity of new deputies from that province. I have been informed, that a Mr. Vondam, now here from Sweden, and who alleges himself to be possessed of an informal authority for what he does, has proposed to these deputies to be the bearer of propositions to his Swedish Majesty for entering into some commercial arrangements, with Venezuela and New Granada. This information, while I do not confidently rely upon it, reaches me through a channel entitled to some respect. With very great respect [etc.]. 774 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] London, October 15, 18 ig. I have lately heard, through a channel upon which I can rely, that Mr. Irisari [Yrisarri], the deputy from Chili, of whom I made mention in a former despatch, 2 had an interview with Lord Castlereagh soon after his arrival. 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIV. 2 See above, pt. vm, doc. 770, Rush to Adams, July 21, 1819.

PAGE 64

I460 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN He inquired in the course of it, if the vessels of Chili would be admitted and hospitably received, when they came to the ports of Great Britain? His Lordship replied certainly, at all times. Would their prizes be admitted, it was next asked. Here an objection was interposed by Lord Castlereagh, who said that such a permission might give cause of complaint to Spain. Whether England allows Chilian prizes taken by Spain, to be brought into her ports, is a point that cannot so well be known, as it is understood to be a fact, that Spain has never yet captured a vessel belonging to Chili! His Lordship went on to say, that Sir Thomas Hardy, who was appointed to the command of the squadron destined to act in the South Seas, was charged to attend to British interests in that quarter, and specially authorised to be the medium of any communications between his government and the authorities at Chili, which events upon his arrival there might make necessary or convenient. He would thus exercise, substantially, the functions of a consul. Mr. Irisari [Yrisarri] inquired if England would not in return receive a consul from Chili. His Lordship replied, that such reciprocity did not appear to follow as a duty, Chili not being recognized by other nations as an established power. Finally, his Lordship read to Mr. Irisari [Yrisarri] the instructions given to Sir Thomas Hardy. Far from being hostile, they bore a friendly aspect towards Chili, and directed Sir Thomas to respect all the just regulations touching trade and commerce, which those who exercised the powers of government in that community, might establish. Mr. Irisari [Yrisarri] preferred no request for the acknowledgment of the independence of Chili, by England. His government deemed it better to let that matter rest where it is, than run the hazard of receiving a direct refusal. 775 Colonel Yrisarri, Envoy of Chile to Europe and the United States, to Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain x London, November 3, 18 iq. Col 1 . Yrisarri presents his compliments to His Excellency the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, Mr. Rush, and begs leave to inform him through Mr. Ribas on some points, which Col Y. hopes His Excellency's goodness will consider with interest. 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIV, enclosed in Rush to Adams, November 10, 1 81 9, which see below, pt. vm, doc. 777.

PAGE 65

DOCUMENT 777: NOVEMBER IO, 1819 I461 776 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Colonel Yrisarri, Envoy of Chile to Europe and the United States l London, November 6, i8ig. Mr. Rush presents his compliments to Colonel Yrisarri, and has had the honor to receive this day, through the hands of Mr. Ribas, his note of the third of this month. 2 Mr. Rush had not the good fortune to see Mr. Ribas; but the papers which he left with the secretary of his Legation, Mr. R has read with the interest that belongs to them. The official document, 3 signed by the Supreme Director of the state of Chili, is herewith returned. A copy of it, together with Colonel Yrisarri's letter to the Secretary of State, 3 Mr. R. will have great pleasure in transmitting to Washington, by the earliest opportunity. 777 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 4 [extract] London, November 10, i8iq. The interview 5 might here have closed. But I was unwilling to let pass the opportunity which it presented of touching upon our affairs with Spain. In a letter from Mr. Forsyth, of the seventeenth of October, informing me of the continued refusal of Ferdinand to ratify the .treaty, he also says that it was rumoured whilst he was writing, that some agreement in relation to Spain and her colonies, or to Spain and the United States, was then actually about to be transmitted by the court of Madrid to that of London, and by the very same courier (despatched by Sir Henry Wellesley) that had charge of my letter. What the agreement was, Mr. F. did not profess accurately to know. His impressions pointed to its being one by which Great Britain had pledged herself, on sufficient inducements, to convey for Spain the troops now in the neighbourhood of Cadiz, to some of her possessions in America. Nothing that I had heard, or no scrutiny that it has fallen within my power to make in this quarter, had reflected any light upon this rumour. Perhaps his Lordship might not have felt himself bound to answer to it, at such a moment; yet I thought it right to take the chances of what he might say 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIV, enclosed in Rush to Adams, November io, 1819, which see below, pt. vm, doc. 777. 2 See above, pt. vm, doc. 775. 3 See above, pt. v, doc. 472, Yrisarri to the Secretary of State, October 31, 1819. 4 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIV. 6 With Lord Castlereagh.

PAGE 66

I462 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN under an allusion to it. I described the rumour in terms that appeared to me best adapted to the end proposed. In spite of my best caution, his Lordship I thought manifested a slight, momentary, excitement. "Falsehoods", he said, "will get into circulation upon this, as upon other occasions." Resuming his complacency he observed, "I can assure you, that our policy upon this subject remains unchanged." I replied, that my government would, I well knew, hear his declaration with new satisfaction, anticipating no other. Here the matter ended. The above report of the little that fell from his Lordship is given, for the information of the President, with as close an adherence as possible to his words as well as manner. On the sixth instant I received from Mr. Yrisarri a note dated on the third, of which a copy is enclosed. 1 This is the gentleman of whom I have spoken heretofore (with a deviation in the spelling of his name) who came to London a few months ago in capacity of deputy or envoy from the new state of Chili. A copy of my reply to his note is also enclosed, 1 together with the papers referred to ; one being a letter to your address as secretary of state ; the other a copy of Mr. Yrisarri's credentials, or diploma from the government of Chili. The original of this instrument, I Have seen. It is stamped with every mark of authenticity. It bears date at Santiago, on the eighteenth of November, 1818. It sets forth in the name of the Supreme Director and Senate of Chili, that, having determined to send a publick minister from Chili, to solicit from the governments of Europe and of the United States, an acknowledgment of the independence of that state, the said Director, has appointed for that purpose, Mr. Yrisarri, constituting him also minister envoy from Chile to the United States, with all necessary powers to enter upon negociations respecting such acknowledgment; and engaging to confirm whatever he may do in fulfilment of his trust. Mr. Yrisarri continues to be confined by ill-health, which hinders him from embarking for the United States. In this state of things I could not hesitate to become the medium, at his request, of transmitting to your hands the documents in question. With the highest respect [etc.]. 1 See above, pt. vm, doc. 775 and 776, Yrisarri to Rush, November 3, 1819, and Rush to Yrisarri, November 6, 18 19.

PAGE 67

DOCUMENT 778: JULY 20, l820 I463 778 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] London, July 20, 1820, I send herewith a pamphlet containing, in a convenient form, all the documents which have been published in this country respecting the attempt of France to set up a throne in Buenos Ayres, and place upon it a prince of the house of Bourbon. The subject has excited universal interest in the political circles of this capital. I have good information for saying, that this project was not known to the British cabinet until it burst upon it by the recent arrival from South America of these documents. The duke de Cazes, I understand, does not admit them to be genuine. He positively disavows, I have heard, ever having seen the South American envoy, Gomez. Whether he disavows for the Marquis Desolles also, I have not heard. That France has been engaged in the project, nobody doubts; and this government, as might be expected, evidently regards the whole transaction with no complacency. In an interesting debate in the house of commons on the eleventh of this month, on a call for information respecting the above documents, Dr. Lushington argued the broad principle, that England ought to recognize immediately and fully the independence of Buenos Ayres. Already he said the government had an accredited consul residing in that country, anassertion that was not afterwards controverted. Lord Castlereagh, in reply, expressed his entire dissent as to the policy of taking an early opportunity of recognizing any of those communities. Sir James Macintosh plainly intimated it as his opinion, that, since the altered state of things in Spain, the question of desiring a separation of the colonies from the parent state, had also essentially changed. This I take to be now a prevailing sentiment with the whigs. The very preliminary dissertation to the pamphlet which I send, was, I have reason to think, drawn up by one of the conductors of the Morning Chronicle, the leading whig journal of London. Daring the debate, a sentiment was uttered by Mr. Canning which may deserve to be repeated. He said, that as history had shown the condition of colonies always to have been more servile under the government of a popular assembly, than under the authority of even absolute monarchies, (a position which the learned speaker assumed without proving,) all those persons who had wished to see the colonies emancipated from monarchical Spain, ought to cherish this wish with much more zeal, now that Spain was democratical ! This sentiment, not perhaps the less significant from its having escaped the lips of a /distinguished member of the ministry, points to a prophecy which there need be little scruple in hazarding. It is this. That if Spain makes the advances in energy and power to 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXV.

PAGE 68

I464 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN be naturally expected from her free constitution, to which no compliment was intended by the epithet of democratical, we shall find parties here shifting sides. All the branches of the opposition will desire to see Spain reinstated in full sovereignty over her dominions beyond sea; whilst the ministerialists, through an instinctive counterpart of feeling, will desire to see them struck off. The government will, I believe, observe great caution for a while, watching events. But, on the contingency presupposed, we can scarcely err in predicting this ultimate reverse in the publick opinion of the country. Mr. Forsyth has stated to me in a letter, dated Madrid, June the twenty ninth, that he had understood, that the agents in London from Caraccas, Buenos Ayres and Chili held a meeting in May, when it was determined to address applications to Russia, Austria and Prussia, desiring that princes of their families might be given to Spanish America generally, and that one might be specially selected from the Brazils for Buenos Ayres. This is as I understand his statement. But it comes to me in cypher, and, either from some inadvertence on the part of his copyist, so liable to happen with figures, or possibly from there not being a perfect conformity between our cyphers, there are parts which I cannot make out, and may therefore have taken up the meaning inaccurately. I am aware of no such facts as Mr. Forsyth states. What I have heard is, that, in the month of April, (being subsequent to the establishment of the constitution of 1812,) the agents of Chili, Buenos Ayres and Venezuela, did meet together in this city, with however a different object. They jointly signed an address to the king of Spain asking that the independence of thes'e countries might be acknowledged. This address was transmitted to Ferdinand through the medium of the duke of San Carlos, then the Spanish ambassador at this court. The reply to it through the same channel was, that no proposition would be listened to that had not for its basis the return of the colonies to their subjection to the mother country. This information I have derived since the publicity of the project of France upon Buenos Ayres. 779 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l [extracts] London, April 22, 1822. Our acknowledgement of the South American states, has produced an effect upon those communities on this side of the water, of which the evidences are universal in the publick opinion of all circles. It seems to have 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVII.

PAGE 69

DOCUMENT 780: MAY 6, 1 822 1 465 spoken them into being; to have cleared away the doubts that lingered in men's minds as to their true condition; to have revealed and defined before the world the maturity of their attributes for sovereign and independent existence. It has formed a foundation point around which the judgment of the world can rally, undistracted by the uncertainties and contradictions under which the destinies of those new empires seemed hidden. It has come at the happy moment when their destiny complete in all things else by exertions of their own, seemed to wait only this moral welcome from the sister Republick of the north, as its last finish. So the citizen of the United States is happy to contemplate it, so mankind have hailed it. The day after the news arrived, the value of the Colombian bonds, a species of security for a loan contracted by that state, rose in the London market, nor have I caught from any source as yet a single objection to the measure. To this government, it is not my intention to speak of or allude to it in any way, in the first instance. To Mr. Onis, I broached the topick at the levee last week, as one of familiar conversation, saying, in the spirit of the President's message, that I hoped Spain would see no unfriendliness in the step, but rather one out of which good fruits would grow up to all parties. He replied, that he thought Spain ought to follow the example. If the commercial penalties which a French newspaper states as those which the Republick of Colombia designs to inflict upon the nations withholding a recognition, be correctly stated, and if the other new Republicks do the same, it may be presumed that the example of the United States will not be long without imitators. . . . I received the day before yesterday from Mr. Sartoris, at Rio Janeiro, a letter dated February the 15th, in which he states that the Portuguese troops had been compelled, through the firmness of the Prince Regent, to embark for Europe, and that he had little doubt but that the whole of the Brazils in a few months more would declare independence, organizing a separate government with the Prince Regent at its head. 780 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] London, May 6, 1822. A meeting was held on the twenty third of last month of the merchants, ship owners, manufacturers, and traders, of London for the purpose of taking into consideration the means of opening a beneficial commercial intercourse 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVII.

PAGE 70

I466 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN with the countries of South America formerly under the dominion of Spain, a mode of expression which it is remarkable has sprung into use since the President's message on the recognition, and seems already to have become as universal, as it was before unknown. It was agreed at the meeting, to present a memorial to the Lords of the privy council submitting whether it would not be expedient to open the ports of Great Britain to the ships of these " newly established countries" in the same manner as to the ships of the United States and the Brazils. The Lords of the privy council have replied, in general terms, that the vessels of these countries will be admitted into the ports of the United Kingdom. They have, in fact, been admitted heretofore, whenever they have chosen to come, but not as vessels of the Independent governments of South America, eo nomine. They have come as other vessels, that comply in all things with the British laws of navigation and trade. No interdict existed against them, founded upon the nature of their flag, which was not inquired into on their arrival at British ports, but admitted like other foreign flags. As to their being admitted upon the same terms with the vessels of the United States or the Brazils, this could only be the effect of compact. None whatever existing between Britain and these new states, the prayer of the memorialists in this respect goes unattended to. It is in this way that my inquiries lead me to understand the subject, though aware of the contradictory assertions in the English journals in relation to it. It will be seen, that Lord Londonderry stated in the house of commons on the second instant, in answer to the questions of Sir James Mackintosh, that whilst this government had neither formally recognized, or entered into any correspondence that would imply a recognition of, these new governments, it had nevertheless considered them as governments de facto; had looked upon the parties at war in that quarter of the world as belligerents; had respected as such their rights of blockade, and that the commercial intercourse with them would be found to be provided for by Mr. Robinson's bill on the subject of foreign trade. This bill is not yet published, as far as I can learn, and probably not yet fully matured.

PAGE 71

DOCUMENT 781: JUNE 10, l822 I467 781 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States ' [extract] London, June 10, 1822. Touching the question of South American independence, I am happy to find that I have taken the same view of the part proper for me to act at this court that your despatch has now presented to me. From the moment of the arrival of the President's message of the 8th of March proposing the recognition, it appeared to me, that, as it was a measure adopted on our own views of its intrinsick justice and expediency, without concert with other nations, and as the great principles upon which it stood were sufficiently promulgated to the world in that message, no further mention of it by me was due to conciliation, or to any other duty in my intercourse with this government; but that, on the contrary, to avoid all notice of the subject in the first instance, would be the course most proper on my part. I have, accordingly, abstained from alluding to it when with Lord Londonderry, and he has not mentioned it to me. Whenever he may do so, I will not fail to express the sentiments with which you have charged me. But although the measure has not been mentioned on either side, I have no reason to suppose that it is regarded by this cabinet otherwise than as its true nature demands. The publick voice of the country is manifestly and loudly in its favor. The manufacturers and merchants take the lead, and urge the government to follow our example, rather than arraign it. When to this we add what Lord Londonderry has said upon the subject in parliament, and the step already taken by the lords of the privy council, and the further steps projected in parliament, for encouraging commercial relations with the new-born states in those regions, we should perhaps rather be warranted in inferring that it cannot be very long before our example, will, in effect, be followed. I have heard, indeed, from a respectable though not official source, that a person who has. heretofore been in diplomatic trusts under this government (the name I did not hear) is going out at once to Buenos Ayres. Whether as agent or minister, or with what distinct objects, my informant could not say, but we may suppose with some view to the commencement of an official intercourse with that community 6i a character more marked than has yet existed. As to any formal or perfect recognition of the independence of that or any of the other new states of South America, I greatly doubt whether this government will give in to it, except on consultation with the European Alliance, which the reanimated hope of preserving peace in the East will probably tend to bind still more closely together. 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVII.

PAGE 72

I468 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN 782 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] London, June 24, 1822. Sir: Mr. Zea, the representative of the Republic of Colombia, arrived here lately from France. He waited upon me on the twenty first instant, but not being in at the moment of his call, I did not see him. I have on my part made efforts to see him since, but as yet we have not met. I learn that he has had an interview with Lord Londonderry. The particulars of what passed at it, I am not instructed in, but understand that the following is the result. That to the application which he distinctly preferred to this government to recognize the independence of Colombia, his lordship gave as distinct a refusal. He alleged that Great Britain would make no movement towards the recognition of any of those new states, except in concert with her European Allies, and that these latter were not at present disposed, any more than Great Britain, to take any steps in regard to the subject without consulting Spain. What was said by his lordship in explanation of this policy; whether or not he took any notice of our act of recognition, or touched upon any of the prospects of commercial intercourse between this country and those new states, I am not informed. Upon such and other points that may be interesting in connexion with this subject, I will transmit whatever further information I may be able to obtain henceforth. 783 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l London, July 24, 1822. Sir: Mr. Echeverria, representing himself to be the minister plenipotentiary from the Republick of Colombia to this court, called upon me last week. I say representing himself as such, as there appears to be some question whether he or Mr. Zea actually holds this trust at the present moment, the latter having asked his recall from Europe some time ago on account of ill health, but now as it is understood intending to remain longer, his health having become better. Without deciding this point between them 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVII.

PAGE 73

DOCUMENT 783: JULY 24, 1 822 1469 Mr. Echeverria is, at all events, a prominent citizen of his country having been selected as one of the deputies or commissioners sent by Colombia to Madrid last year, with proposals from his government to treat with Spain, on the basis of recognition, but to which, as is known, Spain utterly refused to accede. He expressed in a warm and feeling manner the satisfaction he had derived from the acknowledgement of the independence of his country by the United States, and requested my acceptance of a copy of the constitution of Colombia which has lately been republished in Paris, and which was rendered the more worthy to be accepted from having the President's message and the report of the committee of the house of representatives on the question of recognition, bound up with it. This volume, forwarded herewith, I ask leave to send to the department of state, having in my possession other copies of the instruments which it contains. I must take occasion to mention, that after my despatch of the 24th of June, 1 I was deprived, by circumstances not in my power to controul, of all opportunity of seeing Mr. Zea, who has I believe since gone out of town. The publick dinner given to this gentleman by the merchants of London on the tenth of this month, at which the duke of Somerset presided, and which was attended by several members of parliament without distinction of party — where amongst others of the group we saw Sir William Curtis ranged by the side of Sir James Macintosh, — carries with it stronger indications than are usually to be attached to festivals of this nature, and goes to show how impressive and loud publick opinion is becoming in this country in favor of South American independence. This voice will grow louder and louder, nor can it, I believe, be ultimately resisted by the government. In effect, the states of South America are already regarded by Great Britain as independent, for two acts of parliament have been passed by which commercial intercourse has been opened between them and every part of the British dominions. These acts [the] government will be in possession of through the parliamentary documents which are forwarded by this legation to the Treasury, as well as probably through the consul at this port, who mentioned to me that he has sent them. I return to Mr. Echeverria. He informed me that he had had an interview with Lord Londonderry; but that hie had in vain urged upon him the claims of Colombia to be recognized by this government. His Lordship said, that this was a measure into which Great Britain could not come consistently with what she owed to Spain. That Spain had been consulted respecting it, and had replied in a way which showed that she felt it to concern her interests and her rights that other nations should forbear to take such a step. Nor could Great Britain, he said, take it without the concurrence of France, and France was not prepared to lend her concurrence. Spain had also replied, that she had just despatched commissioners to her colonies, 1 See above, pt. vm, doc. 782.

PAGE 74

1470 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN carrying out the most liberal offers of compromise, from which she still hoped for the best results, and which would serve to render but the more objectionable the interference of other Powers. Mr. Echeverria adverted to the fallacy of such hopes, and asked his Lordship whether this government would not use its influence to induce Spain herself to recognize the independence of the colonies as the best and only policy left to her. His Lordship replied, that Great Britain would hold up this course to Spain. He alluded to the recognition by the government of the United States, which, he remarked, stood upon a ground by itself, the United States having no European connexions to look to when determining upon such a policy, which was not the case with Great Britain. But whilst G*. Britain could not justify to herself the political measure of formally recognizing the independence of those communities at present, his Lordship said, that it was her intention to maintain an unrestricted intercourse of commerce with them all, and of this intention Spain had been informed. I here mentioned to Mr. Echeverria the case of the Lord Collingivood, and asked if he ascertained from L d Londonderry what Great Britain meant to do if Spain continued to capture British merchant vessels trading with those countries which Spain still assumed to treat as her colonies. He replied that his Lordship intimated, that as Great Britain would consider such a trade as regularly open to her merchants, she would sustain them in it. The foregoing is the amount of what Mr. Echeverria told me. The Lord Collingivood it will be recollected was an English merchant vessel bound from Buenos Ayres to the Havannah with a cargo of hides. Pursuing this voyage, she was captured by a Spanish privateer, carried into Porto Rico and there condemned as good prize on the ground of trading with a Spanish colony, without a license from the king of Spain. A copy of the decree of condemnation in this case was sent to Lord Londonderry by Dr. Lushington, and its circumstances have been the subject of full remark in the house of commons. Mr. Echeverria's interview with Lord Londonderry and his call upon me, were prior to the disclosures made as well by Lord Liverpool as Lord Londonderry in parliament on the same subject on the fifteenth and seventeenth instant. Taken together, they may be considered as affording a sufficiently satisfactory clue to the present feelings of this cabinet in relation to South American Independence. How much longer it will be able to withhold the formal recognition, and thus stand out against the importunities so universal of the commercial and manufacturing classes; against the just claims of those new states themselves, and against such cogent and irresistible appeals to the authority of publick law and historical facts as were yesterday again made by Sir James Macintosh in the house of commons in support of those claims, time must show. These appeals are the more gratifying from following up as they do the grounds taken in the state papers of the United States.

PAGE 75

DOCUMENT 783: JULY 24, l822 I47I As we have lately seen an important branch of the colonial policy of Britain, give way before the remonstrances of only her West India merchants and proprietors, it can scarcely be too much to imagine that we shall before very long behold her on this question of South America giving way to the universal demand of her merchants and manufacturers, backed too as their solicitations are by a commanding eloquence in her senate, and by the enlightened dictates of publick opinion throughout the nation. To motives so powerful for fully acknowledging the independence of South America, her ministers have nothing to oppose but their connexions with the European Alliance, and their obligations to old Spain. From the trammels of the former it would be wise to extricate themselves, whilst it may be strongly suspected that their alleged delicacy towards Spain will not last longer than their hope of still seeing the ancient state of things brought back in that country. How far this hope will survive the events which have transpired at Madrid since the present month set in, we do not as yet know. In the meantime, British interests are suffering, and will probably continue more or less to suffer, as long as the full recognition is delayed. The journals of the day announce, that insurance upon ships from London to the ports of Colombia, cannot be effected at Lloyds but at great cost, and this not merely on account of the risk of capture from pirates in those seas, but also from Spanish ships of war and privateers. From these and other considerations we may infer, that British commerce with those new states will never have its full scope and fair advantage of competition, until their independence is completely acknowledged. If I have accurately understood Mr. Echeverria, and he in turn Lord Londonderry, it is plain that this government has taken in no ill part the act of recognition by the United States. It would seem that it is rather awake to the advantages of our situation which has enabled us to take our own measures freed from the incubus of the Holy Alliance. That Britain will take the step herself at a day not distant, is my confident belief, for whatever present excuses her statesmen may have laid hold of, I can scarcely believe it possible that they will not be roused to it by our rivalry, which they must be sensible will be rendered more formidable and \ dangerous by every hour of their procrastination. Mr. Echeverria having had an object of his own in calling upon me, proceeded, after his other communications to state it. He said that he was about to set out for Paris in a few days, and requested that in the event of any despatches arriving for him in London during his absence, I would permit them to be forwarded to him in Paris, under cover of my seal to the minister of the United States in that capital. I replied that I feared they would have little additional security by this course, as I seldom wrote to Mr. Gallatin but by the mail, and it was well known that no seals, whether of foreign ministers or others, enjoyed much inviolability in the French post offices. He said that he believed the risk to his correspondence would be less if it could be put > /

PAGE 76

1472 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN under cover to our legation at Paris, to which I replied again that I would forward it in that manner, if Mr. Gallatin had no objections; but that as it was a measure which would concern him also, I could not make him a party to it without his consent. Something was said of special couriers, upon which I remarked that I had never yet had occasion to employ one in my correspondence with Paris. Mr. E. here upon asked whether I could employ one for his despatches, allowing him to be at the expense. I replied that such a course would be objectionable, but that if ever I found it necessary to employ one on the objects of my own government, I would send any letters addressed to him by the same conveyance, with Mr. Gallatin's concurrence, to whom I referred him, more especially as he would have an opportunity of consulting him at Paris. He then asked my permission to address a note to me embracing the request which he had made in person, adding that it was at the wish of his government that he had made it. A copy of the note which he subsequently wrote to me, with a copy of my answer, is enclosed. 1 It appears that he had not conceived with entire accuracy what fell from me in conversation. I will either act in this matter on my own discretion henceforth, or receive any suggestions with which you may think it necessary to favor me. I have the honor [etc.]. 784 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 2 London, July 26, 1822. Sir : Mr. Zea called upon me this day. He confirms all that Mr. Echeverria told me respecting the views and intentions of this government on the question of South American independence. To repeat what he said, would therefore only be to go over again what is recounted in my last despatch, 3 there having been a substantial and entire agreement in their communications to me. Those of Mr. Zea have, if any thing, been given with rather the most strength. He says that Lord Londonderry explicitly remarked, that Great Britain would not carry her consideration for Spain so far as to postpone too long her rights of acting as she might think fit; in other words, as the sentiment may be understood, that she will acknowledge the independence of the colonies after a little more formality, whatever may be the conduct or opinions of Spain in relation to the subject. Mr. Zea also represents Lord Londonderry as saying, that this court would strongly advise Spain herself to recognize the 1 Not printed in this collection. 2 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVII. 3 See above, pt. VIII, doc. 783.

PAGE 77

DOCUMENT 785: AUGUST 27, l822 1473 colonies, and thus free the powers of Europe from all further embarrassment upon the occasion. I collected from Mr. Zea that he, and not Mr. Echeverria, is the actual representative of Colombia at the present juncture. This may render unnecessary all notice of what I have written concerning the despatches of the latter. Should any similar requests ever be made to me by any of the representatives of these our new sister republicks, whilst they remain unacknowledged in Europe, I shall feel a disposition to do what courtesy demands, without however going further than my proper duties to my own government will warrant. I shall, at the least, be ever disposed to extend to them as much accommodation in this line, as I have myself received from members of the resident diplomatick corps, from time to time since I have been in London. I have the honor [etc.]. 785 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] London, August 27, 1822. To all that is said in your number 58, 2 respecting Mr. Ravenga, I will take care to pay special attention, so as to execute as far as circumstances may allow, the President's desire in the spirit that it is conveyed to me. As yet I have not seen, or heard of this gentleman's arrival, in this capital. Mr. Echeverria, and Mr. Zea, both called upon me, as I have mentioned in former communications. The latter still claims, as I understand, to be considered the representative of Colombia. Heretofore there has been some difficulty in ascertaining with precision who has filled this trust, from the circumstance of that new Republick not being acknowledged here; but your despatch becomes full authority to me that it is in Mr. Ravenga's hands, and I will act accordingly. 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVII. 2 See above, pt. I, doc. Ill, Adams to Rush, July 24, 1822.

PAGE 78

1474 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN 786 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] London, October 12, 1822. On the eighth instant, Mr. Garcia and General Paroissien, the Peruvian envoys mentioned in my number 267? waited upon me. They did not lay before me any complaints whatever respecting our naval officers in the Pacific, or any other of our officers or citizens residing in Peru or Chili, or trading there. They confined their visit, for this time, to one of personal and official civility, making it the occasion of expressing their gratitude and thankfulness to the United States for acknowledging the independence of their country. I gathered from them that their hopes of a speedy recognition by this government are not sanguine ; yet they think the prospect better since Mr. Canning's appointment, than before. On what ground they rest this hope I know not, unless it be that Mr. Canning's long connexion with Liverpool, as the representative in parliament of that town, may be thought to have predisposed him to a participation in the sympathies of its commercial population upon this question. Mr. Garcia apologized for the medals he had sent me. 3 I said to him, that the last gift of this kind which I had declined previously to his, was that of a coronation medal, set apart for my acceptance by one of the officers of this government on the occasion of the king's coronation last year; and that I was bound on such a point as this to look upon all foreign states in the same light, that of Great Britain and that of Peru, the latter being now in the eyes of my government, sovereign and independent like the former. The explanation being offered in a friendly and conciliating spirit, was so received, — a spirit which marked the whole conversation of both these gentlemen during the half hour they sat with me. I returned their visit on the following day, and shall omit no opportunity within my power of keeping up good will between us. I distinctly said to them, that it fell within the desire of the President, that I should use such endeavours as circumstances might justify in my intercourse with this court, to dispose it towards a recognition of the independence of their country, for I consider what is said in your number 58 4 in regard to Colombia, as in its spirit extending to the other states of South America, comprehended in the President's message. They seemed to be sensible of the benefits which our act of recognition has already conferred upon the cause of South American freedom and independence throughout the world, and received with satisfaction this assurance from me, that the President did not cease to take an active interest in it. 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVIII. 2 Not printed in this collection. 3 See below, pt. vm, doc. 787. * See above, pt. 1, doc. Ill, Adams to Rush, July 24, 1822.

PAGE 79

DOCUMENT 788: AUGUST 19, 1823 I475 787 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] London, March 20, 182 j. Sir: Mr. Garcia del Rio, one of the envoys from Peru, whose name I have mentioned to you in communications 2 at a former period, has given into my care, for the government of the United States, a medal struck to commemorate the Independence of Lima. In compliance with his request, having heretofore informed him that I could not accept such gifts myself, I now transmit this medal to your hands. It is enclosed in this despatch and I hope will reach you safely. I send also from Mr. Garcia, four pamphlets on Peruvian affairs, two of which he designs for the President, and two for your acceptance. A conspicuous journal here, the Morning Chronicle, intimated a week ago that this government was upon the eve of recognizing the Independence of Colombia. I can only say that if this be the case I have heard nothing of it through any other channel, nor has Mr. Ravenga. This gentleman has not yet had an interview with Mj\ Canning, or any other member of this government, nor does he know at present when one will be granted him. 788 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 3 [extract] London, August 19, 182 j. Sir: When my interview with Mr. Canning on Saturday was about to close, I transiently asked him whether, notwithstanding the late news from Spain, we might not still hope that the Spaniards would get the better of all their difficulties. I had allusion to the defection of Ballasteros, in Andalusia, an event seeming to threaten with new dangers the constitutional cause. His reply was general, importing nothing more than his opinion of the increased difficulties and dangers with which, undoubtedly, this event was calculated to surround the Spanish cause. Pursuing the topick of Spanish affairs, I remarked that should France 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXVIII. 2 See above, pt. vm, doc. 786, Rush to Adams, October 12, 1822. 3 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX.

PAGE 80

I476 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN ultimately effect her purposes in Spain, there was at least the consolation left, that Great Britain would not allow her to go farther and lay her hands upon the Spanish colonies, bringing them too under her grasp. I here had in my mind the sentiments promulgated upon this subject in Mr. Canning's note to the British ambassador at Paris of the 31st of March, during the negociations that preceded the invasion of Spain. It will be recollected that the British government say in this note, that time and the course of events appeared to have substantially decided the question of the separation of these colonies from the mother country, although their formal recognition as independent states by Gt. Britain might be hastened or retarded by external circumstances, as well as by the internal condition of those new states themselves; and that as his Britannic majesty disclaimed all intention of appropriating to himself the smallest portion of the late Spanish possessions in America, he was also satisfied that no attempt would be made by France to bring any of them under her dominion, either by conquest, or by cession from Spain. By this we are to understand, in terms sufficiently distinct, that Great Britain would not be passive under such an attempt by France, and Mr. Canning, on my having referred to this note, asked me what I thought my government would say to going hand in hand with his, in the same sentiment; not as he added that any concert in action under it, could become necessary between the two countries, but that the simple fact of our being known to hold the same sentiment would, he had no doubt, by its moral effect, put down the intention on the part of France, admitting that she should ever entertain it. This belief was founded he said upon the large share of the maritime power of the world which Gt. Britain and the United States shared between them, and the consequent influence which the knowledge that they held a common opinion upon a question on which such large maritime interests, present and future, hung, could not fail to produce upon the rest of the world. I replied, that in what manner my government would look upon such a suggestion, I was unable to say, but that I would communicate it in the same informal manner in which he threw it out. I said, however, that I did not think I should do so with full advantage, unless he would at the same time enlighten me as to the precise situation in which His Majesty's government stood at this moment in relation to those new states, and especially on the material point of their own independence. He replied that Great Britain certainly never again intended to lend her instrumentality or aid, whether by mediation or otherwise, towards making up the dispute between Spain and her colonies; but that if this result could still be brought about, she would not interfere to prevent it. Upon my intimating that I had supposed that all idea of Spain ever recovering her authority over the colonies had long since gone by, he explained by saying

PAGE 81

DOCUMENT 788: AUGUST 19, 1823 I477 that he did not mean to controvert that opinion, for he too believed that the day had arrived when all America might be considered as lost to Europe, so far as the tie of political dependence was concerned. All that he meant was, that if Spain and the colonies should still be able to bring the dispute, not yet totally extinct between them, to a close upon terms satisfactory to both sides, and which should at the same time secure to Spain commercial or other advantages not extended to other nations, that Great Britain would not object to a compromise in this spirit of preference to Spain. All that she would ask would be, to stand upon as favoured a footing as any other nation after Spain. Upon my again alluding to the improbability of the dispute ever settling down now even upon this basis, he said that it was not his intention to maintain such a position, and that he had expressed himself as above rather for the purpose of indicating the feeling which this cabinet still had towards Spain in relation to the controversy, than of predicting results. Wishing, however, to be still more specifically informed, I asked whether Great Britain was at this moment taking any step, or contemplating any, which had reference to the recognition to those states, this being the point in which we felt the chief interest. He replied that she had taken none whatever, as yet, but was upon the eve of taking one, not final, but preparatory, and which would still leave her at large to recognize or not according to the position of events at a future period. The measure in question was, to send out one or more individuals under authority from this government to South America, not strictly diplomatic, but clothed with powers in the nature of a commission of inquiry, and which in short he described as analagous to those exercised by our commissioners in 1 81 7; and that upon the result of this commission much might depend as to the ulterior conduct of Gt. Britain. I asked whether I was to understand that it would comprehend all the new states, or which of them; to which he replied that, for the present it would be limited to Mexico. Reverting to his first idea he again said, that he hoped that France would not, should even events in the Peninsula be favorable to her, extend her views to South America for the purpose of reducing the colonies, nominally perhaps for Spain, but in effect to subserve ends of her own ; but that in case she should meditate such a policy, he was satisfied that the knowledge of the United States being opposed to it as well as Gt. Britain, could not fail to have its influence in checking her steps. In this way he thought good might be done by prevention, and peaceful prospects all round increased. As to the form in which such knowledge might be made to reach France, and even the other powers of Europe, he said in conclusion that that might probably be arranged in a manner that would be free from objection. I again told him that I would convey his suggestions to you for the information of the President, and impart to him whatever reply I might

PAGE 82

1478 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN receive. My own inference rather is, that his proposition was a fortuitous one; yet he entered into it I thought with some interest, and appeared to receive with a corresponding satisfaction the assurance I gave him that it should be made known to the President. I did not feel myself at liberty to express any opinion unfavorable to it, and was as careful to give none in its favor. 789 George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain, to Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain 1 Private & confidential. Foreign Office, August 20, 1823. My dear Sir: Before leaving Town, I am desirous of bringing before you in a more distinct, but still in an unofficial and confidential, shape, the question which we shortly discussed the last time that I had the pleasure of seeing you. Is not the moment come when our Governments might understand each other as to the Spanish American Colonies? And if we can arrive at such an understanding, would it not be expedient for ourselves, and beneficial for all the world, that the principles of it should be clearly settled and plainly avowed ? For ourselves we have no disguise. 1. We conceive the recovery of the Colonies by Spain to be hopeless. 2. We conceive the question of the Recognition of them, as Independent States, to be one of time and circumstances. 3. We are, however, by no means disposed to throw any impediment in the way of an arrangement between them, and the mother country by amicable negotiation. 4. We aim not at the possession of any portion of them ourselves. 5. We could not see any portion of them transferred to any other Power, with indifference. If these opinions and feelings are as I firmly believe them to be, common to your Government with ours, why should we hesitate mutually to confide them to each other; and to declare them in the face of the world? If there be any European Power which cherishes other projects, which looks to a forcible enterprize for reducing the Colonies to subjugation, on the behalf or in the name of Spain; or which meditates the acquisition of any part of them to itself, by cession or by conquest; such a declaration on the part of your government and ours would be at once the most effectual and 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, August 23, 1823, which see below, pt. vm, doc. 791.

PAGE 83

DOCUMENT 79O: AUGUST 23, 1 823 1 479 the least offensive mode of intimating our joint disapprobation of such projects. It would at the same time put an end to all the jealousies of Spain with respect to her remaining Colonies — and to the agitation which prevails in those Colonies, an agitation which it would be but humane to allay; being determined (as we are) not to profit by encouraging it. — Do you conceive that under the power which you have recently received, you are authorized to enter into negotiation, and to sign any Convention upon this subject? Do you conceive, if that be not within your competence, you could exchange with me ministerial notes upon it? Nothing could be more gratifying to me than to join with you in such a work, and, I am persuaded, there has seldom, in the history of the world, occurred an opportunity, when so small an effort, of two friendly Governments, might produce so unequivocal a good and prevent such extensive calamities. I shall be absent from London but three weeks at the utmost: but never so far distant, but that I can receive and reply to any communication, within three or four days. I have the honor [etc.]. 790 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain 1 London, August 23, 1823. My dear Sir: Your unofficial and confidential note of the 20th instant 2 reached me yesterday, and has commanded from me all the reflection due to the interest of its subject, and to the friendly spirit of confidence upon which it is so emphatically founded. The government of the United States having, in the most formal manner, acknowledged the independence of the late Spanish provinces in America, desires nothing more anxiously than to see this independence maintained with stability, and under auspices that may promise prosperity and happiness to these new states themselves, as well as advantage to the rest of the world. As conducing to these great ends, my government has always desired, and still desires, to see them received into the family of nations by the powers of Europe, and especially, I may add, by Great Britain. My government is also under a sincere conviction, that the epoch has arrived when the interests of humanity and justice, as well as all other interests would be essentially subserved by the general recognition of these states. 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, August 23, 1823, which see below, pt. vm, doc. 791. 2 See above, pt. vm, doc. 789.

PAGE 84

I48O PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN Making these remarks, I believe I may confidently say, that the sentiments unfolded in your note are fully those which belong also to my government. It conceives the recovery of the colonies by Spain, to be hopeless. It would throw no impediment in the way of an arrangement between them and the mother country, by amicable negociation — supposing an arrangement of this nature to be possible. It does not aim at the possession of any portion of those communities, for or on behalf of the United States. It would regard as highly unjust, and fruitful of disastrous consequences, any attempt on the part of any European power to take possession of them by conquest, or by cession ; or on any ground or pretext whatever. But, in what manner my government might deem it expedient to avow these principles and feelings, or express its disapprobation of such projects as the last, are points which none of my instructions, or the power which I have recently received, embrace; and they involve I am forced to add considerations of too much delicacy for me to act upon them in advance. It will yield me particular pleasure to be the organ of promptly causing to be brought under the notice of the President, the opinions and views of which you have made me the depository upon this subject, and I am of nothing more sure than that he will fully appreciate their intrinsick interest, and not less the frank and friendly feelings towards the United States in which they have been conceived and communicated to me on your part. Nor, do I take too much upon myself, when I anticipate the peculiar satisfaction the President will also derive from the intimation which you have not scrupled to afford me, as to the just and liberal determinations of His Majesty's government, in regard to the colonies which still remain to Spain. With a full reciprocation of the personal cordiality which your note also breathes, and begging you to accept [etc.]. 791 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l London, August 23, 1823. Sir: I yesterday received from Mr. Canning a note headed "private and confidential" setting before me in a more distinct form the proposition respecting South America affairs, which he communicated to me in conversa1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX.

PAGE 85

DOCUMENT 791: AUGUST 23, 1823 I48I tion, on the 16th, as already reported in my number 323. 1 Of his note 2 I lose no time in transmitting a copy for your information, as well as a copy of my answer 2 to it written and sent this day. In shaping the answer on my own judgment alone, I feel that I have had a task of some embarrassment to perform, and shall be happy if it receives the President's approbation. I believe that this government has the subject of Mr. Canning's proposition much at heart, and certainly his note bears, upon the face of it, a character of cordiality towards the government of the United States which cannot escape notice. I have therefore thought it proper to impart to my note a like character, and to meet the points laid down in his, as far as I could, consistently with other and paramount considerations. These I conceived to be chiefly twofold ; first the danger of pledging my government to any measure or course of policy which might in any degree, now or hereafter, implicate it in the federative system of Europe ; and, secondly, I have felt myself alike without warrant to take a step which might prove exceptionable in the eyes of France, with whom our pacifick and friendly relations remain I presume undisturbed, whatever may be our speculative abhorrence of her attack upon the liberties of Spain. In framing my answer, I had also to consider what was due to Spain herself, and I hope that I have not overlooked what was due to the colonies. The whole subject is open to views on which my mind has deliberated anxiously. If the matter of my answer shall be thought to bear properly upon motives and considerations which belong most materially to the occasion, it will be a source of great satisfaction to me. The tone of earnestness in Mr. Canning's note and the force of some of his expressions, naturally start the inference that the British cabinet cannot be without its serious apprehensions that ambitious enterprises are meditated against the independence of the South American states. Whether by France alone, I cannot now say, on any authentick grounds. I have the honor [etc.]. ^ee above, pt. vm, doc. 788, Rush to Adams, August 19, 1823. 1 See above, pt. vm, docs. 789 and 790, Canning to Rush, August 20, and Rush to Canning, August 23, 1823.

PAGE 86

I482 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN 792 George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain, to Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain ! Private & confidential. Liverpool, August 23, 1823. My dear Sir: Since I wrote to you on the 20th, 2 an additional motive has occurred for wishing that we might be able to come to some understanding on the part of our respective Governments on the subject of my letter; to come to it soon, and to be at liberty to announce it to the world. It is this. I have received notice, but not such a notice as imposes upon me the necessity of any immediate answer or proceeding— that so soon as the military objects in Spain are achieved (of which the French expect, how justly I know not a very speedy achievement) a proposal will be made for a Congress, or some less formal concert and consultation, specially upon the affairs of Spanish America. I need not point out to you all the complications to which this proposal, however dealt with by us, may lead. Pray receive this communication in the same confidence with the former; and believe me with great truth [etc.]. 793 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain 3 London, August 27, 1823. My dear Sir: Your favor of the 23d, 4 dated at Liverpool, got to hand yesterday, and I perceive in its contents new motives for attaching importance to the subject to which it relates. In the note which I had the honor to address to you on the 23rd, two principal ideas have place. 1 . That the government of the United States earnestly desires to see maintained, permanently, the independence of the late Spanish provinces in America. 2. That it would view with uneasiness any attempt on the part of the powers of Europe to intrench upon that independence. I will add, in the present note, that my government would view with like 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, August 28, 1823, which see below, pt. vm, doc. 794. 2 See above, pt. vm, doc. 789. 3 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, August 28, 1823, which see below, pt. vm, doc. 794. 4 See above, pt. vm, doc. 792.

PAGE 87

DOCUMENT 794: AUGUST 28, 1 823 I483 uneasiness any interference whatever, by the powers of Europe in the affairs of those new states, unsolicited by the latter and against their will. It would regard the convening of a congress, for example, at this period of time, to deliberate upon their affairs, as a measure uncalled for, and indicative of a policy highly unfriendly to the tranquillity of the world. It could never look with insensibility upon such an exercise of European jurisdiction over communities now of right exempt from it, and entitled to regulate their own concerns unmolested from abroad. In speaking thus, I am entirely confident that I do nothing more than strictly interpret the opinions of my government, and of the whole people of the United States. It is only as to the mode in which the former might choose to give expression to its strong disapprobation of such enterprizes, that my instructions at this moment, as I think, fail me. If you suppose any of the sentiments of this, or my preceding, note, 1 susceptible of being moulded by me into a form promising to achieve the object proposed in your note of the 20th, or make 2 any useful approximation to it, I shall be most happy to take into consideration whatever suggestions you may favor me with, towards this end, either immediately in writing, or in the more unreserved intercourse of conversation when you return to town, being in this respect altogether at your disposal. I will, for the present, only add, that could His Majesty's government see fit to consider the time now arrived for a full acknowledgment of the independence of the South American states by Great Britain, it is my unequivocal belief, entertained not on light grounds, that it would accelerate the steps of my government in a course of policy intimated as being common to this government, for the welfare of those states. It would also naturally place me in a new position in my further conferences with you, upon this interesting subject. Begging to assure you that the notes with which you favor me are treated in the spirit of confidence with which they are written, I have the honor [etc.]. 794 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 3 London, August 28, 1823. Sir: Since my last despatch, I have received a second confidential note 4 from Mr. Canning, dated at Liverpool, the 23rd, a copy of which and of my 1 See above, pt. vm, doc. 790, Rush to Canning, August 23, 1823. 2 Ibid., 789. 3 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX. * See above, pt. vm, doc. 792.

PAGE 88

I484 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN answer, 1 dated yesterday, are enclosed. The subject of our correspondence being, as appears to me, of deep interest, I think proper to apprize you of it from step to step, without waiting for the further developments to which it may possibly lead. I hence hope that this communication will be in time to accompany my last, in the packet ship that will leave Liverpool on the first of September. Mr. Canning having now distinctly informed me, that he has received notice of measures being in projection by the powers of Europe relative to the affairs of Spanish America, as soon as the French succeed in their military movements in Spain, — which it would seem they expect soon to do, — I cannot avoid seeing this subject under the complications to which Mr. Canning alludes. My first object will be to urge upon this government the obvious expediency of an immediate and unreserved recognition of the independence of the South American states. It will be seen by my note to Mr. Canning of yesterday, that I have made a beginning in this work, and, should the opportunity be afforded me, it is my intention to follow it up zealously. Should I be asked by Mr. Canning, whether, if the recognition be made by Great Britain without more delay, I am, on my part, prepared to make a declaration in the name of my government that it will not remain inactive under an attack upon the independence of those states by the Holy Alliance, the present determination of my judgment is, that I will make this declaration, explicitly, and avow it before the world. I am not unaware of the responsibility which I should, by such a measure, assume upon myself. My reasons for assuming it, I have not, at present, the leisure to recount with the requisite fulness. The leading ones would be, in brief, as follow: 1 . I may thereby aid in achieving an immediate and positive good to those rising states in our hemisphere ; for such I should conceive their recognition at this juncture by Great Britain, in itself, to be. 2. Such recognition, cooperating with the declaration which this government has already in effect made, that it will not look quietly on if Spanish America is attacked, and followed up by a similar ( though not joint) declaration from me that neither will the United States, would prove at least a probable means of warding off the attack. The minister of foreign affairs of this government, it appears, is under a strong persuasion that it would forestall it, and this without the recognition by England being, as yet, a part of his case. 3. Should the issue of things be different, and events notwithstanding arise threatening the peace of the United States, or otherwise seriously to commit them, under such a declaration from me, it would still remain with the wisdom of my government to disavow my conduct, as I should manifestly have 1 See above, pt. vm, doc. 793.

