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John A. Logan:

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Title:
John A. Logan: politician and soldier
Creator:
Jones, James Pickett
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Copyright Date:
1960
Language:
English
Physical Description:
v, 549 leaves. ; 28 cm.

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Subjects / Keywords:
Artillery ( jstor )
Civil wars ( jstor )
Counties ( jstor )
Political parties ( jstor )
Political speeches ( jstor )
Reminiscences ( jstor )
Slavery ( jstor )
Soldiers ( jstor )
Voting ( jstor )
War ( jstor )
Dissertations, Academic -- History -- UF ( lcsh )
History thesis Ph. D ( lcsh )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis--University of Florida.
Bibliography:
Bibliography: leaves 533-548.
General Note:
Manuscript copy.
General Note:
Vita.

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University of Florida
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University of Florida
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Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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ACY4852 ( NOTIS )

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JOHN A. LOGAN: POLITICIAN AND SOLDIER














By

JAMES P. JONES


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY














UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
January, 1960










PREFACE


One of the most interesting political and military

figures of the Civil War was General John A. Logan of

Illinois. "Black Jack" Logan, a Democratic congressman

before the war, left that party after Appomattox and from

1866 until his death twenty years later was a leading

Republican. This study traces Logan's change of party and

its effect on his native state.

"John A. Logan, Politician and Soldier," also deals

with Logan as a military commander. Unlike most Union

political soldiers, Logan was a success on the battlefield.

Ulysses S. Grant, James G. Blaine, and Rutherford B. Hayes

called him the ablest non-professional soldier the war

produced, an opinion shared by many.

Biographical material on this colorful and signi-

ficant figure is almost non-existent. The last life of

Logan, written by a close friend, was published in 1887

and leaves a distorted picture of Logan's place in the

events of those critical years. All other biographies,

especially the one by his wife, are equally misleading.

This study was undertaken to present what I hope

will be a clearer view of Logan's career during the Civil

War era. Since he was so much a product of his section of

Illinois I have devoted two chapters to Logan's early life










and his state and local political career. This material

serves as a prologue to Logan's appearance on the national

scene. The bulk of this study traces "Black Jack's" life

from 1859 to 1867 and its place in the events which filled

those crowded years. It is hoped that this narrative will

fill an important Civil War biographical gap.

No writer can hope to "ckn led -e all those who

assisted in the preparation of a manuscript. He can simply

recognize those who have been most helpful. I would like to

acknowledge my particular indebtedness to Dr. William E.

Baringer, my doctoral chairman, for actions far beyond the

call of duty. He has been a constant source of help in a

multitude of '.ays. I should also liko to thank the other

members of my doctoral committee for their assistance.

There are several institutions I must recognize for

their invaluable contributions to this study. The staff of

the Manuscriots Division of the Library of Congress was

especially helpful in making available the extensive Logan

collections. The staff of the Illinois Scate Historical

Library -.as also of great aid in supplying materials. I

would like especially to acknowledge the kind assistance of

Miss .3r- res Flint and Mr. -. 4. Vetherbee of that insti-

tution. Lastly I would like to thank the staff of The

Florida State University's inter-library loan division under

Miss -ic Bird. Tueir indef '.i -ble assistance made the










libraries of the world my research library.

In conclusion I would like to thank my wife Berlin

for her assistance and her inexhaustible patience.












TABLE OF CONTENTS


Page

PREFACE . . . . . . . . . . ii

Chapter

I. THE YOUNG EGYPTIAN. . . . . . 1

II. SPRINGFIELD AND MARY. . . . . ... 31

III. DIRTY WORK IN ;A Hl'r.Tf.. . . . ... 72

IV. A PLAGUE ON BOTH YOUR HOUSE . . ..... 132

V. RALLY 'ROUND THE FLAGC . . . . . 176

VI. THE THIRTY-FIRST ITLINOIS . . . . 200

VII. MONOTONY IN MISSISSIPPI, TEDIUM? ITI
TENIIESSEE . . . . . . . . 255

VIII. HE.Il4G THEIR WAY. . . . . . . 286

IX. FORTY ROUND . . . . . . ... 336

X. F-AiKING THE DEVI,. . . . . .. 366

XI. THE YEAR OF JUBILO . . . . ... 427

XII. I VILL i.EVER AFrlLIATE. . . . . 487

BIB.IOGGRAPHY. . . . . . . . . .. 533

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE . . . . . . . . 549











CHAPTER I


THE YOUNG EGYPTIAN


Illinois is shaped like a giant flint arrowhead.

Its point thrusts deep into the South between the Mississippi

and Ohio Rivers. At its tip, the muddy Mississippi and the

slightly less tumid Ohio, merge in a great confluence.

Here North and South meet, and in the triangle of land at

the arrowhead's point, called "Egypt," the customs and

ideas of North and South were intricately interwoven.

John A. Logan was a product of this sectional intermingling.

Egypt runs from Alton and Vandalia on the north to

Cairo, standing with "one foot in the Mississippi and the

other in the Ohio" one hundred and thirty miles to the
1
South. The origin of the name "Egypt" is a matter of

debate. The delta-like nature of the area perhaps led

to comparisons with the Nile delta. Here were towns like

Karnak, Thebes and Cairo. There are other theories. One

holds that the region was named "Egypt" by its detractors,
2
because of its supposed intellectual backwardness. A

more widely accepted theory places the origin of the name

1
Baker Brownell, The Other Illinois, 3.
2
R. H. Thornton, An American Glossary, 283.











in the northern Illinois corn famine of 1830-1831. This

famine, caused by the "winter of theedeep snow," created a

food shortage in the northern counties and led countless

settlers South in a search for food, to the counties less

affected by the freeze. The biblical parallel with the

Genesis story of Joseph and his brothers came to mind, and

it became common to say, "'I am going down to Egypt.'" Some

authors discount all of the stories, holding that the actual

origin of the name is lost in the misty past.2

Whatever the origin, the name seems to have been in

common usage long before it entered written records, appar-

ently in the early 1850's.3 During the 1850's and 1860's,

the use of the name became so common that southern Illinois

was almost always referred to as "Egypt" in both the Illinois

and the national press. The name became so widely accepted

that the quotation marks disappeared in print.

