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Sex, status and role in the Mestizaje of Spanish colonial Florida

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Title:
Sex, status and role in the Mestizaje of Spanish colonial Florida
Added title page title:
The Mestizaje of Spanish colonial Florida
Creator:
Deagan, Kathleen A
Place of Publication:
Gainesville
Publisher:
University of Florida
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Copyright Date:
1974
Language:
English
Physical Description:
ix, 219 . : illus. maps., 39 plates. ; 28cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Barrels ( jstor )
Bead welding ( jstor )
Decorative ceramics ( jstor )
Earthenware ( jstor )
Excavations ( jstor )
Food preparation ( jstor )
Hispanics ( jstor )
Indian culture ( jstor )
Majolica ( jstor )
Women ( jstor )
Acculturation ( lcsh )
Social conditions -- Saint Augustine (Fla.) ( lcsh )
City of St. Augustine ( local )
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis - University of Florida.
Bibliography:
Bibliography: leaves 153-168.
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Kathleen A. Deagan.

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Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright Kathleen A. Deagan. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
024625987 ( AlephBibNum )
01836023 ( OCLC )
AAQ5224 ( NOTIS )

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SEX, STATUS AND ROLE IN THE MESTIZAJE
OF SPANISH COLONIAL FLORIDA













By



Kathleen A. Deagan


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE
COUNCIL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL
FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY



UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1974











ACKNOWL E DGEMENTS


The research for this dissertation was funded by National Sci-

ence Foundation Doctoral Dissertation Grant GS-36839, and the author

was supported by a University of Florida Anthropology Department Gradu-

ate Assistantship while in the Field; and by a University of Florida Gradu-

ate School Fellowship during the preparation of this dissertation.

It is a truism that one's results are only as good as the data on

which they are based, and an archeologist realizes this most keenly when

the time comes to write a report based on Field data. This dissertation

is based on data which met severe contextual and stratigraphic require-

ments, and in the final analysis included less than half of the excavated

material; all of which, however, was used with complete confidence that

it was truly applicable to the problems toward which the excavation was

oriented. For this I would like to thank Stephen Cumbaa, Nicholas

Honerkamp, Cartos Martinez, John Otto and Russell Lewis; all gradu-

ate students in archeology and the field crew at the 1973 excavation of

the de la Cruz site. Without their understanding of the problems in-

volved and their skill in the field, the data on which this study is based

would not be nearly so reliable.

I would also like to thank John W. Griffin, and the staff of the

Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board, who provided equipment,

it







supplies and housing for the field crew, as well as free access to all of

their resources. Their hospitality and cooperation made our stay in

St. Augustine pleasant and comfortable, particularly the daily help and

mechanical innovation we received from Mr. Sterling Reyez and Mr.

Haynes Grant.

Acknowledgement is also due to Robert Steinbach of the Historic

St. Augustine Preservation Board, for his technical advice, and for his

time, which was freely given to me, in discussing St. Augustine arche-

ology, and helping me clarify many of the problems in the excavation

and interpretation of the de la Cruz site.

I would like to thark Dr. William R. Maples, chairman of the

Social Sciences Department of the Florida State Museum, and Dr. J.

C. Dickinson, of the Florida State Museum, for providing me with

office, lab and storage space during the analysis of the material from

the de la Cruz site, and the preparation of the report. I received a great

deal of help from other Florida State Museum Staff members, including

Mr. Jerry Evans, Ms. Malinda Stafford, Dr. Pierce Brodkorb for the

identification of bird remains; and particularly from Mr. Stephen L.

Cumbaa of the Zooarcheology lab for his very thorough interpretive anal-

ysis of the faunal remains from the site, which is included in Chapter IV.

Technical advice in interpretation of the material from the site

was received from Dr. Barbara Purdy of the University of Florida Social

Sciences Department, who discussed the flint material from the site and

gave advice, and Dr. F. N. Blanchard, who carried out the analysis of
li'







the petrographic samples. I would also like to thank Mr. David Hall of

the University of Florida Herbarium, for the time he generously gave to

the identification of the plant remains from the site, including the identi-

fication of Florida's Oldest Orange.

Dr. W. E. Nesmith of the University of Florida carried out the

analysis of soil samples and discussed the results with me, and techni-

cal advice on ceramics and clay samples from the site was given by Mr.

Chris Hierholzer of the Street Urchin Pottery in St. Augustine. Advice,

consultation and help in producing the illustrations for the dissertation

were provided by Mr. Jonathon-Rogers of St. Augustine, Florida.

I am particularly grateful to Ms. Lydia Deakin, secretary of

the University of Florida Anthropology Department, whose wit, efficiency,

and continual help were instrumental in getting me through graduate school

and this dissertation.

I would also like to thank the members of my committee, Dr.

Theron Nunez, Dr. E. Thomas Hemmings, Dr. Paul Doughty, and Dr.

Michael Gannon for their cooperation and help throughout my entire doc-

toral program, and also Dr. Jerald Milanich of the University of Florida

Anthropology Department, who gave freely of his time, advice, and cri-

ticism during this project, and whose work has helped clarify my concept

of Spanish-Indian relations in Florida.

Other intellectual debts are owed to the work of Charles Fair-

banks and Hale G. Smith in Florida, to Ivor Noel-Hume's work in colo-

nial material culture, to Edward Spicer and George Foster's accultura-
iv






tion studies, and also to Stanley South of the South Carolina Institute

of Archeology and Anthropology, whose generous advice helped me rea-

lize as a student what was relevant in archeological data, and how to

obtain it.

Documentary research was carried out primarily in the Stetson

Collection, located in the P. K. Yonge Library of Florida History at

Gainesville; and the collections of the St. Augustine Historical Society,

located in their library in St. Augustine. I would like to thank the staff

members of those libraries for their help and cooperation.

I come finally to that debt which is impossible to acknowledge,

to my chairman, Charles H. Fairbanks. -Having, for the course of my

studies, been taught, befriended and provided with an academic, intel-

lectual and humanitarian example by Dr. Fairbanks; it is with gratitude

and affection that I acknowledge him as chiefly responsible for any aca-

demic contributions this work may have, while assuming myself full re-

sponsibility for its shortcomings.







TABLE OF CONTENTS


Acknowledgements .......................... i

List of Tables. .... . . . . . vi

List of Figures. .................. ..... . vit

Chapters

I. Indian-Spanish Interaction in Colonial
St. Augustine. ...... . . . 1
II. 18th Century Acculturation: A Pro-
cessual Hypothesis. . . . .. 32
III. Testing the Hypothesis. . . . 44
IV. Results of the Hypothesis Test. . . 72
V. Sex, Status and Role in the Mestizaje
of Spanish Colonial Florida. . . . 139

Bibliography. ......... . . .........153

Appendix I Dating the Site: Ceramic Data. . . 169

Appendix II Dating the Site: Pipestem Data. . . .. 170

Appendix III Measurement Data for Green Glass Bottles. . 172

Appendix IV Results of Petrographic Analysis by
F. N. Blanchard. . . . . 174

Figures ............... ..... ............ ... ................ 179

Biographical Sketch .. ...... .... .......... ............... 219














LIST OF TABLES


1. Distribution of San Marcos Pottery......................... 75
2. Distribution of San Marcos Pottery Surface Decoration .......... 75
3. Faunal Remains from Closed Proveniences ..................... 87
4. Beads from Closed Proveniences .............................. 109
5. Distribution of Tableware Ceramics ........................... 120
6. Distribution of Majolica ...................................... 120
7. Distribution of Delftware Decorative Elements .................. 123
8. Distribution of Slip-Decorated Earthenwares ................... 124
9. Distribution of Refined Earthenwares........................... 126
10. Closed Proveniences Dating Creamware--A .................... 128
11. Closed Proveniences Dating Creamware--B ...................... 129
12. Ceramics from Midden Area .................................130
13. Distribution of Glassware ....... .... ................... 133










LIST OF FIGURES


1. The Puente Map ........................................ 180
2. The Jeffries Map .......................................181
3. Excavation Plan and Foundations at SA-16-23 ............ 182
4. Water Disposal Technique ................................. 183
5. Map of Kitchen Area .................................184
6. Map of North Outbuilding Area ........................... 185
7. Map of Courtyard Area .......................... .... 186
8. First Appearance of Barrel Well ..... ... ............... 187
9. Profile of Barrel Well ............... ................. 188
10. a. Excavation of Barrel Well
b. Staves from Barrel Well............................... 189
11. Profile of Coquina Well ................................ 190
12. San Marcos Stamped Sherds ............................. 191
13. Spanish Utilitarian Earthenware Sherds ................... 192
14. Handles from San Marcos Vessels ...................... 193
15. San Marcos Ceramics Exhibiting European Influence........ .194
16. Non-ceramic Food Preparation Equipment................. 195
17. Sherd Discs, Marbles, and Child's Thimble ......... .....196
18. Iron Hinge and Iron Spike ...............................197
19. Iron Key and Brass Hardware ............................. 198
20. Gunflints. and Gunspalls .................................199
21. Brass Gun Hardware ................... ................200
22. White Clay Pipe Fragments ............................... 201
23. Women's Craft Items ................................... 202
24. Beads from Closed Proveniences.......................... 203
25. Buttons from Closed Proveniences......................... 204
26. Metal Buckles ...........................................205
27. Ebony Figa Amulet ...................................... 206
28. Majolica Vessel Profiles. ................. ..............207
29. Majolica Sherds ..................... ....................208
30. Delftware Sherds ............. ......................... 209
.31. Slip-Decorated Earthenware Sherds........................ 210
32. Creamware Sherds ................................... 211
33. Refined Earthenware Sherds............................... 212
34. Blue and White Chinese Porcelain......................... 213
35. Ornamental .Glass....................................... 214
36. Tableware Glass........................................ 215


viii














Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the
Graduate Council of the University of Florida in Partial
Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy


SEX, STATUS AND ROLE IN THE MESTIZAJE
OF SPANISH COLONIAL FLORIDA


By

Kathleen A. Deagan

June, 1974


Chairman: Charles H. Fairbanks
Major Department: Anthropology


The hypothesis that in 18th century St. Augustine, acculturation

was primarily effected by Indian women in Spanish or mestizo households

within a predominantly male-oriented (military) cultural milieu, is tested

through archeological, ethnohistorical, zooarcheological and ethnographic

research. Archeologically testable implications of this hypothesis are

offered, tested and confirmed. Mestizaje and acculturation in Spanish

colonial Florida are analyzed and a model for mestizaje as a process of

acculturation is proposed. Material correlates for mestizaje are sug-

gested, and used to illustrate method and theory in Anthropological His-

torical Archeology: and its role in developing theory,and in problem-

solving for Archeology as a discipline.














CHAPTER I

INDIAN-SPANISH INTERACTION IN COLONIAL ST. AUGUSTINE

The Pre-Guale Period


At the time when the first results of Spanish contact and inter-

action were felt by the newly enslaved and disease-ridden Indians of

the Caribbean and Latin America, the Indians of Florida were still vir-

tually unaffected by European contact.

Although Florida had been known and explored by the Spanish

since the very early part of the 16th century, it was not until the second

half of the century that a permanent settlement or a serious base for

Indian-Spanish interaction was formed. This interaction base in Flor-

ida was the mission system, outside of which very little Indian and

Spanish contact occurred during the 16th and 17th centuries (See Stur-

tevant 1962; Fairbanks 1957; Deagan n.d.)

The initial, and most intensive Spanish-Indian interaction took

place in the area surrounding St. Augustine, the first permanent Span-

ish settlement in Florida. This early interaction provided the roots for

the later processes of Indian-Spanish miscegenation, or mestizaje,

which operated during the 18th century, and it was in St. Augustine

that the earliest records of such interaction are found.

When the Spaniards first settled in Florida, the area

1





2

surrounding St. Augustine was occupied by the Saturiwa Indians, one

of the several tribal groups comprising the Eastern Timucua (Deagan

n.d.). The Saturiwa occupied the lower course of the St. Johns River

and the coastal area opposite the river. This region included the St.

Johns River itself, extensive pine flatwoods, and coastal lagoons and

estuaries; all of which were exploited by the Saturiwa. The subsistence

system was based on fish and shellfish, both fresh and salt water, as

evidenced by the extensive middens along the river and the coast.

Fishing, hunting and gathering were, no doubt, also important parts

of the subsistence base, with deer, alligator, fowl, and turtle as im-

portant food items. In historic times, the Saturiwa were part-time

horticulturalists, growing maize, beans, pumpkins, cucumbers, cit-

rons, and gourds (Hacklyut 1903(8):445; Ribault 1964:73), although they

tilled for only half of the year and went into the forest to hunt and gather

during the winter months (Hacklyut 1903(8):456).

In prehistoric times the Saturiwa area was characterized by

the St. Johns archeological complex, which included chalky pottery,

burial mounds, and diffuse shell middens (Goggin 1952). This com-

plex was continued into early historic times, evidenced by burial mounds

containing European trade material, such as the Dunn's Creek mound

(Moore 1894:8) in Saturiwa territory, which contained burials with St.

Johns chalky ceramics and associated historic material, including orna-

ments, metal implements, and a bell. Lower levels of the mound con-

tained trade materials from the aboriginal cultures of west Florida, but




3

these were no longer present in the historic level. Another site in the

same area, North Mound, Murphy Island (Pu-20) contained historic

burials which were intrusive into a mound constructed in earlier (ca.

AD 1000) times (Moore 1896: 503-515). Archeological evidence indi-

cates that by the late 16th century mound burial was being replaced by

cemetery burial among the Saturiwa. The Fountain of Youth site in

St. Augustine contained a group of Indian burials extended flat on their

backs, with their arms crossed over their chests. Although few grave

goods were encountered, the presence of glass beads and an iron spike

implied that the cemetery dated from the late 16th century (Goggin 1952:

4; Seaberg ms).

From the writings of Frey Francisco Pareja, Jaques LeMoyne,

Jean Ribault and Rene Laudonniere, the culture of the late 16th century

and early 17th century Saturiwa can be partially reconstructed. De-

tailed summaries of Saturiwa culture traits can be found in Swanton

(1922:345-387) and Milanich and Sturtevant (1972:39-48).

Saturiwa social organization was similar to that of many other

Southeastern Indian tribes, featuring ranked, matrilineal clans with

names such as Deer, Panther, Bear, Fish, Earth, Buzzard, and Quail

(Gatschet 1878:492-493). Inheritance was through the mother or mother's

brother (Phillip 1593), and clan membership determined the chiefs

and other officials (Gatschet 1878:492), with the White Deer Clan giving

rise to the head chief or holata ico.

The information given by Francisco Pareja indicates a caste-







like social system, probably like that postulated by William Sears for

the circum-gulf region (Sears 1954). Each village had its own chief,

and these were under the jurisdiction of a head chief who extracted

tribute from his subjects (DeCampo 1601).

Priest-shamans were present among the Saturiwa, and were

powerful religious-medical practitioners. The role of the shaman in

the culture is well illustrated by Pareja's 1613 Confessionario (Milanich

and Sturtevant 1972), and constituted a focus toward which much Fran-

ciscan religious energy was directed.

The Saturiwa lived in palisaded villages with circular, thatched

huts of palm "after the fashion of a pavilion" (Ribault 1964:83). Villages

also contained a central longhouse "with reed settees all about" which

were set two feet off the ground and were used as both seats and beds

(Ibid.). This was certainly a public building, probably for both civil

and religious activities.

At the time of Laudonniere's account (1565) the Saturiwa towns

formed a confederacy under a chief also named Saturiwa, who was the

head of a town near the mouth of the St. Johns River. There were 30

other town chiefs under Chief Saturiwa, and they came together to wage

war against the two large Western Timucua confederacies of Potano and

Utina (Hacklyut 1903(8):454). By 1602 this pattern of organized warfare

had ceased or was inactive.

The Saturiwa first experienced European contact with the French

expedition to Florida under Jean Ribault in 1562. By 1564 Rene de





5

Laudomiere had established Fort Caroline in Saturiwa territory, near

the mouth of the St. Johns River. Saturiwa-French relations were

generally amicable and based on trade; deer, fish, turkey, and corn in

exchange for hatchets, mirrors, knives, combs, beads, and cloth (Le

Moyne in Bennett 1968:104).

Although the Saturiwa helped the colony at Fort Caroline by

building portions of the fort and providing food, they were frequently

alienated by the French demands for supplies, often "extorted by blows"

(Le Moyne in Bennett 1968:98). The French were also involved in the

military affairs of the tribe, and the Saturiwa were anxious for French

assistance against the Utina confederacy, which was their most ancient

enemy (Hacklyut 1903(9):12). Although Laudonniere agreed in 1565

to send some of his soldiers with Saturiwa against Utina, his main con-

cern was to form alliances with all of the Indian confederacies (Ibid..).

The Saturiwa-French relations were based on trade and mutual

militarism, and it was not until after the arrival of the Spanish and the

establishment of the Franciscan missions that any appreciable change

was brought about in the Saturiwa culture.

The establishment of a French settlement at Fort Caroline

provided the impetus for the Spanish settlement of Florida in 1565.

The site of St. Augustine acted not only as a deterrent for further French

enterprise after the massacre of Laudonniere's party, but it was also

of strategic military importance as the guardian of the straits of Florida,

through which the flota sailed after leaving Mexico. Pedro Menendez




6

de Aviles sailed to Florida in 1565 to rout the French and establish his

adalentadomiento of the land in the name of Phillip the Second of Spain.

With 800 people, Menendez arrived in 1565, and defeated the French at

Fort Caroline. Although the Saturiwa did not play a rrmjor role in this

affair, they remained loyal to the French and pledged support to Domi-

nique de Gourges during his punitive raids against the Spanish in 1567

(Hacklyut 1903(9):102-104). De Gourges was unable to drive the Span-

ish out of the former Fort Caroline, and after this incident, Spanish

settlement and Indian contact was concentrated in the St. Augustine

area.

Even prior to the De Gourges expedition in 1567, Spanish mis-

sionaries were attempting conversion of the Florida Indians. With the

founding of St. Augustine in 1565, immediate attempts were made by

Pedro Menendez to procure missionaries for Florida. In 1566 he wrote:

"I had told them (the Indians) that those religious were coming on the next

ship and would soon talk with them and instruct them on becoming Chris-

tians; and now, as no religious came, the natives think that I am a liar,

and some of them have become angry and accuse me of deluding them."

(Menendez 1566).

In 1566 the Jesuits arrived, and remained in Florida until 1572

when their attempts at missionization ended in withdrawal (see Gannon

1965). Their contact with the Saturiwa had no discernible, lasting effect

on the culture, and it was not until the Franciscans arrived in 1577

that the changes which were to alter and ultimately eliminate the native







Florida cultures were put into effect.

Between 1577 and 1596, Franciscan missions had been estab-

lished among the Saturiwa at Nombre de Dios (St. Augustine), and San

Juan del Puerto (near the mouth of the St. Johns River), and these re-

mained the main mission centers for the Saturiwa throughout the mission

period.

The most intensive mission activity was in the vicinity of St.

Augustine; the only permanent settlement in Spanish Florida until 1699.

In 1602, Don Alonso Sando Saez Mercado, testifying at the investigation

of the success and fate of the Florida colony, named Nombre de Dios,

Palica, Nombre de Dios Chiquito, Capuaca, Solo, San Pablo, and Ca-

herica as Indian villages near St. Augustine, and he noted that these

were all Christian villages (Arnade 1959:29). Nombre de Dios and San

Pablo had churches, although religious services were conducted in all

of the villages by a visiting priest or, in his absence, by the Indian

Fiscales (Ibid.).

Archeology has revealed little of the life of the Timucua mis-

sion Indian. Possible mission sites in the Saturiwa area include San

Juan del Puerto (Du-53), partially excavated by William Jones (J. Mac-

Murray 1973); Wrights Landing (SJ-3) (Goggin 1953:6), which is believed

to be the site of a relocated Guale mission, Nuestra Senora Guadalupe

de Tolomato; and Rollestown (Pu64b) which may have been the site of

the mission of Salamatoto (Goggin 1953:5). The site of the mission of

Nombre de Dios in St. Augustine has been located and identified, although





8

none of these sites have been fully excavated at this time. Solely Timu-

cua occupation at these mission sites seems to have been sparse and of

short duration. Small amounts of the indigenous St. Johns ceramics

are present (Goggin 1952), but the ceramic type which predominates on

historic Florida Indian sites is San Marcos (Smith 1948), introduced

during the 17th century by the Guale Indians. No structures have been

excavated at any of the sites discussed above, but there was evidence

at San Juan del Puerto of a palisade, and also of individual, circular

shell middens which may represent dwelling sites. (W. B. Jones per-

sonal communication. St. Augustine 1973).

The Indian population indigenous to the St. Augustine vicinity

declined rapidly throughout the 17th century. By 1675, when Gabriel

Calderon, Bishop of Cuba, visited Florida, there were only three Chris-

tian Indian villages in the vicinity of St. Augustine; Nombre de Dios,

Tolomato, and Salamatoto (Wenhold 1936:7-8). The number of inhabi-

tants was given only for Nombre de Dios ("scarcely more than 30"),

but it suggests that only about 100 Timucua Indians were left in the area

by this time.

Probably the primary factor in this drastic population decline

among the Saturiwa was the introduction of European disease. Swan-

ton lists four major epidemics among the Timucua in 1613-1617; 1649-

1650; 1670, and 1672 (Swanton 1946:144), although there probably were

earlier occurences. In other areas of the Spanish new world, smallpox,

measles, Influenza, dysentary, and a reintroduced form of syphilis







were particularly virulent among the Indians. Since they had no re-

sistance to these European diseases, the Indian populations during the

early contact period suffered untold numbers of deaths, in some cases

even before the Europeans themselves reached the Indians (Dobyns 1963).

Since by 1613, Florida had experienced European contact for nearly

100 years, it seems that decimating disease must have taken its toll

also in the 16th century, particularly in the vicinity of the most intense

contact.

Spanish and Indian relations in the 16th and 17th centuries were

built on the mission system. This system was a directed change situ-

ation (see Spicer 1961), but of a solely ecclesiastical nature. Within

the structure of the system, the link between the European and the In-

dian was the Franciscan friar, and the areas toward which change was

directed were naturally those of the greatest concern to the Friars.

These included religious matters, and those areas of culture affecting

religion. There were few other types of contact between Indian and

Spaniard, since Florida had few resources and farming was not reward-

ing, so that the encomienda system so common to the rest of New Spain

was not present.

The acculturation which occurred as a result of the mission

System was more apparent in the European culture than in the aborigi-

nal (see Sturtevant 1962:68). Since the colony was poor, and was sup-

ported almost totally by the government subsidized situado (Geiger 1940:

7-8), the friars found it most expedient to adapt to the aboriginal methods







of shelter and subsistence.

Missions were probably located in the vicinity of existing In-

dian villages, and this is supported archeologically by cultural deposits

indicating a long prehistoric through historic occupation in many of the

East Florida mission sites. Movement of the missions is indicated in

the documents, but this may well have been due to the exigencies of

Indian agricultural techniques (Sturtevant 1962:62), and later in the

mission period to the arrival of the Guale and Yamassee Indians.

The material culture of the Florida Indians appeared to have

been very little changed by European contact. The poverty of the col-

ony precluded the replacement of many aboriginal items with European

counterparts, and firearms were forbidden to the Florida Indians.

The few items which are found at Florida mission sites--ceramics,

ornaments, and a few iron tools-suggest that these items were in ad-

dition to, rather than a replacement of, aboriginal items (Smith 1956:

44-68).

When Bishop Calderon visited Florida in 1675, he noted that

the housing, clothing, and subsistence patterns of the Florida Indians

were almost entirely aboriginal (Wenhold 1936).

The conversion of the Florida Indians, particularly the Saturiwa,

was the key to much of the European induced change in the culture. Not

only did the Franciscans attempt to replace aboriginal ceremonial pat-

terns with Catholicism, but they also, in the process, altered certain

aspects of social organization which had important implications for

Spanish-Indian acculturation.





11

It was primarily through conversion that the political struc-

tures of the Eastern Timucua tribes were manipulated, and this in turn

had subtle effects on other areas of the social structure. Among the

early successful changes made by the Franciscans was the cessation

of the traditional pattern of warfare, which was such a noticeable fea-

ture of the Eastern Timucua groups at the time of French contact.

By 1598 the chiefs of nearly every major Timucua tribe had come in

a group to St. Augustine, to pledge support and obedience to the Span-

ish crown (Canzo 1598). It seems that from this time, there was no

inter-tribal warfare; in fact, Spanish-Indian interaction and commu-

nication seems to have replaced interaction on the tribal level to a great

extent. The cessation of warfare had an unknown effect on the political

authority system of the Timucua, but it is quite possible that the cen-

tral cohesive emphasis shifted away from the tribal organization, and

toward the mission after this time. The reduction of inter-tribal com-

munication is reflected archeologically by the absence of trade material

from Northwest and West Florida tribes in the historic levels of Indian

sites, and their presence in prehistoric levels, such as the situation

found at the Thursby Mound (Moore 1894:64-82), and the Dunn's Creek

Mound (Moore 1894:8).

It was also during the early stages of contact that there is evi-

dence of Spanish interference in the inheritance patterns of the Timu-

cua Indians. In 1593 Phillip II of Spain wrote to the governor of Flor-

ida: "concerning what you noted about the custom of on an Indian





12

nobleman's death his nephew, the son of his sister, inherits his dig-

nity and his estate. The Christianized Indians complain and do not want

to follow this law, but to inherit from their fathers. It would be well

to support them in this for now" (Phillip II 1593). Two possible inci-

dents of the support suggested by Phillip are known. The first was the

interference in the Guale cacique succession, which was listed as a

cause of the Guale rebellion of 1597 (Canzo 1600), and the second was

the sudden appearance of Dona Maria Melendez (who prior to this time

was the chieftainess of Nombre de Dios) as the chieftainess of all the

Indians from Tacatacuru (Cumberland Island) to St. Augustine in 1604

(Serrano y Sanz 1913:171). Maria Melendez is of particular interest

in the early history of Florida. While she was chieftainess of Nombre

de Dios, she married a Spanish soldier, became ardently pro-Catholic,

and apparently brought about almost complete conversion of her sub-

jects (Canzo 1598). For these reasons she was highly praised by the

Spanish, and her sudden appearance as the chieftainess of what had

formerly been several separate tribes, seems somewhat suspect. This

suspicion is supported by the account of Pedro de Ibarra, who described

a meeting between Maria Melendez, her subjects, and the Spaniards,

which took place on Cumberland Island in 1604 (Serrano y Sanz 1913:

171-172). At this meeting the Spaniards asked Melendez if she had any

complaints to make of her subjects, which would require Spanish dis-

cipline. Although she did not have any complaints, it seems clear that

a good deal of the chieftainess' authority came from Spanish prestige.





13

The Spanish were extremely supportive of pro-Hispanic cassiques (see

Deagan n.d.), and probably manipulated them, and possibly even in-

stalled them in order to effect conversion of their subjects. The effects

of the switch in political emphasis from the traditional to the Spanish

interests presumably played a large part in the weakening of Timucua

social structure and world view.

These political changes were brought about by the application of

religious sanctions, and were designed to support the system of Catho-

lic conversion. At the same time that these changes were being effect-

ed in the aboriginal political structure, more direct and intensive efforts

were being aimed at the replacement of aboriginal ceremonial elements

with Catholic religious elements (Milanich and Sturtevant 1972). These

efforts were quite successful among the Timucua Indians, largely through

the manipulation of the cassiques described above. In this way, the

Indians of Spanish Florida underwent changes in their religious, cere-

monial, political, and social systems, but actually participated very

little in direct interaction with the Spaniards. Little Spanish material

culture was introduced to them, and no efforts were made to alter the

ecological situation or the subsistence practices, so that very little

change in these areas of aboriginal life were apparent until the 18th

century, when the move to St. Augustine took place.

There were occasional patterns of interaction between Span-

iard and Indian which fell outside of the mission structure during the 16th

and 17th centuries. The Spanish attitude toward the Indian seemed




14

somewhat more exploitive during the 16th century than in succeeding

centuries. Pedro Menendez de Aviles made an early attempt at directed

change when he sent several Indians, including the 10-year old daughter

of the King of Tekesta, to Spain in order that they could become His-

panicised and return to teach their tribe members civilization (Menen-

dez 1566). The fate of the project and the Indians is unknown, however,

since no further reports of the incident are known.

In 1598 Governor Canzo wrote to the King of Spain about the

"war Indians" or "Indian warriors," who were used to attack other In-

dians that had not subjugated themselves to the crown. In 1597 the war

Indians had been sent against the Surruque, who were defeated, and

fifty-four Surruque prisoners were brought back to St. Augustine and

distributed among the townspeople, presumably as slaves--the women and

children to married people and the men to the soldiers (Canzo 1598).

This is a very early reference to the presence of Indians in the town

itself, although, again, no follow-up report was made. In the same

letter, Canzo discussed the tribute expected from the Indians: one

arroba of corn from married people, and six macorcas from single

people. Apparently the applied anthropological approach, along with

slavery and tribute, proved unsuccessful or unprofitable for use with

the Florida Indians, since these practices were not continued in the

succeeding centuries. It should also be noted that the de Aviles ada-

lantadomiento expired with Pedro Menendez' son-in-law, and may have

also marked the end of this approach to Indian relations.





15

Mission activity reached its peak during the 17th century, but

occasional, non-religious use was made of the Indians. As early as

1622 Indians from Guale and San Pedro (Cumberland Island) were sent

to labor on the forts in St. Augustine; but according to official documents,

they were apportioned by their own "micos y cassiques," and they re-

ceived passage money and gifts (Ramirez 1622).

By the third quarter of the 17th century, the Spanish were

either recruiting or impressing Florida Indians to serve in the garri-

son at St. Augustine. In 1673, some 300 Indians were sent to St. Augus-

tine "to fill the gaps in the infantry," including 200 Apalachee, 50-55

Timucua, and 45-50 Guale Indians (de la Guerra 1673).

Further evidence of the non-religious exploitation of the Flor-

ida Indians in provided by the 1656 letter of Manuel, Chief of Asile, which

outlined some of the Indian grievances which led to the Timucua rebel-

lion of 1656 (Manuel 1656; Milanich n.d.). Among these grievances it

was reported that the Indians were forced to labor on the Spanish cattle

ranches and plantations without compensation. Little is known of cattle

raising in colonial Florida during the 17th century. Believed to have

been established ca. 1655 (Arnade 1965:6), cattle farming reached a

peak in 1700, when the first taxes were levied on the ranches, and at

that time there were 25 ranches in Timucua territory (Ibid.:8). The

extent to which Indian labor was employed on the ranches is not known,

although garrison soldiers were sent to work on the ranches in the early

18th century (Ibid.:9). The use of Indians on the cattle ranches was





16

probably quite limited, and like presidio labor and service in the gar-

rison, reached only a very small proportion of the Indian population,

although these Indians must have learned some Spanish skills of ranch-

ing and building.

These instances of non-religious interaction between Spaniard

and Indian on the frontier were peripheral to the basic pattern of mis-

sion acculturation in the 17th century. It was the Spanish-Indian inter-

action within the colonial town that had important implications for the

later, intensive Spanish-Indian interaction and mestizaje.

One of the most pervasive, and least known patterns of pre-

18th century Spanish-Indian interaction in St. Augustine was the for-

mation of alliances between Indian women and Spanish men. Very little

is known of the proportion, permanency, and status of Spanish women

residing in St. Augustine. The original party accompanying Menendez

on his initial arrival in Florida contained 800 people; 500 soldiers,

200 sailors and 100 "useless" people (Tebeau 1971:34). Since it was

also reported that 100 of Menendez' men were married, the 100 "use-

less" people may have been wives and children of these men. It should

be noted, however, that official permission was not granted until 1579

for the wives of men stationed in Florida to join their husbands (Chate-

laine 1941:43), although there is certainly no record of a major immi-

gration of Spanish women to Florida at or after this time.

Although the party accompanying Menendez was intended pri-

marily as a military expedition, it did comprise the original European





17

pioneer population of Florida, and this population seems to have dropped

considerably in the years following the founding of St. Augustine. Little

immigration to the poverty-stricken Florida colony occurred during

the Spanish period, since there was no economic incentive in the col-

ony, and the nature of the situado--dependent subsistence base must

have limited the number of residents the colony could support. There

are occasional records of women entering the Florida colony; for ex-

ample, in 1566 14 women arrived with the relief party of Arcineagas

(Chatelaine 1941:43). By 1578 there were only 186 men in the town, and

a- request for 300 men, but only six women was made by Menendez

(Dunkle 1958:5). This seems to imply that soldiers of the garrison

were finding mates among the Indian women of the area quite early in

the Spanish period. What proportion of these alliances were marriages

is unknown, but an untitled document, tentatively dated 1577, lists 13

married men "besides the soldiers, some of whom are married"; ra-

ther a sharp reduction from the 100 married men of 12 years before.

By the turn of the 17th century, there were 57 married couples and 107

children in St. Augustine (Arnade 1959:9), and it was just prior to this

time that Governor Canzo reported a considerable number of illegiti-

mate children in the town (Canzo 1598).

Specific instances of recorded, Indian-Spanish marriages

during this period, and throughout the 17th century, are rare; consist-

ing for the most part of marriages notable enough to receive mention

in the official documents. These early inter-racial marriages revealed





18

that an alliance with a Spaniard was a desirable accomplishment, since

the nobility of the Florida Indian groups were among the first to enter

into such marriages. Perhaps the earliest record of a Spanish-Indian

marriage was that of Pedro Menendez de Aviles himself in 1569 to the

sister of Carlos, chief of the Calusa (Zubillaga 1946:610). While this

was almost certainly a marriage of political expediency (since Menen-

dez already had a Spanish wife), it serves to illustrate the positive

Indian attitude toward such marriages. Another early marriage of an

Indian woman to a Spaniard was that of Luisa Menendez and Juan Rivas,

who met and married while Rivas was on the Pardo expedition of 1567

(Arnade 1959:38). Rivas and his wife returned to live in St. Augustine,

where Rivas was called upon 35 years later as reliable and expert

witness at the hearings to determine the fate of Florida in 1602 (Arnade

1959:38). A slightly later mixed marriage was that of Maria Melendez,

chieftainess of Nombre de Dios, to the Spanish soldier Clemente Ver-

nal. Dona Melendez was pro-Catholic and Spanish, ruling her subjects

jointly with Vernal (Canzo 1598), and from this marriage there were

several mestizo children (Arnade 1959:26).

Intermarriage between Indian and Spaniard almost certainly

occurred with greater frequency in colonial St. Augustine than is in-

dicated documentarily. It was, nevertheless, on a fairly small scale

during the 16th and 17th centuries, if only because of the small and

steadily declining Indian population in the St. Augustine area.







The Guale Period: Post-1680


This situation began to change, however, when the Guale In-

dians of the Georgia coast began to move into the St. Augustine area,

swelling the Indian population. There were four Spanish missions left

in Guale in 1680, despite the recurrent attacks of Yuchi Indians which

had been taking place for 25 years (Swanton 1946:135). These raids may

have been at least partly British-inspired slave raids, and the founding

of Charles Town in 1670 increased the tempo of Yuchi activity. Thus

began a series of events which were to result in the Indian depopulation

of Florida, and the repopulation, on a smaller scale, of St. Augustine.

By 1675, when Calderon visited Florida, the coastal area north

of the St. Johns River (Amelia Island, Cumberland Island) was already

inhabited by infidel Yamassee Indians (Salazar 1675), and in 1680, sev-

eral Guale chiefs asked to be relocated in Spanish territory (Swanton

1946:136), with the result that a large body of Guale moved into Florida.

As early as 1658, the Guale mission of Tolomato was relocated at St.

Augustine (Phillipe IV 1660). Items of material culture and settlement

patterns of the Guale rapidly replaced indigenous Timucua elements in

Florida; clearly demonstrated archeologically at several Florida sites

occupied successively by Timucua and Guale Indians (San Juan del Puer-

to (J. MacMurray 1973), Wright's Landing (Goggin 1953:6), Rollestown

(Goggin 1953:5), Harrison Homestead (Hemmings and Deagan 1973),

and Fort Pupo (Goggin 1951) ).

This gradual increase in population continued from 1680 to




20

1700, when a major increase in the Indian population of St. Augustine

occurred, along with a concomitant shift in the Spanish attitude toward

Indians. After the raids of Col. James Moore and his force of Caro-

linians, Creeks, and Yamassee Indians, the Florida mission system

was destroyed, along with the cattle ranches and a large proportion of

the Indian population (Boyd, Smith and Griffin 1952).

Now with Britain a direct threat to Spain's tentative hold on

Florida, and also to the safety of the colony at St. Augustine, the Span-

ish interest in the Indians shifted from being strictly religious and some-

what economic, to being quite militaristic, quite economic, and some-

what religious. Indian allies were sought not only for aid in the struggle

to maintain control of Florida, but also to act as a defense line in case

of a British attack on St. Augustine; a possibility that became a reality

several times in the 18th century (see Tepaske 1969:193-229).

The Spanish population of St. Augustine also depended in other

ways upon the greatly increased Indian population of the area. Moore's

raids had destroyed the cattle ranches upon which St. Augustine depended

for food, and thus the Indian cornfields which were cultivated.on the peri-

phery of the town were an important supplementary food source (Chate-

laine 1941:map 10; Solana 1760). The Indians of St. Augustine probably

also provided a labor pool for the rebuilding of the town after the siege;

and possibly also as a source of local craft industries such as pottery

or weaving.

The rapid increase in the Indian population of the St. Augustine




21

area is reflected in documentary data from the period. When Calderon

visited the town in 1675 he noted a very sparse Indian population, but

by 1703, at least eight villages of Indians, including Timucua, Apala-

chee, Guale, and remnants of South Florida tribes, had been established

near the town. These were Nombre de Dios Chiquito, Timucua, Tama,

Jororo, Costa Tolomato el Nuevo, Nombre de Dios, and Macariz (Val-

des 1729), some of them obviously named after the Indian groups which

inhabited them. By 1714 the Indian population of St. Augustine had

grown to 401 (Phillipe V 1714); in 1726 it was 1101 (Valdes 1729), and

in 1738 there were 1350 Indians living in the St. Augustine area (Bena-

vides 1738). The 1726 account of Indians in the area lists 10 villages

of heterogeneous tribal affiliation and language, including Yamassee,

Chiluca, Guale, Timucua, Pojois, Apalachee, Costa, and Jororo In-

dians (Valdes 1729). Some of the villages were as far away from the

fort as 12 leagues during the first quarter of the 18th century, but in-

creasing raids by the "Chiscas and Chichumecos" forced most of the

pueblos to within a gunshot of the fort, and many of the Indians into the

Castillo to sleep at night (Solana 1760).

Most of the Indians lived in the mission villages, tilled the soil,

and made occasional forays into the countryside to hunt (Doctrineros

1728), having little direct contact with the Spanish population of St.

Augustine. Of the 1350 Indians in the area in 1738, only 24 of them

(ten "houses") lived in the town (Benavides 1738). One area of Spanish-

Indian interaction was increasing rapidly in tempo, however, and this





22

was the formation of liasons between Indian women and Spanish men.

These liasons were a more common feature of the 18th century

than of the preceding centuries, since the incidence of such marriages

increases greatly in the parish records and other documentary sources

hint at the situation. Early in the century, the issue was important

enough to be discussed in a letter to the crown. Governor Corcoles y

Martinez reported that the friars were angry about the marriage of

garrison soldiers to Indians or mixed Indians by the garrison pastor.

They said "If a soldier or anyone wishes to marry an Indian or mixed

Indian they must do so in the parish and church to which the Indian be-

longs" (Brooks 1909:167-8).

Complaints by members of the religious orders were made

throughout the 18th century about the immoral activities, "abuses,"

"vices," and "evils" of St. Augustine town life (Buenaventura 1735,

1736; Solana 1758), and it was reported in 1758 that the soldiers did

not quarter in the presidio, but lived instead in the town "where illicit

relationships take place" (Solana 1758). Activities such as these prob-

ably accounted for a great deal of mestizaje not recorded in the parish

documents.

Mestizaje in St. Augustine

The process of mestizaje began in the new world from the time

of the first European contact. As early as 1501 the forceful concubinage

of Indian women was recognized as a problem in the New World, and

the royal instructions to Governor Ovando of Santo Domingo in 1501





23

included the decree that Indian women should not be retained against

their wishes. It was also stated that if Spaniards wished to marry In-

dians, "this had to be done voluntarily on both.sides and not forcibly"

(Morner 1967:37). Marriages between the daughters of Indian cassiques

and Spaniards were also encouraged, for by Spanish reasoning (and

misunderstanding of matrilineal inheritance systems) "in that way all

of the cassiques would soon be Spaniards" (Ibid.). This was probably

similar to the attitudes and approach held by the European conquerors

of Florida.

Magnus Morner's study of race mixture in Latin America (1970)

points out that the earliest generations of mestizos were generally asso-

ciated with, and assimilated into the paternal group, and less frequently

into the maternal group. The formation of a distinctive, marginal mes-

tizo population did not occur until mestizaje began to take place on a

greater scale, when mestizos began to identify with each other rather

than with a parental group (p. 29).

This also would have been the case in 18th century St. Augustine,

had the 18th century Spanish population remained in the town. 16th cen-

tury mestizaje was largely understated and connected with aboriginal

nobility, and while there was a slight increase in the incidence of mes-

tizaje during the 17th century, it was not recognized as a social issue

or problem. It was not until the 18th century that intermarriage and

mestizaje occurred to a noticeable or significant extent in Florida.

The parish records of the Cathedral of St. Augustine (1574-





24

1763) list occasional births resulting from mixed Spanish-Indian mar-

riages in the 16th and 17th centuries, but it was not until the Book of

the Pardos was started in 1735 that Indian-Spanish marriages and births

were clearly stated. It should also be remembered that mixed marriages

were encouraged to be performed in the parish of the Indian bride (Cor-

coles y Martinez 1704; Brooks 1909) thus revealing the Parish records

as an unreliable index to mixed marriages and births before the Book

of the Pardos (which contained Negro, Indian, and mixed blood statis-

tics) was established. The proportion of the St. Augustine population

with mixed Indian-Spanish blood by 1700 was probably somewhat greater

than that suggested by the parish records. Possibly the earliest mes-

tizos were encouraged to identify with the Indian parent, as suggested

by their exclusion from the parish records, but by the second or third

generation of those living in St. Augustine, integration of this small

segment of the population into the town life would have taken place,

along with their identification as criollo, rather than mestizo. During

the 10-year period from 1725 to 1735 only two births out of 235 recorded

births were listed as having an Indian or Mestizo parent (1%), which

seems quite low, even considering the normal pattern of relegation

to the Indian doctrine parish of mixed blood records. By the 10-year

period from 1700 to 1710, 12 out of 386 births (3%) were listed as ra-

cially mixed, and by 1735 the incidence was high enough to warrant

their inclusion in the separate Book of the Pardos.

It was during the 18th century that mestizaje took place at a




25

noticeably increased rate in St. Augustine. Between the years 1735

and 1750 there were 306 marriages performed in the parish church

(St. Augustine Historical Society n.d.). Of these, 55 (18%) were be-

tween blacks or mulattos; 217 (71%) were between Spaniards or white

creoles, and 34 (11%) were between mestizos or Indians, and Spaniards

or creoles.