PAGE 89

DOCUMENT 795: AUGUST 31, 1 823 1 485 acted without its previous warrant, though hoping for its subsequent sanction. I would take to myself all the reproach, consoled if not justified under the desire that had animated me to render benefits of great magnitude to the cause of South American independence and freedom at a point of time, which, if lost, was not to be regained; and believing that, at all events, I should have rendered some benefits to it, in being instrumental towards accelerating the recognition by Great Britain. My conduct might be disavowed in any issue of the transaction, and I should still not be left without a hope, that the President would see in it proofs of good intention, mixed with a zeal for the advancement of great political interests, not appearing at the moment, to be indifferent ultimately to the welfare of the United States themselves. The result of my reasoning in a word then, is, that I find myself placed in a situation in which, by deciding and acting promptly, I may do much publick good, whilst publick mischiefs may be arrested by the controuling hand of my government, should my conduct be likely to draw any down. I conclude with the usual assurances [etc.]. 795 George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain, to Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain l Private & confidential. Storrs, Westmorland, August ji, 1823. My dear Sir: I have now to acknowledge the receipt of your answer to both my letters; & whatever may be the practical result of our confidential communication, it is an unmixed satisfaction to me that the spirit in which it began on my part, has been met so cordially on yours. To a practical result eminently beneficial I see no obstacle ; except in your want of specific powers, & in the delay which may intervene before you can procure them ; & during which events may get before us. Had you felt yourself authorized to entertain any formal propositions, and to decide upon it, without reference home, I would immediately have taken measures for assembling my Colleagues in London, upon my return, in order to be enabled to submit to you as tfce act of my government, all that I have stated to you as my own sentiments & theirs.. But with such a delay in prospect, I think I should hardly be justified in proposing to bind ourselves to any thing positively, & unconditionally; and think on the other hand that a proposition qualified either in respect to the contingency of your concurrence 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, September 8, 1823, which see below, pt. vm, doc. 796.

PAGE 90

i486 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN in it, or with reference to possible change of circumstances, would want the decision & frankness which I should wish to mark our proceeding. Not that I anticipate any change of circumstances, which could vary the views opened to you in my first letter: — nor that, after what you have written to me in return, I apprehend any essential dissimilarity of views on the part of your Government. But we must not place ourselves in a position, in which, if called upon from other quarters for an opinion, we cannot give a clear & definite account not only of what we think & feel, but of what we have done or are doing, upon the matter in question. To be able to say, in answer to such an appeal, that the U d . States & Great Britain concur in thinking so & so— would be well. To anticipate any such appeal by a voluntary declaration to the same effect would be still better. But to have to say that we are in communication with the U. States, but have no conclusive understanding with them, would be inconvenient — -Our free agency would thus be fettered with respect to other powers; while our agreement with you would be yet unascertained. What appears to me, therefore, the most advisable is that you should see in my unofficial communication enough hope of good to warrant you in requiring Powers & Instructions from your Government on this point, in addition to the others upon which you have recently been instructed & empowered ; treating that communication not as a proposition made to you, but as the evidence of the nature of a proposition which it would have been my desire to make to you, if I had found you provided with authority to entertain it. I have the honor [etc.]. 796 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States x London, September 8, 1823. Sir: I yesterday received another confidential note from Mr. Canning, dated the thirty first of August, a copy 2 of which I have the honor to enclose herewith for the President's information. From this note it would appear, that Mr. Canning is not prepared to pledge this government to an immediate recognition of the independence of the South American states. I shall renew to him a proposition to this effect when we meet; but should he continue to draw back from it, I shall on my part not act upon the overture contained in his first note, not feeling myself at liberty to accede to them in the name of my government, but upon the basis of an equivalent. This equivalent as I now view the subject could be 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX. 2 See above, pt. vm, doc. 795.

PAGE 91

DOCUMENT 797: SEPTEMBER 19, 1823 I487 nothing less than the immediate and full acknowledgment of those states, or some of them, by Gt. Britain. I shall send this despatch by this evening's mail to Liverpool, and have reason to hope that it will go in a ship that sails on the eighth, whereby there will have been not a moment's delay in putting you in possession of all the correspondence that has passed between Mr. Canning and me, or that now seems likely to pass, upon this delicate subject. I cannot help thinking, however, that its apparent urgency may, after all, be lessened by the turn which we may yet witness in affairs, military and political, in Spain. I have the honor [etc.]. 797 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l London, September ig, 1823. Sir: Mr. Secretary Canning returned to town about a week ago, and I had an interview with him yesterday at the foreign office, at his request. He entered at once upon the subject of Spanish America, remarking that he thought it claimed precedence, at present, over all others between us. Military events in the Peninsula seemed every day to be drawing nearer to a crisis in favor of the French arms, and the political arrangements projected afterwards, would, there was good reason to suppose, be immediately directed to the affairs of the late colonies. He would therefore not give up the hope, notwithstanding the footing upon which this subject appeared to be placed at the close of our recent correspondence, that I might yet see my way towards a substantial acquiescence in his proposals. They were hourly acquiring new importance and urgency under aspects that neither of our governments could be insensible to. Having perceived, since we had last been together, the publication in the newspapers of the correspondence between a portion of the merchants of London and the foreign office, respecting the appointment of consuls, or commercial agents, for the South American states, I asked Mr. Canning whether I was to infer that this government was speedily about to adopt such a measure, to which he replied in the affirmative, saying that commercial agents would certainly be soon appointed, and sent out to the proper ports in those quarters. As to the proposals he had submitted to me, I said that I was sure that he would himself appreciate the delicacy of the ground upon which I stood. The United States, it was true, would view any attempt on the part of France and 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX.

PAGE 92

I488 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN the continental alliance to re-subjugate those new states, as a transcendent act of national injustice, and indicative of a progressive and most alarming ambition. Yet, to join Great Britain in a declaration to this effect might lay them open in some respects to consequences upon the character and extent of which it became my duty to reflect with great caution, before I made up my mind to meet the responsibilities of them. The value of the declaration, it was agreed, would depend upon its being formally made known to Europe. Would not such a step wear the appearance of the United States implicating themselves in the political connexions of Europe? Would it not be acceding, in this instance at least, to the policy of one of its leading powers in opposition to the projects avowed by other powers? This heretofore had been no part of the system of the United States. Their foreign policy had been essentially bottomed on the maxim of keeping peace and harmony with all powers, without offending any. Upon the institutions as upon the dissentions of foreign nations, the government and the people of the United States might have, and might express, their speculative opinions; but it had been no part of their past conduct to interfere with the one, or, being unmolested themselves, to become parties to the other. In this broad principle laid one of my difficulties under his proposals. He replied, that however just such a policy might have been formerly, or might continue to be as a general policy, he apprehended that powerful and controuling circumstances made it inapplicable on the present occasion. The question was a new and a complicated one in modern affairs. It was also, to the full, as much American as European, to say no more. It concerned the United States under interests as immediate and commanding, as it did or could any of the states of Europe. They (the United States) were the first power established on that continent, and now confessedly the leading power. They were connected with Spanish America by their position, as with Europe by their relations. They also stood connected with these new states by political relations. W T as it possible that they could see witfT indifference their fate decided upon by Europe? Could Europe expect this indifference? Had not a new epoch arrived in the relative position of the United States towards Europe, which Europe must acknowledge? Were the great political and commercial interests which hung upon the destinies of the new continent, to be canvassed and adjusted in this hemisphere without the cooperation or even knowledge of the United States? Were they to be canvassed and adjusted, he would add, without some proper understanding between the United States and Great Britain, as the two chief commercial and maritime states of both worlds? He hoped not, he would wish to persuade himself not. Such was the tenor of his remarks. I said, that his suggestions were not unworthy of great consideration, and that such and others of the same nature would probably not escape the attention of my government. There might, I was aware, be room for thinking, that the late formation of these

PAGE 93

DOCUMENT 797: SEPTEMBER 19, I823 I489 new states would impose new political duties upon the United States, not merely as coupled with the great cause of national justice and freedom, but as more closely coupled with their own present and future interests, and with the very existence finally of their own institutions. That I might, perhaps, speaking for myself as an individual, be able to imagine that the expression of a voice by the United States, upon the destinies of these states, admitting that the powers of Europe usurped a right to bring them under deliberation, would imply no real departure from the principles that had heretofore regulated their foreign intercourse, or pledge them henceforth to the federative or ) political connexions of the old world. If, too, that voice happened to be in unison with the voice of Great Britain, I admitted that it might prove but the more auspicious to the common object which both nations had in view, without committing either to any systematick or ulterior concert. But I said, that as the question of the United States expressing this voice, and promulgating it under official authority to the powers of Europe, was one of novelty as well as magnitude in their history, it was for my government and not for me to decide upon it. Concomitant and after-duties of a grave and momentous character might be bound up in such a step. I was willing to take upon myself any fair responsibility growing out of the station which I hold under the confidence of my government. But here was a case wholly new, and not seeming to fall within the range of any of the contingent or discretionary duties that could have been in contemplation when I was clothed with my commission. For meeting a case thus extraordinary, if I could do so at all, I ought to have some justification beyond any that had yet been laid before me. Such was my opinion ; such the conclusion to which I had been forced to come after full and anxious reflection. He said that the case being new, might serve to account for my not being in possession of previous or specifick powers respecting it, but that its very nature seemed to preclude delay. He had the strongest reasons for believing, that the cooperation of the United States with England through my instrumentality, afforded with promptitude, would ward off altogether the meditated jurisdiction of the European powers over the affairs of the new world. Delay this cooperation until I could receive specifick powers, and the day might go by ; the progress of events was rapid ; the evil might come on. A portion of it might and probably would be consummated, and if Great Britain could by herself afterwards arrest it, there was at least more of uncertainty in this, besides that preventive measures were always, whether on the score of humanity or efficacy, preferable to those that were remedial. Why then should the United States whose institutions always, and whose policy in this instance, approximated them so much more closely to Great Britain than to any other power in Europe, hesitate to act with her to promote a common object approved alike by both; to achieve a common good estimated alike by both? To this effect did he express himself, amplifying his ideas of which I present

PAGE 94

I ! V I49O PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN but the substance and outline. He finished by saying, that his station and duties as the organ of this government would oblige him to call upon me in another way, if I continued to feel unable to assent to his past proposals; for, said he, "if a congress be in fact assembled on the affairs of Spanish America, I shall ask that you, as the representative of the United States at this court, be invited to attend it. If you are not invited, I shall reserve to myself the option of determining whether or not Great Britain will send a representative to it. If you are invited and refuse to go, I shall still reserve to myself the same option. Hence you see the complication of the whole subject; hence you see how essential it is, in the opinion of Great Britain, that the United States should not be left out of view, if Europe determine to take cognizance of the subject." These last declarations could not fail to make an impression upon me, and I give them as nearly as may be in his own words. The complication of the subject said I, continuing the discussion, may be cured at once, and by Great Britain. Let Great Britain immediately and unequivocally acknowledge the independence of the new states. This will put an end to all difficulty. The moment is auspicious, every thing invites to the measure, justice, expediency, humanity; the repose of the world, the cause of national independence, the prosperity and happiness, of both hemispheres. Let Britain but adopt this measure — so just in itself, so recommended by the point of time before us — the cause of all Spanish America triumphs. The European congress may meet afterwards, if it sees fit! He said that such a measure was open to objection, but asked if he was to understand that it would make any difference in my powers or conduct. I replied, the greatest difference. I had frankly told him that I had no powers that would cover my consent to his proposals in the shape that he had first made them to me. I would as frankly say, that I had no specifick powers to consent to them coupled with the fact of this government acknowledging at once the independence of Spanish America. But, this being done, I would stand upon my general powers. I had no hesitation in saying that, under their warrant, I would put forth with Great Britain the declaration to which he had invited me; that I would do so in the name of my government, and consent to its being promulgated, with all the present validity that I could give it, to the world. I had carefully examined all my instructions for years past bearing either directly or remotely on the great cause of these states. I saw in them all, so steady and so strong a desire for the firm establishment of their freedom and independence; I saw, too, sometimes in their letter and always in their spirit, so concurrent a desire to see their independence acknowledged by Great Britain, that I would not scruple, on seeing the latter event brought about, to lend my official name, as far as it could go, to the course which he had proposed, and count upon my government stamping with its subsequent sanction the part which I acted. If I could be in any degree instrumental towards accelerating this acknowledgment, I should feel that I

PAGE 95

DOCUMENT 797: SEPTEMBER 19, 1823 I49I had achieved a great and positive good. Upon British recognition hung, not indeed the final, but perhaps in an eminent degree the present tranquility and happiness of those states. Their final safety was not, as I believed, at the mercy of European dictation; but we could not disguise that it might prolong their sufferings, and throw fresh clouds over all their prospects. It was in this manner that I expressed myself, displaying to him with entire candour my feelings and determinations, as well as the precise ground upon which the steps that I took, whatever they might be, would rest. He said that among the objections to recognizing at present, was still that of the uncertain condition, internally, of these new states, or, at any rate, of "A some of them. He had, for example, sent an agent in January last to Mexico, ^ supposing that Iturbide was at the head of affairs; but by the time he had arrived, a fresh revolution had set up other representatives of the executive"^ power. The same internal vicissitudes were to be remarked in others of these communities, more to the south. Another objection he said was started by the circumstances of this very Colombian loan, which had created so much agitation on the stock exchange ~\ of London for a twelvemonth past. It was true, that as this subject actually stood, the British Government owed no obligation to those British subjects who had embarked their money in an adventure of the safety of which they had themselves chosen to be the judges. But suppose the recognition to have been made by Great Britain sometime ago, as was wished, and the loan to have followed, would not the duty of countenance and protection have attached, and might not this serve to portray the hazards of coming too hastily into relations with distant states whose credit or whose means, in their dealings with the subjects of other nations, did not as yet appear to rest on any sure or adequate foundations? Respecting the latter topick I replied, that it was beyond my competence to disentangle all its details. All I could say was, that the government of Colombia as far as I was informed had fallen into no departure from good faith in the transaction, and it yet remained to-be known whether it would not in the end give satisfaction to all the parties concerned. But,*far from an obstacle in the way of recognizing, it appeared to me that the incident fairly led to different conclusions; for had Colombia at the period of the loan been admitted to regular relations with this government, it is to be presumed that the powers of her diplomatick agents would have been open to other examinations than they appear to have received, and the whole transaction thus been freed from the subsequent embarrassments which surrounded it. As to internal vicissitudes, I remarked that the dilemma thence arising was not greater than had been witnessed in France from time to time during a period of more than twenty years, than had been seen in Naples since, or than was experienced at this very moment by Britain herself in her diplomatick intercourse with Portugal and Spain. Had we not seen revolutions

PAGE 96

' I49 2 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN and counter-revolutions, royal governments, constitutional governments, regencies, succeeding each other almost day by day in the oldest countries of Europe, whose affairs too were still as unsettled as when these commotions began? Why then be surprised at changes in the new world? Besides, these changes would be likely to be largely if not entirely checked by the fact of the new states being recognized by Europe. This would give stability to their institutions, and, by breaking down the hopes of the discontented and the factions amongst themselves, become the sure guarantees of their greater internal prosperity and repose. What proofs had they not given of military power? What proofs were they not giving of political wisdom? Look at Buenos Ayres, that as long ago as 1807 could repulse the wellappointed legions of Britain herself. Look at Colombia, — she was at this moment, at one and the same time, laying the ground work of a confederacy for all Spanish America, and by her auxiliary veterans marched into Peru, upholding the cause of emancipation upon that shore. Every thing attested the reality of that emancipation. It was irrevocable. Spain might go on with her languid efforts and protract, through her delusion, the miseries of war. But over Spanish American independence, she had no longer any controul — Europe had no controul. It was a question forever settled. It would soon be seen by Britain, that the United States, in their proposals for adjusting with Russia, and with Britain, the respective pretensions of the three powers on the coasts of the Pacific, were forced to take for granted the independence of all the late colonies of Spain on that continent, as the inevitable basis of all just and practical negociation. Their independence was, in fine, the new political element of modern times and must henceforth ..pervade the political arrangements of both worlds. Why then should Britain longer forbear to acknowledge this independence? She had already done so in effect; why should she not in form? She had, by her solemn i statutes, made her trade with those new states lawful; she had stood ready to support that trade with her squadrons; she was on the eve of sending out commercial agents to reside in some or all of them, as the guardians of British interests; all this she had done, and more. She had even declared in her state papers, that the question of their independence was substantially decided though the formal recognition of it might indeed be retarded, or be hastened, by external circumstances. What external circumstances could v be imagined more imperious for hastening this formal recognition than the present, when Spain is seen to be doubly incapacitated from regaining dominion over these states, and continental Europe actually meditating such unwarrantable designs upon them? It was thus that I endeavoured to develope what I suppose to be the views and convictions of the President upon this important subject. Our conversation was prolonged to a couple of hours, and, although informal, was, I need not say, of extraordinary interest. It was characterised by the freedom

PAGE 97

DOCUMENT 797: SEPTEMBER 1 9, 1 823 I493 with which I have reported it. In condensing it within the limits of these sheets, I can only hope that I have faithfully preserved its material points I do not flatter myself with any sanguine belief, that this government will b prepared to yield to my appeals in favor of immediate recognition ; but I am to have another interview with Mr. Canning some day next week, or the week after, which he is yet to name, and I can only say that I will zealously renew and extend these appeals as opportunities may be fitly afforded me Not knowing what other topicks might have been handled at our interview yesterday, I had carried several of my papers with me, and amongst them a copy of your despatch number seventy one. 1 I was glad that I had done so, for thinking that the sentiments which it expresses on the value of the existing and prospective concord between the two countries, were in unison with the spirit of parts of our conversation, I did not scruple to read to him before we separated its introductory pages. He was alike struck with their applicability, and I flatter myself that so opportune an exhibition to him of these sentiments so recently conveyed to me from the high source of my government, may not be without its uses. Should a congress be assembled under the guilty intention and hope of crushing South American freedom, and I receive an invitation to it, I shall not go, though the time for me to say so will not arrive until the invitation comes. For, first, I have no warrant from the President for such a step. Next, I infer from Mr. Canning's intimations, that Great Britain will send no representative to it, should the United States have none there. I should in this manner, by my absence, do more good than I possibly could by.my presence. It is thus that I already make known my contingent determinations upon events that are contingent! Mr. Canning was not, as it appeared, aware until yesterday, that I was s prepared to come into his views, on condition of this government immediately and formally recognizing the new states. I had intended that the / concluding sentence of my note 2 to him of the twenty seventh of August should start this idea to his mind, though I had designedly abstained from putting it forth more openly at that period of our correspondence. I have the honor [etc.]. 1 Not printed. 2 See above, pt. viu, doc. 793.

PAGE 98

1494 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN 798 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l London, October 2, 1823. Sir: I had another interview with Mr. Canning on the twenty sixth of last month, at Gloucester Lodge, his residence a short distance from town. The immediate motive of his inviting me to this interview was, to show me a despatch which he had just received from Sir Charles Stewart, the British ambassador at Paris, which had a bearing upon our late conferences respecting Spanish America. It recounted a short conversation which he had had with our charge d'affaires at that court, Mr. Sheldon, the purport of which was, that Sir Charles having taken occasion to mention to Mr. Sheldon the projects of France and the Alliance upon Spanish America, Mr. Sheldon replied that the government of the United States was aware of them all, and disapproved of them. Mr. Canning, inferring that this reply of our charge d'affaires probably rested upon some instructions or information from the government of the United States, also inferred that it might lend its aid towards my consent to his proposals 2 of the 20th of August. He added, that the despatch of Sir Charles Stewart had proceeded from no previous communication whatever from him (Mr. Canning) upon the subject, but had been altogether written on his own motion. I replied, that what instructions or information the Legation of the U. States at Paris might have received upon this subject, I could not undertake to say with confidence; but that I scarcely believed any had reached it, which were not common to me. That certainly I had none, other than those general instructions which I had already mentioned to him, evidently never framed to meet the precise crisis which he supposed to be at hand respecting Spanish America, but under the comprehensive spirit of which I was nevertheless willing to go forward with him in his proposals upon the terms I had stated, in the hope of arresting this crisis. He now declared that this government felt great embarrassments as regarded the immediate recognition of these new states, embarrassments which had not been common to the U. States, and asked whether I could not give my assent to his proposals on a promise by Great Britain of future acknowledgment. To this intimation I gave an immediate and unequivocal refusal. Further conversation passed between us though chiefly of a desultory nature, (it shall be reported at a future time,) and the conference ended by his saying that he would invite me to another interview in the course of a few days. Having waited until now without yet hearing from him, I have concluded to write you thus much of what passed on the 26th without more delay. It 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX. 2 See above, pt. vm, doc. 789.

PAGE 99

DOCUMENT 799: OCTOBER 9, 1 823 1495 does not "all within any of my intentions to accede to Mr. Canning's overtures but on the basis of a previous and explicit acknowledgment of the new states by this government in manner as formal and ample in all respects as was done by the United States, whose act of acknowledgment will be the example upon which I shall stand. Even then, the guarded manner in which alone my consent will be given when I come to use the name of my government, will, I trust, be found to free the step from all serious exception on my part, should I finally take it. I cannot be unaware, that in this whole transaction the British cabinet are striving for their own ends; yet if these ends promise in this instance to be also auspicious to the safety and independence of all Spanish America, I persuade myself that we cannot look upon them but with approbation. England it is true has given her countenance, and still does, to all the evils with which the holy Alliance have afflicted Europe; but if she at length has determined to stay the career of their formidable and despotick ambition in the other hemisphere, the United States seem to owe it to all the policy and to all the principles of their system, to hail the effects whatever may be the motives of her conduct. Mr. Canning at the close of the above interview, expressed his desire, that in informing my government of his communications to me, I would treat them as entirely confidential, as well the verbal as the written; the more so if no act resulted from them. That no act will result from them, is my present belief. I have the honor [etc.]. 799 Memorandum .of a Conference between the Prince de Polignac, French Ambassador to Great Britain, and Mr. Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain, begun Thursday, October q, and concluded Sunday, October 12, 182J l The Prince de Polignac, having announced to Mr. Canning, that His Excellency was now prepared to enter with Mr. Canning into a frank explanation of the views of his Government respecting the question of Spanish America, in return for a similar communication which Mr. Canning had previously offered to make to the Prince de Polignac on the part of the British Cabinet, Mr. Canning stated: That the British Cabinet has no disguise or reservation on that subject: That their opinions and intentions were substantially the same as were announced to the French Government by the dispatch of Mr. Canning to Sir Charles Stuart [Stewart?] of the 31st of March; which that Ambassador 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX, enclosed with Rush to Adams, December 27, 1823, which see below, pt. VIII, doc. 808.

PAGE 100

I496 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN communicated to M. de Chateaubriand, and which had since been published to the world. That the near approach of a crisis, in which the affairs of Spanish America must naturally occupy a great share of the attention of both Powers, made it desirable that there should be no misunderstanding between them on any part of a subject so important. That the British Government were of opinion, that any attempt to bring Spanish America again under its ancient submission to Spain, must be utterly hopeless; that all negotiation for that purpose would be unsuccessful; and that the prolongation or renewal of war for the same object would be only a waste of human life, and an infliction of calamity on both parties, to no end. That the British Government would, however, not only abstain from interposing any obstacle, on their part, to any attempt at negotiation, which Spain might think proper to make, but would aid and countenance such negotiation, provided it were founded upon a basis which appeared to them to be practicable; and that they would, in any case, remain strictly neutral, in a War between Spain and the Colonies, if war should be unhappily prolonged. But that the junction of any Foreign Power in an enterprize of Spain against the Colonies, would be viewed by them as constituting an entirely new question; and one upon which they must take such decision as the Interests of Great Britain might require. That the British Government absolutely disclaimed not only, any desire of appropriating to itself any portion of the Spanish Colonies, but any intention of forming any connexion with them, beyond those of Amity and Commercial Intercourse. That in those respects so far from seeking an exclusive preference for its subjects over those of Foreign States, It was prepared and would be contented, to see the Mother Country (by virtue of an amicable arrangement) in possession of that preference; and to be ranked, after her, equally with others, only on the footing of the most favoured nation. That, completely convinced that the ancient system of the Colonies could not be restored, the British Government could not enter into any stipulation binding itself either to refuse or to delay its Recognition of their Independence. That the British Government had no desire to precip[it]ate that Recognition, so long as there was any reasonable chance of an accommodation with the Mother country, by which such a recognition might come first from Spain — But that it could not wait indefinitely for that result; that it could not consent to make its Recognition of the New States dependent upon that of Spain; and that it would consider any Foreign Interference, by force or

PAGE 101

DOCUMENT 799: OCTOBER 9, 1 823 1497 menace, in the dispute between Spain and the Colonies, as a motive for recognizing the latter without delay. That the Mission of Consuls to the several Provinces of Spanish America, was no new measure on the part of this Country; that it was one which had, on the contrary, been delayed, perhaps too long, in consideration of the State of Spain, after having been announced to the Spanish Government in the month of December last, as settled; and even after a List had been furnished to that Government of the places to which such appointments were intended to be made. 1 That such appointments were absolutely necessary for the protection of British Trade in those Countries. That the old pretension of Spain to interdict all trade with those countries, was, in the opinion of the British Government, altogether obsolete; but that, even if attempted to be enforced against others, it was, with regard to Great Britain, clearly inapplicable. That permission to trade with the Spanish Colonies had been conceded to Great Britain in the year 1810, when the mediation of Great Britain between Spain and her Colonies was asked by Spain, and granted by Great Britain; that this mediation, indeed, was not afterwards employed, because Spain changed her Counsel; but that it was not therefore practicable for Great Britain to withdraw Commercial Capital once embarked in Spanish America, and to desist from Commercial Intercourse once established. That it had been ever since distinctly understood that the trade was open to British subjects; and that the ancient Coast Laws of Spain were, so far as regarded them at least, tacitly repealed. That in virtue of this understanding, redress had been demanded of Spain in 1822, for (among other grievances) seizures of vessels for alleged infringements of those Laws; which redress the Spanish Government bound itself by a Convention (now in course of execution) to afford. That Great Britain, however, had no desire to set up any separate right to the free enjoyment of this Trade; that she considered the force of circumstances, and the irreversible progress of events, to have already determined the question of the existence of that freedom for all the world ; but that, for herself, she claimed and would continue to use it; and should any attempt be made to dispute that claim, and to renew the obsolete interdiction, such attempt might be best cut short by a speedy and unqualified Recognition of the Independence of the Spanish American States. That, with these general opinions, and with these peculiar claims, England could not go into a joint deliberation upon the subject of Spanish America, upon an equal footing with other Powers; whose opinions were 1 Mr. Canning here read to the Prince de Polignac Extracts of two dispatches addressed to Sir W. a Court on the 5th & 28th of December 1822, in which that Minister was directed to make those successive communications to the Spanish Government.

PAGE 102

I498 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN less formed upon that question, and whose interests were less implicated in the decision of it. That she thought it fair therefore to explain beforehand, to what degree her mind was made up, and her determination taken. The Prince de Polignac declared : That his Government believed it to be utterly hopeless to reduce Spanish America to the state of its former relation to Spain ; That France disclaimed, on her part, any intention or desire to avail herself of the present state of the Colonies, or of the present situation of France towards Spain, to appropriate to herself any part of the Spanish possessions in America; or to obtain for herself any exclusive advantages; and that like England, she would willingly see the Mother country in possession of superior commercial advantages, by amicable arrangements; and would be contented, like her, to rank, after the Mother country, among the most favoured nations. 1 Lastly that she abjured, in any case, any design of acting against the Colonies by force of arms. The Prince de Polignac proceeded to say that, as to what might be the best arrangement between Spain and Her Colonies, the French Government could not give, nor venture to form, an opinion, until the King of Spain should be at Liberty; that they would then be ready to enter upon it, in concert with their allies, and with Great Britain among the number. In observing upon what Mr. Canning had said, with respect to the peculiar situation of Great Britain, in reference to such a Congress; The Prince de Polignac declared he saw no difficulty to prevent England from taking part in the Congress, however she might now announce the difference in the view which she took of the question from that taken by the Allies. The refusal of England to cooperate in the work of reconciliation might afford reason to think, either that she did not really wish for that reconciliation, or that she had some ulterior object in contemplation; two suppositions equally injurious to the honour and good faith of the British Cabinet. The Prince de Polignac further declared, that he could not conceive what could be meant, under the present circumstances, by'a pure and simple acknowledgment of the Independence of the Spanish Colonies; since, those Countries being actually distracted by civil wars, there existed no government in them which could offer any appearance of solidity; and that the acknowledgment of American Independence, so long as such a state of 1 Mr. Canning having alluded to certain reports in the newspapers of some attack, or intended attack, by a French Naval Force, against the Independents in Colombia, The Prince de Polignac said that, so far from intending any such hostile act, the French Government had recalled the only Line of Battle ship in those seas, the Jean Bart, which is on its return to France.

PAGE 103

DOCUMENT 799: OCTOBER 9, 1 823 1 499 things continued, appeared to him to be nothing less than a real sanction of Anarchy. The Prince de Polignac observed that, in the interest of humanity, and especially in that of the Spanish Colonies, it would be worthy of the European Governments to concert together the means of calming in those distant and scarcely civilized regions, passions blinded by party spirit, and to endeavour to bring back to a principle of Union in Government, whether Monarchical or Aristocratical, people among whom absurd and dangerous theories were now keeping up agitation and disunion. Mr. Canning, without entering into any discussion upon these abstract principles, contented himself with saying that however desirable the establishment of a Monarchical form of Government in any of those Provinces might be, he saw great difficulties in the way of it; nor could his Government take upon itself to put it forward as a condition of their Recognition. Mr. Canning further remarked, that he could not understand how an European Congress could discuss Spanish American affairs, without calling to their Councils a Power so eminently interested in the result, as the United States of America; Austria, Russia, and Prussia being Powers comparatively so much less concerned in the subject. The Prince de Polignac professed himself unprovided with any opinion of his Government upon what respected the United States of America; but did not for himself see any insuperable difficulty to such an association. He added that he saw the less difficulty in a Congress upon this subject, as such a mode of treating it had been proposed at Verona by the Duke of Wellington. Referring to the Convention said to have been concluded between the Government of Buenos Ayres and Commissioners from Spain — and especially to the declaration of. the Buenos Ayres Legislature, accompanying that convention, which promised a subsidy to Spain in the war against France; the Prince de Polignac was not prepared to say how far such a declaration might be considered by his Government as an act of hostility against France: But upon Mr. Canning's observing that the declaration was only eventual arid conditional; that it depended for its confirmation on two circumstances: 1st, the ratification of the Convention by the King of Spain; 2ndly, the acceptance of the like terms, and the conclusion of similar Conventions with Spain, by all the other states of Spanish America; neither of which had yet occurred; and further that, even if carried into effect, such a subsidy would have done no more against France than the Colonies might have been bound to do, if still under the control of the Mother country; the Prince de Polignac was willing to admit that this case was not one which could be expected to change practically the views of his Government with respect to the general question of Spanish America, or much to influence the general principles of Policy, by which that question must be

PAGE 104

1500 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN decided; But upon this point, the Prince de Polignac said that he was speaking only his own individual opinion, and that opinion not founded upon mature reflection. P. S. Mr. Canning in transmitting to the Prince de Polignac a copy of the foregoing minute (according to agreement) on the day after it was written, accompanied it with an official note in which he observed. "That he had not yet had an opportunity of looking back to the Duke of Wellington's correspondence at Verona, but that the impression upon Mr. Canning's mind was, not that any proposal was made by the Duke of Wellington for treating the subject of Spanish America in Congress" but, "that the Duke certainly communicated (or offered to communicate) to the Plenipotentiaries there assembled, the views and opinions of his Government upon that subject; which were then in substance no other than they are now, except so far as time and events have since contributed to mature them." Having afterwards referred to the Duke of Wellington's correspondence at Verona, Mr. Canning addressed on the 15th October the following note to the Prince de Polignac. Mr. Canning, having referred to the Duke of Wellington's correspondence at Verona, has the honor to state to His Excellency the Prince de Polignac, that the impression which was upon his mind at the moment of his Conference with the Prince de Polignac on Sunday as to the nature of the Duke of Wellington's communication to the Congress at Verona on the subject of Spanish America, is by that reference entirely confirmed. 800 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l [extracts] London, October 10, 1823. Sir: At the conference with Mr. Canning the day before yesterday, he said nothing of Spanish American affairs, except barely to remark at parting, that he should send off consuls to the new states very soon, perhaps in the course of this month. I asked whether consuls or commercial agents. He said he believed they might as well be called by the former name, as they would be invested with the powers and charged with the duties that belonged to the consular office. I asked if they would be received in that capacity by governments between which and Great Britain no political or 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX.

PAGE 105

DOCUMENT 800: OCTOBER 10, 1823 I5OI diplomatic relations had yet been formed. He said, that this he did not know with any certainty; he rather supposed that they would be received. I saw him again at the foreign office yesterday, and he said not one single word relative to South America, although the occasion was altogether favorable for resuming the topick, had he been disposed to resume it. I therefore v consider that all further discussion between us in relation to it is now at an end. I had myself regarded the questions involved in the discussion as essentially changed by the arrival of the news of the convention of the 4th of July between Buenos Ayres and the commissioners from Spain; and of the complete annihilation of the remnant of the royal forces in Colombia under Morales, on the third of August, both which pieces of intelligence have reached England since the twenty sixth of September, the date of my last conference with Mr. Canning on the South American subject. The termination of the discussion between us may be thought somewhat sudden, not to say abrupt, considering how zealously as well as spontaneously it was started on his side. As I did not commence it, it is not my intention to revive it. If I had actually acceded to his proposals, I should have endeavoured to have placed my conduct in a satisfactory light before the President. The motives of it would not, I flatter myself, have been disapproved. But as the whole subject is now before my government, and as I shall do nothing further in it without instructions, I should deem it out of place to travel into any new reasons in support of a step not in fact taken. Mr. Canning not having acceded to my proposal, nor I to his, we stand as we were before his first advance to me, with the exception only of the light which the intervening discussion may be supposed to have shed upon the dispositions and policy of England in this important matter. It appears that >^ having ends of her own in view, she has been anxious to facilitate their ac/ complishment by invoking my auxiliary offices as the minister oTthe United / States at this court; but as to the independence of the. new states of America, for their own benefit, that this seems quite another question in her diplomacy. ) It is France that must not be aggrandized, not South America that must be made free. The former doctrine may fitly enough return upon Britain as part of her permanent political creed; but not having been taught to regard it as also incorporated with the foreign policy of the United States, I have forborne to give it gratuitous succour. I would have brought myself to minister to it incidentally on this occasion, only in return for a boon which it was in the power of Britain herself to have offered; a boon that might have closed the sufferings and brightened the propects of those infant Republicks emerging from the new world, and seeming to be connected as by a great moral chain with our own destinies. . . . In the conference with Mr. Canning at Gloucester Lodge on the 25th of last month, he informed me that this government had sent out three commissioners to Mexico with objects-such as I have already stated in a for-

PAGE 106

I K 1502 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN mer communication to you. Should the course and progress of events after their arrival in Mexico, render recognition by Great Britain advisable, one of these commissioners was furnished, he said, with contingent credentials to be minister, another would be constituted secretary of legation, and the third consul. He also said that these appointments, as well as those of commercial agents or consuls, whichsoever they might be, to go to the new states generally, would probably have the effect of inviting in the end further approaches from them all, to an intercourse with Great Britain, which approaches, should they be made, might be met by Great Britain, according to circumstances. It may perhaps afford room for conjecture what has led to the preference of Mexico over the other ex-colonies for such a provisionary diplomatick representation. I have heard a rumour, that an eye to some immediate advantage from the mines of that country has been the motive. Whilst the independence of Mexico has been of more recent establishment, it seems not less true, that her advances to internal stability have been less sure than we have seen in some of the other new states. Mr. Canning himself in one of our conversations thought fit to select Mexico as affording a prominent illustration of interior disquiet. Whether then the above rumour is the key to this early preference, or the proximity of this new state to the territories of the United States — or what considerations may have led to it, a little more time will probably disclose. It may rest on the mere fact of her greater population and riches. Mr. Canning also informed me, that orders would be given by this government to its squadron in the West Indies, to protect the trade of British subjects (to the extent of making reprisals if necessary) with the Spanish colonies, in case the licence for this trade which the Cortes granted in January last was not renewed. It will be recollected, that the same decree of the Cortes in that month which settled, under a threat of reprisals, the British claims upon Spain for captures, laid open the trade of the ultra marine provinces to Britain for ten years. This period of time being upon the eve of expiring, the intention of Britain is, to revive the orders for reprisals by her squadron, unless the time be extended. So much for a measure against Spain in her present extremity. It will next be seen that her ex-colonies come in for their share of this prompt and summary species of remedy of which Britain is setting other nations the example, for Mr. Canning also informed me that if the Colombian government did not make speedy reparation for the alleged aggression committed upon a British ship by the fort at Bocachica at the entrance of the bay of Carthagena, orders would be given to blockade that port. He remarked that the blockade would be confined merely to Bocachica as a measure of local redress, other satisfaction having been refused, and that it was intended that an explanation to this effect should be given to the government of Colombia,

PAGE 107

DOCUMENT 80 1 I NOVEMBER 26, 1 823 I503 through a neutral minister residing at that government. He added that his wish was, that the minister of the United States should be the channel of communication. Into the detail of circumstances that belong to this alleged aggression Mr. Canning did not go. From the account I have had of it from the Colombian minister in this city, Mr. Ravenga, I infer and believe that the offence was on the side of the British ship. Throughout the progress of our discussion on Spanish American affairs, I thought it proper to apprize Mr. Ravenga, confidentially, of all that was go-, 1 ing on. I take this opportunity of saying, that I have had equal pleasure in all my personal intercourse with this gentleman, and in my attempts to subserve the interests of his country. 801 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l London, November 26, i8z3~. Sir: I had an interview with Mr. Canning on the twenty fourth instant at the foreign office, when he afforded me some information on Spanish American affairs which I now proceed to lay before you. He began by saying that our conversations on this subject at Gloucester Lodge (on the 26th of September) 2 having led him to conclude that nothing could be accomplished between us, owing to the ground which I had felt it necessary to take respecting the immediate recognition of the late colonies by Great Britain, he had deemed it indispensable, as no more time was to be lost, that Great Britain should herself, without any concert with the United States, come to an explanation with France. He had accordingly seen the prince de Polignac, the French ambassador at this court, and stated to him that as it was fit that the two courts should understand each other distinctly on the Spanish American question, it was his intention to unfold the views of Great Britain in an official note to him, the prince; or to Sir Charles Stewart the British ambassador at Paris, to be communicated to the French court; or in the form of an oral conference with the prince himself, whichever of these modes the latter might indicate as preferable. The prince taking some interval to decide, it was finally agreed to adopt the method of oral conference, with the precaution of making a minute 3 of the conversation so that each government might have in its possession a record of what passed, to be previously assented to as correct on both sides. In pursuance of this course Mr. Canning held several conferences with the 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX. 2 See above, pt. vin, doc. 798. 3 Ibid., 799.

PAGE 108

1504 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN prince de Polignac in the early part of October, in which each party unfolded the views of their respective governments on this branch of publick affairs, and agreed upon the written memorandum or paper which was to embody them. This paper Mr. Canning said was of a nature which did not leave him at liberty to offer me a copy of it ; but he had invited me to the foreign office for the purpose of reading it to me, having only since his return to town last week exhibited it to the ministers of other powers, and not yet to all of them. He accordingly read the paper to me. When he had closed I said to him, notwithstanding what had previously fallen from him about not giving a copy of it, that its whole matter was so interwoven with our past discussions verbal and written upon the same subject, that I could not help thinking that my government would naturally expect a copy, as the regular termination of a subject the previous stages of which it had been my special duty to make known to my government. To this remark he replied, that he would willingly furnish me with a copy of that part of it which embodied the views of this government, but that where those of France were at stake, he did not feel that he had the same discretion, upon which footing my remark was left without more commentary. I am therefore relieved from the task of recapitulating to you the contents of that portion of this paper of which I may expect to receive a copy. The points which chiefly arrested my attention as new to me (and these I now communicate without waiting longer for the paper itself) were, that Great Britain declares that she will recognize the independence of the colonies, first, in case France should employ force in aid of their resubjugation; or, secondly, in case Spain herself, reverting to her ancient system, should attempt to put a stop to the trade of Britain with those colonies. But. it is not said what Britain will do beyond recognize their independence, her ulterior conduct being left to be shaped, as we may infer, by ulterior events. She claims a right to trade with the colonies on the footing of a permission given by Spain herself so long back as in 1810, as an equivalent for British mediation offered at that day between the parent state and the colonies. As regards the form of government most desirable for the colonies, considered as independent states, a preference is expressed for monarchy, could it be practicable. With the exception of the foregoing points, I recollect nothing material in the paper as regards the policy or intentions of Great Britain, not heretofore made known in my own communications upon this subject beginning with that of the 19th of August, 1 and continued in my numbers 325, 326, 330, 334 and 336. The letter of Mr. Canning to Sir Chs. Stewart of the 31st of March 1823 2 is still assumed as the basis of the policy of Great Britain. 1 See above, pt. vm, doc. 788. For his numbers 325, 326, 330, 334 and 336, see under the following dates, respectively: August 23, August 28, September 8, October 2, and October 10, (docs. 791, 794, 796, 798 and 800). He has omitted mention of his long dispatch of September 19 on the subject, which bore the number 331, and appears in this print as doc. 797. 2 Not printed in this collection.

PAGE 109

DOCUMENT 801: NOVEMBER 26, 1823 I505 To report with the requisite fidelity the views of France from this paper, read over but once to me, I might find an office more hazardous from the fact of my having had less acquaintance beforehand with them. I shall therefore not attempt to do so with any detail, from a fear that I might err. I have also the confident hope that an entire copy of it, although not given to me, will get to your hands through some other channel. I am not able, for my own share, to discern the adequate motives for wrapping it up in such secrecy, and have little doubt but that even the publick journals of Europe will, before very long, enlighten us with sufficient precision upon all its contents. The London journals of the present week have themselves made a beginning towards this end. Having said thus much I will proceed in my endeavours to state the main points of this paper where it was illustrative of the policy of France. 1. It declares that France, like England, regards the recovery of the colonies by Spain as hopeless. 2. It expresses the determination (I think this was the very word) of France not to assist Spain in attempting their reconquest. 3. It expresses the desire of France to see the dispute made up by amicable arrangements between the mother country and the colonies. 4. It disclaims for France all idea of deriving exclusive commercial advantages from the colonies, saying that, like England, she only asks to be placed on the footing of the most favoured nation, after Spain. 5. It knows not what there is to be recognized as independent in the collonies, France regarding all government there as a mockery. The reasoning employed is to this effect. 6. It labours to show the necessity of assembling a congress to which England should be a party (which she declines) to bring about the benevolent end of reclaiming those remote regions from their past errors, and making up the dispute between them and the parent state upon terms satisfactory to both, as the policy worthy of both! These were the material points of the paper, as I collected them. I am sensible that I state some of them in a way to start further questions as to their true meaning, questions which I could myself raise without, at this moment, being able to resolve them. Whether, amongst other things, France is to abstain from all kinds of aid to Spain, (force she says she will not employ) does not appear quite clear to my recollection. The apprehensions of Britain, however, seem to be fully allayed, at least for the present, on the score of French aggrandisement in Spanish America, and it is certain that she does not now anticipate any speedy interruption of the peace of Europe from this cause. Whether her apprehensions on this score were ever real, notwithstanding Mr. Canning's advances to me, or j whether France, from uneasiness at a prospect of collision with Britain, has herself receded for a while from her ambitious projects, and only for a while,

PAGE 110

I506 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN are points around which there may be some obscurity. The language which she now holds to Britain, is obviously at variance with that which her manifestoes breathed when her troops entered Spain in the spring. Her duplicity therefore in this whole Peninsular war, from her memorable avowals respecting the cordon sanitaire to the present time, appears to have been as signal as her ambition. In the course of the paper on the British side, there is allusion to the interest that the United States have in the question, which is met on the side of France by a declaration that she does not profess to be acquainted with our views on the subject. It is in the part which relates to the assembling of a congress. I might probably have made myself more accurately master of the whole paper by recurring in conversation to a few of the passages after Mr. Canning had finished reading it; but I was precluded the opportunity of doing this from his being pressed (whether by his previous wishes or otherwise I will not say) with another appointment a very few moments after he had closed. Notwithstanding the tranquilizing professions of France, it would seem that the sentiments of Russia (if we may so infer from Pozzo di Borgo's address to Ferdinand, which has just come before the world) are, that the Holy Alliance consider themselves as still bound to keep a superintending eye upon the affairs of Spain, throughout all her dominions. I have the honor [etc.]. 802 George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain, to Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain l Private & confidential. Gloucester Lodge, December 13, 1823. My dear Sir: In transmitting to you a copy of the memorandum of a conference between the French Ambassador and me, upon the affairs of Spanish America, 2 (which I had the honour to read to you yesterday) I am naturally led to revert to what passed between us in the summer upon that subject. Had you had it in your power, at that time, to concur in any joint consideration of the measures to be adopted, you know how happy I should have been to be enabled to propose such a concert. But time and the pressure of events did not allow of an indefinite postponement of a matter, which was liable, from day to day, to be brought into immediate discussion by other Powers. Our step was therefore taken, within a few weeks, after 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, December 27, 1823, which see below, pt. vin, doc. 808. 2 See above, pt. vin, doc. 799.

PAGE 111

DOCUMENT 804: DECEMBER 26, 1 823 I507 the last interchange of confidential letters between us. The result is before you. You will see that we were not unmindful of your claim to be heard: but I flatter myself that neither you nor we shall now have to lift our voice against any of the designs which were apprehended a few months ago. I am sure you will feel, Sir, and I trust it will be felt by your government that the confidence which I individually reposed in you is sacred; and that our intercourse in August not having led to any practical result, nor become matter of discussion between our respective Governments will be considered as having passed between two individuals relying upon each other's honour & discretion. I communicate the paper to you in such a way, as to relieve you from any difficulty in transmitting it to your Government. I have the honour [etc.]. 803 George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain, to Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain l Confidential. Foreign Office, December ij, 1823. Sir: I have great pleasure in furnishing you (according to your desire) with a copy of the memorandum 2 of a Conference between the French Ambassador and me on the affairs of Spanish America; which I had the honor to read to you yesterday. You are at liberty to communicate to your Government; but of course (from its very nature) as a confidential communication not to be made public in the United States. I have the honour [etc.]. 804 The Conde de Ofalia, Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairs, to Sir William d. Court, British Minister to Spain 3 Palace, December 26, 1823. Honoured Sir: I have the honor to inform you that the King, my august Master, has determined to devote his particular attention to the regulation of the affairs concerning the disturbed countries of Spanish America, being 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, December 27, 1823, which see below, pt. vm, doc. 808. 2 See above, pt. vm, doc. 799. 8 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, February 9, 1824, which see below, pt. vm, doc. 812.