During the same period (1735-1750), 1,423 baptisms were

recorded. These included 411 (27%) Black or mulatto births; 976 (70%)

white births and 36 (3%) mixed Indian-White births. It is indicated that

during this 15-year period, at the height of Spanish-Indian interaction,

there were roughly five births recorded to every marriage of Blacks;

six births recorded for every white marriage, and only one birth for

every mixed marriage recorded in the city. Since illegitimate births

and stillbirths were recorded in the baptismal records, a distortion

of the births per marriage due to a higher rate of illegitimacy or infant

mortality for a particular racial group may be ruled out.

Either the mixed-blood birth rate was actually much lower than

that of Whites or Blacks, or other cultural factors distorted the docu-

mentary record. Since it is known that earlier in the century attempts

were made to relegate Indian-Spanish marriages to the Indian bride's

parish, the same attempt may have been made for mixed blood births.

Although the trend indicated in the documents seems to imply that a

greater proportion of mixed mar'riages-particularly those involving

garrison members--were being performed in the town parish, the birth







of a child was in the 18th century a non-institutionalized area of female

culture, and would be dealt with in a manner culturally familiar to the

mother. Many such births may have taken place in the woman's doc-

trina home.

During the 15-year period between 1735 and 1750, only two

instances of Indian-Negro marriage were recorded, and both of these

involved a mulatto male and a mestizo female. In no instance was a

match between an Indian male and a white female noted. Although we

know that in 1729 there were a number of tribal groups in the St. Augus-

tine area, all of the mestizas or Indians in mixed matches, whoseplace

of origin was given, were Guale or Yamassee Indians, with the excep-

tion of two Apalachee women. The Jororos were in the village of Jor-

oro, the Costas were in the village of Costa, the Timucua and the Apa-

lachee were in the village at Mose; leaving Palicia, La Punta, Tolomato,

Nombre de Dios and Macariz for the Guale and Yamassee (Valdes 1729).

In the marriage records, nine women were from Palicia, four were

from Tolomato, two were from La Punta, and one was "of Iguala."

The Guale and Yamassee had been in St. Augustine since 1680, and

their villages were almost within the town (Valdes 1729), so that their,

contact with the garrison and the townspeople was greater both in dura-

tion and intensity than that of the other Indian tribes. This is also re-

flected in the predominantly Guale ceramics which are found on 18th

century St. Augustine sites.

The social position and Spanish attitude toward mestizos and





27

acculturated Indians in St. Augustine is particularly obscure. Occa-

sional documentary references hint that mestizos held a marginal so-

cial position, and were recognized as a distinct, but separate popula-

tion element.

By the early 18th century this becomes apparent, as mestizos

become more integrated as a group into the town life. A recurrent

ecclesiastical and judicial concern was the distinction between mesti-

zos or Indians who lived in the town, and those who lived in the Indian

villages. Friars in the Indian doctrinas felt that mestizos, even those

living within the city, should come under the religious and civil juris-

diction of the Indian doctrine parishes. The secular priests in the town,

however, seemed to feel that mestizos and town-dwelling Indians should

come under the same jurisdiction as the Florida Criollos (Cerda 1701).

By this time, then, the mestizos were a recognizable, albeit marginal

group in colonial St. Augustine.

The documentary indications of the attitude toward mestizos

are generally negative. One of the earliest comments about mestizos

was that of Governor Zuniga who, when reviewing the situation of the

population after the 1702 siege, stated that there were "some Negroes,

Indians, Mullatos, Mestizos, and other dastardly persons" in St.

Augustine (Zuniga 1702). This is revealing of subtle racist attitudes

which were probably directed toward mixed-bloods in 18th century St.

Augustine.

At least twice during the 17th century, companies of Mexican




28

mestizo soldiers were sent to St. Augustine to supplement the inadequate

St. Augustine garrison. In 1662, the mestizos were described as "use-

less" and "cowardly" (Ponce de Leon 1664), and again in similar terms

in 1669 (Arana 1971:55). These companies were discharged, and pre-

sumably returned to Mexico without significantly influencing St. Augustine

culture.

These suggestions of an unfavorable attitude toward the mes-

tizos of colonial St. Augustine, coupled with their segregation in church

records to the Book of the Pardos, or even further, to the Indian Doc-

trina parishes, suggests their social identification with Indians rather

than criollos. Nothing is known of the Indian attitude toward mixed

blood people.

There are a number of problems involved in the study of mes-

tizo social position for which the parish records can be a useful source

of information. One of these is the settlement pattern of the mestizo

families within the town. The Puente map of 1763 provides the names

and locations of all heads-of-families residing in St. Augustine, and

the correlation of racial identification in the parish records with the

Puente locations in the town should show whether mestizos were clus-

tered in certain areas of the city or were distributed randomly. Another

subject of interest is the marriage partners of mestizos, particularly

second or third generation mestizos. During the 1735-1750 time period,

21 Indian women and seven mestizo women were recorded in the marriage

records with their husbands' place of origin. Of the 21 Indian women,




29


11 married Spaniards (two of which were from New Spain), two married

crtollos, six married mestizos and one married an Indian. Roughly the

same proportions held for the mestizo women: five married Spaniards,

one married a criollo and one married an Indian. The data from this

short period indicate that the marriages between Indians or mestizos

and non-Indians usually involved a Spanish garrison soldier, while mar-

riages with criollos were relatively uncommon, perhaps due to prejudices

on the part of the resident criollo population.

Social status of mestizos, or at least social aspirations, could

also be gauged by a determination of the godparents chosen, or willing

to act for, mestizo children. This was an important social index in

Spain, but most particularly in New Spain (Foster 1960:122-123). The

surname taken by mestizo children is also a significant focus of research

in the parish records, since superficial observation shows that many

take the mother's (Indian or mestizo's) surname rather than that of

the Hispanic father. In this way hypotheses about the degree of abori-

ginal inheritance and social organization which are retained in an emerg-

ing mestizo population may be tested. The correlation of changes in

these documentary aspects of social position through time, with changes

in the population composition of the town is also indicated in a survey

of the parish records. Such a survey, encompassing all of these aspects,

is a project, the nature and scope of which would provide appropriate

material for a book in itself.

The economic position of mestizos in St. Augustine, as well




30

as their lifestyle in relation to the other population elements in the town,

and the processes by which mestizaje and assimilation into Hispanic-

American culture took place, can all be illuminated by problem-oriented

archeology in St. Augustine. This approach, carried out within the

framework of a known mestizo setting, has revealed specific details

of mestizo life, and acts as a controlled test of hypotheses relating to

the problems outlined in this chapter.

Such a setting, revealed by research in the parish records of

St. Augustine, is the home and family of Maria de la Cruz. Maria

de la Cruz was the daughter of Indian parents who lived at Nombre de

Dios, a Guale mission village on the periphery of St. Augustine. Since

Maria's birth was not recorded in the parish records, she was probably

born at Nombre de Dios, and in 1728 she married Joseph Gallardos,

a Spanish soldier from Santiago. Maria and Joseph had three children

whose births are recorded in the parish records: Maria, born in 1730,

Nicolasa, born in 1740, and Joseph, born in 1745. Maria married a

Spaniard named Joseph Morales in 1745, the same year that her brother

was born. By the time of the Spanish departure in 1763, Maria and

Joseph (the elders) were gone, for a lot containing two stone houses

was listed on the Puente map as belonging to "the heirs of Maria de la

Cruz," these presumably being Maria, Nicolasa, and Joseph. This

was a substantial property by any standards in St. Augustine, as was

the property next door. On it stood a tabby house owned by Clemente

Hilario, a mestizo who was married to an Indian woman.

The existence of such homes belonging to mestizos indicate





31

that they were not entirely on the fringe of St. Augustine economic life;

in fact, they were fairly well-to-do by material standards. The nature

of this material well-being, and its role in revealing the degree of in-

tegration of the mestizo or Indian into a Hispanic cultural setting has

been the task of archeology, carried out at the site of Maria de la Cruz's

home.














CHAPTER II

18TH CENTURY ACCULTURATION: A PROCESSUAL HYPOTHESIS


The social setting in which Maria de la Cruz lived was unlike

that of Indian women in most other parts of New Spain. The two cen-

turies of events and patterns of interaction outlined in the preceding

chapter, which led to the participation of Maria de la Cruz in Florida

mestizaje, were unique to the New World colonial experience.

By no stretch of the imagination could Florida today be included

in the Hispanic American culture area (Foster 1960:2). Hispanic Ameri-

can culture is the result of the Spanish settlement and occupation of

certain New World areas, including Central America, South America

and the Carribbean. This cultural expression can be seen as the result

of interaction and mutual influence between the Hispanic and aboriginal

cultures in the areas of contact. Foster's 1960 study of this situation

in Mexico produced important insights into the Spanish-Indian accultura-

tive process, which when applied to Spanish Florida, help clarify the

unique situation there.

A basic concept in Foster's explanatory scheme is that differ-

ential factors in the presentation and acceptance of cultural elements

are operating in both cultures. He characterizes the donor culture

(which in this case is the Spanish culture) as artificial, standardized,

32





33

simplified or ideal, in that it is at least partially consciously created

and designed to cope with recognized problems" (Foster 1960:11). In

cases where little or no political or military control is exercised over

the recipient culture, Foster refers to the donor culture as a "contact

culture" (Ibid.). A conquest or contact culture is a stripped-down ver-

sion of the total cultural repetoire of the donor, designed to cope most

effectively with the new environment. This screened version of the

donor culture is screened again by the recipient culture, which selects

some elements of the contact culture, and rejects others (Ibid.:12).'

Foster pointed out that socio-psychological mechanisms, the

nature of the recipient material culture, and official policies of the do-

nor culture all affected the formation of Hispanic American culture,

and he defined three.basic processes at world; in the acceptance or rejec-

tion of donor cultural elements. In the area of material culture, Span-

ish items were accepted most readily where there were no satisfactory

native counterparts, and they were rejected where there was a satis-

factory native counterpart (such as food, or life cycle ceremonials)

(p. 228). Also in the area of material culture, Spanish forms were

readily accepted when the recipient culture counterpart was less effi-

cient (such as in agricultural techniques). In the area of folk culture

(dietary preferences, folklore, superstition, music) however, Spanish

elements found themselves in competition with native analogues; and the

acceptance or rejection of such elements was largely the result of socio-

psychological mechanisms on the part of individuals, and is much more






difficult to describe (p. 229).

The ultimate result of these selection processes in both the

donor and the recipient cultures over time, is referred to by Foster

as "cultural crystallization." After a period of fluid cultural conditions,

and receptivity to donor cultural elements, the recipient and donor cul-

tures internalize the new, borrowed forms, and become resistant to fur-

ther donor cultural influence (Ibid.:232). That is, the new, Hispanic-

American culture crystallized.

The analysis of Spanish Florida within such a framework reveals

a number of differences from Central America, on which Foster's study

was based. Throughout the 16th and 17th centuries, when the develop-

ments leading to cultural crystallization should have been taking place

(in Foster's scheme), the interaction between the donor (Spanish) and

recipient (Indian) cultures was extremely limited and strictly controlled

by the mission system. This was a contact culture, presented to the

Florida Indians almost entirely in terms of mission Catholicism. Dur-

ing this time, mestizaje was taking place in St. Augustine, but at a barely

noticeable rate, which did not significantly affect Indian-Spanish cultural

exchange.

Another important difference between Central America and

Florida was in the Indian population with which the Spanish culture came

in contact. The Timucua Indians were semi-sedentary, part-time horti-

culburalists with a tribal organization. The Indian cultures of Central

America, however, by the time of Spanish contact, had culminated in a




35

state level of organization, with dense populations, urban-centers, ela-

borate political and ceremonial systems, and a well-established agricul-

tural and trade-based economy. While certainly not all Indian groups in

New Spain possessed these cultural features, the participation of cultures

which did, had an important effect on the pattern and results of Indian-

Spanish interaction and acculturation.

With the beginning of the 18th century in Florida, and the changes

in Indian-Spanish interaction at this time (outlined in the preceding chap-

ter), the processes of donor presentation and recipient selection which

led in Central America to cultural crystallization began to take place.

This lasted for a scant 63 years before the Spaniards and the Indians left

Florida, and the embryonic Hispanic-American culture in Florida was

brought to an end.

The donor culture in 18th century St. Augustine can be charac-

terized as an extremely reduced version of Spanish culture, consisting

mainly of male, military and frontier elements. Since the most effective,

and prevalent, form of interaction with the aboriginal population was through

marriage with Indian women, the recipient culture can be viewed as a re-

duced version of Indian culture, consisting of female, domestic, and

folk-culture elements.

This was a contact, rather than a conquest culture, and the de-

signation of "donor" and "recipient" to the respective cultures involved

is somewhat misleading for 18th century St. Augustine. Neither the

Spanish population nor the Indian population at that time was indigenous




36

to the area, and the process of acculturation was mutual. Although the

Spanish culture is referred to as the "donor," and the Indian culture as

the "recipient" here, each of these cultures acted as donor and as re-

cipient at various times.

It should be noted at this point that there was a certain form of

cultural crystallization that occurred in colonial St. Augustine, but not

of the variety described by Foster, which involves a native recipient and

a European donor. This was the criollo culture of St. Augustine, about

which very little is known. The criollo culture was the result of Spanish

cultural elements affected by the environmental limitations of Florida,

and the peculiar nature of situado-based subsistence. Interaction and

exchange with Florida's native cultures was apparently not a significant

factor in the formation of criollo culture, but it was rather the result of

adaptation by Spanish colonial economic, political, and social institutions

to the physical environment in which they found themselves. Manifes-

tations of this criollo culture include the architectural styles of St.

Augustine, including the "St. Augustine plan" homes (Manucy 1962; Ar-

nade 1961); the subsistence on imported food, with native sources used

mainly as a supplement, and a general impression of transiency and dis-

satisfaction in the colonial documents. The analysis of criollo culture,

however, is outside the scope of this stUdy, and is in itself an appropriate

topic for an extensive study.

The nature of Indian-Spanish cultural exchange in 18th century

St. Augustine, however, can be seen as part of the process outlined by





37

Foster. Although the ultimate result of these processes in New Spain

was the crystallization of Hispanic-American culture, this did not occur

in Spanish Florida for the reasons suggested above.

Given the nature of the donor and recipient cultures, and the

important factor of the female link between them, a hypothesis an be

formulated to account for the particular pattern of a duration and mes-

tizaje in colonial St. Augustine:


"Acculturation in 18th century St. Augustine was effected large-

ly by Indian women in Spanish or mestizo household units within a pre-

dominantly male oriented (military) cultural milieu."


This hypothesis has a number of implications which are archeologically

testable:

1. Acculturation would be evident primarily in Indian women's activities

affecting Spanish cultural features. This would be archeologically dis-

cernible in the areas of:

A. Food preparation techniques

B. Food preparation '-equipment and location of food preparation materials

C. Collectable food resources locally available

D. Child-care related activities

Material correlates of these activities would be expected to exhibit pri-

marily Indian elements, with some Spanish influence. These are areas

of female Indian culture which affect the daily elements of male (Spanish)

culture, and are therefore influenced by male tastes. and peripheral




38

involvement. They would, however, be expected to reveal only minor

European influences, due to the fact that the donor culture in St. Augus-

tine was primarily male, and would probably not include Spanish versions

of these activities.

Native aboriginal food preparation techniques included roasting,

stone boiling, parching grain and vegetables, preparation of porridges

and stews, barbecueing on frames, seed and corn grinding, and bread

baking in ashes (Swanton 1946:51-72). Native food preparation equipment,

archeologically recoverable, would include earthenware pots, fire pits,

boiling stones, and grinding stones of native materials. It would be ex-

pected that some evidence of these activities and equipment items would

be recovered, possibly with some modification demanded by Spanish

tastes.

Both food preparation techniques and equipment are largely de-

pendent upon the available food resources. Food was a topic of constant

concern in colonial St. Augustine. Moore's raids in 1702 and 1704 had

destroyed the cattle ranches upon which the town depended for fresh meat

(Franciscans 1722). Although cornfields were reportedly cultivated on

the edge of the town in the early part of the 18th century, by the term of

Governor Corcoles y Martinez (1706-1716) it was said that predatory

Northern Indians aborted any attempts at farming other than a few small

plots beneath the Castillo walls (Tepaske 1964:87). Enemy Indians also

prevented hunting and fishing outside the town confines.

Many homes in St. Augustine had gardens in which fruit and





39

vegetables for household consumption were grown. Vegetables grown

in St. Augustine gardens in 1600, an probably also in the succeeding

centuries, included corn, pumpkins, beans, cucumbers, greens, lettuce,

radishes, and sweet potatoes (Arnade 1959:27). De Brahms noted that

in 1763, the Spanish gardens were well stocked with fruit trees, including

figs, guavas, plantains, pomegranates, lemons, limes, citron, oranges,

and bergamot (Fairbanks 1881:89).

The base and mainstay of St. Augustine subsistence, however,

was the situado. This yearly subsidy was sent to the Florida colony from

New Spain to supply the garrison and town with food, clothing, money,

and all other material goods needed or wanted for survival. Except for

the few alternate and supplemental food sources discussed above, the people

of St. Augustine were totally dependent upon the subsidy. For this rea-

son the erratic and undependable nature of the situado was especially

tragic. When the situado did arrive, and it often did not, the months of

sitting in port had frequently rotted the meat and rendered flour wormy

and moldy. Exorbitant prices charged by the merchants of New Spain

to the helpless Florida representative and frequent interference with the

cargo ships by foreign corsairs also increased the plight of those trying

to survive on the situado. In 1739, 1740, and 1741, the situado did not

arrive at all because of the ensuing war with the English (the war of Jen-

kins Ear), and then, as in 1712 when the situado ship was seized by the

British, the inhabitants of St. Augustine were reduced to eating cats, dogs,

rats, and horses (Tepaske 1964:83);





40

By the middle of the 18th century the situado was so insufficient

that illicit trade with the British colonies was flourishing. The heaviest

trade was carried out with Charlcston, and between 1716 and 1763 frequent

ships carrying cargoes of pork, beef, rum, flour, cheese, dry goods,

herring, butter, bread, bacon, knives, cloth, corn, pipes, vinegar,

nails, tallow, "european goods," hoes, axes, lard, pine board, bottled

beer, grindstones, and beeswax traded in St. Augustine (Harmon 1969:

83-88). Ships from New York also arrived in St. Augustine to trade; con-

taining wood, skins, wine, rum, and horses. (Ibid.:89). The Virginia

colony also took part in the illicit trade, sending beef, lard, malt, iron

pots, pork, flour, and 3000 Staves and shingles to St. Augustine (Ibid.:91).

In exchange for these goods, the Florida traders provided oranges, skins,

lumber, and "Spanish Sugar" (Ibid.).

Even with gardening and sporadic trade with the British, getting

enough food to subsist on was a major concern of Spaniard, Indian, and

mestizo alike. Therefore those households that had access to, or special

knowledge of local food resources, would be at an advantage. Such house-

holds would include those with an Indian member, such as the de la Cruz-

Gallardos family, and it would be expected that native food sources and

preparation evidence would be present at the site of their homes. Although

the donor contact culture in St. Augustine did offer items of food and food

preparation in the situado, these items in this case were not more easily

accessible, or more efficient than native forms, and would therefore not

be expected to replace the recipient cultural forms, although they would







probably act as a supplement, especially for prestige items.

Child care was another area of female culture expected to show

evidence of acculturation. Although primarily a focus of the Indian wo-

man, this activity did have a direct link with the male (Spanish) member

of the household. Material correlates of child care activities, such as

games and toys, would therefore be expected to be primarily aboriginal,

but not without some Spanish influence.

2. Acculturation was less evident in male activities, which would be

primarily Spanish. This would be archeologically discernible in the

areas of:

A. House style

B. House construction techniques

C. Spacial relationships among house lot elements

D. Military-political affairs

These are areas of culture that would not be adopted by the ab-

original recipient culture, which was primarily female. Also, since the

link between the Spanish contact culture and the aboriginal Florida cul-

ture was the Indian woman, the recipient aboriginal culture's repetoire

which was made available to the Spanish would not include these elements.

Typically Spanish homes in St. Augustine were single or double-

storied, with two or three rooms to a floor. Most had a wall surrounding

the house and yard, and were constructed of native materials--coquina,

wood, or tabby (Manucy 1962:10-12). The differences observed in St.

Augustine Spanish architecture from the architecture of Spain are due to




42

the modifications imposed by the Florida environment, rather than to

aboriginal influence.

Within the garden wall, Spanish homes in St. Augustine included

the house itself, a courtyard area, one or more wells (usually in the

courtyard) and one or more outbuildings, which might be a kitchen, out-

house, fowl house, laundry, or storage shed (Manucy 1962:127). In a

mixed Spanish-Indian household in St. Augustine, it would be expected

that archeological evidence of this pattern would be recovered.

Evidence of military-political activity, archeologically recov-

erable, would include Spanish ammunition and weaponry, with little evi-

dence of aboriginal influence expected.

3. Crafts of women would be primarily aboriginal.

These crafts would include activities such as pottery making,

weaving, sewing, and basketry, which would not be part of the male-

oriented Spanish contact culture in St. Augustine. Craft activities are

also restricted by available raw materials, which in 18th century Florida

included only those native to the area, and which were already an estab-

lished part of the native Florida craft repetoire.

4. Crafts of men would show evidence of Spanish-Indian admixture.

Male crafts, including flintworking, bonework, woodworking,

.fishing, trapping, and hunting; would be predominantly Spanish where

the Spanish form was more efficient than its native counterpart (such as

fish hooks and nets). Due to the raw materials available, and the restric-

tions placed on Spanish craft techniques (particularly hunting, fishing,







and trapping) by the exigencies of the Florida environment, however,

Spanish techniques and equipment would be modified by the adoption of

those aboriginal techniques which were already well-adapted to the en-

vironment. It would be expected that this would be archeologically most

apparent in trapping activities, and in the raw materials used for craft

activities.

5. Socio-technic items would be largely Spanish as more prestigeful.

Socio-technic items, as defined by Lewis Binford (1962:95),

are those artifacts which serve to function within or define a certain spe-

cific social sub-system within a culture. In a mixed Spanish-Indian situ-

ation, socio-technic items of European origin, which identified the in-

dividual as "Hispanic" would be selected over aboriginal items because

of the greater prestige associated with the European in a mestizo milieu.

This selection process would be comparable to the third process hypo-

thesized by Foster (1960:229); that of individual socio-psychological fac-

tors determining selection of or rejection of European elements.

Archeological evidence of socio-technic items would include

those artifacts which contributed to the public image of an individual or

family, such as dress, cosmetics, ornaments, tableware, and even the

house itself.

The appropriateness of the above hypothesis, and the explanatory

strength of Foster's model of the contact culture, could be, and have been,

tested by controlled excavation in St. Augustine, Florida, the locus of

18th century Spanish-Indian interaction.














CHAPTER III

TESTING THE HYPOTHESIS

Documentary History of the Site

In order to test the hypothesis outlined in the preceding chapter,

it was necessary to locate a site of known Spanish-Indian occupation.

SA-.16-23 was such a site, known documentarily to have been occupied

by a mestizo household in the 18th century (see Chapter I), and also par-

tially excavated by a 1972 University of Florida field party.

Located at 17 Spanish Street in St. Augustine, the site lies in

what was the northwest portion of the colonial fortified city; Quadrant

"C" (Figure 1). Today the site is designated as Block 16, Lot 23; a block

which in colonial times was occupied by a number of mestizo families.

Although it is now an empty lot, the site has had nearly continuous occu-

pation from the first Spanish period to the present, with much building

and rebuilding.

Virtually nothing is known of the lot through documents prior to

1763, when it was depicted on the Puente map as the location of two stone

buildings belonging to the heirs of Maria de la Cruz (see Chapter I) (Puente

1763).

When Col. James Moore attacked St. Augustine in 1702, he found

few stone structures there; only the fort and parts of three public buildings

44





45

(Marucy 1962:21). The vast majority of the town buildings were of wood,

and were destroyed in the raid of 1702, and certainly any house which

stood on the de la Cruz lot were destroyed--possibly even by the Spaniards

themselves. The lot quite likely fell within the "gunshot's" radius around

the fort, in which all structures were razed so that they could not be used

by the British (Ibid.: 23).

The government-subsidized rebuilding of St. Augustine, which

began after 1703, and was well underway by 1715, increased the number

of masonry tiellings. By 1759, 23 out of 303 structures were built of

stone (Solana 1760), .one or more of these undoubtedly the de la Cruz

dwellings, which were built of coquina stone on tabby foundations.

The Jeffries map, published in 1762 (Jeffries 1762), suggests

an even earlier date for the de la Cruz dwellings. This map was made

not from firsthand observation, but "chiefly from original drawings taken

from the Spanish in the last war" (Ibid.). The last war before 1762, re-

ferred to by Jeffries, was probably Oglethorpe's siege of St. Augustine

in 1740, during the war of Jerkins Ear; and thus the map can be tentatively

dated ca. 1740. On the Jeffries Map the de la Cruz houses, as well as

outbuildings associated with them, are depicted (Figure 2).

The first recorded mention of the lot ownership, however, was

in 1763, when the engineer Juan Elixio Puente made an assessment of

Spanish property at the time of the British takeover (Puente 1763) (Fig-

ure 1). Puente listed what is now SA-16-23 as belonging to the heirs of

Maria de la Cruz, undoubtedly Joseph, Maria, and Nicolasa;-and depicted

two stone houses on the lot.




46

With the Spanish departure from St. Augustine, the de la Cruz

heirs sold their property to the Englishman, Samuel Pyles (Historic

St. Augustine Preservation Board), upon whose death in 1765 the property

was sold to Jesse Fish (East Florida Papers B. 357:2). (It was this trans-

action, which retained the wording from the original de la Cruz-Pyles

deed naming Maria de la Cruz as. "la Yndia").

The Moncreif map of 1765 depicts the two stone buildings on the

lot, and also lists them as the property of Mr. Pyles. This was probably

drawn before the death of Pyles.

Fish retained the property until the British departed from St.

Augustine in 1784, and the land reverted to the crown (Roque 1788). It

was not, however, unoccupied, for this seemed to be a period of squatting

privilege, or tacit privilege for those who built on crown land. By the

time the Roque map of 1788 was made, the Minorcan family of Bartolome

Usina had built a timber and wood-frame house on the lot and was living

there. Neither the Roque map of 1788 or the Berrio Map of 1791 shows

the stone houses originally belonging to the de la Cruz family, so it may

be assumed that by 1788, the tabby and coquina houses were gone and

the wooden house of Usina stood on the lot. Archeological evidence sup-

porting this was recovered during the 1972 excavation of the south house:

a distinctive post and wall trench for a wooden house was found, cutting

through the tabby foundation of the earlier house. Since the contents of

the trench included Creamware (1762-1820) and Wheildon Ware (1740-1770)

(Noel-Hume 1970:123-126) this was a late 18th century construction, and

most probably Bartolome Usina's dwelling.








Quesada's report of 1790 lists Bartlome Usina and his family

at SA-16-23, and Bartolnme Usina II and his family were reported to be

residing in the same place in the 1793 census The lot was finally

sold to Usina in 1803 (Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board Files).

It was occupied throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, and at least

two houses and a grocery store were built in the lot during that time.

The documentary record indicates a short lifespan for the tabby

foundation structures at the site. Probably built ca. 1740 (since Maria

de la Cruz and Joseph Gallardos were married in 1728 (St. Augustine

Historical Society n.d.)), the houses were gone by 1788.

The 1972 Excavation

The first archeological exploration at SA-16-23 took place in the

Spring of 1972, when it was chosen as a site for the University of Flor-

ida's annual Field School. Directed by Dr. Charles H. Fairbanks,

18 students excavated for ten weeks at the site, and this excavation is

the subject of a Master's thesis by Carl D. McMurray of the Univer-

sity of Florida (Mcburray n.d.)

The excavation was originally undertaken to archeologically ex-

plore the remains of a Mirnorcan dwelling known to have been on the lot

from 1780 (see p. 46, this chapter), as well as to pioneer "backyard

archeology" through the determination of dietary elements and back lot

features (Fairbanks 1972). During the course of the excavation, the em-

phasis came to rest on the foundations of two houses known to belong to





48

Maria de la Cruz in the 18th century, which were among the few First

Spanish Period foundations excavated in St. Augustine.

The area excavated by Fairbanks (Figure 3) included the Founda-

tions of two houses, a small portion of the garden wall, part of the court-

yard, and three wells. The excavation controls employed during the

1972 season were essentially similar to those used (and described below)

in the 1973 excavation. A modified Chicago grid system was used, with

coordinates measured North and East, and the site was excavated in 10

foot-square units. Vertical control was maintained with the use of a

transit, and material was screened through 1/4 inch mesh on hand and

gasoline-powered screens.

One house, at the north end of the site was aligned east to west,

and the southerly house was aligned north to south. Both of the houses

originally had tabby foundations and coquina block walls, and were two-

room structures. The north house also had a loggia or covered porch

on the south side.

The excavation concentrated on those foundations which were

not covered by Spanish Street on the east, hnd the area between them.

An exploratory trench was also excavated, extending 85 feet west from the

northwest corner of the south house, which yielded disappointingly little

evidence of back lot activity. The two wells which were excavated both

proved to be 19th century features; one was a barrel well similar to that

described below, and one was a coquina block well, both in the courtyard

area of the lot.





49

Other features of interest at the site included six trashpits of

18th century context, and a wall trench cutting across the tabby founda-

tion of the south house, which was identified as the trench for the house

of Bartolome Usina.

Since the 1972 excavation uncovered the first portion of what

proved to be the garden wall; the 1973 excavation grid was tied into the

1972 grid, and extended from it, initially following the garden wall.

Data from the 1972 excavation have been incorporated into the analysis

of the more recently excavated material whenever possible and appro-

priate, and this data will be discussed and included throughout the text.

Excavation Approach

Two hundred and fifty years of continuous occupation, coupled

with frequent building and rebuilding, produced a complicated and often

disturbed stratigraphic situation at SA-16-23. This is a common fea-

ture of historic site archeology, and is a major consideration in data

recovery and excavation strategy. At SA-16-23, the 19th and 20th cen-

tury occupation horizons were easily distinguishable as Zone I, and were

generally stripped off and discarded. Features from these levels, cutting

into Zone II (the 18th century occupation horizon) were also removed and

discarded. The resulting artifact assemblage was therefore known to con-

sist solely of material of a pre-19th century occupation. Due to the ex-

tensive site disturbance, however, there was in-many instances intrusive

disturbance in Zone II and sub-Zone II features; and Zone II itself was a

mixed horizon. For these reasons most of the analysis pertinent to the




50

hypothesis has been based on proveniences-mostly undisturbed, sub-

Zone II features-which are known stratigraphically to have resulted from

the 18th century occupation of the site.

"An extensive excavation approach was used at SA-16-23 in an

attempt to expose as much of the 18th century lot area as possible. The

objectives of the excavation procedure were to define activity and use

areas in the lot--particularly women's activity areas; to learn the spacial

relationships among the back lot elements and the houses themselves, and

also to locate trash disposal areas within the lot confines which would

yield information about specific dietary patterns of the SA-16-23 inhabi-

tants.

Horizontal control was maintained with a modified Chicago grid

set in three-Sneter intervals over the site, with north and east coordinates

measured from a fixed point. The size of the excavation units varied,

depending upon the nature of the area being excavated. Field notes, con-

trol data, levels, etc. for the 1973 SA-16-23 excavation are filed with

the Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board, St. Augustine, Florida.

Vertical control was maintained with the use of a transit. An

arbitrary datum was established before excavation began, and all levels,

features, zones, etc. in the site were measured down from this datum.

The base of Zone II (18th century horizon), which was the top of sterile

yellow sand, was at a consistent depth throughout the site at 2.0 to 2.3

meters below datum (approximately .5-.8 meters below ground surface).

All features which were first discernible at this level were included as







data possibly relevant to mestizo occupation.

The first stage of the excavation strategy was the exposure of

the garden wall foundation which enclosed the 18th century lot, thus de-

fining the geographic limits relevant to the problem at hand. Once this

boundary was defined; rooms, wells, "courtyard" areas and areas out-

side the wall boundaries were excavated as units (Figure 3).

Three exploratory trenches were dug at the site (see Figure 3).

Trench A ran in a north-south direction from the north edge of the main

excavation, in an attempt to locate architectural or other features behind

and between the two houses. Trenches B and C were attempts to locate

the north wall of the house in lot 22, in order to confirm the identification

of the garden wall as part of the de la Cruz complex. The wall was found

at 1 .4 meters south of the garden wall (Figure 3), running parallel to it.

This was the north wall foundation of the home of Don Ruiz del Canzo,

who occupied lot 22 at the same time that the de la Cruz heirs occupied

lot 23 (Puente 1763).

Zone I was removed with shovels and discarded with the exception

of two three-meter by three-meter units in which Zone I material was

screened for a Zone I sample. Zone II, and material from all pits, post-

holes, and other features, was screened through either an electric shaker

screen covered with 1/4 inch hardware cloth, or through flat-bed hand

screens, also covered with 1/4 inch hardware cloth. Soil samples were

taken at intervals, and from trash pits for soil and possibly pollen analy-

sis; and flotation samples were taken from certain features in order to

recover plant and very small faunal remains.




52

Byithe second week of excavation, the screening process at SA-

16-23 was converted entirely to water screening. A garden hose with a

spray nozzle was attached to a spigot, and used to spray water over the

material in the screens. The advantages of this process over hand or

mechanical screening were found to include:

1. Recovery of faunal material and small objects was greatly increased

2. Work was much faster

3. Artifacts were cleaner and required a minimum of lab cleaning

4. Wear on the screens was decreased.

The site was only two meters above sea level, and ground water

was subject to fluctuation with the tides, as well as local rains. This

created a number of problems during the excavation. Throughout the

three months' work, excavation was plagued and impeded by high water

tables, a problem shared with many other historic sites. During the

high tide period the site ground water rose to within 20 cm. of the ground

surface, and in some cases excavation was suspended in a particularly

deep feature because of inrushing water. Water control measures which

were employed included a small electric sump pump, the digging of sump

pits, dam building, and diligent hand bailing. The most effective water

control measure, however, was the use of well points. These points,

which were driven into the ground by water pressure from a fire hydrant,

were able to pump groundwater out of the ground from a depth of 12 feet.

This created a fairly dry, workable unit of approximately three meters

by two meters, which was invaluable in the well excavation that could

not otherwise have been carried out. In order to prevent the groundwater




53

from being recycled immediately back into the ground, the 20-meter

exploratory trench "A" was lined with plastic, and the groundwater pumped

into this funnel to be released some 20 meters away from the excavation

(Figure 4).

The 1973 excavations at SA-16-23 included the areas of the "kit-

chen, the courtyard, the outbuilding to the north of the kitchen, the mid-

den area outside the garden wall, the exploratory trenches and the wells.

To increase and maintain horizontal control within these areas, some of

them were excavated in several units; however, they were analyzed as a

single unit, and will be discussed as a unit unless otherwise specified.

The Kitchen

To the west of the south de la Cruz house, the tabby wall foot-

ing for a large, separate outbuilding was located. A rectangular struc-

ture measuring 7.5 meters from north to south and five meters from east

to west, the building's south and west walls were formed by the garden

wall itself (Figure 3). The footings were aligred¶llel to those of

the lot's south house, conforming very closely to the location of the "stone"

outbuilding depicted on the Jeffries Map (Figure 2). These tabby wall

footings ranged in width from 65 centimeters to 90 centimeters, prob-

ably due to differential erosion and preservation rather than to incon-

sistency in building techniques.

The kitchen area was excavated and analyzed as a single unit.

Zone I was removed and discarded, while Zone II was removed and the

material screened. The primary interest, however, was the features zf






underlying Zone II, and which provided the undisturbed, 18th century

contexts which were used in analysis. Several large trash pits were

located in this area (Features 13, 15, 23 and 25), as well as fire pits

and postholes (Figure 5). An isolated portion of a tabby wall footing

aligned East-West in the approximate center of the structure was believed

to be the remains of an interior partition. Fragments of coquina block

and flat earthenware tile suggested that the structure was walled and

roofed respectively with these materials.

Kitchens in 3'8th century St. Augustine were commonly detached

(Manucy 1962:122), and the identification of this structure as a detached

kitchen is based on the assumption that a kitchen area will contain a higher

concentration of food preparation activity items than in other, non-kitchen

areas of the site. Evidence of food preparation activities would include

charred food remains, fire pits, and food preparation ceramics. It should

be noted for comparative purposes that (1) the kitchen area constitutes

28% of the area excavated within the 18th century lot, and (2) only those

proveniences known to date from the 18th century are included in the

analysis.

Of the four fire pits located at SA-16-23, three of them were

within the presumed kitchen area. One of these pits (Feature 24) con-

tained a mass of charred corncobs, while the other two (Features 31 and

22) contained burnt sherds, animal bone and oyster shell. The fourth

fire pit was located in Trench A, at eight meters north of the kitchen

area, and it also contained burnt corncobs, shell, and sherds. Other





55

than these, no other fire pits with charred food remains were located

during the 1973 excavation or the 1972 excavation.

It has been argued persuasively that in 18th century Florida,

aboriginal San Marcos pottery functioned as a utilitarian ware, used

mainly for food preparation (Otto and Lewis:n.d.). A high percentage

of such a ware would therefore be expected in a kitchen area. At SA-

16-23, 45% of all the San Marcos ceramics in the lot area (excluding

the houses and the midden) were found in the kitchen area. This is a

higher percentage than that found in the courtyard area (35%), and the

outbuilding to the north of the kitchen (20%), even though these areas

comprise 55% and 17% of the lot area respectively.

It should be fairly noted at this point, that a total of 2,274 sherds

of San Marcos pottery were found within the south de la Cruz house dur-

ing the 1972 excavation'(96% of total ceramics) (Chance ms). This is

nearly double the total number of San Marcos sherds from the kitchen

area (1,355), and both structures contained approximately the same ex-

cavated area (the south house was not completely excavated, since the

East side of the structure was under the paved road). It is difficult to

include this data in the analysis, since the sampling techniques used to

collect the data differed somewhat from those used in the kitchen area,

the discard policies were not the same, and in the 1973 excavation, only

those proveniences relevant to the hypothesis were included in analysis.

It should be considered, however, that the concentration of San Marcos

in what was obviously a dwelling, may cast doubt on the hypothesis that




56

San Marcos pottery was a food preparation ware only; it may also have

served as a general household use and storage ware.

No oven, or feature which could be identified as the location

of an oven was located in the kitchen area. However, the north portion

of the structure, bounded on the south by the possible partition, contained

all of the charred food remains and fire pits found within the kitchen foun-

dation. The frequency of small pits and postholes was also greater in

this portion of the site, and suggests that this portion of the kitchen may

have been roofed, but only partially walled, to facilitate pit cooking.

Also in this north half of the kitchen area was the remnant of

a tabby floor (Feature 26). The floor covered the northeast corner of

the kitchen area, and was badly eroded (Figure 5). Because this feature

was so fugitive, it was not possible to determine the original extent of

the floor; however, it seems likely that it covered the north portion of

the kitchen structure, at least. The floor, in profile, was seen to be

near the base of the Zone II occupation level, and since Zone II material

occurred beneath it, we may assume that the floor was laid sometime

after the building was constructed and in use. Material associated with

the floor includes-predominantly San Marcos stamped pottery, but also

Nottingham stoneware (1700-1810) (Noel Hume 1970:114); and San Augus-

tin Blue on White Majolica (1704-1760) (Goggin 1960:187), dating its use

at 1700-1750. The part of Zone II underlying the floor also contained

predominantly aboriginal ceramics, but also included Spanish Majolica

(Abo Polychrome-1650-1704; Puebla Polychrome--1650-1793; San




57

Augustine Blue-on-White--1704-1760; and San Luis Polychrome--1650-

1793) (Goggin 1960:169, 173, 187), as well as a sherd of Astbury ware

(1725-1750) (Noel-Hume 1970:123), providing a Terminus Post Quem

of 1725 for the floor.

Immediately adjacent to the floor area was a gap in the north-

east corner of the wall, which was undoubtedly an entrance to the build-

ing. There were also found, underneath the tabby floor, a line of three

postholes, parallel to, and just inside of this entry (Figure 5). The

only other possible entry to the structure was in the east side of the

building, directly along the line of the central partition (Figure 5).

Thecsouth portion of the kitchen building yielded no evidence of

a floor, and featured five large refuse pits. No specific technomic arti-

facts (Binford 1962:94) or features were recovered from this part of

the structure, and its functions seem most likely to have been a general

storeroom or non-specific work area.

The presence of sewing equipment in the kitchen building sug-

gests that this structure was used also as either a laundry (clothesmend-

ing) or woman's work area. Of the three brass straight pins and three

brass thimbles recovered from stratigraphically known 18th century

proveniences, all of them came from within the boundaries of this out-

building. (Three other pins and two other thimbles were recovered at

the site, but none from closed contexts.)

Outbuilding North of the Kitchen

On the Jeffries Map of 1762, a smaller wooden structure was




58

depicted to the north of, and adjacent to the kitchen building. Only the

southernmost two meters of this structure, adjacent to the kitchen, were

excavated, and presented a complicated stratigraphic situation, rendering

supposition about the outbuilding's function difficult.

The area was excavated in two units, dividing it in east and west

halves. As in the excavation of the kitchen building, Zone I was removed

and discarded, Zone II was removed and screened and the features under-

lying Zone II were concentrated on.

A probable wall trench (Feature 29) was located at the below-

Zone II level, aligned with and extending from the kitchen's west wall

(Figure 6). This trench yielded four aboriginal sherds, one sherd of

blue and white delftware, one sherd of coarse, lead-glazed earthenware,

and one sherd of white salt-glazed stoneware (1720-1805) (Noel Hume

1970:115-117); providing a Terminus Post Quem of 1720 for the outbuild-

ing.

The entire excavated area of. the outbuilding was disturbed badly

by the construction of a 19th century coquina well. The well pit (Figure

6) contained transfer-printed and banded pearlware, indicating that the

well was constructed after 1800 (Noel Hume 1970:128).

Only three features in this area escaped intrusion by the well

construction. These were all trash pits, two in the western part of the

structure (Feature 28, F.S. 81), and one in the Trench A (Feature 33).

They all contained predominantly San Marcos ceramics and animal bone,

but San Luis and Aranama Polychrome Majolica, white salt-glazed stone-




59

ware, Whieldon ware, and Rhenish grey stoneware were also present,

suggesting a date of post-1720 for the use of the structure. It was noted

in artifact analysis that a very high proportion of the glass drinking ves-

sels and wine bottles came from the north outbuilding area, suggesting

that this may have been a wine storage or tavern-like area for the house-

hold.

Courtyard Area

All of the remaining area excavated within the lot bounded by

the garden walls is referred to as the courtyard (Figure 7). This was

apparently a major area of household activity, since features were most

frequent, and the Zone II strata was much richer in this area than in any

other area of the site.

The portion of the courtyard immediately inside the garden wall,

from the back of the south de la Cruz house, extending west to the front

of the kitchen, was badly disturbed by 20th century water and gas lines.

In addition to this, a large ditch (probably for drainage, since the land

slopes downward from east to west) had been dug in this part of the site,

adjacent to the garden wall. The material in the ditch indicated that it

was filled in the mid-19th century, and in profile it was clear that this

ditch extended from the Zone I level, thus rendering it useless for the

problem to which the excavation was oriented.

The area of most intensive activity was that portion of the yard

directly behind the south house. John Bartram, visiting St. Augustine

in 1765, briefly described the yard of a Spanish house:







On the backside of the house or yard, where the main entrance
is (for few but the grand houses, except taverns, had street
doors, and these led mostly through a common passage to the
court and kitchens; every court had its draw well) there is gen-
erally a terraced wall with seats of the same 18 inches high
next to the house wall, to sit down upon when weary of walking.
The walks about nine foot wide, with a staircase at one end to
the chambers (Harper 1942:52)

Although the portion of the courtyard excavated at SA-16-23 did

not yield evidence of a terraced (tabby?) walkway, there was a draw well

present. Since the floors of the houses excavated in 1972 were made of

crushed coquina mixed with earth (MacMurray ms.), it seems unlikely

that tabby floors for walkways would be present. There were also sev-

eral groups of postholes below the Zone II level, which may have been the

remnants of a covered walkway, or perhaps an arbor (Figure 7).

The most common features of this area were large, rich trash

pits, particularly in the area surrounding the well (discussed below).

In addition to the trash pits, one pit containing a clay-like fill similar

to Feature 32 (see p.M2) appeared to be a latrine pit. The analysis of

soil samples taken from this pit revealed that the fill contained clay,

with a very high level of phosphates, nitrates, and calcium. The phos-

phate and nitrate levels are typical of human waste material, and the

calcium level could have resulted from lime added to latrine pits to aid

in the breakdown of organic matter (Soil analysis by W. Nesmith, Uni-

versity of Florida Agriculture Extension Service). Several scattered

concentrations of clay were revealed at the base of Zone II, which were

found to contain a high concentration of kaolin. When fired, this clay

was very similar in behavior and texture to clay found in a deposit







approximately 15 miles south of the site, on the intracoastal waterway

(Street Urchin Pottery, St. Augustine, Florida. personal communica-

tion, St. Augustine 1973). The presence of this clay in the courtyard

area led to the hypothesis that the yard was an area of craft activity,

which was tested in artifact analysis. It was found that 84% (32 fragments)

of the worked flint from the site (excluding European gunflints), came

from the courtyard area, supporting the hypothesis that craft activity

was carried out here. No evidence of other craft activity was recovered

from the site.

Areas Outside the Garden Walls

The excavation of SA-16-23 included three areas which were

not within the 18th century garden walls. These were: 1. The excava-

tion south of the wall, 2*The excavation to the west of the wall (behind

the kitchen), 3.The exploratory trenches.

The area to the south of the garden wall revealed scant 18th

century activity. A good deal of 19th and 20th century debris, and

several large 19th century trash pits, along with a single 18th century

feature were present. This feature was a small pit directly adjacent

to the outer side of the garden wall, filled with oyster shell and some

sherds of San Marcos ware, white salt-glazed stoneware, delftware, and

slip-decorated earthenware, dating the pit at post-1720(Noel Hume 1970).

This was a feature belonging to lot 22, occupied by Don Ruiz del Canzo

in the 18th century (St. Augustine Historical Society n.d.). The two

exploratory trenches to the south of the garden wall also revealed very







little of the 18th century occupation. The western trench (of the two explor-

atory trenches south of the wall--see Figure 3) did reveal a portion of

Canzo's house wall.

To the west of the garden wall, behind the de la Cruz complex,

a rich midden area and a well were located (Figure 3). The densest bone,

shell and sherd concentrations were in the three meter square designated

212N 182E, which was .75 meters behind the kitchen building; a conveni-

ent tossing distance. Few pits or other features were present and the

area seemed to be simply a midden zone. The well excavation is discussed

below.

The exploratory trench to the north of the main excavation was

dug to locate other lot elements, and also to locate a wall dividing the

north and south houses, if such a wall existed. No trace of a dividing

wall was uncovered in the exploratory trench, which was 18 meters from

south to north, and one meter wide. Although several random postholes

were apparent below Zone II, none of them could be attributed to a wall

trench. Zones I and II were removed and discarded in a search for fea-

tures underlying Zone II, Which contained a much lighter concentration

of cultural refuse than did Zone II in the rest of the site. Several 18th

century features were present, however, in the trench. The most notable

of these was designated Feature 32, which was a circular pit with a clay-

like fill similar to that of Feature 34 in the courtyard, with approximately

the same proportion of elements revealed in the soil sample as were found

for Feature 34. Cultural material retrieved from the pit included two




63

wrought nails, two brick fragments, aboriginal San Marcos sherds, and

a sherd of slip-decorated earthenware.

Four other pits of irregular shape and depth contained predom-

inantly aboriginal material, but these were scattered and not associated

with any other features or postholes. The pattern suggests a minimum

of activity in the portion of the lot behind and between the houses in the

18th century. This was probably a garden and orchard area, such as

those designated on the Puente Map.

The Wells

There were two 18th century wells located on the de la Cruz

lot, both of which were excavated in the 1973 season. The first well

was located in the courtyard area between the kitchen and the south house.

This was the earlier of the two wells, and was constructed entirely of

wooden barrels. The top of the well became apparent at 72 centimeters

below the surface of the ground, as a circular black ring of soil 70 centi-

meters in diameter (Figure 8). Surrounding the well was an irregular

area of mottled brown soil, which was the well pit, at the bottom of which

the barrels were set and sunk into the ground.

The well pit, 1 .35 meters in diameter at the widest point, was

originally due to a depth of 76 centimeters below the colonial ground sur-

face. At the base of this pit, a wooden barrel was sunk deeper into the

ground, to a depth of 1 .69 meters, with a second wooden barrel set upon

the one in the ground (see Figure 9). This produced a well 1.69 meters

in depth from the colonial ground surface.





64

The two barrels of which the well was constructed were both

made entirely of wood. The upper barrel was constructed of 20 verti-

cal staves, ranging from 4.5 to 12 centimeters in width; the mean stave

width being 8.1 centimeters and the median stave width 8.0 centimeters,

indicating careful cooperage. At the top of the upper barrel the diameter

was 70 centimeters, and the barrel extended for 80 centimeters to the

point where it was joined to the lower barrel. This lower barrel was

also constructed of vertical staves, but these were enclosed by horizon-

tal bentwood staves of 3.5 centimeter width, on the outside of the bar-

rel (Figure 10). These horizontal staves held the vertical stave together,

and were secured not by nails, but by wrapped cane splits in the fashion

of modern rattan patio furniture (Figure 10).

Because of the very high water table, it was not possible to ex-

pose the exterior of the barrels all the way to the base of the well, but

nine horizontal staves were counted on the outside of the barrel before

the mud made the outer surface inaccessible, suggesting that the entire

barrel was enclosed by these staves.

At the point of juncture of the two barrels, where the horizon-

tal staves began, the widest diameter of the well was reached. This

diameter was 1 .05 meters, and from this point the lower barrel tapered

inward to its base, and the base of the well itself, which was 90 centi-

meters below the top of the horizontal staves, and 50 centimeters wide.

The well and the well pit were excavated in profile until the ris-

ing water table would no longer permit this; at which point the well contents




65

were simply removed. Because the water table at the site was approx-

imately at the level of the well's first appearance, four well points were

sunk before the excavation of the well began. These points held the ground

water under control to a depth of about 1.5 meters below the present

ground surface. At this point the excavation of the well contents continued

with improvised, long-handled "well scoops";' and bucket sieves which

were placed upside down in the well, pressed into the mud by a crew-

member (also in the well) and pulled up by a rope, bringing a load of mud

and artifacts with it.

The ceramic material recovered from the well pit provided a

Terminus Post Quem for the construction of the well, since it was filled

in at the time of well construction. The contents included:

272 aboriginal San Marcos (1685-1750) (Smith 1948)

1 Abo Polychrome Majolica (1650-1704) (Goggin 1969:169)

1 Columbia Plain Majolica (1400-1800) (Ibid.:117)

3 Puebla Blue and White Majolica (1704-1780) (Ibid.:190)

2 Puebla Polychrome Majolica (1704-1780) (Ibid.:173)

1 San Augustin Blue and White Majolica (1704-1760) (Ibid.: 187)

1 San Luis Polychrome Majolica (1650-1793) (Ibid.: 166)

1 Slip decorated Earthenware (1670-1795) (Noel Hume 1970:134-136)

4 Olive Jar (Goggin 1970)

1 Blue on white Oriental Porcelain (1660-1800) (Noel Hume 1970:257)

These sherds indicate a well construction date during the first

quarter of the 18th century.




66

The ceramic contents of the well itself provide a Terminus

.Post Quem for the use of the well, most likely the filling in of the well.

Since the water table in St. Augustine is so high, and the soil soft and

sandy, wells in the 18th century were not difficult to construct and shal-

low wells became foul quickly. They were thus often filled in and aban-

doned rather than cleaned out when they became foul (Manucy 1962:126).

The barrel well at SA-16-23 yielded disappointingly little in artifact ma-

terial, the most notable find being a whole preserved orange (see Chap-

ter IV). In addition to two brass gun side plates, plant remains, and a

few leather scraps of indiscernible origin, the well contained mainly

mud laced with a few potsherds. These included:

119 aboriginal San Marcos (1685-1750) (Smith 1948)

1 San Luis Polychrome Majolica (1650-1793) (Goggin 1969:166)

2 Blue and White Delftware (1600-1802)

3 Slip decorated earthenware (1670-1795 (Ibid.:134-136)

3 Olive Jar (Goggin 1970)

suggesting a Terminus Post Quem of 1685 for this well. There was no

evidence of a well house, curb, or other structure around the well itself.

The second well on the site was located behind (west) of the kit-

chen and the garden wall. This well was more poorly defined than the one

in the courtyard, and appeared to have been partially filled in during the

late 18th century, caving in and being covered over shortly afterwards.

This second well was constructed of a coquina block casing around

wooden barrels. (Coquina stone is a natural shellstone which occurs in




67

major deposits near St. Augustine, where it was quai-ried from 1600

onward). Located in a midden area behind the kitchen, the well first

appeared as an irregular black pit 63 centimeters below the modern

ground surface. Since the well was located in the corner6f an excava-

tion unit, and near the end of the field season, the entire well pit was

not exposed. That portion of the well pit which was excavated, however,

was filled with sterile sand, and thus yielded no dating criteria for the

well construction.

At 32 centimeters below the top of the well, a mass of coquina

blocks was recovered, apparently part of the upper coquina block cas-

ing which had caved in. After being mapped and measured, these blocks

were removed to reveal more cut blocks in situ as the well casing. This

coquina casing extended to at least 78 centimeters below the top well

(1.38 meters below present ground surface); however since well points

were not available at the time, the excavation was forced to discontinue

at that level.

Inside the coquina casing, at 64 centimeters below the top of the

well, the top of a wooden barrel appeared (Figure 11). Again the unfor-

tunate circumstances of water level, time, and the absence of well points

prevented the determination of the length of the barrel, the base of the

well, or whether there was more than one barrel in the well. Judging

from the depth of the first well, however, and the lengths of the barrels

within it, it seems likely that there was not another barrel below the one

discovered in the coquina well. If this barrel were 90 centimeters long,





68

as the lower barrel in the earlier well was, the coquina-barrel well

would have extended to 1.54 meters below the colonial ground surface-

only 15 centimeters shallower than the earlier well, and considerably

below the water table.

The barrel enclosed by the in situ coquina casing was 70 cen-

timeters in diameter at the top, and this top was encircled by a flat

metal band four centimeters wide, rather than the horizontal wood staves

found in the earlier well. The casing blocks which surrounded the bar-

rel were ten centimeters thick, forming a total well diameter of 90 cen-

timeters. The blocks which had fallen from their original casing posi-

tions showed that while the thickness was consistently near ten centime-

ters, the breadth and length of the blocks varied somewhat; most of them

being approximately 20 by 20 centimeters square. It is also possible

that there was originally a barrel above the one revealed during excava-

tion, which was removed, provoking the collapse of the coquina casing.

This explanation for the disturbed blocks is more plausible than the pos-

sibility that these blocks formed part of the well curb, since they were

all recovered at a level well below both the top of the well itself, and the

colonial ground surface.

As so frequently occurs during excavations with a limited time

schedule, important, time-consuming features are discovered at the end

of the field season. This was the unfortunate case for the second well,

which was recognized near the end of the last week of excavation, when

all of the well points were employed elsewhere in the site. The major





69

obstacle to excavation, again, was the high water table, and in the ab-

sence of well points, rapid and continuous hand bailing was found to be

the most effective technique for water control. In this way it was pos-

sible to expose the upper 65 centimeters of the well for mapping, and

to maintain controlled recovery of material to a depth of 75 centimeters.

Even though the well was only partially excavated, a much

richer artifact assemblage was recovered than that from the earlier well,

including metal, ceramics, glass, and a large quantity of animal bone.

A substantial number of wrought nails and spikes was found, along with

various musket parts (see Chapter IV), including the lock piece from a

Spanish infantry musket issued in 1752 (Brirnkerhoff and Chamberlain

1972:54), but the ceramics are the best aid in dating the well. The ma-

terial used to fill in the well included predominantly aboriginal San Mar-

cos pottery, as well as many more British ceramics than were found in

the courtyard well. These ceramics include:

231 San Marcos aboriginal ware (Smith 1948)

2 Puebla Blue on White Majolica (1704-1780) (Goggin 1969:190)

2 San Luis Blue on White Majolica (1630-1690) (Ibid.:155)

1 San Luis Polychrome Majolica (1650-1793XIbid.:166)

1 Puebla Polychrome Majolica (1704-1780) (Ibid.:173)

2 Columbia Plain Majolica (1400-1650) (Ibid. :117)

32 Slip Decorated Earthenware (1670-1795) (Noel Hume 1970:134-136)

6 Blue and White Delftware (1600-1802) (Ibid.:105)

6 Plain Delftware (1640-1800) (Ibid.:109)







3 French Faience

4 White Salt-Glazed Stoneware (1720-1805) (Ibid.:115-117)

1Nottingham Stoneware (1700-1799) (Ibid.:114)

1 Westerwald Stoneware (1750-1775) (Ibid.:284-5)

28 Shell-edged Creamware (1762-1780) (Ibid.:126-8)

1 Olive Jar (Goggin 1970)

Dating the ceramics in the well according to currently accepted

dates, the presence of Creamware suggests that the well was filled in

during the period of British occupation in St. Augustine (1763-1788);

possibly during the occupation of Samuel Pyles or Bartolome Usina.

Since the well pit contained sterile sand, the construction of the well

cannot be dated; however, since the early Creamware was the latest ce-

ramic type in the well, it is surmised that the well was built, and pos-

sibly even filled in, during the de la Cruz occupation. Other proveniences

at this site indicate that Creamware occurs here somewhat earlier than

the 1762 which is currently accepted (see Chapter IV), possibly as early

as 1740, in which case the well could have been used and filled in during

the late de la Cruz occupation. There are several other indications that

this may be the case:

1. The application of Stanley South's Mean Ceramic Date Formula

(South 1973) produces a mean date of 1748.06 for the well (this is slightly

earlier than the mean date for the site as a whole (See Appendix I).

2. Also found in the well was the side piece from a Spanish musket of

1752 issue. This suggests that the well was filled during the first Spanish





71

period, since the lot was not occupied by a Spaniard during the second

Spanish period, and Spanish arms would not likely be left behind when

the Spaniards left for Cuba in 1763.

3. The presence of the well in a Spanish-Indian midden, its convenient

proximity to the Spanish-Indian kitchen, and the abundant presence in the

fill of San Marcos and Spanish ceramics also suggests that the well was

a first Spanish period feature.

If the well was indeed filled during the first Spanish period, a

strong indication that Creamware, including the shell-edged variety,

occurs prior to 1762 is provided, and should be considered with the rele-

vant data in Chapter IV.














CHAPTER IV

RESULTS OF THE HYPOTHESIS TEST


As was pointed out in the preceding chapter, only those artifacts

which were recovered from stratigraphically and contextually certain

18th century proveniences are used in the analysis of the material from

the site, and the determination of its relevance to the hypothesis outlined

in Chapter II. Since the sample conforming to these criteria is quite

large, the purposes of the approach are twofold:

1. To provide the most rigorous test possible for the hypothesis and its

test implications.

2. To maintain the strict provenience control which creates, in Stan-

ley South's terms a "Primary Research Priority for Data Analysis"

(1974); thus providing a source of information and association to be

applied to the ar-tifacts found in these proveniences, rather than draw-

ing from the meager "data bank" of knowledge about Spanish Colonial

material culture in order to interpret those artifacts.


Women's Activities

Food Preparation Techniques and Equipment

These two aspects of the first test implication will be considered

together, since they are interdependent aspects of the same system, and

72






much of the information about the former is drawn from the latter.

The most prevalent evidence for food preparation equipment and

technique at SA-16-23 was ceramic, and by far the most ubiquitous cera-

mic type was San Marcos Stamped pottery and the various sub-types of

that ware (Smith 1948). Of the total number of sherds recovered dur-

ing the 1972 excavation at the site, (37,754), 64 percent of them (24,822)

were of the San Marcos variety. Of the 4,501 sherds from closed 18th

century contexts, recovered during the 1973 excavation, 3,220 (71 per-

cent) were San Marcos Stamped.

In their analysis of the San Marcos pottery from SA-16-23,

Otto and Lewis (n.d.) hypothesized that, due to the relative absence of

metal vessels, and the presence of abundant, easily accessible and easily

replaced San Marcos pottery in 18th century St. Augustine, this locally

made pottery ware was used as the primary food preparation equipment.

The test implications suggested by Otto and Lewis, which would

support the hypothesis that San Marcos was the primary food prepara-

tion ware, included:

1. Utilitarian ware shercd would be found in substantial quantities on

domestic sites, because utilitarian vessels would be used daily, handled

roughly, and broken frequently.

2. If Spanish utilitarian earthenware, or iron (metal) pots were used

for cooking, these would be archeologically recovered.

3. Vessel forms would be globular or hemispherical, or some variation

of this form, as the most suitable shape for cooking liquid or semi-liquid

foods.




74

4. Direct evidence of use in food preparation may appear on some sherds.

This could include signs of exposure to fire, or even encrusted food re-

mains.

The San Marcos pottery from the 1973 excavation was analyzed

within four major provenience areas: 1 The kitchen 2. the outbuilding

to the north of the kitchen 3. the courtyard and 4. the midden behind

the kitchen. Data from the 1972 excavation of the south house was also

used, but with reservation, since the sampling techniques which were

employed in that section of the site were somewhat different than those

employed during the 1973 excavation (see.Chapter III). The distribution

of San Marcos ceramics within and among these proveniences is shown

in Table 1.

H-1 Frequency of San Marcos

It can be seen from Table 1 that San Marcos Stamped pottery

overwhelmingly predominates in the ceramic assemblage at the site.

This is particularly evident in the midden area, where frequently broken

utilitarian vessels would have been discarded. The percentages of San

Marcos pottery from both excavations, in relation to the total ceramic

assemblage, also supports this test implication.

The sherds of San Marcos Stamped from SA-16-23 are typical-

ly from paddle-malleated, coiled pots. In their analysis of 613 diagnos-

tic sherds from nine closed contexts at the site, Otto and Lewis describe

seven surface treatments of San Marcos Stamped, including simple stamped,

cross-simple stamped, check stamped, complicated stamped, plain,







TABLE 1

Distribution of San Marcos Ceramics

(closed proveniences)

Provenience Sherd Total San Marcos % of Ceramics % of S. M. in
Total (within prov.) Site Total

Kitchen 1154 909 80 22

Midden 670 577 86 13

Outbuilding 536 441 82 10

Courtyard 2141 1293 60 29

South House 2370 2274 96 74
(1972)


Surface

Simple Stampe

Cross-Simple

Check Stamped

Complicated St

Plain

Burnished

Red Filmed


TABLE 2

Distribution of Surface Decoration on
San Marcos Ceramics from SA-16-23

Number

d 136

Stamped 256

35

amped 40

58


6

39

613


Percent of Sample

.22

.41

.06

.07

.09

.02

.06

1.00





76

burnished, and red-filmed (Otto and L'ewis n.d.). In addition to these,

there were rare occurrences of cord-marked, cob-marked, and punc-

tated San Marcos sherds from the 1973 excavation. The distribution of

these surface treatments is shown in Table 2.

The surface hardness of the San Marcos ware is 3.5 on the Moh

scale, and the sherds were tempered with sand, limestone, and shell;

all tempering types occurring with all surface decorative styles. Rims

were usually undecorated, flared and folded, although in a small propor-

tion of the sherds the stamping continues to the lip of the vessel. On the

undecorated rims, a line of circular reed punctates or wedge-shaped

punctates encircle the neck of the vessel immediately beneath the rim

(Otto and Lewis n.d.).

The San Marcos assemblage from the de la Cruz site does not

appear to differ markedly from 17th century assemblages described by

Smith (1948) for the Castillo de San Marcos moat; by Hemmings and

Deagan (1973) for Na-41 on Amelia Island or by Macmurray (1974) for

San Juan del Puerto.

H-2 Other Possible Fodd Preparation Wares

Although documentary sources indicate that metal cooking pots

were imported to St. Augustine (Contaduria 1616; Harman 1969:91) no

evidence of a metal cooking pot was recovered from a closed 18th cen-

tury context at the site. Nearly the same situation occurs for Spanish

utilitarian earthenwares, and the coarse, lead-glazed earthenwares which

could have been of British or Spanish origin. The distribution of all

possible European utilitarian wares follows:





77

Provenience Number % of Ceramics within Provenience

Kitchen 15 1.6

Midden 8 1.2

Outbuilding 12 2.0

Courtyard 58 2.0

South House 17 0.7

Total 110

European utilitarian earthenwares were not an important cera-

mic type at the de la Cruz site, and were not a predominant ware for

food storage or good preparation. This is in sharp contrast to the situ-

ation found at the site of Santa Rosa Pensacola, occupied during the same

period as the de la Cruz site (1722-1752). Here the fragments of eight

iron pots were found, as well as 6,498 sherds of Spanish earthenwares

(Smith 1965:128-131).

Included in the category of European utilitarian wares are Olive

Jar (Goggin 1960), Spanish Storage Jar (Noel-Hume 1970:144), El Morro

Ware (Smith 1962:68), Rey Ware (Smith 1962:69), and coarse, lead-

glazed earthenware of uncertain origin (Figure 13). The distribution of

these ceramic types within the proveniences is:

Olive Jar Lead-glazed Earthenware Spanish Storage

Kitchen 7 4 2 (13)

Courtyard 30 18 5 (53)

Outbuilding 5 6 2 (1)

Midden 2 4 1 (7)


10 (86)


Total





78

None of the sherds in this group exhibited evidence of vessel

form, with the exception of the Olive Jar ring neck fragments. Of the

coarse, lead-glazed earthenware, most sherds seemed to be of El Mor-

ro ware, rather than the finer Rey Ware. The glazes were predominant-

ly yellow or green, with an occasional occurrence of a honey-brown glaze.

In all cases, this coarse earthenware was indistinguishable from the

coarse, lead-glazed utilitarian earthenware found at the site of Frede-

rica, Georgia, which was also occupied at approximately the same time

as the de la Cruz site. The lead-glazed earthenware at Frederica has

been attributed to British origin, and kitchen-ware function (Deagan 1972),

and could have easily been imported to St. Augustine as part of the illi-

cit, but thriving trade system.

H-3 Food Preparation Vessel Form

San Marcos Stamped vessel forms from 1973 closed contexts

included two globular bowls and the conoidal base of a stamped pot. Por-

tions of two, deep, conoidal jars were recovered from the 1972 excava-

tion, and probably most resembled the deep globular San Marcos bowls

evidenced at Amelia Island (Hemmings and Deagan 1973:15), and described

by Smith (1948).

Although the traditional San Marcos vessel form appears to

have persisted until the time of the de la Cruz occupation, there is some

evidence in the ceramic assemblage of European influence.

Fifteen handles from San Marcos vessels were recovered from

the site, including strap handles, loop handles, lug handles, and pipkin-





79

like handles (Figure 14), which would have functioned for lifting heavy,

hot pots of food. Lug handles were the most frequently encountered dur-

ing the 1973 excavation, although strap and loop handles were more com-

mon during the 1972 excavation, which concentrated on the houses; and

some of these handles appeared to be the result of European influence.

The loop handles particularly may have been inspired by handles on the

Spanish olla or water jar, or may represent English ceramic influence

on the Guale or Yamassee Indians who coexisted with the British colon-

ists before moving to the St. Augustine area in the 17th and 18th centu-

ries (Otto and Lewis n.d.). There are also formal similarities between

some San Marcos handles and handles from British earthenware pipkins

and slipware vessels (Figure 14).

Other European influence is apparent in certain forms found at

SA-16-23. These include fragments of foot rings, a flat-based vessel

(probably to allow the vessel to sit on a table surface) and one plate form

(Figure 15).

H-4 Direct Evidence of Food Preparation

Direct evidence of food preparation on San Marcos ceramics

included sooting and encrusted remains on the sherds. From the 1973

excavation, 38 such sherds were recovered from closed contexts, and

with the exception of two sherds of Spanish utilitarian earthenware re-

covered from a mixed occupation zone, these were the only sherds on

the site which exhibited direct evidence of food preparation.

On all but three of the sherds, sooting was on the exterior only,





80

indicating that the pots had been used in or over a direct fire. Three

other sherds had charred encrustation on the interior, probably from a

stew or gruel, since the most commonly prepared dish in Spanish or

Indian-Spanish homes seems to have been a stew based on maize or fish,

or both (Andrews and Andrews 1945:86; Covington and Falcones 1963:150).

San Marcos ceramics, on the basis of the above analysis, can

be designated as the primary food preparation equipment at SA-16-23.

The absence of significant amounts of European earthenware also sug-

gests that San Marcos pottery was used for storage vessels at the site.

This supports the first test implication of the general hypothe-

sis; that food preparation equipment will be primarily aboriginal, with

some Spanish elements. Although the ware and its apparent usages are

primarily Indian, some modification in form and use due to Spanish in-

fluence are present.

The data from SA-16-23 also suggests that San Marcos was

used as a predominant ware for storage vessels, possibly more impor-

tant than Spanish Olive Jar. The distribution of the ware indicates that

while it is the predominant artifact in all areas of the site, it clusters

in the kitchen, outbuilding and midden areas of the site; areas used for

food preparation and refuse disposal .(Table 1).

Non-Ceramic Evidence of Food Preparation

As noted above, no evidence for a stove or oven was found in

any area of the de la Cruz site. The Spanish governor's kitchen in St.

Augustine was known to have contained a hornillo, a small stone oven




81

(Manucy 1962:158), and John Bartram noted stone ovens in the Spanish

kitchens of St. Augustine during his 1765 visit (Harper 1942:52).

Five circular fire pits containing ash layers and charred food

remains were located at the site, and constituted the only direct evidence

for cooking areas. Three of these pits were in the north half of the kit-

chen area, and the other two were in the lot area behind and between the

two houses. The presence of these open fire pits to the north of the di-

vider in the kitchen building, associated with a posthold pattern (see Chap-

ter III), suggests that this half of the kitchen may not have been enclosed.

It may instead have been a roofed, but open area with partial walls, allow-

ing the cooking smoke to escape. The complex of fire pits, charred food

remains, and a high positive correlation with San Marcos pottery des-

ignates this building as the focus of cooking activity. The absence of

charred food remains or fire pits in the south house, in association with

a very high proportion of San Marcos pottery, suggests that this area

may have been used for food storage rather than food preparation and

consumption.

Two mano fragments, a "mortero, and a portion of a metate

represent the introduced food preparation equipment at the site. (Figure

16). These were made of volcanic basalt, not native to Florida, but com-

monly found in Central Mexico and quite similar to examples found arche-

ologically in that area (MacNeish et al. 1967:103-104). These were also

similar to those recovered at the stie of Santa Rosa Pensacola (Smith

1965:106).







The metate fragment seems to have come from a boulder

metate, a generalized, legless metate form found commonly in Mexico

(MacNeish at al. 1967:117). These are Mesoamerican food preparation

items, of aboriginal origin, which had analogues in aboriginal Floridian

technology; most often flat stones. The introduction of such items of

female culture by the male-dominated culture in St. Augustine is more

easily understood as a natural adjunct to the introduction of Mesoameri-

can food items, specifically corn, by the Spanish who had been in Meso-

america for more than half a century when Florida was founded. The

acceptance of these food preparation elements by Indian women such as

Maria de la Cruz was probably on the basis of greater efficiency of the

basalt manos and metates over the simple stones of Florida. As early

as 1569, some 39 metates and manos were received in St. Augustine

(Contaduria 1569), and possibly by the 18th century they also functioned

as socio-technic items for Indian and mestizo women (Binford 1962:95).

A single fragment of a sherd griddle, made from San Marcos

paste, was recovered at the site (Figure 16). This fragment was bur-

nished on one surface, probably for cooking, and roughly smoothed on

the other surface, which also showed fugitive patches of soot. The

griddle fragment was recovered from a closed 18th century context in the

area of the outbuilding adjacent to the north wall of the kitchen. The

griddle is not a native southeastern food preparation item, and the concept

was probably introduced from Mexico or the Caribbean as part of a food

or food preparation complex. The corn which was ground with the




83

Mesoamerican grinding equipment at SA-16-23 may have been prepared

as tortillas on a locally made sherd griddle. Griddles may also have been

used to taost cassava or manioc cakes in the manner described for manioc

preparation in the Antilles (Moya et al. 1957:29). A fragment of a sherd

griddle was also recovered at the site of the mission of San Juan del

Puerto (Du-53) (J. MacMurray, personal communication, Gainesville,

Florida. 1973), occupied from 1578 to 1702, and the fact that no sherd

griddles have been reported from prehistoric sites in Florida suggests

that the use of a griddle was a trait introduced from the Caribbean or

Mexico, by the Spaniards, rather than through prehistoric aboriginal

contact.

The food preparation co mplex revealed through the equipment and

techniques used at the de la Cruz site included elements of southeastern

Indian, Mesoamerican, and possibly Spanish food systems, singly and

in various combinations. The equipment introduced by the Spanish to

St. Augustine was Mesoamerican or Caribbean rather than Spanish,

since the food resources themselves were imported from these areas.

The introduced equipment replaced the aboriginal equipment when the

new forms (basalt manos and metates) were more efficient than the na-

tive analogues, or met culinary demands of Spanish household members

(such as finely ground corn) more efficiently than the simple stones or

wooden mortars of aboriginal technology. Such items as San Marcos

pots and simple fire-pit cooking were not replaced by introduced Spanish

analogues (metal pots and stoves), possibly because these items of female





84

culture were not made available as part of a food complex. A new form

and technique can be seen in the griddle fragment, probably also intro-

duced as part of the corn or cassava complex, and accepted by Indian

women in Spanish-Indian or mestizo households to satisfy criollo or New

World Spanish palates.

Food Resources: Subsistence at SA-16-23

Faunal and floral remains recovered from closed, first Span-

ish period contexts at the site included both native and'introduced food

resources, conforming both to documentary data on food sources in St.

Augustine, and to the first test implication of the hypothesis (Chapter

II)- Since food preparation techniques and equipment are largely de-

pendent upon the available food resources, the subsistence data is of

particular importance to those aspects of the hypothesis.

Floral Remains

Five pits containing charred corn cobs were excavated at the

site; all of which were sub-midden features. The corn from these pits

has been given a preliminary identification of ten-row Caribbean Flint

corn, a species known to have occurred at several late prehistoric sites

in the southeast, including 8-J-5 (Bullen 195802), Seaborn mound (Neu-

man 1961:79), and the Zetrouer site (Seaberg 1955). (The corn samples

are currently undergoing further analysis at the University of Massa-

chusetts by W. C. Gallinat). At Santa Rosa Pensacola, however, which

was occupied during the period of the de la Cruz site occupation, Hale

Smith recovered corn samples which were identified as Mexican corn




85

(Smith 1965:109), which the Spaniards were importing to Florida along

with corn preparation equipment. Mexican corn was being brought to St.

Augustine with the corn preparation equipment (Contaduria 1718; 1721),

and corn was also grown at the Indian villages on the periphery of the

town (Chatelaine 1941:Map 10). The corn grown in the Indian villages

was probably used primarily for consumption by the inhabitants of the

villages themselves, and in times of hardship, possibly by the towns-

people. It seems likely, however, that Indian women living in the town

would have easier access than Spanish or criollo townspeople to corn

grown in the Indian villages, particularly if, like Maria de la Cruz, she

was born in an Indian town. Only more archeology and ethnobotanical

analysis can determine whether or not southeastern corn was associated

primarily with Indian and mestizo households in St. Augustine.

Other plant remains from the de la Cruz site included fruits

which may have been grown in a household garden. Two varieties of

watermelon (Citrullus lanatus and Citrullus vulgaris, the latter of which

is used primarily for pickling rind) were recovered, as well as peach

pits, wild cherry (Prunus seratina), pumpkin (Cucurbita pepo) and one

whole orange (Citrus sp.) preserved in the courtyard well. (All plant

identification is by Mr. David Hall of the University of Florida Botany

Department Herbarium.) Of these plants, the pumpkin and wild cherry

were probably local plant resources, while the peach, watermelon, and

orange were certainly introduced.

Although the species of orange could not be determined from





86

the remains, it is believed that this was a Seville, or sour, orange,

There were large numbers of orange trees in St. Augustine during the

Spanish period, and the largest-producing trees were sour orange trees

(De Brahms in Fairbanks 1881:89). These were also the most abundant-

ly used oranges during the early British Period, when large quantities

of sour-orange juice were exported for use in the preparation of "shrub, "

a popular alcoholic drink among British colonists (Davis ms).

Faunal Remains

The emphasis upon wild food remains in the acculturated- diet

is most strongly reflected in the faunal remains from the site. The fau-

nal resource data is based upon a sample of 642 identified bone fragments,

representing all of the identified bone from 13 closed, Spanish period

contexts. Table 3, based on the bone analysis by Mr. Stephen L. Cumbaa

of the Florida State Museum Zooarcheology Laboratory, shows the dis-

tribution of number of fragments and minimum number of individuals for

the sample.

Of the mammals probably used as a food source, domestic pig

and cow were encountered most frequently, and were undoubtedly an im-

portant protein source. The pig individuals from the site were all young:

one suckling pig, one juvenile and one young adult; while the cow remains

were from one juvenile and one mature adult. A single mature adult

specimen of white-tailed deer was found. Large mammals were all

butchered with metal knives and saws, and numerous longbone fragments

were recovered, presumably split to recover marrow or boil for fat.







TABLE 3

Faunal Remains From SA-16-23


Common Name


MAMMALS
Scalopus aquaticus
Sciurus carolinensis
Mus musculus
Rattus rattus
Urocyon cinereoargenteus
Procyon lotor
Felis cactus
Sus scrofa
Odocoileus virginianus
Bos taurus
Homo sapiens

BIRDS
Anas discors
Lophodytes cucullatus
Gallus gallus
Meleagris gallopovo
cf. Burhinus bistriatus
cf. Numenius americanus
Limnodromus griseus
Capella gallinago

AMPHIBIANS
Bufo cf. B. terrestris
Rana sp.

REPTILES
Chelydra serpentina
Malaclemmys terrapin
Gopherus polyphemus
Cheloniidae
Masticophis flagellum

CARTILAGINOUS FISHES
cf. Galeocerdo cuvieri
Carcharhinidae
Sphyrna sp.
Pristis sp.


Eastern mole
Eastern gray squirrel
house mouse
black rat
gray fox
racoon
domestic cat
pig
white-tailed deer
domestic cow
human


blue winged teal
hooded merganser
domestic chicken
turkey
Mexican thick-knee
long-billed curlew
short-billed dowitcher
snipe


toad
frog


snapping turtle
diamondback terrapin
gopher turtle
sea turtle
eastern coachwhip snake


tiger shark
requiem shark family
hammerhead shark
Ssawfish


Min.
Number
Indiv.


Frag-
ments


4
1
2
3
1
2
2
24
9
64
1(toot


1
1
4
2
1
1
1
1


10
1


1
8
2
46
1







BONY FISHES
Arius felis
Bagre marinus
Ariidae
Cynoscion nebulosus
Cynoscion sp.
Pogomias cromis
Sciaenops ocellata
Sciaenidae
Archosargus probatocephalus
Mugil sp.
Paralichthys sp.
Opsanus tau


sea catfish
gafftopsail cat
sea cat family
spotted sea trout
sea trout family
black drum
red drum
drum family
sheepshead
mullet
flounder
oyster toadfish


INVERTEBRATES (from Feature 28)
crab
Urosalpinx cinerea Atlantic oyster drill
Busycon contrarium lightning whelk
Ostrea virginica. Eastern oyster
Mercenaria mercenaria Northern quahog
Tagelus plebius stout tagelus


21
5
(1)
1
1
2
3
1
6
13
2
3


131
30
103
1
2
15
15
1
41
85
12
6


2

448
10
14





89

The state of bone preservation indicated that these large mammals were

roasted or heavily boiled, since "bone roasted within the joint loses much

of its organic matter, becomes brittle, and consequently preserves bad-

ly. The same conditions hold true when the bone is heavily boiled."

(Chaplin 1971:14-15). Bone remains from the large mammals were poor-

ly preserved at the site, whereas small bones from fish, birds and other

small animals was well-preserved (Cumbaa personal communication

1974). These smaller bones were probably subjected to slow simmer-

ing in soups or stews, rather than roasting or heavy boiling.

Butchering techniques for cow and pig were determined by

Cumbaa in his analysis of the faunal remains.

Cut and saw marks on pig remains indicated that the head was
detached near the upper cervical vertebrae. The rear limbs
were removed by breaking the innominate at the acetabulum,
and the distal humerus/radial-ulna joint seems to have been
the most difficult to separate due to the number of cut, hack,
and saw marks on the bone, particularly on the proximal por-
tion of the radius and ulna. (Cumbaa personal communication
1974).

Identifiable skeletal elements of pig recovered at the site included por-

tions of the skull, the vertebral column and ribs, the front limbs, the

pelvis and the rear feet.

The cow remains also yielded evidence of butchering techniques.

Cut and saw marks indicated that the head was broken open, the front

limbs disarticulated and the lower limbs severed at the humerus/radius-

ulna joint in the same manner as the pig. The rear limbs were removed

by breaking the pelvis at the acetabulum. Rib sections were sawed through

distally and cut proximally, and meat was cut off the top of the thoracic




90

region. The rear and front feet appear to have been cut off, and in the

case of the front feet, may have been discarded intact, as most of the

elements of at least one animal were well preserved (Cumbaa personal

communication 1974).

Butchering techniques were not discernible for white-tailed deer,

since no cut marks were present on the bone remains. White-tailed deer

elements present included teeth, phalanges, an ulna and a lumbar verte-

bra.

Large mammals certainly provided a source of protein at the

site, although the frequency of acquisition of use of these animals is un-

known. More commonly used, and ubiquitous in closed contexts were

smaller animals such as fish and molluscs. These locally collected re-

sources probably provided the base for the de la Cruz household diet.

With the exception of the cartilaginous fishes (sharks and saw-

fish), which were all small individuals of types known to venture frequent-

ly into bays and coastal rivers, all of the fish species from the site were

inshore, shallow water marine fishes common in the inland waterway

around seawalls, pilings, docks, and oyster beds. Most of these were

probably caught with hooks and lines, except for the mullet which were

probably netted.

Fifty-nine percent of the bony fish remains were from catfish,

with mullet the second most numerous species. This is not unexpected,

since these are the most commonly caught fish in St. Augustine today.

Preservation was quite good for fishbone, suggesting again that these


were prepared in soups or stews.




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PAGE 1

SEX, STATUS AND ROLE IN THE MESTIZAJE OF SPANISH COLONIAL FLORIDA By Kathleen A . Deagan A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1974

PAGE 2

UNIVERSr YOF FLORIDA 3 1262 08666 398 5

PAGE 3

ACKNON/VLEDGEMENTS The research for this dissertaticxi ^as funded by National Science Foundation Doctoral Dissertation Grant GS-36839, and the author was supported by a University of Florida AnthrofXtlogy Department Graduate Assistantship while in the Field; and Ijy a University of Florida Graduate School Fellowship during the preparation of this dissertation. It is a truism that one's results are only as good as the data on which they are based, and an archeologist realizes this most keenly when the time comes to write a repjort based on Field data. This dissertation is based on data which met severe contextual and stratigraphic requireenents, cind in the final analysis included less than half of the excavated material; all of which, however, was used with complete confidence that It was truly applicable to the problemis toward which the excavation was oriented. For this I would like to thank Stefshen Cumbaa, Nicholas Honerkamp, Cartos Martinez, John Otto and Russell Lewis; all graduate students in archeology and the field crew at the 1973 excavation of the de la Cruz site. Without their understanding of the problems involved and their skill in the field, the data on which this study is based would not be nearly so reliable. I would also like to thank John W. Griffin, and the staff of the Historic St. Au^stine Preservation Boand, who provided equipment, li

PAGE 4

supplies and housing for the field crew, cis well as free access to all of their resources. Their hospitality and cooperation made our stay in St. Augustine pleasant and comfortable, particularly the daily help and mechanical innovation we received from Mr, Sterling Reyez and Mr, Haynes Grant, Acknowledgement is also due to Robert Steirtbach of the Historic St, Augustine Preservation Board, for his technical advice, and for his time, which was freely given to me, in discussing St. Augustine archeology, and helping me clarify many of the problems in the excavation and interpretation of the de la Cruz site. I would like to thank Dr, William R, Maples, chairman of the Social Sciences Department of the Florida State Museum, and Dr. J. C, Dickinson, of the Rorida State Museum, for providing me with office, lab and storage space during the analysis of the material from the de la Cruz site, and the preparation of the report. I received a great deal of help from other Florida State Museum Staff members, including Mr, Jerry Evans, Ms. Malinda Stafford, Dr. Pierce Brodkorb for the identification of bird remains; and particularly from Mr, Stephen L. Cumbcia of the Zooarcheology leib for his very thorough interpretive analysis of the faunal remains from the site, which is included in Chapter IV. Technical advice in interpretation of the material from the site was received from Dr. Barbara Purdy of the University of Florida Social Sciences Department, who discussed the flint material from the site and gave advice, and Dr. F. N. Blanchard, who carried out the analysis of til

PAGE 5

Ill the petrographlc samples, I would also like to thank Mr, David Hall of the University of Rorida Herbarium, For the time he generously gave to the identification of the pleint rennains from the site, including the identification of Florida's Oldest Orange, Dr. W, E. Nesmith of the University of Florida carried out the analysis of soil samples and discussed the results with me^ and technical advice on ceramics and clay samples fronn the site wsis given by Mr, Chris Hierholzer of the Street Urchin Pottery in St. Augustine. Advice, consultation and help in producing the illustrations for the dissertation were provided by Mr, Jonathon Rogers of St, Augustine, Florida, I am particularly grateful to Ms. Lydia Deakin, secretary of the University of Florida Anthropology Department, whose wit, efficiency, emd continual help were instrumental in getting me through graduate school and this dissertation. I would also lik.e to thank the members of nny committee, Dr, Theron Nunez, Dr. E. Thomas Hemmings, Dr, Paul Doughty, and Dr, Michael Gannon for their coop)eration and help throughout my entire doctoral program, and also Dr. Jerald Milanich of the University of Florida Anthropology Departnnent, who gave freely of his time, advice, and criticism during this project, and whose work has helped clarify my concept of Spanish-Indicin relations in Florida, Other intellectual debts are owed to the work of Charles Fairbanks and Hale G. Smith in Florida, to Ivor Noel-Hume's work in colonial material culture, to EdwauxJ Spicer and George Foster's acculturaiv

PAGE 6

tlon studies, and also to Stanley South of the South Carolina Institute of Archeology and Anthropology, whose generous advice helped me realize as a student what was relevant in archeological data, and how to obtain it. Documentary research was carried out primarily in the Stetson Collection, located in the P. K. Yonge Library of Rorida History at Gainesville; and the collections of the St. Augustine Historical Society, located in their library in St. Augustine. I would like to thank the staff members of those libraries for their help and cooperation. . I come finally to that debt which is impossible to acknowledge, to my chairman, Charles H. Fairbanks. .Having, for the course of my studies, been taught, befriended and provided with an academic, intellectual and humanitarian example by Dr. Fairbanks; it is with gratitude and affection that I acknowledge him as chiefly responsible for any academic contributions this work may have, while assuming myself full responsibility for its shortcomings.