PAGE 112

1508 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN solicitous to succeed in pacifying his dominions in which the seeds of anarchy have taken root to the prejudice of the safety of other governments. H. M. has therefore thought that he might justly calculate on the assistance of his dear allies towards obtaining results which cannot but prove beneficial to the tranquillity and happiness of all Europe. The inclosed copy will put you, Sir, in possession of the orders issued to H. C. M. Representatives at the Courts of Austria, France and Russia, and as the Ministers of Spain have not yet proceeded to London and Berlin, the King has directed me to address to you, Sir, and to the Minister of Russia at this Court, a Transcript of the said communication, which H. M. hopes you will have the goodness to transmit to your Govt, whose friendship & upright policy, the King my master trusts, will know how to appreciate the frankness of this communication and the equity that had dictated the basis on which it is founded. I avail myself [etc.]. [The above-mentioned enclosure is as follows:] The King, our Sovereign, being restored to the Throne of his ancestors in the enjoyment of his hereditary rights, has seriously turned his thoughts to his American Dominions, distracted by civil war, and reduced to the brink of the most dangerous precipice. As during the last three years the Rebellion which prevailed in Spain defeated the constant efforts which were made for maintaining tranquillity in the Costa Firme, for rescuing the Banks of the River Plata, and for preserving Peru and New Spain, H. M. beheld with grief the progress of the flame of Insurrection, but it affords at the same time consolation to the King that repeated and irrefragable proofs exist of an immense number of Spaniards remaining true to their oaths of loyalty to the throne, and that the sound majority of Americans acknowledge that that hemisphere cannot be happy unless it live in brotherly connexion with those who civilized those countries. These reflections powerfully animate his majesty to hope, that the justice of his cause will meet with a firm support in the influence of the Powers of Europe. Accordingly the King has resolved upon inviting the Cabinets of his dear and intimate allies to establish a conference at Paris, to the end that these Plenipotentiaries assembled therealong with those of his Catholick Majesty, may aid Spain in adjusting the affairs of the revolted countries of America. In examining this important question, H. M. will in conjunction with his powerful allies, consider of the alterations which events have produced in his American Provinces, and of the relations which during the disorders have been formed with Commercial Nations, in order thereby to adopt, with good faith, the measures most proper for conciliating the rights and just interests of the Crown of Spain and of its sovereignty with those which circumstances may have occasioned with respect to other nations. His Majesty confiding in the sentiments of his allies, hopes that they will assist him in accomplishing the worthy object of upholding the principles of order and Legitimacy. The subversion of which, once com-

PAGE 113

DOCUMENT 806: DECEMBER 27, 1 823 I509 menced in America, would presently communicate to Europe, and that they will aid him, at the same time, in reestablishing Peace between this Division of the Globe and his Colonies. It is therefore H. M. pleasure that convinced of the above arguments and availing yourself of the resources of your well known talents, you should endeavour to dispose the Gov't with which you reside, to agree to the desired cooperation, for which the events of the Peninsula have paved the way authorizing you to communicate a copy of this note to the Minister for Foreign Affairs. God preserve you many years. (Signed) The Conde de Ofalia. 805 Mr. Planta, of the British Foreign Office, to Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain 1 Foreign Office, December 26, 1823. Mr. Planta presents his best compliments to Mr. Rush, and in sending him the enclosed letters, 2 begs to acquaint him, that they have been delayed by the process necessary for preparing (in its present form) the memorandum by which they are accompanied. 806 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain 3 London, December 27, 1823. Sir: Your note of the 13th of this month, 4 owing to a cause which Mr. Planta has explained, did not get to my hands until last evening. With it came a copy of the memorandum 5 of the conference between yourself and the French ambassador on the affairs of Spanish America, which you did me the honor to read to me, and which, according to your permission, I will transmit to my government as a confidential paper. With sentiments of high respect [etc.]. 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, December 27, 1823, which see below, pt. vm, doc. 808. 2 See above, pt. vm, doc. 803. 3 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, December 27, 1823, which see below, pt. vm, doc. 808. 4 See above, pt. vm, doc. 802. 5 Ibid., 799.

PAGE 114

1510 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN 807 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain l London, December 2/, 182 3. My dear Sir: In replying to your private and confidential note of the 13th instant, 2 which did not, from a cause which Mr. Planta has mentioned, reach me until yesterday, I can only say, that I am fully aware of the necessity which pressed you in the autumn in regard to the Spanish American question, as soon as you ascertained that I felt myself without power, under any other state of things than that of a formal acknowledgement by Great Britain of the independence of the late colonies, to concur in any joint consideration of the measures to be adopted touching that question. The correspondence which passed between us in August, as well as the informal conversations which followed it in September, relating to this whole subject, were all treated by me as strictly confidential, and in that spirit communicated to my government, and the notice which has been taken of it in the President's message, just now received and published in the London journals, will, I persuade myself, be remarked by you as having avoided the most indirect or remote allusion to any previous stirring of the subject between us in this quarter. I have the honor [etc.]. 808 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 3 London, December 2j, 1823. Sir: In my letter number 346 of the 26th of November, 4 I had the honor to mention that I requested of Mr. Canning a copy of the paper which he read to me embodying the views of England and France relative to Spanish America, and that he replied that he would do so of as much of it as related to England, but that over the portion of it that contained the exposition of the views of France he did not feel that he was at liberty to exercise the same option. The attempt to draw this line seemed to me at the time unnecessary, and perhaps would have been found not very easy in practice, and accordingly in the interview which I had with Mr. Canning on the twelfth of this month, referring again to the above paper, and to the request I had made of him to be furnished with a copy of the whole of it, he said that he now felt 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, December 27' 1823, which see below, pt. vm, doc. 808. 2 See above, pt. vm, doc. 803. 3 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXIX. 4 See above, pt. vm, doc. 801.

PAGE 115

DOCUMENT 808: DECEMBER 27, 1823 I5II himself able to comply, the French government having furnished other states with a copy of it; and he promised to send me the entire copy in a few days. I have abstained from mentioning this promise to you in my intermediate communications, preferring to wait until the paper itself reached me. I have this day received it accompanied by a note from Mr. Canning dated the thirteenth instant, 1 and headed "confidential," in which he informs me that I am at liberty to communicate it to my government, but only as a confidential paper, not to be made publick in the United States. A note of a few lines from Mr. Planta dated yesterday, 2 explains the delay which has taken place in sending it to me. Another note from Mr. Canning, dated also on the thirteenth instant, 3 and headed "private and confidential" was received at the same time, in which he reverts to what passed between us in the summer on this Spanish American question, states his reason for having gone on to act without my concurrence, and intimates a hope that neither the United States [n]or Great Britain will now be called upon to lift their voice against the designs that were recently apprehended. In this latter note it will also be perceived what renewed anxiety is manifested that the whole subject may be treated by my government as entirely confidential. I have replied in two separate notes of this date to both of Mr. Canning's, and enclose copies of all the correspondence. 4 It will be seen in Mr. Canning's notes that he describes the paper as having been read to me on the 12th instant. This is a mistake. He read it to me on the 24th of November, as my communication to you of the 26th of that month shows. The mistake is not material, and is only noticed lest it should otherwise be inferred that the paper was read to me a second time, which was not the case. It is plain, in my belief, that this extraordinary solicitude for secrecy, springs from an unwillingness in this government to risk the cordiality of its standing with the holy Alliance to any greater extent than can be avoided. All serious danger to Spanish America, being now at an end, I do not at present see what there is to prevent a return to that effective amity between Great Britain and this Alliance which has heretofore existed. Events the most recent and authoritative justify us in saying, that no attempt upon the liberties of Europe, will essentially throw Britain off from the connexion, or impair her co-equal allegiance to the monarchical principle; and the authentick paper of her government which I this day transmit, indicates that the danger of disunion from the Spanish American question has had its source not in any concern of Britain at fresh strides of tyranny in the Alliance, but in an ambitious uneasiness in her councils at French or other 1 See above, pt. vin, doc. 803. * Ibid., 805. * Ibid., 802. 4 See above, pt. vin, doc. 799, memorandum of conference between Polignac and Canning, October 9; Canning to [Rush] December 13, ( doc. 802) ; same to same, same date, (doc. 803) ; Planta to Rush, December 26, (doc. 805); Rush to Canning, December 27, (doc. 806); and same to same, same date, (doc. 807).

PAGE 116

1512 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN continental interposition reaching a point which threatened at last to trench upon the commercial empire of England, an empire over which her statesmen never cease to keep their most jealous watch. As regards the essential rights of the Spanish American states — their internal polity and organization — it will be seen from the paper, that the foreign secretary of England permits the most revolting doctrines to be laid down by the ambassador of France without one word of dissent or disapprobation. Some of the questions that started to my mind when I undertook to report the contents of this paper to you from having heard it read, are not entirely solved, I must say, in a more deliberate examination of it. In my interview with Mr. Canning on the 12th of this month, he said that the continental powers had intended to hold a congress, not, as they now alleged, to coerce the late colonies, but to assist Spain with their deliberations and advice towards recovering her supremacy over them; but that Spain's proposals had been of a nature to frustrate all their wishes. Their offer to assist her as above had lately been made through the French ambassador at Madrid; Spain, through the same channel, had simply said in reply, that France, Russia, and the other Allies had nothing to do but to furnish ships, troops and money for the reconquest, which being effected, Spain was ready to requite them all by a grant of equivalent advantages to be drawn from the colonies. France had sent these proposals back to Spain as not fit to be entertained, and thus, as Mr. Canning seemed to infer, has vanished the project of the congress. One other scheme only remained he said for reducing the colonies, more wild however, as he added, than all former ones. This was by an association in the form of a private company, to be composed of capitalists and bankers in sufficient numbers, and deriving a charter from Spain, which company with their funds were to hire ships and troops for the reconquest and seek their remuneration in certain exclusive rights of trade to be granted to them, and also in the transfer to them of an interest in the mines of Mexico and Peru. Some modification of this visionary scheme has since made a figure in the journals of Europe, serving, in this country at least, to excite the publick derision. But the most decisive blow to all despotick interference with the new states is that which it has received in the President's message at the opening of Congress. It was looked for here with extraordinary interest at this juncture, and I have heard that the British packet which left New York the beginning of this month was instructed to wait for it and bring it over with all speed. It is certain that this vessel first brought it, having arrived at Falmouth on the 24th instant. On its publicity in London which followed as soon afterwards as possible, the credit of all the Spanish American securities immediately rose, and the question of the final and complete safety of the new states from all European coercion, is now considered as at rest. I have the honor [etc.]. 1

PAGE 117

DOCUMENT 809: JANUARY 6, 1 824 I513 809 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] London, January 6, 1824. The timely and explicit assertion of the cause of Spanish American independence contained in the message, has met with approbation from all classes of this community, as far as has come to my knowledge. What feelings may pervade the government respecting it, I cannot yet say, Mr. Canning not having expressed any opinion to me on this part of the message in either of the interviews I have had with him since its arrival. All the Spanish American deputies now in London have waited upon me since its arrival, testifying the high and grateful sense they entertain of the service which its decisive tone in regard to Spanish America, has rendered to their respective countries. Under the instructions of your letter of the second of July, I have already put myself into correspondence with Mr. Middleton, 2 and shall write to him to impart to him the substance of this communication that I now make to you. It will not be inferred from any thing it contains that I shall intermit my exertions to obtain from this government in my own negociations with it, its consent to the boundaries as between the U. States and Gt. Britain on the northwest coast of America, in manner as you have laid them down, though certainly my hope of succeeding is feeble. In regard to the principle of not considering any part of the American continents as henceforth open to colonization by any European nation, as I have reason to suppose that Great Britain will combat it with animation, if there would still be time whilst I remain here for me to receive any further views and developements of it from you, and the President deems it necessary that I should be furnished with them, I will take care to make the best use of them in my power towards strengthening our ground. The circumstance of there being at present no full British minister at Washington, increases the probability of my being more largely the medium of communication between the two governments on all points, than might otherwise be the case. In all my late interviews with Mr. Canning, he has inquired if I had received any reply from my government to his confidential communications to me of August and September. 3 He has heard respecting them from the British charge d'affaires at Washington, and has read to me at different 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXX. 1 Henry Middleton, United States Minister to Russia. 3 See above, pt. vm, docs. 789, 792 and 795.

PAGE 118

1 5 14 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN times two communications from him. The matter of these, as they merely purport to report his confidential conversations with you in the autumn, I do not esteem it necessary to recapitulate. I have the honor [etc.]. 810 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States x [extract] London, January 16, 1824. The following consuls appointed by this government have sailed for Spanish America since this month set in, in the Cambridge, an 80 gun ship, Captain Maling, which ship is to be stationed in the Pacific and take command of the British naval forces there: viz., one consul general and two vice consuls for Buenos Ayres; one consul general and two vice consuls for Chili, to reside at Valparaiso; one consul general and two vice consuls for Peru, to reside at Lima, and one consul for Montevideo. Consular officers of similar degree sailed some time ago for Mexico and Colombia. The British Naval force stationed at different points off the coast of South America or neighbouring seas, consists at present, or soon will consist, according to the best information I can obtain, of the following vessels: viz., the Cambridge, as above, of 80 guns; the Gloucester, of 8o j guns; the Ganges of 86 guns; the Spartiate of 84, the Superb of 78, and ten frigates, several of them heavy ones. Having heretofore mentioned that Mr. Ravenga was arrested and thrown into prison in this city on pretence of a debt due to a British subject for military supplies furnished by him to the government of Colombia, I take this opportunity of stating, that the action has been totally abandoned by the plaintiff. Its unwarrantable nature is now as apparent to everybody as it was at first to those who inquired into its circumstances; yet the laws of this country hold out no redress to Mr. Ravenga for the outrage put upon him. This gentleman has not, to this day, been recognized by this government in any shape. He informed the secretary of state for foreign affairs of his arrest and imprisonment as soon as they took place; but received no answer to his communication. I have the honor [etc.]. 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXX.

PAGE 119

DOCUMENT 8ll: JANUARY 30, 1 824 I515 811 George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain, to William & Court, British Minister to Spain l Foreign Office, January 30, 1824. Sir: The Messenger Latchford delivered to me on the 14th Inst, your despatch enclosing a copy of the Count de Ofalia's Official Note to you of the 26 of December last, 2 with the accompanying copy of an Instruction which has been addressed, by order of his Catholic Majesty, to his Ambassador at Paris, and to his Ministers Plenipotentiary at the Courts of Vienna and St. Petersburgh. Having laid these papers before the King, I have received his Majesty's commands to direct you to return to them the following answer. The purpose of the Spanish Instruction, is to invite the several powers, the allies of his Catholic Majesty, to "establish a conference at Paris, in order that their Plenipotentiaries together with those of his Catholic Majesty, may aid Spain in adjusting the affairs of her revolted colonies in America." The maintenance of the "Sovereignty" of Spain over her late Colonies, is pointed out in this Instruction as one specifick object of the 1 proposed conference and though no expectation of the employment of force for this object, by the powers invited to the Conference, is plainly indicated, it is not distinctly disclaimed. The invitation contained in this Instruction not being addressed directly to the Government of Great Britain, it may not be necessary to observe upon that part of it, which refers to the late "events in the Peninsula," as having "paved the way" for the desired cooperation. The British Government could not acknowledge an appeal founded upon transactions to which it was no party. But no such appeal was necessary. No variation in the internal affairs of Spain, has at anytime varied the King's desire to see a termination to the evils arising from the protracted struggle between Spain and Spanish America; or his Majesty's disposition to concur in bringing about that termination. From the year 1810 when His Majesty's single mediation was asked and granted to Spain, to effect a Reconciliation with her Colonies; the disturbances in which Colonies had then but newly broken out ; to the year 1 8 1 8 , when the same task, increased in difficulty by the course and complication of events in America, was proposed to be undertaken by the Allied Powers assembled in conference at Aix la Chapelle; and from the year 18 18 to the present time, the good offices of His Majesty for this purpose have always been at the 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, February 9, 1824, which see below, pt. vm, doc. 812. 2 See above, pt. vm, doc. 804.

PAGE 120

15 1 6 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN service of Spain, within limitations and upon conditions, which have been in each instance explicitly described. Those limitations have uniformly excluded the employment of Force or of menace against the Colonies on the part of any mediating Power; and those conditions have uniformly required the previous statement by Spain, of some definite and intelligible proposition, and the discontinuance on her part of a system utterly inapplicable to the new relations which had grown up between the American provinces and other Countries. The fruitless issue of the Conferences at Aix la Chapelle, would have deterred the British Government from acceding to a proposal for again entertaining, in Conference, the question of a mediation between Spain and the American provinces; even if other circumstances had remained nearly the same. But the events which have followed each other with such rapidity during the last five years, have created v so essential a difference, as well in the relative situation in which Spain and the American provinces stood, and now stand to each other, as in the external relations and the internal circumstances of the provinces themselves, that it would be vain to hope that any mediation, not founded on the Basis of Independence could be successful. In this state of things, the best proof which the British Government can give of the interest which it continues to feel for Spain, is, to state frankly their opinion, as to the course most advisable to be pursued by his Catholic Majesty, and to answer with the like frankness, the question implied, in M. Ofalia's instructions as to the nature and extent of their own relations with Spanish America. There is no hesitation in answering this question. The subjects of His Majesty have for many years carried on Trade, and formed Commercial Connections in all the American Provinces, which have declared their separation from Spain: This Trade was originally opened with the consent of the Spanish Government. It has grown gradually to such an extent as to require some direct protection, by the establishment at several Ports and Places in those Provinces, of Consuls on the part of this country: — a measure long deferred out of delicacy to Spain, and not resorted to, at last without long previous notification to the Spanish Government. As to any further step to be taken by His Majesty towards the acknowledgement of the de facto Governments of America, that question must (as has already been stated more than once to Spain and to other powers) depend upon various circumstances; and, among others, upon the Reports which the British Government may receive of the actual State of Affairs in the several American Provinces. But it appears manifest to the British Government, that if so large a portion of the Globe should remain much longer without any recognized political existence, or any definite political connexion with the established Govern-

PAGE 121

DOCUMENT 8li: JANUARY 30, 1 824 1517 ments of Europe, the Consequences of such a state of things must be at once most embarrassing to those Governments, and most injurious to the interests of all European Nations. For this reason, and not from mere views of selfish Policy, the British Government is decidedly of opinion, that the recognition of such of the new States as have established de facto, their separate political existence, cannot be much longer delayed. The British Government have no desire to anticipate Spain in that Recognition. On the contrary, it is on every account their wish, that his Catholic Majesty should have the Grace and the advantage, of leading the way, in that recognition, among the powers of Europe. But the Court of Madrid must be aware, that the discretion of his Majesty in this respect, cannot be indefinitely bound up by that of his Catholic Majesty, and that even before many months elapse the desire, now sincerely felt by the British Government, to leave this precedency to Spain, may be overborne by considerations of a more comprehensive nature; Considerations which regard not only the essential interests of his Majesty's Subjects, but the relations of the old world, with the new. Should Spain resolve to avail herself of the opportunity yet within her power, the British Government would, if the Court of Madrid desired it, willingly afford its countenance and aid to a negociation, commenced on that only basis, which appears to them to be now practicable; and would see without reluctance, the conclusion through a negociation on that basis, of an arrangement by which the Mother Country should be secured in the enjoyment of Commercial advantages, superior to those conceded to other Nations. For Herself, Great Britain asks no exclusive privileges of Trade, no invidious preference, but equal freedom of Commerce for all. If Spain shall determine to persevere in other Counsels, it cannot but be expected that Great Britain must take Her own course upon this matter,, when the time for taking it shall arrive; of which Spain shall have full and early intimation. Nothing that is here stated can occasion to the Spanish Government any surprize. In my despatch to Sir Charles Stuart [Stewart] of the 31st of March 1823, which was communicated to the Spanish Government, the opinion was distinctly expressed, that "time and the course of events had substantially decided the separation of the Colonies from the Mother country, although the formal Recognition of those Provinces, as Independent States, by His Majesty, might be hastened or retarded by various external circumstances, as well as by the more or less satisfactory progress, in each State, towards a Regular and settled Form of Government." At a subsequent period, in a communication made, in the first instance to France and afterwards to other powers, as well as to Spain, the same opin-

PAGE 122

15 1 8 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN ions were repeated, with this specifick addition, that in either of two cases (now happily not likely to occur); in that of any attempt on the part of Spain, to revive the obsolete interdiction of intercourse with Countries over which she has no longer any actual dominion; — or, in that of the employment of foreign assistance to reestablish her Dominion in those Countries, by force of Arms ; the recognition of such new States by this country would be decided and immediate. Having thus stated to you, for the information of the Court of Madrid, the deliberate opinion of the British Government on the points on which Spain required the Counsel of Her Allies, it does not appear to the British Cabinet, at all necessary to go into a conference to declare that opinion anew: even, if it were perfectly clear, from the tenour of Mr. Ofalia's Instruction, that Great Britain is in fact included in the invitation to the Conference at Paris. — Every one of the Powers so invited has been constantly and unreservedly apprized, not only of each step which the British Government has taken, but of every opinion, which it has formed on this subject: and this despatch will be communicated to them all. If those Powers should severally come to the same conclusion with Great Britain, the concurrent expression of their several opinions, cannot have less weight in the judgement of Spain, and must naturally be more acceptable to her feelings, than, if such concurrence, being the result of a conference of Five Powers, should carry the appearance of a concerted dictation. If (unhappily as we think) the allies, or any of them, should come to a different conclusion, we shall at least have avoided the inconvenience of a discussion, by which our own opinions could not have been changed. We shall have avoided an appearance of mystery, by which the jealousy of other parties might have been excited; we shall have avoided a delay which the state of the question may hardly allow. Meanwhile, this explicit Recapitulation of the whole course of our sentiments and of our proceedings on this momentous subject, must at once acquit us of any indisposition to answer the call of Spain for friendly Counsel, and protect us against the suspicion of having any purpose to conceal from Spain or from the world. I am [etc.].

PAGE 123

DOCUMENT 812: FEBRUARY 9, 1 824 I519 812 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] London, February g, 1824. Immediately after they got to hand I asked an interview of Mr. Secretary Canning, which he granted me on the second of this month. I should have transmitted you an account of what passed at it sooner, but that two laborious conferences which I had last week with the British plenipotentiaries on the business of the negociation, and other official calls upon my time, have prevented my writing until now. I thought it best to be entirely candid with Mr. Canning in the first instance, and under this determination, after a few introductory words, I gave him to understand that having heard from my government on the subject of our confidential correspondence and conversations in August and September, it was my design to make him acquainted with what had been said to me without any reserve. I accordingly proceeded to read to him your despatch of November the twenty ninth, 2 number seventy six, and went through it without the omission of any part. This despatch so fully lays down the views and intentions of the President on this important subject, and conveys so distinctly the necessary answers and remarks on all Mr. Canning's points, that it left me nothing to add or explain on any of them. When I had finished reading the despatch, he offered no commentary or opinion upon it whatever, either to the effect of the sentiments which it contained being satisfactory or the reverse. All that he said was, that intervening events had put an end to the state of things on the basis of which the propositions contained in his private notes would have been brought forward as the act of his government. He adverted to what had already passed on the subject in our interview in November, (the 24th) and afterwards in December, and to the notes which he had written to me in the course of the latter month. I refer to my numbers 346 and 354 for reports 3 of these interviews, and to the latter for copies of his above notes, as well as for a copy of the paper agreed upon between Prince Polignac and himself, on the part of France and England, relative to Spanish America. Mr. Canning after thus recurring, as he had done before, to the change of ground on which alone as he said a concert or understanding between our two governments had been contemplated as serviceable, proceeded in turn 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXX. 2 See above, pt. 1, doc. 122. 1 See above, pt. vm, docs. 801 and 808, Rush to Adams, November 26, and December 27, 1823.

PAGE 124

1520 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN to make me acquainted with the contents of a despatch which he had written to Sir William a Court, 1 at Madrid, indicating the intentions of Great Britain at this immediate point of time in regard to the new American states. It bore date only on the 30th of January; of course, could scarcely have been more recent. In place of reading it to me, he put it into my hands requesting that I would read it myself, which I did throughout; and I am glad that it does not fall to my lot in this instance to describe to you from memory the contents of this paper, as I received on Saturday night an entire copy of it from Mr. Canning. It seems that the occasion of writing it has been, that the Count de Ofalia, on behalf of the Spanish government, has addressed, so recently as in December last, an official note to the ministers of Spain at Paris, Vienna, and St Petersburgh, instructing them to endeavour anew to obtain the assistance of those three courts, through means of a congress to be assembled at Paris, towards recovering the sovereignty of Spain over the "revolted countries in America"; and a copy of this note is communicated to Sir William a Court, by Count Ofalia, although Great Britain is not directly invited to assist at the congress. Mr. Canning having also sent me both the notes of Count Ofalia, I am happy to have it in my power to enclose copies of them, 2 as well as of the despatch to Sir William a Court. As the latter paper will be before you, I need not recapitulate the matter of it. It appears from it, that England thinks that all further mediation in this contest not founded on the basis of the Independence of the new states, would now be vain ; that Spain herself ought to take the lead among the powers of Europe in formally acknowledging them, and that she ought to do it quickly; that the policy of England is rapidly hastening to this point, and may be expected to reach it before "many months," but that she is still so desirous that Spain should precede her, that she is ready now to lend her mediation on the basis of their independence; and that if Spain should acknowledge them, England will consent to an arrangement by which she, Spain, may be secured in the enjoyment of commercial advantages superior to those conceded to other nations. How these superior advantages are to be obtained for Spain, the despatch does not intimate. As we can scarcely suppose that the new states themselves will grant them, we may expect that England will in the end see the necessity as well as justice of following the more direct and consistent course of the United States upon this as upon other points of this great publick question. I drew Mr. Canning's attention to the expressions in a parenthesis which will be seen towards the close of the despatch, as wearing an appearance of belief in the mind of this government that a congress would be held. 1 See above, pt. vm, doc. 811. 2 See above, pt. vm, docs. 804 and 811, Conde de Ofalia to Minister of England, December 26, 1823, and Canning to a Court, January 30, 1824.

PAGE 125

DOCUMENT 8l2: FEBRUARY 9, 1 824 1 52 1 He replied however that such was not his belief; that on the contrary his opinion unequivocally was, that none would be held ; yet as the three powers applied to had not all of them distinctly refused, as far as he yet knew, he could not undertake to say so to me officially. He renewed at parting the expression of his hope, that publicity would not be given to his correspondence or conferences with me on any part of this subject. The further sentiments and facts in relation to it imparted to me in your number 77 of November the 30th, 1 and your number 1 77 of December the 8th, I did not make known at this interview, but shall hold them in reserve to be used or otherwise, according to time and circumstances. It may be hardly necessary to add, that Britain continues to refuse to attend a congress, and declines lending her assistance to Spain on any other basis than the Independence of the new states. On the point of publicity, so constantly adverted to by Mr. Canning, I should have no difficulty whatever but for one consideration. If the sentiments expressed in the President's Message on Spanish America, were to be taken as flowing from Mr. Canning's overture of last August, I should say, that a solemn act of my government having been the fruit of that overture, it would rest wholly with the discretion of my government to disclose or not the grounds of that act. Indeed, it may be proper I should mention, as I believe that I have not heretofore, that at an early stage of our conferences I remarked to Mr. Canning, that if the affair took this course, he must prepare himself for any degree or form of publicity which the executive, on its responsibility to the nation, might judge proper to give of the whole grounds of it. But as I do not understand this to have been the case from any of the communications which I have yet had the honor to receive from you, I am alike unauthorised to infer it. The delicacy of the same consideration restrains me from calling on Great Britain to avow before the world, with the same distinctness and solemnity that we have done, her determinations in regard to the new states, since I do not well see upon what basis I could found such a call, other than that of our avowal having proceeded from her call. I trust that this forbearance on my part, for the present at least, will be approved as due to the dignity of the United States, as well as to the independent course so invariably pursued by them heretofore in relation to Spanish America. I have ventured to feel, that as the circumstances under which your instructions to me on the whole of this interesting subject were written, have varied before they could reach me, so there must necessarily be something left to my own discretion in executing them. I apprehended also, that the steady desire which, in my belief, Britain has to avoid any further advance to a political cooperation with our system now that she can say that the urgent notice for the one of last summer has gone by, would lead her to allege, if called upon by us at this juncture to be more explicit, that in her note 2 to Sir 1 See above, pt. 1, doc. 124. 2 Not printed.

PAGE 126

1522 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN Charles Stewart of the 31st of last March, in her paper 1 drawn up in conjunction with Prince Polignac in October, and in this despatch 2 to her ambassador at Madrid of the 30th of January, (all of which papers have been communicated to the powers of Europe,) she has already promulgated her determinations. Parliament met on the third instant, and I enclose a copy of the king's speech as sent to me from the foreign office. The debates upon it, will have attracted your attention. In the Times, the newspaper generally supposed to give the debates with the most accuracy and fulness, Mr. Canning is made to say whilst discussing the topick of Spanish America, that "a proposition had been made by the government of Spain to that of this country, to which an answer had been returned and was on its way to Madrid; and that after it had been disposed of, the time would arrive when this government would be enabled to speak with more explicitness. " In the Courier and Morning Chronicle it is given, that a proposition of recognition had been made by Spain. I have not had the leisure to collate the above passage with the report of it in any other newspapers, than the Courier and Chronicle. The idea of such a proposition as the latter was new to me, and is excluded by the whole context of the despatch to Sir William a Court. This despatch is doubtless to be regarded as the most recent and most authentick exposition of the present state of the Spanish American question, so far as the relations of Great Britain to it are concerned. I have the honor [etc.]. 813 George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain, to Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain 3 London, March 4, 1824. The Undersigned His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in transmitting to Mr. Rush, a copy of the papers respecting Spanish America, which are this day communicated, by His Majesty's Command, to both Houses of Parliament, has the honor to call Mr. Rush's attention to the Extract of the " Memorandum of the Conference between the Prince de Polignac and Mr. Canning" ; already communicated 4 in extenso to Mr. Rush; in which Mr. Rush will observe, that care has been taken to omit that part which had reference to the United States of America; The Prince de Polignac and Mr. 1 See above, pt. vin, doc. 799. 2 Ibid., 811. 3 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, March 6, 1824, which see below, pt. vm, doc. 815. *See above, pt. vm, doc. 799, under date of October 9, 1823.

PAGE 127

DOCUMENT 815: MARCH 6, 1824 I523 Canning having agreed in thinking themselves not at liberty to make public any opinion expressed by them to each other, in a confidential conference, respecting any other Government. The Undersigned requests Mr. Rush to accept [etc.]. 814 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain l London, March 5, 1824. The Undersigned Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States, has the honor to acknowledge the receipt of Mr. Secretary Canning's note of yesterday's date, 2 accompanied by a copy of the papers respecting Spanish America which were yesterday communicated to both houses of parliament. The Undersigned will take care to transmit to his Government a copy of this note, as well as the papers received with it, and he has the honor [etc.]. 815 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 3 London, March 6, 1824. Sir: I yesterday received from Mr. Secretary Canning a note dated the fourth instant, 4 of which a copy is enclosed, transmitting to me a printed copy of the papers laid before Parliament on the 4th respecting Spanish America. I enclose also a copy of my answer to Mr. Canning, dated yesterday. 5 In comparing the printed extract of the "memorandum of the conference between the Prince de Polignac and Mr. Canning," with the original paper forwarded in extenso with my No. 354, 6 I find no differences between them, except verbal or immaterial ones (unless the substitution of Conference for 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXX, enclosed in Rush to Adams, March 6, 1824 which see below, pt. vm, doc. 815. 2 See above, pt. vm, doc. 813. 3 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXX. 4 See above, pt. vm, doc. 813. 6 Ibid., 814. 6 Ibid., 799, under date of October 9, 1823.

PAGE 128

1524 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN Congress wherever the latter word occurs should be thought otherwise) until we come to the passage where the United States are mentioned. The whole of this passage and thence to the end of the document, is left out in the printed copy. The reason for this omission Mr. Canning mentions in his note to me, in manner as will be seen. I have no further information on the Spanish American question than is contained in these papers not having yet heard of the answer of the Court of Madrid to Mr. Canning's note to Sir William a Court of the 30th of January, * or even if any has been received. Whatever I may hear on this point I will promptly communicate to you. Nor do I yet know, with absolute certainty, whether a Congress, or a Conference, is or is not to be held on this question by the powers of Europe, though my belief is that none will be, which belief I still suppose to be Mr. Canning's. I beg to avail myself of this opportunity of mentioning that our Minister at Buenos Ayres, Mr. Rodney, has written to request that I would cause him to be supplied with regular files of two daily London Newspapers, the Morning Chronicle and the Courier, under the impression that the public is to pay the expense. I have declined complying with his request on this footing, & so informing him, that the government as I know from experience in this Legation, does not allow our Ministers the expense of even one English Newspaper. But I added, that I would make his request known to the government, as I have thus done. I have the honor [etc.]. 816 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 2 London, June 30, 1824. Sir: Parliament was prorogued on the twenty fifth instant, and enclosed I have the honor to transmit a copy of the King's speech, as sent to me by Mr. Canning. Since my despatch of 17th of May, 3 1 have heard nothing from this government relative to Spanish American affairs. The debates in parliament upon this subject, of which there have been several during the session just closed, will have attracted your notice; and I have only to say that these debates have afforded the only authentick source which has been open to me of obtaining information as to the intentions of this cabinet in regard to recognizing the new states. The most recent of these debates was one in the house of Lords on the day before the prorogation, in the course of which Lord Liver1 See above, pt. vm, doc. 811. 2 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXX. • Not printed.

PAGE 129

DOCUMENT 817: JULY 10, 1824 I525 pool said, that the delay in taking any further step towards recognition arose from the fact of no report having yet been received from the commissioners sent out by this government to those states for the purpose of obtaining information as to their condition. He declared at the same time, as Mr. Canning had already done in the house of commons, that Britain was under no obligation to any other power that could prevent her recognition of those states, whenever it should appear to the ministry to be consistent with the interests and character of the country to recognize them. It is thus that the question seems to hang, and I am able to communicate nothing more definite in relation to it. A minister from Mexico, Mr. Michilena, has lately arrived in this country in a British frigate. General Alvear, appointed Minister from Buenos Ayres to the United States, is also at present here, on his way to the United States. At what precise time he designs to embark, I am not able at this moment to say. It will have been seen by the publick prints, that this government has disavowed all connexion with the plans of Iturbide. I have the honor [etc.]. 817 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 1 London, July 10, 1824. Sir : With every anxiety to execute in a manner satisfactory to the President the trust devolved upon me by your secret instructions of the 17th of December, 2 I begin to feel, under all circumstances, some embarrassment in doing so. When these instructions got to hand, events were not altogether the same as at the period when they were framed. The change as it appears to me has continued to go on, until now the danger of any forcible interference by the powers of Europe to controul the destinies of Spanish America, seems nearly if not totally to have passed away. Yet Spain keeps up the visionary assertion of her supremacy, and may continue to do so, in spite of facts, for years to come. She also continues her urgency upon the powers of the continent to aid her in the recovery of her supremacy, to which they give no complete or authoritative refusal, their policy probably lying in this course, whilst it cannot be rationally believed that they design to take any steps in concert with Spain for the resubjugation of the colonies, against the avowed determinations of the United States and Great Britain upon this subject. 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXX. 2 Not printed. It instructed him to pay the salary and expenses and direct the activities of Alexander McRae, a secret agent sent to attend and report the sessions of any European conference that might be held regarding the " affairs of Spain and South America."

PAGE 130

1526 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN In this state of things I begin to feel a doubt as to the necessity of Mr. McRae remaining any great length of time in Europe on the important objects that brought him here; at the same time I cannot undertake to say that these objects have positively ceased. He has been once to France since his arrival, and is now here again, having returned about a week ago. He contemplates going again to the continent shortly, for which he has my sanction, more especially as the late unfavorable news from Peru may serve to give a temporary revival to the hopes of those who would wish to put down the independent cause in America. This despatch has no other object than that v of merely drawing your attention to the embarrassments under which my own judgment may in the end labour in the delicate matter in question, so as to open a door for the benefit of your advice and assistance, if thought necessary. Should I not receive further instructions from you I shall continue to act on my own best discretion in conjunction with Mr. Brown, 1 who, however, I am under the impression begins to share some of my own doubts as to the course which, before long, it may become most expedient for us to take. Mr. Hurtado has, within the last fortnight, been received by Mr. Canning at the foreign office. It was understood that the interview was only informal, yet it is a step that must be considered as meaning something, particularly as Mr. H. is henceforth likely to be invited to further interviews of the same nature, which I understand is to be the case. Mr. Ravenga was never admitted to an interview with the foreign secretary even upon this footing. I also learn that Mr. Hurtado has received through an offical source at Paris, an intimation that his presence would be acceptable in that capital for a little while, and he accordingly sets out for it immediately in expectation of receiving some communication from M. de Villele. Of what nature it is to be, he is at present uncertain. I have heard surmises that it may probably hint at the expediency of establishing thrones, instead of Republicks, in America, and placing Bourbons upon them! I have the honor [etc.]. 818 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 2 [extract] London, July 31, 1824. Mr. Hurtado having received another and pressing invitation to go to Paris, and being advised to the step by Mr. Texada the Colombian Minister to 1 James Brown, United States Minister to France. 2 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXX.

PAGE 131

DOCUMENT 819: DECEMBER 30, 1 824 1 527 Rome now at Paris, has yieMed his scruples and informs me that he will accordingly go, next week. Mr. Irisari [Yrisarri] has returned from Paris, and it appears that he was not detained there against his will. Mr. Hurtado had so informed me, but learns from Mr. Irisari [Yrisarri] that it was not the case. Mr. Gameiro and General Brant, envoys or commissioners from Brazil, are here, engaged in negociations with Portugal for effecting a recognition of the independence of their country. The commissioner on the part of Portugal is Count Villa Real, the Portuguese Minister Plenipotentiary at this Court. I have but little information as to the progress or aspect of these negociations. Lately I understood through a source that I considered authentick, though not through either of the parties themselves, that Portugal, under the advice of England, was not indisposed to accede to the broad principle of Independence, provided Brazil would give a sufficient equivalent. But what the equivalent is that Portugal expects, and whether it be of a nature respecting which it is likely the parties can ever agree I did not learn. Some of the meetings of the commissioners have been held at the foreign office, which may serve to show how this government interests itself in their proceedings. 819 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l London, December jo, 1824. Sir: Mr. Secretary Canning invited me by note to call upon him at the foreign office this day, and it appeared that his object was to make to me a communication of great importance. It was to inform me, saying that for the present he did so in a confidential manner, that this government had taken its determination to acknowledge the Independence of three of the new American States. This was the first intimation given to me by him of this determination, and the earliest notice I have had of it under any form that I considered authentick. I hasten to impart it to you for the information of the President. The three states are, Mexico, Colombia, and Buenos Ayres. Mr. Canning said, that it was barely possible that the issue of events in Peru might suspend the acknowledgment in regard to -Colombia; but that this was a contingency no longer looked upon as at all probable. The precise moment at which the acknowledgment would be made known to the world, he did not indicate, but gave me to understand that it was close at hand. 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXX.

PAGE 132

1528 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN He said that it would not be done by any formal declaration issued by this government, but by opening negociations with jach of these new states, in their own capitals, for the purpose of forming commercial treaties between them and Great Britain. Diplomatic organs would be necessary for this measure, and the establishment of diplomatic relations would follow, as was usual. In entering into these treaties, Mr. Canning expressly disavowed for Great Britain the principle of aiming at any exclusive preference or benefits. He said that I was the only representative of any foreign power to whom the above communication had yet been made, a priority due to all that had passed between us heretofore upon this subject, and the multifarious and high interests which it involved. The representatives of the European powers would, he added, be next informed of it, and in a manner due to the friendly relations in existence between them and Great Britain. I lose no time in writing this despatch in the hope that it may be in season for the packet of the first of January, which cannot be the case should it be too late, as I fear, for the Liverpool mail of this evening. I naturally infer that this great step of justice as well as policy at length adopted by Great Britain, will be officially promulgated to the world when parliament meets. This will be early in February. I have the honor [etc.]. 820 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 1 London, January 18, 1825. Sir: Since my despatch of the 30th of last month, 2 I have received no further information on the subject to which it relates. The determination of this government respecting the new states of America, although purporting to have been imparted to me in confidence, it was plain had been known to others before. It was circumstantially announced even in the newspapers as soon as this month set in, and no longer remained a secret to any portion of the publick. On the 31st of December the communication was made to the ambassadors of the European powers, and an official note has, I understand, been addressed to them upon the occasion. This note I have not seen. The newspapers announce that a treaty between England and Buenos Ayres has already been actually signed, at Buenos Ayres. This I did not understand Mr. Canning to say, but only that negociations were immediately to be opened, with the three states named. 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII. 2 See above, pt. vni, doc. 819.

PAGE 133

DOCUMENT 820: JANUARY 1 8, 1 825 1 529 The measure of recognition by Great Britain has undoubtedly been urged on not only by the general example of the United States, but specially, I believe, by her knowledge of the fact that treaties of commerce were in agitation between these new communities and the United States. Her jealousy of us, (a topick to which I may return on some other occasion,) will widely extend itself under this new and great epoch in the affairs of the world. In the meantime, British merchants and manufacturers, British capitalists, in short, the whole British publick, are eagerly turning their eyes, under this impetus from their government, to the American hemisphere. They are endeavouring to link Britain to these new states, and these new states to Britain, by every tie that excited cupidity can devise, and enormous opulence carry into effect. Nothing was ever like it before, not even the days of the south sea scheme. The publick stocks of these rising states, and the mining companies formed in London under their auspices, have become the great objects of attention with monied men, for which even the British funds have been, for the day, neglected. Shares in some of the above companies have advanced to seventeen hundred per cent within a few months, and are bought with avidity at this price. In some of them I hear it said that noblemen of great estates, and directors of the bank of England, participate; also that princes of the blood press forward to obtain shares. Companies are also forming for opening the passage between the two oceans. Millions of money are ready to be embarked in this object, towards which I also hear that British engineers are already actually engaged in their preparatory labours, in different parts of the Isthmus. The only struggle seems to be, for the favor of obtaining new contracts and loans and shares;— the absorbing theme, South American commerce and riches. Twenty millions of pounds sterling are stated to have been drawn into this vortex, and how soon the sum will be doubled no one can tell. A portion of all this eagerness, is doubtless the effect of momentary lures, and will spend itself; but it serves to give warning of the vast commercial and political changes that are approaching. Nor are there wanting men of sober minds who justify nearly all of it under the anticipations which they form of the resources of those new communities when they shall come in due time to be more fully developed by the unrestricted aid, and hearty and interested cooperation, of British wealth and British resources. What will be the precise course of the continental powers under this measure, I am not able to say. That they dislike it is certain, and not less so that it must lead to further alienation between them and Britain. I learn through a good source, that they particularly object to the terms of the official note in which it has been announced to them, and will not withhold their comments. But it is my confident belief, that it will produce no steps of coercion or hostility, as against the new states themselves. This I take to be a point decided upon by them, first from the impossibility of their being able

PAGE 134

1530 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN to strike at the new states with any effect, and next from their unwillingness to adopt seriously a policy which would result in ranging the United States against them. In the breach which is perhaps slowly, but surely, ripening between them and Britain, they can read the shortsightedness and danger of such a policy. I have the honor [etc.]. 821 Francisco de Zea Bermudez, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Spain, to His Britannic Majesty's Charge d' Affaires at Madrid 1 [translation] January 21, 1825. Sir: I have had the honour to receive the Note which you addressed me on the nth Instant, enclosing a Copy of a Despatch from H. B. My's Minister for Foreign Affairs, dated the 31st of December, and have communicated the contents thereof to the King my August Master. At a moment when H. My. completely restored to the legitimate rights of His Throne, was occupied, with incessant zeal, in healing the wounds left by past Revolutions, and in restoring upon a solid foundation the prosperity of the People whom Divine Providence has entrusted to his care; — when he was beginning to gather the fruits of His efforts by the tranquillity of Spain, and was meditating and preparing the means of restoring Peace to America; — when, in short, every thing presented the flattering prospect that peace and good order would replace throughout the World, the Wars, convulsions, and misfortunes which have afflicted it for so many years, at that moment has this communication reached His Royal ears. — Far was H. My. from expecting from His powerful and antient Ally The King of Great Britain, a determination such as that which his Minister has communicated to the Spanish Govt. — a determination to enter into Negociations for the conclusion of Treaties of Commerce with His rebellious Subjects, who after having perfidiously seized upon the Government in various parts of his American Dominions, now affect to consider themselves the arbiters of the destinies, and to defend the political interests of those very people whom they oppress and destroy. The surprise therefore of H. My. at this communication, has been equalled only by the grief which it has caused to his Royal mind ; a grief fully justified by the fact of its having been anticipated by Mr. Canning in his abovementioned Despatch. H. My. however hopes that the British Cabinet, reflecting in its wisdom upon the nature of this measure, — its opposition, in the opinion of Spain, to the true political and commercial 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII, enclosed in Rush to Secretary of State, May 2, 1825, which see below, pt. vin, doc. 830.