PAGE 7

TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements i List of Tables. ^ vi List of Figures vii Chapters I. Indian-SF>cinish Interaction in Colonial St. Augustine. 1 II. 18th Century Acculturation: A Processual Hypothesis 32 III. Testing the Hypxjthesis 44 IV. Results of the Hypothesis Test 72 V. Sex, Status and Role in the Mestizaje of Spanish Colonial Florida 139 Bibliography 153 Appendix I Dating the Site: Ceramic Data 169 Appendix II Dating the Site: Pipestem Data 170 Appendix III Measurement Data for Green Glass Bottles 172 Appendix IV Results of Petrographic Analysis by F. N. Blanchard 174 Figures 179 Biographical Sketch 2l9 vi

PAGE 8

LIST OF TABLES 1 . Distribution of San Marcos Pottery 75 2. Distribution of San Marcos Pottery Surface Decoration 75 3. Faunal Remains from Closed Proveniences 87 4. Beads from Closed Proveniences 109 5. Distribution of Tableware Ceramics 120 6. Distribution of Majolica 120 7. Distribution of Delftware Decorative Elements 123 8. Distribution of Slip-Decorated Earthenwares 124 9 . Distribution of Refined Earthenwares 126 10. Closed Proveniences Dating Creamware — A 128 1 1 . Closed Proveniences Dating Creamware — B 129 12. Ceramics from Midden Area 130 13. Distribution of Glassware 133 vtl

PAGE 9

LIST OF FIGURES 1. The Puente Map 180 2. The Jeffries Map 181 3. Excavation Plan and Foundations at SA-16-23 182 4. Water Disposal Technique 183 5. Map of Kitchen Area 184 6. Map of North Outbuilding Area 185 7. Map of Courtyard Area 186 8. First Appearance of Barrel Well 187 9. Profile of Barrel Well 188 10. a. Excavation of Barrel Well b. Staves from Barrel Well 189 11. Profile of Coquina Well 190 12. San Marcos Stamped Sherds 191 13. Spanish Utilitarian Earthenware Sherds 192 14. Handles from San Marcos Vessels 193 15. San Marcos Ceramics Exhibiting European Influence 194 16. Non-ceramic Food Preparation Equipment 195 17. Sherd Discs, Marbles, and Child's Thimble 196 18. Iron Hinge and Iron Spike 197 19. Iron Key and Brass Hardware 198 20. Gunflints and Gunspalls 199 21. Brass Gun Hardware 200 22. White Clay Pipe Fragments 201 23. Women' s Craft Items 202 24. Beads from Closed Proveniences 203 25. Buttons from Closed Proveniences 204 26. Metal Buckles 205 27. Ebony Figa Amulet 206 28. Majolica Vessel Profiles 207 29. MajoUca Sherds 208 30. Delftware Sherds 209 31. Slip-Decorated Earthenware Sherds 210 32. Creamware Sherds 211 33. Refined Earthenware Sherds 212 34. Blue and White Chinese Porcelain 213 35. Ornamental Glass 214 36. Tableware Glass 215 viii

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Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council of the University of Rorida in Partial Fulfillnnent of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy SEX, STATUS AND ROLE IN THE MESTIZAJE OF SPANISH COLONIAL FLORIDA By Kathleen A. Deagan June, 1974 Chairman: Charles H. Fairbanks Major Department: Anthropology The hypothesis that in 18th century St. Augustine, acculturation v/as primarily effected by Indian women in Spanish or mestizo households within a predominantly male-oriented (military) cultural milieu is tested through archeological, ethnohistorical, zooarcheological and ethnographic research. Archeologically testable implications of this hypothesis are offered, tested and confirmed. Mestizaje and acculturation in Spanish colonial Florida are analyzed and a model for mestizaje as a process of acculturation is proposed. Material correlates for mestizaje are suggested, and used to illustrate method and theory in Anthropological Historical Archeology and its role in developing theory, and in problemsolving for Archeology as a discipline.

PAGE 11

CHAPTER I INDIAN-SPANISH INTERACTION IN COLONIAL ST. AUGUSTINE The Pre-Guale Period At the time when the first results of Spanish contact and interaction were felt by the newly enslaved and disease-ridden Indians of the Caribbean and Latin Annerica, the Indians of Florida were still virtually unaffected by European contact. Although Florida had been known and explored by the Spanish since the very early part of the 16th century, it was not until the second half of the century that a permanent settlement or a serious base for Indian-Spanish interaction was formed . This interaction base in Florida was the mission system, outside of which very little Indian and Spanish contact occurred during the 16th and 17th centuries (See Sturtevant 1962; Fairbanks 1957; Deagan n.d.) The initial, and nnost intensive Spanish-Indian interaction took place in the area surrounding St. Augustine, the first permanent Spanish settlement in Florida. This early interaction provided the roots for the later processes of Indian-Spanish miscegenation, or mestizaje , which op>erated during the 18th century, and it was in St. Augustine that the earliest records of such interaction are found. When the Spaniards first settled in Florida, the area 1

PAGE 12

surroufxding St. Augustine was occupied by the Saturiwa Indians, one of the several tribal groups comprising the Eastern Timucua (Deagan n.d.). The Saturiwa occupied the lower course of the St. Johns River and the coastal area opposite the river. This region included the St. Johns River itself, extensive pine flatwoods, and coastal lagoons and estuaries; all of which were exploited by the Saturiwa. The subsistence system was beised on fish and shellfish, both fresh and salt water, as evidenced by the extensive middens along the river and the coast. Fishing, hunting and gathering were, no doubt, also important parts of the subsistence base, with deer, alligator, fowl, and turtle as important food items. In historic times, the Saturiwa were part-time horticulburalists, growing maize, beans, pumpkins, cucumbers, citrons, and gourds (Hacklyut 1903(8):445; Ribault 1964:73), although they tilled for only half of the year and went into the forest to hunt and gather during the winter months (Hacklyut 1903(8):456). In prehistoric times the Saturiwa area was characterized by the St. Johns archeological complex, which included chalky pottery, burial mounds, and diffuse shell middens (Goggin 1952). This complex was continued into early historic times, evidenced by burial mounds containing European trade material, such as the Dunn's Creek noound (Moore 1894:8) in Saturiwa territory, which contained txjrials with St. Johns chalky ceramics and associated historic material, including ornaments, metal implements, and a bell. Lower levels of the mound contained trade materials from the aboriginal cultures of west Florida, but

PAGE 13

these were no longer present in the historic level. Another site in the same area. North Mound, Murphy Island (Pu-20) contained historic burials which were intrusive into a nrK>und constructed in earlier (ca. AD 1000) times (Moore 1896: 503-515). Archeological evidence indicates that by the late 16th century nnound burial was being replaced by cemetary burial among the Saturiwa. The Fountain of Youth site in St. Augustine contained a group of Indian burials extended flat on their backs, with their arms crossed over their chests. Although few grave goods were encountered, the presence of glass beads and an iron spike implied that the cemetcu-y dated from the late 16th century (Goggin 1952: 4; Seaberg ms). From the writings of Frey Francisco Pareja, Jaques LeMoyne, Jean Ribault and Rene Laudonniere, the culture of the late 16th century and early 1 7th century Saturiwa can be partially reconstructed . Detailed summaKes of Saturiwa culture traits can be found in Swanton (1922:345-387) and Milanich and Sturtevant (1972:39-48). Saturiwa social organization was similar to that of many other Southeastern Indian tribes, featuring ranked, matrilineal clans with names such as Deer, Panther, Bear, Fish, Earth, Buzzard, and Quail (Gatschet 1878:492-493). Inheritance was through the mother or mother's brother (Phillip 1593)l, and clan membership determined the chiefs and other officials (Gatschet 1878:492), with the White Deer Clan giving rise to the head chief or holata ico . The information given by Francisco Pareja indicates a caste-

PAGE 14

Itke social system, probably like that postulated by William Sears for the circum-gulf region (Sears 1954). Each village had its own chief, and these were under the jurisdiction of a head chief who extracted tribute from his subjects (DeCampo 1601). Priest-shcunans were present among the Saturiwa, and were powerful religious-medical practitioners. The role of the shaman in the culture is well illustrated by Pareja's 1613 Confessionario (Milanich and Sturtevant 1972), and constituted a focus toward which much Franciscan religious energy was directed. The Saturiwa lived in palisaded villages with circular, thatched huts of palm "after the fashion of a pavilion" (Ribault 1964:83). Villages also contained a central longhouse "with reed settees all about" which were set two feet off the ground and were used as both seats suTd beds (Ibid.). This was certainly a public building, probably for both civil and religious activities. At the time of Laudonniere's account (1565) the Saturiwa towns formed a confederacy under a chief also named Saturiwa, who was the head of a town near the mouth of the St. Johns River. There were 30 other town chiefs under Chief Saturiwa, and they came together to wage war against the two large Western Timucua confederacies of Potano and Utina (Hacklyut 1903(8):454). By 1602 this pattern of organized warfare had ceased or was inactive . The Saturiwa first experienced European contact with the French expedition to Florida under Jean Ribault in 1562. By 1564 Rene de

PAGE 15

Laudomiere had established Fort CeiroUne in Saturiwa territory, near the mouth of the St, Johns River. Saturiwa-French relations were generally annicable and based on trade; deer, fish, turkey, and corn in exchange for hatchets, mirrors, knives, comt>s, beads, and cloth (Le Moyne in Bennett 1968:104). Although the Saturiwa helped the colony at Fort Caroline by building portions of the fort and providing food, they were frequently alienated by the French dennands for supplies, often "extorted by blows" (Le Moyne in Bennett 1968:98). The French were also involved in the military affairs of the tribe, and the Saturiwa were anxious for French assistance against the Utina confederacy, which wais their most ancient enemy (Hacklyut 1903(9): 12). Although Laudonniere agreed in 1565 to send some of his soldiers with Saturiwa against Utina, his main concern was to form alliances with all of the Indian confederacies (Ibid..). The Saturiwa-French relations were bsised on trade and mutual militarism, and it was not until after the arrival of the Spanish and the establishment of the Franciscan missions that any appreciable change wais brought about in the Saturiwa culture. The establishment of a French settlement at Fort Caroline provided the impetus for the Spanish settlement of Florida in 1565. The site of St. Augustine acted not only as a deterrent for further French enterprise after the massacre of Laudonniere's party, but it was also of strategic military importcince as the guardiein of the straits of Florida, through which the flota sailed after leaving Mexico. Pedro Menendez

PAGE 16

6 de Aviles sailed to Rorida in 1565 to rout the French and establish his adalentadomiento of the land in the name of Phillip the Second of Spain. With 800 people, Menendez arrived in 1565, and defeated the French at Fort Caroline. Although the Saturiwa did not play a rn^jor role in this affair, they remained loyal to the French and pledged support to Dominique de Gourges during his punitive raids against the Spanish in 1567 (Hacklyut 1903(9): 102-1 04). De Gourges was unable to drive the Spanish out of the former Fort Caroline, and after this incident, Spanish settlement and Indian contact was concentrated in the St. Augustine area. EVen prior to the De Gourges expedition in 1567, Spanish missionaries were attempting conversion of the Florida Indians. With the founding of St. Augustine in 1565, immediate attempts were made by Pedro Menendez to procure missionaries for Florida. In 1566 he wrote: "I had told them (the Indians) that those religious were coming on the next ship and would soon talk with them and instruct them on becoming Christians; and now, as no religious canne, the natives think that I am a liar, and some of them have become angry eind accuse me of deluding them " (Menendez 1566). In 1566 the Jesuits arrived, and remained in Florida until 1572 when their attempts at missionization ended in withdrawal (see Gannon 1965). Their contact with the Saturiwa had no discernible, lasting effect on the culture, and it was not until the Franciscans arrived in 1577 that the changes which were to alter cind ultimately eliminate the native

PAGE 17

Florida cultures were put into effect. Between 1577 and 1596, Franciscan missions had been established among the Saturiwa at Nombre de Dios (St. Augustine), and San Juan del Puerto (near the mouth of the St. Johns River), and these remained the main mission centers for the Saturiwa throughout the mission period. The most intensive mission activity was in the vicinity of St. Augustine; the only pernnanent settlement in Spanish Florida until 1699, In 1602, Don Alonso Sando Saez Mercado, testifying at the investigation of the success and fate of the Florida colony, named Nombre de Dios, Palica, Nombre de Dios Chiquito, Capuaca, Solo, San Pablo, and Caherica as Indian villages near St, Augustine, and he noted that these were all Christian villages (Amade 1959:29). Nonnbre de Dios and San Pablo had churches, although religious services were conducted in all of the villages by a visiting priest or, in his absence, by the Indian Fiscales (Ibid.). Archeology has revealed little of the life of the Tlmucua mission Indian. Possible mission sites in the Saturiwa area include San Juan del Puerto (Du-53), partially excavated by William Jones (J. MacMurray 1973); Wrights Landing (SJ-3) (Goggin 1953:6), which is believed to be the site of a relocated Guale nnission, Nuestra Senora Guadalupe de Tolomato; and Rollestown (Pu64b) which may have been the site of the mission of Salamatoto (Goggin 1953:5). The site of the mission of Nombre de Dios in St. Augustine hcis been located and identified, although

PAGE 18

8 none of these sites have been fully excavated at this time. Solely Timucua occupation at these mission sites seems to have been sparse and of short duration. Small announts of the indigenous St. Johns ceramics are present (Goggin 1952), but the ceramic type which predominates on historic Florida Indian sites is San Marcos (Smith 1948), introduced during the 17th century by the Guale Indians. No structures have been excavated at any of the sites discussed above, but there was evidence at San Juan del Puerto of a palisade, and also of individual, circular shell middens which may represent dwelling sites. (W. B. Jones personal communication. St. Augustine 1973). The Indian population indigenous to the St. Augustine vicinity declined rapidly throughout the 17th century. By 1675, when Gabriel Calderon, Bishop of Cuba, visited Florida, there were only three Christian Indian villages in the vicinity of St. Augustine; Nombre de Dios, Tolomato, and Salamatoto (Wenhold 1936:7-8). The number of inhabitants was given only for Nombre de Dios ("scarcely more than 30"), but it suggests that only about 100 Timucua Indians were left in the area by this time. Probably the primary factor in this drastic population decline among the Saturiwa was the introduction of European disease. Swanton lists four major ppidemics among the Timucua in 1613-1617; 16491650; 1670, and 1672 (Swanton 1946:144), although there probably were earlier occurences. In other areas of the Spanish new world, smallpox, measles, influenza, dysentary, and a reintroduced form of syphilis

PAGE 19

9 were particularly virulent among the Indians. Since they had no resistance to these European diseases, the Indian populations during the early contact period suffered untold nunribers of deaths, in some cases even before the Europeans themselves reached the Indians (Dobyns 1963). Since by 1613, F=lorida had experienced European contact for nearly 100 years, it seems that decimating disease must have taken its toll also in the 16th century, particularly in the vicinity of the most intense contact, Spcunish and Indian relations in the 16th and 17th centuries were built on the mission system. This system was a directed change situation (see Spicer 1961), but of a solely ecclesiastical nature. Within the structure of the system, the link between the European and the Indian was the Franciscan friar, and the areas toward which change was directed were naturally those of the greatest concern to the Friars. These included religious matters, and those areas of culture affecting religion. There were few other types of contact between Indian and Spciniard, since Florida had few resources and farming was not rewarding, so that the encomienda systenn so common to the rest of New Spain was not present. The acculturation which occurred as a result of the mission system was more apparent in the European culture than in the aboriginal (see Sturtes^ant 1962:68). Since the colony was poor, and was supported alnvDSt totally by the government subsidized situado (Geiger 1940: 7-8), the friars found it most expedient to adapt to the citxjriginal methods

PAGE 20

10 of shelter and subsistence. Missions were probably located in the vicinity of existing Indian villages, and this is supported archeologically by cultural deposits Indicating a long prehistoric through historic occupation in many of the East Florida mission sites. Movement of the missions is indicated in the documents, but this may well have been due to the exigencies of Indian agricultural techniques (Sturtevant 1962:62), and later in the mission period to the arrival of the Guale and Yamassee Indians . The material culture of the Florida Indians appeared to have been very little changed by European contact. The poverty of the colony precluded the replacement of many aboriginal iten-\s with European counterparts, and firearms were forbidden to the Florida Indians. The few items which are found at Florida mission sites — ceramics, ornaments, and a few iron tools — suggest that these items were in addition to, rather than a replacement of, aboriginal items (Smith 1956: 44-68). When Bishop Calderon visited Florida in 1675, he noted that the housing, clothing, and subsistence patterns of the Florida Indians were almost entirely aboriginal (Wenhold 1936). The conversion of the Florida Indisins, fjarticularly the Saturiwa, was the key to much of the European induced change in the culture. Not only did the Franciscans attempt to replace aboriginal cerenx>nial patterns with Catholicism, but they also, in the process, altered certain asjDects of social organization which had important implications for Spcu^ish-Indian acculturation.

PAGE 21

11 It was primarily through conversion that the political structures oF the Eastern Timucua tribes were manipulated, and this in turn had subtle effects on other areeis oP the social structure. Among the early successful changes made by the Franciscans was the cessation of the traditional pattern of warfare, which was such a noticeable feature of the Eastern Timucua groups at the time of French contact. By 1598 the chiefs of nearly every major Timucua tribe had come in a group to St. Augustine, to pledge support and obedience to the Spanish crown (Canzo 1598). It seems that from this time, there was no »nter-tribal warfare; in fact, Spanish-Indian interaction and communication seenns to have replaced interaction on the tribal level to a great extent . The cessation of warfare had an unknown effect on the political authority systenn of the Timucua, but it is quite possible that the central cohesive emphasis shifted away from the tribal organization, and toward the mission after this time. The reduction of intei — tribal communication is reflected archeologically by the absence of trade material from Northwest and West Florida tribes in the historic levels of Indian sites, and their presence in prehistoric levels, such as the situation found at the Thursby Mound (Moore 1894:64-82), and the Dunn's Creek Mound (Moore 189^:8). It Wcis also during the early stages of contact that there is evidence of Spanish interference in the inheritance patterns of the Timucua Indians. In 1593 Phillip II of Spain wrote to the governor of Florida: "concerning what you noted about the custom of on an Indian

PAGE 22

12 nobleman's death his nephew, the son of his sister, inherits his dignity and his estate. The Christianized Indians complain and do not want to follow this law, kxjt to inherit from their fathers. It would be well to support them in this for now" (Phillip II 1593), Two possible incidents of the support suggested by Phillip are known. The first was the interference in the Guale cacique succession, which was listed cis a cause of the Guale rebellion of 1597 (Canzo 1600), and the second was the sudden apF>€arance of Dona Maria Melendez (who prior to this tin^ was the chieftainess of Nombre de Dios) as the chieftainess of all the Indians from Tacatacuru (CunV>erland Island) to St, Augustine in 1604 (Serrano y Sanz 1913:171). NAaria Melendez is of particular interest in the early history of Florida. While she was chieftainess of Nombre de Dios, she married a Spanish soldier, t>ecame ardently pro-Catholic, and apparently brought about alnxjst complete conversion of her subjects (Canzo 1598). For these reasons she wcis highly praised by the SF»anish, and her sudden appearance as the chieftainess of what had formerly been several separate tribes, seenis somewhat suspect. This suspicion is supported by the etccount of Pedro de Ibarra, who described a meeting between Maria Melendez, her subjects, cuxJ the Spaniards, which took place on Cun-vberland Island in 1604 (Serrano y Sanz 1913: 171-172). At this meeting the Spaniards asked Melendez if she had any complaints to make of her subjects, which would require Spcinish discipline. Although she did not have any complaints, it seems clear that a good deal of the chieftainess' authority came from Spanish prestige.

PAGE 23

13 The Spanish were extremely supportive of pro-Hispanic caissiques (see Deagan n.d.), and probably manipulated them, and possibly even installed them in order to effect conversion of their subjects. The effects of the switch in political emphasis from the traditional to the Spanish interests presumably played a large part in th»e weakening of Timucua social structure and world view. These political changes were brought about by the application of religious sanctions, and were designed to support the system of Catholic conversion. At the same time that these changes were being effected in the aboriginal political structure, more direct and intensive efforts were being aimed at the replacement of ciboriginal ceremonial elements with Catholic religious elements (Milanich and Sturtevant 1972). These efforts were quite successful among the Timucua Indians, largely through the manipulation of the cassiques described above. In this way, the Indians of Spanish Florida underwent changes in their religious, ceremonial, political, and social systems, but actually participated very little in direct interaction with the Spaniards. Little Spanish material culture was introduced to them, and ho efforts were made to alter the ecological situation or the subsistence practices, so that very little change in these areas of ciboriginal life were apparent until the 18th centurv> when the nnove to St. Augustine took place. There were occasional patterns of interaction between Spaniard and Indian which fell outside of the nnission structure during the 16th and 17th centuries. The Spanish attitude toward the Indieun seemed

PAGE 24

14 somewhat more exploitive during the 16th century than in succeeding centuries. Pedro Mehendez de Aviles made an early attempt at directed change when he sent several Indians, including the 10-year old daughter of the King of Tekesta, to Spain in order that they could become Hispeuiicised and return to teach their tribe members civilization (Menendez 1566). The fate of the project and the Indians is unknown, however, since no further reports of the incident are known. In 1598 Governor Canzo wrote to the King of Spain about the "war Indicins" or "Indian warriors," who were used to attack other Indians that had not subjugated themselves to the crown. In 1597 the war Indicins had been sent against the Surruque, who were defeated, and fifty-four Surruque prisoners were brought back to St. Augustine and distributed among the townspeople, presumably as slaves — the women and children to married people and the men to the soldiers (Canzo 1598). This is a very early reference to the presence of Indicins in the town itself, although, again, no follow-up report was made. In the same letter, Canzo discussed the tribute expected from the Indians: one arroba of corn from married people, amd six macorcas from single people. Apparently the applied anthropological approach, along with slavery and tribute, proved unsuccessful or unprofitable for use with the Florida Indians, since these practices were not continued in the succeeding centuries. It should also be noted that the de Aviles adalantadomlento expired with Pedro Menendez* son-in-law, and may have also marked the end of this approach to Indian relations.

PAGE 25

15 Mission activity reached Its peak during the 17th century, txjt occasional, non-rellglous use was made of the Indians. As early as 1622 Indians from Guale and San Pedro (Cumberland Island) were sent to labor on the forts In St. Augustine; but according to official documents, they were apportioned by their own "nnlcos y casslques," and they received passage money and gifts (Ramirez 1622). By the third quarter of the 17th century, the Speinlsh were either recruiting or Impressing Florida Indians to serve in the garrtson at St. Augustine. In 1673, some 300 Indians were sent to St. Augustine "to fill the gaps In the infantry," including 200 Apalachee, 50-55 Timucua, and 45-50 Guale Indians (de la Guerra 1673). Further evidence of the non-religious exploitation of the Florida Indians in provided by the 1656 letter of Manuel, Chief of Asile, which outlined some of the Indian grievemces which led to the Timucua rebellion of 1656 (Manuel 1656; Milanich n.d.). Among these grievances it was reported that the Indians were forced to labor on the Spanish cattle ranches and plantations without compensation. Little Is known of cattle raising in colonial Florida during the 17th century. Believed to have been established ca. 1655 (Arnade 1965:6), cattle farming reached a peak In 1700, when the first tcixes were levied on the ranches, and at that time there were 25 ranches in Timucua territory (Ibid.:8). The extent to which Indian labor was employed on the ranches is not known, although garrison soldiers were sent to work on the ranches in the early 18th century (Ibid.:9). The use of Indians on the cattle ranches was

PAGE 26

16 probably quite limited, and like presidio latxir and service in the garrison, reached only a very small proportion of the Indian population, although these Indians must have learned some Spanish skills of ranching and txjilding. These instances of non-religious interaction between Spaniard and Indian on the frontier were peripheral to the basic pattern of mission acculturation in the 17th century. It was the Spanish-Indian interaction within the colonial town that had important implications for the later, intensive Spanish-Indian interaction and mestizaje . One of the most pervasive, and least known patterns of pre18th century Spanish-Indian interaction in St. Augustine was the foi — mation of alliances between Indian women and Spanish men. Very little is known of the proportion, permanency, and status of Spanish women residing in St. Augustine. The original party accompanying Menendez on his initial arrival in Florida contained 800 people; 500 soldiers, 200 sailors and 100 "useless" people (Tebeau 1971 :34). Since it was also reported that 100 of Menendez' men were married, the 100 "useless" people may have been wives and children of these men. It should be noted, however, that official permission was not gremted until 1579 for the wives of men stationed in Florida to join their husbands (Chatelaine 1941:43), although there is certainly no record of a major immigration of Spanish women to Florida at or after this time. Although the party accompanying Menendez was intended prinnarily as a military expedition, it did comprise the original European

PAGE 27

17 pioneer population of Florida, and this population seenr^s to have dropped considerably in the years following the founding of St. Augustine. Little immigration to the poverty-stricken Rorida colony occurred during the Spanish period, since there was no economic incentive in the colony, and the nature of the situado — dependent subsistence base must have limited the number of residents the colony could support. There are occeisional records of women entering the Florida colony; for exsmnple, in 1566 14 women arrived with the relief party of Arcineagas (Chatelaine 1941:43). By 1578 there were only 186 men in the town, and a request for 300 men, but only six women was made by Menendez (Dunkle 1958:5). This seems to imply that soldiers of the garrison were finding mates among the Indicin women of the area quite early in the Spanish period. What proportion of these alliances were marriages is unknown, but cin untitled document, tentatively dated 1577, lists 13 married men "besides the soldiers, some of whom are married"; rather a sharp reduction from the 100 married men of 12 years before. By the turn of the 17th century, there were 57 married couples and 107 children in St. Augustine (Arnade 1959:9), and it was just prior to this time that Governor Canzo reported a considerable number of illegitimate children in the town (Canzo 1598). Specific instances of recorded, Indian-Spanish marriages during this period, and throughout the 17th century, are rare; consisting for the most part of marriages notable enough to receive mention tn the official documents. These early inter-racial marriages revealed

PAGE 28

18 that an alliance with a Spaniard was a desirable accomplishment, since the nobility of the Rorida Indian groups were among the first to enter into such marriages. Perhaps the earliest record of a Spanish-Indian nvirriage was that of Pedro Menendez de Aviles himself in 1569 to the sister of Carlos, chief of the Calusa (Zubillaga 1946:610). While this was almost certainly a marriage of political expediency (since Menendez already had a Spanish wife), it serves to illustrate the positive Indian attitude toward such marriages. Another early marriage of an Indian woman to a Spaniard was that of Luisa Menendez and Juan Rivas, who met and married while Rivas was on the Pardo expedition of 1 567 (Amade 1959:38). Rivas and his wife returned to live in St. Augustine, where Rivas was called upon 35 years later as reliable and expert witness at the hearings to determine the fate of Florida in 1602 (Arnade 1959:38). A slightly later mixed marriage was that of Maria Melendez, chieftainess of Nombre de Dios, to the Spanish soldier Clemente Vernal. Dona Melendez was pro-Catholic and Spanish, ruling her subjects jointly with Vernal (Canzo 1598), and from this marriage there were several mestizo children (Arnade 1959:26). Intermarriage between Indian and Spaniard almost certainly occurred with greater frequency in colonial St. Augustine them is indicated documentarily. It was, nevertheless, on a fairly small scale during the 16th and 17th centuries, if only because of the small and steadily declining Indian population in the St. Augustine area.

PAGE 29

19 The Quale Period; Post-1680 This situatton began to change, however, when the Guale Indians of the Georgia coast began to move into the St. Augustine area, swelling the Indian population. There were four Spanish missions left in Guale in 1680, despite the recurrent attacks of Yuchi Indians which had been taking place for 25 years (Swanton 1946:135), These raids may have been at least partly British-inspired slave raids, and the founding of Charles Town in 1670 increased the tempo of Yuchi activity. Thus began a series of events which were to result in the Indian depopulation of Rorida, and the repopulation, on a smaller scale, of St, Augustine. By 1675, when Calderon visited Rorida, the coastal area north of the St. Johns River (Amelia Island, Cumberland Island) was already inhabited by infidel Yamassee Indians (Salazar 1675), and in 1680, several Guale chiefs asked to be relocated in Spanish territory (Swanton 1946:136), with the result that a large body of Guale moved into Rorida. As early as 1658, the Guale mission of Tolomato was relocated at St, Augustine (Phillipe IV 1660). Items of material culture and settlement patterns of the Guale rapidly replaced indigenous Timucua elements in Rorida; clearly demonstrated archeologically at several Rorida sites occupied successively by Timucua and Guale Indians (San Juan del Puerto (J, MacMurray 1973), Wright's Landing (Goggin 1953:6), Rollestown (Goggin 1953:5), Harrison Homestead (Hemmings and Deagan 1973), and Fort Pupo (Goggin 1951) ). This gradual increase in population continued from 1680 to

PAGE 30

20 1700, when a major increase in the Indicin population of St. Augustine occurred, along with a concomitant shift in the Spanish attitude toward Indians. After the raids of Col. James Moore and his force of Carolinians, Creeks, and Yamassee Indians, the Florida mission system was destroyed, along with the cattle ranches and a large proportion of the Indicin population (Boyd, Smith and Griffin 1952). Now with Britain a direct threat to Spain's tentative hold on Florida, and also to the safety of the colony at St. Augustine, the Spanish interest in the Indians shifted from being strictly religious and somewhat economic, to being quite militaristic, quite econonnic, and somewhat religious. Indian allies were sought not only for aid in the struggle to maintain control of Florida, but also to act as a defense line in case of a British attack on St, Augustine; a possibility that became a reality several times in the 18th century (see Tepaske 1969:193-229), The Spanish population of St, Augustine also depended in other ways upon the greatly increased Indian popMjlation of the area. Moore's raids had destroyed the cattle ranches upon which St. Augustine depended for food, and thus the Indian cornfields which were cultivated on the periphery of the town were an important supplennentary food source (Chatelaine 1941. -map 10; Solana 1760). The Indians of St. Augustine probably also provided a lat)or pool for the rebuilding of the town after the siege; and possibly also as a source of local craft industries such as pottery or weaving. The rapid increaise in the Indian popxjlation of the St. Augustine

PAGE 31

21 area is reflected in documentary data from the period. When Calderon visited the town in 1675 he noted a very sparse Indian population, but by 1703, at least eight villages of Indians, including Timucua, Apalachee, Guale, and remnants of South Florida tribes, had been estciblished near the town. These were Nombre de Dios Chiquito, Timucua, Tama, Jororo, Costa Tolomato el Nuevo, Nombre de Dios, and Macariz (Valdes 1729), some of them obviously named after the Indian groups which inhabited them. By 1714 the Indian population of St, Augustine had grown to 401 (Phillipe V 1714); in 1726 it was 1101 (Valdes 1729), and in 1738 there were 1350 Indians living in the St. Augustine area (Benavides 1738). The 1726 account of Indians in the area lists 10 villages of heterogeneous tribal affiliation and language, including Yameissee, Chiluca, Guale, Timucua, Pojois, Apalachee, Costa, and Jororo Indians (Valdes 1729). Some of the villages were as far away from the fort as 12 leagues during the first quarter of the 18th century, tjut increasing raids by the "Chiscas and Chichumecos" forced most of the pueblos to within a gunshot of the fort, and many of the Indians into the Castillo to sleep at night (Solana 1760), Most of the Indians lived in the mission villages, tilled the soil, and made occasional forays into the countryside to hunt (Doctrineros 1728), having little direct contact with the Spanish population of St. Augustine, Of the 1350 Indians in the area in 1738, only 24 of them (ten "houses") lived in the town (Benavides 1738). One area of SpanishIndian interaction wets increasing rapidly in tempo, however, and this

PAGE 32

22 was the formation of Itasons between Indian women and Spanish men. These Uasons were a more common feature of the 18th century than of the preceding centuries, since the incidence of such marriages increases greatly in the parish records and other documentary sources hint at the situation. Early in the century* the issue was important enough to be discussed in a letter to the crown. Governor Corcoles y Martinez reported that the friars were angry about the marriage of garrison soldiers to Indians or mixed Indians by the garrison pastor. They said "If a soldier or anyone wishes to marry an Indian or mixed Indian they must do so in the parish and church to which the Indian belongs" (Brooks 1909:167-8). Complaints by members of the religious orders were made throughout the 18th century about the immoral activities, "abuses," "vices," and "evils" of St. Augustine town life (Buenaventura 1735, 1736; Solana 1758), and it was reported in 1758 that the soldiers did not quarter in the presidio, but lived instead in the town "where illicit relationships take place" (Solana 1758). Activities such as these probedjly accounted for a great deal of mestizaje not recorded in the parish docunnents. Mestizaje in St. Augustine The process of mestizaje begcin in the new world from the time of the first Europeein contact. As early as 1501 the forceful concubinage of Indian women was recognized as a problem in the New World, and the royal instructions to Governor Ovando of Santo Domingo in 1501

PAGE 33

23 Included the decree that Indian women should not be retained against their wishes. It was also stated that if Spaniards wished to nnarry Indians, "this had to be done voluntarily on both sides and not forcibly" (Momer 1967:37). Marriages between the daughters of Indian cassiques and Spaniards were also encouraged, for by Spanish reasoning (and misunderstanding of matrilineal inheritance systems) "in that way all of the cassiques would soon be Spaniards" (Ibid.). This was probably similar to the attitudes and approach held by the European conquerors of Florida. Magnus Morner's study of race mixture in Latin America (1970) points out that the earliest generations of mestizos were generally associated with, and assimilated into the paternal group, and less frequently into the maternal group. The formation of a distinctive, marginal mestizo population did not occur until mestizaje began to take place on a greater scale, when mestizos began to identify with each other rather than with a parental group (p. 29). This also would have been the case in 18th century St. Augustine, had the 18th century Spanish population remained in the town. 16th century mestizaje was largely understated and connected with aboriginal nobility, and while there was a slight increase in the incidence of mestizaje during the 17th century* it was not recognized as a social issue or problenn. It was not until the 18th century that intermarriage and mestizaje occurred to a noticeeible or significant extent in Florida. The p>arish records of the Cathedral of St. Augustine (1574-

PAGE 34

24 1763) list occasional births resulting from mixed Spanish-Indian marrtages in the 16th and 17th centuries, but it was not until the Book of the Pardos was started in 1735 that Indiem-Spanish marriages and births were clearly stated. It should also be remembered that mixed marriages were encouraged to be performed in the parish of the Indian bride (Corcoles y Martinez 1704; Brooks 1909) thus revealing the Parish records as an unreliable index to mixed marriages and births before the Book of the Pardos (which contained Negro, Indian, and mixed blood statistics) was established. The proportion of the St., Augustine population with mixed Indian-Spanish blood by 1700 was probably somewhat greater than that suggested by the parish records. Possibly the earliest mestizos were encouraged to identify with the Indian parent, as suggested by their exclusion from the parish records, but by the second or third generation of those living in St. Augustine, integration of this small segment of the population into the town life would have taken place, along with their identification as crioUo, rather than mestizo. During the 10-year period from 1725 to 1735 only two births out of 235 recorded births were listed as having an Indian or Mestizo parent (1%), which seems quite low, even considering the normal pattern of relegation bo the Indian doctrina parish of mixed blood records. By the 10-year period from 1700 to 1710, 12 out of 386 births (3%) were listed as racially mixed, and by 1735 the incidence was high enough to warrant their inclusion in the separate Book of the Pardos. It wcis during the 18th century that mestizaje took place at a

PAGE 35

25 noticeably Increased rate in St. Augustine. Between the years 1735 and 1750 there were 306 marriages performed in the parish church (St. Augustine Historical Society n.d.). Of these, 55 (18%) were between blacks or nnulattos; 217 (71%) were between Spaniards or white Creoles, and 34 (11%) were between mestizos or Indians, and Spaniards or Creoles, During the same period (1735-1750), 1 ,423 baptisms were recorded. These included 41 1 (27%) Black or mulatto births; 976 (70%) white births and 36 (3%) mixed Indian-White births. It is indicated that during this 15-year period, at the height of Spanish-Indian interaction, there were roughly five births recorded to every marriage of Blacks; six births recorded for every white marriage, and only one birth for every mixed marriage recorded in the city. Since illegitimate births and stillbirths were recorded in the baptismal records, a distortion of the births per marriage due to a higher rate of illegitimacy or infant mortality for a particular racial group may be ruled out. Either the mixed-blood birth rate was actually nnuch lower than that of Whites or Blacks, or other cultural factors distorted the documentary record. Since it is known that earlier in the century attempts were made to relegate Indian-Spanish marriages to the Indicin bride's fsarish, the same attempt may have been nnade for mixed blood births. Although the trend indicated in the documents seems to imply that a greater proportion of mixed marriages — particularly those involving garKson nnembers — were being performed in the town parish, the birth

PAGE 36

26 of a child weis in the 18th century a non-institutionalized area of female culture, and would be dealt with in a manner culturally familiar to the nnother. Marry such births may have taken place in the womvan's doctrina home. During the 15-year period between 1735 and 1750, only two instcinces of Indian-Negro marriage were recorded, and both of these involved a mulatto male and a nnestizo female. In no instance was a match between an Indian male and a white female noted. Although we know that in 1729 there were a number of tribal groups in the St. Augustine area, all of the mestizas or Indians in mixed matches, whose place of origin was given, were Guale or Yamassee Indians, with the exception of two Apalachee women. The Jororos were in the village of Jororo, the Costas were in the village of Costa, the Timucua and the Apalachee were in the village at Mose; leaving Palicia, La Punta, Tolomato, Nombre de Dios and Macariz for the Guale and Yamassee (Valdes 1729). In the marriage records, nine women were from Palicia, four were from Tolomato, two were from La Punta, and one was "of Iguala." The Guale and Yamassee had been in St. Augustine since 1680, and their villages were almost within the town (Valdes 1729), so that their contact with the garrison and the townspeople was greater t>oth in duration and intensity than that of the other Indian tribes. This is also reflected in the predominantly Guale ceramics which are found on 18th century St. Augustine sites. The social pxDsition and Speinish attitude toward mestizos and

PAGE 37

27 acculturated Indians in St. Augustine is particularly obscure. Occasional docunnentary references hint that mestizos held a nnarginal social pxjsition, and were recognized as a distinct, but separate population element. By the early 18th century this becomes apparent, as mestizos become more integrated as a group into the town life. A recurrent ecclesiastical and judicial concern was the distinction between mestizos or Indians who lived in the town, and those who lived in the Indian villages. Friars in the Indian doctrinas felt that mestizos, even those living within the city, should come under the religious and civil jurisdiction of the Indian doctrina parishes. The secular priests in the town, however, seemed to feel that mestizos and town-dwelling Indians should come under the same jurisdiction as the Florida Criollos (Cerda 1701). By this time, then, the mestizos were a recognizable, albeit marginal group in colonial St. Augustine. The documentary indications of the attitude toward mestizos are generally negative. One of the earliest comnnents about mestizos was that of Governor Zuniga who, when reviewing the situation of the population after the 1702 siege, stated that there were "some Negroes, Indians, Mullatos, Mestizos, and other dastardly persons" in St. Augustine (Zuniga 1702). This is revealing of subtle racist attitudes which were probably directed toward mixed-bloods in 18th century St. Augustine. At least twice during the 17th century, companies of Mexiccin

PAGE 38

28 mestizo soldiers were sent to St, Augustine to supplement the inadequate St. Augustine garrison. In 1662, the mestizos were described as "useless" and "cowardly" (Ponce de Leon 1664), and again in similar ternos in 1669 (Arana 1971:55). These companies were discharged, and presumably returned to Mexico without significantly influencing St. Augustine culture. These suggestions of an unfavorable attitude toward the mestizos of colonial St, Augustine, coupled with their segregation in church records to the Book of the Pardos, or even further, to the Indiein Doctrina parishes, suggests their social identification with Indians rather than criollos. Nothing is known of the Indian attitude toward mixed blood p>eople. There are a numiber of problen^s involved in the study of mestizo social position for which the parish records can be a useful source of information. One of these is the settlement pattern of the mestizo families within the town. The Puente map of 1763 provides the names and locations of all heads-of-families residing in St. Augustine, and the correlation of racial identification in the parish records with the Puente locations in the town should show whether mestizos were clustered in certain areas of the city or were distributed randomly. Another subject of interest is the marriage partners of mestizos, particularly second or third generation mestizos. During the 1735-1750 time period, 21 Indian women and seven mestizo women were recorded in the marriage records with their husbands' place of origin. Of the 21 Indian women.

PAGE 39

29 11 married Spaniards (two of which were From New Spain), two married crioUos, six married mestizos and one married an Indian. Roughly the same proportions held for the mestizo women: five married Spaniards, one miarried a criollo and one married an Indian. The data from this short period indicate that the marriages between Indians or mestizos and non-Indians usually involved a Spanish garrison soldier, while marriages with crioUos were relatively uncommon, perhaps due to prejudices on the part of the resident criollo population. Social status of mestizos, or at least social aspirations, could also be gauged by a determination of the godparents chosen, or willing to act for, mestizo children. This was an important social index in Spain, but most particularly in New Spain (Foster 1960:122-123). The surname taken by mestizo children is also a significant focus of research in the parish records, since superficial observation shows that many take the mother's (Indian or mestizo's) surname rather than that of the Hispanic father. In this way hypotheses about the degree of aboriginal inheritance and social organization which are retained in an emerging mestizo popnjlation may be tested. The correlation of changes in these documentary aspects of social position through time, with changes in the population composition of the town is also indicated in a survey of the parish records. Such a survey, encompassing all of these aspects, is a project, the nature and scope of which would provide appropriate nnaterial for a book in itself. The econonnic position of mestizos in St. Augustine, as well

PAGE 40

30 as their lifestyle in relation to the other population elements in the town, and the processes by which mestizaje and assimilation into HispanicAmerican culture took place, can all be illuminated by problem-oriented archeology in St. Augustine. This approach, carried out within the firanrjework of a known mestizo setting, has revealed specific details of mestizo life, and acts as a controlled test of hypotheses relating to the problenris outlined in this chapter. Such a setting, revealed by research in the parish records of St. Augustine, is the home and family of Maria de la Cruz. ^Aaria de la Cruz was the daughter of Indian parents who lived at Nombre de Dios, a Guale mission village on the periphery of St. Augustine. Since Maria's birth was not recorded in the parish records, she wcis probably bom at Nombre de Dios, and in 1728 she married Joseph Gallardos, a Spcinish soldier from Santiago. Maria and Joseph had three children whose births are recorded in the parish records: Maria, bom in 1730, Nicolasa, born in 1740, and Joseph, bom in 1745. Maria married a Spaniard named Joseph Morales in 1745, the same year that her brother was bom. By the time of the Spanish departure in 1763, Maria aind Joseph (the elders) were gone, for a lot containing two stone houses was listed on the Puente map as belonging to "the heirs of Maria de la Cruz," these presumably t>eing Maria, Nicolcisa, and Joseph. This wets a substcintial property by any standards in St. Augustine, eis was the property next door. On it stood a taibby house owned tjy Clemente HilaKo, a mestizo who was married to an Indicun woman. The existence of such homes belonging to mestizos indicate

PAGE 41

31 that they were not entirely on the frtnge of St. Augustine economic life; in fact, they were fairly well-to-do by material standards. The nature of this material well-being, and its role in revealing the degree of integration of the mestizo or Indian into a Hispanic cultural setting has t>een the task of archeology, carried out at the site of Maria de la Cruz's home.

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CHAPTER 11 18TH CENTURY ACCULTURATION: A PROCESSUAL HYPOTHESIS The social setting in which Maria de la Cruz lived was unlike that of Indian women in most other parts of New Spain, The two centuries of events and patterns of interaction outlined in the preceding chapter, which led to the particip>ation of Maria de la Cruz in Florida nnestizaje, were unique to the New World colonial experience. By no stretch of the imagination could Florida today be included In the Hispanic American culture area (Foster 1960:2). Hispanic American culture is the result of the Spanish settlement and occupation of certain New World areas, including Central America, South America and the Carribbean. This cultural expression can be seen as the result of interaction and mutual influence between the Hispanic and aiboriginal cultures in the arecis of contact. Foster's 1960 study of this situation in Mexico produced important insights into the Spanish-Indian acculturative process, which when cippUed to Spanish Florida, help clarify the unique situation there. A basic concept in Foster's explanatory scheme is that differential factors in the presentation aind acceptance of cultural elements are operating in t>oth cultures. He characterizes the donor culture (which in this case is the Spanish culture) as artificial, standardized, 32

PAGE 43

33 simplified or ideal, in that it is at least partially consciously created and designed to cope with recognized problenns" (Foster 1960:1 1). In cases where little or no fxilitical or military control is exercised over the recipient culture, Foster refers to the donor culture as a "contact culture" (Ibid.)« A conquest or contact culture is a stripped-down version of the total cultural repetoire of the donor, designed to cope most effectively with the new environment. This screened version of the donor culture is screened again by the recipient culture, which selects some elements of the contact culture, and rejects others (Ibid.;12),' Foster pointed out that socio-psychological nnechanisms, the nature of the recipient nnaterial culture, and official pxolicies of the donor culture all affected the formation of Hispanic American culture, and he defined three basic processes at work in the acceptance or rejection of donor cultural elements. In the area of material culture, Spanish itenns were accepted most readily where there were no satisfactory native counterparts, and they were rejected where there was a satisfactory native counterpart (such as food, or life cycle ceremonials) (p. 228). Also in the area of material culture, Spanish forms were readily accepted when the recipient culture counterpart was less efficient (such as in agricultural techniques). In the area of folk culture (dietary preferences, folklore, superstition, music) however, Spanish elements found themselves in competition with native analogues; and the acceptance or rejection of such elements was largely the result of sociopsychological mechanisms on the part of individuals, and is much more

PAGE 44

34 difRcuU to describe (p. 229). The ultimate result of these selection processes in both the donor and the recipient cultures over time, is referred to by Foster as "cultural crystallization." After a period of fluid cultural conditions, and receptivity to donor cultural elements, the recipient and donor cultures internalize the new, t>orrowed forms, and become resistant to further donor cultural influence (Ibid.: 232). That is, the new, HispanicAmerican culture crystallized. The analysis of Spanish Florida within such a framework reveals a number of differences from Central America, on which Foster's study was bcised. Throughout the 16th and 17th centuries, when the developments leading to cultural crystallization should have been taking place (in Foster's scheme), the interaction between the donor (Spanish) and recipient (Indian) cultures was extremely limited and strictly controlled by the mission system. This was a contact culture, presented to the Florida Indicins almost entirely in terms of mission CathoUcisnn. During this time, mestizaje Wcis taking place in St. Augustine, but at a barely noticeable rate, which did not significantly affect Indian-Spainish cultural exchange . Another important difference between Central America and Florida wcis in the Indian population with which the Spanish culture caime In contact. The Timucua Indicins were semi-sedentary, part-time horticulturalists with a tribal organization. The Indian cultures of Central Annerica, however, by the time of Spanish contact, had culminated in a

PAGE 45

35 state level of orgsuilzation, with dense populations, urbsin centers, elatjorate political and ceremonial systenrTS, and a well-established agricultural and trade-baised economy. While certainly not all Indian groups in New Spain possessed these cultural features, the participation of cultures which did, had an important effect on the pattern and results of IndianSpemish interaction cind acculturation. With the beginning of the 18th century in Florida, and the changes in Indian-Spanish interaction at this time (outlined in the preceding chapter), the processes of donor presentation and recipient selection which led in Central America to cultural crystallization began to take place. This lasted for a scant 63 years before the Spaniards and the Indians left Florida, and the embryonic Hispanic-American culture in Florida was brought to an end. The donor culture in 18th century St. Augustine can be characterized as an extremely reduced version of Spanish culture, consisting mainly of male, military and frontier elements. Since the most effective, and prevalent, form of interaction with the aboriginal population was through marriage with Indian women, the recipient culture can be viewed as a reduced version of Indian culture, consisting of female, domestic, and folk -culture elements. This was a contact, rather than a conquest culture, and the designation of "donor" and "recipient" to the respective cultures involved is somewhat misleading for 18th century St. Augustine. Neither the Spanish population nor the Indian population at that time was indigenous

PAGE 46

36 to the area, and the process of acculturation wsis mutual. Although the Spanish culture is referred to as the "donor," and the Indian culture eis the "recipient" here, each of these cultures acted £is donor and as recipient at various times , It should be noted at this point that there was a certain form of cultural crystallization that occurred in colonial St. Augustine, t>ut not of the variety described by Foster, which involves a native recipient eind a European donor. This was the criollo culture of St. Augustine, about which very little is known. The criollo culture weis the result of Spanish cultural elements affected by the environmental limitations of Florida, and the peculiar nature of situadobased subsistence. . Interaction and exchange with Florida's native cultures was apparently not a significant factor in the formation of criollo culture, but it was rather the result of adaptation by Spanish colonial economic, political, and social institutions to the pf-^r^ical environment in which they found themselves. Manifestations of this criollo culture include the architectural styles of St. Augustine, including the "St. Augustine plan" homes (Manucy 1962; Arnade 1961); the subsistence on imported food, with native sources used mainly as a supplement, and a general impression of transiency cind dissatisfaction in the colonial documents. The analysis of criollo culture, however, is outside the scope of this Study, and is in itself an appropriate topic for an extensive study. The nature of Indian-Spanish cultural exchange in 18th century St. Augustine, however, can be seen as part of the process outlined by

PAGE 47

37 Foster. Although the ultimate result of these processes in New Spain wais the crystallization of Hispanic-American culture, this did not occur in Spanish Florida for the reasons suggested atx>ve. Given the nature of the donor and recipient cultures, and the Important factor of the female link between them, a hypothesi^-^an be ' formulated to account for the particular pattern of^^ie^jltu ration and mesttzaje in colonial St. Augustine: "Acculturation in 18th century St. Augustine was effected largely by Indicin women in Spanish or mestizo household units within a predominantly male oriented (military) cultural milieu." This hypothesis has a number of implications which are archeologically testable: 1 . Acculturation would be evident primarily in Indian women's activities affecting Spanish cultural features . This would be archeologically discernible in the areais of: A. Food preparation techniques B. Food preparation ^uipment and location of food preparation materials C. Collectcible food resources locally available D. Child-care related activities Material correlates of these activities would be expected to exhibit primarily Indicin elements, with some Spamish influence. These are areas of female Indiaui culture which affect the daily elements of male (Spsinish) culture, and are therefore influenced by male tastes: and peripheral

PAGE 48

38 involvement. They would, however, be expected to reveal only minor European influences, due to the fact that the donor culture in St. Augustine was primarily male, and would probably not include Spanish versions of these activities . Native aboriginal food preparation techniques included roasting, stone boiling, parching grain and vegetables, preparation of porridges suTd stews, barbecueing on frames, seed and corn grinding, and bread baking in ashes (Swanton 1946:51-72). Native food preparation equipment, archeologically recoverable, would include earthenware pots, fire pits, t)Oiling stones, and grinding stones of native materials. It would be expected that some evidence of these activities and equipment itemis would be recovered, possibly with some modification demanded by Spanish tcistes. Both food preparation techniques and equipment are largely dependent upon the available food resources. Food was a topic of constant concern in colonial St. Augustine. Moore's raids in 1702 and 1704 had destroyed the cattle ranches upon which the town depended for fresh meat (Franciscans 1722). Although cornfields were reportedly cultivated on the edge of the town in the early part of the 18th century, by the term of Governor Corcoles y Martinez (1706-1716) it was said that predatory Northern Indians aborted any attempts at farming other than a few small plots beneath the Castillo walls (Tepaske 1964:87). Enemy Indians also prevented hunting eind fishing outside the town confines. Many homes in St. Augustine had gardens in which fruit and

PAGE 49

39 vegetables for household consumption were grown. Vegetables grown In St. Augustine gardens in 1600, an prot>ably also in the succeeding centuries, included com, pumpkins, beans, cucumbers, greens, lettuce, radishes, and sweet potatoes (Amade 1959:27), De Brahois noted that in 1763, the Spanish gardens were well stocked with fruit trees, including figs, guavas, plcintains, pomegranates, lemons, limes, citron, oranges, and bergamot (Fairbanks 1881:89). The base and n>ainstay of St, Augustine subsistence, however, wais the situado . This yearly subsidy was sent to the Florida colory f'^'^ New Spain to supply the garrison and town with food, clothing, nxjney, and all other material goods needed or wanted for survival. Except for the few alternate and supplemental food sources discussed above, the people of St. Augustine were totally dependent upon the subsidy. For this reason the erratic aind undependable nature of the situado was esF>ecially tragic. When the situado did arrive, and it often did not, the nvDnths of sitting in port had frequently rotted the meat and rendered flour wormy and moldy. Exorbitant prices charged by the merchaints of New Spain to the helpless Florida representative and frequent interference with the cargo ships by foreign corsairs also increcised the plight of those trying to survive on the situado . In 1 739 , 1 740, and 1 741 , the situado did not arrive at all because of the ensuing war with the English (the war of Jenkins Ear), and then, as in 1712 when the situado ship wcis seized tjy the British, the inhabitcints of St. Augustine were reduced to eating cats, dogs, rats, and horses (Tepaske 1964:83),

PAGE 50

40 By the middle of the 18th century the situado was so insuffictent that illicit trade with the British colonies was flourishing. The heaviest trade was carried out with Charleston, and between 1716 and 1763 frequent ships carrying cargoes of pork, beef, rum, flour, cheese, dry goods, herring, butter, bread, bacon, knives, cloth, com, pipes, vinegar, nails, tallow, "european goods," hoes, axes, lard, pine board, bottled t>eer, grindstones, and beeswax traded in St. Augustine (Harmon 1969: 83-88), Ships from New York also arrived in St. Augustine to trade; containing wood, skins, wine, rum, and horses. (Ibid.:89). The Virginia colony also took part in the illicit trade, sending beef, lard, malt, iron pots, pork, flour, and 3000 Staves and shingles to St. Augustine (Ibid.:91). In exchange for these goods, the Florida traders provided oranges, skins, lumber, and "Spanish Sugar" (Ibid,). E\/en with gardening and sporadic trade with the British, getting enough food to subsist on was a major concern of Spaniard, Indian, and mestizo alike. Therefore those households that had access to, or special knowledge of local food resources, would be at an advantage. Such households would include those with an Indian mennber, such as the de la CruzGallarxios family, and it would be expected that native food sources and preparation evidence would be present at the site of their homes. Although the donor contact culture in St. Augustine did offer items of food and food preparation in the situado , these items in this ceise were not more easily accessible, or more efficient than native forms, and would therefore not be expected to replace the recipient cultural formis, although they would

PAGE 51

41 probably act as a sufsplement, especially for prestige items. Child care was another area of female culture expected to show evidence of acculturation. Although primarily a focus of the Indian woman, this activity did have a direct link with the male (Spanish) member of the household. Material correlates of child care activities, such as games and toys, would therefore be expected to be primarily aboriginal, but not without some Spanish influence. 2. Acculturation was less evident in male activities, which would be primarily Spanish , This would be archeologically discernible in the areas of: A. House style B. House construction techniques C. Spacial relationships among house lot elements D. Military-political affairs These are aresis of culture that would not be adopted by the ciboriginal recipient culture, which was primarily female. Also, since the link between the Spanish contact culture and the aboriginal Florida culture was the Indian woman, the recipient aboriginal culture's repetoire which was made available to the Spanish would not include these elements. Typically Spanish homes in St. Augustine were single or doublestoried, with two or three rooms to a floor. Most had a wall surrounding the house eind yard, and were constructed of native materials — coquina, wood, or tabby (Manucy 1962:10-12). The differences observed in St. Augustine Spanish architecture from the architecture of Spain are due to

PAGE 52

42 the modifications IrriFXDsed by the Florida environment, rather than to aboriginal influence. Within the garden wall, Spanish homes in St. Augustine included the house itself, a courtyard area, one or more wells (usually in the courtyard) and one or more outbuildings, which might be a kitchen, outhouse, fowl house, laundry, or storage shed (Manucy 1962:127). In a mixed Spanish-Indian household in St. Augustine, It would be expected that archeologlcal evidence of this pattern would be recovered. Evidence of military-political activity, archeologlcally recovercible, would Include Spanish ammunition and weaponry, with little evidence of aboriginal Influence expected. 3. Crafts of women would be primarily aboriginal . These crafts would Include activities such as pottery making, weaving, sewing, and basketry, which would not be part of the maleoriented Spanish contact culture In St. Augustine. Craft activities are also restricted by available raw materials, which In 18th century Florida Included only those native to the area, and which were already an established part of the native Florida craft repetolre. 4. Crafts of nnen would show evidence of Spanish-Indian admixture . Male crafts. Including fllntworklng, bonework, woodworking, .fishing, trapping, and hunting; would be predonninantly Spainish where the Spcinish fornn wets more efficient thcin Its native counterpart (such as fish hooks and nets). Due to the raw materials available, and the restrictions placed on Spcinish creift techniques (particularly hunting, fishing.

PAGE 53

43 and trapping) by the exigencies of the Florida environment, however, Spanish techniques and equipment would be modified by the adoption of those atx)rlglnal techniques which were already well-adapted to the environment. It would be expected that this would be archeologlcally most apparent in trapping activities, and in the raw materials used for craft activities. 5. Socio-technic items would be largely Spanish as more prestigeful , Socio-technic items, as defined by Lewis Binford (1962:95), are those artifacts which serve to function within or define a certain specific social sub-system within a culture. In a mixed Spanish-Indian situation, socio-technic items of European origin, which identified the individual as "Hispanic" would be selected over aboriginal items because of the greater prestige associated with the European in a mestizo milieu. This selection process would be comparable to the third process hypothesized by Foster (1960:229); that of individual socio-psychological factors determining selection of or rejection of European elements. Archeological evidence of socio-technic itemis would include those artifacts which contributed to the public image of an individual or family, such as dress, cosmetics, ornaments, tableware, and even the house itself. The appropriateness of the above hypothesis, and the explanatory strength of Foster's model of the contact culture, could be, and have been, tested by controlled excavation in St. Augustine, Florida, the locus of 18th century Spanish-Indian interaction.

PAGE 54

CHAPTER III TESTING THE HYPOTHESIS Dcx:umenbary History of the Site In order to test the hypothesis outlined in the preceding chapter, it was necessary to locate a site of known Spanish-Indian occupation, SA-16-23 was such a site, known ddcunnentarlly to have been occupied by a nnestizo household in the 18th century (see Chapter I), and also partially excavated by a 1972 University of Florida field party. Located at 17 Spanish Street in St. Augustine, the site lies in what was the northwest portion of the colonial fortified city; Quadrant "C" (Figure 1). Today the site is designated as Block 16, Lot 23; a block which in colonial times was occupied by a nunnber of mestizo families. Although it is now an empty lot, the site has had nearly continuous occupation from the first Spanish period to the present, with much building and rebuilding. Virtually nothing is known of the lot through documents prior to 1763, when it was depicted on the Puente map as the location of two stone txjildings belonging to the heirs of Maria de la Cruz (see Chapter I) (Puente 1763). When Col. James Moore attacked St. Augustine in 1702, he found few stone structures there; only the fort and parts of three public buildings 44

PAGE 55

45 (Manucy 1962:21). The vast majority of the town bolldlngs were of wood, and were destroyed In the raid of 1702, and certainly any house which stood on the de la Cruz lot were destroyed — possibly even by the Spaniards themselves. The lot quite likely fell within the "gunshot's" radius around the fort, in which all structures were razed so that they could not be used by the British (Ibid.: 23). The government-subsidized rebuilding of St. Augustine, which began after 1703, and was well underway by 1715, increased the number of masonry dwellings. By 1759, 23 out of 303 structures were built of stone (Solana 1760), one or more of these undoubtedly the de la Cruz dwellings, which were built of coquina stone on tabby foundations. The Jeffries map, published in 1762 (Jeffries 1762), suggests an even earlier date for the de la Cruz dwellings. This map was made not from firsthand observation, but "chiefly from original drawings taken from the Spanish in the last war" (Ibid.). The last war before 1762, referred to by Jeffries, was probably Oglethorpe's siege of St. Augustine in 1740, during the war of Jenkins Ear; and thus the map can be tentatively dated ca. 1740. On the Jeffries Map the de la Cruz houses, as well as outbuildings associated with them, are depicted (Figure 2). The first recorded mention of the lot ownership, however, was in 1763, when the engineer Juan Elixio Puente made an assessment of Spanish property at the time of the British takeover (Puente 1763) (Figure 1). Puente listed what is now SA-16-23 as belonging to the heirs of Maria de la Cruz, undoubtedly Joseph, Maria, and Nicolasa; and depicted two stone houses on the lot.

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46 With the Spanish departure from St. Augustine, the de la Cruz heirs sold their property to the Englishman, Samuel Pyles (Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board), upon whose death in 1765 the property Wcis sold to Jesse Fish (East Florida Papers B. 357:2). (It was this transaction, which retained the wording from the original de la Cruz-Pyles deed naming Maria de la Cruz as "la Yndia"). The Moncreif map of 1765 depicts the two stone buildings on the lot, and also lists them as the property of Mr. Pyles. This was probably drawn before the death of Pyles. Fish retained the property until the British departed from St. Augustine in 1784, and the land reverted to the crown (Roque 1788). It was not, however, unoccupied, for this seemed to be a period of squatting privilege, or tacit privilege for those who built on crown land. By the tinne the Roque map of 1788 was made, the Minorccin family of Bartolome Usina had built a timber and wood-frame house on the lot and was living there. Neither the Roque map of 1788 or the Berrio Map of 1791 shows the stone houses originally belonging to the de la Cruz family, so it may be assumed that by 1788, the tabby and coquina houses were gone and the wooden house of Usina stood on the lot. Archeological evidence supporting this was recovered during the 1972 excavation of the south house: a distinctive post and wall trench for a wooden house was found, cutting through the tabby foundation of the earlier house. Since the contents of the trench included Creamware (1762-1820) and Wheildon Ware (1740-1770) (Noel -Hume 1970:123-126) this Wcis a late 18th century construction, and most probably Bartolome Usina's dwelling.

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47 Quesada's report of 1790 lists Bartlcre Usina and his fattdly at SA-16-23, and Bartolone Usina II and his family were reported to be residing in the saine place in the 1793 census , The lot was finally sold to Usina in 1803 (Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board Files) . It was occvpied tlirou^out the 19th and 20th centuries, and at least two houses and a grocery store were bviilt in the lot during that time. The docvinentary record indicates a short lifespan for the tabby fovndation structures at the site. Probably built ca. 1740 (since Maria de la Cruz and Joseph Gallardos were married in 1728 (St. Augustine Historical Society n.d. )) , the houses were gone by 1788. The 1972 Excavation The first ardieological e:^loration at SA-16-23 took place in the Spring of 1972, whoi it was chosen as a site for the University of Florida's annual Field Sdiool. Directed by Dr. Charles H. Fairbanks, 18 students excavated for ten weeks at the site, and this excavation is the siiaject of a I^Iaster's thesis by Carl D. ^^cMurray of the Univer^ sity of Florida (McMurray n.d.) The excavation was originally undertaken to archeologically explore the remains of a llinorcan dwelling known to have been on the lot fron 1780 (see p. 46, this diapter) , as well as to pioneer "backyard arci>eology" through the determination of dietary elemaits and back lot features (Fairbanks 1972) . During the course of the excavation, the emphasis cane to rest on the foundations of two houses known to belong to

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48 Maria de la Cruz in the 18th century, which were anrxjng the few First Spanish Period foundations excavated in St, Augustine. The area excavated by Fairbanks (Figure 3) included the foundations of two houses, a snnall portion of the garden wall, part of the courtyard, and three wells. The excavation controls employed during the 1972 season were essentially similar to those used (and described below) in the 1973 excavation, A nrxjdified Chicago grid system was used, with coordinates measured North and East, and the site was excavated in 10 foot-square units. Vertical control was maintained with the use of a transit, and material was screened through 1/4 inch mesh on hand and , gasoline-powered screens. One house, at the north end of the site was aligned east to west, and the southerly house was aligned north to south. Both of the houses originally had tabby foundations and coquina block walls, and were tworoom structures. The north house also had a loggia or covered porch on the south side. The excavation concentrated on those foundations which were not covered by Spanish Street on the east, fcind the area between them. An exploratory trench was also excavated, extending 85 feet west from the northwest comer of the south house, which yielded disappointingly little evidence of back lot activity. The two wells which were excavated both proved to be 19th century features; one was a barrel well similar to that described below, and one wcis a coquina block well, both in the courtyard area of the lot.

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49 Other features of interest at the site included six trashpits of 18th century context, and a wall trench cutting across the tabby foundation of the south house, which was Identified as the trench for the house of Bartolome Uslna. Since the 1972 excavation uncovered the first portion of what proved to be the garden wall; the 1973 excavation grid was tied Into the 1972 grid, and extended from It, Initially following the garden wall. Data fronr> the 1972 excavation have been Incorporated Into the analysis of the nnore recently excavated material whenever possible and appropriate, and this data will be discussed and Included throughout the text. Excavation Approach Two hundred and fifty years of continuous occupation, coupled with frequent building and rebuilding, produced a complicated and often disturbed stratlgraphlc situation at SA-16-23. This is a common feature of historic site archeology, and is a major consideration in data recovery and excavation strategy. At SA-16-23, the 19th and 20th century occupation horizons were easily distinguishable as Zone I, and were generally stripped off and discarded. Features from these levels, cutting into Zone II (the 18th century occupation horizon) were also removed and discarded. The resulting artifact assennblage was therefore known to consist solely of material of a pre-19th century occupation. Due to the extensive site disturbance, however, there was tnmany instances Intrusive disturbance in Zone II and sub-Zone II features; and Zone II itself was a nnixed horizon. For these reasons most of the analysis pertinent to the

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50 hypothesis has been based on proveniences — mostly undisturbed, subZone II Features — which are known stratigraphlcally to have resulted from the 18th century occupation of the site. An extensive excavation approach was used at SA-16-23 in an attempt to expose as much of the 18th century lot area as possible. The objectives of the excavation procedure were to define activity and use areas in the lot — particularly women's activity areas; to learn the spacial relationships among the back lot elements and the houses themselves, and also to locate trash disposal areas within the lot confines which would yield information about specific dietary patterns of the SA-16-23 inhabitants. Horizontal control was maintained with a modified Chicago grid set in three-gneter intervals over the site, with north and east coordinates measured from a fixed point. The size of the excavation units varied, depending upon the nature of the area being excavated. Field notes, control data, levels, etc. for the 1973 SA-16-23 excavation are filed with the Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board, St. Augustine, Florida. Vertical control was maintained with the use of a transit. An arbitrary datunn was established before excavation began, and all levels, features, zones, etc. in the site were measured down from this datum. The base of Zone II (18th century horizon), which was the top of sterile yellow sand, was at a consistent depth throughout the site at 2.0 to 2.3 meters below datum (approximately .5-. 8 meters below ground surface). All features which were first discernible at this level were included as

PAGE 61

51 data possibly relevant to mestizo occupation. The first stage of the excavation strategy was the exposure of the garden wall foundation which enclosed the 18th century lot, thus defining the geographic limits relevant to the problem at heind. Once this txxjndary was defined; rooms, wells, "courtyard" areas and areas outside the wall boundaries were excavated as units (Figure 3). Three exploratory trenches were dug at the site (see Figure 3), Trench A ran in a north-south direction from the north edge of the main excavation, in an attempt to locate architectural or other features behind and between the two houses . Trenches B and C were attempts to locate the north wall of the house in lot 22, in order to confirm the identification of the garden wall as part of the de la Cruz complex. The wall was found at 1 .4 meters south of the garden wall (Figure 3), running parallel to it. This was the north wall foundation of the home of Don Ruiz del Canzo, who occupied lot 22 at the same time that the de la Cruz heirs occupied lot 23 (Puente 1763). Zone I was removed with shovels and discarded with the exception of two three-meter by three-meter units in which Zone I material was screened for a Zone I sample. Zone II, and material from all pits, postholes, and other features, was screened through either an electric shaker screen covered with 1/4 inch hardware cloth, or through flat-bed hand screens, also covered with 1/4 inch hardware cloth. Soil samples were taken at intervals, and from traish pits for soil and possibly pollen emalysis; cUTd flotation samples were taken from certain features in order to recover plcint and very small faunal remains.

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52 By. the second week of excavation, the screening process at SA16-23 was converted entirely to water screening. A garden hose with a spray nozzle was attached to a spigot, and used to spray water over the nr»aterial in the screens. The advantages of this process over hand or mechanical screening were found to include: 1 . Recovery of faunal material and small objects was greatly increased 2. Work was much faster 3. Artifacts were cleainer and required a minimum of lab cleaning 4. Wear on the screens was decreased. The site was only two meters above sea level, and ground water was subject to fluctuation with the tides, as well as local rains. This created a number of problems during the excavation. Throughout the three nonths* work, excavation was plagued and impeded by high water tables, a problem shared with many other historic sites. During the high tide period the site ground water rose to within 20 cm. of the ground surface, and in some cases excavation was suspended in a particularly deep feature because of inrushing water. Water control mesisures which were employed included a small electric sump pump, the digging of sump pits, dam building, and diligent hand bailing. The most effective water control meaisure, however, was the use of well points. These points, which were driven into the ground by water pressure from a fire hydrant, were able to pump groundwater out of the ground from a depth of 12 feet. This created a fairly dry, workable unit of approximately three meters t)y two meters, which weis invaluable in the well excavation that could not otherwise have been carried out. In order to prevent the groundwater

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53 from being recycled immediately back into the ground, the 20-meter exploratory trench "A" wcis lined with plastic, and the groundwater pumped into this funnel to be relesised some 20 meters away from the excavation (Figure 4), The 1973 excavations at SA-16-23 included the areas of the "kitchen," the courtyard, the outbuilding to the north of the kitchen, the midden area outside the garden wall, the exploratory trenches and the wells. To increase and maintain horizontal control within these areas, some of them were excavated in several units; however, they were analyzed as a single unit, and will be discussed as a unit unless otherwise specified. The Kitchen To the west of the south de la Cruz house, the tabby wall footing for a large, separate outbuilding was located. A rectangular structure measuring 7.5 meters from north to south and five meters from east to west, the building's south and west walls were formed by the garden wall itself (Figure 3). The footings were aligned -'parallel to those of the lot's south house, conforming very closely to the location of the "stone" outbuilding depicted on the Jeffries Map (Figure 2). These tcibby wall footings ranged in width fronn 65 centimeters to 90 centimeters, probably due to differential erosion and preservation rather than to inconsistency in building techniques. The kitchen area was excavated and analyzed as a single unit. Zone I wcLS removed and discarded, while Zone II wais removed eind the nnaterial screened. The pKmary interest, however, was the features : '^

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54 underlying Zone II, and which provided the undisturbed, 18th century contexts \Mitch were used in analysts. Several large trash pits were located in this area (Features 13, 15, 23 and 25), as well as fire pits and pestholes (Figure 5). An isolated portion of a tabby wall footing aligned East-West in the approximate center of the structure was believed to be the remains of an interior partition. Fragments of coquina block and flat earthenware tile suggested that the structure was walled and roofed respectively with these materials. Kitchens in 3 8th century St. Augustine were commonly detached (Manucy 1962:122), and the identification of this structure as a detached kitchen is based on the assumption that a kitchen area will contain a higher concentration of food preparation activity items than in other, non-kitchen areas of the site. Evidence of food preparation activities would include charred food remains, fire pits, cind food preparation ceramics. It should be noted for comparative purposes that (1 ) the kitchen area constitutes 28% of the area excavated within the 18th century lot, and (2) only those proveniences known to date from the 18th century are included in the analysis. Of the four fire pits located at SA-16-23, three of them were within the presumed kitchen area. One of these pits (Feature 24) contained a mass of charred corncobs, while the other two (Features 31 and 22) contained burnt sherds, cinimal bone and oyster shell. The fourth fire pit weis located in Trench A, at eight meters north of the kitchen area, and it also contained burnt corncobs, shell, and sherds. Other

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55 than these, no other fire pits wllh charred food remains were located during the 1973 excavation or the 1972 excavation. It has been argued persuasively that in 18th century Florida, aboriginal San Marcos pottery functioned as a utilitarian ware, used mainly for food preparation (Otto and Lewis:n.d.)« A high percentage of such a ware would therefore be expected in a kitchen area. At SA16-23, 45% of all the San Marcos ceramics in the lot area (excluding the houses and the midden) were found in the kitchen area. This is a higher percentage than that found in the courtyard area (35%), and the outbuilding to the north of the kitchen (20%), even though these areas comprise 55% and 17% of the lot area respectively. It should be fairly noted at this point, that a total of 2,274 sherds of San Marcos p>ottery were found within the south de la Cruz house during the 1972 excavation (96% of total ceramics) (Chance ms). This is nearly double the total number of San Marcos sherds from the kitchen area (1 ,355), and both structures contained approximately the same excavated area (the south house was not completely excavated, since the East side of the structure was under the paved road). It is difficult to include this data in the analysis, since the sampling techniques used to collect the data differed somewhat from those used in the kitchen area, the discard policies were not the same, and in the 1973 excavation, only those proveniences relevant to the hypothesis were included in analysis. It should be considered, however, that the concentration of San Marcos in what was obviously a dwelling, may cast doubt on the hypothesis that

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56 San Marcos pottery was a food preparation ware only; it may also have served as a general household use and storage ware. No oven, or feature which could be identified as the location of an oven wets located in the kitchen area. However, the north portion of the structure, bounded on the south by the possible partition, contained all of the charred food remains and fire pits found within the kitchen foundation. The frequency of small pits and pestholes was also greater in this portion of the site, and suggests that this portion of the kitchen may have been roofed, but only partially walled, to facilitate pit cocking. Also in this north half of the kitchen area was the remnant of a tabby floor (Feature 26). The floor covered the northeast comer of the kitchen area, and was badly eroded (Figure 5). Because this feature was so fugitive, it was not possible to determine the original extent of the floor; however, it seems likely that it covered the north portion of the kitchen structure, at least. The floor, in profile, was seen to be near the base of the Zone II occupation level , and since Zone II material occurred beneath it, we may assume that the floor was laid sometime after the building was constructed and in use. Material associated with the floor includes predominantly San Marcos stamped pottery, but also Nottingham stoneware (170O-1810) (Noel Hume 1970:114); and San Augustin Blue on White Majolica (1704-1760) (Goggin 1960:187), dating its use at 170O-1750. The part of Zone II underlying the floor also contained predominantly aboriginal ceramics, but also included Spanish Majolica (Abo Polychrome — 1650-1704; Puebla Polychrome — 1650-1793; San

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57 Augustine Blue-on-White — 1704-1760; and San Luis Polychronne — 16501793) (Goggin 1960:169, 173, 187), as well as a sherd of Astbury ware (1725-1750) (Noel-Hume 1970:123), providing a Terminus Post Quern of 1725 for the floor. Immediately adjacent to the floor area was a gap in the northeast comer of the wall, which was undoubtedly an entrance to the building. There were also found, underneath the tabby floor, a line of three postholes, parallel to, and just inside of this entry (Figure 5). The only other possible entry to the structure was in the eeist side of the building, directly along the line of the central partition (Figure 5), The^south portion of the kitchen building yielded no evidence of a floor, and featured five large refuse pits. No specific technonnic artifacts (Binford 1962:94) or features were recovered from this part of the structure, and its functions seem most likely to have been a general storeroom or non-specific work area. The presence of sewing equipment in the kitchen txiilding suggests that this structure was used also as either a laundry (clothesmending) or wonncin's work area. Of the three brass straight pins and three brass thinnbles recovered fronn stratigraphically known 18th century proveniences, all of them came from within the boundaries of this outtxjilding. (Three other pins and two other thimbles were recovered at the site, but none from closed contexts.) CXitbuilding North of the Kitchen On the Jeffries Map of 1762, a smaller wooden structure was

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58 depitted to the north of, and adjacent to the kitchen building . Only the southemnnost two meters of this structure, adjacent to the kitchen, were excavated, and presented a complicated stratigraphic situation, rendering supposition about the outbuilding's function difficult. The area was excavated in two units, dividing it in east and west halves. As in the excavation of the kitchen building. Zone I was rennoved and discarded. Zone II was removed and screened and the features underlying Zone II were concentrated on, A probable wall trench (Feature 29) was located at the belowZone II level, aligned with and extending from the kitchen's west wall (Figure 6). This trench yielded four aboriginal sherds, one sherd of blue and white delftware, one sherd of coarse, lead-glazed earthenware, and one sherd of white salt-glazed stoneware (1720-1805) (Noel Hume 1970:115-117); providing a Terminus Post Quern of 1720 for the outbuilding. The entire excavated atrea of the outbuilding was disturbed badly by the construction of a 19th century coquina well. The well pit (Figure 6) contained transfer-printed and banded pearlware, indicating that the well wcis constructed after 1800 (Noel Hume 1970:128). Only three features in this area escaped intrusion by the well construction. These were all trash pits, two in the western part of the structure (Feature 28, F.S. 81), and one in the Trench A (Feature 33). They all contained predominantly San Marcos ceramics and animal bone, but San Luis and Areinama Polychrome Majolica, white salt-glazed stone-

PAGE 69

59 ware, WHeldon ware, and Rhenish grey stoneware were also present, suggesting a date of post-1720 for the use of the structure. It wcis noted tn artifact analysis that a very high proportion of the glass drinking vessels and wine bottles canne from the north outbuilding area, suggesting that this nnay have been a wine storage or tavern-like area for the household. Courtyard Area All of the remaining area, excavated within the lot txjunded by the garden walls is referred to as the courtyard (Figure 7). This was apparently a major area of household activity, since features were most frequent, cind the Zone II strata was much richer in this area than in any other area of the site. The portion of the courtyard invnediately inside the garden wall, from the back of the south de la Cruz house, extending west to the front of the kitchen, was badly disturbed by 20th century water and gas lines. In addition to this, a large ditch (probably for drainage, since the land slopes downward from east to west) had been dug in this part of the site, adjacent to the garden wall. The material in the ditch indicated that it was filled in the mid-1 9th century, and in profile it wcis clear that this ditch extended from the Zone I level, thus rendering it useless for the problem to which the excavation was oriented. The area of most intensive activity was that portion of the yard directly behind the south house. John Bartram, visiting St. Augustine in 1765, briefly described the yard of a Spanish house:

PAGE 70

60 On the backside of the house or yard, where the main entrance is (for few but the grand houses, except taverns, had street doors, and these led mostly through a common passage to the court and kitchens; every court had its draw well) there is generally a terraced wall with seats of the same 18 inches high next to the house wall, to sit down upon when weary of walking , The walks eibout nine foot wide, with a staircase at one end to the chambers . . . (Harper 1942:52) Although the portion of the courtyard excavated at SA-16-23 did not yield evidence of a terraced (tabby?) walkway, there was a draw well present. Since the floors of the houses excavated in 1972 were made of crushed coquina mixed with earth (MacMurray ms.)» it seems unlikely that tabby floors for walkways would be present. There were also several groups of postholes below the Zone II level, which may have been the remnants of a covered walkway, or perhaps an arbor (Figure 7). The most common features of this area were large, rich trash pits, particularly in the area surrounding the well (discussed below). In addition to the trash pits, one pit containing a clay-like fill similar to Feature 32 (see p. 02) appeared to be a latrine pit. The analysis of soil samples taken from this pit revealed that the fill contained clay, with a very high level of phosphates, nitrates, and calcium. The phosphate and nitrate levels are typical of human waste material, and the calcium level could have resulted from lime added to latrine pits to aid in the breakdown of organic matter (Soil analysis by W. Nesmith, University of Florida Agriculture Extension Service). Several scattered concentrations of clay were revealed at the base of Zone II, which were found to contain a high concentration of kaolin. When fired, this clay wcis very similau^ in behavior and texture to clay found in a deposit

PAGE 71

61 approximately 15 miles south of the site, on the intracoastal waterway (Street Urchin Pottery, St, Augustine, Florida, personal communication, St. Augustine 1973). The presence of this clay in the courtyard area led to the hypothesis that the yard was an area of craft activity, which was tested in artifact analysis. It was found that 84% (32 fragments) of the worked flint fronr^ the site (excluding European gunflints), came from the courtyard area, supporting the hypothesis that craft activity was carried out here. No evidence of other craft activity was recovered from the site. Areas Outside the Garden Walls The excavation of SA-16-23 included three areas which were not within the 18th century garden walls. These were: 1 . The excavation south of the walli 2. The excavation to the west of the wall (behind the kitchen), 3 'The exploratory trenches. The area to the south of the garden wall revealed scant 1 8th century activity. A good deal of 19th and 20th century debris, and several large 19th century trash pits, along with a single 18th century feature were present. This feature was a small pit directly adjacent to the outer side of the garden wall, filled with oyster shell and some sherds of San Marcos ware, white salt-glazed stoneware, delftware, and slip-decorated earthenware, dating the pit at post-1 720 ^Noel Hume 1970). This was a feature belonging to lot 22, occupied by Don Ruiz del Canzo in the 18th century (St. Augustine Historical Society n.d.). The two exploratory trenches to the south of the garden wall also revealed very

PAGE 72

62 little of the 18th century occupation. The western trench (of the two exploratory trenches south of the wall — see Figure 3) did reveal a fxjrtion of Canzo*s house wall . To the west of the garden wall, behind the de la Cruz complex, a rich midden area and a well were located (Figure 3). The densest bone, shell and sherd concentrations were In the three meter square designated 21 2N 182E, which wcis .75 meters behind the kitchen building; a convenient tossing distance. Few pits or other features were present and the area seemed to be simply a midden zone. The well excavation Is discussed below. The exploratory trench to the north of the main excavation was dug to locate other lot elements, and also to locate a wall dividing the north cind south houses, if such a wall existed. No trace of a dividing wall was uncovered In the exploratory trench, which was 18 meters from south to north, and one meter wide. Although several random pestholes were apparent below Zone II, none of them could be attributed to a wall trench. Zones I and II were removed and discarded in a search for features underlying Zone II, Which contained a much lighter concentration of cultural refuse than did Zone II in the rest of the site. Several 18th century features were present, however. In the trench. The most notable of these was designated Feature 32, which was a circular pit with a claylike fill similar to thcit of Feature 34 in the courtyard, with approximately the same prop>ortion of elements revealed In the soil Scimple as were found for Feature 34. Cultural material Retrieved from the pit included two

PAGE 73

63 wrought nails, two brick fragments, aboriginal San Marcos sherds, and a sherd of sUp-decorated earthenware. Four other pits of Irregular shape and depth contained predominantly aboriginal material, but these were scattered and not associated with any other features or postholes. The pattern suggests a minimum of activity In the portion of the lot behind and between the houses In the 18th century. This was probably a garden and orchard area, such as those designated on the Puente Map. The Wells There were two 18th century wells located on the de la Cruz lot, both of which were excavated in the 1973 season. The first well Wcis located in the courtyard area between the kitchen and the south house. This was the earlier of the two wells, and was constructed entirely of wooden barrels. The top of the well became apparent at 72 centimeters below the surface of the ground, as a circular black ring of soil 70 centimeters in diameter (Figure 8). Surrounding the well was an Irregular area of nriottled brown soil, which was the well pit, at the bottom of which the barrels were set and sunk Into the ground. The well pit, 1 .35 meters In diameter at the widest point, was originally due to a depth of 76 centimeters below the colonial ground surface. At the base of this pit, a wooden barrel was sunk deeper into the ground, to a depth of 1 .69 meters, with a second wooden barrel set upon the one in the ground (see Figure 9). This produced a well 1 .69 meters in depth from the colonial ground surface.

PAGE 74

64 The two barrels of which the well was constructed were both made entirely of wood. The upper barrel was constructed of 20 vertical staves, ranging from 4.5 to 12 centimeters in .width; the mean stave width being 8.1 centimeters and the median stave width 8.0 centimeters, indicating careful cooperage. At the top of the upper barrel the diameter was 70 centimeters, eind the barrel extended for 80 centimeters to the point where it weis joined to the lower barrel. This lower barrel was also constructed of vertical staves, but these were enclosed by horizontal bentwood staves of 3.5 centimeter width, on the outside of the bai — rel (Figure 10). These horizontal staves held the vertical stave together, and were secured not by nails, but by wrapped cane splits in the fashion of modern rattain patio furniture (Figure 10), Because of the very high water table, it was not possible to expose the exterior of the barrels all the way to the base of the well, but nine horizontal staves were counted on the outside of the barrel before the mud made the outer surface inaccessible, suggesting that the entire barrel was enclosed by these staves. At the point of juncture of the two barrels, where the horizontal staves began, the widest diameter of the well was reached. This diameter was 1 .05 meters, and from this point the lower barrel tapered tnward to its base, and the base of the well itself, which was 90 centimeters below the top of the horizontal staves, cind 50 centimeters wide. The well cind the well pit were excavated in profile until the rising water table would no longer permit this; at which point the well contents

PAGE 75

65 were simply removed. Because the water table at the site was approxtmately at the level of the well's first appearance, four well points were sunk before the excavation of the well began. These points held the ground water under control to a depth of about 1 ,5 meters below the present ground surface. At this point the excavation of the well contents continued with improvised, long-handled "well scoops", and bucket sieves which were placed upside down in the well, pressed into the mud by a crewmember (also in the well) and pulled up by a rope, bringing a load of mud and artifacts with it. The ceramic material recovered from the well pit provided a Terminus Post Quem for the construction of the well, since it was filled in at the time of well construction. The contents included: 272 aboriginal San Marcos (1685-1750) (Smith 1948) 1 Abo Polychrome Majolica (1650-1704) (Goggin 1969:169) 1 Columbia Plain Majolica (140O-1800) (Ibid.:1 17) 3 Puebla Blue and \A/hite Majolica (1704-1780) (Ibid.: 190) 2 Puebla Polychrome Majolica (1704-1780) (Ibid.: 173) 1 San Augustin Blue and White Majolica (1704-1760) (Ibid.: 187) 1 San Luis Polychrome Majolica (1650-1793) (Ibid.: 166) 1 Slip decorated Earthenware (1670-1795) (Noel Hume 1970:134-136) 4 Olive Jar (Goggin 1970) 1 Blue on white Oriental Porcelain (1660-1800) (Noel Hume 1970:257) These sherds indicate a well construction date during the first quarter of the 18th century.