PAGE 135

DOCUMENT 821: JANUARY 21, 1 825 1 53 1 Interests of England, as well as those principles of eternal justice, which are the foundation of the conduct of all civilized Govt 8 , and the guarantee of the social existence of Nations, — the fatal consequences which must result, from carrying them into execution, to the tranquillity and prosperity of Europe, — and lastly, the sacred obligation to observe Treaties inviolably; — will not refuse, before she takes a definitive resolution on the subject, to listen to, and take into mature and deep consideration, the well-grounded representations of Spain. The whole World beheld with admiration, and, let it be permitted to Castilian pride to add, with envy, the heroick firmness with which Spain, making common cause with England, resisted for six successive years, the Usurper of the Throne of France, the destroyer of Europe, and the disturber of the Peace of the whole Globe. The constancy of the Spaniards, and their innate affection for their king, triumphed over the immense Power of Buonaparte in the Peninsula, and was an example to the rest of Europe, that their united efforts might succeed in hurling the Usurper from the Throne of St. Louis. The wise and persecuted Louis XVIII, and the illustrious Princes of his race, to whose persevering and heroick firmness in adversity, Europe has been so much indebted, returned to occupy that Throne, fulfilling the wishes and hopes of France. And what did England during the whole period of this strife of revolution against order? She fought with glory: she generously lent her Treasures and her blood to destroy the Usurper: she resisted, with unshaken firmness, the recognition of the momentary triumph of violence over justice; she disowned the Man who put himself at the head of the strongest de facto Government which had been seen for ages, as well as other de facto Governments created and set up by him ; she gave an asylum on her hospitable Territory to legitimacy, in the person and Family of the Monarch of France, and other Sovereign Princes; and she contributed at length to restore them to the affections of their respective subjects. This did England at that period ; and can she now, in contradiction to such wise principles, and noble proceedings, sanction the existence of some governments, de facto the offspring of rebellion: infants in strength, but old in crime, — supported by ambition, and defended by blood and anarchy. What would have been the fate of France, and of Europe, if England, instead of resisting the Revolution of Buonaparte, had assisted it? and what will now become of that same Europe, if H. B. M. now takes up the cause of a handful of Rebels? Justice is one and the same at all periods, and the Government and people of England, who have always been just, cannot cease to be so. As just as England was in her conduct, so was She in her language. In the harangues pronounced in her illustrious Parliament, in her publick papers, in her diplomatick Notes and Declaration, in all her writings, she has constantly maintained that Rebellion does not constitute a right. With respect to Spain and her American Possessions, not only has the Cabinet of London de-

PAGE 136

1532 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN fended this principle, but has moreover recognized and sanctioned it by positive stipulations. The Treaty concluded in London between Their Catholick and Britannick Majesties, dated the 14th of January 1809, contains textually the following words: " H. B. My. pledges Himself not to recognize any other King of Spain and the Indies except H. C. My. Ferdinand VII, His Heirs, or such legitimate Sovereigns as the Spanish Nation shall recognize." And the 3rd of the Additional Articles to the Treaty of Madrid, of the 5th of July 1814, signed on the 28th of August following, says expressly : "H.B.My. being anxious that the evils and discords which unfortunately prevail in H. C. My's Dominions in America, should altogether cease, and that the Subjects of those Provinces should become obedient to their legitimate Sovereign, H. B. My. pledges himself to adopt the most efficacious measures in order that his subjects should not furnish the disaffected in America with Arms or Ammunition, or any implement of war. " There cannot be a more evident demonstration than results from the Above-cited Article, of the incoherence and injustice of the measure which the British Gov*, now announces, since a recognition of the Governments de facto established in Spanish America, would be equivalent to disowning the legitimate rights of the King of Spain and of the Indies ; it would be fomenting War and desolation in those vast Countries; it would be giving food to the evils and discord which prevail in H. My's Dominions; it would be patronizing disobedience, and protecting insurrection ; it would be more than giving arms and ammunition to the disaffected; in one word, it would be breaking solemn promises, and violating formal Treaties. But even if it were not a case of infraction, even if views of policy and personal convenience rendered that lawful to-day which was prohibited yesterday; what are the motives which England alleges for adopting this measure? On the one hand, the consolidation of the Institutions of the Pretended American States, and the fitness of those States to maintain the Treaties which they may conclude with other powers: and on the other hand, the protection which the British Government owes to the Commerce and Navigation of its Subjects, these are the motives which Mr. Canning brings forward. But where is this consolidation to be found? It is not three Months since the pretended Mexican Government declared itself constituted ; and the very Individuals who then set themselves up as Governors, have ceased to exist. Iturbide's visionary Empire vanished for ever with the Life of that ambitious Chieftain. Bravo, the supreme Dictator, yielded the post of Supremacy to Victoria, but the latter is still threatened by his Rival. All is disorder, ambition and anarchy, and the various Provinces are reduced into so many factions. In the State called Colombia, the Individual who assumes the title of Liberator and Protector, is at thousands of leagues from the Capital, towards which he is retreating, flying from the arms of the Royalists; and the only

PAGE 137

DOCUMENT 821: JANUARY 21, 1 825 1 533 fruit which he has derived from his plans of conquest over Peru, is shame and dishonour, besides the sacrifice of thousands of wretched beings, who, torn from their homes, have perished in the deserts, victims of the tyranny and ambition of that adventurer. As to Buenos Ayres, England herself hardly can tell who it is that commands, or what form of Government exists there at present. Nevertheless, she must be apprized that a person called Albear [Alvear?], who, a short time ago, was proscribed, is now called upon to defend those who banished him ; and she cannot be ignorant that that unhappy Country is a prey to the rapacity of a few ambitious individuals: and that, in the state of progressive decline to which anarchy has been leading it, it may perhaps ere long be equally a prey to the Indian Savages who threaten it, and who, with impunity, make frequent inroads on its Territory. And are these consolidated Governments? Are these the Govt 8 , which present sufficient stability and security to induce Great Britain to treat with them? Can the dignity of the British Gov 1 , expose itself to be compromised by the difficulties which must inevitably occur on the part of its Agents in their relations with those ephemeral and inconsistent Governments? Will the just interests of Great Britain herself, and of the World in general, be treated with more equity and regularity by rebellious Subjects and insurrectional Authorities, than by a legitimate Sovereign. In the last Session of the English Parliament, it was declared, that no such stability and security existed. Why, therefore, if they now exist, does not the Government bring forward the facts upon which it grounds the assertion? If it be wished to prove to Spain the existence of this boasted security of the rebellious Govt 8 , this firmness in their Institutions, (which the}^ cannot have acquired by regular means, in the few months that have elapsed since the said Session) why not point out the extraordinary circumstances which have led to the establishment of such an order of things? Let England publish those facts, for Spain and Europe are ignorant of them; and unless she does so publish them, her assertions must be considered as inexact, even by those who are the most ignorant or the most indifferent with regard to this great question. The Commissioners whom England sent out to those Countries, of which, some were withdrawn by their own Government, and others began by publick acts which that same Government reprobated, nearly all of them departing from their ostensible character of impartial Observers, converted themselves into Chiefs and Promoters of the several parties — yet these very Commissioners must have sent intelligence and reports which contain proofs of the supposed consolidation of the American Govts, if it in truth and reality existed. The second motive alleged by the British Cabinet for the intended measure is the protection and furtherance of the Interests of British Commerce. —

PAGE 138

1534 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN But have not English Vessels constantly been, and are they not still admitted into all the Ports which the disaffected occupy? And are they not equally so by means of the Decree of the 9th of February last, into all the ports which acknowledge and obey the King's legitimate authority? To prove whether they have been treated in the former or the latter with the greatest consideration, and the greatest respect shewn to the rights of property, reference need only be made to the measures of pillage and robbery dictated by Bolivar, when he was compelled to abandon Lima, comparing those measures with the protection given by the Royalist Generals to all Foreign Property but especially English: and let reference also be made to the reception which the British Consul & Commissioners met with at that place compared with the vexatious grievances of which the other Commissioners had to complain in the territory of Mexico. — The Spanish Gov 1 , abstains on the present occasion from entering into the details of various cases in which English Merchants, infringing an express Treaty, and the Laws of their own country, have introduced arms and ammunition into the Insurgent Provinces; and it equally abstains from enumerating the many losses, calamities and deaths which have resulted from that scandalous trafhck, even among the countrymen of the offenders. But it cannot however do less than observe, that, if England, contrary to the well founded wishes and hopes of Spain, were ultimately to determine upon recognizing the rebellious Governments, the foundations on which rested the above quoted Decree of the 9th Feby. and the basis of absolute equality thereby established in favor of all Foreigners, would, in fact, be destroyed, and British Commerce would have no just grounds for complaint if it experienced modifications in regard to that decree in the Countries subject to his My's. dominions, such as the Injury occasioned to Spain through the measure in question, might necessitate, H. M. paternal solicitude requiring that he should at all times consider what is due to his people, to justice, and to his amicable relations with other powers. The King, my master declares that to effect the happy restoration of those his dominions by conciliatory means, has been the object of his deep and incessant meditations, as well as of his most diligent endeavors; and H. M. further declares that, at the very moment when he received so unsatisfactory a communication He was preparing to give new and irrefragable proofs of his firm determination to comply, in a spirit of the most scrupulous good faith, with all that he had announced in that respect; and also to extend, by means of Tariffs, simple and equitable regulations, and the admission into his ultramarine dominions of Consular agents from England and the other allied Powers, a special protection to the Freedom of Commerce in which He had hastened to allow those Powers to participate. All this however could not be the result of purely speculative combinations ; and surely the British Gov 1 , could not expect that, Spain, in the midst of

PAGE 139

DOCUMENT 821: JANUARY 21, 1 825 1535 various other subjects to which her attention was preemptorily called, should at once, and of a sudden, have decreed measures, which in order to be just and wise must emanate from a mature examination and a perfect knowledge of the respective Interests of the several localities, and a consideration of the cause which should offer the most solid securities towards establishing, in a lasting manner the individual general prosperity of H. M. Spanish American subjects duly combined with the desires and interests of Gt. Britain, and H. M's. other allies. Spain would never have refused the mediation of England for the important object of the pacification of the Colonies, if the offer had not always come accompanied by the inadmissible condition of recognizing their Independence and separation from the Mother Country. The Cabinet of Madrid calls the whole of Europe to witness that, the very first moment that H. M. was delivered from the Revolutionary Yoke under which he had suffered for more than three years, H. M. directed his attention and exertions to persuading all the Powers of Europe, including England, of the necessity of taking into consideration collectively the important question of the State of South America and of agreeing upon the method of restoring Peace to those unhappy Regions, combining their own Interests with those of Europe at Large, and with the just rights of Spain. England knows that she has been three times solicited by the Spanish Gov*, to join in a conference at Paris for this purpose, and also that, even after she had refused, from political considerations, to take a part in that conference, Spain offered to secure, under the Guarantee and Good Faith of Treaties, such concessions on the part of H. C. My. to his American Subjects, and such commercial advantages to the whole of Europe, as should be compatible with the Interest and Right of that Kingdom. England knows also that the King my Master, desirous to avail himself of the efficient intervention and powerful influence of His illustrious Ally the King of G*. Britain for so important an object, and being not only faithful in the observance of Treaties, but constant in giving publick proofs of His Friendship for England, intimated through yourself, Sir, to your Gov*, the possibility of bringing about certain modifications and concessions favorable to English commerce with European Spain, unattended with any prejudice to the Commerce of other Nations. Spain has therefore done all that depended upon her towards manifesting her prompt disposition to combine and conciliate Her own Interests with those of the rest of Europe in this affair, and if she has not found that cooperation on the part of England she had promised herself, and which she desired, at least it is not with her that the Responsibility will rest. Even now she is still prepared to enter into the already solicited conference; — even now she resumes her solicitations to that effect, and even now, from the intimate conviction which she entertains of the sentiments of her August

PAGE 140

I536 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN Continental Allies she ventures to affirm that they will readily lend themselves to such changes and modifications as England may desire provided they be not detrimental to the imprescriptible rights of the King of Spain and the Indies. H. M. considering that no act of proceeding of a third power can alter or weaken, much less destroy, the Right of His Sovereignty feels that he ought not to renounce them, nor will he ever do so. Justice and the imperious obligations w h . have been transmitted to him by his illustrious predecessors, prescribe this line of conduct, and it is equally prescribed by the proofs which H. M. daily receives of the inconquerable fidelity of his subjects in the New, as well as the Old World. The Americans vie with the Europeans in giving demonstrations of that Virtue which is engraved in indelible Characters in the Hearts of all Spaniards. The brilliant Victories gained by H. M's Armies in Peru, the details of which are generally known, the loudly proclaimed desires of the larger and uncontaminated part of the population of America, anxious to reunite itself to the Mother Country and the progressive increase of the numbers so disposed (in the same proportion as in other parts anarchy and calamities of all kinds devour those unhappy regions) all tended to furnish H. M. with well founded presages that by degrees those countries would be restored to his paternal dominion, under which they have been happy for centuries, and will again flourish. The loyalty and constancy of the Americans, will end by producing the same good effects which have been produced by those Virtues in the Spaniards themselves and the Union of the former with the latter will be so much the more lasting, as in both continents have been equally experienced the miserable effects of Revolutions, and Spaniards and Americans, will alike preserve forever a spirit of opposition to all dangerous innovation repugnant to their Religion, to established Laws, ancient customs, and, it may be added, to the rooted prejudices of the People. Even though the day of Union and Conciliation should be distant, and though the intrigues of the disloyal, and the resistance offered on their part, aided by a complication of adverse circumstances should continue to postpone it, H. C. M . will never abandon the Rights of His Crown, nor will he ever cease to support, by all the means with which his legitimate authority provides him, the exertions of those American Spaniards who are faithful to their King, and attached to the true prosperity of their native Country. He will never cease to employ the force of arms against his Rebellious subjects, comformably to the principles of the Rights of Nations, inherent in the existence of all Thrones. H. M. therefore declares in the face of the whole world that although he is ready to make to His American Subjects such concessions as may be compatible with His legitimate Sovereignty, with justice, with their real neces-

PAGE 141

DOCUMENT 822: FEBRUARY 5, 1 825 1 537 sities, and well founded claims, that He neither acknowledges, nor ever will acknowledge, either directly or indirectly the independence of the Govt 8 , which have established or shall hereafter establish themselves in Mexico, Terra-firma, Buenos Ayres, or any other part of His Trans-marine Dominions. H. M. declares also, that if, what he cannot expect, the Gov*, of H. B. M. shall persist in carrying into effect the conclusion of Treaties of Commerce with them, and the consequent diplomatick recognition which the communication of the English Minister announces, H. M. protests and will protest in the most solemn manner against these measures, by which the Treaties existing between the two Powers will be violated and the legitimate and imprescriptible Rights of The Throne of Spain attacked in the most serious manner. But H. M. is willing to hope that the British Cabinet will reconsider this important matter and will maturely examine with enlightened equity the fatal consequences which must result to the repose of the world, and the well being of her own subjects, from a recognition as unjust as it is impolitic, of rebellious and ephemeral Governments, and not carry into effect the determination announced by Mr. Canning in the despatch which you transmitted to me, Sir, in your above mentioned Note, to which I reply by the orders of the King my Master, requesting that you will have the goodness to carry the contents of this communication to the knowledge of your Gov*, with the least possible delay. I have the honour [etc.]. 822 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l London, February 5, 1825. Sir: Parliament was opened by commission the day before yesterday, and I enclose a copy of the king's speech as sent to me from the foreign office. What was said by the ministers of the crown in both houses of Parliament respecting the new states of America, in the debate which followed immediately after the reading of the speech, is so fully reported in the newspapers, which are herewith also transmitted, that I need not dwell upon it. Mr. Canning's explanations in the house of commons will be found to correspond, in effect, with the communication which he made to me on the thirtieth of December. 2 That part of his speech will not escape notice in which he says, that Great Britain has demanded no special advantages from the new states, as the price of her recognition, but only claims to be placed on the 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII. 2 See above, pt. vm, doc. 819, Rush to Adams, December 30, 1824.

PAGE 142

I538 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN same footing with other states that may chuse to follow her example. This declaration is the more to be remembered by its contrast with a sentiment, wearing an aspect somewhat different, which fell from Lord Francis Levison Gower, who moved the address in the house of commons in reply to the king's speech. The latter said, that in the course of "two separate accounts which he had seen of some of the new states, the one by a Frenchman the other by an American, he could not help remarking, that a feeling of astonishment, mixed perhaps with a natural jealousy, was expressed as to the tendency which the trade of the new states was taking towards England " ; ' ' a fortunate tendency, "he added, "which he thought the treaties England was about entering into with them, would encourage and protect." I understand from good authority that the communication which Mr. Canning made to me on the 30th of December, he had previously made to Mr. Hurtado, the minister from Colombia. I understand also that it is probable this gentleman as well as the representatives from the other new states now in London, will be regularly received by this government as soon as the projected treaties shall have been fully perfected. I further learn, that on Mr. Hurtado having remarked to Mr. Canning, that his government was ready to make peace as soon as Spain was, the latter said that he would be glad to see that event come about between the parties, and would intimate this wish to the government of Spain. But it was not understood that any mediation was to be offered by Great Britain. Whether this is the first and guarded step towards a more intimate policy which Britain designs to foster with these new states, more time will determine. It is a subject to be watched, and I will be awake to it. I ought to add, that Mr. Hurtado is furnished with powers to treat of peace with Spain. I have the honor [etc.]. 823 Substance of a communication from Count Lieven, Russian Ambassador to Great Britain, to George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain l March 2, 1825. Count Lieven stated that he had received from His Court a Despatch in acknowledgement of the Communication made through Mr. Ward, 2 of the Determination taken by His Majesty respecting certain of the new States of Spanish America. 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII, enclosed in Rush to Secretary of State, April 4, 1825, which see below, pt. viii, doc. 828. 2 British Ambassador to Russia.

PAGE 143

DOCUMENT 823: MARCH 2, 1 82 5 1 539 That Mr. Ward being confined to his Bed, Count Nesselrode 1 had not been able conveniently to discuss with Mr. Ward the Matter of that Communication, and had therefore addressed to him (Count Lieven) what the Emperor wished to be declared to the British Government thereupon. That the Emperor had learnt with regret the determination of His Majesty with respect to Mexico, Colombia, & Buenos Ayres. That His Imperial Majesty could not take upon himself to judge of the Necessity which induced Great Britain to acknowledge the Independence of these several Spanish Colonies, by concluding with them treaties of Commerce. That, in so far as His Imperial Majesty was concerned, The Emperor would, in respect to Spanish America, adhere to those Principles which had for ten years secured to the different Courts of Europe, their Rights of Sovereignty, and State of Possession. That those Principles, on which reposes the tranquillity of the W r orld, will ever be regarded by his Imperial Majesty with invariable respect. That under the auspices of Great Britain herself, those Principles became again the Basis of publick Law in Europe. During twenty years consecutively, England did not hesitate to defend them, in conjunction with her allies. By the transactions of 1814, 1815 and 1818 She solemnly confirmed them; and History will not forget to Record that, if in Spain & in France, the cause of legitimate Authority obtained an advantageous Triumph, if Monarchs long unfortunate, recovered their Crowns & the Dominions of their Ancestors, it was more especially to the British Government that was to be attributed this memorable Reparation of the Evils caused by revolutionary Violence. That applying the Maxims of a Policy so generous to the situation of the Peninsula and of her insurgent colonies reciprocally, Russia could not forbear to follow the Example which had been given by England, in those past Transactions. That the Emperor was the more firmly resolved to pursue this Conduct, because it appeared to him that His Catholick Majesty, absorbed by other cares, and occupied in repairing other Disasters, had not yet been able to get together the necessary means of enforcing His rights of Sovereignty, over His antient Dominions ; because the only propositions which had been made to His Catholick Majesty by the Cabinet of St. James's involved the sanction by Spain of the total loss of those Dominions; & because the answers of the Court of Madrid sufficiently explained the Motives of the Determination taken by Spain, deriving them even from the Testimony of the English Agents sent to South America. That from the Period of those Propositions and Answers, Russia had observed, on the one hand, the anxiety of Spain to permit the Commerce already existing with her ultra-marine Provinces, and her offer to protect and extend it under all Circumstances which might possibly occur; on the other hand, the Victories which have replaced Peru, under the Royal Authority; the vain endeavours of the Govern 1 Russian Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.

PAGE 144

1540 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN ments de facto to reconquer that Country, and the weakness of the Military resources of Mexico, exemplified by the continued Resistance of the Fort of St Jean d'Ulloa. That, such Circumstances could not, however, change the fixed Determinations of Russia; and that moreover, since the conclusion of the Act of the Congress of Vienna, She was firmly persuaded, that it was sufficient that a proposed Measure necessarily infringed upon the right of a third Power, to prevent its receiving the sanction of those Governments who took part in that great work of Peace & Justice. That the motives which prevented the Emperor from participating in the opinions of the Court of London on the affairs of America, being thus shortly explained, His Imperial Majesty deprecated any discussion upon the subject. For this last Reason, Count Lieven said that he was not instructed nor authorized to give a copy of the Despatch, the substance of which he had thus verbally stated to Mr. Canning. 824 Substance of a communication from Prince Esterhazy, Austrian Ambassador to Great Britain, to George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain 1 March j, 1825. 1. That the Court of Vienna views with regret and disapprobation the course adopted towards the Countries of Spanish America, as being a deviation from the principles of Legitimacy which guide the Politicks of the Great Powers of Europe. 2. That the Court of Vienna does not pretend to erect Itself into a Judge of the Interests of Great Britain; nor to decide, how far those Interests might or might not be sufficiently urgent to necessitate a step which It could not but consider as precipitate, even in that point of view. 3. But that It could not admit the validity of such a Plea, because, affecting, as it does, in this instance, the Rights of Spain, it might, if once admitted, affect equally, in some future instance, the Rights of some other Power. 4. That the Court of Vienna, faithful to its principles, would not acknowledge any of the Countries of Spanish America until the Mother Country shall have set the Example. Substituted by Prince Esterhazy: 4. That the Court of Vienna, faithful to its Principles, would not deviate from those which guided the Politicks of the Great Powers of Europe, for these last ten years. 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII, enclosed in Rush to Secretary of State, April 4, 1825, which see below, pt. vm, doc. 828.

PAGE 145

DOCUMENT 826: MARCH 25, 1825 I54I 825 Substance of a communication from Baron de Maltzahn, Prussian Minister to Great Britain, to George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain l [translation] March 4, 1825. Baron von Maltzahn announced to Mr. Canning that he was instructed to inform him that his Court has learned with pain and regret of the decision taken by the Britannic Government with respect to the Spanish Colonies in America; that the Cabinet of Berlin could not regard the reasons set forth by Mr. Canning as sufficient to justify a resolution which, according to its viewpoint, infringed upon the rights of the King of Spain and was in opposition to the principles of legitimacy. That Baron von Maltzahn was instructed not to hide from Mr. Canning how greatly his Court disapproved of this decision, and to declare to him that, on its part, it was resolved not to depart from the path that the Allied Cabinets had followed and would continue to follow without variation. 826 George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain, to Chevalier de Los Rios, Spanish Minister to Great Britain 2 Foreign Office, March 25, 1825. The Undersigned &c. is commanded by his Sovereign to deliver to the Chevalier de Los Rios for the purpose of being transmitted to his Court, the following reply to the Official Note addressed by His Excellency M. Zea to His Majesty's Charge d'Aff aires at Madrid on the 21st of January. 3 So large a portion of the Official Note of M. Zea was founded upon a denial of the facts which had been reported to the British Government, with respect to the state of the several Countries of Spanish America: and upon an anticipation of events expected by the Court of Spain to take place in those Countries, by which the credibility of the reports transmitted to the British Government would be effectually disproved ; that it has been thought advisable to wait the issue of the expected events in Spanish America rather than to confront evidence with evidence, and to discuss probabilities and conjectures. Of that issue, decisive as it appears to be, the Undersigned is directed to 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII, enclosed in Rush to Secretary of State, April 4, 1825, which see below, pt. vm, doc. 828. 2 Ibid., May 2, 1825, which see below, pt. vm, doc. 830. 3 See above, pt. vm, doc. 821.

PAGE 146

1542 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN say no more than, that it is a great satisfaction to the British Gov*, that it had actually taken place before the intentions of the British Government towards the other Countries of Spanish America were announced. Those intentions, therefore , cannot by possibility have had the slightest influence upon the result of the war in Peru. With this single observation, the Undersigned is directed to pass over all that part of M. Zea's Note, which turns upon the supposed incorrectness of the information on which the decision of the British Government was founded. The questions which remain to be examined, are, whether in treating with de-facto Governments, now established beyond the danger of any external assailment, Great Britain has violated either any general principle of international Law, or any positive obligation of Treaty. To begin with the latter as the more specifick accusation. M. Zea brings forward repeatedly the general charge of violated treaties: but as he specifies only two, that of 1809, and that of 1814, it may be presumed that he relies on them alone to substantiate this charge. First as to the Treaty of 1809. That Treaty was made at the beginning of the Spanish struggle against France, and was directed wholly, and in terms not to be misapprehended, to the circumstances of the moment at which it was made. It was a Treaty of Peace, putting an end to the War in which we had been since 1804, engaged with Spain. It is expressly described, in the first Article, as a Treaty of Alliance during the War in which we were engaged jointly with Spain against France. All the stipulations of the Treaty had evident reference to the declared determination of the then Ruler of France to uphold a branch of his own Family upon the Throne of Spain and of the Indies; — and they undoubtedly pledged us to Spain not to lay down our arms until that design should be defeated in Spain, and the pretension altogether abandoned as to America — a pledge which it is not, and cannot be denied, that Great Britain amply redeemed. But those objects once accomplished, the Stipulations of the Treaty were fulfilled, and its obligations necessarily expired, together with the matter to which they related. In effect, at the happy conclusion of the War in the Peninsula, and after the restoration, by British assistance, of H. C. M. to the Throne of his Ancestors, the Treaty of 1809 was replaced by the Treaty of 18 14. And what does that Treaty contain? First, the expression of an earnest wish on the part of His Majesty that Spanish America may be reunited to the Spanish Monarchy; and, secondly, an engagement to prohibit British Subjects from supplying the Spanish Americans with Munitions of War. — • This engagement was instantly carried into effect by an Order in Council of 18 14. And in furtherance of the like object, beyond the obligation of the Treaty, an Act of Parliament was passed in 1819 — prohibiting the service of British subjects in the ranks of the resisting colonies.

PAGE 147

DOCUMENT 826: MARCH 2$, 1 825 1543 That the wish expressed in this Treaty was sincere, the proof is to be found, not only in the measures above mentioned, but in the repeated offers of Great Britain to mediate between Spain and her Colonies — Nor were these offers of Mediation, as M. de Zea alleges, uniformly founded on the single basis of the admission by Spain of the Independence of the Spanish Provinces. Years had elapsed, and many opportunities had been missed of negociating on better terms for Spain, before that basis was assumed to be the only one on which negociation could be successfully opened. It was not assumed in 1812, when our Mediation was offered to the Cortes. It was not assumed in 1815, when Spain asked our Mediation, but refused to state the terms to which she was willing to agree. It was not assumed in 1818, in the Conferences at Aix-la-Chapelle in which Conferences the question of an arrangement between Spain and her Americas was, for the first, and last time, discussed between the Great Powers of Europe. After the silence, indeed, which Spain observed as to the opinion of the Powers assisting at those Conferences, when laid before her, two things became perfectly clear: the first, that Spain had at that time no serious intention of offering any terms, such as the Spanish American Provinces were likely to accept; the second, that any subsequent reference of the subject to a Congress must be wholly fruitless and unsatisfactory. From that time forth, Great Britain abstained from stirring the subject of Negociation with the Colonies; — till in the month of May 1822, Spain spontaneously announced to Great Britain that she had measures in contemplation for the pacification of her Americas, on a basis entirely new: — which basis, however was not explicitly described. In answer to that notification, Spain was exhorted by Great Britain to hasten as much as possible her Negociation with the Colonies, as the course of events was evidently so rapid as not to admit of a much longer delay: but no suggestion was even then brought forward by Great Britain, as to the adoption of the basis of Independence. The first suggestion of that basis came, in fact, from the Gov*, of Spain itself, in the month of November 1822, when the British Minister at Madrid received an intimation that the Cortes meditated opening Negociations with the Colonies, on the basis of Colonial Independence; — Negociations which were, in fact, subsequently opened, and carried to a successful termination with Buenos Ayres, though they were afterwards disavowed by H. C. My. It was not till after this last mentioned communication from the Spanish Government, that Great Britain expressed the opinion which she entertained as to the hopelessness of negociating upon any other basis than that then first suggested by the Spanish Gov*. This opinion stated, (as has been said,) in the first instance, confidentially to Spain, was nearly a twelvemonth afterwards, that is to say in the month of

PAGE 148

1544 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN October 1823 — mentioned by the Undersigned in a conference with the French Ambassador in London, 1 the substance of which conference was communicated to Spain, and to the other powers. It was repeated and enforced, in the Despatch from the Undersigned to Sir W m . a Court in January 1 824.2 Nothing therefore can be less exact than the supposition that Great Britain has uniformly put forward the basis of Independence, as the sine qua non condition of her Counsel and assistance to Spain in negociation with her Colonies. To come now to the second charge against Great Britain — the alleged violation of general international Law. Has it ever been admitted as an axiom, or ever been observed by any nation or Government, as a practical maxim, that no circumstances and no time, should entitle a de facto government to recognition? — or should entitle third powers, who may have a deep interest in defining and establishing their relation with a de facto Government to do so? Such a proceeding, on the part of Third Powers undoubtedly does not decide the question of right against the Mother Country. The Netherlands had thrown off the Supremacy of Spain, long before the end of the 16th Century but that Supremacy was not formally renounced by Spain until the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. Portugal declared in 1640, her independence of the Spanish Monarchy, but it was not till 1668, that Spain, by Treaty, acknowledged that Independence. During each of these intervals, the abstract rights of Spain may be said to have remained unextinguished. But third Powers, did not, in either of these instances, wait the slow conviction of Spain, before they thought themselves warranted to establish direct relations, and even to contract intimate Alliances, with the Republick of the United Netherlands, as well as with the new monarchy of the House of Braganza. The separation of the Spanish Colonies from Spain has been neither our work nor our wish — Events in which the British Government had no participation, decided that separation — a separation which we are still of opinion might have been averted, if our Counsels had been listened to in time. But out of that separation grew a state of things, to which it was the duty of the British Government (in proportion as it became the plain and legitimate interest of the Nation, whose welfare is committed to its charge) to conform its measures, as well as its language, not hastily and precipitately, but with due deliberation and circumspection. To continue to call that a possession of Spain, in which all Spanish occupation and power had been actually extinguished and effaced, could render no practical service to the Mother Country, but it would have risked the peace of the World. For all political Communities are responsible to other political Communities for their conduct, that is, they are bound to perform the 1 See above, pt. vm, doc. 799, under date of October 9, 1 823. 2 See ibid, doc. 811, under date of January 30, 1824.

PAGE 149

DOCUMENT 826: MARCH 25, 1 825 1 545 ordinary international duties, and to afford redress for any violation of the rights of others, by their citizens or subjects. Now either the Mother Country must have continued responsible for acts over which it could no longer exercise the shadow of a controul; or the Inhabitants of those Countries, whose independent political existence was, in fact, established, but to whom the acknowledgment of that Independence was denied, must have been placed in a situation, in which they were either, wholly irresponsible for all their actions, or were to be visited for such of those actions as might furnish ground of complaint to other nations, with the punishment due to Pirates and Outlaws. If the former of these alternatives, the total irresponsibility of unrecognized States, be too absurd to be maintained ; and if the latter — the treatment of their inhabitants as Pirates and Outlaws — be too monstrous to be applied, for an indefinite length of time, to a large portion of the Habitable Globe; no other choice remained for Great Britain, or for any other country having intercourse with the Spanish American Provinces, but to recognize, in due time, their political existence as States; and thus to bring them within the pale of those rights and duties, which civilized nations are bound mutually to respect and are entitled reciprocally to claim from each other. The example of the late revolution in France, and of the ultimate happy restoration of His Majesty Louis XVIII, is pleaded by M. Zea in illustration of the principle of unextinguishable right in a legitimate Sovereign, and of the respect to which that right is entitled from all Foreign Powers. And he calls upon Great Britain in justice to her own consistency, to act with the same reserve towards the New States of Spanish America, which she employed, so much to her honour towards Revolutionary France. But can M. Zea, need to be reminded, that every Power in Europe, and, specifically, Spain amongst the foremost not only acknowledged the several successive Governments de facto by which the House of Bourbon was first expelled from the Throne of France and afterwards kept for near a quarter of a century, out of possession of it, but contracted intimate Alliances with them all; and above all, with that which M. Zea, justly describes as the strongest of de facto Governments, the Government of Buonaparte, against whom not any principle of respect for the rights of legitimate Monarchy, but his own ungovernable ambition, finally brought combined Europe into the field? There is no use in endeavouring to give a specious colouring to facts which are now the property of history. The Undersigned is therefore compelled to add, that Great Britain herself cannot justly accept the praise which M. Zea is willing to ascribe to her in this respect; nor can she claim to be altogether exempted from the general charge of having treated with the Powers of the French Revolution. It is true, indeed, that up to the Year 1796, she abstained from treating with Revolutionary France, long after other Powers of Europe, had set her

PAGE 150

I546 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN the example. But the reasons alleged in Parliament, and in State Papers for that abstinence, was the unsettled state of the French Government: and it cannot be denied, that, both in 1796 and 1797 Great Britain opened a negotiation for peace with the Directory of France, a Negotiation, the favorable conclusion of which would have implied a recognition of that form of Government: that in 1801, she made peace with the Consulate, that, if, in 1806, She did not conclude a Treaty of Peace with Buonaparte, Emperor of France, the negotiation was broken off merely on a question of terms; and, that, if from 1808 to 1814, She steadily refused to listen to any overtures from France, She did so declaredly and notoriously on account of Spain alone ; whom Buonaparte pertinaciously refused to admit as party to the Negociation. Nay, further, it cannot be denied that even in 18 14, the year in which the Bourbon Dynasty was eventually restored, Peace would have been made by Great Britain with Buonaparte, if he had not been unreasonable in his demands: and Spain cannot be ignorant, that even after Buonaparte was set aside, there was question among the Allies, of the possible expediency of placing some other than a Bourbon on the Throne of France. The appeal, therefore, to the conduct of the Powers of Europe; and even to that of Great Britain herself, with respect to the French Revolution, does but recall abundant instances of the recognition of de facto Governments by Great Britain, perhaps later and more reluctantly than by others, but by Great Britain, herself however reluctant after the example set to her by the other Powers of Europe, and specifically by Spain. There are two other points in M. Zea's note, which appear to call for particular observation. M. Zea declares that the King of Spain will never recognize the New States of Spanish America, and that H. My. will never cease to employ the force of arms against His rebellious subjects in that part of the World. We have neither the pretension, nor the desire to controul H. C. My' 8 , conduct. But this declaration of M. Zea comprises a complete justification of our conduct, in having taken the opportunity which to us seemed ripe, for placing our relations with the New States of America on a definite footing. For this declaration plainly shows, that the complaint against us is not merely as to the mode, or the time, of our advances towards those States: It shows that the dispute between us and Spain, is not merely as to the question of fact t whether the internal condition of any of those States be such as to justify the entering into definite relations with them; that it was not merely a reasonable delay, for the purpose of verifying contradictory reports, and of affording opportunity for friendly Negotiations, that was required of us. It shows that no extent of forbearance on our part would have satisfied Spain; and that defer our advances towards the New States as long as we might, we should still have had to make them without the consent of Spain; — for that Spain is determined against all compromise, under any circum-

PAGE 151

DOCUMENT 827: MARCH 26, 1 825 1 547 stances, and at any time, and is resolved upon interminable War with her late Colonies in America. M. Zea concludes, with declaring that H. C. My. will protest in the most solemn manner against the measures announced by the British Gov*., as violating existing Treaties; and the imprescriptible rights of the Throne of Spain. Against what will Spain protest? It has been proved that no Treaties are violated by us; and we admit that no question of right is decided by our recognition of the New States of America. But, if the argument on which this declaration is founded, be true, it is eternal; and the offence of which we are guilty, in placing our intercourse with those Countries under the protection of Treaties, is one, of which no time and circumstances could, in the view of Spain, have mitigated the character. Having thus entered with great pain and unwillingness, into the several topicks of M. Zea's note, the Undersigned is directed in conclusion, to express the anxious hope of his Government, that a discussion, now wholly without object, may be allowed here to close. The Undersigned is directed to declare to the Spanish Minister, that no feeling of ill will, or even of indifference to the interests of H. C. My. has prompted the steps which H. My' 8 . Government has taken, that H. M. still cherishes an anxious wish for the welfare of Spain: and that H. My. still retains the disposition, and commands the Undersigned again to renew to H. C. My' 8 . Government the offer to employ H. My' 8 , good offices, for the bringing about of any amicable arrangement, which may yet be practicable, between H. C. My. and the Countries of America which have separated themselves from Spain. The Undersigned [etc.]. 827 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] London, March 26, 1825. The great powers of Europe appear to be reconciling themselves reluctantly, but still reconciling themselves, to the recognition of the new American states by Britain, and the prospect is becoming less and less of any immediate interruption of peace from this event. What I hear is, that Russia having entered her protest against it, rather intimates her desire to 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII.

PAGE 152

I548 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN say, for the present at least, nothing more about it; and that France having also protested against it, is little inclined to do more, but on the contrary will perhaps not be slow to take up a policy more in unison with her true interests. As to Austria and Prussia they are said to have declared, that they will never recognize these insurgent colonies, until the parent state does, any other course being contrary to legitimacy; but that they intend any breach with those states who have recognized them, or who may, is not I believe imagined. I have the honor [etc.]. 828 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States 1 [extract] London, April 4, 1825. Sir: Mr. Secretary Canning invited me to an interview at the foreign office the day before yesterday, his object being as I found to apprize me of the manner in which the recognition of the new American states by Great Britain has been viewed by the powers of Europe, as well as what has passed between Great Britain and Spain in consequence of it. He stated that in the month of February, Count Lieven, the Russian ambassador, having been charged with the sentiments of his court upon the measure, waited upon him in order to make them officially known to the British government. The Count was proceeding to execute this duty, by reading the despatch in which these sentiments of his court were contained, when Mr. Canning inquired whether it was intended that he should be furnished with a copy of the despatch. The Count replied, that he was not instructed or authorised to give a copy of it, but simply to make known its contents. Mr. Canning, on this avowal, declined hearing it read, remarking that as its contents might call for discussions between their two governments, that of Great Britain would manifestly be at a disadvantage by such a course; that he, Mr. Canning, would necessarily find himself under embarrassment, personally, at being called upon to make report to the king, and to his colleagues in the cabinet, on the exact nature of so important and grave a state paper from memory alone, whilst the record of it was in the hands of Russia, and that since the count was not at liberty to give a copy of it, the only mode left by which the parties would stand on ground more equal, would be for the count to detail to him its contents verbally. This was therefore the mode which he, Mr. Canning, would prefer. The count accordingly adopted it. When the conference was over, Mr. Canning put 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII.

PAGE 153

DOCUMENT 828: APRIL 4, 1 825 1 549 upon paper the substance of the count's verbal communication, and sent it to the count for his corrections, by whom it was returned corrected accordingly. This was the statement with which Mr. Canning introduced the delivery to me of the paper thus drawn up and verified upon the occasion. A copy of this paper, under date of the second of March, is enclosed. 1 Precisely the same narrative is applicable to interviews which he afterwards had with the ambassador of Austria, and the minister plenipotentiary of Prussia, both of whom were in like manner charged by their respective courts to make known their sentiments on the act of recognition by England, but without giving copies of their despatches. The papers under date of March the third and March the fourth, 2 which are also enclosed, were verified in like-manner with the Russian paper, so that these three papers will serve to make known the sentiments of these three courts under the measure, in the only form in which as it would seem they have become officially known to Great Britain. To none of these papers does Great Britain judge an answer necessary. As to France Mr. Canning said, that he should find it difficult to describe what her precise course had been. She had protested against the measure, but in verbal communications only, having abstained hitherto from all expression of her opinions in any written form, and he added that he had now little expectation that she would express them to Great Britain in writing. In the end he did not hesitate to say unequivocally, that he considered all danger to the peace of Europe as wholly gone by; he meant all immediate danger arising out of the measure in question, and he intimated that France was perhaps less disposed than any of the powers to make it a cause of breach. As regards Spain, Mr. Canning put into my hands for perusal her remonstrance, which indeed is sufficiently explicit. It was drawn up in January and addressed to the representative of England at Madrid. It complains of the measure as unjust and indefensible under all views; as contrary to the treaty stipulations of 1809, and 1814 between Great Britain and Spain; as not warranted by the actual condition of those rebellious colonies, in some of which Spanish power was still ascendent, and in all of which there was to be witnessed nothing but anarchy; as ill-chosen in regard to time, when the virtuous and loyal Spanish Americans in those colonies were giving such new proofs of their fidelity to the cause of the parent state, and when the parent state was harrassed at home by the effects of a criminal revolution, but just suppressed; as unnecessary with a view to secure to British subjects the trade of the colonies, since Spain was ready to grant in this respect, if she had not already granted, every reasonable and just boon to Britain; as contrary to the great principles of social and political order, on which the happiness and existence of nations depended, principles which had hitherto found in Britain a 1 See above, pt. vm, doc. 823. 2 Ibid., docs. 824 and 825.

PAGE 154

1550 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN zealous and efficient advocate, especially during the whole progress of the French revolution, and at the epochs more recent of 1815 at Vienna, and 1818 at Aix la Chapelle ; as out of character in short with the whole policy by which Britain had ever heretofore aided in sustaining the great European system; and as specially repugnant to her duties and alliance to Spain. I advert only to the most striking heads of the remonstrance, and ought not to omit to add, that it declares that Spain never will at any time acknowledge these insurgent colonies to be independent. I abstain from any more particular account of it, or from any account of the answer which this government has given to it, as I am to be furnished with copies of each. These Mr. Canning promised me, though they were not made out for my use on Saturday. I will forward them as soon as received. 1 The British answer is dated the 25th of March, and is occupied in combatting point by point the doctrines and assertions of the remonstrance. Its concluding passage contains an offer on the part of England to lend her good offices at the present period towards a pacification between Spain and the new states, foregoing passages of it having brought into view the offers of England to the same effect, at earlier stages of the contest. Mr. Canning said nothing further to me on any part of the subject, which the papers that I sent, or those which I am still to forward, will not explain. No allusion of any kind is made to the United States in any part of the British answer; nor did Mr. Canning advert in conversation to our act of recognition, or to any of the past conferences or correspondence between himself and me, or to any of the opinions of my government, upon this subject. 829 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States 2 [extract] London, April 12, 1825. Sir: A person high in diplomatic station here has informed me that, some months ago, probably six or nine, England made an offer to Spain to guaranty to her the possession of Cuba, and to send British troops there for that purpose, should it become necessary; but that the offer was declined by Spain. Considering that such a measure would be, in effect, transferring Cuba to England, sooner or later, I asked my informant by what inducements Eng1 See above, pt. vili, docs. 821 and 826, Zea Bermudez to British Charge, January 21, 1825, and Canning to Los Rios, March 25, 1825. 2 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII.

PAGE 155

DOCUMENT 83O: MAY 2, 1 825 1 55 1 land had hoped to draw Spain into a consent to it. He replied that he did not know, and either was, or feigned to be, but vaguely informed upon the point. He repeated however, with great confidence, the broad fact of such an offer having been made by England. It is the first time that I have heard of it. Lord Liverpool's declarations to me sometime ago upon this subject will not be forgotten. These, although they served to quiet my apprehensions for the moment did not allay them permanently, and since they were made to me I have not been unmindful of the importance of giving proper attention to the subject, and communicating to you whatever authentic information might at any time reach me in relation to it; but none has reached me that I have considered of this character until that which I now impart. I will not fail to endeavour to obtain, in a manner more full and precise, a knowledge of this alleged offer of England to guaranty to Spain the possession of this Island. The declarations of Lord Liverpool above mentioned were communicated by me on the 10th of March 1823. It is a rumour of the day, that the ambassadors of the great continental powers, England being excluded, are shortly to meet at Milan, for political conferences, whither also the emperor of Austria is to repair. That the recognition of the new American states by England, whilst it has not and will not produce war between her and the continent as an immediate and avowed cause, has nevertheless planted the seeds of deep animosity between them, is obvious. Hence the above rumour is very likely to be true. 830 Richard Rush, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l London, May 2, 1825. Sir: I now beg leave to enclose copies of the correspondence that passed between this government and that of Spain on the recognition of the new American states by the former, consisting of the notes described in my despatch of the 4th of April, 2 which Mr. Canning, according to his promise, has sent to me. I have the honor [etc.] 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII. 2 See above, pt. vm, doc. 828.

PAGE 156

1552 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN 831 John Adams Smith, Charge aV Affaires of the United States at London ad interim, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] London, July 10, 1825. Sir: In regard to the application made by Mr. Baring in his place in the House of Commons on the night of the 1st of July to which I have heretofore alluded, Mr. Canning came down to the House on Tuesday the 5th inst. in order to state in answer to the question put on a preceding evening by Mr. Baring, why the individual of great respectability accredited to this country by the State of Buenos Ayres, had not been presented at the last Levee? For the reason why, the individual in question had not been presented, the fact was this, that he had no regular credentials. The State of Buenos Ayres had sent this gentleman a paper appointing him Minister Plenipotentiary to this country, but making him Minister Plenipotentiary also to France; and as far as his Mr. Canning's advice went, the same full observance of all forms and arrangements should be required from them as from the oldest, best secured, or most despotic governments existing. In all the relations of England with these new States, this fact could not fail to be recollected, there had been a great deal more of Commercial and speculative than of political actual transaction. 832 Rufus King, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States 2 [extracts] Cheltenham, August g, 1825. Sir: Upon my landing at Liverpool I wrote you a private letter informing you of our arrival, and adding that owing to the roughness of the Passage and my uninterrupted sea sickness I should be obliged in hopes of recovering my strength to delay for a few days my Journey to London. ... I 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII. John Adams Smith of Massachusetts: Commissioned secretary of legation in Great Britain, September 8, 1815; acted as charge d'affaires ad interim from May 14 to December 22, 1817, and from May 13 to November II, 1825; appointed secretary of legation at Madrid; commissioned secretary of legation in Spain, April 8, 1825; appointed secretary of legation at Paris; commissioned secretary of legation at France, June 12, 1828; acted as charge d'affaires ad interim from June 28 to October I, 1829; appointed secretary of legation at St. Petersburg. * MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII. These notes exchanged between Canning and King were embodied in the text of the latter's dispatch to Clay instead of being enclosed in it.

PAGE 157

DOCUMENT 832: AUGUST 9, 1 825 1 553 concluded to send my son to London with the Despatches confided to me for Count Lieven and our Minister at Paris. . . . Accordingly upon the 29th of July I received Mr. Canning's letter of the former day, and by return of the Post sent him my answer to wit: MR. CANNING TO MR. KING Foreign Office, July 28th 1825. Dear Sir: The pleasure of renewing the very old acquaintance, which authorizes me (I hope) so to address you, induces me to take Cheltenham in my way to the North of England. I hope to arrive there on Monday and to pay my respects to you that evening, or early the following day, as may best suit your convenience. In the mean time I take the liberty of sending for your Perusal, the enclosed extracts of letters lately received by me from Mr. Addington. The sentiments of your Government as therein reported are ours. I shall be exceedingly glad of an opportunity of talking them over with you, and I wish that we may be able to agree to some mode of giving to them a salutary effect. I have the honor [etc.]. P. S. I shall not leave town till after the arrival of the Post on Saturday — But I beg you will not take the trouble to answer this letter for form's sake unless there be any thing that you may be desirous of bringing under my consideration before we meet. G. C. EXTRACT OF A DESPATCH FROM MR. ADDINGTON TO MR. SECRETARY CANNING, DATED WASHINGTON, MAY 2D, 1 825 The fate of Cuba and Porto Rico was a subject of deep interest. It could hardly accord with the views of Great Britain any more than with those of the United States, that those Colonies should fall into the hands of Colombia or of Mexico; and yet if Spain long delayed the Recognition of those States, an attempt would assuredly be made by one of them on those Islands. Viewed on all sides this latter was a subject of great difficulty and delicacy. EXTRACT OF A DESPATCH FROM MR. ADDINGTON, DATED WASHINGTON, MAY 2 1ST, I825 . . . This subject had of course been canvassed both by People and Government at various times in the United States, as in England, and both Parties, Mr. Clay believed, had come to the same conclusion, namely, that it would be better in every respect that Spain should retain Cuba. Should this turn out in the course of events to be impracticable, and impracticable it would be, if the King of Spain persevered in his insane determination still to withhold his Recognition of the Independence of Colombia and Mexico, in that case two other alternatives presented themselves, both of which would be open to great difficulties and embarrassments: The first was the establishment of an Independent Government in Cuba under the joint guarantee of the United States and Great Britain, and perhaps some of the Spanish American Republicks;

PAGE 158

1554 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN and the second the transfer, by sufferance of that colony to Colombia or Mexico, whichever should attack it. He would tell me fairly and without hesitation, that however much he should deprecate such an issue, he would prefer that to the Island falling into the hands of any of the great maritime powers, and especially Great Britain, as of course Great Britain would to its coming under the Dominion of the United States. His views with respect to the Policy to be observed towards Cuba were therefore in brief Recapitulation these: First — The Status quo. Secondly— Independence under the guarantee of two or several large Powers. Thirdly — annexation to the Colony of Colombia or Mexico. These views he announced to me without reserve as one Private gentleman to another. MR. KING TO MR. CANNING Cheltenham, July 2Qih, 1825. No. 2, Bath Villa. Dear Sir: I have just received your letter of yesterday and cannot lose a moment in the expression of my sense of the kind recollections in which it has originated. The occasion, as I hope will justify the avowal of the satisfaction with which I shall meet you in the office for Foreign Affairs, especially as it permits me to rely upon the frankness and directness with which the business of our intercourse will be sure to be conducted. By the extracts from Mr. Addington's letters which you have sent for my perusal, and for which be pleased to accept my thanks, you have anticipated the subject which had seemed to me most important at the present moment — while there are other topics upon which we may desire an early occasion to discuss, there is none which I would press upon your attention at the present moment. I have the honor [etc.]. August the 2d. Mr. Canning arrived last Evening and sent me a message that he would call on me at 10 o'clock of the Evening of his arrival or at 9 o'clock the next morning, having named the morning, he came to my House at 9 o'clock this morning. After the ordinary salutations I expressed my thanks for his making me this visit, and repeated my acknowledgments that he had sent for my perusal the extracts of Mr. Addington's letters to him, and my satisfaction that the United States and Great Britain thought alike on the subject of Cuba and the New States, that I could not do better than to put into his hands an extract from my Instructions explanatory of our views on these subjects, in doing which I complied with the desire of my Government to communicate fully and freely with the Government of Great Britain, in return for the like communication on their Part. The extract omitted the Instruction to Mr. Middleton and alluded in general terms to the employment of the influence of the United States to engage Russia, France and Great Britain to influence Spain to make Peace with the New States by acknowledging their Independence. Mr. Canning soon replied

PAGE 159

DOCUMENT 832: AUGUST 9, 1825 1555 that such a hope was desperate, that Russia was unchangeable on this point. We have understood that by the early education of Alexander, he was led to the adoption of a faith altogether different from that of which he is at present the Champion; at the negotiation of Peace with France, he was for the exclusion of the Bourbons, now he avows the doctrine that crowns and succession can lawfully be regulated by Kings and Emperors only, so that he is the last person from whom a change may be expected. I asked whether Austria, Prussia or France would be likely to admit of change in this Theory; he answered that France had one foot in the water and one foot on the land, as respects the water foot she seemed inclined to agree or rather not to disagree with England, that Austria would feel the power of Russia, tho' perhaps she may fall short in the strength of her faith. Prussia is slow in her movements and not as zealous in the cause, with which she is ranked as may have been supposed. France has lately sent Commissioners to Saint Domingo offering to acknowledge their Independence for a large sum of money and a provision to introduce French manufactures at a Tariff reduced below that of other countries. She has lately committed a blunder by sending a convoy from Martinique to Cuba with Spanish ships and troops which had arrived at Martinique from the Philippines. Great Britain remonstrated against her sending this aid as departing from the duty of Neutrality and as in fact taking part in the war between Spain and the New States. The French Government in reply stated that the Governor of Martinique has mistaken his orders, which authorised him to send French Troops to the succour of Cuba, should their condition require it. England replied that France would take part with Spain or not as she might choose, but it must be done openly. That the sending French Troops to Cuba for their succour, would be taking part in the war; and it must, and would be so understood. This Truth blundered out, on the fact of insubordination of the Spanish Troops from the Peninsula manifesting itself in Cuba — at which crisis now past, the French may have issued these orders. Mr. Canning observed that while England despaired of the favorable interposition of Russia and of the temper of Spain to make peace with the new states by acknowledging their Independence, they felt themselves so greatly reinforced and sustained by the views of the United States, and the agreement which existed between the United States and England in these views, that latterly they had directed all their efforts to prevail on Spain to conclude an armistice with the new states, which would in the end lead to Peace, that it had occurred to England, by a Note drawn up and approved by England, the United States and France in such form as should be approved that Spain may consent to such armistice, especially if coupled with the same, it be provided that Cuba and Porto Rico shall remain under the Dominion of Spain. That it was not till the Treaty of Munster that Spain consented to the Independence of the Netherlands,

PAGE 160

1556 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN an armistice or truce for nearly seventy years having preceded the acknowledgment of Spain. Her Dilatory character, and the delays with which any alteration of her government could be effected, stand in the way of the Recognition of the Independence of the Colonies. It should moreover be recollected, that under the influence of this character Spain herself towards the close of the American war, when pressed by France to join her in acknowledging the Independence of the United States, dissented, but proposed to join in a recommendation to England to conclude an armistice with the United States. The example of Spain on that occasion, will justify England in following her example in this. I asked Mr. Canning what probability existed that France could be prevailed upon to unite with England and the United States in the adoption of such Note. Mr. Canning made use of expressions of his belief, spoke of the manifestation of her desire to bring to a satisfactory close the question of Saint Domingo, her manifestation of the desire to build up her navigation and commerce, the wish she shewed to recruit her Colonies and to pacify the West Indies. To these Remarks he joined with emphasis the influence which he said was so fully due to the union of England and the United States in their views respecting Cuba, Porto Rico and the New States upon the continent. Mr. Canning enquired whether I should soon write to my Government. I replied that I should do so immediately after our present conference was finished, and as the American and English Governments tho' agreed in the Policy to be pursued in relation to Cuba and the New States, did not agree on the measure now to be adopted to promote this Policy. I was desirous in order to avoid mistake, that he should put in writing, the reasons which he had assigned to me in opposition to the measure proposed by the United States, and in favor of that which was proposed by England. Mr. Canning replied that as he should pass two or three days in this neighborhood, he would write to me accordingly. This happened a week ago and I have heard nothing farther from Mr. Canning. I am nevertheless anxious to communicate to you the substance of this conference, that will be open to the correction of Mr. Canning's communication, which shall be forwarded to you as soon as it may be received by me. Mr. Brown having left Paris for some time for the Waters of Savoy and my progress having yet afforded me no opportunity to confer with Count Lieven and others, you will perceive that I am obliged in preparing this Despatch to rely upon the authority of England — but it becomes the more important that you receive this letter, in order that I may obtain the earliest instructions of the President concerning the measure recommended by this Government. Should it be resumed, as I conclude it will in some form in which I may be called upon to take a part, which I shall be cautious in doing without the orders of my Government. With great Respect [etc.].

PAGE 161

DOCUMENT 833: AUGUST II, 1 825 1557 833 Rufus King, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] Cheltenham, August n, 1825. Sir: Yesterday I received Mr. Canning's promised communication. On comparing it with my Report 2 of the conference between us, you will perceive the effort of Mr. Canning to sustain the measure pursuing by the English Government in preference to the proposed measure of the United States. The information received from Lord Granville at Paris is to be regarded as a continuation of the endeavour of the English Government in support of the measure which they have adopted, and now recommend to the United States. Mr. Brown 3 being absent from Paris I have no means of countervailing Lord Granville's information upon this important subject. MR. CANNING TO MR. KING Confidential. Wortley Hall, August yth, 1825. My dear Sir: I have deferred the execution of my promise a day or two longer than I intended, because I found reason to believe that before the end of the week I should hear something more certain from Paris as to the way in which the French Government were likely to receive Mr. Brown's proposition. I did hear yesterday from Lord Granville on this subject: and there is I apprehend no doubt but that the French Government have returned a negative answer to Mr. Brown, alleging as the ground of their refusal, that Mr. Brown's Proposition implies a recognition of the Independence of the Continental States of Spanish America. In short, my dear Sir, it is as I took the liberty of telling you at Cheltenham: — -If your government founds its sole hope of preserving Cuba to Spain, on that of being able to persuade the great Powers of the European Continent to concur in persuading Spain to adopt new councils in respect to her late Provinces on the continent of America; you may depend upon it — that foundation is absolutely unsound. France is indeed that one of the great Powers which has the most obvious interest in procuring such an adjustment between Spain and her Americas, and which, if France could venture to act from the sense of her own interest alone, would have the best disposition to do so. And she does not act for or from herself. The awe in which she stands of the Continental Alliance prevents her. Of that Alliance the moving soul is Russia. And the United States are grievously mistaken if they imagine that the Emperor of Russia is upon this — as perhaps they may have found him upon other matters — open to the blandishments of flattery, so far as to be led to use the influence he possesses, and is proud to be 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII. 2 See above, pt. vm, doc. 832, King to Clay, August 9, 1825. 3 James Brown, United States Minister to France.

PAGE 162

1558 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN thought to possess in Europe, in a direction quite different from that which his principles, his prejudices, and perhaps his interests prescribe. I say perhaps his interests, because I must fairly own that; having once missed the golden opportunity of taking the lead — or going hand in hand with us and the United States in our line of Policy, I see no very great temptation to induce the Emperor of Russia now to change the course which he has advisedly chosen; and to expose himself to the just reproaches of Spain, for having urged her on in her blind folly, until she was ruined past reparation, and then when her ruin has been accomplished, turning round and urging her to tread back her steps, — too late. Every human motive, I confess seems to me to conspire to keep the Emperor of Russia in the path which he has chosen : and though I dare say that the usual appeals to his magnanimity, generosity, power, predominance &c. &c. &c. which have soothed and won him on former occasions, will soothe him still — they will (in my opinion) not win him to any other system of action in respect to Spain, and her late colonies. Such — I say is my opinion and speculation. But in aid of speculative opinions, I have the fact — stated by the French Ministers (whether to Mr. Brown I know not but stated without much reserve) at the time of giving their answer to Mr. Brown, that Russia is inflexible in her Policy respecting Spain and her Colonies; and that she continues to preach to Spain, not only no recognition of their Independence but active war for their subjugation. We must look at things therefore as they are, and not as we would wish them to be; and we must consider what we can do, to preserve Cuba to Spain; short of bringing about, through the intervention of her Continental Allies peace between Spain and her emancipated colonies — which is hopeless. Of the value of this object — the preservation of Cuba to Spain— we, I know (that is the government of England and that of the United States) think alike. And we are too honest, and respect each other and ourselves too much, not to avow that we think alike, for the like reasons. You cannot allow that we should have Cuba. We cannot allow that you should have it. And we can neither of us allow that it should fall into the hands of France. Our mutual and reciprocal respect for each other is a security for our mutual abstinence. But France is swayed so much by the humour of the day, and proceeds in a course of policy so devious and vacillating, that she is really capable of blundering into a maritime war, without having seen its danger much less calculated its consequences. I will give you two instances of this most inconvenient propensity. A detachment of Spanish Troops, on its way (I think) from the Philippine Islands, to reinforce the garrison of the Havannah, touched at Martinique. The Governor of Martinique (who is I believe Captain General of the French Forces on the West Indies) not only received and refreshed these Troops — which was an act of blameless hospitality; but when the detachment made sail again, sent a French ship of War to convoy it to its destination : which, if the convoy was to do the duty of a convoy — that is to defend the detachment under its protection against the only enemy that could assail it — was neither more nor less than an act of War against that enemy. Viz. against the New States of Spanish America — Suppose a Colombian Frigate to have fallen in with this convoy-

PAGE 163

DOCUMENT 833: AUGUST II, 1 825 1 559 you see plainly what must have followed. And I am perfectly satisfied that the French Captain General did not see that he was thus putting the peace of the maritime and colonial world to hazard. We represented this matter to the French Government not in a tone of complaint — for it was no business of ours if they chose to make a defensive league with Spain, and to abide the consequences; — 'but with a voice of friendly warning — pointing out to them, those consequences of an unadvised procedure, which we really believed them not to have had in contemplation. They certainly had neither those consequences nor the procedure itself in their contemplation : for they were ignorant of the fact; they doubted — they even denied it, — grounding their denial upon this — that their Captain General had no instructions to give convoy to Spanish Troops or Vessels. Shortly after however, they admitted the fact to be as stated by us. Count Dongelot the Captain General had written home reporting what he had done; and they had written out to him to take care not to do so any more. So far so good. But was Count Dongelot alone to blame? Not so — for when the French Ministers denied having given him any instructions to convoy Spanish armaments, they added — that they were the more surprised that he should have taken upon himself to act as he did in this affair, because he had clear instructions for the only case in which there was any probability of his being called upon to interfere in Spanish Colonial concerns: and what do you think, those instructions were? Nothing less than to send French Troops to the Havannah if the Governor of that place should ask his assistance to put down internal disturbance! Well, surely might Count Dongelot conceive that the order, in a given case to occupy the Island of Cuba, with a French force, implied if it did not actually involve, an injunction to assist the Spaniards to occupy it themselves! We have taken the liberty to expound to the French Ministers the dangerous tendency of those avowed Instructions to Count Dongelot; and we have obtained an assurance that they too shall be withdrawn. But the fact of having given them indicates such an insensibility to the real state of things in the Colonial World — and such a looseness and precipitancy — such a promptitude to act upon impulse, without weighing probabilities and combining results — that I protest I never feel quite assured that I may not, on rising up in the morning, find that a French force has landed at the Havannah, in consequence of some orders hastily given, for contingencies ill defined, or of some discretion indiscreetly reposed in the judgment of a local commander. Now against this danger — and it is by far the most imminent — it is in our power (in that of your government and mine) to guard; if we are contented, in the first Instance, to confine our endeavours to that object. France, professes, as we do, to wish above all things, that Cuba should continue to belong to Spain. She disclaims, as we do, any desire to get possession of it. Spain is disquieted by the apprehension that we (that is that either Great Britain or the United States) may take advantage of her weakness to wrest Cuba from her. She has not the same fears of France; or has them in so much less a degree that it is by no means impossible that, in some moment of panic with respect to us, and you, she should herself call in France to aid her in the safe keeping of Cuba.

PAGE 164

1 560 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN Here therefore I say is the most instant danger. Let us guard against that. France, if appealed to, can hardly refuse to disavow in an authentic form, designs imputed to her and to us — if we (meaning always you and we) concur in the same disavowal. What I would propose therefore is the signature by the three powers, either of three Ministerial Notes — one between Great Britain and the United States, one between the United States and France and one between France and Great Britain — or one Tripartite Note signed by all — disclaiming each for ourselves, any intention to occupy Cuba and protesting each against such occupation by either of the others. Such an Instrument would settle the question as between the great maritime Powers of the old World and the New. The only danger which would then remain to Cuba, would be from the War with the New Independent States of Spanish America. When that was the single danger, I should not despair of working upon Spain — not through the Alliance — not through France. But after the proof that we should have given of our disinterestedness and good will in relation to Cuba — by our own unassisted efforts ("our" comprehending in this instance as heretofore the Union of your counsels with ours, and the union of those of France too, if France shall by that time have taken courage to act with us, without leave of her Continental Allies) I should not despair, I say, of working upon Spain so far as to induce her to put an end to that single remaining danger, by consenting, I will not venture to affirm to a peace (involving immediate recognition,) but to a suspension of hostilities, and of this I am firmly persuaded, that to obtain any chance of success, we must separate two questions not necessarily connected with each other, Viz., the danger to Cuba from the suspected ambition of the old powers, from that which impends over it (but of which Spain thinks comparatively little) from the New. So long as peace with the New Powers is made a condition of the assurance of safety from the old — our exhortations will be heard with suspicion, and repelled with resentment: whereas, once soothed and softened by a solemn and unequivocal assurance as to the purity of our designs and as to the benevolence of our wishes (yours and ours) the Spanish Government may be induced to listen to advice, in which it can — no longer pretend to trace a lurking motive of self interest; and to admit into a deliberation how Cuba can best be secured from invasion by Colombia or Mexico, Powers who have bound themselves by a common obligation neither to take, nor to permit the taking of Cuba, to either of themselves. This is the course which we intend to pursue on this question: and it is one in which I invite you to join us. I have the honor [etc.].

PAGE 165

DOCUMENT 835: AUGUST 21, 1 825 I561 834 John Adams Smith, Charge d' Affaires of the United States at London ad interim, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States x [extract] London, August ij, 1825. Sir: Mr. Nelson 2 on his return from Spain left London on Thursday the nth on his way to Liverpool, by the route of Cheltenham, to embark in the packet ship to sail for New York on the 16th instant. The Mexican Treaty with this country has been received since I had the honor of writing to you, by Mr. Morier the Commissioner on the part of this Government, but the Treaty has been objected to in certain modifications by Mr. Canning, and will be returned for the required alterations. I take this occasion of saying, that in a conversation which I had the opportunity of holding yesterday with Mr. Rivadavia, the agent from the State of Buenos Ayres, who will embark in the course of next week, to return to Buenos Ayres, he gave it to me as his opinion that the State of Buenos Ayres would not send in the course of next year a Minister or diplomatic agent to this country, and that it was not his intention to leave one here on his departure; he supposed that a Minister would very soon go from Buenos Ayres to the United States. 835 George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain, to Rufus King, United States Minister to Great Britain 3 Confidential. Storrs, August 21, 1825. My dear Sir: I addressed to you, just this day fortnight, my promised letter on the subject of Cuba. 4 It would have been a satisfaction to me to learn that it had reached you safely. I trust that it is not owing to any recurrence of your indisposition that I have not yet had the pleasure of hearing from you. In the interval which has elapsed since I wrote to you, I have ascertained, through his Majesty's Ambassador at Paris, that there will be no unwillingness on the part of the French Government, to sign a tripartite engagement, between our three Governments, to the effect proposed in my letter to you. I have in consequence prepared for consideration the draft of such an en1 MS. Despatches from Great Britain, XXXII. 2 Hugh Nelson, United States Minister to Spain. 3 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII, enclosed in King to Clay, August 24, 1825, which see below, pt. vm, doc. 836. 4 See above, pt. vm, doc. 833, embodied in the text of King to Clay, August 11, 1825.

PAGE 166

I562 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN gagement — one copy of which I transmit to his Majesty's Ambassador at Paris — another I have the honor herewith to enclose. I explain to Lord Granville for the satisfaction of the French Ministers that by reserving the right which both you and we have proclaimed and exercised of landing in pursuit of Pirates, who may have taken refuge on the Coasts of Cuba & C. we shall give a better proof of the frankness and sincerity, in which we mean to deal with Spain, than if we either omitted all mention of a practice, to which we have had occasion to resort, and to which (unless the evil be suppressed) we may have occasion to resort again ; or introduced into the engagement a stipulation that Spain should do something more effectual than she has hitherto done, for the suppression of Piracy — which (while utterly ineffective for its object) would give to the whole instrument the air of a conditional promise instead of (what we wish it to be) a direct and unqualified assurance, on the point on which the apprehensions of Spain are alive. You will do me a great kindness if you will let me know how far this pro jet meets your approbation; and whether you, or Mr. Brown (apprized as you both are of the sentiments of your Government upon this subject) would feel yourselves authorized to sign such an Instrument, without reference home. I am persuaded that when signed, it would have a powerful effect in tranquillizing the mind of H. C. M. and would thereby render the task of those who undertake to counsel Him for his good, I will not say easy — that would be too sanguine a speculation — but — less hopeless than it is and must otherwise continue to be. I have the honor [etc]. [The enclosed draft of a tripartite engagement follows :] Projet of Engagement either Tripartite or Between, 1. France and England 2. England & the U. S ts . & 3. the U. S ts . & France The Undersigned [etc.]. Governments — Are authorized by their Respective (Courts) to interchange with each other the following declaration. In order to tranquillize the apprehensions entertained by the Court of Spain lest any power at peace with H. C. My. should take advantage of the difficulties in which H. C. My. is involved by the war in which He is engaged with the late Spanish Colonies on the American Continent, to occupy with a Military Force the I. of Cuba, or any other of the Insular Possessions of Spain in the W. I. now acknowledging the authority of the Mother Country, the U. S. &c. ... do each in the name of the Sovereign, engage in the face of the World, that their respective Govts, will not, on any account or pretext whatever, introduce into the Island of Cuba, or into any other of the Insular Possessions of Spain in the W. I. any military force; nor will they see with indifference any attempt at the

PAGE 167

DOCUMENT 836: AUGUST 24, 1 825 1 563 introduction of any such Force by any other power that is, like themselves at peace with Spain. It is understood that this declaration is not to preclude the occasional landing of small parties from the ships of war of friendly Nations cruizing off the Coasts of the Spanish Islands, in actual pursuit of Pirates, who may seek shelter in those Coasts. But it is distinctly provided, understood & promised, that such shall only take place either in aid, & in that case with the consent, of the local authorities of the Island; or, in cases of immediate necessity, at such a distance from the Seat of any local authorities, as may render previous communication with them, impracticable; and that the stay of any such party so landed shall not exceed the time absolutely required for the single purpose of pursuing the pirates. And the U. S. each for his own (Court) engage that instructions to the effect of these provisoes, shall be sent by their respective Gov ts . to the Com drs . of their respective Naval forces in the — — — Seas. 836 Rufus King, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States 1 [extract] London, August 24, 1825. Sir: I have received a further confidential communication from Mr. Canning which is annexed 2 and to which I have made the reply that follows. mr. king to mr. canning London, 20 Baker Street, August 24th, 1825. My dear Sir: I received in due course your promised communication of the 7th [9th?] instant, and last evening had the honor to receive your letter of the 21st. Although the policy of our respective Governments relating to the claims of Spain in America is understood to agree, the extent of the means by which this policy is to be promoted seems materially to differ from each other; the desire on my part deliberately to revise and compare the two plans suggested by the Government of the United States and that of Great Britain before I replied to your communication of the 7th of August, was the occasion of my delay, and will I hope also excuse a more particular answer at this time to your letter of the 21st instant. I have been desirous of conferring with Mr. Brown the American Minister at Paris on this important subject, but his want of health having obliged him to leave Paris for the waters of Savoy, I have been unable to communicate with him, or to avail myself of his information & 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII. 2 See above, pt. vm, doc. 835, Canning to King, August 21, 1825.

PAGE 168

I564 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN proceedings, or of those of Mr. Middleton the American Minister at St. Petersburgh, concerning the same. In these circumstances I must decline the adoption of any definitive measure in relation to the subject, and refer the whole to my Government for their instructions — I may however enquire whether the limitation of the arrangements of the Projet which you have sent me respecting Cuba and the Insular Possessions of Spain in America, leaving as it does the New States upon the Continent so entirely unnoticed and without provision, may not afford cause to apprehend an immediate attempt of Colombia and Mexico to invade Cuba; an event that would give rise to questions, which would not only throw all the West India Islands into disorder, but which may excite painful anxiety in some of the United States. I have the honor [etc.]. 837 Rufus King, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] London, September 4, 1825. I have become acquainted with the gentlemen who represent Chili, Colombia, and Mexico; with the person who represented Buenos Ayres, I was not acquainted, and he as well as the Minister from Mexico, whom I did not meet, have returned home; the former (whose letter of Credence is said to have been addressed to both France and England) without leaving any one behind, charged with the affairs of the United Provinces. None of these Persons have in fact been received as Ministers, for various reasons which have been assigned to them. The Treaty with Buenos Ayres being ratified, assurances are said to have been publicly given by Mr. Canning, that on the production of the usual Letter of Credence, the person offering the same would be received. Chili has not yet formed a Treaty with England. One has been concluded with Colombia, but waits for some further act of the Colombian Government, before it can be sent here for Ratification. Mr. Hurtado, the person named as Minister, informed me that he is in daily expectation of receiving it, when he expects to be immediately received. The Mexican Treaty is gone back for the correction, which as it stands, would sanction the rule that Free Ships make Free Goods; this alteration effected, the Charge of Mexico expects that their Minister will be immediately received. England insists: First, upon the conclusion of a treaty, and next, that the new Ministers severally comply with all the formalities of the old states in the form of their Credentials. At least this is stated among the Reasons why none are yet received. With great Respect [etc.]. 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII.

PAGE 169

DOCUMENT 838: SEPTEMBER 8, 1 825 1 565 838 George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain, to Rufus King, United States Minister to Great Britain x Private & confidential. Storrs, September 8, 1825. My dear Sir : Your letter of the 24th of August 2 was very satisfactory to me, as announcing your arrival in Town, and implying therefore, as I hope, the removal of the indisposition which had detained you at Cheltenham. In other respects, I confess, it has rather disappointed me: as I flattered myself that you might find yourself at liberty to concur in so simple a measure, as the reciprocal disavowal by our two governments of designs which most assuredly neither of them entertains, without any previous reference to Washington. My wish that you could have done so, and my sense of the importance of such a joint declaration on our parts, are not diminished by the information which I have received from France, since I last wrote to you, which is, in effect, that, after having encouraged the overture of the British Ambassador in a manner which led him to beleive that France would willingly concur in such a declaration, Mr. Damas has suddenly changed his language, and formally declined to accede to our proposals. Although I should not have thought of proposing originally, the signature of such a declaration between Great Britain and the United States only without proposing it at the same time to France, yet, France having declined to become party to it, I should have felt no difficulty in signing it with America alone. Of that, however, after your letter, there seems to be no question. How any thing can be said of the New States of Spanish America, in such a Note as I propose to you to exchange, I do not see. Spain and those New States are at open War. I know of no mode of intervention between states so situated towards each other (consistent with that neutrality which is professed alike by England and N. America) except amicable mediation: which intervention, so far as England is concerned, has been offered over and over again, and as often rejected by Spain. One hope, which I founded upon the measure which I proposed to you, was, that it might tranquillize Spain with respect to the suspected designs of powers not at war with her, upon Cuba: and so incline her mind to receive with more complacency the offer of their mediation (yours as well as ours, if you think fit to make the offer of it) between her and the States, with which she is at war. 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII, enclosed in King to Clay, September 13, 1825, which see below, pt. VIII, doc. 839. 2 See above, pt. vm, doc. 836, embodied in the text of King to Clay, August 24, 1825.

PAGE 170

I566 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN Thus, incidentally the New States of America would be greatly interested in such a measure : but the nature of the measure itself would be changed, by introducing any mention of them into it, in the first instance. For how could that mention be introduced otherwise, than either 1st by saying openly "We take this measure with respect to Spain in order to induce her to make peace with her late Colonies": — a purpose very right to be entertained — but the avowal of which, prematurely, would frustrate the intention of those who entertain it, or 2dly by making our professions with respect to Cuba contingent and dependent upon the consent of Spain to make peace with her late Colonies: in which case the assurance would be converted into something very like a menace — or what would be understood as such by Spain. For he who makes an uncalled-for declaration, that he will not do a certain thing, provided the party to whom he offers the assurance, will do some other thing; is generally understood to imply that unless his proviso is complied with, he will do the thing, that he is ready conditionally to forego, or at least will think himself at liberty to do it. Now, if neither of these forms would be likely to work a favorable change in the disposition of Spain, in what other way could the new states be introduced into any joint declaration of ours — unless we are prepared to say that they shall not do, that which we declare we will not do — get possession of Cuba? This to be sure, would be exactly what Spain would desire. But can this be what the Government of the United States intends? or would it be any thing other than a direct and undisguised taking of a part in the war between Spain and the New States, on the side of Spain? I state these difficulties to you, as they strike me, on considering the last sentence of your letter. Perhaps I have not rightly collected its purport. In referring home for further instructions, I take for granted that you have not been unmindful of the private and friendly and entirely confidential character of my former letter. I beg you to consider this in the same light. I shall be perfectly ready, on my arrival in town, to concert with you the mode of bringing the topicks of our correspondence, in a formal shape before our respective governments; either by addressing to you an official Note, containing the suggestion submitted by me in my first letter: — or by receiving such a Note from you, forwarded on the instructions of your government. I have the honor [etc.].

PAGE 171

DOCUMENT 839: SEPTEMBER 13, 1 825 1 567 839 Rufus King, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States 1 London, September ij, 1825. Sir: Nothing has occurred since the date of my last, worthy of communication, except the annexed [enclosed] private and confidential letter from Mr. Canning, 2 to which I annex a copy of the answer I have sent: tho' from changes which have occurred since my conference with him, there seems little prospect of pursuing the correspondence with advantage. It is evident from the last communication of Mr. Canning that he feels some anxiety respecting the friendly and confidential nature of his letters to me; on this head I shall with confidence assure him of the discretion of my government, and that no publication will be allowed by which his confidence and friendly disposition will be abused, or violated: tho' there may appear in his correspondence, some want of caution, I hope nothing may happen, that may impose upon him the employment of greater circumspection. If he is willing to confide in my discretion, I surely can confide in that of my government. Mr. Canning and colleagues, are all out of Town, but are expected on the 17th or 20th. With great respect [etc.]. MR. KING TO MR. CANNING 20 Baker Street, September ij, 1825. My dear Sir : I yesterday had the honor to receive your private and confidential letter of the 8th Inst*. Instead of recurring to the Note proposed to have been signed by the Three powers respecting Cuba, it seems to me preferable to go a little further back upon the subject; as this will the better enable me, to put you in possession of my way of thinking upon the question. The United States and Great Britain as I understand them, are of the same opinion upon this point, namely, that it is entirely hopeless that Spain under any circumstances, is able to recover her dominion over her late Continental Colonies in America. But though agreed on this point, they are inclined to pursue different means, to promote the policy which they respectively wish. The United States earnestly desire that Great Britain, France and Russia should unite with them, in the endeavour to prevail on Spain to consent to the separation and Independence of the New States; without entering into the reasons, which operate so powerfully upon Spain to give her consent, it may be observed, that these powers being free to offer this advice, Spain cannot be justly offended by it; and the same being known to the New States will have the effect to tranquillize them, and to allow time for the influence of these powers, or of such of them as adopt the measure, in cooperation with the course of events, to have their natural effect. 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII. 2 See above, pt. vm, doc. 838, Canning to King, September 8, 1825.

PAGE 172

I568 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN Great Britain for the moment despairs of the interposition of Russia; (tho' the views of the Emperor must be temporary) and proposes a plan which however just in respect to the United States and Great Britain is wholly gratuitous on their part, and can gratify nobody but Spain : under this plan Cuba and the other Insular possessions of Spain in the West Indies will be exposed to invasion from the New States, and Spain herself to the harrassment of her commerce in Europe, as well as in other quarters. The plan of the United States is calculated to pacify the New States, by leading them to wait for the influence of the interference of their friends; so that should even the Plan of Great Britain be adopted by the three Powers, or by two of them, the Plan of the United States would have the same effect. If the success of France at Saint Domingo has changed her late views, it will neither change the condition of Spain, nor that of her associates, who from year to year are becoming more impotent, and less able to reconquer her colonies, or to persuade them to imitate the ignoble example of the inhabitants of Saint Domingo. This view of the subject, joined to the want of information from my Colleagues have had their influence in deciding my course to refer your friendly and confidential correspondence to my government; in doing which I rely upon it, that its private and confidential and friendly character will be protected from violation or abuse. I have the honor [etc.]. 840 George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain, to Rufus King, United States Minister to Great Britain l Confidential. Welbeck, September 15, 1825. My Dear Sir: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the day before yesterday. 2 I confess, it surprizes me to find that my letters have been actually transmitted to your Government. They were not written with that intention; not that there is any thing in them (in substance) which I should have wished to withhold from the knowledge of Mr. Adams & Mr. Clay: but that, if I had intended an official communication, I should naturally have expressed the same opinions in language less ungarded. The confounding of confidential with official letters has a tendency to restrict correspondence wholly to the latter; and thereby to deprive two Publick Ministers who might be disposed to open themselves unreservedly to each other, of one most advantageous mode of ascertaining each other's sentiments, and of preparing the way for an understanding between their Governments. 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII, enclosed in King to Clay, September 18, 1825, which see below, pt. vm, doc. 841. 2 See above, pt. vm, doc. 839, embodied in the text of King to Clay, September 13, 1825.

PAGE 173

DOCUMENT 841: SEPTEMBER l8, 1825 I569 However — what remains to be added to our present correspondence, is very little. Having been incessantly occupied, for the last three years, in endeavouring to persuade the Spanish government to adopt those views with respect to the late continental colonies of Spain, which you concur with us in thinking the only sound and rational views, it is quite unnecessary to say that we heartily wish success to any new attempt to produce on the mind of His Catholick Majesty that impression, which, we have attempted to produce in vain. If I did not entertain any very sanguine hopes of such success from your appeals to Russia & France — when first you mentioned them to me, — my anticipations are certainly not contradicted, by the result so far as it [is] disclosed. France has, as I presume you know, decided against your plan of joint interference ; and the proposal of it has (if I am not misinformed) been received in Russia as cooly — as (to say the truth) it was natural to suppose it would be, after what is known of the character of the counsels which Russia has been hitherto in the habit of giving to Spain. I do not presume to enquire what is the further intention of your government, when this plan shall be understood to have failed. It is unnecessary to say that you will find a perfect readiness on my part, to receive and consider favourably any proposition, which appears to us besides being conceived (as no doubt it will be) in the spirit of peace and good will to Spain, as well as to her late colonies, to afford a reasonable prospect of success. I have the honor [etc.]. 841 Rufus King, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States 1 [extract] London, September 18, 1825. Last evening I received a confidential despatch from Mr. Canning of the 15th instant, 2 copy whereof you have annexed. With great Respect [etc.]. 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII. 2 See above, pt. vm, doc. 840.

PAGE 174

1570 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN 842 Rufus King, United States Minister to Great Britain, to George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain l Confidential. London, September 21, 1825. My dear Sir : I have had the honor to receive your Confidential letter of the 15th Septr. 2 To much of this letter I give my ready concurrence; respecting Spain and her late Continental Colonies, I have nothing to desire to amend ; concerning France likewise except in respect to the uncertainty of her measures, I could add very little perhaps nothing to what you have so well said ; of the great Northern Constellation my deference for the elaborate instruction of my Government to my Colleague Mr. Middleton, and the uncertainty as I apprehend of any fixed policy in Russia, have created in my mind more hesitation, than perhaps I might have experienced, having my mind singly fixed upon the understood views of this Court. The policy of the Empress Catharine, which embroil'd all, taking care to keep herself as far as possible out of the strife, seems in more respects than one to have descended to the present times. You seem to think less well that I should have sent your private, friendly and confidential letters to Washington. You well know that it is the duty of a Foreign Minister to make such report, as would communicate to his Government the substance of what has passed between him and the government to which he is sent, without corapromitting his correspondent: this you may be assured has been done and in as strong language as you yourself would have employed. And it was because I believed, that the language which you made use of would produce a stronger and better effect, particularly in respect to France, than any precis of the correspondence that I could have prepared; that I forwarded these letters to Washington. I know the men with whom I correspond, and you may rely upon our discretion. We have apprized Mexico and Colombia of our interference with Russia and elsewhere, and thro' our Minister Mr. Nelson and the Minister Zea Bermudez have informed Spain, that we renounce all desire to occupy Cuba, preferring the status quo of the country. Of the ultimate views of my government beyond the endeavour to prevail upon Spain as you are informed to accede to the Independence of the former Spanish Colonies, I am without information; but have reason to conclude that in any measures which may be suggested respecting this matter, we shall act in full and unreserved confidence with England. In one of your letters you were good enough to say in reference to our correspondence that you would concert with me such draft thereof, as we might 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII, enclosed in King to Clay, September 26, 1825, which see below, pt. vni, doc. 842. 2 See above, pt. vni, doc. 840.

PAGE 175

DOCUMENT 844: OCTOBER 12, 1 825 1 57 1 suppose to be suitable for the information of our respective governments. From want of attention I omitted to reply to this paragraph, but I assure you that any such measure will be readily agreed to on my part. I have the honor [etc.]. 843 Rufus King, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] London, September 26, 1825. Sir: Enclosed I send you my reply 2 to Mr. Canning's letter, 3 which was transmitted in my No. 6. 844 Rufus King, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States 4 [extract] London, October 12, 1825. Passing to other matters, I spoke of the New States, and intimated a wish distinctly to know if the United States and Great Britain understood each other upon this matter — and if not, in what their differences of opinion consisted. Mr. Canning then explicitly avowed his opinion, that the two Countries were of the same way of thinking; that the New States were Independent, and that nothing was likely to alter it: That as soon as the Treaties with Mexico & Colombia are completed and their Ministers with the Minister of Buenos Ayres present themselves with the usual credentials, they will be received. The occasion of the delay of Mexico, proceeding from an error before alluded to, committed by their Minister Mr. Morier, led to the expression of surprise on the part of Mr. Canning as the counterpart of the Colombian Treaty arrived yesterday, Mr. Hurtado must be able to finish it by exchanging Ratifications. So that I conclude, notwithstanding the mystification of 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII. 2 See above, pt. vm, doc. 842. 3 Ibid., 840. 4 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII.

PAGE 176

1572 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN Mr. Canning's correspondence with Prince Polignac, that the Recognition and reception of Ministers from the New States, are decided upon; unless some notion of turning the affair to pecuniary profit, in imitation of St. Domingo shall be again revived; the reported object of Sir Charles Stewart's mission to the Brazils seems to countenance this conjecture. If as is supposed to be the case, this matter becomes the subject of discussion at the Congress of Panama, it will I doubt not be correctly and definitively settled, tho' from an expression of Mr. Canning, I might infer that he does not feel as decidedly on this point, as we do. 845 Rufus King, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States x [extract] London, October 2Q, 1825. Mr. Canning said that he had come to town, to meet Mr. Hurtado, the Colombian Minister, and to exchange the Ratifications of the Treaty which had just been received from Bogota; but that Mr. Hurtado was unwell, so that the exchange could not immediately be concluded, that as there would be a Court, in the first or second week of November, he hoped that Mr. Hurtado would not only be well enough to complete the exchange of Ratifications, but to be presented to the King at the same time when I shall be presented, of which he said he would send me due notice. Mr. Canning added his expectation of the arrival in the next Packet of a Minister from Buenos Ayres, in which case, as the Treaty with Buenos Ayres is already concluded, the person expected from Buenos Ayres, would be joined to Mr. Hurtado, and so would make three American Envoys at the same Presentation; I asked Mr. Canning when the Minister from Mexico might be expected, he replied that as Mr. Morier had lately returned to Mexico in order to correct the Treaty in respect to Free Ships, that this may require four or six months. Mr. Canning observed that as the Brazils had been invited to send a Minister to Panama, that they, England should recommend to them to do so, as I conjecture it may be for the purpose, of urging the Congress to agree in some scheme, in imitation of St. Domingo, to give commercial and pecuniary advantages to Portugal & Spain for their Independence: for it is not improbable that England would encourage Portugal to consent to the Independence of Brazils upon considerations of this nature, whereby all Spanish & Portuguese America becoming Independent, would be open to the commerce & manufactures of Great Britain. 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII.

PAGE 177

DOCUMENT 846: NOVEMBER 12, 1825 1573 England is too firm in her opinion that Spain cannot reconquer the Colonies to be misled by this vision, and has from time to time shown an inclination to convert her consent into profit. If after Mexico, Colombia, Peru, Chili, and Buenos Ayres have in fact obtained, against the utmost efforts of Spain, their Independence, that they should now consent to imitate the Patriots of St. Domingo, would be to suppose that the Races have changed and that the African is, and deserves to be preserved, to the old and admirable Castilian character. It is said that an authorized Person is expected from Peru and another from Guatemala, with whom Great Britain is ready to conclude Commercial Treaties — these of course will be followed by Ministers, and the effect upon France can hardly be mistaken ; indeed in England it seems to be suspected that France feels herself urged by Russia to measures respecting Spain, which must be burthensome and may become injurious. 846 Rufus King, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States x London, November 12, 1825. Sir: It is a long time since the King has held a Court in London. I have been in town since the 19th of August, and yesterday was the first day when I could present my letter of Credence. The audience was as usual, on my part little was said, and that little as complimentary as facts would justify; the Reply of the King was unexceptionable. In presenting the President's Letter to the King relative to the recall of Mr. Stratford Canning, which I took this occasion of doing, I added such observations respecting the conciliatory deportment of Mr. Canning during his mission as my own experience warranted; this appeared to be well received, and the King in reply expressed corresponding opinions relative to the deportment of Mr. Rush; and in this way I understood the account to be balanced. It was no small satisfaction, that the Envoy of Colombia was presented, and delivered his letter of Credence at the same time that I presented mine; so that not only has Great Britain concluded Treaties with the New States, but in the case of Colombia has received her Minister, this is a great Point : and puts an end to difficulties which hitherto for some unknown cause, seem to have stood in the way of the Reception of Ministers from these States With great respect [etc.]. 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII.

PAGE 178

1574 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN 847 Rufus King, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l London, November 14, 1825. Sir: On the 8th instant the Russian Ambassador sent me a note desiring a conference and proposing to call upon me for this purpose the next day; as I had received previous marks of his consideration, I replied that I would at three o'clock the following day call upon him. At that hour I found Count Lieven prepared to receive me, having before him copies of Mr. Middleton's note (founded upon your instructions) to Count Nesselrode, and of his reply to Mr. Middleton; the last being dated in September. The Count asked me whether I had seen the former, and on my answer that I was acquainted with your instructions to Mr. Middleton, Count Lieven proceeded to the reading of the reply of Count Nesselrode. I asked Count Lieven if he felt himself at liberty to give me in confidence a copy. He observed that as the Note, of which he had read me the copy, was given to Mr. Middleton in order to be transmitted to his Government, the giving of a copy was doubtful, until this should have been done. Count Nesselrode's reply to Mr. Middleton referred to the communications of Spain having been made to the Allies, and not to them separately, and as one of the allied powers. Russia did not feel authorised to reply to matter which had been addressed by Spain to the Allies in concert. No mention was made of the purport of the Spanish communication, nor of the tenor of the reply. But something was said in Count Nesselrode's reply concerning the doctrine of Legitimacy, and the unfitness of Russia's taking upon herself to make a separate answer. I understood as did Count Lieven from the tenor of the reply that both Mr. Middleton's note and Count Nesselrode's reply, would be communicated by the latter to the Allies, after which, Russia might be expected to answer further. All the world knows that each of the Allies including Spain concluded Treaties with Anti-Legitimacy before the Battle of Waterloo, and it now appears that they afterwards would have made a new Treaty with Bonaparte; had they not deemed his demands to be extravagant. When the Allies finally decided to exclude Bonaparte, they deliberated, and we have reason to conclude, on the recommendation of Russia; upon the introduction of some other Power than the Bourbons, to succeed to the ancient house. This deliberation failing, the House of Bourbon had the good fortune to be restored. How greatly does this strengthen the argument which constitutes your instruction to Mr. Middleton? and what confidence is requisite to authorise the Allies at this period to urge the doctrine, which they call Legitimacy, and to deny those principles of natural laws, upon which so many nations have acted, and which they themselves have recently 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII.

PAGE 179

DOCUMENT 848: DECEMBER 5, 1 825 1575 confirmed. It would be unbecoming that I should say more upon the importance of this great & decisive document of Mr. Canning's Note to the Chevalier Los Rios dated Foreign office March 25, l and which is found in all the Newspapers. Contemporaneously occurred the Ratifications of the Treaty between Great Britain & Colombia and what is of greater, and as I regard it, decisive importance, the actual reception and recognition, of the envoy Mr. Hurtado, by the King of Great Britain. The envoy of Buenos Ayres is understood to be on his way, and will of course be received and recognized, as in succession those from the other New States, complying with the previous and reasonable requirements of Great Britain will in like manner be recognized. Notwithstanding the consequences and effects of these measures, not a word respecting them appears in the papers of France, or Spain : that nothing should be published in Spain, will surprize no one, for nobody pretends to explain the constantly depreciating course of her Government: But the press of France must be compelled to silence, otherwise the disclosures now before Europe, would awaken men who are not all wholly subdued. With great respect [etc.]. 848 Rufus King, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States 2 [extract] London, December 5, 1825. Sir: Last evening I received a letter from Mr. Middleton dated 29 Oct./ 10 Novr. enclosing a copy of Count Nesselrode's reply to the letter of Mr. Middleton. As you doubtless have this correspondence, it cannot be requisite that I should trouble you or myself with a copy. Of its tenor Mr. Middleton expresses an opinion quite as favorable as it deserves. Notwithstanding his information that copies having been sent of your letter, and of the Count's reply to Vienna, Paris and Madrid, and that Mr. Middleton's information enables him to state that the American correspondence is approved by one Individual highest in influence at Vienna; we have moreover reason to conclude that this communication has not been without effect in France, and tho' the expulsion of Zea and the restoration of Infantado are in the ordinary course of the downward affairs of Spain, taking the sub1 See above, pt. vin, doc. 826. 2 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII.

PAGE 180

I576 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN ject as we now find it, there can be no doubt that the cause of South America makes a favorable progress, and that it cannot be much longer baffled. How much of this influence is due to the downright and faithful policy of the United States, we need not say: But much has been its power here, and upon the continent, tho' acknowledged not without reluctance. 849 Rufus King, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] London, December 21, 1825. There is a manifest feverishness and impatience in South America: Chili is less stable, than at this late hour she ought to be; Buenos Ayres, Brazil, and the Banda Oriental are more disjointed; and the upper Peru separates itself from the Provinces of La Plata. In Mexico Mr. Poinsett represents to me, that an old intrigue is newly brought forward by French influence in favor of Francisco de Paula, the youngest of the Spanish Bourbons. But Mr. Poinsett may in this respect be deceived by the intriguers, tho' his information may be more accurate of an article in the Treaty with England, establishing a preference of intercourse between the old Spanish Colonies; a measure, to which England ought never to have consented. Of Spain I can add nothing, except that she loses the chief support of the Holy Alliance, and in this respect loses not a little— If the Black Sea comes into the White, England must make war to oppose it — this will be the beginning of new troubles in Europe. 850 Rufus King, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] London, December 25, 1825. Sir: Some days since I received from Mr. Poinsett a ciphered Despatch, relating to an Intrigue set on foot in Mexico by France, in favor of Francisco de Paula, the youngest of the Spanish Bourbons; altho' the same had been 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII.

PAGE 181

DOCUMENT 851: JANUARY 10, 1 826 1577 again and again detected, France still persisted — yet circumstances in every way discredited the Intrigue. On conferring with Mr. Canning respecting it, he observed, that it was without foundation, and without credit. I have at this moment, reason to believe that France is on the point of deciding to send commercial agents to Mexico, to form a Treaty with that Country. Having asked a conference of Mr. Canning, I was yesterday received at the Foreign Office; Having enquired whether he had received from Count Lieven the reply of Count Nesselrode to Mr. Middleton, and learning that he had not seen it, I proceeded to communicate the same, together with Mr. Middleton's letter to me. 851 George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain, to Rufus King, United States Minister to Great Britain l Foreign Office, January 10, 1826. The Undersigned, His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, in answer to the enquiry contained in Mr. King's Note of yesterday, "Whether the English Ambassador delivered to the French Government a Note, confirmatory of the purpose of the Note directed to be communicated to that Government, by the American Minister, Mr. Brown," has the honor to inform Mr. King: 1st. That he is not aware of any Note having been presented by Mr. Brown to the French Government. Mr. Brown had received from his government the Despatch, a copy of which Mr. King was so good as to shew to the Undersigned; But whether Mr. Brown executed his Instructions by stating to Mr. Damas the contents of that Despatch, or by communicating it in extenso to Mr. Damas, the Undersigned is not precisely informed: — He believes by the latter mode. 2dly. That of course Lord Granville cannot have presented a Note to Mr. Damas, "confirmatory" of Mr. Brown's communication (in which ever way that communication was made) ; as an official Note is a much more formal measure than the communication of a despatch, and as it would be quite unusual to take a stronger measure as subsidiary to a weaker one. 3dly. That Lord Granville certainly did let Mr. Damas know, that Mr. Brown had put him (Lord Granville), and that Mr. King had put the Undersigned, in confidence as to the nature of his (Mr. Brown's) Instructions; and that Lord Granville had received Instructions to say that they were perfectly in accordance with the sentiments of his Government. 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII, enclosed in King to Clay, January 12, 1826, which see below, pt. vm, doc. 853.

PAGE 182

1578 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN The French Government have however been long in full possession of the opinion of the British Government respecting Cuba, — Mr. King will recollect, that the Undersigned in the month of August, opened the question with the French Government, at the same time that he opened it with Mr. King; and proposed to them, as well as to Mr. King, the Signature of a Tripartite engagement, the terms of which, no less than the proposal itself, sufficiently expressed the determination of the British Government not to take Cuba itself, — nor to suffer the appropriation of it to themselves by either of the other two great Maritime Powers. As to the appearance of a French Squadron at the Havannah, explanations were asked and given on that subject, between the English and French Governments, several months ago. The Undersigned avails himself of this opportunity to renew [etc.]. 852 Rufus King, United States Minister to Great Britain, to George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain 1 London, January 12, 1826. It was by order of his Government that the Undersigned envoy of the United States asked the last conference with the office for Foreign Affairs, in order to make the communication from his government, which, he then had the honor to make; including the information of the American Government in regard to that of Great Britain; the decision of the United States respecting the occupation of Cuba and Porto Rico by France; the Instruction, which, Mr. Brown the Envoy of the United States at Paris had received to be communicated to the French Government; which, the Envoy of the United States in London had directions to read, and did read, to Mr. Canning. This conference opened fully to the Government of Great Britain, the views and policy of the United States in the matter to which the same related; and the whole has been fully reported by the Undersigned to his Government, and in pursuance thereof he made the enquiry, concerning which Mr. Canning's Note of yesterday, contains his reply. It might have conformed more fully with the views and policy of the American Government in asking the conference, had the Envoy of the United States been authorized to add, that the Government of Great Britain had 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII, enclosed in King to Clay, January 12, 1826, which see below, pt. vm, doc. 853.

PAGE 183

DOCUMENT 854: JANUARY 1 3, 1 826 1579 communicated to that of France, their expected decision, that it would not consent to the occupation of Cuba and Porto Rico by any other European Power than Spain, under any circumstances whatever. With high consideration [etc.]. 853 Rufus King, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States 1 [extract] London, January 12, 1826. From Mr. Brown to whom I transmitted the Instruction respecting Cuba and Porto Rico, I receive no information — nor have I any thing from St. Petersburgh. You at Washington can speak with equal confidence with us, as to Spain. Those who are alike without information, are equally ignorant. Mr. Hurtado yesterday told me that pursuant to the Instructions of Colombia, he had requested Mr. Canning to renew his efforts to make peace between Colombia & Spain. That he beleived that Cuba would otherwise be attacked by Colombia & Mexico, and that as their Naval Force would enable them to occupy the Island, that from the state of the population, they might take their own time to attack the Moro. The consequence of this attack cannot be misunderstood, by the friends of order in this quarter of the World. 854 George Canning, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Great Britain, to Rufus King, United States Minister to Great Britain 2 Foreign Office, January 13, 1826. The Undersigned, His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, has the honor to acknowledge the official Note 3 received this morning from Mr. Rufus King, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States at this Court. In answer to the latter part of that communication, the Undersigned hastens to acquaint Mr. King, that the only reason why the Undersigned did not 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII. 2 Ibid., enclosed in King to Clay, January 14, 1826, which see below, pt. vni, doc. 855. 3 See above, pt. vni, doc. 852.

PAGE 184

I580 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN in his Note * of the 10th Instant, (detailing what had lately passed at Paris with respect to the instruction furnished by the American Government to their Minister at that Court), state "that the government of Great Britain had communicated to that of France their expected decision, that it would not consent to the occupation of Cuba and Porto Rico, by any other European Power than Spain, under any circumstances whatever," — was, that a full communication of the views and intentions of the British Government precisely to that effect, had been made by His Majesty's Ambassador to the Government of France, so long ago as in the month of July last, previously to the proposition of the Undersigned to Mr. King for a Tripartite engagement. To have repeated that intimation on the present occasion, would have been to appear to take at the suggestion of a Third Power, and as subsidiary to the declarations of that Power, a step which the British Government had already taken long before, singly and of their own accord. The British Government is highly gratified by that concurrence of sentiment on the part of the United States, of which they never doubted : and though they certainly would have preferred the Tripartite engagement proposed to Mr. King in August, it is perfectly satisfactory to them that, at any time and in any mode, that concurrence has been signified to France. The Undersigned avails himself of this opportunity to renew [etc.]. 855 Rujus King, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States 2 London, January 14, 1826. Sir: Enclosed I send you the Note 3 last evening received from the Office for Foreign Affairs, in answer to my Note 3 of the preceding day — and likewise the Documents that have been published at St. Petersburgh relative to the Russian Succession. With great respect [etc.]. 1 See above, pt. vm, doc. 851. 2 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII. 3 See above, pt. vm, docs. 854 and 852.