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66 The ceramic contents of the well itself provide a Terminus Post Quern for the use of the well, most likely the filling in of the well. Since the water table in St. Augustine is so high, and the soil soft and sandy, wells in the 18th century were not difficult to construct and shallow wells becanr>e foul quickly. They were thus often filled in and abandoned rather than cleaned out when they became foul (Manucy 1962:126). The barrel well at SA-16-23 yielded disappointingly little in artifact material, the most notable find being a whole preserved oremge (see Chapter IV). In addition to two brass gun side plates, plant remains, and a few leather scraps of indiscernible origin, the well contained nr^ainly mud laced with a few potsherds. These included: 119 aboriginal San Marcos (1685-1750) (Smith 1948) 1 San Luis Polychrome Majolica (1650-1793) (Goggin 1969:166) 2 Blue and White Delftware (1600-1802) 3 Slip decorated earthenware (1670-1795 (Ibid.: 134136) 3 Olive Jar (Goggin 1970) suggesting a Terminus Post Quem of 1685 for this well. There was no evidence of a well house, curb, or other structure around the well itself. The second well on the site was located behind (west) of the kitchen and the garden wall. This well was n-HDre poorly defined than the one in the courtyard, and appeared to have been partially filled in during the late 18th century, caving in and being covered over shortly afterwards. This second well wcis constructed of a coquina block casing around wooden barrels. (Coquina stone is a natural shellstooe which occurs in

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67 major deposits near St. Augustine, where it was quarried from 1600 onward). Located in a midden area behind the kitchen, the well first eippeared sis an irregular black pit 63 centimeters below the modern ground surface. Since the well was located in the comer^Sf an excavation unit, cind near the end of the field secison, the entire well pit was not exposed. That portion of the well pit which was excavated, however, was filled with sterile sand, and thus yielded no dating criteria for the well construction. At 32 centimeters below the top of the well, a mass of coquina blocks was recovered, apparently part of the upper coquina block casing which had caved in. After being mapped and measured, these blocks were removed to reveal more cut blocks in situ as the well casing. This coquina casing extended to at least 78 centimeters below the top well (1 ,38 nneters below present ground surface); however since well points were not available at the time, the excavation was forced to discontinue at that level , Inside the coquina casing, at 64 centimeters below the top of the well, the top of a wooden barrel appeared (Figure 11), Again the unfortunate circumstances of water level, time, and the absence of well points prevented the deternnination of the length of the barrel, the base of the well, or whether there was nnore than one barrel in the well. Judging from the depth of the first well, however, and the lengths of the barrels within it, it seenns likely that there was not another barrel below the one discovered in the coquina well. If this barrel were 90 centimeters long.

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68 SIS the lower barrel in the earlier well was, the coquina-barrel well would have extended to 1 ,54 meters below the colonial ground surface — only 15 centimeters shallower than the earlier well, and considerably below the water table. The barrel enclosed by the in situ coquina casing was 70 centimeters in diameter at the top, and this top was encircled by a flat metal band four centimeters wide, rather than the horizontal wood staves found in the earlier well. The casing blocks which surrounded the bai — rel were ten centimeters thick, forming a total well diameter of 90 centimeters. The blocks which had fallen from their original casing positions showed that while the thickness was consistently near ten centimeters, the breadth and length of the blocks varied sonnewhat, most of them being approsimately 20 by 20 centimeters square. It is also possible that there weis originally a barrel above the one revealed during excavation, which wets removed, provoking the collapse of the coquina casing. This explajTation for the disturbed blocks is more plausible than the possibility that these blocks formed part of the well curb, since they were all recovered at a level well below both the top of the well itself, and the colonial ground surface. As so frequently occurs during excavations with a limited time schedule, impxDrtcint, tinne-consuming features are discovered at the end of the field season. This was the unfortunate case for the second well, which wcis recognized near the end of the leist week of excavation, when all of the well points were employed elsewhere in the site. The major

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69 Obstacle to excavation, again, wcis the high water table, and in the absence of well points, rapid and continuous hand bailing was found to be the nriost effective technique for water control. In this way it was possible to expose the upper 65 centimeters of the well for mapping, and to noaintain controlled recovery of nnaterial to a depth of 75 centimeters, E\/en though the well was only partially excavated, a much rtcher artifact assemblage was recovered than that from the earlier well, including nnetal, cerannics, glass, and a large quantity of cinimal bone, A substantial number of wrought nails and spikes weis found, along with various musket parts (see Chapter IV), including the lock piece from a Spanish infantry musket issued in 1752 (Brinkerhoff and Chamberlain 1972:54), but the ceramics are the best aid in dating the well. The material used to fill in the well included predominantly aboriginal San Marcos pottery, sis well as many more British ceramics than were found in the courtyard well . These ceramics include: 231 San Marcos aboriginal Wcire (Smith 1948) 2 Puebla Blue on White Majolica (1704-1780) (Goggin 1969:190) 2 San Luis Blue on N/Vhite Majolica (1630-1690) (Ibid.: 155) 1 San Luis Polychrome Majolica (1650-1 793XIbid.: 166) 1 Puebla Polychrome Majolica (1704-1780) (Ibid,: 173) 2 Columbia Plain Majolica (1 400-1 650) (Ibid . : 1 1 7) 32 Slip Decorated Earthenware (1670-1795) (Noel Hume 1970:134-136) 6 Blue and White Delftware (1600-1802) (Ibid.: 105) 6 Plain Delftware (1640-1800) (Ibid.: 109)

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70 3 French Faience 4 White Salt-Glazed Stoneware (1720-1805) (Ibtd.:115-1 17) 1 Nottingham Stoneware (1700-1799) (Ibid.:1 14) 1 Westerwald Stoneware (1750-1775) (Ibid.:284-5) 28 Shell-edged Creamware (1 762-1 780) (Ibid . : 1 26-8) 1 Olive Jar (Goggin 1970) Dating the ceramics in the well according to currently accepted dates, the presence of Creamware suggests that the well was filled in duKng the period of British occupation in St. Augustine (1763-1788); possibly during the occupation of Samuel Pyles or Bartolome Usina. Since the well pit contained sterile sand, the construction of the well cannot be dated; however, since the early Creamware was the latest ceramic type in the well, it is surmised that the well was built, and possibly even filled in, during the de la Cruz occupation. Other proveniences at this site indicate that Creamware occurs here somewhat earlier than the 1762 which is currently accepted (see Chapter IV), possibly as early as 1740, in which case the well could have been used and filled in during the late de la Cruz occupation. There are several other indications that this may be the Ccise: 1 . The cippUcation of Stcinley South's Mean Ceramic Date Formula (South 1973) produces a mean date of 1748.06 for the well (this is slightly earlier than the mean date for the site as a whole (See Appendix I). 2. Also found in the well wcis the side piece from a Spanish musket of 1752 issue. This suggests that the well was filled during the first Spanish

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71 period, stnce the lot was not occupied hy a Spaniard during the second SF>anish period, and Spanish arnns would not likely be left behind when the Spcintards left for Cuba in 1763. 3. The presence of the well in a Spanish-Indian midden, its convenient proxinnity to the Spanish-Indian kitchen, and the atxjndant presence in the fill of San Marcos sind Spanish ceramics also suggests that the well wsis a first Spanish period feature. If the well was indeed filled during the first Spcinish period, a strong indication that Creamware, including the shell-edged variety, occurs prior to 1762 is provided, and should be considered with the relevant data in Chapter IV.

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CHAPTER W RESULTS OF THE HYPOTHESIS TEST As was pointed out in the preceding chapter, only those artifacts which were recovered from stratigraphically and contextually certain 18th century proveniences are used in the analysis of the material from the site, and the determination of its relevance to the hypothesis outlined tn Chapter II. Since the sample conforming to these criteria is quite large, the purposes of the approach are twofold: 1 . To provide the most rigorous test p>ossible for the hypothesis and its test implications. 2. To maintain the strict provenience control which creates, in Stanley South's terms a "Primary Research Priority for Data Analysis" (1974); thus providing a source of information and cissociation to be applied to the a^tifacts found in these proveniences, rather than drawing from the meager "data bcink" of knowledge cibout Speinish Colonial material culture in order to interpret those artifacts. Wonrten's Activities Food Preparation Techniques eind Equipment These two aispects of the first test implication will be considered together, since they are interdependent aspects of the sanne system, and 72

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73 much of the information about the fornner Is drawn from the latter. The nriost prevalent evidence for food preparation equipment and technique at SA-16-23 was ceramic, and by far the nr>ost ubiquitous ceramic type was San Marcos Stamped pottery and the various sub-t^es of that ware (Smith 1948). Of the total number of sherds recovered during the 1972 excavation at the site, (37,754), 64 percent of them (24,822) were of the San Marcos variety. Of the 4,501 sherds from closed 18th century contexts, recovered during the 1973 excavation, 3,220 (71 percent) were San Marcos Stamped . In their analysis of the San Marcos pottery from SA-16-23, Otto and Lewis (n.d.) hypothesized that, due to the relative absence of metal vessels, and the presence of abundant, easily accessible and easily replaced San Marcos pottery in 18th century St. Augustine, this locally made pottery ware was used as the primary food preparation equipment. The test implications suggested by Otto and Lewis, which would support the hypothesis that San Marcos was the primary food preparation ware, included: 1 . Utilitarian ware sherct^ would be found in substantial quantities on domestic sites, because utilitarian vessels would be used daily, handled roughly, cind broken frequently. 2. If Spcinish utilitaricin earthenware, or iron (metal) pots were used for cooking, these would be archeologically recovered. 3. Vessel fornns would be globular or hemispherical, or some variation of this form, as the most suitable shape for cooking liquid or semi-liquid foods.

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74 4. Direct evidence of use in fcxxl preparation may sippear on some sherds. This could include signs of exposure to fire, or even encrusted food remains. The San Marcos px>ttery from the 1973 excavation was analyzed within four major provenience areas: 1 , The kitchen 2. the outtjuilding to the north of the kitchen 3, the courtyard and 4. the midden behind the kitchen. Data from the 1972 excavation of the south house was also used, but with reservation, since the sampling techniques which were employed in that section of the site were somewhat different than those employed during the 1973 excavation (see Chapter III). The distribution of San Marcos ceramics within cind among these proveniences is shown in Table 1 . H-1 Frequency of San Marcos It can be seen from Table 1 that San Marcos Stamped pottery overwhelmingly predominates in the ceramic assemblage at the site. This is particularly evident in the midden area, where frequently broken utilitarian vessels would have been discarded. The percentages of San Marcos pottery from both excavations, in relation to the total ceramic eissemblage, also supports this test implication. The sherds of San Marcos Stamped from SA-16-23 are typically from paddle-malleated, coiled pots. In their einalysis of 613 diagnostic sherds from nine closed contexts at the site. Otto and Lewis describe seven surface treatments of San Marcos Stamped , including simple stamped, cross-simple stsunped, check stamped, complicated stamped, plain.

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75 TABLE 1 Distribution of San Marcos Ceramics (closed proveniences) Provenience Sherd Total San Marcos % of Cerannics %of S. M. in Kitchen 1154 Midden 670 Ojtbuilding 536 Courtyard 2141 South House 2370 (1972) Total 909 577 (within prov.) Site Total 80 86 22 13 441

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76 burnished, and red-filmed (Otto and tiewts n.d.). In addition to these, there were rare occurrences of cord-marked, cob-marked, and punctated San Marcos sherds from the 1973 excavation. The distribution of these surface treatments is shown in Teible 2. The surface hardness of the San Marcos ware is 3.5 on the Moh scale, and the sherds were tempered with sand, limestone, and shell; all tempering types occurring with all surface decorative styles. Rims were usually undecorated, flared and folded, although in a snnall proportion of the sherds the stamping continues to the lip of the vessel . On the undecorated rims, a line of circular reed punctates or wedge-shaped punctates encircle the neck of the vessel immediately beneath the rim (Otto and Lewis n.d.). The San Marcos cissemblage from the de la Cruz site does not cippear to differ markedly from 17th century assemblages described by Smith (1948) for the Castillo de San Marcos moat; by Hemmings and Deagan (1973) for Na-41 on Amelia Island or by Macmurray (1974) for San Juan del Puerto. H-2 Other Possible Fodd Preparation Wares Although documentary sources indicate that metal cooking pxDts were imported to St. Augustine (Contaduria 1616; Harman 1969:91) no evidence of a metal cooking pot weis recovered from a closed 18th century context at the site. Nearly the same situation occurs for Spanish utilitarian eau^thenwares, and the coarse, lead-glazed earthenwares which could have been of British or Spanish origin. The distribution of all possible Europeain utilitarian wares follows:

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Provenience

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78 None of the sherds in this group exhibited evidence of vessel form, with the exception of the Olive Jar ring neck fragments. Of the coarse, lead-glazed earthenware, most sherds seemed to be of El Morro ware, rather than the finer Rey Ware. The glazes were predominantly yellow or green, with an occasional occurrence of a honey-brown glaze. In all Ccises, this coarse earthenware was indistinguishable from the coarse, lead-glazed utilitarian earthenware found at the site of Frederica, Georgia, which was also occupied at approximately the same time as the de la Cruz site. The lead-glazed earthenware at Frederica has been attributed to British origin, and kitchen-ware function (Deagan 1972), and could have easily been imported to St. Augustine as part of the illicit, but thKving trade system. H-3 Food Preparation Vessel Form San Marcos Stamped vessel forms from 1973 closed contexts included two globular bowls and the conoidal base of a stamped pot. Portions of two, deep, conoidal jars were recovered from the 1972 excavation, and probably most resembled the deep globular San Marcos bowls evidenced at Amelia Island (Hemmings and Deagan 1973:15), and described by Smith (1948). Although the traditional San Marcos vessel form appears to have persisted until the time of the de la Cruz occupation, there is some evidence in the ceramic assemblage of European influence. Fifteen handles from San Marcos vessels were recovered from the site, including strap handles, loop handles, lug handles, and pipkin-

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79 like Ivrjcfles (Figure 14), which would have functioned for lifting heavy, hot pots of food. Lug handles were the most frequently encountered dur — tng the 1973 excavation, although strap and loop handles were onore comnnon during the 1972 excavation, which concentrated on the houses; and some of these handles appeared to be the result of European Influence. The loop handles particularly may have been inspired by handles on the Spanish oil a or water jar, or may represent English ceramic influence on the Guale or Yamassee Indians who coexisted with the British colonists before moving to the St. Augustine area in the 17th and 18th centuries (Otto and Lewis n.d.). There are also formal similarities between some San Marcos handles and handles from British earthenware pipkins and slipware vessels (Figure 14). Other European influence is apparent in certain forms found at SA-16-23. These include fragments of foot Kngs, a flat-based vessel (probably to allow the vessel to sit on a table surface) and one plate form (Figure 15). H-4 Direct Evidence of Foofl Preparation Direct evidence of food preparation on San Marcos ceramics included sooting and encrusted remains on the sherds. From the 1973 excavation, 38 such sherds were recovered from closed contexts, and with the exception of two sherds of Spanish utilitarian earthenware recovered from a mixed occupation zone, these were the only sherds on the site which exhibited direct evidence of food preparation. On all but three of the sherds, sooting was on the exterior only.

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80 Indicating that the pots had been used in or over a direct fire. Three other sherds had charred encrustation on the interior, probably from a stew or gruel, since the most commonly prepared dish in Spanish or Indian-Spanish homes seems to have been a stew based on maize or Rsh, or both (Andrews and Andrews 1945:86; Covington and Falcones 1963:150), San Marcos ceramics, on the basis of the above analysis, can be designated as the primary food preparation equipment at SA-16-23. The absence of significant amounts of European earthenware also suggests that San Marcos pottery was used for storage vessels at the site. This supports the first test implication of the general hypothesis; that food preparation equipment will be primarily aboriginal, with some Spanish elements. Although the ware and its apparent usages are primarily Indian, some modification in form and use due to Spanish influence are present. The data from SA-16-23 also suggests thiat San Marcos was used as a predominant ware for storage vessels, possibly more important than Spanish Olive Jar. The distribution of the ware indicates that while it is the predominant artifact in all areas of the site, it clusters in the kitchen, outbuilding and midden areas of the site; areas used for food preparation and refuse disposal .(Table 1). Non-Ceramic Evidence of Food Preparation As noted above, no evidence for a stove or oven was found in any area of the de la Cruz site. The Spanish governor's kitchen in St. Augustine weis known to have contained a hornillo , a small stone oven

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81 (Manucy 1962:158), and John Bartram noted stone ovens in the Spanish kitchens of St, Augustine during his 1765 visit (Harper 1942:52). Five circular fxre pits containing ash layers and charred food remains were located at the site, and constituted the only direct evidence for cooking areas. Three of these pits were in the north half of the kitchen area, and the other two were in the lot area behind aind between the two houses. The presence of these open fire pits to the north of the divider in the kitchen building, associated with a posthold pattern (see Chapter III), suggests that this half of the kitchen may not have been enclosed. It may instead have been a roofed, but open area with partial walls, allowing the cooking smoke to escape. The complex of fire pits, charred food remains, and a high positive correlation with San Marcos pottery designates this building as the focus of cooking activity. The absence of charred food remains or fire pits in the south house, in association with a very high proportion of San Marcos pottery, suggests that this area may have been used for food storage rather than food preparation and consumption. Two mano fragments, a "mortero," and a portion of a metate represent the introduced food preparation equipment at the site . (Figure 16). These were made of volcanic basalt, not native to Florida, but commonly found in Central Mexico and quite similar to examples found archeologically in that area (MacNeish et al. 1967:103-104). These were also similar to those recovered at the stie of Santa Rosa Pensacola (Smith 1965:106).

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82 The metate fragment seems to have come from a boulder metate, a generalized, legless metate form found commonly in Mexico (MacNeish eit al. 1967:117). These are Mesoamerican food preparation Items, of aboriginal origin, which had analogues in aboriginal Floridian technology; nrxjst often flat stones . The introduction of such items of female culture by the male-dominated culture in St. Augustine is more easily understood cis a natural adjunct to the introduction of Mesoamerican food items, specifically corn, by the Spanish who had been in Mesoannerica for more than half a century when Florida was founded. The acceptance of these food preparation elements by Indian women such as Maria de la Cruz was probably on the basis of greater efficiency of the basalt manos and metates over the simple stones of Florida. As early as 1569, some 39 metates and manos were received in St. Augustine (Contaduria 1569), and possibly by the 18th century they also functioned as socio-technic itenms for Indian and mestizo women (Binford 1962:95). A single fragment of a sherd griddle, made from San Marcos paste, was recovered at the site (Figure 16). This fragment was burnished on one surface, probably for cooking, and roughly smoothed on the other surface, which also showed fugitive patches of soot. The griddle fragment weis recovered from a closed 18th century context in the area of the outbuilding adjacent to the north wall of the kitchen. The grtddle is not a native southeastern food preparation item, and the concept was probably introduced from Mexico or the Caribbean as part of a food or food preparation complex. The corn which was ground with the

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83 Mesoamerlcan grinding equipnnent at SA-16-23 nnay have been prepared as tortillas on a locally made sherd griddle. Griddles may also have been used to taost cassava or manioc cakes in the memner described for manioc preparation in the Antilles (Moya et al. 1957:29)^ A fragment of a sherd griddle was also recovered at the site of the mission of San Juan del Puerto (Du-53) (J. MacMurray, personal communication, Gainesville, Rorida, 1973), occupied from 1578 to 1702, and the fact that no sherd griddles have been reported from prehistoric sites in Florida suggests that the use of a griddle was a trait introduced from the Caribbean or Mexico, by the Spaniards, rather than through prehistoric aboriginal contact. The food preparation co mplex revealed through the equipnnent and techniques used at the de la Cruz site included elements of southeaistem Indian, Mesoamerican, and possibly Spanish food systems, singly and in various combinations . The equipment introduced by the Spanish to St. Augustine was Mesoamerican or Caribbean rather than Spanish, since the food resources thennselves were imported fronn these areas. The introduced equipment replaced the aboriginal equipment when the new forms (t»asalt manos and metates) were nnore efficient than the native cinalogues, or met culinary demands of Spanish household members (such as finely ground com) nnore efficiently than the simple stones or wooden mortars of atxDriginal technology. Such items as San Marcos pots and simple Rre-pit cooking were not replaced by introduced Spanish analogues (metal pots and stoves), possibly because these itenns of §emale

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84 culture were not made available as part of a food complex. A new form and technique can be seen in the griddle fragment, probably also introduced as part of the corn or cassava complex, and accepted by Indian women in Spanish-Indian or mestizo households to satisfy crioUo or New World Spanish palates. Food Resources; Subsistence at SA-16-23 Faunal eind floral remains recovered fr^m closed, first Spanish period contexts at the site included both native and introduced food resources, conforming both to documentary data on food sources in St, Augustine, and to the first test implication of the hypothesis (Chapter IIO» Since food preparation techniques and equipment are largely dependent upon the available food resources, the subsistence data is of fjarticular importance to those aspects of the hypothesis. Floral Rennai ns Five pits containing charred corn cobs were excavated at the site; all of which were sub-midden features. The corn from these pits has been given a preliminary identification of ten-row Caribbean Flint com, a species known to have occurred at several late prehistoric sites in the southeast, including 8-J-5 (BuUen 1958-32), Seatxjrn mound (Neuman 1961:79), and the Zetrouer site (Seaberg 1955). (The corn samples are currently undergoing further einalysis at the University of Massachusetts by W, C. Gallinat). At Santa Rosa Pensacola, however, which was occupied during the period of the de la Cruz site occupation. Hale Smith recovered corn Scimples which were identified cis Mexiccin com

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85 (Smith 1965:109), which the Spaniards were importing to Florida along with com preparation equipment. Mexican com was being brough to St. Augustine with the corn preparation equipment (Contaduria 1718; 1721), and com was also grown at the Indian villages on the periphery of the town (Chatelaine 1941 :Map 10). The corn grown in the Indian villages was probably used primarily for consumption by the inhabitants of the villages thennselves, and in times of hardship, possibly by the towns-people. It seems likely, however, that Indian women living in the town would have esisier access than Spanish or criollo townspeople to corn grown in the Indian villages, particularly if, like Maria de la Cruz, she was born in an Indian town. Only more archeology and ethnobotanical cUTalysis can determine whether or not southeastern corn was associated primarily with Indian and mestizo households in St. Augustine. Other plant remains from the de la Cruz site included fruits which may have been grown in a household garden. Two varieties of watemnelon (CitruUus lanatus and CitruUus vulgaris, the latter of which is used primarily for pickling rind) were recovered, as well as peach pits, wild cherry (Prunus seratina), pumpkin (Cucurbita pepo) and one whole orange (Citrus sp.) preserved in the courtyard well. (All plant identification is by Mr. David Hall of the University of Rorida Botany Department Herbarium.) Of these plants, the pumpkin and wild cherry were probably local plant resources, while the peach, watermelon, and orange were certainly introduced. Although the species of orange could not be determined from

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86 the remains, it is believed that this was a Seville, or sour, orange. There were large numbers of orange trees in St. Augustine during the Spanish period, and the largest-producing trees were sour orange trees (De Brahms in Fairbanks 1881:89). These were also the most abundantly used oranges during the early British Period, when large quaintities of sour-orange juice were exported for use in the preparation of •'shrub, " a popular alcoholic drink among British colonists (Davis ms). Faunal Remains The emphasis upon wild food ren%ains in the acculturateddipt is most strongly reflected in the faunal remains from the site. The faunal resource data is based upon a sample of 642 identified bone fragments, representing all of the identified bone from 13 closed, Speinish period contexts. Table 3, t>ased on the bone cinalysis by Mr. Stephen L. Cumbaa of the Florida State Museum Zooarcheology Latxjratory, shows the distribution of number of fragments and minimum nun^er of individuals for the sample. Of the mcimmals probably used cls a food source, domestic pig and cow were encountered nxjst frequently, and were undoubtedly an important protein source. The pig individuals from the site were all young: one suckling pig, one juvenile and one young adult; while the cow remains were from one juvenile and one mature achjlt. A single mature adult specimen of white-tailed deer weis found. Large n^ammals were all butchered with metal knives aind saws, and numbrous loogbone fragments were recovered, presumably split to recover n^arrow or boil for fat.

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TABLE 3 Faunal Remains from SA-16-23 87 Common Name Min. Number Indiv. MAMMALS Scalopus aquaticus Sciurus carolinensis Mus mus cuius Rattus rattus Urocyon cinereoargenteus Procyon lotor Felis catus Sus scrofa OdocoUeus virginianus Bos taurus Homo sapiens BIRDS Anas discors Lophodytes cucullatus Gallus gallus Meleagris gallopovo cf. Burhinus bistriatus cf . Numenius americanus Limnodromus griseus Capella gallinago AMPHIBIANS Bufo cf. B. terrestris Rana sp. REPTILES Chelydra serpentina Malaclemmys terrapin Gopherus polyphemus Cheloniidae Masticophis flagellum CARTILAGINOUS FISHES cf . Galeocerdo cuvieri Carcharhinidae Sphyrna sp. Pristis sp. Eastern mole

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88 BONY FISHES Arius felis Bagre marinus Ariidae Cynoscion nebulosus Cynoscion sp. Pogomieis cromis Sciaenops ocellata Sciaenidae Archosargus probatocephalus Mugil sp. Paralichthys sp. Opsanus tau INVERTEBRATES (from Feature 28) Urosalpinx cinerea Busycon contrariam Ostrea virginicaMercenaria mercenaria Tagelus plebius sea catfish

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89 The state of bone preservation indicated that these large mammals were roaisted or heavily boiled, since "t>one rocisted within the joint loses much of Its organic matter, becomes brittle, and consequently preserves badly. The same conditions hold true when the bone is heavily boiled." (Chaplin 1971:14-15). Bone remains from the large mammals were pxjorly preserved at the site, whereas small bones from fish, birds and other small animals was well-preserved (Cumbaa personal communication 1974). These smaller bones were probably subjected to slow simmering in soups or stews, rather than roasting or heavy boiling. Butchering techniques for cow and pig were determined by Cumbaa in his analysis of the faunal remains. Cut and saw marks on pig remains indicated that the head was detached near the upper cervical vertebrae. The rear limbs were removed by breaking the innominate at the acetabulum, and the distal humerus/radial-ulna joint seenis to have been the most difficult to separate due to the number of cut, hack, and saw marks on the bone, particularly on the proximal portion of the radius and ulna. (Cumbaa personal communication 1974). Identifiable skeletal elements of pig recovered at the site included portions of the skull, the vertebral column and ribs, the front limbs, the pelvis and the rear feet. The cow remains also yielded evidence of butchering techniques . Cut cUTd saw meirks indicated that the head was broken open, the front limbs disarticulated and the lower limbs severed at the humerus/radiusulna joint in the same manner as the pig. The rear limbs were removed by breaking the pelvis at the acetatxjlum. Rib sections were sawed through distally and cut proximally, and meat was cut off the top of the thoracic

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90 region. The rear and front feet appear to have been cut off, and in the case of the front feet, may have been discarded intact, as most of the elements of at least one animal were well preserved (Cunnbaa personal communication 1974). Butchering techniques were not discernible for white-tailed deer, since no cut marks were present on the bone remains. White-tailed deer elements present included teeth, phalanges, an ulna and a lumbar vertebra. Large mammals certainly provided a source of protein at the site, although the frequency of acquisition of use of these animals is unknown. More commonly used, and ubiquitous in closed contexts were smaller animals such as fish and molluscs. These locally collected resources probably provided the base for the de la Cruz household diet. With the exception of the cartilaginous fishes (sharks and sawfish), which were all small individuals of types known to venture frequently into bays and coastal rivers, all of the fish species from the site were inshore, shallow water nnarine fishes connnnon in the inland waterway around seawalls, pilings, docks, and oyster beds. Most of these were probably caught with hooks and lines, except for the mullet which were probably netted. Fifty-nine percent of the bony fish remains were from catfish, with mullet the second most numerous species. This is not unexpected, since these are the most commonly caught fish in St. Augustine today. Preservation was quite good for fishbone, suggesting again that these were prepared in soups or stews.

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91 By far the most frequently encountered food resources were nx>nuscs, particularly the eastern oyster (Ostrea virginica). These were ubiquitous throughout the site. The total mollusc population from one sub-nnldden trash pit (Feature 28) along the north end of the kitchen was recovered and analyzed. This pit contained 476 individuals: 448 of these were oysters, inhabitants of brackish, shallow, tidal waters. The oyster wcis a basic food resource in Spanish St. Augustine, judging from the very large numbers and their total ubiquity in Spanish period sites, which is a direct carry-over from prehistoric and aboriginal historic subsistence F)atterns. The presence of numbers of very snnall oysters suggests that overharvesting of this resource may have occurred. Other molluscs in the feature included ten Northern Quahogs, (Mercenaria mercenaria) which are hand-collected in shallow, softtxjttom tidal waters; and 14 tagelus, which are abundant in shallow water sandy mud. All of these mollusc species occurred throughout the site, in addition to the pit which was analyzed. Table 3 also lists the birds indentified at the de la Cruz site. Three of these species, the chicken, turkey, and the Mexican Thick Knee were probably introduced to St. Augustine from other parts of New Spain by the Spaniards. All of the other species are inhabitants of coastal marshes or streams, and all but the dowitcher are winter residents of the area. (The dowitcher is found in Florida in the spring and fall.) With the exception of the Thick Knee, which is discussed below, all of these birds are edible, and were probably used as food resources at the de la Cruz site.

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92 The floral and faunal remains from the site suggest a pattern of coastal adaptation conforming closely to the prehistoric aboriginal coastal adaptation in the area (Deagan n.d.)< A heavy dependence on fish, shellfish, and small marsh aninnals was naodified by occasional use of domestic, introduced animals such ais pig, cow, chicken, and turkey. It should not be assumed that the typical colonial subsistence pattern would be based on an adaptation to available, local resource. This Wcis not the case for the inhabitants of the Hawk ins -Davison house at Fort Frederica, Georgia (occupied at approximately the same time as the de la Cruz site), who depended primarily on introduced, domestic mammals for food, and did not adapt to the Georgia coastal resources (Deagan 1972). Given the poverty of the colony at St. Augustine, the lack of success at farming, and the erratic nature of the sttuado , it would not be surprising to find that the pattern of diet found at the de la Cruz site was typical of St. Augustine as a whole. Since almost no comparative data is available, however, the subsistence pattern at the de la Cnjz house will be suggested as the pattern typical of a mestizo household, to be supported or disproved by further zooarcheological testing. Possibly Speinish or criollo families had easier access to cattle or other domestic animals, or a disinclination to coastal collecting of food resources. This problenn is being currently studied by Mr» Stephen L. Cumbaa of the Florida State Museunn in Gainesville, Florida. Child Care Related Activities Very few material correlates of child care activities were found

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93 at the de la Cruz site, and these included only toy and game activity itenns. From closed 18th century contexts, seven sherd discs, two marbles, and a child-sized thimble were found, all from the kitchen building (Figure 17). The marbles revealed no SpaunishIndian admixture, since tx)th were obviously of Europeain origin. One wais made of mottled brown and white, hand-nx>lded glass; and the other wais of white marble. Stone and glaiss marble production reached a peak in Europe at about 1740, and declined through the 19th century (Randall 1971:102-105). Their presence under the tabfcy floor in the kitchen building indicates that the Spaniards were imp>orting toys to St. Augustine, although their place of manufacture ts unknown. Also of European origin was a very small brass thimble, suited to the hand of a child. (The possibility that this may have been a fourthfinger thimble was rejected on the grounds that such a thimble would have no functional use in sewing.) This item indicates that not only were European play items being used t)y children in mestizo households, but also that a European method of women's activity (sewing) weis being passed presumably from Indian mother to mestizo daughter, in a tradition probably typical of nearly all cultural groups. The sherd discs were all examples of ciboriginal-European admixture. All seven of them were recovered from within the kitchen building from closed contexts, and all were made from European pbtsherds. Five of these were Olive Jar fragments and two were of majolica, ranging

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94 In size from 1 ,5 to 6.5 centimeters. Several such discs made of English slipware were recovered from mixed occupation zones. These sherd discs occur vwidely on prehistoric sites, and are usually interpreted as gaming discs, probably for both children's and adult's games . During the Spanish colonial period these discs also occur commonly made of European ceramics, possibly made by Europeans as gaming pieces, adopting atxjriginal techniques, or by Indians, adopting European ceramics which were often more colorful and durable. Nothing is known of the function of sherd discs in aboriginal times, so tt cannot be determined whether the use of the discs in historic times was aborigincil or European, although probably both occurred. Their presence in only the kitchen, a women's activity area, does not shed light on the function of the discs, since they could have been used as playthings by children as their mothers worked, or as gaming/gambling discs by the women using the kitchen. Male Activities House Style and Usage Figure 3 shows the architectural elements of the de la Cruz lot; two houses, two outbuildings and four wells, enclosed on the south side by a wall. The front (east) of the lot, which would have been on the street in colonial times, wcis covered by the modern paved road so that evidence for a street wall between the houses was not present. Walls surrounding Sp)anish homes in St. Augustine were the rule; John Bartram noted in 1765 that most of the garden and yard walls were built of "oyster shells

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95 and mortar" (tabby) (Manucy 1962:131). The de la Cruz garden wall fboting was of tabby, poured into a trench of a uniform depth. This footing mecisured from 65 centimeters to 90 centimeters in width at various points, probably due to differential preservation rather than variation in the actual wall width. A unique feature of this garden wall is its role in the formation of the west and south walls of the kitchen building (Figure 3), This was an economical use of building materials, especially since the north wall of the kitchen apparently doubled as the south wall of the outbuilding to the north of the kitchen. This particular wall formation also suggests that the kitchen may have been added after the construction of the garden wall . The kitchen txjilding appears to have been divided into two sections, as evidenced by a tabby wall footing near the center of the building, and several aligned pestholes across the building at this point. It was also apparent that more intensive activity took place in this portion of the building, and it was suggest eibove that the north portion of the kitchen may have been only partially walled. The houses, which were excavated in 1972, were both of a tworoom floor plan, although the north house was of the style known as the St, Augustine plan (Manucy 1962:55), This is a house plan particularly suited to the St, Augustine climate; and a characteristic of the Spanish criollo culture. The St. Augustine plan consists of two rooms side-byside, either single or double storied. On either the south or the east side of the house a sheltered porch or loggia was constructed, which Wcis

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96 warmed by the sun in the winter, and cooled by the prevailing easterlies (sea breezes) in the summer. The foundations of the north house at SA-16-23 were poured tabby footing varying in width from .6 feet to 2.0 feet, and averaging 1 .5 feet. This was constructed by pouring tabby into a trench with slightly sloping sides. The two rooms formed by the footings cind the partition were 15 feet square on the interior, and were probably lower-story rooms (C. MacMurray n.d.). The width of the footing (18 inches) suggests a two-story structure, since the standard wall thickness for one story was one tercia (1 1 inches), and for two stories was one and one half tercias (17.5 inches) (Manucy 1962:67). The exteKor walls of the north house were of coquina blocks nrortared to the tabby foundation; and the interior partition was constructed by the ostion y poste technique, which involved posts set into the poured tabby for strength or tabby poured around set posts (Manucy 1962:69). The loggia of the north house was located on the south side, and was represented archeologically by a series of pestholes describing a rectangle 18 feet (east to west) by eight feet (north to south). The entrance to the house, archeologically discernible as a gap in the south footing, was believed to be through the loggia. The presence of red earthenware barrel tile indicated that the house was roofed with this material, or else had a flat tabby roof with barrel ttti drainpipes (see Manucy 1962:1 13). A portion of tabby floor was found in the west room, and it is believed that the entire house was floored originally with tabby (MacMurray n.d.).

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97 The south house was partially obliterated by the paved road to the east, and the construction of a later Minorcan house to the west of the road rendered the original width indeterminable. This house also had tabby footings with mortared coquina block walls . It was five feet longer than the north house, and also contained a partition. Using the ratio of width to length for the north house (15:30) as a guide, a projected width of 17.5 feet may be suggested for the south house. The two interior rooms were of uneven size; the north room being 21 feet long and the south room 13 feet. The footing width (1 .8 feet) indicated that this house also was two-storied. Fugitive evidence for a loggia was recovered to the west of the house, although subsequent construction in the area had obscured the archeological picture considerably (House data after C. MacMurray n.d.). Few items of building equipment or hardware were found at the site; wrought nails were by far the most numerous of these items from closed Spanish period contexts. Of the 329 nails from closed contexts, 51 were found in the kitchen building, 75 nails in the midden behind the kitchen (although 62 of these were from the well), 36 were from the courtyard, and 167 came from the north outbuilding. The clustering of the nails in the outbuilding, even though this was the smallest provenience in the area, supports the cartological evidence that there was a wooden building here (Jeffries 1762). Most of the nails were highly oxidized, but all of those which were identifiable from closed 18th century contexts were hand wrought (Figure 18). A number of wrought iron spikes were also

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98 recovered (Figure 18), one from the kitchen building, one from the courtyard, 13 from the well behind the kitchen emd eight from the outbuilding to the north of the kitchen. Other building hardware from closed contexts at the site included 11 breiss tacks, an iron ring, and one large iron staple (Figure 18). Rom the well behind the kitchen, the vertical portion of a large iron pinion hinge was recovered (Figure 18>. The tapered end of the hinge Wcis chisel -notched to produce a serrated effect on two edges, which undoubtedly acted to secure the hinge more firmly onto the post or wall. Few braiss objects were recovered; one fragment of a bracket, from a wall candle sconce, a clasp or a handle, and a brass latch piece were found, along with a small piece of ornamental brass, probably from a book clasp or small piece of furniture (Figure 19). The single key portion recovered from a closed context Wcis of iron, and was probably fitted to a large padlock. The only other building material noted from closed contexts were fragments of flat earthenware tile, most probably used for roofing. This tile wsis recovered from the midden, courtyard, and kitchen areas, and may have been used on the south house and kitchen building, since the north house area yielded barrel tile rather than the flat earthenware tiles. These tiles were square or rectcingular (no intact examples were found) of a soft, red earthenware which often contained clay or limestone tempering, indicating that these were locally made. The average thickness of the tile fragments was three centimeters.

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99 The picture of the lot and construction techniques which ennerges from the archeological evidence is a totally European one. No evidence of atxDriginal building materials, such as thatch or wattle and daub was present, and no evidence of aboriginal tools. The only possible exception to this is the hypothetical, semi-walled north half of the kitchen, which may have had a thatch roof, although there is no direct evidence of this. What is suggested is a lot enclosed by a high coquina wall with a tcibby footing, containing two St, Augustine plan houses, double storied and roofed with either barrel, or flat earthenware tiles. Behind the south house stood a sefjarate kitchen building, with coquina block walls on a tabby footing, and p>ossibly only partially walled on the north half. Adjacent to the kitchen was a wooden outbuilding, and wells were behind the kitchen and in the courtyard. The focus of activity seems to have been in the courtyard area between the south house and the kitchen. Military-Political Activity Material evidence of military-political activity at SA-16-23 was restricted to items of military origin or function. Of these, gunflints were the most numerous, although of the eight gunflints recovered at the site, only three were from closed contexts, and the others were from mixed occupation zones. Of these flints, three appeared to be British flints (Figure 20) and were dark grey, prismatic flakes produced by a blade technique. Three were honey-colored French flints, and two were the wedge-shaped flints attributed tjy Witthoft to Dutch origin

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100 (1966:25). The flint recovered from the well behind the kitchen was a "dutch" flint, made of a waixy, pearl-grey flint (Figure 20), and may have been of Spanish origin. Although Witthoft asserts that the wedgeshaped flint is a Dutch product, it has been shown that these wedge-shaped, "Dutch" flints were being meinufactured from ballast rock by British soldiers at Fort Frederica, Georgia, at around 1740 (Deagan 1972). The presence of this gunflint style in a Spanish context, made of a material not typical of the dark grey flint used in Dutch production, suggests that the wedge style was a comnnon type of the 18th century, produced by soldiers of many nationalities. Three worked pieces of stone (one of coral native to Florida) apparently were used as strike-o-^lights (Figure 20). Two of these were pale grey, and the coral example was white; and all appeared to be reworked gunflints. Several miscellaneous chunks of worked chert were also present, and attempts may have been made by Spanish or crioUo soldiers to use local chert for their gunflints. Of the 39 fragments of worked stone found in closed contexts, 72 percent came from the courtyard, designated in Chapter III as a male activity area. Five gunflints from closed contexts were selected forpetrographic thin sectioning, which could be nnagnified and photographed to shed light on the origin of these flints. Analysis by Dr. F. N. Blanchard of the University of Florida Geology Department indicated that the grain structure of the flints from SA-16-23 was considerably smaller than the grain of Florida chert sinnilarly analyzed (Purdy and Blanchard ms)

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101 and appears unlike Florida material. (See Appendix IV for Blanchard's ftjll analysis and photog raphes.) It is indicated that while attempts may have been made to use local n^aterials for flints, these attempts were not successful (with the single exception of the coral example), or that the final products were not used which supports the test implication that male activities will show little Spcuiish-Indicin admixture, but were primarily European. Gun Hardware Gun hardware from closed Spanish contexts included a brass sideplate from a musket, two buttplate pieces, a rear ramrod tube and two musket trigger guards (Figure 21), The side plate, found in the well behind the kitchen was from a regimental Spanish musket of 1752 issue (Brinkerhoff and Chamberlain 1972:34). This brass piece was ornately incised in a floral pattern, similar to the pattern on a fragment of a side plate recovered by Hale Smith at Santa Rosa Pensacola (1965:119). From the well in the courtyard, a nearly whole brass buttplate with a "B" stamped on the interior was found (Figure 21). Other brass gun hardware included a portion of a trigger guard, incised on the edges with a row of inverted "v's", and a ramrod tube with a small, drilled hole in the side (Figure 21). Portions of two very badly corroded iron trigger guards were also recovered. There was no evidence for aboriginal flint weaponry or tools at the site, which would have been greatly less efficient than the Spanish

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102 counterparts, and were therefore not to be expected on a Spanish or mixed Spanish-Indian site. The excavation data weis found to strongly support the test implication that male activities would be primarily European , Pipes Kaolin pipestems numbering 210, and four intact bowls were found at the site, and will be discussed as a correlate of male activity, although smoking of tobacco was probably not restricted to men. The pipes, however, were clustered in the courtyard, which heis been suggested (above and Chapter III) as a male activity area: Stents Kitchen 23 Courtyard 107 Outbuilding 14 Midden 55 . South house 2 The use of the stems in dating the site is discussed in Appendix II. No evidence of Indian pipes was recovered at the site, instead, the pipe remains indicated that smoking equipment from several European countries was being used. From closed 18th century contexts, seven pipe fragments bearing marks or insignia were found (Figure 22). Three of these were of English origin, one bowl with a TD mark both on the spur, and in a cartouche on the bowl, which was probably the mark of Thomas Davis, whose pipes occurred in the New World at around 1750 (Atkinson and Oswald 1969:206-207). Two pipes bore the mark WG on the sides of the spur, which was a fairly common mark, attributable to several London pipemakers and believed to date between 1680 and 1780 (Mark 1968:43).