PAGE 185

DOCUMENT 856: FEBRUARY 21, 1 826 1 58 1 856 Rufus King, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States 1 [extract] London, February 21, 1826. Sir: Mr. Poinsett having informed you of the course of proceedings in Mexico, particularly of the difficulties which he has experienced with Mr. \A ard, the Representative of England, which difficulties he has communicated also to me, I concluded as well on Mr. Poinsett's account, as the justice due to the occasion, that I could adopt no measure, preferable to the communication of the matter to the British government, and accordingly I put the whole of Mr. Poinsett's letters to me, into the hands of Mr. Canning, asking of him a conference respecting the same. After some delay produced by the meeting of Parliament, and the pressure of the commercial and pecuniary embarrassments of the country — the conference occurred, when Mr. Canning expressed his satisfaction with the conduct of Mr. Poinsett in all respects, with the single exception of his establishing a Lodge of Free Masons, this he had no inclination to condemn, but as it was a measure liable to the interpretation of political views, it was discouraged by them, as respects their own agents — that the course of Mr. Ward had been incorrect, he ought to have left the whole matter in which he interfered, to his own government— that the Treaty concluded with Mexico, had not been ratified, but sent back by them to be remade, under the Instructions forwarded to Morier and Ward. In the remaking of the Treaty, they would balance the difficulties which they met in their way, and the precise import therefore of the new made Treaty, could not beforehand be ascertained. When remade, it would be sent to England for examination. When England would send a new mission to Mexico, of which Mr. Ward would have the option of remaining as Secretary of Legation, and Morier would return home. A communication to this effect will place Poinsett at his ease. Yesterday I received from Mr. Everett the Despatch 2 that I now forward, which was left open for my perusal. So much thereof as the occasion required, was communicated to Mr. Hurtado the envoy of Colombia, and he was called upon to say whether he has powers from his Principals to make Peace. Mr. Hurtado answered that he had Powers to accept, but not to propose Peace — that in respect to the Duke del Infantado, he did not believe him to be sincere and in earnest, that his real object is to gain time, but to conclude nothing. The opinion ascribed by him to the King, in Hurtado's belief, is little worthy of confidence — of this conclusion he stated several facts in confirmation of his opinion. Hurtado is persuaded that the Inquisition is about to be, and soon will be established in Spain. And that the Council have no thoughts of Peace with America. I 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXII. 2 See below, pt. xm, doc. 1141.

PAGE 186

I582 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN confess, while I have no evidence, to place against the conviction of Mr. Everett, that I am afraid he may deceive himself, and that the desired event of Peace between Spain and America is further off than he seems to believe — of the intimated Treaty of Commerce and Indemnity with the United States, we shall soon be able to judge of the sincerity of the Duke. England is so much in advance of Europe in her commerce and connection with the New States, that she does not shew much anxiety for Peace, between Spain and them. Not so with the Power on the other side of the Channel, which by character restless, is jealous of England, and employed in intrigues to gain an influence in the New States — of Prussia and Austria they belong to the Alliance, and the latter is as hopeless as Russia itself; over which, darkness and profound obscurity are supposed to prevail. 857 Albert Gallatin, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States 1 [extract] London, October 16, 1826. In the mean while the new American States are but little thought of here. Neither the admission in French Ports of Mexican and Colombian vessels in a manner almost tantamount to a recognition nor the important intelligence of a Treaty of perpetual League between four of those States, have elicited a single remark from any of the leading and otherwise intelligent newspapers. The State of their Stocks and the prospects of the operations of the Mining Companies engross exclusively what of public attention is bestowed on their concerns. Spain is considered as incorrigible not only by this government, but also by France and Russia. Any attempt, at least at this moment, to prevail on her to consent to an armistice, or to take some rational steps on the subject of her lost Colonies, is looked on as wholly hopeless. Indeed I understood that this government had signified to that of Spain that, after all, the present state of things was not unfavorable to Great Britain, that whatever she had proposed in that respect was from general considerations, and for the interest of Spain; and that, seeing how this had been received, such or similar proposals would not be renewed. This declaration, I am told, has made more impression on Spain, than any of the steps previously taken, without however producing any positive result. No approach has been made by this Government towards me for any renewed effort in Concert having for object the pacification of the American Hemisphere. 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXIII.

PAGE 187

DOCUMENT 858: DECEMBER 1 6, 1 826 1 583 858 Albert Gallatin, United Slates Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States 1 London, December 16, 1826. Sir: Mr. Camacho, who has been appointed Minister of Mexico here, is not yet received as such, this Government not recognizing any from the New American States until they have concluded a treaty of commerce with Great Britain. That concluded between the United States and Mexico has been brought here by Mr. Camacho, who has communicated it to the British Government, and has since made one with them, which will probably be signed on Monday next (18th). It is, I am told on the same basis as ours, though differing in some particulars, but granting, as I am assured, no privileges which by our treaty we do not enjoy. Mr. Camacho was presented to the King at the general levee of the 22nd ult°. (the first held for the last twelve months), as the late Minister of foreign affairs for Mexico. The new Spanish Minister, Count d'Alcudia did not attend the levee, clearly in order to avoid meeting Mr. Hurtado, the Colombian Minister, after whom, too, he must have been placed, as he is the last arrived. As Mr. Camacho unfortunately speaks neither English nor French, our communications have been carried on principally through Mr. Rocafuerte, who had preceded him here as Charg6, who is to leave this place for Mexico on the 20th with the treaty, and who is very intelligent. He consulted me, some days ago, in Mr. Camacho's behalf, on the propriety of their sending an Agent to Russia, wishing to know whether I thought this an opportune time to try to obtain some measure, similar to that lately adopted by France and leading to an ultimate recognition of Independence. I knew of nothing later than the Emperor's answer to the overture of the United States on that subject, and that, only from hear-say. This I told him, and that, although perhaps information of the present disposition of Russia might be obtained through our Minister at St. Petersburg, I had no instructions in that respect and could not act. I added that, from what I had been able to collect since my arrival in Europe, it appeared probable to me, that Russia would no longer oppose the recognition of the independence, that perhaps she might advise Spain to that effect, but that, having no pressing commercial interest, such as had induced France to admit the New American flags, it was hardly to be expected that she (Russia) was as yet prepared to act in open contradiction to the unfortunate and hasty declaration of the late Emperor. Mr. Rocafuerte, after having observed that there was no hope that Spain would within any short time be induced to take any steps implying in any degree a relinquishment of her pretended Sovereignty, said, that they attached 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXIII.

PAGE 188

I584 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN more importance to a recognition by other great Powers, on account of their internal situation and of that of South America generally. There was, he said, still a strong party in Mexico who, under colour of the alledged want of a strong Government, wanted to destroy the existing Republican institutions. He then spoke, though in respectful and friendly terms of Bolivar, of the baneful influence which his late measures might have even on Mexico itself. The New Constitution of Bolivia was Monarchy in disguise. He appeared to have succeeded in breaking up the Peruvian Congress and in introducing there the same system, with dictatorial powers in both for himself. He was pursuing the same steps in Colombia, and using every endeavour, that the proposed Convention should still more consolidate her government, instead of reforming it by adopting the federative system. I must observe that similar opinions on those subjects seem to be very generally entertained here particularly by the Americans. Mr. Hurtado thinks, however, that, notwithstanding the declaration of Guayaquil, the Convention will adopt a system, which, if not properly federal, will make the Government less central, as it is called, than now. Being himself not a native of the coast but of the vicinity of Bogota, he may be considered as impartial, when he decides in favor of the federal plan. Should however the result be to consolidate and to give to Bolivar in Colombia the same powers that he has acquired in Peru and Potosi, the Republic of Colombia will be Bolivar himself; and the question may arise in that case, whether you should still think it proper to retain that Power in the list of those to whom our North Eastern boundary question may be referred. Since the steps, which threaten a war between Spain and Great Britain, have been taken, I have had another conversation with Mr. Rocafuerte on the subject of Cuba. He evidently wishes that it might be united to Mexico. But when I observed that that island might be a bone of contention between them and Colombia, that, in case of War, Great Britain might claim the right to conquer it as well as either of them, and that the United States, who did not desire Cuba for themselves, would be decidedly opposed to its becoming a British Colony, and might find it difficult to maintain that opposition and at the same time to acquiesce in an attack by any of the American States, he spoke at once of the propriety of making the island independent under the joint guarantee of all the American States and of Great Britain. This is certainly a plan which deserves consideration, as the only one which can give a permanent security to the United States. I told Mr. Rocafuerte that all that passed on that subject between us was mere conversation, as I had certainly no instruction or authority to say what were the intentions of my Government in that respect; (the independence) but that if his Government thought this to be a practicable projet, that Cuba was ripe for it, that it could be done without disturbing the state of society in reference to the

PAGE 189

DOCUMENT 859: DECEMBER 22, 1 826 1 585 black population, they might make an overture to the Government of the United States and at once ascertain its views on that subject. In my next interview with Mr. Canning, I intend to speak very explicitly in reference to the occupation of Cuba by any foreign power whatever, and may perhaps ascertain what are his views as to its ultimate destinies. I have the honor [etc.]. 859 Albert Gallatin, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States 1 [extract] London, December 22, 1826. It was, I said, understood between Great Britain and the United States, that Cuba should not fall in the hands of either. I did not suspect that even the right, which a state of war generally gives to attack the enemy anywhere, would make any change in that respect, and that it could be the intention of England to attack the remaining Spanish Colonies. "We have already too many" was Mr. Canning's observation. Yet, when I proceeded to say, that it would be satisfactory to have positive assurances to that effect, I received no answer. This induced me to enter more at large on the subject, and to try to impress strongly on his mind, that it was impossible, that the United States could acquiesce in the conquest by, or transfer of that Island to any great maritime Power, and that the new American States, particularly Mexico would be equally averse to it. All this was expressed in strong but general terms, and as if I took it for granted that England had no such object in view for herself and was disposed to act in concert with us. On that account I added that in the state of dissolution where Spain was, and considering the continued war between her and the New American States, it might be proper to consider whether it was practicable to keep Cuba much longer in that state which we had heretofore considered as the most desirable to England and to us. If not, the question would be, whether the island should be attached to Mexico or to Colombia, or whether the white population was stong enough to maintain independence without danger from the blacks. Although I could draw no assurance respecting the views of Great Britain as to herself, Mr. Canning said that the subject was worthy of great consideration and that he would certainly attend to it. His reluctance to speak more decisively must perhaps be ascribed, partly to his usual caution, partly to some recollection of what had passed between him and Mr. King in regard to that island. I must add, that I have no positive 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXIII.

PAGE 190

I586 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN information of the personal understanding to which I alluded, as existing between the two countries on that subject; and that a report in circulation and communicated to me, that there was an intention on the part of England to occupy Cuba, though probably without foundation, was one of my inducements to speak thus early on the subject. 860 Albert Gallatin, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l London, December 30, 1826. Sir: Reports of an intention on the part of this Government to attack Cuba are still in circulation, more indicative, I think of popular feeling than of the views of the Ministry. Yet, and notwithstanding his habitual reserve, there was no reason why Mr. Canning should not, in our conversation, have most explicitly disavowed any such intention. In all I said, I took it for granted that there was a positive understanding between the United States and Great Britain that neither should occupy that island. The only papers in my possession on that subject are your three letters to Mr. King of 10th May, 2 17th and 26th 3 Octer. 1825. Neither those which passed between Mr. King and Mr. Canning, nor the communications which may have taken place, either at Washington, or through Mr. Rush, between the two governments, have been put in my hands. There would certainly have been an advantage in signing the agreement proposed by Mr. Canning, (which I know only from your letter to Mr. King) not with the view he suggested in reference to Spain, but for the purpose of binding Great Britain. You will see by today's papers that Chateaubriand in his speech to the house of Peers said "that England could not take Cuba without making war on the United States and that she knew it." This I had told him when he was Minister and included France in the declaration. He would have agreed to the tripartite instrument. You renewed the declaration in a more official shape to his successor. What was the result I do not know ; but I would apprehend no difficulty from that quarter if you should agree and England was still of the same opinion. To be at ease on that question is important. Whether afterwards the island remained with Spain, became independent, or was 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXIII. 1 This probably should have been May 11, with which was enclosed a copy of Clay's instruction on the subject to Middleton at St. Petersburg, for both of which see above, pt. I, docs. 141 and 142. 3 See above, pt. 1, docs. 146 and 148.

PAGE 191

DOCUMENT 86l: FEBRUARY 2, 1827 I587 annexed to Mexico, though there is a choice between the alternatives, would be far less essential. In the mean while, might not a hint be given to Govr. Vives to be on his guard? I have the honour [etc.]. 861 Albert Gallatin, United States Minister to Great Britain, to James Brown, United States Minister to France 1 [extract] Private. London, February 2, 1827. My dear Sir: The want of a safe opportunity has prevented my addressing you earlier on a subject, less important perhaps now than it threatened to be some weeks ago, but which may still deserve your attention. As soon as I could obtain an interview from Mr. Canning, after his speech on the King's message relating to the affairs of Portugal, I mentioned to him that, as the question of war between Great Britain and Spain must now depend on the course Spain might pursue, our attention should be turned to the consequences, as affecting the relations between the United States and Great Britain, which might grow out of a state of actual war. Repeating then what you know to be the views of the United States respecting Cuba, I said that, although those of Great Britain were known to accord with ours, and although there had been an understanding between the two countries that neither should attempt to take possession of that island, yet it would be satisfactory to receive assurances that the intentions and conduct of Great Britain would not be changed by a state of war between her and Spain. I then made some further observations on what might be done in concert with a view to the ultimate fate of Cuba, in case it should be found impossible to prevent her remaining a dependency of Spain. Mr Canning thought proper to make no satisfactory answer to this overture, and only said that he would take the subject into his serious consideration. It must be observed, that having not found here any part of the correspondence of my predecessors, I know nothing positively of what had passed between them and this Government on that subject. I have no knowledge of the understanding, which, in speaking to Mr Canning, I took for granted, but from hearsay and what may be inferred from a despatch from Mr. Clay to Mr King, in relation to the proposal by Mr Canning of a tripartite agreement between Great Britain, the United States and France, 2 which I have not 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXIII, enclosed in Gallatin to Clay, February 5, 1827, which see below, pt. vm, doc. 862. 2 See above, pt. vm, doc. 835, annexed to Canning to King, August 21, 1825.

PAGE 192

I588 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN seen and which Mr Clay appears to have declined. But I see that you were instructed to make some declaration to the French Government on that subject. This Government has no wish, if they can avoid it, to be at war with Spain, still less that such an event should involve them either with the United States or France. And it is probable that this last country would not forget, in the course of her discussions with England, the danger of her taking the opportunity of a Spanish war to seize that most valuable of all colonies. Yet, as nothing that can be done ought to be neglected on our part, it has struck me that, if practicable and proper, it would be advantageous that France should be reminded of that subject, as it might have a double beneficial effect. A view of that danger might make France more earnest in her efforts to induce Spain to cease giving just causes of offence and to pursue a course calculated to preserve peace. And, in case of war, the representations of France to England, cooperating with ours, would cause this Government to reflect seriously before they should take any step, that might compel France, as well as ourselves, to depart from our intended neutrality. I submit these observations to your judgment, hoping however that the danger has lessened, and that we may soon receive instructions adapted to a state of things, which had not been anticipated at Washington. It is very clear that an attempt to occupy Cuba would be as offensive, if not more so, to the New American States than to us. This cannot but be well known to the British Government: but considering the relative situation of the parties at this moment, no energetic representations can be expected from the Ministers of those States at this Court on that point. 862 Albert Gallatin, United States Minister to Great Britain, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States 1 [extract] London, February 5, 1827. I have also the honour to enclose the copy of a letter, 2 which, having had a safe conveyance, I wrote to Mr. Brown. All the recent official accounts, received by this Government from Lisbon and Madrid, concur in representing the disposition and conduct of Spain to be such as to give well founded hopes that peace will be preserved. Yet no positive account had, as late as this day, reached the foreign office of the Portuguese insurgents who had reentered Spain having been actually disarmed and the arms restored to the Portuguese authorities. 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXIII. 2 See above, pt. vm, doc. 861, Gallatin to Brown, February 2, 1827.

PAGE 193

DOCUMENT 863: AUGUST 14, 1 828 I589 That war should have been avoided is a matter of congratulation, since the United States might have been involved in it by the course which Great Britain would perhaps have pursued : and nothing could have been more unpleasant, in addition to the great evils of war, than to have been engaged in one, in which we would have appeared in opposition to the new American States. This shows how useful it would be, if practicable, to have some positive agreement with Great Britain, which should secure the United States against the danger of her attempting under any circumstances to occupy Cuba. I have the honour [etc.]. 863 William Beach Lawrence, Charge d' Affaires of the United States at London ad interim, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] London, August 14, 1828. I understand that Spain has made a proposition to English Capitalists for a loan of 20,000,000 sterling, in which she is willing to include the Cortes bonds at 35 per cent. The offers made by the London contractors are said to have connected with them two conditions of a political character; first a reform in the Administration in Spain and secondly the recognition of the independence of the American States or, in lieu thereof, the hypothecation of the revenues of the island of Cuba. I am assured that these proposals have been submitted to the Cabinet of Madrid, but my informant was unable to satisfy my inquiries as to the extent of what was required under the first head. As far, however, as I could learn, no change in the political institutions is contemplated. For the recognition of Spanish America strong representations have also been made, within a short time, by the merchants of Cadiz; but nothing has been recently contemplated to be done through the mediation of the European Governments, nor do the Ministers of the new Republics expect any early alteration in their relations with the mother country, unless it should be effected by the financial distresses of Spain. I have heretofore alluded to the great change which took place in the consideration enjoyed by the Representatives of the Spanish American States in this country, on the death of Mr. Canning. Since the Cabinet has been settled on its present footing, the neglect of them has been still more decided and is strongly felt by these Ministers, whose confidence and friendship I 1 MS. Dispatches from Great Britain, XXXV. William Beach Lawrence, of New York: Commissioned secretary of legation in Great Britain, July 8, 1826; instructed to act as charge d'affaires ad interim, and acted from October 4, 1827, to September 2, 1828; left his post, October 15, 1828, having previously resigned.

PAGE 194

1590 PART VIII : COMMUNICATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN have deemed it a political duty to conciliate by all proper means in my power. The three Spanish American Ministers or Charges recognized at Court, are never included, except on the most formal occasions, in the invitations even of the Secretary for Foreign Affairs. Though personal civilities have been extended by Lord Aberdeen, since his accession to office, to all the Representatives of European Powers and to me and though the Court circular announced that he had entertained all the Foreign Ministers, the gentlemen referred to have been wholly unnoticed. I mention this circumstance, trivial in itself, as it will explain better than any observations that I can make the feeling of the present Cabinet on a subject, in which the United States for commercial, as well as political reasons have a strong interest. The appointment of Lord Strangford to Brazils is regarded by my American colleagues as a gross indignity offered to all the new republics. These general opinions in favour of the principles of legitimacy and against all " democratical institutions" have been long known. But Lord Strangford, not content with the avowal of abstract principles, took occasion at the last Session of Parliament, when presenting a petition respecting South American Privateering, to indulge in the most violent abuse of all the new States and of the policy which had led to their recognition. As a part of the new Ambassador's duty is to attempt the reconciliation of Brazils and Buenos Ayres, the choice is most extraordinary, Lord Strangford having, on the occasion alluded to, charged the members of the Government of the latter State with deriving a direct pecuniary profit from the mode in which the war is carried on. I have the honour [etc.].

PAGE 195

PART IX COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO

PAGE 197

COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO 864 Francisco Mariano Sora, Mexican Curate, and Jose Bernardo Gutierrez, Mexican Lieutenant Colonel, to James Monroe, Secretary of State of the United States l [translation] Natchitoches, Louisiana, September 27, 1811. Sir: It is a year since the Mexican Kingdom attempted to shake off the European yoke, all the more hateful and burdensome as under the present circumstances it has committed every manner of cruelty, sacrificing lives without number, and putting many towns to the sword. We, horrified at its behaviour, have had to seek safety for our lives by taking refuge in the United States, and being unable to bear such inhumaneness as is now being practiced on our people in the name of the nation, and with the greatest form at our command we call for the protection of Congress, with an earnest request that we be supplied with arms, men and money, or as much as may be, especially arms, and our offer on the part of the same nation is that everything will be returned in good time, and that treaties of union and friendship advantageous to both nations will be drawn up. Sir, we know full well that we are without these matters of form that are needed when representing a nation ; but the good of humankind and the interest we bear in our own people are our authority to ask for protection whereby we may find it, and entertaining no doubt of Your Excellency's generosity and that of a people fond of their own kind, and who have gone through this same misfortune, which on this date surrounds us, will not deny us the assistance we ask of them until men of greater talent and more learning in political matters have the honor to appear before your august Senate with ample powers from the nation. Sir, we who are among the small of our nation have ventured all of a sudden to lay this prayer at Your Excellency's feet, hoping that it will be granted that favorable reception which is imperatively demanded by the cry of oppressed mankind from a generous heart. Your Excellency may believe that as soon as circumstances permit, there shall come persons authorized to negotiate subjects concerning the happiness of both peoples, and in the meanwhile we beg Your Excellency to keep all this secret, as it best suits our purpose. Sir, we have availed ourselves of this opportunity to tender to you our humble respects [etc.]. 1 MS. Consular Letters, Mexico City, I. This was addressed to " the Honorable Tomas Monrroi, Secretary of State." 1593

PAGE 198

1594 PART IX: COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO 865 Juan Pablo y Anaya, Mexican Agent to the United States, to James Madison, President of the United States 1 [translation] New Orleans, March 18, 1815. Most Excellent Sir: Dear Sir: Since we began to work on the plans of revolution for our independence, we always consider it necessary and indispensable under many heads to have relations with this country. We sought the means, but could not find them on account of the oppression and espionage in the midst of which we lived under the Spanish Government, and we met so much opposition in these parts that we had the misfortune to have our two secret boards in two principal cities of the United States, as well as all the victims of tyranny, discovered. In the midst of these misfortunes we were lucky enough not to be discovered until six months later, when we suffered the same misfortune as the first ones, which compelled Senor Hidalgo and us to take up arms, and our plan remained in suspense. Since then Senor Hidalgo and the Governments that have succeeded one another in the Mexican Independence have strained every effort to place in communication the political relations of that nation with this one, by ordering at every hazard three delegations which all have been so unfortunate as to fail and be unable to reach the States. In pursuance of the same important purpose, I was commissioned to seek means that would be available, and both at the cost of much labor and danger, I have had the good fortune to do so by opening the Port of Nautla on the coast of Vera Cruz. On that auspicious occasion we had the misfortune not to be thoughtful enough to provide ourselves with proper commissions from the Supreme Congress of Mexico, but considering that the enemy had to gather all his forces so as to hamper us in that important step, the Most Excellent the Commander in Chief, to whom I reported the message taken to go to the States, the officers, men and people of the provisions in my command were of the opinion that I should go to New Orleans so as to insure communications, because while I was abroad, even though the enemy should capture the port, we could communicate along the coast, which is rather free, and it being impossible for the enemy to cover it in such a way as to prevent the decisions of the Supreme Congress to reach some part of it in reliable vessels. All difficulties had been overcome to the point of my succeeding to come here where again I began to strike snags which hampered immediate compliance with the main object of my commission, namely, that of finding a reliable vessel to bring to your capital the commissions or delegations of my Government, either through the efforts of the enemies of the liberty of my country, of whom there are many in this town, or through the events of the 1 MS. Consular Letters, Mexico City, I.

PAGE 199

DOCUMENT 865: MARCH 1 8, 1815 1595 war with the English. But that which did me the most harm was the first, for when a schooner which cleared from the port of Nautla after my arrival came over on a commission of the Commander, she was attached by the Court of the District on the petition of the Spaniards, and the case has been continued until now ; since then the English have drawn the blockade closer, and neither the circumstances nor my honor permitted of my leaving in those critical moments until now when I have had to take other steps, and even buy a bark to carry me so that I may report to my Government, and also the instructions which are required for the greater formalities of the diplomatic intercourse. Therefore, Most Excellent Sir, I beg Your Excellency to deign to extend all that protection that is at your command, and in the exercise of your powers to go as far as establishing relations between the two countries. Your Excellency will permit me to say that between us and these States there is no other difference than that of language, but the interest, rights, etc., are all alike. I am quite sure that Your Excellency will agree with me that the plan that we must adopt, agreeable to Nature and our common interests and rights, is that of absolute severance of America from Europe. I believe that at the least there shall be in this capital within two months some resolution of the Mexican Congress, for although the enemies have effectively tried to intercept communications, they were not able to do so because the independent troops have offered a brave defense and destroyed enemy expeditions, according to the latest reports that have come in letters from European Spaniards of Vera Cruz. On principles of commiseration I brought here a monk who had declared himself a revolutionist and disturber of public order so as to save him from the death penalty, which he was to undergo for his many crimes in the belief that his separation and his pondering over the favor that had been done him would improve his behaviour, but it was in vain, for as soon as he found himself here enjoying the favor of the law of the land and the protection of royal Europeans, he gave out a paper against me filled with slanderous impostures and lies, and in my fear that some copy of it may have been handed to you, I take the liberty of enclosing a reply which I made to it in vindication of my conduct. Most Excellent Sir, I renew to Your Excellency my humble prayers, infinitely appreciating this opportunity to have the honor of gladly placing myself at your disposal, and wishing that you will proudly press upon me the orders that you may be pleased to give me, and you may be assured that with the greatest pleasure and satisfaction they shall be carried out by him who is Your Excellency's true and obedient servant. P. S. Although I am going to Mexico, Mr. Lecler remains in charge of the affairs, notice of which I give to Your Excellency for your guidance.

PAGE 200

I596 PART IX: COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO 866 Jose Maria Morelos, President of Mexico, Jose Maria Linaga, and Remigio de Yarza, Secretary of Government, to James Madison, President of the United States l [translation] Puruaran, Mexico, July 14, 18 15. Most Excellent Sir: The Mexican people, weary of the enormous weight of Spanish domination and having forever lost the hope of being happy under the rule of their conquerors, broke through the barriers of moderation and, facing difficulties and perils which seemed insuperable to the efforts of an enslaved colony, they raised the cry of freedom and bravely undertook the work of regeneration. We relied on the protection of Heaven which could not withdraw it from the well-known justice of our cause nor ignore the rectitude and purity of our intentions exclusively bent on the good of mankind : we relied on the mettle and enthusiasm of our compatriots who had decided to die rather than to again bear the shameful yoke of slavery: and finally we relied on the powerful aid of the United States, which as they wisely guided us by their example would favor us with their generous assistance upon signing treaties of friendship and alliance in which good faith would preside and where the reciprocal interests of both nations would be remembered. The disasters that go with the vicissitudes of war and in which we have been perhaps thrown by our very lack of experience, never lowered our spirits but always rising above adversity and misfortune we have carried on the fight for five years and have acquired the practical conviction that there is no power capable of suppressing a people that have decided to shake off the horrors of tyranny. Without arms at the beginning, without discipline, without a Government, fighting with bravery and enthusiasm we have enlisted large armies, we have caused surprise by attacking fortified places and at last have managed to awe the pride of the Spaniards who are already losing heart although they may in their public papers affect serenity and announce that the day is coming nearer and nearer when the fire that inflames our breasts is about to go out and predict the end of our exertions. Our system of government having, as might be expected, begun with the most shapeless rudiments has gone on perfecting itself in degrees as fast as the worries of war permitted, and it is now under a constitution built of maxims that are in every way liberal and which has been as far as possible fitted to the genius, manners, and customs of our people not less than to the circumstances of the revolution. With time it will undergo amendments and improvements as fast as experience enlight1 MS. Notes from Mexican Legation, I. This reached the Department of State with Herrera to the President of the United States, March 1, 1816, which see below, pt. ix, doc. 867.

PAGE 201

document 866: july 14, 1815 1597 ens us but we shall never swerve by a line from the essential principles which constitute genuine civil liberty. In the meanwhile we flatter ourselves that the sanction and promulgation of our constitutional law and the effective organization of our government have driven consternation into the poisoned hearts of our enemies, dealing a deadly blow to their hopes while it has filled with joy the hearts of our people whom it has inspired again with special ardor to carry on our grand enterprise. Just at that time we have been afforded the opportunity we had sought thousands of times to open relations with the government of these happy provinces, and, availing ourselves of the valuable moments brought on by a series of incidents woven by the hand of providence, we hasten to carry out our intention with the satisfaction of feeling that this attempt will not meet the same fate as others that preceded it but that, happily carried to the end, it will meet our purposes by furnishing us with the facility of completing the original plans of our political restoration. We find encouragement beyond description to insist on this application in the intimate conviction that we always have cherished that the North and Mexican Americas being friends and allies would work reciprocal influence on the matters that concern their own happiness and will offer unconquerable opposition to the aggression of covetousness, ambition and tyranny; so much so that we have ventured to believe that that important league will win the approval of the worthy representative of the Anglo-American nation and all its citizens who stand so high for their enlightenment and social virtues. The sincerity and philanthropic spirit which are the characteristics of both nations, the facility and promptness with which they may extend aid to each other; the fine union that it will bring about of two peoples, one privileged by the fertility and productions of the soil that are as rich as they are varied, and the other distinguished by its industries, its culture and genius which are the most fruitful source of the wealth of the states, all combine to warrant our ideas which open even now a most promising prospect if the two republics manage to unite through treaties of alliance and commerce, which, resting on reason and justice, will prove the sacred ties of our joint prosperity. The supreme Mexican Congress, engaged in those grand views and in order that this Government may in accordance with the custom justly adopted by the nations enter upon negotiations and sign treaties with these provinces, has appointed as Minister Plenipotentiary the Most Excellent Lie. Don Jose Manuel Herrera empowering him with the fullest powers and has also provided him with the needful instructions to that effect. In consequence the said supreme Mexican Government in the name of the said Congress and of the nation that it represents brings the foregoing to Your Excellency's high knowledge with a prayer that with the six legal documents accompanying this paper you may kindly acquaint the general Con-

PAGE 202

1598 PART IX: COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO gress of the United States with the whole matter and that you recommend to their august assembly our claim to have the independence of the Mexican America recognized, the above named Most Excellent Lie. Don Jose Manuel Herrera received as Minister Plenipotentiary of the said America near the Government of the said States and by virtue thereof to proceed in the most suitable form with the negotiations and treaties which will insure the happiness and greatness of the two Americas. May God guard Your Excellency many years. National Palace of the Supreme Mexican Government at Puruaran on the 14th day of July, one thousand eight hundred and fifteen. 867 JosS Manuel Herrera, appointed Mexican Minister to the United States, to James Madison, President of the United States l [translation] New Orleans, March 1, 18 16. Most Excellent Sir: Having been designated by the Mexican Republic to come to the Government of the United States and negotiate affairs of extreme importance, I set out on the 16th of July of last year and after crossing a vast expanse of land in order to reach the Vera Cruz coast and having been detained there over a month on account of the fire which destroyed the vessel which was to bring me, I finally managed to sail on a schooner that appeared as I had resolved to return to the interior, having given up every hope that I could be afforded such a coveted opportunity. On the first of October last I reached the city with the intent to remain there only the time absolutely needed to take the necessary measures for continuing my trip to Washington and placing in Your Excellency's hands my credentials together with a letter from my Government 2 and other papers, but in spite of my wishes and efforts and notwithstanding the very nature of the business with which I am entrusted, I was unfortunately frustrated in my intentions and hampered in my movements so much so that I have been four months in New Orleans, the obstacles which delayed my departure growing more and more numerous. This truly unpleasant situation, all the more as in my opinion it may cause injury of the greatest consequence to the interests of mankind, has induced me to return to Mexico for the object of removing 1 MS. Notes from Mexican Legation, I. 2 See above, pt. ix, doc. 866, under date, July 14, 1815. The other papers which accompanied this and are preserved with it in the archives are two decrees of the same date, one describing the official seal and the other the flags of the new state, and a decree of July 3, 1815, relating to cruisers.

PAGE 203

document 868: October 25, 1 82 1 1 599 in person some difficulty which, if I avail myself of the services of any other person, might check the earlier success of my negotiations with the Government there from which I am sure I shall receive the needed assistance and which certainly could not exempt me from doing what certain circumstances demand, which circumstances have come together quite unexpectedly. As my arrival in this country and the object of my mission have been made extremely public I deem it my duty to tell Your Excellency what has happened while leaving out useless details which would only break up the earnest and delicate matters which engage Your Excellency's attention. I have also seen fit to enclose the official letter addressed to Your Excellency by my Government and the papers therein mentioned, all in copies and through Senor Don Guillermo Robinson, to whom I am indebted in addition to other services for undertaking to put those papers in their proper course, the only object of which is to inform Your Excellency of the particulars they contain until the moment shall come when I present the original to Your Excellency in all the forms that are customary. In the meanwhile I have the honor to tender to Your Excellency my profound respects [etc.]. 868 James Smith Wilcocks, subsequently Consul of the United States at Mexico City, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States x Mexico, October 25, 1821. Sir: The love of my country, the spring of every noble and generous action, induces me to communicate to you, for the information of the President, and for the benefit that may result to the Government and citizens of the United States, the following circumstantial and exact account of the happy revolution that has lately occurred in this kingdom of New Spain, which, by the blessing of God, the intrepidity, talents, and exertions of its patriotic chief, General Don Augustin Iturbide, the enlightened policy of its mother country, and the liberal and philanthropic ideas of its late captain general, Don Juan O'Donoju, has ended in its complete and entire emancipation. That you may have a clear and distinct view of the subject, be fully impressed with the justice of the cause of this hitherto afflicted and oppressed people, and have also a general idea of the face of the country, its inhabitants, productions, &c, it may not be improper to state that, since its conquest, (which, if my memory serves me, was in the year 1521,) it has been governed by sixty-two viceroys, and innumerable commandant generals, governors, and superintendents of provinces, who, according to general tradition, have 1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 836. At this time the writer had no official connection with the Government; but he was on January 28, 1823, appointed consul of the United States at Mexico City, the first incumbent of this post. His residence, according to the official record, was Pennsylvania.

PAGE 204

1600 PART IX : COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO been, with very few exceptions, as many merciless and mercenary tyrants, the rapacity and unfeeling barbarity of whom nothing could have withstood for such a length of time but a land enriched by the beautiful hand of nature to a most extraordinary degree, and a people born and brought up, until of late, in all the intolerance of superstition and ignorance, and accustomed from their earliest infancy to the innumerable, and I may say almost incredible impositions of both church and state. Few foreigners have, perhaps, had an opportunity of seeing as much of the kingdom as myself, having travelled on horseback from the port of Guaymas, on the Gulf of California, to almost every part of Sonora, and afterwards through the provinces and superintendencies of New Biscay, New Galicia, San Luis Potosi, Queretaro, and Mexico, to this city, a distance at least of seven hundred leagues, passing through all the principal cities, visiting the most celebrated mines, and conversing familiarly with all classes of people. The provinces of Puebla, Mexico, Mechoacan, San Luis Potosi, and Guanajuato, may be termed the central ones, and, of those I have seen, the best watered, most fertile, most productive, and most inhabited; those that border on the Gulf of Mexico are Merida de Yucatan, Oaxaca, Vera Cruz, New Santandero, and Texas; the second, from all accounts, beautiful in the extreme; and the third and last very fertile, but almost entirely uncultivated: those on the Pacific ocean and Gulf of California, New Galicia, Sinaloa, and Sonora, fertile in parts, but very scant of water; and the extensive internal ones of New Leon, New Biscay, and New Mexico, that reach to the latitude of fortytwo degrees north, which have for the most part the same defect, and which may be called a general one throughout the kingdom, there being in most parts but little rain, and in no part, excepting Texas, what we would call rivers. Where there is an abundance of water, however, the country is wonderfully fertile, producing in many parts two or three crops a year, and yielding each time four and five hundred for one, with the singular advantage of a diversity of temperature within very short distances, produced by the greater or less elevation of the lands, the centre of the kingdom being from eight to twelve thousand feet above the level of the sea; so that it is not uncommon to see in the same market all the fruits, grains, and other productions of temperate, hot, and cold climates, as is the case in this, and most of the principal cities. Before the insurrection of the year 1810, the kingdom contained six millions of inhabitants; and it is worthy of remark, that Providence has been no less lavish in the distribution of her gifts as respects mankind, than in the fertility and production of the earth; the natives of this country, not excepting even the Indians, being endowed with a quickness of perception and ability to acquire and make themselves masters of the arts and sciences that is very notable, and far exceeds that of the inhabitants of Old Spain, and perhaps many other countries. At the above-mentioned period, the king-

PAGE 205

DOCUMENT 868: OCTOBER 25, l82I l60I dom may be said to have been at its acme of prosperity; the royal revenue exceeding $20,000,000, and the money coined at the mint of this city upwards of $28,000,000 annually; it has, however, ever since been on the decline, in consequence of the devastations committed by both parties in the long and cruel war carried on between the Europeans and Americans, so that the population cannot now be computed at more than four millions, the revenue at more than half of what it was, and the money coined yearly at from $5,000,000 to $8,000,000; this year it will probably not exceed $4,000,000. I have been informed that a very correct history of this insurrection, up to the unfortunate expedition of General Mina, has been written by a Mr. Robinson, and published in Philadelphia; it is useless, therefore, to say more on the subject than that its commencement was undoubtedly caused by the abuses daily committed in all branches of the Government in this kingdom, by the disorder in which Spain was thrown in consequence of the invasion of the French, and by the imprudent measures adopted in this city, one of which was the arrest of the Viceroy Iturigaray, and many of its principal American inhabitants. It is also worthy of remark that, in proportion as it was prolonged, the evils increased, and its symptoms became more malignant; the various incidents of the struggle, imbruing its character with blood, produced other passions, and among them those of rancor and hatred, which, irritated and inflamed by the inconsideration, imprudence, and want of policy on both sides, divided the kingdom into two parties, the Europeans and Americans, whose respective opinions formed essentially the war that destroyed both. Among those that contributed most to quell the insurrection was the before-mentioned General Don Augustin Iturbide, then colonel of the regiment of Celaya, and native of the city of Valladolid, in the province of Mechoacan. Born of European parents, and animated by a mistaken zeal, he was induced to embrace the royal cause, and, with a fervor and impetuosity peculiar to his character, committed many arbitrary and violent acts, that in a great degree tarnished what would otherwise have been deemed brilliant achievements, and over which it is necessary to draw a veil, his subsequent conduct having entirely effaced them from the memory even of those most aggrieved. Indeed, it would appear that a sense of the injustice he had committed, an innate conviction of the impropriety of adhering to the party he had espoused, and a remorse of conscience, were the principal causes of the change in his political sentiments;, for we see him all at once assuming a different character, and at a moment when his sovereign had heaped upon him innumerable honors. The impossibility of re-establishing peace and quietness in the kingdom by the force of arms was fully ascertained during the viceroyalty of the Captain Generals Venegas and Calleja, of whom it may be said that they rather dispersed then conquered the Americans, the country being in a complete

PAGE 206

1602 PART IX : COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO state of revolt, and full of chieftains that commanded from three to six hundred, and even a thousand men each, and bands of robbers that infested the highways in September, 1816, when the Viceroy Apodaca arrived. To this disinterested, good, and virtuous man is due the pacification of the kingdom; his penetration, skill, and humanity having suggested to him the propriety of laying aside the arms that had hitherto been in use, and of winning the affections of the people by means of persuasion, pardons, and premiums, who, without general officers, money, or any immediate expectation of establishing the liberty of their country, and weary of the wandering and wretched life they had so long endured, embraced readily the opportunity that presented of returning to the bosoms of their families. No sooner was the plan adopted than its wisdom became palpable; entire towns and districts yielding to the solicitations of the agents appointed by the Government for carrying it into execution, so that at the end of two years all was tranquillity, and you could travel in every direction without escort of arms, except that of Acapulco, between which and this city the chieftains Guerrero, Asensio, and a Colonel Bradburn, of Virginia, that came with General Mina, with about fifteen hundred men, had taken refuge, and fortified an almost inaccessible mountain, from whence they made predatory excursions. To reduce these to obedience was the ultimate object and wish of the Government; and, with this view, General Iturbide was invested with the important military command of the department of the south, that contained about three thousand veteran troops, and had its head-quarters in the town of Iguala, distant about thirty leagues from this city, on the direct road to Acapulco. It is proper to mention here that, a few months previous to his nomination, news had been received of the regeneration of Old Spain, and of the establishment of the constitution in that country — a circumstance that created great alarm in this among the clergy and friars; the lower class of people were also taught to believe that the planting of it here would be attended with the entire destruction of their long-established form of religion. The viceroy, (Apodaca,) who was now graced with the title of "Conde del Venadito," was also opposed to the new system, and discovered so much reluctance in the change of his measures, that his unwillingness and tardy mode of proceeding became evident to all, and gave occasion to many just and violent complaints that were made by its admirers, who publicly accused him of its infraction; while the American writers, taking advantage of the liberty of the press, and the confused and unsettled state of public opinion, called aloud for independence as the only certain remedy for the numerous evils that surrounded them. The crisis was too important and obvious to excape the penetration of our hero, Iturbide, who was also instigated to an immediate execution of the plan he had, in consequence, formed, of liberating his country forever from its

PAGE 207

DOCUMENT 868: OCTOBER 25, l82I 1603 thraldom, by the mutiny of several of the officers of the regiment of the "four military orders," that had before given many unequivocal proofs of disaffection and insubordination, which was supposed to extend to the soldiers of that corps, and by the departure of a convoy for Acapulco with near a million of dollars, that was intended to be embarked in a ship bound to Manilla, that he resolved on detaining. He immediately, therefore, concerted his measures with the clergy and friars, and, with the specious pretext of upholding them in their privileges and immunities, secured their favor and protection. He also communicated his design to such of the governors of the provinces as he thought likely to aid him in the execution of it, and, on his arrival in Iguala, persuaded a great part of the troops under his command to join him in the undertaking, in the belief that the Government secretly favored it — a circumstance that they at first readily gave credit to, from their knowledge of the anti-constitutional sentiments of its leading members, but in which they were soon after undeceived, and, in consequence, not more than a thousand remained faithful of those that espoused his party. The design was also made known to Guerrero, Asensio, and Bradburn, who pledged themselves to support him in the enterprise; and, thus prepared, he openly declared the independence of the kingdom, swearing it in the most solemn manner at the head of his army, in the said town of Iguala, on the 24th day of February last, seizing, at the same time, and appropriating to the use of the nation, the treasure destined for the Manilla ship. His next step was to form a plan for the installation of the new Government, (a copy of which I enclose, l ) and to give to his army the style and title of the "army of the three guarantees, " from the protection it was to afford to the Catholic religion, to the independence of the kingdom, and to the indissoluble union between the Europeans and Americans. A copy of the plan was immediately sent by him to the viceroy, with a letter, stating all that had passed, explaining his motives for having formed and adopted the new system; inviting him and the Government to aid and assist in its establishment; and, finally, naming the said viceroy, the w Conde de Cortina, " and the president of the royal audience, the members that were to compose the regency, reserving to himself the command that he had assumed of the national army. The viceroy, had he been left to himself, would, I believe, have assented to the proposal, from the vehement desire he has ever manifested to avoid the effusion of blood, and the miseries concomitant to a renewal of the war, as well as from the conviction that the plan and policy adopted by Iturbide could not fail to gain him innumerable friends, and to enable him, finally, to accomplish his views. It was necessary, however, to call to his counsel the members of the various tribunals of which the Government was composed, as well as the principal military officers, all of whom, counting on the versatility that had been conspicuous in the American character up to that period, re1 Not printed in this collection.

PAGE 208

I604 PART IX : COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO solved, unanimously, to maintain the then existing Government, in the belief that the few troops that had adhered to Iturbide would leave him the instant the royal army should approach Iguala. The old favorite system of blood and murder was also upheld ; but to this the viceroy would not consent, and an amnesty was offered to all, not excepting Iturbide. The Field Marshal Linan was named commander-in-chief, and a numerous staff and army was committed to his charge. He was, however, so slow in his motions, that a detachment of troops sent by Iturbide had taken possession of the town and castle of Acapulco, and he himself, and the remainder, were on their march in the direction of Valladolid before the army of Linan moved from its cantonment in the neighborhood of this city. The cry of independence was no sooner raised in Iguala than it spread in all parts, and an army was formed in the provinces of Puebla and Vera Cruz, by the Colonels Herrera, Bravo, and Santa Ana, that took possession of the cities of Orizaba, Cordova, and Xalapa; which was a most important conquest, the two former being the depots of the Government tobacco, of which a prodigious quantity fell into the hands of the Independents, with a large sum in specie — circumstances that were attended with the double advantage of being a powerful succor to them, and an irreparable loss to the Government, which counted on the remission to, and sale of, the tobacco in Mexico as its principal means of supporting the war. In this state of things, it was resolved to divide the Government army into three divisions: one of which, under the command of Colonel Margues, was to retake Acapulco; another, commanded by Colonel Hebia, to march against the cities of Orizaba, Cordova, and Xalapa; and the third to return for the defence of this capital, on the supposition that Iturbide might suddenly change his route, and take the city by surprise. It, however, soon appeared that his intention was very different, and that his object was to pass Valladolid, and unite with a Colonel Bustamente, of San Luis Potosi, who had risen at this critical period, and proceeded against the city of Guanajuato with a considerable part of his regiment of dragoons, declaring independence in all the cities and towns in the Bajio, the inhabitants of which received him with open arms. On arriving at Guanajuato, it also surrendered to him; and, as he was joined by the garrisons of the several places he passed through, Iturbide, on meeting him, found himself at the head of an army of five thousand men, including the divisions of Colonel Barragan and Major Parres, that left Valladolid with what troops they could seduce, as soon as they knew of his intention to pass that way. With this respectable force it was determined to attack that city, which was the best fortified of any in the kingdom, and had a garrison of seventeen hundred men. It however made no defence, and its commandant, Colonel Quintanar, and all but about six hundred of the troops, went over to Iturbide. At Guanajuato, where is one of the richest minerals in the kingdom, a mint

PAGE 209

DOCUMENT 868: OCTOBER 2$, 1 82 1 l605 was established, that proved afterwards very serviceable to the Independents, and injurious to the royal party; the silver from all the neighboring mines taking the direction of that city instead of Mexico. Acapulco remained but a short time in possession of the Independents, the castle having capitulated before the arrival of the division of Colonel Margues to two Spanish frigates that accidentally arrived there from Panama. San Juan del Rio, a fortified town between this city and Queretaro, was next invested; the siege, however, lasted but a few days; the greater part of the garrison, being Americans, deserted, and joined the Independents, obliging the few that remained to capitulate. The division of Colonel Hebia that had marched, as before stated, against the cities of Orizaba, Cordova, and Xalapa, surprised Colonel Bravo, with about fifteen hundred Independents, in the town of Tepeaca, about nine leagues from Puebla, who, unprepared for action, retired with his troops to a large convent of the order of San Francisco, that was constructed by Hernando Cortez, soon after the conquest, in the form of a fortress, to serve as a place of refuge for him and his followers in the event of any sudden emergency. Hebia had with him his own regiment of "Castile," and other European troops, that equalled in number those of Bravo. A field-piece was, however, necessary to make a breach in the wall of the convent, and, to obtain this, he sent immediately to Puebla, asking, at the same time, for a reinforcement of five hundred men, that the success of the action might be placed beyond all doubt. Bravo, suspecting his intention, resolved on a sortie, with the determination to cut his way and escape, as Iturbide had given positive orders to all his officers to avoid the effusion of blood, and to act solely on the defensive, from the double motive of conciliating the enemy and avoiding the butchery of his countrymen; sensible where one European should be killed, four or five Americans would fall, the number of the latter in the King's service exceeding greatly that of the former. In the first and second attempts he made, he was unsuccessful; the third, however, proved more fortunate, and he got off with the loss of fifty or sixty men, killing as many of those that were opposed to him. This was the first action that had occurred, and the result proved highly important to the independent cause; the gallant conduct of their troops inspiring a universal confidence, animating their companions in arms throughout the kingdom to a singular and unexpected degree, and demonstrating to the political and military officers of the Government of Mexico that they had to contend with a brave and determined enemy. Disappointed and chagrined at the result of the action, and undeceived as to the sort of troops he had to deal with, Hebia proceeded on his march to Cordova, where he was killed in the first assault, and his army obliged to retire from the siege by Colonel Herrera, and the valiant troops that defended the city. While these scenes of glory were achieving in the provinces of Puebla and Vera Cruz, the siege of the city of Queretaro, one of the most beautiful in

PAGE 210

l606 PART IX: COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO the kingdom, and the third in rank as respects size, opulence, and commerce, was pushed with much vigor by Iturbide in person. Its garrison was composed of nine hundred Europeans, draughted from various regiments, and about six hundred Americans, all under the command of Brigadier General Loaces, a native of the kingdom of Peru, colonel of the regiment of Saragossa, and a brave and experienced officer. He had determined to make a vigorous and desperate defence; and, as the fate of the kingdom depended in a great measure on that of this city, the Government resolved to abandon that of San Luis Potosi, and to succor Queretaro with the European regiment of Zamora that was stationed there. The order to this effect was no sooner despatched than Iturbide knew of it, and concerted measures to surprise the troops on their march, which were so well executed that they found themselves surrounded when they least expected it by a body of three times their number, and compelled to surrender at discretion. This happy occurrence for the Independents was a deathblow to the Government, who found itself at once deprived of the important capital and province of San Luis Potosi, that were immediately occupied by the Independents, and without the means of contributing to the relief of Queretaro, which capitulated shortly after; the American part of the garrison joining Iturbide, as usual, and the Europeans going on parole to Celaya, until such time as they could be transported to the Havana. These troops, to their eternal disgrace, proposed afterwards to their colonel to rise and march to Mexico; but he, like a man of honor, sent the letter to Iturbide, who immediately ordered them to be disarmed and dispersed. The next action of any importance was in the neighborhood of Toluca, fourteen leagues from the city, between the regiment of Fernando VII., commanded by Colonel Castillo, and a body of the Independents of an equal number, under the orders of Colonel Filisola, which was indecisive, both parties claiming the victory, after an obstinate battle, in which more than two hundred were left dead on the field, and the Independents in possession of two cannon, that their opponents were obliged to abandon. At this period, General Negrete, commander of the troops in the province of Guadalaxara, rose with the whole of his army, obliged the commandant, General Don Jose de la Cruz, to fly from the capital of that name, where, and in all other parts of the province, independence was sworn ; the commerce of the port of San Bias was also declared free to all nations. Cruz took the road leading to the internal provinces, with the intention, it was said, of uniting with Brigadier Don Joaquin Arredondo, commandant general of the eastern provinces, of raising an army in union with him, and of returning, either to reconquer his own province, or to the aid of that of Mexico. Arredondo had, however, already caused independence to be sworn throughout his district, and, on hearing this, Cruz made a halt in the city of Zacatecas, but, being pursued by Negrete, fled to Durango, the capital of the province

PAGE 211

DOCUMENT 868: OCTOBER 25, 1 82 1 1607 of New Biscay, carrying with him a large sum in specie that he found in the treasury at Zacatecas, which city soon after surrendered to a detachment that was sent against it by the commandant of San Luis Potosi. On the death of Hebia, the command of the regiment of Castile devolved on Lieutenant Colonel Luna, who, on the fall of Queretaro, was ordered to return to Mexico by forced marches, in the expectation that Iturbide would now attack the capital. Similar orders were also sent to Colonel Margues, in whose division was a principal part of the insubordinate regiment of the "four military orders. " The male inhabitants of Mexico, from the age of sixteen to fifty, were also ordered to enrol themselves in the militia, without exception of distinction of persons, and every possible precaution was taken to prevent a surprise and maintain the city until such time as an answer should be received to despatches that had been sent to Spain, or troops should arrive that were expected from the Havana. All this, however, was not sufficient to allay the rancor that a certain part of the community had conceived against the viceroy, nor to convince them of his upright intentions, or extinguish the sparks of insubordination I have already hinted at in some of the European troops, which, from the first, was more immediately directed at his person than at the Government. A report was, therefore, industriously circulated that he was in secret correspondence with Iturbide, and that there was no real intention to defend the city, notwithstanding the preparations that were ostensibly making for its protection : the whole a prelude to the scandalous revolution of the 5th of July, which had for its object the arrest of that most excellent man, and, without doubt, was accomplished by dint of money paid by the merchants to the officers that took part in the affray, who had the temerity to secure the persons of their colonels and other principal military men opposed to their project, to assault the palace and make a prisoner of the viceroy, and afterwards, the audacity to place against its gates and the corners of the principal streets, for the information of the public, who were so many witnesses of their atrocity, a paper setting forth that he had of his own accord, and at the respectful petition of the officers of the European regiments, delivered the political and military command of the kingdom to Field Marshal Don Francisco Novella, the person they had pitched upon as the leader of the faction. This gentleman had under his command the various corps of artillery and engineers that existed in the kingdom; and as his education and occupation until now had been altogether confined to that line, you will readily imagine him entirely unfit for the discharge of the arduous and complicated duties of viceroy of these extensive provinces. Indeed, he himself was sensible of his incompetency, and very prudently declined the offer; as unsuitable, however, as he was, there was no other person they could avail themselves of that was less so, and the same necessity that compelled them to name him obliged him to accept the appointment.

PAGE 212

1608 PART IX: COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO From a Government constituted by the insubordination of a few soldiers that had the vanity to compare their iniquitous conduct with the noble enthusiasm of the Spanish nation, which, tired of obeying tyrants that abused the goodness of their monarch, rose in a mass to recover the rights of which they had unjustly been deprived, no good was to be expected; and we see it employed from its very commencement in destroying the constitutional regimen, of which it did not leave a vestige, and in substituting the most arbitrary and tyrannical system that it is possible to imagine ; all of which was fomented and sanctioned by a body that Novella had created, with the denomination of the "Junta Consultiva," composed of a few individuals who had contributed with their money to place the power in his hands, were furious at seeing approach the expiration of their authority, and with sentiments diametrically opposed to the system of liberality and philanthropy at present predominant. At the time these scenes of horror were transacting in the capital, and to which I myself had like to have been a victim, notwithstanding the great prudence I observed in my deportment, a bloody occurrence took place in Vera Cruz in consequence of the storming of that city by a party of troops commanded by an inconsiderate but brave young officer named Santa Ana, who scaled the walls and got complete possession of the town, but was afterwards obliged to retire with great loss, his soldiers having abandoned their arms with a view to plunder, and the inhabitants setting upon them when in that defenceless state. The city of Puebla de los Angeles, the largest in the kingdom except Mexico, next attracted the attention of General Iturbide, in front of which was a large army of Independents composed of the divisions of the Conde de la Cadena, Herrera, Bravo, Filisola, and others, that only awaited the orders of their general to make the attack, and to prevent which, and the loss of many valuable lives, he went in person, preferring, in all cases, the plan he had from the first adopted of reducing his enemies by means of persuasion and negotiation rather than by force of arms. The fate of Puebla was allimportant to the Government in the critical situation in which it found itself, being one of the chain of fortified towns that connect Mexico with Vera Cruz, to which port it had resolved to retire with the European part of the army and inhabitants, in the event of not being able to sustain itself in the capital. Puebla was, therefore, well garrisoned, served with an excellent park of artillery, and defended with many cannon of a large calibre, so that its commander-in-chief, Brigadier Don Ciriaco Llano, the Marquis de Vivanco, and other experienced officers stationed there, had, until the last, sanguine hopes of being able to defend it. Iturbide, however, called to his assistance a part of the army he had left in Queretaro, and surrounded the city with so many troops that resistance would have been nothing short of an act of madness; it therefore capitulated.

PAGE 213

DOCUMENT 868: OCTOBER 2$, 1 82 1 1609 On the surrender of Puebla, the army of Iturbide, which had now augmented to the number of about eighteen thousand, and which was composed entirely of veteran troops that had been disciplined in the King's service, and had gone over to him clandestinely, or joined him on the fall of the various cities he had conquered, received orders to march in separate columns to different towns in the neighborhood of Mexico, with the intention of manifesting to the Government of that city the folly of any further resistance. It was, however, entirely in vain that the general had adopted this prudent measure; in vain that one or two praiseworthy citizens had ventured to reason on the subject with Senor Novella; and in vain that he was assured he could not rely on more than one-third part of the troops that composed the garrison. War! war! was the cry of him and his Junta Consultiva, and the motto they wore on their hats, and that worn by all their officers and troops, was, " Vivir y morir fieles y utiles." Iturbide, after having rested a few days in Puebla, and partaken of the effusion of gratitude manifested towards him by the good people of that city, was on the point of leaving it, with the intention of fixing his head-quarters near the town of Chalco, and directing from thence the attack that was to have been made on Mexico, when he received a letter from Lieutenant General Don Juan O'Donoju, who had recently arrived at Vera Cruz, informing him that he had been named by the King of Spain captain general and political chief of the kingdom, and had accepted the appointment at the solicitation of his friends, the representatives of America in the Cortes of Spain ; that he had risked his health and life, and sacrificed his convenience, at a period when he intended to retire from the public service, without any other desire than that of acquiring the love and esteem of the people of New Spain, and without other sentiments than those of tranquillizing the disastrous inquietude that reigned in the kingdom — not by consolidating or perpetuating the despotism that existed, or prolonging the colonial dependence, or falling into the errors or imitating the defects of many of his predecessors in supporting a system of government, the tyranny and injustice of which arose from the barbarity of the age in which it was established, but by reforming the ideas of the misled, calming the passions of the exasperated, and pointing out to the people generally the mode of obtaining with security, and without the horrible sacrifice they were making, the happiness which the illustration of the era in which they lived had induced them to seek after, and which no rational person could disapprove. He also required Iturbide to appoint a place at which they could have an interview, and realize the sincere and ardent desire he had to prevent the evils and misfortunes inseparable to a state of hostility, until such time as the treaty they might conclude, founded on the basis of the plan published in Iguala, should be ratified by the King and Cortes. What a blow was this to the existing Government of Mexico, and to those

PAGE 214

I6l0 PART IX : COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO that preceded it since the year 1810! what a contrast to their iniquitous and shameful mode of proceeding! The wise and beneficent O'Donoju, reading the public papers of the Independents, applauding the enterprise of their hero Iturbide, confirming his ideas, commending his virtues, and desiring his friendship, as he does in the conclusion of his letter; while the intrusive Novella and his Junta Consultiva, in imitation of their barbarous predecessors, Vanegas and Calleja, were persecuting with unrelenting fury, and almost to death itself, those that communicated with the Independents, or in whose possession should be found any of their seditious writings; proscribing the chiefs of the revolution, and heaping upon them every species of reproach and ignominy! But the scene had changed ; the star of liberty that rose in our own country had happily spread its influence in the more eastern and western hemispheres, and displayed to the world the criminal conduct of the Caligulas and Neros that had for such a length of time dishonored Spain and abused human nature. This letter of O'Donoju, with another that he wrote to Sr. Novella, was sent by Iturbide to the Mexican Government, accompanied with a proposal for the suspension of arms until such times as the definitive treaty should be signed in Cordova, the city named by Iturbide as the point of conference. Novella would, however, hear nothing of the sort, and the letters were declared spurious, notwithstanding that Sr. Alcocer, a venerable curate of this city, who had been intimately acquainted with O'Donoju in Spain, proved to the Junta the identity of the signatures, by showing others that he had in his possession; which contumacy on the part of Novella exasperated Iturbide so much that he set off for Cordova, leaving orders with his generals for the immediate occupation of the towns of Tacuba, Tacubaya, Azcapuzalco, and Guadalupe, neither of which was distant more than half a league from Mexico, and all of them in possession of the European troops. This was an unexpected circumstance to Novella and the Junta, who had the folly and vanity to suppose they could frighten the Independents from the execution of their plan by means of the silly proclamations they almost daily issued, in which they affected to despise their number, challenged them openly to commence the attack, and declared the Generals Luaces and Llano traitors to their King and country for having surrendered the cities of Queretaro and Puebla. The heroes of Tepeaca, Cordova, and Toluca were, however, not so easily scared, and a column of fifteen hundred men sent by Colonel Bustamente against Azcapuzalco presented to the inhabitants of Mexico the sight of a most bloody and desperate action that took place between them and an equal number of the regiments of Castile and military orders that composed the garrison of Azcapuzalco, the result of which was at least six hundred killed and wounded, and the abandonment of the town by the Europeans. A few days after, an attempt was made to dislodge the Europeans

PAGE 215

DOCUMENT 868: OCTOBER 25, 1 82 1 l6ll that were stationed in Guadalupe, by means of cannon placed on a neighboring hill; and while this operation was carrying on by a part of the Independents, and others were taking possession of Tacuba and Tacubaya, from both of which towns the Europeans had retired, an aid-de-camp arrived with a copy of the treaty of Cordova, concluded between General O'Donoju and Iturbide, and an order from the former to Sr. Novella, commanding him to obey him as captain general of the kingdom, to cause him to be recognised as such by the troops, to cease all hostilities from the instant he should receive the order, and to adopt measures for the evacuation of the city. This peremptory mandate on one side, and the near approach of the Independents on the other, placed Novella, the Junta, and their European troops in an awkward predicament; inasmuch as, if they obeyed the order, they would be subject to arrest and trial for the scandalous imprisonment of the late viceroy; and if they refused compliance, to be treated as rebels against the King's authority: their object, therefore, was to shelter themselves from the punishment they had justly deserved in the best manner they could. And, with this view, although they were perfectly convinced of the presence of O'Donoju in the kingdom, and of the reality of the treaty signed in Cordova, they nevertheless affected to doubt the truth of one and the other, alleging that all might be a stratagem of Iturbide; and on this frivolous pretext refused to evacuate the city. On the deposition of the Conde del Venadito, the Junta Provincial Ayuntamiento, and other bodies corporate, hesitated to acknowledge the authority of Novella, but were obliged to do so eventually, from the fear of the bayonets he had at his command. Now, however, that they were surrounded by the Independents, and backed by O'Donoju, they openly protested against his proceedings, and, in consequence, he was obliged to ask for an armistice, and compelled to send one of the Junta Consultiva to Puebla to ascertain, as he said, the identity of the captain general. This envoy, who had hitherto been one of the most strenuous supporters of the measures of Novella, and one of the most active members of the Junta, received such a fright from the lecture O'Donoju gave him, that he immediately returned, explained fully to Novella all that had passed, and forever afterwards ceased to meddle in the matters at issue. Novella was also inclined to succumb, and would have renounced his employ, had it not been for fear of the troops; he having lost all authority, and they having usurped the command, so that the city was in the utmost anarchy and confusion, and dreading at every instant a general massacre and pillage, with which it had been threatened daily for near a month, and which would most assuredly have succeeded had it not been for the proximity and number of the Independent army, that cut off all possibility of escape for the European troops, whose idea was to commit all sorts of enormity, rob what they could, and take the road for Vera Cruz. Things had got to that pass that it was impossible to confide in a servant,

PAGE 216

l6l2 PART IX: COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO and dangerous to do so in a friend ; every thing like social intercourse was at an end; those that could with any sort of convenience leave the city, fled: and those that were obliged to remain, sought security in their houses; so that, in this once populous metropolis, there was scarce a soul to be seen. In this state of things, the Generals O'Donoju and Iturbide arrived at Tacubaya, and the former had an interview with Sr. Novella, in the course of which he gave him to understand the impropriety of his conduct in resisting the legitimate authority as long as he did, the impossibility of defending the city, and the certainty of the massacre of the Europeans, should it be taken by assault; remonstrated with him respecting the insubordination of the troops, pointed out to him the illegality of their conduct, and enjoined him to prevent the effusion of blood, by exercising the little influence he had with the subaltern officers and soldiers, in the understanding that he would not take upon him to scrutinize their conduct in the arrest of the late viceroy, but leave them to exculpate themselves in the best way they could on arriving in Spain. The following day news was received of the surrender of the city of Durango and General Cruz to General Negrete, after an obstinate resistance, in the course of which many lives were lost, and the declaration of independence in the western internal provinces, under the command of Field Marshal Alexo Garcia Conde; so that if the soldiers of Novella had before any hope, it now entirely disappeared, and, in order to avoid a disgraceful capitulation, were obliged to acknowledge the supremacy of General O'Donoju, obey his orders by evacuating the city, and march to that of Toluca, there to wait until it was convenient for them to embark. To complete the independence of the kingdom, there was now wanting the declaration of the province of Merida de Yucatan, which followed almost immediately the surrender of Acapulco, the castle of Perote, and Vera Cruz; the two former of which capitulated soon after, and the latter has, without doubt, ere this followed their example, advice having been received yesterday by the Government that it was on the eve of surrendering. The province of Guatemala, which has always been a separate viceroyalty from that of Mexico, was also sensible of the general impulse, and, desirous of becoming an integral part of the Mexican empire, has likewise sworn independence, which, without doubt, will extend to its neighboring provinces, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Veragua, so that we may from this instant consider North America, with the exception of Canada, as divided into two grand and important commonwealths, that may, with the aid of those that are forming in South America, be able, in the course of time, to give the law to the opposite continent. I am very far from believing myself possessed of the qualities necessary to treat with the energy and exactness that it merits a subject of the importance of that on which I have ventured to write, and certainly should not have had the temerity to have touched upon it, had it not been for the particular

PAGE 217

DOCUMENT 868: OCTOBER 25, 1 82 1 1613 situation in which I found myself, an eye-witness of all that passed, and from the conviction I have ever been under, that each individual is bound to contribute towards the good of his country to the utmost of his ability, be it great or small. With this view, therefore, I shall, now that I have finished my narrative, take the liberty to add a few remarks, and to say, in the first place, that the revolution which I have attempted to describe is not one of those that have been accomplished by means of unbridled passions, cruelty, rancor, or revenge, but, on the contrary, has, from its commencement, been accompanied with brotherly love, patriotism, disinterestedness, truth, and good faith ; so that the more I reflect on its origin and progress, the more is my admiration excited, and the more am I tempted to exclaim that America has produced two of the greatest heroes that ever existed — Washington and Iturbide. Secondly, that the new Government is established on a sure and solid foundation, the people being highly delighted with it, and the subordinate chiefs, officers, and soldiers having one and all implicitly followed the example of moderation set them by their magnanimous leader, who, to obviate strife, envy, and emulation, has absolutely refused the crown, and insisted that the Emperor shall come from Spain, as he first proposed in the town of Iguala. Indeed, the plan there published has been adhered to with the most religious scrupulosity, except the slight variations made in it by the treaty of Cordova, at the suggestion of General O'Donoju; and the empire is, in consequence, governed by a regency of five of its most distinguished and enlightened statesmen, who have elected General Iturbide President, and appointed him commander-in-chief of the land and sea forces, and by a convention of thirty-six of the principal personages in the empire, as respects talents, rank, and riches. The independence is to be sworn in this city on the 27th instant, and the Cortes are to meet on the 24th of February next, the anniversary of the declaration in Iguala. In the mean time, the convention will be employed in enacting the most salutary decrees; and among those already passed is one declaring the commerce of this empire free to all nations; another, doing away all the arbitrary taxes, impositions, and excises imposed by the former Government; a third, reducing the duties from sixteen to six per cent.; a fourth, for the encouragement of the miners, relinquishing to them the quota of silver formerly paid to the King, with other imposts that amounted to seventeen per cent. ; so that many poor minerals that could not be worked before, can now be used to advantage; and a fifth, recognising and making the new Government responsible for the debt contracted by the old one, of thirty-six millions of dollars. That there is a strong bias in the minds of the people of this country in favor of the Government and citizens of the United States in preference to all other nations, is beyond a doubt; and that the convention, of which fourfifths are native Americans, and the Regency, which is composed entirely of them, are actuated with the same sentiments, is also certain. On this

PAGE 218

1614 PART IX : COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO subject I have had various conferences with the leading members of the administration, whose sentiments will be fully explained to you shortly by Don Juan Manuel de Elizalda, the minister plenipotentiary that is already named, and now preparing to go to Washington, where I have no doubt he will be received and acknowledged as the representative of a free and independent nation; the Mexican empire being so at this time to all intents and purposes, in the first place, by the unanimous wish and consent, power and authority, of its inhabitants; and, secondly, by the treaty signed at Cordova, between the Generals O'Donoju and Iturbide, the deputed agents of Spain and this empire. Your most obedient [etc.]. 869 Jose Manuel Herrera, Secretary of State of Mexico, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l [translation] Mexico, November jo, 1821. Sir: Our Provinces having withdrawn from the Spanish Government, the Capital being occupied by our armies, and the authorities being established, which conformably to the Plan proclaimed in Iguala, and to the Treaties concluded in Cordova are to govern this vast Empire until the installation of the constituent national Congress; the Governing Regency immediately thought it a primary obligation upon them to communicate with all despatch to the Nations these great events, which have gloriously terminated our war of liberty, an object of the utmost importance which for eleven years has kept the politicians of the whole world in suspense. The People of Mexico are now free and independent; but animated with the tenderest sentiments of humanity, and guided by principles of the purest philanthropy; at the same time that they refuse to submit to the yoke of foreign domination, they are desirous of being united to all Governments by means of friendly alliances and connections, which being founded on reason and good faith may insure the inestimable gift of peace, may be the fruitful source of prosperity to the Universe. The United States of North America have a preferable right to demand of the Mexican Empire these considerations the more just and reasonable because they are supported by the well known maxims of policy; and even nature herself has separated these nations from Europe by immense seas, and placed them upon the same continent: this has doubtless taken place that they might make common cause in reciprocally supplying their necessities, and cooperating for their mutual felicity. 1 MS. Notes from Mexican Legation, I.

PAGE 219

DOCUMENT 870: SEPTEMBER 24, l822 1615 With these laudable views I have the honour to communicate to you, Sir, by order of the Governing Regency, the triumph of the Mexican Patriots commanded by the immortal Iturbide, to whose talents, virtues, and indefatigable vigilance, a Colony, enslaved for three centuries, owes the restoration of its rights, and its elevation to the rank of a Sovereign nation, as its population, its wealth, and its intelligence demand. Herewith are sent a collection of the numbers of the Imperial Gazette published to this date, and some other publications which afford an idea of the present state of this Empire, in order that you may be enabled to lay the whole before this Supreme Government, until our envoy come, who will not delay coming legally authorized, and according to the formalities prescribed by the Law of Nations to manage the affairs which it is proper to promote, by communicating the relations that are to be brought forward between two Nations destined to be united in the bonds of the most intimate and cordial fraternity. The Bearer of this is Don Santiago [James] Smith Wilcocks worthy, from his honour and probity, of this confidence which I promise myself he will execute with the zeal which he has manifested to me. Deign, Sir, to accept [etc.]. 870 Jose Manuel Herrera, Secretary of State of Mexico, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 1 [translation] Mexico, September 24, 1822. The letter of the 23d of April last 2 in answer to that of the 30th of November 3 which I had the honour to address to you accompanied with Imperial Gazettes and other public papers containing important information concerning this new State, was handed to me by Mr. James Smith Wilcocks with a collection of official prints relative to the public affairs of that country. Much as I have been gratified with the polite expression announcing the cordiality of the just and well founded relations which will very soon unite our two friendly nations, the information that the worthy President of the United States will appoint a Minister to represent their interests near this Government, has been exceedingly flattering to me, and as it is desirous of giving to its neighbours of the North the most solemn proof of the desires which it entertains for their friendship and good understanding, it has appointed with due power and authority as Envoy Extraordinary and Min1 MS. Notes from Mexican Legation, I. 2 Not printed in this collection. 3 See above, pt. ix, doc. 869.

PAGE 220

l6l6 PART IX \ COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO ister Plenipotentiary, His Excellency Don Manuel Zozaya, who will have the honour of delivering you this in person, hoping that he will meet in that Republic the most kind reception, which the noble and generous sentiments, manifested towards this new Empire gives reason to expect by anticipation. I had already formed a high opinion of Mr. Smith Wilcocks, and given him unequivocal proof how much his virtues were appreciated. In future my exertions shall be redoubled to render him comfortable, that he may understand how powerfully the recommendation, which you have been pleased to give me of this person, weighs with me. I pray you, Sir, to accept [etc.]. 871 Letter of credence to Jose Manuel Zozaya, Mexican Minister to the United States l [translation] Mexico, September 25, 1822. Augustine by Divine Providence and by the Congress of the Nation, First Constitutional Emperor of Mexico and Grand Master of the Imperial Order of Guadaloupe. Whereas having come to the occupation of the Throne of the Mexican Nation by the free and solemnly declared votes of all its inhabitants it is one of my first cares to promote and solicit the recognition of the Independence among the Foreign Powers with which the Empire is desirous of establishing and maintaining relations of amity and good understanding: it being my duty to appoint for this purpose Ministers duly authorized who in quality of Envoys Extraordinary and previously obtaining the recognition of said Powers, may stipulate and adjust with the Ministers who on their part may be appointed, the Treaties and Conventions most advantageous to the respective States: Therefore having full trust and confidence in you D. Jose Manuel Zozaya my honorary Counsellor of State, that you will faithfully execute so important a mission, from the proofs which you have given of capacity and zeal in the service of your Country, I have given you as by these presents I give and grant to you all my power in virtue of the authority vested in me as the elected and sworn Emperor of the Mexican Empire, that going to the City of Washington the Capital of the United States of North America, in the character of my Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary near the Supreme Government of that Republic, you solicit the recognition of the Independence of this Empire of Mexico, and having 1 MS. Notes from Mexican Legation, I.

PAGE 221

DOCUMENT 872: APRIL 4, 1823 1617 obtained it, that you treat, conclude and sign in my name the stipulations and conventions which the interest of both Nations may require with the Minister or Ministers equally authorized for that purpose, considering as I now consider as valid and binding whatever you may thus treat, conclude and sign, and offering upon my word that I will observe and fulfil it, as if it had been concluded and signed by myself, urging and causing to issue the letters of ratification in due form and commanding them to be delivered that they may be exchanged at the time agreed upon. In faith of which I have ordered to despatch these presents signed by my hand, sealed with the seal of the Empire and countersigned by my underwritten Secretary of State and of Despatch of interior and exterior relations in Mexico the twenty fifth of September, one thousand eight hundred and twenty two, second of Independence. Agustin — Jose Man 1 , de Herrera — Your Imperial Majesty appoints as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary near the Government of the United States the honorary Counsellor of State, Don Jose Manuel Zozaya. 872 Jose Manuel Zozaya, Mexican Minister to the United States, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l Mexico, April 4, 1823 [?]. Sir: Before undertaking my journey for New Orleans which will be on Wednesday next, I have received from the actual Secretary of State of the Government of Mexico the following communication: "By the accompanying Documents your Excellency will be informed of the change of Government which has taken place in the Mexican Nation you will therefore give to that Cabinet information of our Political regeneration which all the Nation has received with the greatest enthusiasm and jubilee. God preserve your Excellency many years. Mexico 4th of April 1823. third of Independence and second of liberty. Jose Ignacio Garcia Yllueca". I have the honor of transcribing to your Excellency this communication and to accompany it with such Documents as may prove useful. I have the honor [etc.]. 1 MS. Notes from Mexican Legation, I.

PAGE 222

l6l8 PART IX: COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO 873 T. Reilly, Vice Consul of the United States at Vera Cruz, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l Anchorage of Sacrificio, October 2 & 3, 1823. Sir: The departure of Mr. Taylor for the U. S. & the Commission of Vice Consul, which that Gentleman left me, render it my duty to inform You, that, on the 25th of September two days after the sailing of the U. S. Ship Hornet from V Cruz the Spanish Garrison of St Juan de Ulloa [San Juan de Ulua], commenced hostilities against that City, by a fire of shot & shells, which with short intervals of rest, has continued to this day, it is true with very little injury as yet, to the City. The Mexican forts have always answered this fire, it is impossible to foresee the termination of this warfare, but as it may in its consequences compromise American property to a large amount, I doubt not, the subject will receive from our Government, the attention which it merits. Herewith I transmit you, copy of my letter on this subject, 2 to the Commanding Officer of the U. S. Naval forces in this quarter. I have the honor [etc.]. 874 T. Reilly, Vice Consul of the United States at Vera Cruz, to Commodore David Porter, commanding the United States Squadron at Thompson 1 s Island 3 Anchorage of Sacrificio, October 4, 1823. Sir: Forty eight hours after the sailing of the U. S. Ship Hornet from the Port of Vera Cruz, the Castle of St John de Ulloa [San Juan de Ulua] opened its fire, on the Town & forts of Vera Cruz, which has continued from the 25th of last month to this day, at intervals, always answered by the Mexican forts, the injury done on either side is very trifling but commerce is driven from V. Cruz & must resort to other Points. Alvarado, a Bar harbor, 36 miles SE from this place, admitting vessels of 1 1 feet, is the Point, which in all probability, will be most resorted to. It is impossible to foresee, the termination of these hostils. & should the Spanish Authorities of Cuba, support the Governor of Ulloa, in his mad attack, it is somewhat probable, that a blockade of Alvarado & of the Mexican Coast generally may be undertaken, in such an event, the property of Citizens of the U. S. to a considerable amount, may be placed in imminent hazard, & will require to relieve it from jeopardy, some interference on the part of our GoVernment & of our naval force. 1 MS. Consular Letters, Vera Cruz, I. 2 See following document (874). 3 MS. Letters, Vera Cruz, I. Enclosure in Reilly to Adams, which see above, pt. ix, doc. 873.

PAGE 223

DOCUMENT 875: OCTOBER 13, 1823 1619 There are at present, in the Port of Alvarado, the Sch r Fame of PhilacK, & a Sch r from N Orleans — the Brig George & the Sch r Tom, both of PhilacK, sail from this Anchorage, on to'morrow for the same Place, several vessels richly laden are dayly expected from the U. S. & a large amount in Specie belonging to our Citizens & intended to be shipped for our Country is dayly looked for from the Interior. I deem it my duty to apprize you of these circums ts . Your Patriotism & vigilance, leave no doubt, you will promptly adopt, such measures as the case may require. With much respect [etc.]. 875 T. Reilly, Vice Consul of the United States at Vera Cruz, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 1 Alvarado, October ij, 1823. Sir: I had the honor to address you, c/o Sch r Camella, informing of the rupture & hostilities, between the Spanish garrison in the Castle of Ulloa, & the Mexican Government, the latter has, on the 25th ulto, issued a Declaration of War against Spain, & the contending Parties, are dayly engaged at Vera Cruz, in the exchange of shot & shells. I again beg leave, to sollicit the necessary attention of our Government, to the commerce of the U. S. in this quarter, Alvarado will at present, with difficulty admit vessels drawing 10 feet, those of greater draft must proceed to the anchorage of Punto Lozardo W. NW of this 21 miles, or to that of Sacrificio, in the same direction 30 miles, where they will find shelter from the heavy gales of this season, but no protection from pirates or the depredations of Spanish Cruizers, which may be sent on this Coast, A Vessel of War of the U. S. would be sufficient to protect our Trade to this Country, which is already of great value & will probably increase much, in consequence of the prohibition against the Spanish Flag. The most convenient station, for such Vessel of War, would be at the Anchorage of Sacrificio, 3 miles SE of Vera Cruz. I have the honor [etc.]. 1 MS. Consular Letters, Vera Cruz, I.

PAGE 224

1 620 PART IX : COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO 876 William Taylor, United States Consul for Vera Cruz and Alvarado, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 1 [extract] New York, October 25, 1823. . . . For several days prior to my departure, there was much disorder in Vera Cruz. All intercourse was prohibited with the Castle. The old Spaniards fled there for protection. And Lamaur, the General of the Castle, like most other animals when about to loose [sic] their prey, flew into a most[?] passion — & threatened to batter down the Town, unless Gouvern* should desist from what he called their offensive measures. Which amounted only to this, to wit, Gouvern^ determined to make Sacrificio — (4 or 5 miles from Vera Cruz) a Port of entry — to shut up Vera Cruz, prohibit all intercourse with the Castle, and thus, leave Lemaur to Lord it over the empty harbour of Vera Cruz, a measure that will, if persevered in by Gouvern 1 soon put them in possession of the Castle. On the evening of the 23rd ult° was the time Lemaur threatened to fire upon the City. When the Hornet sailed, his matches were lighted, and yet notwithstanding all this "dreadful note of preparation" I am inclined to the belief — that nothing further has transpired — because the Houses in Vera Cruz belong mostly to Spaniards. I am [etc.]. 877 William Taylor, United States Consul for Vera Cruz and Alvarado, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] Alvarado, March 2Q, 1824. I was two days in Vera Cruz — from 6 in the evening until 8 in the morning the Castle kept up a constant fire. Throughout the day not one gun was fired — by other party. The City has not suffered as much as might have been expected — five hundred dollars would repair the damages sustained by any one House. 1 MS. Consular Letters, Vera Cruz, I.

PAGE 225

DOCUMENT 879: APRIL 8, 1 825 1 62 1 878 William Taylor, United Stales Consul for Vera Cruz and Alvarado, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] Alvarado, October 20, 1824. . . . Yucatan still continues her intercourse with Cuba, but Santana, having from some cause or other resigned the Govern [or]ship of that State, His Successor, who has not yet sailed hence, will doubtless shut the Ports of Campeachy & Sisal ag l Spanish Commerce, when the event of last winter may reasonably be expected to be renewed. The castle of San Juan de Ulua remains in statu quo. If it is ever given up, it will not be until this Gouvernment shall have acquired the aid of some maritime Power. Their own exertions amount to nothing. There is a strong and marked preference shewn to the English owing to their loans. — Whilst our recognition of their Independ 6 passes for nothing, since it was unaccompanied by aid of any sort. 879 William Taylor, United States Consul for Vera Cruz and Alvarado, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] Alvarado, April 8, 1825. The Agents of this Gouvernment are trying the force of Intrigue with the new General of the Castle of San Juan de Ulua, Coppenger. It is whispered about that their prospects are good. I have the honor [etc.]. 1 MS. Consular Letters, Vera Cruz, I.

PAGE 226

1 622 PART IX: COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO 880 Joel Roberts Poinsett, United States Minister to Mexico, to James Smith Wilcocks, United States Consul at Mexico l Puebla, May 15, 1825. Dear Sir: I have this moment received your letter of the 12th. instant, 2 in which you mention your conversation with the Secretary of State, on the subject of my reception. I wish you would say to him, that the government of the United States will be much flattered and I highly gratified, that this government should adopt the republican simplicity of our form of receiving foreign Ministers; provided that form be general. To receive every minister from a foreign state exactly in the same manner as that state receives ministers accredited to it, would be very objectionable. Every court in Europe has its own forms, which are applicable to all. The rank of the Envoy makes the only distinction in his mode of reception. For instance, a Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of America is received with the same forms and ceremonies at the court of St. Petersburg as a Minister from Austria, Paris or London, altho' the reception of a Russian Minister at Washington is attended with precisely the same ceremonies as that of all other Ministers, that is to say, with as little as possible. The same observation applies to the courts of London, Paris, Madrid &? The Minister from Mexico was received by the President of the United States at Washington in the same manner and with the same forms and ceremonies as those from Paris, St. Petersburg or London. I repeat, therefore, that if it be the intention of this government to regard my reception as a precedent, I shall not be satisfied, but highly gratified, to be received with the utmost republican simplicity. But the government of the United States, after its generous and disinterested conduct towards these countries; after having by negociation and example so largely contributed to the recognition of their Independence, would have just cause of complaint, if any distinction, derogatory to its character, were to be made between the reception of its Envoy and that of any crowned head in Europe. I am [etc.]. 1 MS. Dispatches from Mexico, I, enclosed in Poinsett to Secretary of State, June 4. 1825, which see below, pt. ix, doc. 884. 2 The following is the portion of Wilcocks's letter of May 12 referred to: As the British Commissioner had been received here with great ceremony, I asked the Secretary of State, in an informal conversation I had with him, in what manner you would be received. He replied, that as yet no particular form or etiquette had been established by the Government for the reception of foreign Ministers; but in your case, similar attentions in every respect should be paid to you, as were manifested by our government to their Minister at Washington — which, I presume, will be none at all.

PAGE 227

DOCUMENT 882: JUNE I, 1 825 1623 881 Address of Guadalupe Victoria, President of Mexico, to the British Chargi d' Affaires, May 31, 1825 l The ties which have heretofore bound this nation to a power of Europe being dissolved forever, she has assumed of right that rank, to which the Laws of nature and the will of her people entitle her, and placed herself on the list of independent and sovereign nations. Already we have reached this fortunate state, and the justice of that great people who sustain the liberties of the world, has yielded the respect due to our rights and to the stability, which their profound policy has recognized in the United Mexican States. We are placed beyond the reach of dangers — the revolution is terminated — our institutions are organised — the sources of our national wealth are opened, and every interest is identified with the honor and existence of the Republic. By these results our Independence and our Liberty are confirmed. The glorious struggle has resounded throughout the world, and its ultimate objects are accomplished. Great Britain has recognised us free and independent. I have every reason, then, to be assured, that the mutual friendship of both nations will be perpetuated by the causes, which have led to the expression of these sentiments. My best wishes are cordially identified with the prosperity of the British nation. I cannot but express my satisfaction, that a person so worthy has been charged with the affairs of Great Britain near the Republic. 882 Address of Joel Roberts Poinsett, United States Minister to Mexico, to Guadalupe Victoria, President of Mexico, June 1, 1825 l Most Excellent Sir: In presenting to your Excellency the credentials which have just been read, it affords me the highest satisfaction to place them in the hands of a person so distinguished, not only for his heroic efforts in the cause of the Independence of his country, but for his devoted attachment to civil liberty. The United States of America recognise the right every nation possesses to adopt the form of government it may judge best adapted to its circumstances and most likely to secure the happiness of its people. It cannot however, 1 MS. Dispatches from Mexico, I, enclosed in Poinsett to Secretary of State, June 4, 1825, which see below, pt. ix, doc. 884.

PAGE 228

1624 PART IX: COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO be denied, that they regarded with deep interest the political movements of this country and the final decision of the Mexican people. It is with unfeigned satisfaction, that they have seen the only free government that borders on them, erect itself into a sister republic, and it has been peculiarly flattering to them, that it should have made choice of a Federal Constitution so similar to their own. They ardently hope, that it may contribute in an equal degree to the prosperity of the people it governs. The principles, upon which the right of Independence has been maintained in these countries, are not only identical with those, upon which that of the United States of America was asserted and achieved, but rest upon the same imperishable foundation — the sovereignty of the people and the unalienable rights of Man. To a cause reposing upon such a basis, the people of the United States could not be indifferent. From the first dawning of the Independence of these states, their sympathies have been with great unanimity and constancy enlisted in its favor ; they have watched its struggles and vicissitudes with intense interest, and have rejoiced like brothers in its successful termination. The sentiments of the Government of the United States of America have been in perfect harmony with those of their people, and their political course such as was prescribed by their relative duties to all parties. At an early period of the struggle between Spain and her colonies, they considered it in the light of a civil war, in which both parties were entitled to equal rights. They have never ceased by their negociations to exert their influence with Spain and the other nations of Europe in favor of the American States; and have frequently represented to the former the policy of concluding a peace with her late colonies. As soon as it appeared, that Spain had no longer any prospect of maintaining her dominion over these countries, and that they had established governments of their own, and within a year after Mexico had declared her Independence, the United States acknowledged it by a solemn act, which passed their Congress with unexampled unanimity. They have since declared, that they would not regard with indifference any attempt on the part of the powers of Europe to wrest it from them. In this act of recognition, they took the lead of the whole civilised world, and gave an example, which has since been followed by the freest government of Europe, and which, by this act, has shewn itself to be the most magnanimous. It is by no means my intention in this recapitulation of the course of policy pursued towards these countries by the United States of America, to boast of services rendered, or to solicit any favors in return. The United States will require no privileges for their citizens from this government, which they will not be willing on their part to accord to the citizens of Mexico. They wish only to see the friendly relations between the two countries so extended and harmonized as to promote the welfare of both ; and that the first foundations of the permanent future intercourse between them should be laid in principles

PAGE 229

DOCUMENT 883: JUNE I, 1 825 1 62 5 not only benevolent and liberal in themselves, but consistent with the policy and interests of both governments. The President of the United States of America has confided to me full powers to conclude Treaties of limits and of commerce, and I cannot but congratulate myself in having been chosen by him to form the first political relations between two sister republics, which, from their position, their policy, and their mutual interests, must forever be united in the strictest bonds of friendship. 883 Reply of Guadalupe Victoria, President of Mexico, to the address of Joel Roberts Poinsett, United States Minister to Mexico, June i, 1825 1 Two nations fortunately bordering on each other, find themselves still more strongly united by the important relations of that liberty, which both enjoy, by the fundamental laws which govern them, and by that community of interests, which, in the balance of the world, has identified the fortune and the destiny of the United States of North America with the destiny and fortune of Mexico. This great people, on being relieved from their humiliating guardianship, fixed their eyes on the examples set them by the people of the North, and the remembrance of the Father of American Liberty, of George Washington, is as grateful to them as that of the heroes, who have here laid with their blood the foundations of Justice, Peace and Philanthropy. I must Excellent Sir, in conformity with the wishes of the United Mexican States, congratulate myself, with all to whom the liberty of America is dear, that the bonds that unite these nations, which have with so much dignity raised their heads and sustained the lights of the new world, should be drawn closer and closer. It is with the utmost satisfaction, that I recognise in your Excellency the Representative of a friendly and sister Republic, and that I offer you the sentiments of my highest consideration. 1 MS. Dispatches from Mexico, I, enclosed in Poinsett to Secretary of State, June 4, 1825, which see below, pt. ix, doc. 884.

PAGE 230

1626 PART IX : COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO 884 Joel Roberts Poinsett, United States Minister to Mexico, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l Mexico, June 4, 1825. Dear Sir: On the 1st of June, I was received by the President of the United Mexican States, at a public audience, at which the foreign Ministers, Secretaries of the government, and Deputations from the Ecclesiastical, civil and military authorities of the general government assisted. Mr Ward, the Charge des Affaires from His Britannic Majesty, had been received the day before, with precisely the same forms and ceremonies. I understand the only difference to have been, that on his reception, those who were cited alone were present; whereas on the 1st, the room was crowded to suffocation with Senators, Members of Congress, and respectable inhabitants of the city. I availed myself of the opportunity to set the conduct of the United States towards these countries in its true light. I thought such an exposition absolutely necessary after the speech of the President of these states to the British Charge on the preceding day. IT IS MANIFEST THAT THE BRITISH HAVE MADE GOOD USE OF THEIR TIME AND OPPORTUNITIES. THE PRESIDENT AND THREE OF THE SECRETARIES OF STATE TREASURY AND ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS ARE IN THEIR INTEREST. WE HAVE A VERY RESPECTABLE PARTY IN BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS AND A VAST MAJORITY OF THE PEOPLE ARE IN FAVOR OF THE STRICTEST UNION WITH THE UNITED STATES THEY REGARD THE BRITISH WITH DISTRUST. The papers 2 that accompany this are marked A. B. C. D. A. a letter to Mr Wilcocks, on the subject of my reception at this court. B. The President's speech on the reception of the British Charge, who did not reply or pronounce any discourse. C. my discourse to the President. D. His reply. I have the honor [etc.]. 885 Joel Roberts Poinsett, United States Minister to Mexico, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States 3 [extract] Mexico, June 15, 1825. This government has received official information of the dispersion of the royalist forces, commanded by Gen. Olaneta in Upper Peru. The main body 1 MS. Dispatches from Mexico, I. The portion of this document printed in small capital letters was received in cipher. 2 See above, pt. ix, under the respective dates May 15, (doc. 880); May 31, (doc. 881); June 1, (doc. 882); and another of same date (doc. 883). 3 MS. Dispatches from Mexico, I.

PAGE 231

DOCUMENT 885: JUNE 1 5, 1 825 1 62 7 of his army, which was in Cochabamba, has gone over to the Patriots. Bolivar writes, that there is no longer any occasion for his presence in Upper Peru, and declines marching his forces any further into that country. He considers the war terminated there, and urges this government to send their deputies to Panama earlier than was before proposed (October next), expressing his earnest wishes, that the meeting may not be delayed later than July next. The object of hastening the meeting of this American Congress is, doubtless, to concert measures for attacking Cuba. Proposals were made to these States by the government of Colombia, through their Minister here, to make a joint attack on Cuba. The subject was fully discussed by Congress in secret session, and they finally resolved that such an enterprise would be inexpedient at present. One reason urged was the fear, that Great Britain might be opposed to the Independence of Cuba, as they suppose, that nation would apprehend a similar movement in Jamaica, the fact however is that they have ambitious views on THAT ISLAND, AND WOULD PREFER UNDERTAKING THE EXPEDITION WITHOUT THE AID OF COLOMBIA. THE PEOPLE OF CUBA HAVE AGENTS HERE AND IN COLOMBIA IN ORDER TO SOLICIT THE AID OF THOSE GOVERNMENTS. I AM DISPOSED TO BELIEVE THAT THEY FLATTER BOTH WITH THE EXPECTATION, THAT CUBA WILL UNITE ITSELF TO THEM. HERE THEY CONFESS TO ME THAT THEY HAVE DONE SO WITH A VIEW OF STIMULATING THIS GOVERNMENT TO UNDERTAKE THE EXPEDITION. THEY ASSURE ME THAT THE PRESIDENT HAD GIVEN HIS WORD TO USE HIS INFLUENCE IN FAVOR OF THE PROJECT WITH CONGRESS WHICH IS TO BE ASSEMBLED IN JULY OR AUGUST, AND TOLD THEM THAT ONE MILLION WAS SET APART TO DEFRAY THE EXPENSES OF THE EXPEDITION. THE INDUCEMENT HELD OUT TO THE PEOPLE OF CUBA TO BECOME A PART OF THIS CONFEDERATION IS, THAT GREAT BRITAIN HAVING RECOGNISED THE INDEPENDENCE OF MEXICO, THAT OF CUBA WOULD BE SECURED, IN THE ACT OF BECOMING A STATE OR STATES OF MEXICO. I TOOK OCCASION LAST NIGHT TO SPEAK TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE ON THE SUBJECT. HE DID NOT DENY THAT I WAS ACCURATELY INFORMED AS TO THE DISPOSITION OF SOME MEMBERS OF GOVERNMENT TO ANNEX CUBA TO MEXICO, BUT ASSURED ME THAT HE, HIMSELF, WAS OPPOSED TO IT. THE GREATER SECURITY AGAINST THIS EVENT WILL BE IN THE JEALOUSY OF THE GOVERNMENT OF COLOMBIA, AND IN THE DISPOSITION OF THE PEOPLE OF CUBA. BOTH OUGHT IMMEDIATELY TO BE OPERATED UPON. I HAVE NO MEANS OF COMMUNICATING WITH OUR MINISTER AT BOGOTA.

PAGE 232

1628 PART IX: COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO 886 Lucas Alaman, Secretary of State of Mexico, to Joel Roberts Poinsett, United States Minister to Mexico l National Palace of Mexico, August 16, 1825. Most Excellent Sir: I have the honor to enclose to your excellency, numbered 1 to 5, copies 2 of the communications received by this Government from their agent in Jamaica, and of a paragraph from a Kingston Gazette, which he sends with them. Whatever degree of credit may be given to the intelligence of the union of French maritime forces in Martinique, to the number of 28 sail, and which is founded on two notices, confirmatory of each other, the fact appears undoubted that a French squadron, composed of two ships-ofthe-line, seven frigates, and two brigs, passed Cape St. Nicholas, sailing in the direction of Havana, since, as your excellency will see by the copy No. 4, the commander of the Colombian schooner-of-war, the Zulma, gives official notice to his Government of his having fallen in with it, and of having spoken one of the frigates. By the paragraph of the Jamaica Gazette, copied in No. 5, your excellency will see that it is said, although on information less certain, that French troops had disembarked in the island of Cuba, and that its capital was about to be garrisoned by French troops. Supposing only so much of all this to be true as is absolutely incontestable, which is, that a French squadron, composed of nine large vessels and two smaller, has appeared off the coast of the island of Cuba, sailing in the direction of the Havana, and immediately the question occurs, What is the object of this force? Undoubtedly, it will not be pretended that it is to protect the French commerce in the West Indian seas, for it is very well known that in them it has no other enemies but the pirates, who are enemies to all nations, and against these, it is clear, there would not be sent large vessels united in squadron ; neither can it be said that these vessels have for their object the island of St. Domingo, because it would always be asked wherefore they were directed towards the Havana? And even should such excuses be alleged instead of an admissible explanation, they would only, in the present state of these countries, call to mind the cordon sanitaire, under pretext was organized on the frontiers of Spain, the very Army which was to invade it. If it is pretended that a French squadron may go to the Havana without causing well founded alarm, because that place is in the possession of Spain, it should be remembered that Havana is the headquarters of the Spanish forces in the present war against the American continent. From thence have issued the reinforcements and every description of supplies for the Spanish Army which fought in Colombia, and from thence the Spanish garrison of the Castle of San Juan de Ulloa still maintains itself; so that even in the case when the Spaniards of the Havana would receive no direct aid from the French forces, 1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, VI, 364. 2 Not printed in this collection.