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1 103 Four pipe fragments were of Dutch origin and were recovered fronn closed contexts. Two of these were partial bowls bearing a crowned 15 on the spurs. The use of numbers and crowned numbers on pipe spurs during the 18th century was a Dutch trait (Omwake 1965:42), and similar specimens bearing a crowned 1 6 were recovered at the site of Santa Rosa Pensacola (Smith 1965). Other examples of white clay pipes with crowned number insignia were recovered from the fortress of Louisberg, Canada, from a context dated 1755-1760 (Walker 1971:92-93). Molded, rouletted stem fragments from Louisberg, dating there from between 1716 and 1750, were very much like examples from closed contexts at the de la Cruz site (Figure 22). One pipet>owl from SA-16-23 bears the unidentified nnark of a crowned fish under the inscription "HVEXD." This is probably a Dutch mark, possibly a Gouda pipemaker, and can safely be attributed in St. Augustine to the period 1720-1760. Another stenn fragment wsis glazed with a yellow slip, and was eissociated with only Spanish material and San Marcos pottery. Since this pipe feature is not commonly noted on British colonial sites, this may be an exannple of a Spanish pipestem. It seems in general, however, that British pipes, and occasionally Dutch pipes were typically used in 18th century St, Augustine. Crafts of women Of the female craft activities hypothesized for the de la Cruz site, evidence was recovered only for sewing and pottery nnaking.

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104 Evidence for bsisketry would be difficult to demonstrate archeologlcally, since the orgcinic materials used in basketry would be highly perishable, and the southeastern United States tradition of twilled, woven basketry (cis oppjosed to coiled bcisketry) would probably preclude the presence of awls. The same restrictions on recovery would be true of weaving materials, and the absence of any loom elements suggests that if weaving was being done at the de la Cruz site, it was hand weaving, and not introduced loom weaving , Sewing Sewing and mending equipment from 18th century contexts on the site included thimbles and pins. A total of ten brt^s straight pins and six brass thimbles were found at the site, with five pins and three thimbles from closed 18th century contexts. All of these items from closed contexts occurred in the kitchen building. The whole pins were two centimeters in length, and had spherical heads with a single groove across the center, indicating a wrapped technique for making the head (Figure 23), The thimbles were of thin, embossed brass (Figure 23). No items of ciboriginal sewing equipnnent, such as awls, punches, or bone needles were recovered at the site, and it is apF>arent that this area of female activity reveals a complete adoption of European clothing by this nnestizo household, cind by the adoption of European sewing cind nnending equipment. This does not refute the test implication that crafts of women would be primarily Indicin, or show Indiein-Spanish admixture, for when sewing equipnnent is viewed as an adjunct of clothing it is included in the

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105 category of soclo-techntc Items (see Chapter II), and would be expected to show European fornn and function. Pottery Making In the courtyard of the lot, several concentrations of unfired, white clay were found, which may have represented the making of pottery on the site. When fired, this clay Wcis very hard, with a high kaolin content. The nearest source of this kind of clay is some ten miles south of the town at Crescent Beach, Florida (Personal connmunication; Street Urchin Pottery; St. Augustine, Rorida 1973). Although no remains of paddles or forms were found at the site, the presence of this clay at the base of the colonial midden, in concentrations of about ten ounces to just over a pound speculatively suggests that local pottery was being made in individual households, possibly Indian or mestizo households, in 18th century St. Augustine, particularly since there is no record of a pottery kiln in the city at this time. Crafts of Men Flintwork, fc>onework, woodwork, trapping, hunting, and fishing were hypothesized as male crafts for which evidence of Spanish-Indian admixture nnight be found. Of these, archeological evidence for flintwork, fishing, and bonework was found; although no tools for any of these activities were recovered, rendering the designation of the craft technique origins difficult. In addition to the gunflints and strike-o-lights discussed above, 69 fragnnents of worked flint were recovered fronn the site. Like the

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106 pipestem fragment, these were clustered in the courtyard: kitchen 1 3 courtyard 36 outtxjilding 6 nnldden 12 Of these, nearly one-third appeared to be of Rorida chert (Dr. Barbara Purdy, personal communication, Gainesville, Florida 1974), indicating an attempt to use local materials, although these attempts were apparently unsuccessful judging by the Absence of any finished itenns of this material. While no evidence of trapping was found, four lead fishing weights indicated the use of Spanish fishing equipment at the site, particularly the use of weighted nets. The species list for fish, however, suggests that at leaist some fishing was done with a line, which would have less chance of being recovered archeologically than metal fishing net weights. The absence of any flint tools or weaponry indicates that hunting and butchering was done primarily with European tools (guns, knives, saws), which would have been much more efficient than aboriginal flint equipment. No direct evidence for woodworking or txjne carving was found at the site. One bone knife Handle was found, incised with diagonally hatched lines, t)ut since similar examples have been found on several St, Augustine sites, their manufacture, and craft implications cannot be attributed to the de la Cruz site.

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107 Socto-Techntc Items The test implication that soclo-techntc items would be European wsis firnnly supported by the data fronn the de la Cruz site. These items included ornaments, clothing, cosmetics, and tableware. Ornaments; Beads Thirty-four beads were found at the de la Cruz site during the 1973 season, in addition to the 35 beads recovered in 1972. Without exception, these beads were of European origin; no shell or stone beads attributable to aboriginal manufacture were present. Of the 34 beads from the 1973 excavation, 14 were from closed first Spanish period contexts, and as a result, can be definitely attributed to the period between 1720 and 1763 (Figure 24). Table 5 lists the 35 beads and their proveniences, along with their classification according to the Kidd classification system (Kidd and Kidd 1970). The Kidd system Wcis chosen for its flexibility, an important factor for the classification of the SA-16-23 beads, since some of these did not comform to the previously described bead collections upon which the Beck (1928) and Kidd systems were bcised. Of the beads from closed contexts, eight were wire-wound, and four were cane or tube t>eads. (The remaining bead was a rosary bead, described below.) Within the entire sample of 35 beads, however, 16 (49 percent) were cane beads, and of the 35 beads recovered in 1972, 33 percent were cane beads, and the remainder were wire-wound. The most frequently occurring bead types at SA-16-23 were

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108 Comaltne D'AUepo trade beads; and a blue cane bead with white appUqued stripes. The Cornaline D'Allepo beads are tubes of dark green glass, covered by opaque red glass, varying considerably in size (Figure 24-h). Eight of this variety were recovered in 1972, and three in 1973, although none were found in closed contexts during the 1973 excavation. The seven blue tube beads with white appliqued stripes were all found ckjring the 1973 excavation (Figure 24-1), although only three were from closed Spanish period contexts. Slx»-v\>tre-wound, faceted beads were recovered at the site, two from closed contexts (Figure 24-1). These are not accounted for in the Kldd system, and have been designated as Wile. They come closest to the illustrated type WIIc, but are more nearly spherical. These faceted beads are quite similar to decahedral beads such as the Tallasseehatchee Translucent Amber Decahedral bead (DeJarnette and Hansen 1960:58), and those found at Santa Rosa Pensacola (Smith 1965:100-101). One particularly interesting bead from SA-16-23, also from a closed 18th century context, was a jet "rosary bead" (Figure 24-7). This bead is flat on one side, and faceted on the other, with two holes drilled latitudinally through the sides. An identical bead, designated as a rosary bead, was recovered at the Los Adaes site (16-NA-16), the site of the Spanish Linares mission, occupied from 1707 until 1805 (Gregory and Webb 1965:16). Because glass beads are often either not reported, or are usually scarce on Speunish sites, comparison or generalization about Spanish

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TABLE 4 Beads from SA-16-23 Closed Contexts 109 Number Description 1. wire-wound, blue faceted 2. tube, blue, white stripes 3. tube, blue, white stripes 4. wire^wound, black, oval 5. wire-wound, amber, donut 6* wit^e-wound, clear, raspberry 7. jet rosary 8. wire-wound, white, round 9. tube, blue, white stripes 10. wire-wound, patinated, round 11. wire-wound, blue faceted 12. tube, opaque blue 13. wire-wound, patinated round Provenience

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110 use of beads is difficult. Only 11 beads (excluding 39 beads found strung on a rosary) were recovered at the sites of San Luis and San Francisco combined, and except for five incompletely described striped beads, these were all plain beads (Boyd, Smith and Griffin 1951:176). The seven glass beads recovered at the 18th century site of Santa Rosa Pensacola are similar to sonne of those from SA-16-23; two faceted wire-wound beads (Kidd WIIe2), one elongated, faceted bead, one Florida Crystal faceted, one striped tube bead, and one Ocnnulgee White Inlay (DeJarnette and Hansen 1960:57) were found. The Los Adaes site in Louisiana (Gregory and Webb 1965) yielded 65 beads, believed to date from 1717 to 1805. The sample from this Spanish site diverged from the bead samples from the three surrounding French sites in two ways: 1 . The Spanish site contained a great many more seed beads than the French sites, and the beads in general were smaller at the Spanish site. 2. Wire-wound beads were much more frequent at Los Adaes than at the French sites . From burials at the Childersburg site, 29 beads, attributable to the period between 1750 and 1775 were recovered. Of these, 21 were small, undecorated tube or seed beads. Of the remaining eight, four were faceted decahedral beads, two were "pigeon egg" trade beads, one wets a fine inlaid oval bead, and one was a large black cylindrical bead (DeJarnette and Hansen 1960:59). These were associated with Indian txjrials containing British trade goods.

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Ill Although nearly all of the beads on 18th century sites, whether French, Spanish, or British, were probably imported from Amsterdam or Venice (Noel-Hunne 1970:53), certain tendencies may be suggested for an 18th century Spanish-Indian domestic site, represented by SA-16-23: 1 . Wire wound beads are preferred to tube beads on domestic sites. 2. Fewer seed beads are present on domestic sites than in mission or frontier sites. This may be due to the use of seed beads for Indian trade, to be sewn on garments or used in other beadwork, and may have been considered undesirable by town dwellers (particularly those trying to dissociate thenoselves from Indian-ness) . Archeological recovery techniques should also be considered as a possible determining factor, 3. A higher proportion of complex, decorative beads (appUqued, inlaid cind multicolored beads; pr beads of complex shaipe) are found on Spanish domestic sites than on mission or frontier sites. The basis for this suggestion is in the proportion of decorative to non-decorative beads at several 18th century sites: SA-16-23 Santa Rosa Pensacola Los Adaes Childersburg Scin Luis & San Fraincisco Fig Springs Mission* Arrivcis House** (St. Augustine, Florida) decorative

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112 Pensacola, have the highest proportions of decorative beads. The three statements presented above should be treated as inductive hypotheses requiring further testing before their validity can be determined . The role of beads as a material correlate of mestizaje is unclear at this point. Certainly a higher proportion of decorative, European beads; or at least beads not primarily associated with Indian trade, is to be expected. Comparison of the de la Cruz site with the Arrivas site (SA-12-12), occupied by a Spanish crioUo household at about the same time that the de la Cruz site was occupied by a mestizo household, suggests that a greater number of Venetian glass beads may have been used by the mestizo household. The excavation at the Arrivas house yielded only ten beads; two faceted, two wire-wound glass, one tube bead, and one blue tube bead with white appliqued stripes, and an Italian coral bead. (Florida State ^Auseum Field Notes). It is possible that accuUurated Indicins and mestizos displayed European glass beads more prominently than did Spaniards or criollos. It should be noted that the individual economic factors of the households, as well as the recovery techniques employed at the sites, may also be relevant factors, and that further archeological testing is required. Ornaments: Buttons The txittons recovered at SA-16-23 provided direct evidence that Europecin clothing wais worn on the site during the first Spanish period. The 1973 excavation recovered 85 txjttons, 25 of which were from closed 18th century contexts.

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113 Of these 25 closed context txjttons, 15 (nearly 65 percent) were of bone. Single-hole bone Ixjttons were the only type found in quantity at the site, since the nr>etal and shell txjttons (Figure 25) represented a wide range of styles. The txittons shown in Figure 25 may t>e considered as firmly dating between 1720 and 1763. They closely resenr>ble the button assemblage described by South for Brunswick Town (1964) which dates from approximately the same time (1726-1776), Closed Context Buttons Button #1 — Six-sided octagonal brass: the shank is cast in one piece, resembling South's Type 1, and Qlsen's Type A (1963:553). Button #2— Hollow-domed, two-piece white metal button. The back is broken, so method of fastening is indeterminable. Probably nxjst closely resembles South's type 6. Button #3 — Rat shell button incised with a five-pointed st£u~ and cross-hatching; containing a brass centerpiece. This has no counterpart in the types described by South or Olsen, and is possibly of Spanish origin. Buttons #4.5— Plain, white metal fcxittons with spun backs, and brass eyes set into a foot on the t>ack. , These are similar to South's Type 7 and Olsen's Type D. Button #6 — Hollow, brass txjtton with raised floral design. It has a brass wire eye cast in place similar to the style of small sleeve buttons recovered at Williamstxirg in a 1660-1720 context (Noel-Hume 1970:89). Button #7 — Small brass button, dome shaped, with a missing back which was probably of bone. It does hot resemble any of the types described by South or Olsen, although there is a suggestion of a cast shank at the

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114 back, as in South's Type 1 and Olsen's Type A. Button #8 — Made of undecorated, thin sheet brass, and was crinnped around a backing at one time. It resembles South's Type 15. Button #9 — This button's back is made of four-holed bone, fronted by thin brass, as in South's Type 3 and Olsen's Type B, although it is t>adly corroded. Button #10 — This thin, silver-plated button is decorated on both the front cind the back . The front bears a basket-weave or herringtxjne incised design, while the back has a crude shank foot surrounded by a laurel wreath design. Although it does not resemble the types described by South or Olsen, it was found in a closed Spanish period context at SA16-23 (as were all of the buttons used in analysis). Since silverplating was not used until 1750 (Noel-Hume 1970:90) the button probably dates from between 1750 and 1770. A similar design pattern was found on a button from Santa Rosa Pensacola (Smith 1965:72). Bone Buttons All of the bone buttons recovered from closed contexts were of the single-holed variety, similar to South's Type 15. These buttons were commonly used as forms for fabric-covered buttons, or as backing for metal or shell button fronts (Robert Harper, personal communication. Art Historian, Historic St, Augustine 1974). The buttons from SA-1623 ranged in size from one centimeter to two centimeters in diameter, with central perforations of 1 .5 to three millinneters in dicimeter. These discs were made with the snrxxDth, outer txjne surface as the exterior of

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115 the button, and the porous, inner surface of the t>one on the button interior. Although all of the loose tjone discs were from single-hole buttons, button #9 Indicates that four-hole t)utton backs were being used during the 18th century, although certainly not frequently. The singlehole bone button persisted at the site through the 19th century, and this was still the most common type in three 19th century trash pits, dated on the bcisis of stratigraphic position and ceramic content. It weis noted, however, that carved, offset rims were present only in 19th century contexts, and that four and five-hole buttons were also frequent in 19th century contexts. It would appear from this that bone was used only for button frames or backs in the 18th century at the site, and was not carved as a complete button until the 19th century. There is no evidence for button making in St. Augustine during the Spanish period, and it is most likely that the buttons other than t>one from SA-16-23 were imported. Some of these were probably British imports, since it is known that "cloth and dry goods" were imported from Charleston during the 18th century (Harmon 1969:83). Many of the buttons also closely resemble the buttons from Brunswick Town, believed to date between 1700 and 1765 (South 1964). Buttons 1,4, 5, and 9 are probably British. Button 7 closely resembles the txjttons recovered from the plate fleet wreck of 1733 (UFAL), and is believed to be Sf^anish; and Buttons 3, 7, and 10, because of their unusual appearainces , and lack of comparable types from British sites, are also believed to be Spanish.

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116 The nature of the closed proveniences from which the buttons were recovered firmly dates them between 1720 and 1763, verifying the dates of the same types from Brunswick Town and other colonial sites. Ornaments: Buckles Twelve brass and iron buckles or buckle fragments were recovered at SA-16-23, six of these from closed 18th century contexts. These buckles are illustrated in Figure 26. All of the buckles appear to be garment rather than harness buckles. Although the buckles designated as closed context itenns can be reliably dated between 1720 and 1763, the other buckles all came fronn midden zones which contained predominemtly 18th century material, and these probably date from the 18th century also. The buckle cissennblage bears resennblance to those of both Williamstxirg (Noel-Hume 1970:84-86) and Santa Rosa Pensacola (Smith 1965:115). A common form was a flat, rounded rectangle of brass at both the de la Cruz site (buckles 2, 9) and at Santa Rosa (Plate 30: i, j» o» P* cc). Rosettes were a popular motif at Williamsburg (Noel-Hume 1970: Figure 20), and two buckle exannples from the de la Cruz site were adorned with this rosette design (1 , 3). Other Fasteners The only other clothing fasteners found at the site were six hooks and four eyes, made of brass. None of these was found in a closed 18th century context, however, and are believed to date from the 19th century.

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117 Ornaments; Other Other than beads, buttons and buckles, only one other Item of ornamentation was found in a closed context at the de la Cruz site. This was a carUed ebony pendant in the shape of a figa , an African magical symbol of fertility and good luck (Figure 27). These amulets were a common feature of 18th century Brazilian-African culture, used by slaves and mixed bloods to ward off evil spells and sickness (Freyre 1964:412). They are also known to occur in other parts of Latin America, and may have been introduced to St. Augustine by the criollos or mestizos of New Spain. While it is not known whether the meaning of the item was introduced along with the amulet itself, the presence of the figa at the de la Cruz site offers a provocative indication that magico-religious symbols of New World Latin American mestizo culture were introduced to and adopted by mestizos in 18th century St. Augustine. One fragment of a small bone comb was found at the site, which appeared to have been the double-tooth comb variety used widely throughout Europe and colonial America during the 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries (Noel-Hume 1970:174). This was a crude comb form, rectangular in shape, cUTd having teeth at opposite narrow ends. Thejexample from the de la Cruz site was small (three centimeters wide), aind may have been used for holding a coiffure in place as well as for simple combing. It has been included with socio-technic items as indirect evidence of conformity to a European style of hairdressing. During the 1972 excavation, a portion of a bone hairbrush head was found in association with a pair of scissors.

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118 behind the south house; which also suggests European hairdressing (MacMurcay n.d.). The absence of amy type of jewelry at the site was unexpected. Poverty does not seem to be a reasonable explanation, since the rest of the material assemblage from the site implies a comfortable existence, and items of jewelry have been recovered from poverty-stricken mission sites, as well as in comparatively large numbers from Santa Rosa Pensacola (Smith 1965:111). The preference for glass beads over other kinds of European jewelry (pendants, rings), or the lack of access to these items should be considered as a possible material correlate to mestizaje . It should also be considered that church sumptuary rules may have been in effect, which limited the use of jewelry by women in 18th century St. Augustine. Tableware Tableware ceramics have been included in the category of sociotechnic artifacts as a publicly visible item in a household's material culture. It was therefore hypothesized that tableware would be of Eurof>ean ceramics rather than of aboriginal or colono-Indian wares, and this was found to be true of the de la Cruz site. The ceramic types designated as tablewares at SA-16-23 included Spanish Majolica, Delftware, Slip-decorated Earthenwares and a number of refined earthenware types of British origin. [All types conform to and follow those described by Ivor Noel-Hume (1970), and John Goggin (1968)3. The function of these cersunics as tcibleware was determined primarily

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119 through an analysis of form, and to a lesser extent, by distribution in the site. Table 6 shows the distribution of these wares throughout the site, and it can be seen that the highest concentration of tableware ceramics occurs in the kitchen area, and in courtyard trash pits; conforming to the food preparation area pattern discussed eibove. The portion of the sooth house excavated in 1972 yielded very few European ceramics, and this tends to support the suggestion that this was not a food preparation or consumption area, a suggestion originally derived from the abundant presence of San Marcos ceramics and the total absence of fire pits, food remains, or sooting on the pottery. It should again be noted, however, that differences in sampling and recovery techniques between the 1972 and 1973 excavations nnake comparison of data difficult, and at best, tentative . While the predominant form of the San Marcos ware was that of a deep, globular bowl, undoubtedly used for cooking, the European ceramic fornns from the site were all serving or eating vessels. These will be discussed specifically within each ceramic category. SF>anish Majolica Spanish Majolica accounted for approximately three percent. of the ceramics from closed 18th century contexts. This tin enamelled ecirthenware was imported to Rorida during the Spanish colonial periods, and functions as a marker for these occupations. All majolica types discussed for the de la Cruz site confor^m to the descriptions in Goggin (1968). The de la Cruz site provides material from closed contexts, which

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120

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121 fix the dates of occurrence of these majolica types in St. Augustine. Table 7 shows the distribution of Majolica from closed 18th century contexts at the site. The dates for the occurrence of these majolica types, given by Goggin, would place the site probably in the first quarter of the 18th century, somewhat earlier than the actual occupation. Forty-four percent of the majolica dates from the first half of the 18th century (according to Goggin's dates), including San Luis Polychrome , Puebla Blue-on-White , Sctn Augustin Blue-on-White , and Aranama Polychrome . Puebla Polychrome , Abo Pbjychrome, Aucilla Polychrome, San Luis Blue-on-White , and Itchebucknee Blue-on-Blue ; however, all date from the 17th century according to Goggin, and comprise 26 percent of the majolica from the site. Another 26 percent of the majolica is not dateable (unnamed types), and the remaining ten percent is plain white majolica, which probably are sherds from plain white portions of polychrome or blue-on-white i/essels. Of the four most frequently occurring majolica types, only one (Puebla Blue-on-Whibe) , falls primarily within the known de la Cruz site occupation. Since the associated artifact material, in conjunction with the documentary data, strongly indicates a second and third quarter of the 18th century occupation, it is believed that San Luis Polychrome (16601720: Goggin 1968:169), Puebla Polychrome (1650-1700; Ibid.: 180) and San Augustine Blue-on-NA/hite (1700-1730; Ibid.: 187) were in use at the de la Cruz site as late as 1763, and probably dates to this period throughout St. Augustine.

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122 All of the majolica sherds which indicated vessel form were from plates; seven footring fragments and six plate marley fragments were found at the site. The footrings were all low and only slightly pronounced, suggesting a saucer-like plate, r&ther than a flat plate (see Figure 28). The single exception to this was a small, pronounced footring from a Puebla Blue-on-White cup or small txjwl, measuring five centimeters in diameter. Unidentified majolica sherds were generally those pieces of blue and white ware which were too small to identify, or to distinguish a pattern. One unusual green, firk, and white sherd; and two brown and white sherds are pictured in Figure 29. The small anyxjnts of majolica recovered from closed contexts In the lot, compared with Delftware and British refined Earthenware, emphasizes the availability of these British wares to the inhabitants of 18th century St. Augustine. British traders came more frequently to St. Augustine than did the Spanish situado s hips, and they frequently brought large amounts of dry goods (see Harnrion 1969). Delftware Delftware accounted for 29 percent of all the tableware from 18th century contexts. This tin-enamelled earthenware, produced by the same techniques as Spanish majolica, is an extremely common feature on 17th and 18th century European domestic sites. The most prevalent form of decoration on the delftware from the de la Cruz site was a blue and white floral or chinoiserie pattern, which accounted for 52 percent of the

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123 delft at the site. Table 7 shcsws the frequency of delftware decorative elements on sherds from closed contexts at the site: TABLE 7 Percent of Delftware 60 32 2 2 1.5 1.5 .5 .5 Delftware Decoration

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124 Slip-Decorated Earthenware This brightly-patterned coarse earthenware functioned primarily as serving vessels at the de la Cruz site. All examples from closed 18th century contexts were of a red-bodied earthenware, decorated with a yellow pipeclay slip in a number of designs, including window-pane patterns, dots, combed and trailed patterns, and lattice patterns (Figure 31). Table 8 shows the distribution of slip-decorated earthenware from the site's closed proveniences: TABLE 8 Slip-Decorated Earthenware % of Ceramics in Prov. % of Total Slipware

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125 Four handles came from closed proveniences; these included three loop handles and one strap handle (Figure 31). The loop handles were small, and probably came from cups or mugs, while the strap handle was somewhat larger, and appeared to have been from a pitcher, or other vessel used for lifting or pouring. In general, the slip-decorated earthenware from the site is in the form of large, possibly comnnunal mugs and serving vessels, eind occasional bowls. These large pieces of crockery may have been difficult to acquire, or prohibitively expensive in majolica, delft or refined earthenwares, and were acquired instead in elipware. Refined Earthenwares The term, "Refined Earthenwares," refers to those ceramic types developed in the 18th aind 19th centuries of a thin, hard-fired, creamcolored earthenware, which was covered with a clear lead glaze. At SA-16-23, these included Creamware, Pearlware, Wheildon ware. Agate ware and Clouded ware (after Noel-Hume 1970). Hard-fired, lead-glazed redwares such as Astbury ware and Jackfield (Ibid.) will be considered in this category for purposes of analysis . These types as a group account for 34 percent of the ceramics from closed contexts, with 73 percent of the refined earthenwares comprised of Creamware. Table 9 shows the distribution of these cerannics at the de la Cruz site:

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126

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127 when It was turned over to the British in 1763, effectively removing the nnakers of San Marcos Stamped pottery from the area. While San Mancos pottery occurs in proveniences at the site which contain no refined earthenwares; no refined earthenwares occur in a provenience without San Marcos pottery. The dates for these refined earthenwares in the New World, as suggested t>y Noel-Hume on the basis of available data are: Wheildonware 1740-1770 (1970:123) Agateware 1740-1780 (1970:132) Jackfield 1740-1780 (1970:123) Astburyware 1725-1750 (1970:123) Creamware 1762-1820 (1970:125-126) All of these ceramics fall within the known time span of San Marcos ceramics (pre-1763), except for creamware; however, of these ceramics, creamware is the most consistently associated with San Marcos ceramics. The initial explanation for this association was that either the provenience dated from after 1762 (and the first Spanish period), or that creamware was intrusive into earlier proveniences. Upon closer examination of several closed proveniences, however, an alternative explanation must be considered for the consistent association of San Marcos pottery with creamware. This alternative is, of course, that creamware occurred in the New World as early as 1750. The beginning dates for the nnanufacture of creamware seem uncertain, since the first official use of the name, "Queen's Ware" was not until

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128 1767 (Noel-Hume 1973:219) even though cream-colored refined earthenwares were being produced as early as the 1740's (Noel-Hume 1972:350). Little is known of the form of these early cream-colored earthenwares, which were produced apparently contemporaneously with the clouded and tortoise-shell Wheildon wares. They are not considered to be the products of Josiah Wedgwood, who began producing a high quality of creamware in 1762 or 1763 (Noel-Hume 1972:353). As early as 1751 , a Boston newspaper contained an advertisement for "cream-colored earthenware," which was probably this early "creamware." (Noel-Hume 1973:229). Four sealed proveniences occur in the kitchen area of SA-16-23 which stratigraphically precede or are associated with the wall itself. These are Features 13, 13 extension, 26 (a tabby floor) and FS 102, a zone sealed by the tabby floor. Since this building appears on the Jeffries map (dated 1762 but probably drawn from data captured in 1740), it dates from before 1762, and features precedent to the wall also date from before 1762, In all of these features, creamware occurs in association with San Marcos pottery, majolica, delft, coarse earthenwares and the other refined earthenwares discussed above. Table 10 shows the entire ceramic contents of these proveniences: TABLE 10 Closed Proveniences Dating Creamware Fea. 13 Fea. 13 Ext. Fea. 26 FS 102 Creamware San Marcos Majolica 1

PAGE 139

Delftware

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130 Nottinghan Stoneware VJhite salt-glaze Jackfield 2 7 2 1 6 Again, creanware is consistently associated with a ocrplex of ceramic dating fiunly fron the first Spanish period. A third source of si:{^»rt for the association of creani^are with first Spanish period ccntexts is provided by the midden behind the kitchen building. Excavated in arbitrary 15-oentimeter levels, the midden shows a gradual disappearance of pearlware and ironstone diina fron top to bottcru of the midden, and a decrease in amount, but never^ theless a persistence in, the presaice of creanv/are: TABIZ 12 Midden Oerariics 2vel: 4&5 ;an Marcos

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131 The coquina and barrel well in the midden also contained creanr^ ware vessel portions associated with Scin Marcos v/essel portions, Spanish musket pieces, delftware and majolica and provides another strong line of evidence that creamware occurs earlier than previously suspected (see Chapter III). While all of these data sources do not prove conclusively that creamware was being used in 1750, they do provide a legitinr»ate suggestion that this may indeed be the case. The use of Stanley . South 's "archeological data bank" approach (South 1974) for artifact analysis makes this sort of observation about ceramic placement in time and space possible. A similar, pioneering study involving pearlware and using this approach has also been carried out with conclusive results (Ferguson 1974). Stoneware Very few examples of stoneware were recovered from closed contexts at SA-16-23, including only 15 sherds of white salt-gleized stoneware, and seven sherds of brown salt-glazed stoneware. Fifteen sherds of Nottingham atoneware were also recovered, but these were all small fragments and did not give any evidence of form or function. The same was true for the brown salt-glazed stoneware; however, the white saltglazed sherds included a teacup fragment, a partial mug rim, and a small Sciucer rimsherd decorated in the diaper-wicker molded pattern (NoelHume 1970:1 16). These latter were probably slip-cast forms. Chinese Porcelain Chinese porcelain also accounted for a very small proportion

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132 of ceramics from closed contexts. The 24 sherds, (.9 percent of ceramics from closed contexts) all bore an underglaze blue decoration, and were very small. Two sherds indicated that porcelain was used in tea eqiiipage: one half of a shallow saucer, and a portion of a small lid, suggesting a sugar bowl (Figure 34), The tea ritual during the 18th century hcis been suggested by Roth to have been a mark of leisure, indulged in as a social ritual (1966: 6). Tea, furthermore, was expensive and not easily obtained by the poor; and, perhaps most significantly, was characteristic of British colonists rather than Spanish colonists. The presence of tea equipage at SA-1623 in closed, first Spanish period contexts, of salt-glazed stoneware, creamware, and Chinese porcelain, indicates that the household was operating at a level which permitted not only a degree of leisure in food consumption, but also the adoption of what may have been, at that time, an exotic food element. Socio-Technic Items: Glass Glass ware is included in the category of socio-technic items for the same reasons that tableware ceramics are included in that category. Although only the clear glass designated as tableware actually falls into this category, olive green winebottles and jars will also be discussed under this heading. Very little ornamental glass wcis recovered from the site's closed contexts. Two molded plate rinn fragments were decorated with a shell-edge design, and two glciss stoppers were the only, non-drinking vessel or container glass found (Figure 35).

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133 TABLE 13 Distribution of Closed Provenience Glassware Kitchen Courtyard Outbuilding Midden !• Storage Containers A, Olive Green Bottles 1. Whole 1 2. Fragments-round a, rinns 2 b. neck 2 c , base 1 d. body 54 3. Fragments-square a. base 1 b. body B. Jars-Olive Green 1. Whole 1 2 . Fragments II. Tableware A. Plate Fragments B. Stopper 3

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134 The glass from SA-16-23 was classified according to a modified version of the classificatory system used by Brown (1971) at Fort Michilmacklnack, and somewhat less complex due to the sparse nature of the Scunple. Table 13 shows the distribution of the glass from the site's closed contexts. Tableware Glass Wine goblets, tumblers, and the plate fragments mentioned above comprise the category of teibleware glass. No intact examples were recovered, and reconstruction of any specimen wsis not possible. The 50 fragments of stemnned goblets from closed contexts suggested that a vessel with a straight, drawn stem below a V-shaped bowl was the most common goblet form at the site. One faceted stenn fragment was recovered, 2.6 centimeters in diameter, and one goblet rim fragment with an embossed design. This emt>ossed sherd was recovered from the courtyard well, and is probably of Spcinish origin (Figure 35).. Goblet feet were typically circular and slightly convex, with an average dianneter of 5.5 centimeters. One closed context example, however, was flat and consideraibly thicker (one centimeter) (Figure 36). Also from the well was a fragment of a molded glaiss container, bearing a leaf-like design (Figure 35) and probably also of Spanish origin. This may have been from a small decanter, or a large perfume bottle. Only two tumbler fragnnents were recovered from closed contexts; one base fragment from a fluted tumbler with a slight kick-up.

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135 and one body fragment (Figure 36). The base Is quite similar to that recovered by Hale Smith at Santa Rosa Pensacola (1965:102). One vessel bcise of clear gleiss, also from a closed first Spamtsh period context, came from a decanter, or a large jar (Figure 36), This is of very thin, clear glass with a swirl patina pattern in the glass, and a low kick-up. In general, the glass goblets are very similar to British glassware of the period, showing little distinct difference from those recovered at Williamsburg (Noel-Hume 1969) and at Fort Frederica (Deagan 1972). Certainly at least a portion of the glassware used in 18th century Spanish St. Augustine was of British origin, acquired illegally through British traders. Perishable ceramic, skin, and wood drinking vessels were probably also used, particularly by those households which could not afford to purchase British glassware, which, for that recison, probably ftjnctioned as a socio-technic item. The nnajority of the glass from the site was from Olive Green bottles. Only one nearly intact example was found in a closed first Spanish period context, illustrated in Figure 37, Seventeen base fragments, and four whole beises were recovered, as well as 12 string rimmed necks. The measurement data for these bottle.'pieces is in Appendix III. Square or Cctse bottle fragments were less common in closed contexts; four base fragments and three body fragments were recovered, and the measurement data for this glass is also found in Appendix III, Wine and rum were being imfxjrted to St. Augustine during the

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136 18th century by both the British traders, and the Spanish situado (Hi mon 1969:89-90;;Contaduria 1751:922a), although no mention is made of the containers. The green gleiss bottles do not differ significcintly from those recovered at British sites of the same period (Willianr\sburg, Frederica); however, so little is known of Spcinish glass bottles of that peKod that the origins of the bottle from the de la Cruz site cannot be determined at this point. One jar, recovered from a first Spanish period pit in the kitchen building, may be tentatively designated as Spanish glass, both by the eissociated material, and its lack of similarity to illustrated British glass. This is a fragile, square-sectioned jar with a narrow neck and a flaring rinn (Figure 38), having large air bubbles uniformly throughout the glass, a feature not found typically in British glass. One other jar was found tn a closed context at the site, and this was a snnall (three centimeters) square base of blue-green glass with bevelled comers (Figure 38). Notably absent in the glass assemblage from the de la Cruz site (with the possible exception of the snnall, blue-green jar described above) closed contexts were perfume, oil, or medicine bottles. Only one stopp>er, pictured in Figure 35 was recovered, and no ceramic jars or phials which may have been used for drugs were recovered. This is in sharp contraist to nr»ost British colonial sites, where drug jar fragnnents are usually found (Noel-Hume 1970:204). There is no comparative data from Spawiish domestic sites in Florida. A hypothetical explanation, however, for this absence at the de la Cruz site may be that there was an avoidance

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137 of European apothecary drugs or medicines, and that local native remedies were used by the household instead, Socio-Technic Items: Cosmetics Very fugitive evidence for the use of cosnnetics at SA-16-23 was recovered, and nearly all of it from the 1972 excavation. Most notable was a portion of a small San Marcos Stamped vessel containing a concentration of hematite rouge, found near the south house (MacMurray, personal connmunication, Gainesville 1973). Ground rouge was used by Southeastern United States Indians for ceremonial and possibly decorative purposes (Swanton 1946:531), although its function as a dosmetic, if any, is unknown. Certainly by the 18th century there had been enough Spanish women in St. Augustine to have made the cosnnetic use of rouge known to Indian and mestizo women, and if adopted by these women, would have acted as a socio-technic device. The desirability of Indian women to appear more European in colonial times is illustrated by Oviedo's account of Indian girls in Mexico bleaching their skin to appear whiter (Momer 1971:26). No other direct evidence for the use of cosmetics was recovered at the site. Indirect evidence included the bone haircomb, hairbrush base, cUTd scissors discussed sibove. Socio-Technic Itemsr Watchbird Probably the nrx3st unusual evidence for socio-technic items was zooarcheological , This was the identification by Dr. Pierce Broci
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138 (Burhinus bistriatus), a large bird native to central and south America, which is not found in the wild north of Mexico (Thomson 1964:816). These birds are from approximately 18 to 24 inches tall, and are "typically shy, but if caught young and kept as a domestic pet it becomes utterly fearless, to function as a 'noisy watchdog* at night" (Thomson 1964:816) (Figure 39). The significance of this bird at the de la Cruz site lies in the fact that it was imported from New Spain, as a live bird, since no archeological or ornithological evidence has ever indicated the presence of the Mexican Thick Knee in North America at any time. This was definitely not a basic subsistence item, and it seems likely that it was especially brought to St. Augustine, probably at some expense, adding to the evidence that the mestizo de la Cruz household was fairly well-to-do, and could afford luxury itenr>s. It is also pertinent that a watchbird would not be necessary unless there was something to watch. The presence or absence of the Thick Knee remains in future zooarcheological analyses of material from other St. Augustine sites will clarify the significance of this bird at the de la Cruz site. It is perhaps significant that Maria de la Cruz's husband, Joseph Gallardos, is listed cis a native of New Spain (St. Augustine Cathedral Parish Records), since he nnay have had earlier exposure to the use of the Thick Knee, and arranged to have one for his home. Only more zooarcheological work can determine their frequency in colonial St. Augustine.

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aapTER V SEX, STKTCB PUD FDL£ Hi IHE ^ESTIZAJE OF SPimsa OODCNIAL FLORIDA The preceding four chapters have discussed the ethnohistorical (Qx^ter I) , ethnographic (Chapter II) , and archeological (Chapters III and IV) aspects of 18th century acculturation and mestizaje in colonial Florida. The data frcra all of these approaches was found to be necessary for a full approximation of the Spanish colonial situation, and particularly for the generation of a model for mestizaje , discussed in this ch^Jter. The process of acculturation, of v^ch mestizaje is only one facet, is highly ccrrplex and specific to each acculturative situation, Ft)r this reason it is extremely difficult to produce a model of acculturation, or a systen of models, v^iich can be ^aplied as an explanatory tool to all instances of acculturation. A large body of research dealing with eurcpean-aboriginal culture contact acculturation is available, however, including notable syntheses by Spioer (1958, 1960, 1961); RDSter (1960) ; the Social Sciences Research C3ouncil (1954) and Service (1955) . Vliile these syntheses are helpful in the analysis of the acculturative situation in 18th. centxiry Florida, no single proposed model acootnts for the processes operating at that time and place. 139

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140 George Foster's analysis of Spcinish-Indicin acculturation in Mexico, which incorporated the concepts of the culture of conquest, donor and recipient culture screening, and cultural crystallization, is especially useful in the analysis of the processes operating in 18th century Florida; and has t^een discussed in Chapter II. Foster's model was drawn upon extensively in the generation of the hypotheses outlined in this study, and tested at the de la Cruz site. Based on the archeological test, this hypothesis and its test implications were confirmed; that is, the pattern of data recovered archeologically did not diverge or differ significaintly from that pattern which was hypothesized. Although there has been no agreement or stated criteria among archeologists for adequate hypothesis confirnnation (Watson et al. 1971:46), the conformity of the archeological data to the proposed test implications leads to the statement of the hypothesis below as confimned: "Acculturation in 18th century St, Augustine was effected largely by Indian women in Spanish or mestizo household units, within a predominantly male-oriented (military) cultural milieu." Using this as a confirmed hypothesis, the nature of acculturation cind mestizaje in Spanish colonial St. Augustine may be analyzed within existing models. This not only places the pattern in a broader perspective, but also reveals it as a unique contact situation. Spicer's discussion of types of contact and processes of chcinge

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141 ts highly useful in ordering and analyzing the data comprising the content of this study. Spicer's nnodel propxsses types of contact connnrHjnities, including Spanish Mission, Fur Trade, United States Reservation, Canadian Reservation, and Urban Segment (p. 526); which may be characterized as not only describing broad community types, but also by (1) the nature of the structural link between the communities Involved, (2) the role patterns and accompanying sanctions of the dominant culture, and (3) the level of stability of the subordinate culture's social structure. The analysis of different contact situations with respect to these criteria resulted in the definition of four acculturation processes: 1 . Incorporation , which involves the transfer of elements from one cultural system and their integration into another situation in such a way they are altered to conform to meaningful elements and relationships of the recipient cultural system (Spicer 1961:530). 2. Assimilation , in which the recipient culture accepts and eissimilates the dominant culture's items in terms of the nneanings and relationships of the dominant cultural system. 3. Fusion, which involves the combination of elements from two or more cultural systems into a single system, distinct from the parent cultures. 4. Compartmentalization , which refers to the acceptance of one culture's elements by another culture which keeps those elennents sep— su~ate and without linkage to other recipient cultural complexes. One or more of these processes may be opjerating in any

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142 acculturative situation, although a single process is usually dominant. All of these processes except incorporation usually occur in situations of directed change; that is, a contact situation in which one culture regularly brings definite sanctions to bear on another culture that are designed to bring about changes in the cultural behavior of the subject culture (Spicer 1961:521). Non-directed change does not include these features. The culture contact situation in 18th century St, Augustine can be analyzed according to this system, although it is evident that certain additions to, and alterations in the model will be necessary. There are two aspects of Spicer's, and most other models of acculturation which must be recognized and modified before 18th century St, Augustine can be fully understood. The first of these is the assumption inherent in nearly all theories that there is a dominant or superordinate culture, and a subordinant culture involved in any contact situation. This implies an attempt on the part of the dominant culture (usually European culture in European-aboriginal contact) to control, exploit or take over certain areas of the subordinate culture. While this Wcis the case in the earlier mission phase of Spanish participation in Florida, it was not in the 18th century town. Here the purpose of the European cultural element was not directly involved with the native cultural element, and aboriginal participation in town life was, for the most part, voluntary. For these reasons the European culture should be treated as the "milieu" culture rather than the dominant culture. Foster's model (1960) avoids the implications of dominant and subordinate by the use of the terms "donor"

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143 and "recipient," In colonial St. Augufetine, however, the Indian and the Spanish cultures each can be considered as both donor and recipient cultures. This brings up the second aspect of most acculturation theory which is inappropriate for the subject of this study. As stated tjy Spicer, the processes of acculturation "have to do with the alteration of a culture under conditions of contact" (1961:534), which Wcis not the case in 18th century St, Augustine where this was a highly reciprocal process, not so much altering either of the cultures involved, cis providing an adaptive system in which both cultures could participate." Type of Contact St. Augustine in the 18th century cannot be classified with any of the five contact connmunities outlined by Spicer; although as a nondirected change situation, it comes closest to the urban segment community form. More precisely, 18th century St. Augustine, along with many 17th and 18th century towns in New Spain, the Caribbean, and the United States Southwest, can be characterized as a frontier-garrison community, in which change is neither directed or demanded by the milieu or intrusive culture. Within the frontier-garrison comnnunity there are no necessary or formalized links between the cultures involved, and those that occur are therefore voluntary. In Spanish colonial St. Augustine, one of the most important of these links was the fact that Indian women lived with or married Spanish men. It should be emphasized here that the FrontierGarrison model refers only to the town life situation; p)eripheral mission

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144 settlements shotjld be included within an entirely different nnodel. The role patterns and acconnpanying sanctions of the dominant (t.e. intrusive or milieu) culture's members were domestic, sexual, and probably in most cases, non-coercive. Those sanctions which in the 18th century would be normally applied from man to woman, or from husband to wife, would be the ones in effect in Spanish colonial St, Augustine. Little is known of prostitution in the colony, although in a garrison town as isolated as St. Augustine, it probably did occur. This probably also accounted for some Spanish-Indian contact, and another accompanying set of roles and sanctions. The liaisons between Indian women and Spanish men resulting from encounters of this kind would most likely be temporary and limited, and would probably not be a significant factor in cultural exchange. The social stability of the subordinate culture under contact is of indirect relevance in the frontier-garrison situation. The circumstances of town life and miscegenation in St. Augustine were probably made possible by the instability and fluctuation in the aboriginal cultures of the area during the preceding centuries (see Chapter I), making individuals more susceptible to change, and involvement in the Spanish culture. Within the town itself, however, the subordinate culture is represented by isoleited individuals, carrying only the aboriginal cultural repetoire available to their role, sex, and status. To summarize in Spicer's terms, the culture contact situation tn 18th century St, Augustine was one of non-directed change, in a frontier-

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145 garrison town. The structural links between the cultures involved were Indian women, and the Spanish men with whom they lived. The milieu (Spanish) culture's roles were domestic, sexual, and non-coercive, applied to individuals who were role-playing during the process of contact, in isolation from their native social structure, which weis undergoing rapid change and fluctuation. Under these circumstances, none of the processes of change outlined by Spicer is fully achieved, although certain elements of incorporation and fusion are present. Socio-technic items are incorporated, while the entire pattern of the mestizo household cultural expression as revealed in the material culture, was a unique system fused from elements of the Spanish and aboriginal cultural systems. The meaning eind relationships of these elements, however, still contained strong links with the referents and relationships to the elements in the parent cultures from which they came, and for this reason did not constitute fusion as it was used by Spicer. It is therefore suggested that the process of change and acculturation in the Spcu^ish and Indian cultures of 18th century St, Augustine be characterized as mestizaje . Mestizaje can be expected to occur under the following circumstances: 1 . Type of change: non-directed 2. Contact community: 3. Structural link: 4. Role of dominant culture members: frontier— garrison town male-female domestic relationship domestic, sexual, non-coercive 5. Nature and stability of isolated individuals; non-stable recipient culture members: native social structure

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146 6. High degree of reciprocity and cultural exchange The reciprocal nature oF the mestizaje situation, and the individual rather than institutional nature of the cultural exchange are also Important factors in mestizaje . Material Correlates of Mestizaje One of the aims of the "New Archeology," as espoused by Binford (1962, 1968); Watson et al. (1971); Longacre (1963); Flannery (1967) and others, is the determination and explanation of cultural processes. This typically entails the description of a. Cultural system, and an explanation of the relationships cind processes operating between the parts of the system. Ultimately, in prehistoric archeology, this requires the determination of behavioral correlates for the patterning of material culture, cind the establishment of agreed-upon generalizations for these patterns cind their correlates. In addition to the use of the deductive approach in archeological expleination, the use of sophisticated laboratory analysis procedures and the c^Dplication of statistical tests to archeological data; ethnographic emalogy, "action archeology" (Kleindeist and Watson 1956) and experimentation for replication have been employed to determine behavioral correlates from material culture. These problems and problemsolving approaches are also used in historic archeology, which has been somewhat neglected, cind which has application to archeological theory and the interpretation of material remains in terms of humain behavior. This additional aspect is the *Vnown" element in historic archeology; that is, the docuonentarily determined cisf>ects of social structure.

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147 group Identification, socio-economic status, household composition and other non-tangible aspects of culture. For example, it was known documentarily that the de la Cruz site was occupied during a certain closely determined timespeun, by an Indian wonnan, her soldier husbamd, and their mestizo children. It was known also that they lived within a criollo, militarily-oriented cultural milieu, characterized in 18th century documents by its poverty, isolation, and gracelessness. With this knowledge in hand, the excavation at the de la Cruz site attempted to estsiblish n->aterlal correlates for the processes of mestizaje and acculturation represented at the site. In this way, patterns of material culture can be suggested as representing certain known patterns of cultural behavior. These material patterns can then be tested further, and ultimately used eis interpretive tools at sites without documentation. Although the problems to which the de la Cruz site excavation was oriented are applicable primarily to historic sites, there are a number of aspects applicable to prehistoric sites which could be d€veloF>ed from the excavation of doeumentarily known Indian or EUropeain sites . These might include contrasts between material correlates for extended eind nuclear families; patterns of cultural disorientation due to invasion or warfare; revitalization; difference in the material patterns associated with different status individuals in tribal or chiefdom societies; or change in subsistence |>atterns due to the introduction of a new food source, to name only a few . This study offers a pattern of material culture for mestizaje;

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148 this p>attem must be treated eis a complex and considered in its entirety, rather than by the presence or absence of individual traits. The selection of items in this complex was determined by: 1 • The conformance of excavated material remains to the projected material patterns of the hypothesis, 2. The comparison of material remains from this site with the patterns of remains fronn other sites of similar timespan, habitat, and known socio-economic position. In 18th century St. Augustine, the suggested complex for mestizaje includes; 1 . A food preparation sub-complex including aboriginal utilitarian ware associated with European ceramic tcibleware; and including open-fire cooking pits. A mixture of native and aboriginal and introduced Mesoanr»erican food preparation techniques and items are also noted in St. Augustine. 2. Food resources conforming to the aboriginal exploitation patterns of the area, with the additional use of introduced items. This feature was certainly due to a great extent to the inhospitable nature of the environnr»ent, and the failure of farming. Where nnestizaje occurs in an environn-»ent more favoreible to European economic endeavor, the subsistence fjattem suggested above may not occur. In colonial St. Augustine, the presence of native Florida corn sis opposed to Mexican corn is also suggested as a corrolary to mestizaje. 3. The presence of separate male and female activity areas;

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149 the male areas including predominantly European artifacts, and the female areais including mixed aboriginal-European artifacts, or prinrmrily aboriginal . This extends to items of male and female activity themselves; nnale items are predominantly European, while female activity iten^s are nnlxed aboriginal-European. 4. Medicinal remedies of native origin; this is represented by the edbsence of European drug jars or nnedicine phials. 5. The presence of European decorative elements, particularly clothing eind ornaments, to the exclusion of aboriginal items. It is more specifically stated that a high proportion of decorative glass beads will be present at sites of mestizaje , along with a relative absence of other kinds of European jewelry. It should be cautioned again that individual items cannot be considered to indicate the nnestizaje process, txjt that they must be treated as a connplex of items and patterns. The material correlates for mestizaje outlined above are discussed more fully in Chapter IV, and it will be noted that some nxxdification in the pattc'^n suggested by the original hypothesis has taken place. This was due to the archeological record, which functioned, of course, as the test for the hypothesis . Some hypothesized elements did not occur, such as evidence for women's crafts, or for religious activity; while other elements were felt not to be representative of anything but a general-Spanish colonial pattern, such as sherd discs.

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150 Hypotheses Generated In the course of ethnohistorical and archeological research, several problenr>s concerning nnestizaje and acculturation in 18th century St. Augustine were encountered, for which additional testing will be necessary. The first of these involves the proportion of European cultural elements to aboriginal elements in the mestizaje process. It is hypothesized that early stages of mestizaje will have a very high proportion of aboriginal elements in areas of female culture, much like the de la Cruz site. It is also hypothesized, however, that the ciboriginal elenr>ents will be replaced at a rapid rate by crioUo or European elements as mestizo population becomes established. This hypothesis needs a series of archeological tests both at known mestizo sites, and at comparative cKollo sites. Another archeological ly testable hypothesis involves the nature and origin of the influence of the aboriginal and mestizo groups in colonial Florida. It is believed, based on the data from the de la Cruz site, that nxist of the introduced influence which was presented to and accepted by SpanishIndian and mestizo households wcis from the criollo culture of New Spain, rather than from Spain by the Spanish peninsulares . This wais reflected at the de la Cruz site by the introduced Mesoamericart food preparation equipment, and by the Mexican watchbird. A preliminary survey of docunnentary data indicated that mestizo eind Indiein women who married non-Indiains, nxjst often nnarried men fronn other parts of New Spain (St. Augustine Historical Society). This also needs bo be tested

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151 by a thorough documentary survey. Another related problem is that of the social status of the mestizos in St. Augustine. One way that this can be archeologically investigated is through the settlement patterns of mestizo households . It is cartographically suggested that Block 16 of 18th century Spanish St. Augustine nrjay have included a concentration of mestizo households, since Maria de la Cruz, and her next door neighbor, Clennente Ylario, both had mestizo households. (St. Augustine Historical Society; Puente 1788). The hypothesis that mestizo social status is reflected by their segregation into marginal areas of the town can be tested both archeologically and cartographically . The dietary patterns of mestizo households also requires further zooarcheological testing . It is hypothesized on the basis of the de la Cruz site data that nnestizo and acculturated Indian households had a nnore vigorous economic adaptation than European households, due to their more intimate knowledge of, and possibly easier access to, local resources. The testing of this hypothesis will require the comparative cuialysis of food remains from known European and mestizo sites. It is also conceivable that this vigorous economic adaptation extended to ther areas than simply diet. Despite their social status within the town, it certainly cannot be generalized that mestizos in 18th century St. Augustine were poor and low on the socio-economic scale. The material assemblage from the de la Cruz site indicates that the inhabitants were not poor, and if anything, were comfortably situated. This is implied

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' 152 by the presence of the houses themselves, which were multiple-storied, substantial, and surrounded by a wall. The presence of socio-techntc items such as glass and ceramic tablewares, tea equipage and ornaments, and particularly the imported watchbird also implied material well-being. Since alnnost no archeological data is available from domestic sites in colonial St. Augustine, a great deal of comparative analysis from sites of known racial and socio-economic occupation is still necessary. The major interpretive problenn encountered during the excavation, analysis, and interpretation of the de la Cruz site material was this lack of comparative material . The possibility that the material complex represented at the de la Cruz site was typical for all of colonial St. Augustine, rather than of any particular population segment of that time and place cannot be ignored. Possibly by the mid-dSth century, a very large proportion of the town population was mestizo (see Deagan 1974), or that, due to environnnental exigencies, the mestizo cultural expression was indistinguishable from the criollo culture. Although the basic tenet of this study is that this is not the case, the possibility cannot be rejected until further archeological, ethnohistorical, cartographic, and zooarcheological research has been carried out in colonial St. Augustine.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Abbreviations; S.C.U.F. Stetson Collection, University of Florida A.G.I. Archive General de las Indias, Sevilla Andrews, Evangaline and Charles Andrews (eds.) 1945 God's Protecting Providence Yale Historical Publications #19 Arsma, Luis 1971 Military Manpower in Florida El Escribano Vol. 8:55-57 Amade, Charles W. 1959 Florida on Trial Miami, University of Miami Press Arnade, Charles 1961 The Architecture of Spanish St, Augustine The Americas XVIII (2): 149-1 85 Amade, Charles 1965 Cattle Raising in Spanish Florida 1513-1763 St. Augustine Historical Society Publication #21 Ascher, Robert 1961 Analogy in Archeological Interpretation Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 17:317-325 Atkinson, David and Adrian Oswald 1969 IiOndon Clay Tobacco Pipes Journal of the Archeological Association of London. 3rd Series Vol. XXXII Beck, H. C. 1928 Classification and Nomenclature of Beads and Pendants Archeologia Oxford, Society of Antiquaries of London 153

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154 Benavides, Antonio de 1738 Manuscript , A.G.T. , 58-2-16-45. (Governor Antonio de Benavides to the Spanish Crown, April 24, 1738) Photostat in S . C . U . F . Bennett, Charles E, 1968 Settlement of Rorida Rorida Facsimile Series Gainesville, University of Rorida Press Binford, Lewis R, 1962 A New Method of Calculating Dates from Kaolin Pipe Stem Fragments Southeastern Archeological Conference Newsletter 9(1):19-21 Binford, Lewis 1962 Archeology as Anthropology American Antiquity 28:217-255 Binford, Lewis 1968 Archeological Perspectives in Binford and Binford (eds,)» New Perspectives in Archeology ;5-32 Chicago, Aldine Boyd, Mark, Hale Smith and John Griffin 1951 Here They Once Stood Gainesville, University of Rorida Press Brinkerhoff, Sydney B. cind Pierce A. Chamberlain 1972 Spanish Military Weapons in Colonial America 1700-1821 Harrisburg, Pa. Stackpole Books Brooks, A. M. 1909 The Unwritten History of Old St. Augustine Mcinuscript on File University of Rorida Libraries Brown, Margaret Kimball 1971 Glaiss from Fort Michilmackinac: A ClcLSsification for 18th Century Glass The Michigan Archeologist 17(3-4)

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155 Buenaventura, Francisco de 1735 Manuscript , A.G.I. , 86-7-21/9, 10 (Freincisco de Buenaventura, Bishop of Tricale b3 the Spanish Crown. Oct. 10, 1735) Photostat in S . C . U . F . Buenaventura, Francisco de 1736 Manuscript , A.G.I. , 58-1-35 (Francisco de Buenaventura, Bishop of Tricale to Governor Juan de Horcasitas. Dec. 22, 1736) Photostat in S . C. U . F . BuUen, Ripley P. 1958 Six Sites near the Chattahoochee River in the Jim Woodruff Resevoir Area, Florida Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 169 (River Bcisin Survey Papers #14):31 5-357 Canzo, Menendez de 1 600 Manuscript , A . G . I . , 54-5-9 (Governor Menendez de Canzo to the Spanish Crown. Jan. 12, 1600) Microfilm, Lowery Collection, University of Florida Canzo, Menendez de 1598 Manuscript , A.G.I. , 54-5-9 (Governor Menendez de Canzo to the Spanish Crown. Feb. 24, 1598) Microfilm, Lowery Collection, Reel 4. University of Florida Canzo, Menendez de 1601 Manuscript , A.G.I., 54-5-9 (Governor Menendez de Canzo to the Crown of Spain. April 24, 1601) Microfilm, Lowery Collection, University of Florida Cerda, J. 1701 Manuscript , A.G.I. , 58-1-27/28 (J. Cerda to Crown of Spain, Nov. 15, 1701) Photostat in S . C . U . F . Chance, Marsha ms. A Study of the South Foundation SA-16-23 St. Augustine, Florida on file University of Florida Anthropology Laboratory

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156 ChapUn, Raymond E. 1971 The Stxidy of Animal Bones Prom Archeological Sites New York, Seminar Press Chatelaine, Verne 1941 The Defenses of Spanish Rorida 1565-1763 Carnegie Institute of Washington Publication #51 1 Contaduria 1616 Manuscript , Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board Calendar Cards Contaduria of 1616 (Situado itenns to St. Augustine, 1616) Contaduria 1718 Manuscript , A.G.I. , Contaduria 961 , Documents (Report of Items sent to the Florida Colony, 1718) Translation by Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board, St. Augustine Contaduria 1721 Manuscript , A.G.I. , Contaduria 961, Document 1 (Report of requests for supplies, St. Augustine) Translation by Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board, St, Augustine Contaduria 1751 Manuscript , A.G.I., Contaduria 922a, Document 7 (Report of items in St. Augustine storehouse) Translation by Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board, St. Augustine Corcoles y Martinez, Francisco de 1704 Manuscript , (Governor Francisco Corcoles y Martinez to the Spanish Crown. Sept. 12, 1704) in Brooks 1909:167-168 Covington, J. W. and A. F. Falcones 1963 Pirates, Indians and Spaniards; Father Fscobedo's "La Florida" St. Petersburg, Great Outdoors Publishing Co. Davis, Frederick ms. History of the Orange in the Floridian Peninsula (1936) P. K. Yonge Library of Florida History, Gainesville Deagan, Kathleen A. 1972 Fig Springs: The Mid Seventeenth Century in Florida Historical Archeology, 1972:23-46

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157 Deagan, Kathleen 1972 Pipestems: Drug Jars: The Colonial Middle Class in 18th Century Georgia National Park Service Report on File: Tallahassee, Southeeistem Center Deagcin, Kathleen A, 1974 Mesttzaje in Colonial St. Augustine Ethnohistory VoL 18 Deagan, Kathleen A. n.d. Assimilation and Fusion in a Changing Culture: The Eastern Timucua in Proctor and Milanich (eds.) Historic Indians of the Southeast Gainesville, University of Florida Press DeJarnette, David and Asael T. Hansen 1960 The Archeology of the Childersburg Site, Alabama Florida State University Notes in Anthropology #4 Doctrineros 1728 Manuscript , A.G.I., 58-2-16/22 (Census of Doctrineros, St. Augustine, Florida. Sept. 1, 1728). Photostat in S.C.U.F. Dobyns, Henry 1963 An Outline of Andean Epidemic History to 1720 Bulletin of the History of Medicine 37 (6):493-515 Dunkle, John R. 1958 Population Change as an Element in the Historical Geography of St. Augustine Rorida Historical Quarterly 37 (1):3-32 Fairbanks, Charles H. 1957 Ethnohistorical Report of the Florida Indians Unpublished Manuscript: Before the Indians Claims Commission Docket 73, 151 Fairbcinks, Charles H. 1972 Backyard Archeology in St. Augustine, Florida Paper presented at 5 th Annual Meeting of Society for Historical Archeology Tallahassee, Rorida

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158 Fairbanks, George 1881 History and Anbiquities of St. Augustine, Rorida Jacksonville, Ra. H. Drew Co. Ferguson, Leland 1973 Analysis of Ceramic Materials from Fort Watson, S.C. Dec. 1780-AprU 1781 Paper presented at 1 4th Annual Conference on Historic Sites Archeology Memphis, Tenn. Rannery, Kent V. 1967 Culture History vs. Culture Process: A Debate in American Archeology Scientific American 21 7 (2): 1 1 9-1 22 Foster, George 1960 Culture and Conquest Viking Fund Publicabions in Anthropology #27 Franciscans of Rorida 1722 Manuscript , A.G.I. , 58-1-30/95 (Franciscan Provincial to the Crown of Spain, Dec. 28, 1722) Photostat in S . C . U . F . Freyre, Gil be r to 1964 The Masters and the Slaves (Abridges from the 2nd English Edition) New York, Knopf Gannon, Michael V. 1965 The Cross in the Sand Gainesville, University of Rorida Press Gatschet, Albert S. • 1878 The Timucua Language Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society Vol. 17:490-504 (Seiger, Maynard 1939 The Franciscan Conquest of Rorida Studies in Hispanic-American History Vol . I Wcishington

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159 Geiger, Maynard 1940 Biographical Dictionary of the Franciscans in SF>anish Rorida and Cuba (1528-1841) Frcinciscan Studies , 21 Paterson, N. J. Goggin, John M. 1951 Fort Pupo — ^A Spanish Frontier Outpost Florida Historical Quarterly 30 (2): 139-1 92 Goggin, John M. 1952 Space and Time Perspective in Northern St. Johns Archeology Yale University Publications in Anthropology #47 Goggin, John M. 1953 An Introductory Outline of Timucua Archeology Newsletter: Southeastern Archeological Conference 3:3 Goggin, John M. 1960 The Spanish Olive Jar: An Introductory Study Yale University Publications in Anthropology #62 Goggin, John M. 1968 Majolica in the New World Yale University Publications in Anthropology #72 Gregory, Hiram A. and Clarence Webb 1955 European Trade Beads from Six Sites in Natchitoches Parish, Louisiana Rorida Anthropologist 28 (3) (part 2): 15-44 Guerra, Francisco de la 1673 Manuscript , A.G.I. , 54-5-20/48 (Frey Francisco de la Guerra to the Spanish Crown. Oct. 20, 1673) Photostat in S.C.U.F. Hacklyut, Richard 1903 The Principle Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation Vol. 8-9 (1600) Glasgow, Jsimes Maclehose Hamnan, Joyce 1969 Trade and Privateering in Spanish Rorida 1732-1763 St. Augustine Historical Society Publication

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160 Harper f Frances (ed.) 1942 John Bartram's Diary oF a Journey Through the Carolinas, Georgia and Florida from July 1, 1765 to April 10, 1766 Philadelphia Harrington, J. C. 1954 Dating Stem Fragments of Seventeenth and Eighteenth Century Clay Tobacco Pipes Quarterly Bulletin of the Archeological Society of Virginia ~ 9(1) Heighten, Robert and Kathleen Deagan 1972 A New Formula for Dating Kaolin Clay Pipestems Conference on Historic Sites Archeology Papers Vol . 6 Hemmings, E. Thomas and Kathleen Deagan 1973 Excavations on Amelia Island in Northeast Rorida Florida State Museum Contributions to Anthropology and History #18 Jeffries, Thomas 1762 A Description of the Spanish Islands and Settlements on the Coast of the West Indies. . .and Illustrated Chiefly from Original Drawings Taken from the Spaniards in the Last War London Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board n.d. Preliminary Cartographic Survey of Block 16, St. Augustine St, Augustine, Florida Kidd, Kenneth and M. A. Kidd 1970 A Classification System for Glass Beads for the Use of Field Archeologists Canadian Historic Sites Occasional Papers in Archeology and History #1 Kleindeist, Maxine R. and Patty Jo Watson 1956 "Action Archeology": The Archeological Inventory of a Living Community Anthropology TonDorrow 5:75-78 Longacre, William A. 1963 Archeology as Anthropology: A Case Study Science 144:1454-1455

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161 MacMurray, Carl D. n.d. Backyard Archeology in St. Augustine M.A. Thesis in Progress. University of Florida Gainesville MacMurray, Judith A. 1973 The Definition of the Ceramic Complex at San Juan del Puerto Mcister of Arts Thesis, University of Florida Gainesville MacNeish, Richard, Antoinette Nelken-Temer and Irmgard W. Johnson 1967 Nonceramic Artifacts The Prehistory of the Tehuacan Valley Vol. 2 Austin, University of Texas Press Manucy, Albert 1962 The Houses of St. Augustine The St. Augustine Historical Society Publication Manuel, Chief of Asile 1656 Manuscript , A.G.I., Escribania de Camara, legajo 155, Folios 380-383 (Manuel, Chief of Asile to Governor of Florida, accompanied by a Spanish Translation certified by Fr. Alonso Escudero. Dec. 9, 1656). Photostat in National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution nns. #2446f Mark, Robert F. 1968 Clay Smoking Pipes Recovered from the Surken City of Port Royal, May 1, 1966-Sept. 30, 1967 Unpublished report Jamaica National Trust Comnnission Kingston Menendez, Pedro de Aviles 1566 Manuscript , A.G.I. , 54-1-51/167 (Governor Pedro Menendez de Aviles to the Spanish Crown. Oct. 20, 1566). Photostat in S.C.U.F. Milanich, Jerald n.d. The Western Timucua in Proctor and Milanich (eds.) Historic Indians of the Southeast Gainesville, University of Florida Press (Forthconning)

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162 MUanich, Jerald T. and William C. Sturtevant 1972 Francisco Pareja's 1613 Confessionario Tallahassee, Division of Archives, History and Records Management Moore, C. B. 1894 Certain Sand Mocinds of the St. Johns River, Rorida Journal of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia Vol. 10:5-105; 129-246 Momer, Magnus 1970 Race Mixture in the History of Latin America Boston, Little, Brown and Co. Moya, Emile de Boyrie, Marguerita Kristensen and John Goggin 1957 Zamia Starch in Santo Domingo Florida Anthropologist 10 (3-4); 17-40 Neuman, Robert K. 1961 Domesticated Corn from a Fort Walton Site in Houston County, Alabama Rorida Anthropologist XIV (3-4):75-80 Noel-Hume 1969 Glass in Colonial Williamsburg's Archeological Collections Williamsburg, Va. Noel -Hume, Ivor 1970 A Guide to Artifacts of Colonial America New York, Knopf Noel-Hume, Ivor 1972 The Who, What, When and Where of English Creamware Plate Design Antiques February:350-355 Noel-Hume, Ivor 1973 Creamware to Pearlware: A Williamsburg Perspective in Quimby (ed.) Ceramics in America pp. 217-254 Charlottesville, University of Virginia Press Olsen, Stcinley 1963 Dating Early Plain Buttons by Their Form American Antiquity 28 (4):551-553

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163 Omwake, H. G. 1965 White Kaolin Pipe Bowls and Stenn Fragments in Smith, Archeological Excavations at Santa Rosa Pensacola pp. 42-52 Florida State University Notes in Anthropology Vol. 10 Otto, John Solomon and Russell Lewis n.d. A Formal and Functional Analysis of San Marcos Pottery Bureau of Historic Sites and Properties , Florida Department oF State Bulletin (Forthcoming) Tallahassee, Florida Phillip II (of Spain) 1593 Manuscript , A.G.I. , 86-5-19 (Royal Cedula to the Governor of Florida. Oct. 2, 1593) Photostat in S.C.U.F. Phillip II (of Spain) 1660 Manuscript , A.G.I. , 54-5-10/87 (Royal Cedula to Governor of Florida. Feb. 26, 1660) Photostat in S.C.U.F. Phillip V(of Spain) 1714 Manuscript , A.G.I., 58-1-23/494 (Royal Cedula of Spain to Governor Francisco de Corcoles y Martinez. Sept. 26, 1714) Photostat in S . C . U . F . Ponce de Leon, Nicholas 1664 Manuscript, A.G.I. , 54-5-10/95 (Letter of Nicholas Ponce de Leon to the Spanish Crown. Feb. 9, 1664) Photostat in S.C.U.F. Puente, Jose Eligio 1763 Piano de la Real Fuerza, Baluarte, y Linea de la Plaza de San Agustin de Florida in Buckingham Smith Collection Reel 2 (microfilnn) University of Florida Purdy, Barbara A. and F. N. Blanchard ms. Petrographic Analysis of the Structure of Florida Chert Florida Anthropologist (Forthcoming)

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164 Ramirez, Juan 1622 Manuscript , A.G.I. , 54-5-17/88 (Juan Ramirez to the Crown of Spain. April 24, 1622) Photostat in S.C.U.F. Randall, Mark E. . . 1971 Early Marbles Historical Archeology Vol. 5:102-105 Ribault, Jean 1964 The Whole and True Discoverye of Terra Florida (1563) Gainesville, University of Florida Press Roque, Mariano de la 1788 (Reports on the Condition of Crown Property. Dec. 31, 1788) Manuscript , East Rorida Papers 2023 with Map: Piano de la Ciudad de Sn. Agustin de la Rorida, 1884 (2068) Gainesville, Florida Roth, Rodris 1966 Tea Drinking in 18th Century America: Its Etiquette and Equipage r^ontrihutions f r om thfi Miispiim nf His|-nrv and Technology #14 St. Augustine Historical Society n.d. Parish Records of the Cathedral of St. Augustine 1574-1763 St, Augustine, Florida Salazar, Pable de Hita 1675 Manuscript , A.G.I., 58-1-26/38 (Gov. Pable de Hita Salazar to the Spanish Crown. August 24, 1675) Photostat in S.C.U.F. Seaberg, Lillian 1955 Spaniard and Indian in Central Florida Unpublished M.A. Thesis University of Florida Seaberg, Lillian ms. Preliminary Excavations at the Fountain of Youth Site on File, University of Florida Anthropology Laboratory

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165 Seeurs, WilUam 1954 The Socio-Political Organization of the Pre-Columbian Cultures on the Gulf Coast Plain American Anthropologist 56 (3):339-345 Serrano y Sanz, Manuel (ed.) 1 91 3 Documentos de la Florida y la Luisiana , Siglos XVI al XVIII Madrid Libreria General de Victorian© Suarez Service, Elman 1955 Indian-European Relations in Colonial Latin America American Anthropologist 57:411 Smith, Hale G. 1948 Two Historical Archeological Periods in Florida American Antiquity XIII (4) Smith, Hale G. 1956 The European and the Indian Florida Anthropological Society Publication #4 Smith, Hale G. 1962 El Morro Florida State University Notes in Anthropology Vol . 6 Smith, Hale G. 1965 Archeological Excavations at Santa Rosa Pensacola Florida State University Notes in Anthropology Vol . 1 Social Sciences Research Council 1954 Acculturation: An Explanatory Formulation American Anthropologist 56:973-1002 Solcina, Juan Jose 1758 Manuscript , A.G.I. , 86-6-6/12 (Juan Jose Solana to the Spanish Crown. Dec. 9, 1758) Photostat in S. C. U. F. Solana, Juan Jose 1760 Manuscript , A.G.I., 86-7-21/41 (Report of Juan Jose Solana to the Spanish Crown Concerning Conditions in St, Augustine. April 9, 1760) Photostat in S.C.U.F,

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166 South, Stanley 1964 An Analysis of the Buttons from Brunswick Town and Fort Fisher Rorida Anthropologist 27 (2): 11 3-1 33 South, Stanley 1972 E\A5lution and Horizon as Revealed in Ceramic Analysis in Historic Archeology Conference on Historic Sites Archeology Papers Vol. 6 South, Stanley 1974 Evaluation of Analysis Situations Relative to the Archeological Data Bank Paper Presented at 14th Annual Conference on Historic Site Archeology Memphis, Tennessee Spicer, Edward 1958 Social Structure and the Acculturation Process American Anthropologist 60:433 Spicer, Edward 1960 Cycles of Conquest Tucson, University of Arizona Press Spicer, Edward 1961 Types of Contact and Processes of Change in Spicer (ed.) Perspectives in American Indian Culture Change pp. 517-544 Chicago, University of Chicago Press Sturtevant, William C. 1962 SpanishIndian Relations in Southeastern North America Ethnohistory 9 (1);41 Swanton, John R, 1922 The Early History of the Creek Indians and Their Neighbors Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin #72 Swanton, John R. 1946 Indians of the Southeastern United States Bureau of Americcin Ethnology Bulletin #137

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167 Tebeau, Charles 1971 A History oF Florida Miami, University of Miami Press Tepaske, John J. 1969 The Governorship oF Spanish Rorida 170O-1763 Curham, Duke University Press Thomson, Sir Arthur L. 1964 A New Dictionary oF Birds New York, McGraw-Hill UFAL University oF Florida Anthropology Laboratory Notes and Collections Gainesville Valdes, Juan 1729 Manuscript , A.G.I., 58-2-16/25 (Juan Valdes, Bishop oF Cuba to the Spanish Crown. Jan. 14, 1729) Photostat in S.C.U.F. • • Walker, Iain C . 1971 An Archeological Study oF Clay Pipes From the King's Bastion, Fortress oF Louisberg Canadian Historic Sites Occasional Papers in Archeology and History #2:55-122 Watson, Patty Jo, Steven LeBlanc and Charles Redman 1971 Explanation in Archeology New York, Columbia University Press Wenhold, Lucy 1936 A 17th Century Letter oF Gabriel Diaz Vara de Calderon, Bishop oF Cuba Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 95 (16) WitthoFt, John 1966 A History oF GunFlints Pennsylvania Archeologist 26 (1-2) Zubillaga, Felix (ed.) 1946 Monumenta Antiquae Roridae (1566-1572) Monumenta Historica Societatis lesu 69

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168 Zuniga, Joseph de 1702 Manuscript , A.G.I. , 58-2-8 (Governor Joseph de Zuniga to the Spanish Crown. htov. 10, 1702) Photostat in S.C.U.F.

PAGE 179

APPENDIX I

PAGE 180

APPENDIX II Dating the Site; Pipestem Dating Formulcis The use of white clay pipestems as a dating tool for historical archeologists has been developed over the laist two decades by Harrington (1954), Binford (1962), Heighten and Deagan (1972) and others. Based on Harrington's original observation that the borehole diameter of these pipes decreased over time (from ca. 1600 to ca. 1800), mathennatical formulas have been developed which, when applied to the pipestem sample from a site, will produce a mean date for the site. The Binford Formula, a straight-line regression based on Harrington's original (unpublished) data; and also the Heighton-Deagan formula, which dei^cribes a decay curve which was constructed on the basis of data from sites (including Harrington's published data) will be applied to the sample from SA-16-23. This will act not only as an aid to dating the site, but will also provide a test fok? these dating formulas. Stem Data from SA-16-23 — All Proveniences Diameter

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171 The Binford Formula Y = 1931. 85-38. 26x Y = mean site date x = mean stem diameter for site's total stem sample Y = 1754.32 for site's closed provenience stem sample Y = 1752.79 The Heighton-Deagan Formula X = -log Y + 1 .04435 Date = 1 600 + 22X :5342 Y = mean, stem diameter X = 7,07 for site's total stem sample Y = 1755.54 for site's closed provenience stem sample Y = 1754 (X = 7.00) Discussion The :dates produced by the pipestem dating formulas are somewhat later than those produced by South's mean ceramic date formula, and also somewhat later than the suggested midpoint of site occupation tjy documentary sources. As it would be expected, the dates for the site, using the entire stem sample (211), was later than the date using only the sample from closed proveniences. Two reasons for the late pipestem dates may be suggested: 1 . Size of the sample — the number of pipes from closed proveniences WcLs only 53, which could have skewed the results. It is the opinion of this study, as well as Heighten and Deagan (1972) that 100 stems is the minimum, statistically valid sample. 2. The test is based on the bore diameters of British, Dutch, and probably some Spanish pipestems. All previous bore-diameter dating research has been done on British pipes only, cind nothing is known of the relationship with time of Dutch or Spanish pipe bore holes. This, plus the added factor of the very small sample, could well have distorted the true pipestem date for the site.

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APPENDIX III Olive Green Wine Bottle Measurement Data Kickup Height 5.8 centimeters 4.0 centimeters 3.2 centimeters 4.1 centimeters 3,0 centimeters 3.3 centimeters 3.8 centimeters 3.4 centimeters 3.2 centimeters 11 .-17, too fragmentary for measurements Mean base diameter = 8.95 centimeters Mean kickup height = 3.75 centimeters Mean glass thickness = 5.33 centimeters Bases

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173 Case Bottle Data Bases Diameter 1. 7 centimeters 2. 8 centimeters 3. 8 centimeters 4. 7 centimeters Mean Base Diameter 7, 5 centimeters sqxiare

PAGE 184

APPENDIX IV Results of Petrographic Thin Section Analysis by F. N. Blanchard fiM'^^ im^a^f^ .VtiWttiii^tolftirfil 'atunmii Jl-'iiTT ""^ 'HriMfitrii-"'"rii>-*f SA 16 23 92 Picture Description ; a. Cross Polars (lOx objective) b. Plain Light (lOx) Thin Section Description ; Microcrystalline quartz, . 002 to . 61 mm. Plain light section looks "pock-marked". Pocks might be replaced microfossils. Minor fibrous quartz. Minor carbonate relicts. Some elongate "ghosts". 174

PAGE 185

175 Las*4w^ pi^mnpayipt— »y» w i jini i .«miiwi i
PAGE 186

176 Wjer^nannRr J 1. 'v< ,>v^:.: J ' II iiiiiiiiiii«ntfi%r1tiri^*'' m\i\,\-m^ 1 i

PAGE 187

177 ' J » * :-. I r4J.i'^4f?l 1% >B*iaiBMia-rti"i»ii"ii-'i': * f ' I ! I 11 1 ' * ' ii "T i— II I n i TT aA^^icQ SA-16-23-103 Picture Descriptions : a. Cross Polars (lOx objective) b. Plain light (lOx objective^ Thin Section Description : Silicified Coral. Microcrystalline quartz ,003 or less, up to .01 mm. Fibrous quartz (chalcedonic) about .01 to .06 mm. There is considerable diffuculty in assigning this coral a preor post-Eocene date.

PAGE 188

178 "^arii^aaa^i.;..i.&i^ Vi SA-16-23-38 Picture Description; a. Cross Polars (lOx objective) b. Plain Light (lOx objective) Thin Section Description ; Dirty Chert. .003 to .01 nnm. microcrystalline qviartz. Black patches, probably organic in structure; possibly relict microfossils. Chalcedonic quartz in some areas -minor. Some elongate "ghosts". Polygonal fractures. Some yellow-brown patches.

PAGE 189

FIGURES

PAGE 190

180 The Puente Map Northwest portion of "Plsino de la R. Fuerza Baluartes etc."

PAGE 191

181 De la Cruz Lot FIGURE 2 The Jeffries Map r 1 60 ft. or one furlong

PAGE 192

1972 Excavatiaji • • • • 1973 Excavation 1 u 2 meters" 1 Wall Trench I 1 182 North House Foundations WeVi^ t ••••••• n '^'ell Kitchen Foundation I iouth Hous 'oundation IFIGURE 3 Excavation Plan and Foundation at SA-16-23

PAGE 193

183 : i r>^\ ^' I H ^j. I i «iii. i! ff.i p .4 i w Miiimui wwBawpfW^JBJWiwwwwwwPgip^^ /L ^^ 1^ '4 FIGURE 4 VJater Disposal Technique at SA-16-23

PAGE 194

184 Fea. 3 Wall 1 meter A FIGURE 6 Map of the Kitchen Are

PAGE 195

coco fHOO CNJ r-i + 185 w Pi o to c •o •H +* 3 O £ P u o z o c o H^ +> ;^ o 1^ o ^4 0)

PAGE 196

186 N A : 3^ I 1 + a.Q36 1 meter clay concentrations , 212N —j-f197E Feature 3 'Aall FIGURE 7 Kap of the Courtyard Area

PAGE 197

187 r.'ILWIIWI lia(UI> ^. •^ ^ l
PAGE 198

Colonial Grade 188 Exterior FIGURE 9 Profile of Barrel Well

PAGE 199

HiPfflMUIpMllll '. II JI.IILl.L JJIWU-LI! / t: n-ii. <... .aJr;.j»Jf--..^,yp^lp-jj.^^ . .^^i^ ^l...._..^.i , f' rV 189 FIGURE 10a Excavation of Barrel '.veil B»^^^PB|pp|pS»r f.>»»| i .tJiv.^ iT H..' « . x. ii P.ii KVii.v varrv^ "M^JIJV^IUU'il^ ^"~ liiBA. 1 1 II rniiiiliMMiiiiiaejilitg FIGURE 10b Staves from Barrel .Well

PAGE 200

JiL ^ 2^ 190 A ^ 1 A -Zone I (Modem) B-Zone II C-Sterile Well Pit Fill D-Sterile Sand E-Top of Well F-Coquina Well Casing G-Wooden Barrel Meters B -E ^-i^h-i rICTlJlXI FIGURE 11 Profile of Coquina v;ell

PAGE 201

191 centirnctcrt FIGURE 12 San Marcos Stamped Sherds

PAGE 202

192 ccntimetart FIGURE 13 Spanish Utilitarian Earthenware

PAGE 203

193 cenhrneters FIGURE 1^ Handles from Selh Marcos Vessels

PAGE 204

19^ wpsmtm>''h**itsm-'J^^' centimeters J FIGURE 15 San Karcos Ceramics Exhibiting European Influence

PAGE 205

195 -.5r> tcnlir.iotOf* FIGURE 16 Non-ceramic Food Preparation Equipment left; sherd griddle fragment right; basalt metate fragment

PAGE 206

196 yr^^^im:-^\ 4 ^ ana cenrir.ieters FIGURE 17 Sherd Ibises, Marbles and Child's Thimble

PAGE 207

197 cenlimelars FIGURE 18 Iron Hinge and Iron Spike

PAGE 208

198 centimeters : •tt FIGURE 19 Iron Key and Brass Hardware

PAGE 209

FIGURE 20 199 centimeters Gunflints and Gunspalls

PAGE 210

200 centimeters >i«a FIGURE 21 Brass Gun Hardware

PAGE 211

201 centimeters 'Y 5 7 _J FIGURE 22 Vrtiite Clay Pipe Fragments

PAGE 212

202 1 centimeters FIGURE 23 V^omen's Craft Items

PAGE 213

203 |p p .^ |i l.l i ,, . WWWKJM>A* W» 'l«JWgi^^ " r^=— • * -'V ; jtJtmLiStu^mtivim^.-n'utid FIGURE 24 Beads from Closed Proveniences (see Table 4)

PAGE 214

FIGURE 25 20^ ^<. lO centimeters Buttons from Closed Proveniences

PAGE 215

205 centimeters _i FIGURE 26 Metal Buckles

PAGE 216

206 umi. ..'i .imiiy eta *, — >^ . I ill centimeters FIGURE 27 E'bony Fip:a Amulet

PAGE 217

20? u o 3 a w o B o u o >O Oh CO •H 13 W m Q 0) o a. CO CO 0) > CD o COl o l-l

PAGE 218

208 cvntimefers FIGURE 29 Majolica Sherds left to right (top to bottom) « Puebla Blue-on-V;hite , San Luis Polychrome , San Aug^stin Blue-on-V.hite ; Puebla Polychrome , San Luis Polychrome , Unnamed green, pinJc, and white; brown on white ^\

PAGE 219

209 centimeters FIGURE 30 Delftware Sherds

PAGE 220

210 u_ FIGURE 31 Slip-Decorated Earthenware Sherds

PAGE 221

211 FIGURE 32 Creamware Sherds

PAGE 222

212 (eniiDCtcri FIGURE 33 Refined Earthenware Sherds a. Agateware; b. Jackfield; c. Astbury ware; d. White Salt-Glazed Stoneware

PAGE 223

213 centimeters FIGURE 3^ Blue and ^Vhite Chinese Porcelain

PAGE 224

2U r ^ipj^ i m.M^ ii . ii iiiTwiwinirfiM ii'irfltl ^ /: c . n< |i»r r .^ centimeters Hail I r-|fr -'-''-'' I' '-"'^ FIGURE 35 Ornamental Glass

PAGE 225

215 ^U''v.„-:ji . ^Jl't^:>r . FIGURE 36 Tableware Glass

PAGE 226

216 centimeters glWUi«aidMiifiiM> '"'n cenlimelert FIGURE 37 Olive Green Glass Bottles

PAGE 227

217 .C tJ«iauj!|ua3 ' '\.£:^ at (0 CQ at •H O C 2 ?2 w o •^•""'TTiTiii iii>-iiii>wriTii-SH^*

PAGE 228

218 FIGURE ^ Q Mexican Thick Knee (Burhinus bistriatus) (arter Thompson 1964j75)

PAGE 229

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Kathleen A. Deagan was born on September 15, 1948, in Norfolk, Virginia. She attended High School at the Academy of Our Lady of Guam, and received a B.A. in Anthropology from the University of Florida in March, 1970. She received a Ph. D. fronn the University of Florida in June of 1974, after carrying out archeological and historical research in Florida and Georgia. 2l9

PAGE 230

I certify that I have read this study and that in ny opinion it conforms to aco^atable standards of scholarly presentatiofi and is fully adequate, in soc^ and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Professor of Anthropology I certify that I have read this study and that in ity opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Pa Professor of An I certify that I have read this study and that in iry opinion it ocnforms to acceptable stand ard^' of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in sccpe and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosof^y. i 'lAiim^ A. Nujiez / Associate Professor of An' I certify that I have read this study and that in my conforms to acoepatable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. E. Thdnas Henrnings Y Assistant Curator ot Social Scienoes, Florida State Museim

PAGE 231

I oerti:fy that I have read this stvxJy and that in ny opinion it oonfbmis to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Miqhael V. Gannon Associate Professor of Religion TJiis dissertation was sxianitted to the Department of Anthropology in the Cbllege of Arts & Sciences and to the Graduate Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. June, 1974 Dean,