PAGE 233

DOCUMENT 887: AUGUST 1 7, 1 825 1 629 these, by placing that bay under shelter, give to the former the means of attacking us, by leaving them at liberty to dispose of their ships-of-war against us, and even of their land forces. This reasoning would be much stronger, if, as reported, the fortresses of the Havana have been garrisoned by French troops, under whatsoever pretext those may have been delivered up to them; for such a measure can produce no other effect than to leave the Spanish forces free to undertake expeditions against the continent. Under whatever aspect this extraordinary and secret union of French forces in Martinique be considered, and, much more, their employment on the island of Cuba, the President of this Republic can do no less than see in it an act positively hostile against the independent States of America, or, at least, so suspicious that it justly demands the attention of this Government. That of your excellency has declared, in the most solemn manner, that it will never consent that any third Power interfere in the existing question between Spain and the independent States of America which formerly were part of her dominions. The conduct of France, in the step to which I refer, is certainly an interference which, for being dissembled, is not more excusable. The President, therefore, directs me to inform your excellency of these important events, and to request that you will be pleased to bring them to the notice of your Government, from whose friendship he hopes that it will ask of that of his most Catholic Majesty such explanations as the case requires, which may serve also as a rule of proceeding to these States, which, in the meantime, under these circumstances, will find themselves obliged to adopt that line of conduct with respect to France which may be dictated by prudence and the necessity of preserving their dignity and political existence. The President flatters himself that the Government of your excellency will see in this step a new and distinguished proof of the confidence and reciprocity of interests which happily exists between both nations. I have the honor [etc.]. 887 Joel Roberts Poinsett, United States Minister to Mexico, to Lucas Alamdn, Secretary of State of Mexico l Mexico, August 17, 1825. Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your excellency's note of the 1 6th instant, 2 together with the copies of the communications which this Government has received from its agent in Jamaica, and of a paragraph from the Gazette of Kingston, numbered from one to five. ^American State Papers, Foreign Relations, VI, 365. 2 See above, pt. ix, doc. 886. The enclosures are not printed in this collection.

PAGE 234

163O PART IX: COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO In compliance with his excellency the President's desire, I shall immediately transmit them to my Government, not doubting that the President of the United States will take measures to obtain the explanations which his excellency the President of these States solicits him to ask from his most Catholic Majesty. I beg your excellency to assure the President that in the declaration made by the late President of the United States, in his message to Congress of the 2d of December, 1823, respecting the policy it would become the United States to adopt in the event of any interposition of the Powers of Europe in the contest between Spain and the independent States of America which formerly formed a part of her dominions, he spoke the sentiments of the whole nation; and that the present President cherishes the same feelings towards these countries, and entirely coincides in the views and principles laid down in that message. Although the reunion of so large a French force in the island of Martinique, and the information received by this Government of the appearance of a numerous squadron of the ships-of-war of that nation in the vicinity of the island of Cuba, are certainly calculated to alarm the fears and to excite the suspicions of this Government as to the ulterior views of his most Catholic Majesty, and not only justify but call for measures of precaution, I cannot abstain from observing to your excellency that these movements do not necessarily imply hostile intentions on the part of France towards these countries, and that it will be politic that the measures this Government proposes to take with regard to France should not be of a nature to give just cause of complaint to his most Catholic Majesty, if it should hereafter appear that the reunion of so large a force in Martinique and the movements of the French squadron in the West India seas were entirely unconnected with any designs of that Government against the Americas. I trust his excellency the President will attribute this expression of my opinion to the only motive which can actuate me — my earnest solicitude for the peace and security of this country. I have the honor [etc.]. 888 Joel Roberts Poinsett, United States Minister to Mexico, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l Mexico, August 17, 1825. Sir: I received this day a note from the Secretary of State, dated on the 1 6th instant, a translation of which accompanies this letter, together with my 1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, VI, 364.

PAGE 235

DOCUMENT 889: AUGUST 21, 1 825 1 63 1 reply, 1 marked A. and B. The intelligence communicated by the agent of this Government at Jamaica of a large French force being collected at Martinique, and of the appearance of a squadron of French vessels-of-war off the western cape of the island of St. Domingo, directing their course towards Havana, has produced a great sensation here, and a strong disposition exists on the part of the Executive and of Congress to take very decisive measures against the French residents and against the commerce of that nation ; a disposition which I shall use every exertion to soften and restrain within due bounds. The Charge d'Affaires of his Britannic Majesty despatches this evening a courier for London, by the way of New York, to convey intelligence of these events to his Court. He waits for my letters, and I have not time, therefore, to write so fully by this opportunity as I could have wished. I have the honor [etc.]. 889 Joel Roberts Poinsett, United States Minister to Mexico, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States 2 [extracts] Mexico, August 21, 1825. The correspondence respecting the reported movements of the French fleet on the West India seas, which accompanied my last letter, was attended with circumstances which I had not then time to communicate. The intelligence was received on the 15th instant by the Secretary of State. On the morning of the 16th he called upon the charge d'affaires of his Britannic Majesty and showed him the letters from the agent of this Government at Jamaica. Mr. Ward came immediately to me to consult what was to be done, and expressed a wish that we should act in concert. As I had not seen the Secretary nor the letters to which he alluded, I could only reply that I was perfectly willing to do so, provided this Government, in their communications with us, placed both our Governments on precisely the same footing. He immediately went to the palace and saw the Secretary of State, to whom he explained his desire that the notes to be addressed to us should be verbatim et literatim the same. Late in the afternoon the Secretary called on me and exhibited the letters he had received from Jamaica, and which induced him to believe that France entertained hostile intentions against this country. In this conversation I assured him of the friendly disposition of the United 1 For Alaman's note of the 16th and Poinsett's reply of the 17th see above, pt. ix, docs. 886 and 887. 2 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, V, 909.

PAGE 236

1632 PART IX: COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO States, and that they would not view with indifference the occupation of the island of Cuba by France, especially if it was the result of any hostile views towards Mexico; but, at the same time, hinted that the imprudent conduct of some of their commanders might have induced Spain to cede that island to the French, rather than have it wrested from her in the manner proposed by Santa Anna, of which they were fully aware. . . . When Mr. Ward was informed that the Secretary had said nothing to me of his interview with him, nor of his intention to make the notes to be addressed to us on this subject similar, he waited on the President and reiterated his request. The President, after assuring him that this should be done, declared that he himself was ignorant of the arrival of this important intelligence until he saw it published in the Sol. . . . On the ensuing day, notes, couched in exactly the same words, were received by both Mr. Ward and myself. I objected to the language and waited upon Mr. Alaman to state my objections. The original note — after stating that we had declared, in the most solemn manner, that we would never consent that any third power should interpose in the question between Spain and her former colonies, and that the conduct of France, on this occasion, is certainly an interposition, which, however cloaked, is not the less inexcusable — goes on to say: "The President, therefore, instructs me to inform your excellency of these important occurrences, so that, by bringing them to the notice of your Government, it may demand of his Most Catholic Majesty such explanations as the case requires." I told the Secretary that the declaration of the President and the known friendly disposition of the Government and of the people of the United States towards these countries did not confer upon this Government the privilege of demanding our interference as a right. He expressed his readiness to alter the phraseology of the note, and it was done. . . . The note to his Britannic Majesty's charge d'affaires was afterwards altered in the same terms, and the substance of our answers corresponded. 890 Joel Roberts Poinsett, United States Minister to Mexico, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States 1 [decodification 2 ] Mexico, September 22, 1825. Sir: I have just received information which I deem important you should be made acquainted with, as early as possible. A Secret Agent of this Gov1 MS. Dispatches from Mexico, I. 2 With exception of the first sentence and the complimentary ending.

PAGE 237

DOCUMENT 89I: SEPTEMBER 24, 1825 I633 ernment writes to the Secretary of State that the (views) of France on this Country (were) revealed to him, as he declares, by M r . de Villele. They are to prevail upon the King of Spain to renounce his right to Mexico in favor of Francisco de Paula, the youngest of the Spanish Mise-r-bo-ns (Bourbons) ; to send that Prince to Havana, where a large force is to be collected; to land him at the head of this force on some part of this Coast; to endeavour to negotiate with England, by stating that France feels every disposition to follow the example of Great Britain, by recognizing the independence of the Spanish Colonies, but that the form of Government those States have thought proper to adopt presented a serious obstacle to her taking such a measure; but which might be removed by the establishment in those Countries of limited Monarchies. The Circumstances which induce me to give some degree of Credit to this Communication are, that this Agent is an old Spaniard, and writes to Alaman, who was known during his residence in Europe to have been of (the) Bourbon faction in this Country; the proposal made formerly by France, that this Prince might be permitted to travel in Italy and France, to visit his Relations there, which at the time was refused by the King of Spain; he was the prince dis-na-ted (designated) by the Spaniards (who) in the plan of Iguala, the existence of a faction in this Country in favour of the Bourbons, and because this plan will enable France to co-operate against the American Republics secretly, money alone being required to carry such a scheme into execution. From [sic] obvious reasons, Great Britain will be opposed to a Bourbon being placed on the throne of Mexico. Alaman laid this Communication, dated the 17th June, before the President on the 15th Instant, who the next day submitted (it) to the British Charge d'Affaires. Nothing has been said to me on the subject by the President or Minister, altho' I see the latter daily. I was aware of the existence of this Communication for some days past, but could not discover the nature of it until this morning. I have the honor [etc.]. 891 Joel Roberts Poinsett, United States Minister to Mexico, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l Mexico, September 24, 1825. Sir: Yesterday the Secy of State communicated to me the information contained in my despatch N°. 20. 2 The Circumstances were slightly varied, only, however, as to the date and channel thro' which this Govt, had received the Intelligence. He made on the same day a similar Communication to the 1 MS. Dispatches from Mexico, I. 2 See above, pt. ix, doc. 890, Poinsett to Clay, September 22, 1825.

PAGE 238

1634 PART IX: COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO Charge d'Affaires of His Britannic Majesty, not being aware that the President had previously shown to that Gentleman the Letter of their Agent in Paris. I have the honor [etc.]. 892 Joel Roberts Poinsett, United States Minister to Mexico, to Rufus King, United States Minister to Great Britain x Mexico, October 10, 1825. Dear Sir: I wrote to you, a few days ago, an account of the difficulties I had encountered in my negociations with this government, all arising out of their pre-existing treaty with Great Britain. As circumstances have occurred which render it necessary that I should again address you on the subject, I will briefly recapitulate what has passed, lest my former letter should not have reached its destination. In the 4 th article of the Treaty between Great Britain and Mexico, the principle of the most favored nation is established, with an exception in favor of those nations which formerly were Spanish possessions, to which Mexico, from the fraternal ties that unite them, might accord privileges not be to extensive to Great Britain. My objections to this exception were, that it was contrary to the interests of America that such distinctions should be made, and that, altho' from the circumstance of Treaties having been concluded upon a different basis with the other Republics of America such a provision would be of no avail, still a war between the United States and any of those Republics might dissolve those treaties and place it in the power of Mexico to favor our enemies without violating her engagements with us. On asking H. B. M.'s Charge des affaires how he came to consent to this provision in the Treaty, he assured me, that the Plenipotentiaries on the part of G. B. only consented to its insertion because they were shown the Treaty between Mexico and Colombia, concluded and ratified here, and which contained this agreement. They were compelled therefore to accept this condition or make no treaty. I then urged him to address a note to this government, setting forth the reasons which alone had induced the Plenipotentiaries of H. B. M. to accede to this exception, and inviting this government to expunge it from the Treaty, since, by the non-ratification of their Treaty with Colombia, those reasons no longer existed. Mr. Ward adopted this course. Some time after, the Plenipotentiaries of Mexico proposed to me, to allow them to insert the exception, with the condition to be mutually bound by what should be finally agreed upon between G. Britain and Mexico. Of 1 MS. Dispatches from Mexico, I, enclosed in Poinsett to Clay, October 12, 1825, which see below, pt. ix, doc. 893.

PAGE 239

DOCUMENT 892: OCTOBER 10, 1825 1635 course, I rejected so degrading a proposition, and, among other reasons, stated, that if G. Britain ratified the treaty with an exception so injurious to her commerce, her only motive could be to create distinctions, which might divide the Republics of America, whereas it was our interest and that of both the Americas, that they should be closely united. This opinion became public, for there are no secrets in Mexico, and opened Mr. Ward's eyes to what he imagines to be the true interests of Great Britain. In consequence, he withdrew his note, and set about forming an European party in opposition to that he thinks organised by me. Both those measures are, in my opinion, impolitic and calculated to prejudice the interests of Great Britain. The withdrawal of his note has confirmed the opinion I had expressed, and the attempt to form a party strictly European in this country will only produce the effect of confounding Great Britain with the other European powers, whereas it appears to have been her policy, as it is manifestly her interest, to separate herself as much as possible from them in relation to American affairs. I never have confounded Great Britain with the powers of Europe that are hostile to the independence and liberties of these countries. I have considered her interests identified with ours in the cause of American emancipation and in the defence of free government, and came here disposed to make common cause with her Envoy for the extension of liberal principles of trade for the mutual protection of our industry and capital and for the diffusion of more tolerant religious sentiments. In this sense 1 have hitherto acted; but if Great Britain seeks to divide the Americas, or strives to destroy the principles of Republican Government which are taking root in these countries, or to create a party strictly European and therefore adverse to our interests, her Ministers must not complain if we exert all our influence to counteract their views. If I were inimical to the interests of Great Britain in these countries, I would invite such a contest; I am not, and therefore deprecate it. It does not appear to me to be consistent with the policy of Great Britain to provoke it; I can venture to predict, that it will not prove her interest to do so. Learning that Mr. Ward was about to dispatch a courier to London and presuming that his object was to communicate to Mr. Canning his fears with regard to the influence he supposes me to have acquired here, and its probable effects upon the interests of Great Britain ; as well as the new views he had taken in relation to the Treaty, I sought an interview with him and frankly explained my opinion of the course he seems disposed to pursue — of its impolicy and inefficacy. I am afraid, he thinks that I have made a tool of him, and is vexed and mortified because he was induced to send in the note protesting against the exception made in the 4th article of the Treaty; there certainly was no intention on my part to injure him or the interests of the nation he represents by advising him to take that step. In my opinion, the interests of Great Britain have been much more seriously affected by the withdrawal of that note.

PAGE 240

1636 PART IX: COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO I thought it useful that you should be made acquainted with what has passed here, in the event of Mr Canning saying any thing to you on the subject. I am aware, that Mr. Ward has very exaggerated notions of the extent of my influence here, and I fear, not very correct ones of my disposition towards Great Britain. You, who have long known me, will not hesitate to believe that whatever influence I may possess, has been acquired fairly and that it will be exerted honorably. It certainly shall not be exerted against the interests of Great Britain, unless, by the acts of her own agents, they become confounded with those of the European powers that are hostile to this Hemisphere. I have the honor [etc.]. 893 Joel Roberts Poinsett, United States Minister to Mexico, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l [decodification] Mexico, October 12, 1825. Sir: Circumstances have occurred between the Charge d' Affaires of Great Britain and myself which have induced me to write to Mister King. A copy of that letter marked A is herewith inclosed. 2 Knowing that we have very important negotiations pending in London and aware of the character of M r . Canning I thought it proper that M r . King should be in possession of the facts and be enabled to give any explanation that may be required. I informed you shortly after my arrival of the state of parties here. The English had been so long in peaceable possession of the field that they had secured an overwhelming influence in the Cabinet. The President from peculiar circumstances was disposed to favour them. Immediately after the fall of Iturbide and while Victoria was in Jalapa he had several interviews with a certain D r . MacKey who declared himself to be agent of the British Government. He communicated the result to the newly established executive at Mexico. By that correspondence it appears that the English agent proposed that Mexico should grant certain commercial privileges to Great Britain as the price of the recognition of her independence, by the latter. Victoria was rather disposed to comply with these terms but the other members of the executive thought differently and the agent was despatched to London with an ambiguous answer inviting that Government to send Commissioners assuring M r . Canning of the disposition to receive them in the most friendly and cordial manner and insinuating the possibility of their obtaining whatever privileges they might demand. Victoria therefore on the arrival of the Com1 MS. Dispatches from Mexico, I. 2 See above, pt. ix, doc. 892.

PAGE 241

DOCUMENT 893: OCTOBER 12, 1825 I637 missioners considered the establishment of the friendly relations between the two countries as peculiarly his own work and was most forward in the attentions that were shown them. You are aware of the extent of those last attentions and of the enthusiasm with which they were received. When Mr. Ward who went to England with the report of the Commissioners returned to Mexico he brought a very flattering and friendly letter from M r . Canning to the President which produced the effect he had supposed it would and bound Victoria still more closely to the English interests. The British Commissioners paid great court to Tornel the secretary of the President a vain and venal man who exercises great influence over his chief. Aleman who is certainly a man of talents but suspected with reason of an European bias gave in to the views. I before told you that he received a salary from a British mining company. Esteva the secretary of the Treasury was intimately united with Eldeman [Alaman?]. Not satisfied with the influence they enjoyed a scheme was coasted (planned) by them in conjunction with Santa Maria the Minister from Colombia and the Countess of Regla a pretty Creole possessed of great shrewdness and exercising great influence over Victoria to turn out Don Pablo de la Llave the Minister of Justice and Ecclesiastical affairs and to appoint the Bishop of Puebla in his place. This man is an European by birth and an insidious and dangerous enemy to these countries. He played a distinguished part in the elevation of the usurper Iturbide. At the period of the formation of this plot, I was made acquainted with what was passing. La Llave had retired to the country awaiting the event without an exertion but Ramos de Arispe another priest his friend a man of an active intriguing character who had been a deputy of one of the Mexican provinces in Spain and while there brought frequently in collision with the Bishop of Puebla, opposed himself vigorously to the appointment of the latter and finding that he could not prevent it procured himself to be appointed chief officer in that department this movement and a declaration made by Llave that he would appeal to the public and expose the intrigues of the trio prevented the Bishop from accepting the appointment [sic]. He had taken a house here and was expected when Esteva went to Puebla suddenly and in consequence of that interview as it is supposed the Bishop refused the appointment. The party formed in the senate against Aleman was gradually becoming formidable and he must have yielded to it and have retired. His fall was however hastened by a personal pique between him and M r . Ward which induced the latter to exert his influence direct and indirect with the President to obtain his dismissal. Aleman became aware of the combination against him and resigned. Esteva who saw that the fall of his associate was inevitable had already abandoned him. Ramos Arispe used every effort to induce the President to appoint Michelena the late envoy to London to the post vacated by the resignation obstacle (of) Aleman but Victoria has a personal feeling against Michelena. He both dislikes and fears him and there-

PAGE 242

I638 PART IX: COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO fore resisted the efforts of Arispe and his friends. He has appointed a young man from Jalapa very little known one Camacho. Michelena and Arispe have been selected by the President to go to Panama but the latter assures me that they will not both go. It is rumoured that in order to induce Michelena to go on this Mission Arispe is to be appointed Minister of grace and justice in the place of la Llave who resigns. Arispe is a man of talents daring and intriguing. He professes the warmest zeal in the cause of America declares himself anxious to promote my views and has been useful to me but I do not repose entire confidence in him or his professions. The fall of Alaman struck the European party with terror. Esteva hastened to assure me of his earnest desire to see our countries united and an American system formed on the principles he knew I had at heart. The President sent me word that he wished to have an interview with me and not withstanding I requested that he would appoint a time when it might be convenient to him to receive me, he insisted on coming to me. Our interview was very friendly and in the course of it he gave me repeated assurances of regard for the United States and of his American sentiments. He had been indisposed towards me by the language I was compelled to hold in relation to the island of Cuba. I explained the sentiments of my government on that subject and he declared himself satisfied. I believe that their plans on Cuba may now be controlled and the executive is not quite so ardent in the prosecution of them. The President is a very good man with no bad dispositions but he is very vain and is badly surrounded. He listens to the tales of his secretary Colonel Tornel and of Esteva; the first is a very bad man without a single redeeming quality. He is striving to supplant Obregon in the Mission to the United States. I believe him to be in the pay of the British Charge d'Affaires. Esteva is a man of great activity and of some talents; he came over to the American party only because he perceived the impossibility of sustaining himself independently of it but on the day that he declared himself to me, he told the grossest falsehoods of me to M r . Ward which occasioned in a great measure the difference between that gentleman and myself. The state of society here is scarcely to be credited. I hardly know a man however high his rank or office whose word can be relied on and many of the leading members in both houses will receive a bribe to advocate a private claim with as little scruple as you would have received a fee to argue a cause before the Supreme Court ; from such men I would have kept aloof had I been permitted to have done so, but they sought me and I found it necessary to form a party out of such elements as the country afforded or to leave the English masters of the field. The latter are now as much alarmed as they were formerly confident of their ascendency. They cannot conceal either their mortification or fears and M r . Ward has despatched a messenger to Mr. Canning with the most exaggerated accounts of my influence. I only wish one half of what he believes were true. His want of tact and overwrought exertions may contribute to establish that

PAGE 243

DOCUMENT 893: OCTOBER 12, 1 825 1 639 influence he so much dreads. We have received intelligence that the treaty between Mexico and Great Britain has not been ratified in London. Mr. Morier will probably return to renew the negotiations. M r . Ward after making a sort of amende honorable thro' a mutual friend M r . Francis Baring has just called upon me and I unhesitatingly assured him that the alterations in the treaty which his Government was desirous to obtain should not meet with any opposition on my part but on the contrary should have my cordial support. They relate as I understand to the 7, 8 and 14 th . articles of that treaty. It is I believe settled that Michelena and one Domingues who was Minister of Justice under Iturbide govern (go) to Panama. The country is tranquil and I see no cause to fear any convulsion except that in a republic without virtue and with a large standing army, there is always danger. I have represented forcibly to these people that they cannot assemble a large force on any one point without great danger to the liberties of the country and that the return of a successful or of a defeated army from Cuba would be attended with risk; the first would be elated and devoted to the chief who had led them to victory and in the event of defeat they might attribute their disasters to the Government at home and be disposed to effect a revolution. There is some danger too from that provision in their constitution which forbids the reelection of the President. Victoria and his friends will abandon the power they now have with great reluctance. It is evident to me that he looks upon the termination of his reign with disgust and I never loose [sic] an opportunity to flatter him upon his attachment to liberty as the surest foundation of his future fame because it appears to me that his virtue requires to be sustained. Ramos Arispe who like all shrewd Creoles sees beyond the truth says that the attachment of Victoria to the English springs from his ambition that the continental powers of Europe are all desirous of seeing monarchies established throughout America and each anxious to see those dignities conferred upon one of their own family. Great Britain in order to avoid such a result might assist in placing a Mexican upon the throne of Mexico he assures me that he knows these to be the views of the President. I very much doubt whether he had ever any such hopes but the augmenting strength of the republican and federal party will convince him of the impossibility of realizing them if he did ever entertain them. I ought to inform you that in my opinion the President Victoria is not and never will be a friend of the United States. He is apparently reconciled to me but I know he dislikes me. His favorite projects were first to create a confederacy of the Spanish American States at the head of which the superior population and resources must have placed Mexico. In this idea he was encouraged by Santa Maria the Colombian Minister who is a Mexican; to conquer Cuba and annex that island to Mexico and if possible to induce Guatemala to unite herself with Mexico. The development of these plans

PAGE 244

164O PART IX : COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO and their defeat, as I hope, he attributes in a great measure to me. Santa Maria has resigned, but Colombia ought to know that he is a Mexican. I have the honor [etc.]. 894 Joel Roberts Poinsett, United States Minister to Mexico, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l Mexico, October 29, 1825. Sir: The Junta formed here for the purpose of effecting the independence of the island of Cuba propose to send Agents to England and to the United States in order to get up an expedition to invade that island. The Cabinet likewise finding much opposition to its views in Congress has resolved on the arrival of the vessels of war now fitting out in the United States and of a squadron which is expected daily from Colombia and which has been subsidized by Mexico, to put on board of these vessels two thousand men to send them to cruize off Cuba and to land the men on some convenient point of the island where they expect to be joined by the patriots. Provided this expedition carried out a large supply of money and arms the object may be attained but as that cannot be done without the consent of Congress which the Government anxious to conduct this enterprize with secrecy will not ask, it appears to me that the attempt will fail and produce only the most disastrous consequences. What I most dread is that the blacks may be armed and used as auxiliaries by one or both parties I am somewhat afraid too that an ineffectual attempt on the island of Cuba may induce Spain to cede it to France. This Government does not know that I am acquainted with their designs and I cannot therefore speak openly on the subject but I shall endeavour to make them sensible of the vastness of the attempt they meditate. I have the honor [etc.]. 1 MS. Dispatches from Mexico, I.

PAGE 245

DOCUMENT 895: NOVEMBER I, 1825 I64I 895 Guadalupe Victoria, President of Mexico, to John Quincy Adams, President of the United States, through the Mexican Legation at Washington, November 1, 1825 l [translation] The President of the United Mexican States to our great and good Friends the United States of North America. Great and Good Friends: As soon as the establishment of a liberal system permitted the Government of this Nation, to pay attention to its interests, as forming a part of independent America, it was agreed in a Treaty of alliance, concluded with the Republic of Colombia, to invite the other free nations of the American Continent, that, in a general Congress to be held on the Isthmus of Panama, they should confer and agree upon matters of general interest to America. The splendid and decisive victories of the Liberating Army of Peru, by securing the independence of South America, have enabled the republics, which have been there formed, to meet by their representatives in this Assembly, and the President of Colombia, who exercises the Executive Power in Peru, as well as the Vice President of Colombia who at present exercises it in that Republic, have invited these States to take advantage of circumstances so fortunate and proceed to hold the Congress at the Isthmus of Panama as soon as possible. We have acceded to their desires, and as among the matters with which the Congress is to be engaged some questions may arise, which are interesting not only to the Republics which were formerly Spanish possessions, but to all America in general, we have thought it our duty to invite you to come to that meeting, judging it very proper that in this manner the general opinion of all the American States should be declared, principally upon the interference which the nations of Europe may pretend to exercise in our domestic concerns ; upon colonization by them on the American Continent, and upon those points of international law, the declaration of which will avert wars and dissentions, and will give security to the peace and prosperity of the People. The interest, which these States have solemnly professed to take in all these questions, flatters us with the hope that this our invitation will have all the effect which we desire, earnestly requesting you to take this matter into consideration, for which purpose we give all our instructions upon all those points, which can be properly given previously, to our Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy Extraordinary D n . Pablo Obregon to whom we pray you to give entire faith and credit. Done in the National Palace of Mexico the 6th of July 1825, 5th of Independence. Guadalupe Victoria. A true copy. Mexico 6th July 1825, from the sickness of the superior Officer, I. Jose Ceruti. A true copy, Washington, 1 Nov. 1825. s Mercado. 1 MS. Notes from Mexican Legation, I.

PAGE 246

I642 PART IX: COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO 896 Pablo Obregon, Mexican Minister to the United States, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States 1 Washington, November j, 1825. The Undersigned, Minister plenipotentiary, has the honor to inform the Honble Secretary of State, that he communicated to his government, the result of the verbal conferences which they held, when he made known the resolution of the governments of Colombia and Mexico, to form a Congress of Representatives of the new communities of this continent, where subjects of a general interest to the powers of America, and others of exclusive concern to the new States, arising out of their present and independent relations, were to be discussed. The Government of the Undersigned conceived that it would be agreeable to the United States of America, to take part in the discussions of this Congress, being so much interested in the first and principal subject that will occupy its attention. The President of the United States of Mexico, being informed of the disposition of this Government, to discuss points of the first-mentioned kind in a Congress as proposed, and of its readiness to send to it, representatives, preserving always its present neutrality with Spain, provided it were formally invited thereto by the Republics of Colombia and Mexico, and apprized of the business which would engage the Assembly, instructs and commissions, anew, the Undersigned, to present this invitation, and to suggest the subjects intended for deliberation. The Government of the Undersigned never believed, and wished not to solicit it, that the United States of America would take any other part in the business of the present Congress, than the discussion of subjects, which, from their nature and import, were pointed out by the preceding administration, as of general interest to the Continent. The part, therefore, that a neutral nation may take in the question and war of independence, between the new powers of the Continent and Spain, will be one subject for the consideration of the Congress. The government of the Undersigned conceiving, that the powers of America are, in common, resolved upon resistance, it should be matter of consideration, how the greatest possible force should be given to this, and the evil be thereby evaded or successfully opposed. The only mode of effecting this, is to concert in anticipation ; and for the States to guaranty mutual co-operation. They would otherwise operate partially, and much less effectively. The prevention of colonization in America, by European powers, is another subject of discussion, in which the United States will participate. In addition to these two principal points, the Representatives of the United States of America may deliberate upon others originated by the existence of new Communities, and which it is not easy to enumerate. The government 1 MS. Notes from Mexican Legation, I.

PAGE 247

DOCUMENT 897: NOVEMBER l8, 1 825 I643 of the United States of Mexico has furnished its commissioners with full powers and instructions, in relation to them, which it hopes will also be furnished to the plenipotentiaries of the other powers. The Congress will assemble at the City of Panama, where, by this time, the Representatives of Colombia, Peru, Guatemala and Mexico, have arrived. They will occupy themselves in the preliminary regulations of the Assembly, and perhaps, proceed to deliberate upon questions exclusively pertaining to the belligerents. The United States of America can send their Representatives to that City, to take part in those questions which were declared to the World, some time since, as affecting the interests of all America. In this declaration, the United States were first. Besides these questions, they may assist in the discussion of others, that will arise out of the formation of the new Communities. These governments, by the meeting of the Congress, will effect the desirable object of demonstrating by acts, the facility and decision, with which the powers of this Continent can operate, combinedly, in the common cause. For this purpose, and in fulfilment of what was agreed on, at the verbal conferences which the Undersigned, Minister plenipotentiary, held with the Honble Secretary of State, he invites this Government, to send its Representatives to the Congress of Panama, investing them with the authority as suggested, and expressing in their credentials, the two principal points. The Minister from Colombia will make the same invitation, and corresponds in sentiment with the Undersigned; who hopes, herewith, to have fulfilled the requirements of the Honble Secretary. The Undersigned has the honor [etc.]. 897 William Taylor, United States Consul for Vera Cruz and Alvarado, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] Alvarado, November 18, 1825. Sir: I have the honor, and it affords me the greatest satisfaction to inform you that the Castle of San Juan de Ulua has at last capitulated. The Mexicans are to take possession of the Castle tomorrow. The Spanish forces are to be sent immediately to Havana, for which Vessels are already chartered. The Garrison appears to have been literally starved out. There were 260 on the sick list. I am not well informed of the different articles of the Capitulation, the fact itself having but just reached the place by mail. 1 MS. Consular Letters, Vera Cruz, I.

PAGE 248

I644 PART IX: COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO 898 Joel Roberts Poinsett, United States Minister to Mexico, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l [decodification] Mexico, December 2, 1825. Sir: The Cabinet of Mexico immediately after the surrender of the Castle of Ulloa proposed to Congress to undertake an expedition against the island of Cuba. The report of the Committee of the House of Representatives to which it had been referred was that at present the proposition of the Executive was inadmissible. The House debated the question for two days in secret session and yesterday the report was agreed to twenty four to twenty two. The minority was not opposed to the spirit of the report of the Committee but proposed to strike out the words at present. Of the two secretaries who took part in the debate to sustain the proposition of the Executive the secretary of war urged the necessity of getting rid of at least six thousand men and a number of officers whose presence he considered dangerous to the liberties and peace of the republic. Fortunately the House was aware of the still greater danger of collecting at one spot so large a force of the character described by the secretary and of the imminent risk that would attend either their success or defeat. An attempt was made by Ramos Arispe now Secretary of justice and ecclesiastical affairs to withdraw the proposition but the House jealous of its privileges insisted upon deciding the question. The object of the executive in desiring to withdraw the proposition when it was evident that it would be rejected was to undertake a partial expedition in the manner I formerly described without appearing to act in direct contradiction to the opinion of Congress. I believe that this proposition would have met the same fate in Senate. I have the honor [etc.]. 899 William Taylor, United States Consul for Vera Cruz and Alvarado, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States 2 Alvarado, December 7, 1825. Sir: Confirming the foregoing duplicate of my respects of the 18th ultimo, 3 I have now to inform you that the Garrison of Ulua at the time of the Capitulation, consisted in officers & men of no more than 306 — Of whom 180 1 MS. Dispatches from Mexico, I. 2 MS. Consular Letters, Vera Cruz, I. 3 See above, pt. ix, doc. 897.

PAGE 249

DOCUMENT 900: JANUARY 4, 1 826 1 645 were on the sick list, and were removed to the Hospital of Vera Cruz, the remaining 126 were shipped aboard an English Brig to the Havana, where in all probability they have arrived ere now. I have the honor [etc.]. 900 Pablo Obregon, Mexican Minister to the United States, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l [translation] Washington, January 4, 1826. Sir: I have the honour of answering your note of the 20th ult? 2 in which you communicate to me the favourable hope of a happy issue in the negotiation undertaken by this Government with the Russian Cabinet, through its Minister at St. Petersburg to solicit of His Imperial Majesty his interposition in promoting peace between Spain and the powers of the American Continent, formerly a part of that Monarchy; and in using his influence with his allies towards a general recognition, all of which you communicated to me in the month of May last, by reading to me the instructions which had been given to that effect to the American Minister near His Imperial Majesty. I imparted to my Government a step so friendly and agreeable to the philanthropy and position of these States; and although I have as yet received no answer thereto, I repeat to you what I had the honour to mention verbally, that Mexico was only desirous of peace, and that I acknowledged to this Government its interest and mode of acting in the cause of the Continent and of liberty. I shall make known to my Government the wishes of the President that any other expedition be suspended which may be projected, as well as that which is said to be fitting out at Carthagena, to assist the independence of one or both the Islands of Cuba and Porto Rico, as the means best adapted to obtain the negotiation mentioned. I avail myself of this occasion [etc.]. 1 MS. Notes from Mexican Legation, I. The same is printed in American State Papers, Foreign Relations, V, 857. * See above, pt. 1, doc. 150, Clay to Salazar, Minister from Colombia, on the same subject and of the same date.

PAGE 250

I646 PART IX: COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO 901 Sebastidn Camacho, Secretary of State of Mexico, to Joel Roberts Poinsett, United States Minister to Mexico l [translation] Mexico, January 13, 1826. Most Excellent Sir: The government of the United Mexican States, desiring to see its relations with other nations of the earth cemented on solid principles of justice and frankness, could not read with indifference the discourse, which the Plenipotentiary of the United States addressed to the King of Spain on presenting to him the credentials of his mission. Although the government is very far from giving to it that meaning, which has been generally attributed to it, and which has justly surprised and called the attention even of the countrymen and friends of that Minister, it cannot avoid noticing the obscurity with which one clause, said to relate to these States, is presented, involving ideas unfavorable to their Independence and sovereignty, and rendering doubtful the recognition of their political existence made by the United States. The government, firmly persuaded of the good faith which presides over the conduct of the Cabinet of Washington in all its acts, would deeply regret to suppose for a single moment, that the principles so solemnly proclaimed and pursued without interruption by its wise policy, had declined to the opposite extreme. It renders all the justice which that cabinet so worthily merits, as it does likewise to the people, who have given the most incontestable testimony of their generous sentiments by pronouncing themselves so decidedly opposed to the discourse in question ; but on that very account, and because it appreciates the friendship of its neighbours, it desires in all its relations with them the utmost clearness and certainty, in order to avoid such interpretations as might, even in the opinion of the vulgar, render doubtful their sincerity, and, especially, in that of the Powers of Europe so easily led astray by any appearance calculated to flatter their views. With this intention, and because it is probable that the American government may have hastened to remove the doubts which such a note might create, I have the honor to be authorised to request Y. E. to inform me, if your government has sent you any explanations of an event which has become so very notorious, and which, the relations of the two countries require, should not remain in such a state of uncertainty. I take advantage of this opportunity [etc.]. 1 MS. Dispatches from Mexico, I, enclosed in Poinsett to Clay, January 14, 1826, which see below, pt. ix, doc. 903.

PAGE 251

DOCUMENT 902: JANUARY 1 4, 1 826 1 647 902 Joel Roberts Poinsett, United States Minister to Mexico, to Sebastian Camacho, Secretary of State of Mexico l Mexico, January 14, 1826. Most Excellent Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note of the 13^ inst. 2 in which Y. E. refers to a discourse said to have been pronounced by the Minister Plenipotentiary of the U. States of America on his presentation to H. M. the King of Spain. So far am I from having received any explanations of the tenor of that discourse from my government, that I was even ignorant it had been pronounced until I received Y. E.'s note. It is true that I have read different versions of Mr. Everett's discourse in the public journals of the U. States, accompanied with very severe animadversions by the Editors: but I had until now supposed that the publisher in Madrid had interpolated the words to which Y. E. directs my attention. I could not imagine that a Representative of the U. States of America would have uttered words which every act of his Government denies. I must presume that Y. E. is better informed in this particular than I am, for if explanations are to be demanded from one nation of another, upon a mere news-paper report, the harmony which ought to subsist between them, might be interrupted at any time by the editor of a foreign gazette. But as I am bound to suppose that Y. E. is in possession of more positive information on this subject, I will hasten to apply to my government for the explanations which Y. E. is authorized to ask if I have yet received. In the mean time, I do not hesitate to assure Y. E., that if the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States did use the language attributed to him, he did not express the sentiments of his government, and I confess myself at a loss to conceive after what has passed how such an incident could render the sincerity of my government doubtful even in the minds of the vulgar, or be considered by any one as calculated to deceive the powers of Europe. In March 1822, the Government of the U. States by a solemn act, recognized the Independence of Mexico— & the same year refused to nominate Commissioners to carry into effect the Treaty of Washington of 1819, respecting the boundary line between the U. States of America, & what were then the possessions of H. C. M. in America, because it was deemed due to the Independent Government of Mexico to form with her alone a treaty of Limits. To the protest made by Don Joaquin de Anduaga against the act of recognition by my government of the Independence of the States, formerly Spanish possessions, Mf Adams, the actual President of the U. States, then secretary of State, replied in these words: "The Government of the U. States far from consulting the dictates of a policy questionable in its morality, has yielded to 1 MS. Dispatches from Mexico, I, enclosed in Poinsett to Clay, January 14, 1826, which see below, pt. ix, doc. 903. 2 See above, pt. ix, doc. 901.

PAGE 252

1648 PART IX: COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO an obligation of duty of the highest order, by recognizing as independent States, nations which after deliberately asserting their right to that character, had maintained & established it against all the resistance, which had been, or could be brought to oppose it. This recognition is neither intended to invalidate any right of Spain, nor to affect the employment of any means, which she may yet be disposed or enabled to use, with the view of re-uniting those provinces to the rest of her dominions. It is the mere acknowledgement of existing facts, with the view to the regular establishment with the nations newly formed, of those relations political & commercial, which it is the moral obligation of civilized & Christian nations to entertain reciprocally with one another." Words cannot be more explicit, & Don Joaquin de Anduaga in his reply, says, " I had the honor of receiving your note of the 6 th inst., in which you were pleased to inform me that this government has recognised the independence of the Insurgent provinces of Spanish America. I despatched immediately to Spain one of the Secretaries of this Legation to carry to his Majesty news as important as unexpected, & until I receive his Royal orders upon the subject, I have only to refer to my protest of the 9 th March last, still insisting upon its contents, as if its substance were repeated in the present note." These facts are notorious — they were published to the world at the time, & the government of the U. States of America has, in every instance, acted in conformity with this declaration. There is no example of their having sought to disguise their views of this important subject to any of the powers of Europe. But on the contrary, they have openly declared their determination not to permit any other nation to interpose with armed hand between Spain & the Americas — & it is not unknown to your Excellency that on a late occasion, the interposition of a great European power was solicited by the U. States to obtain from Spain an acknowledgement of the Independence of her former possessions in America. The open, frank & dignified course pursued by the U. States of America towards all foreign governments since the commencement of their political existence, forbids the injurious supposition that they would authorize one of their agents in Europe to use language calculated to throw a doubt upon the Independence & Sovereignty of Mexico so formally recognized by them, & that at a moment when they were exerting their good offices to secure the freedom of the American States, & publishing to the world their determination to defend it against any other power than that of Spain. When on a late occasion, the Government of Mexico, alarmed at the appearance of a French squadron, unusually large in time of peace, in these seas, applied to the government of the United States to ask an explanation of his Majesty the King of France of then apparently hostile movements, that application was promptly complied with ; & the appointment of Plenipotentiaries to represent the United States of America at the Congress of Panama, which has been resolved on by the President, will proclaim to the world, that

PAGE 253

DOCUMENT 903: JANUARY 1 4, 1 826 1 649 they regard all the States of this hemisphere equally independent of Europe as themselves. Whilst taking these great public measures with the generous purpose of supporting the Independence of the Americas, my government will learn with surprise, that the unauthorized language of one of its Representatives should have led the government of Mexico to doubt its sincerity, or to regard for a moment the relations of the two countries to be in a state of uncertainty. What further proof of the sincerity of the U. States can this government require, than their refusal to carry into effect the Treaty of Limits concluded & ratified with Spain, & the appointment of a Plenipotentiary near this government to settle the Boundary between their territories & those of Mexico? Spain and all the powers of Europe are aware that in my person, the U. States of America have a Minister Plenipotentiary in Mexico fully authorized to treat with this government, & to settle permanently the boundary which shall hereafter divide the territories of our respective countries. This fact furnishes them a convincing proof, that my government does not entertain a doubt of the Independence & Sovereignty of the U. Mexican States. For it is well known that such solemn compacts are celebrated with none other than independent & sovereign nations. Permit me respectfully to suggest to Y. E. that the conclusion, ratification & publication of the Treaties which I am empowered to negotiate with this government, will place the relations of the two countries beyond all doubt or uncertainty. That act consummated no words that may fall inadvertently from a Minister of the U. States at the Court of Madrid, can be interpreted so as to render the sincerity of the U. States of America doubtful even in the opinion of the vulgar, or to flatter the ideas of the Powers of Europe, that are hostile to the Independence of these States. I take advantage of this opportunity [etc.]. 903 Joel Roberts Poinsett, United States Minister to Mexico, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] Mexico, January 14, 1826. Sir: I have the honor to enclose herewith the translation of a note received yesterday from this government, marked A, together with my reply, 2 marked B. 1 MS. Dispatches from Mexico, I. 2 See above, pt. ix, docs. 901 and 902. The reply was dated January 14.

PAGE 254

165O PART IX : COMMUNICATIONS FROM MEXICO Although aware of the very unfavorable impression produced generally in this country by the publication of Mr. Everett's address, I confess, this note from the Secretary of foreign affairs surprised me a good deal. I had had a conference with that gentleman a few hours before, during which he did not, even in a remote degree, allude to this subject. 904 Joel Roberts Poinsett, United States Minister to Mexico, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l [extract] Mexico, January 28, 1826. The question of the invasion of Cuba has been again agitated in the Mexican Congress: it was brought forward in Senate on a motion to permit 1 MS. Dispatches from Mexico, I. The following certified translation of the report of the Committees of the Mexican Congress was enclosed with Poinsett's dispatch: The Committees of War and Constitutional points united have again had under consideration the resolution submitted by M r . Verdusco and M r . Gomez Favia that the gov*, be authorised in conjunction with that of Colombia to send an expedition against the Island of Cuba, in order to protect its independence from the Gov 1 , of Spain, and to assist the Inhabitants, who have given so many proofs of their desire to be free. The Committees have had before them the Secretary of War in order to inform themselves of the State of the forces and resources of the Republic to undertake this expedition, and without entering upon the propriety and utility of it, which have been sufficiently discussed in the former sessions and of which the Senate is satisfied, they confined themselves to enquire, if there were a sufficient number of Troops to undertake this expedition in combination with some other new state of South America. The Secretary set forth, that in the opinion of the government, there existed a sufficient number of troops and ample resources to make a considerable disembarkment on the coast of Cuba, sufficient to form a point of reunion for the inhabitants of that Island, who might think proper to join the cause of Liberty, who undoubtedly are numerous: but that the gov*, would not undertake the expedition alone, in order to avoid the risk, however remote, of an unfortunate result. On this account it was deemed advisable to come to an agreement with President Simon Bolivar jointly to undertake the expedition in the event of Congress approving it. That in Yucatan from its proximity to the Island of Cuba the Gov*, had concentered a respectable force in order to resist any attempt that might be made by the enemy, and to facilitate the expedition to Cuba, if Congress should permit troops to be sent out of the limits of the Republic; and finally that even from motives of economy and security gov 3 , were convinced that the attempt ought to be made. Because by driving the enemy out of the Island or taking possession of a part of it the Spaniards whose force and resources are trifling would find full occupation in preserving the City of Havana on one or other point; whereas now by threatening Mexico, Colombia and Guatemala, they compel those States to maintain respectable armies, the expences of which in two or three years amount to a greater sum than the expedition would occasion at once, with the difference that this state of anxiety in the first case is continual, whereas in the second it is more than probable, that the enemy would disappear from our signs or at least we should sew such division within the family as would effectually prevent them from entertaining any hostile intentions against us. These considerations added to the existence of a treaty of alliance with Colombia have induced the Committees to decide in favor of the propositions of Verdusco and Gomez Favia and we beg leave to offer the following resolutions. First, the Government is hereby authorised in combination with that of the Republic of Colombia to undertake a military

PAGE 255

DOCUMENT 905: FEBRUARY I, 1826 165I the Executive to send troops beyond the territories of the Republic, which was almost unanimously rejected. A distinct proposition was again discussed to day in secret session of Senate and passed. The substance of it is to grant permission to the Executive to undertake an expedition against Cuba jointly with Colombia. The Secretaries of gov 1 were present on both occasions and warmly advocated the measure. If the house concurs the Plenipotentiaries to Panama will be instructed to concert measures with those of Colombia for the joint expedition. These Plenipotentiaries have not yet left Mexico. With great regard [etc.]. 905 Joel Roberts Poinsett, United States Minister to Mexico, to Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l Mexico, February i, 1826. Sir: As I had anticipated, the English Plenipotentiaries have not been able to conclude a treaty, and, I understand, it is settled, that one of the Mexican Plenipotentiaries shall accompany Mr. Morier to England; probably, Don Sebastian Camacho, Secretary of State and Foreign Relations. I regret this arrangement on many accounts, but particularly, because it will occasion still further delay in the settlement of the several claims I have preferred according to your instructions. I saw the President yesterday, and he assured me, that our negociations should be renewed in a few days. He spoke freely on the subject of Cuba, and asked me what were the views of the United States in relation to that Island. I stated them very fully according to my instructions on this subject. He expressed himself perfectly satisfied, and assured me, that the government of Mexico had no intention to conquer or keep possession of that Island — that the object of the expedition which they contemplated, was to assist the revolutionists of Cuba to drive out the Spaniards, and, in case they succeeded, to leave that people to govern themselves. I observed, it was to be regretted that this declaration had not been made earlier, as the silence of this government on the subject and the anxiety it had manifested to undertake the expedition 1 MS. Dispatches from Mexico, I. The portion of this document printed in small capital letters was received in cipher. expedition in order to assist the efforts of the Inhabitants of Cuba to achieve their Indep