Egypt has a long and colorful history. Its first

residents were Indians of the Illinois Confederation. The

first whites were the French who established forts and

missions along the rivers in the seventeenth and eighteenth

1
History of Morgan County, Illinois, W. F. Short
(ed.), 287; Egyptian Key, II, No. 6 (March, 1947), 31.
2
Brownell, on. cit., 5.

3Dictionary of American History, J. T. Adams (ed.),
II, 190.











centuries. They in turn were succeeded by the English after

the French and Indian War. Settlement was sparse, however,

until the American Revolution when Egypt's boom began.

American soldiers came first to expel the English and later

as settlers, lured westward by land bounties and the gentle

beauty of the terrain. Fur trappers and pioneers of all

kinds soon pushed into the region between the great rivers.

From the Northern states this human tide flowed down the

Ohio, to be joined by Southerners moving northward from

Virginia, Kentucky and Tennessee, or later, across the

river from Missouri, always looking for the prosperity the

region seemed to offer. The first four decades of inde-

pendence were years of steady growth in Southern Illinois.

The future of the section seemed limitless; its destiny as

the great exchange point between North and South was evident

to all.

In 1824 Dr. John Logan crossed the Mississippi into

this burgeoning land. A native of Ireland, he was brought to

the United States in the first decade of the nineteenth

century by his father, who sought to avoid the troubles of

1
In 1860 the Illinois Census revealed that the eleven
states that seceded in 1861 had contributed 94,475 natives
to the Illinois population. The three border slave states
of Kentucky, Maryland and Missouri had contributed 83,063.
Many, perhaps a majority of the immigrants settled in Egypt.
Eighth Census of the United States, 1860, 104-105.










his homeland. The family first settled at Ellicott Mills,

Maryland, but John soon joined the westward rush into the

Mississippi Valley, settling in .erry County, Misaouri.

John Logan studied medicine with his father. Although he

en-.r .d in various agricultural, business and political

ventures in the ;est, he never abandoned medical practice.

'hartly after his arrival in Missouri, the young

doctor ua-ried Miss Mary Barcune, the daughter of a prominent

French family of Cape Girardeau County, Missouri. r.hen this

union ended tragically in his wifet's early demise, Dr. Logan

left Missouri, and in 1P24 established his residence on the

Bit; Euddy River at Brownsville, a tiny hamlet serving as the

county seat of Jackson County, Illinois. At Brownsville,

Logan mtt Mi.s Elizabeth Jenkins, daughter of one of the

county's most influential families. Miss Jenkins was born

in North Carolina, and had moved with her family to Fouth

Carolina and Tennessee. Then, following the path of so

many residents of the slave states, her family crossed the

Ohio into Egypt. Her brother, Alexander, later Illinois

llieutenant-governor, was one of !gypt's most prominent

lawyers. Her father, a Jackson County farmer, later held
2
a colonel's commission in the Black Hawk W'ar.

1
Anoleton's Cyclonedia, 1086, 504; George W. Emrth,
A History of fonthern Illinois, III, 1148.
2
George Smith, Southern I inois, III, 1149.











After a brief courtship, Dr. Logan and Miss Jenkins

were married. Soon after the marriage, the doctor took his

bride to a new home a few miles up the Big Muddy from Browns-

ville. Here they settled on a 160 acre farm near the site

of the present town of Murphysboro.1 It was here that their

first child, John Alexander Logan, was born on February 9,

1826.2

Jack Logan's childhood was not typical of frontier

Illinois. He grew up in the comfortable two story frame

house in which he was born. This relative comfort was made

possible by his father's medical abilities, which gave Dr.

Logan a large practice in Jackson County. This income

was supplemented by that of the Logan farm, one of the

area's finest, in which the doctor took great interest.

He raised corn, fruit, horses, and cattle. One neighbor

later remembered: "The Logan homestead became a very

pleasant place to visit especially in apple and peach time....

The old gentleman [Dr. Logan] was a great lover of horse-

flesh and usually had some good stock."

1
Ibid.
2
George F. Dawson, The Life of John A. Logan, 2;
Byron Andrews, A Biography of General John A. Logan, 362;
Frederic L. Paxson, "John Alexander Logan," Dictionary
of American Biography, XI, 363-364.
3James Buel, The Standard Bearers, 304.

Daniel H. Brush, Growing Up in Southern Illinois, 62.










This kind, religious man also took an active part

in local politics as an ardent Democrat and follower of

Andrew Jackson. Young Jack found his home a center for all

the excitement of politics, and the Logan farm was a haven

for Methodist circuit riders invited by the devout doctor.

These dedicated men always stopped and preached at the Logan

house when chasing the devil in the county.

The Logan family enlarged. When Jack was two, a

boy named Thomas was born, to be followed by nine other

children. Jack roamed the quiet forests and streams of

the county. He saw spring made beautiful by the blooms on

his father's fruit trees, and sometimes disrupted by the

rising of the Big Muddy. In the fall he tramped the crimson

forests with his brothers, and accompanied his father when

he hunted the abundant geese and quail of the area.

The boy's life centered on the farm and revolved

around his father and his gracious but firm mother. There

was time, however, for an occasional excursion into Browns-

ville. This town of about 300 souls, with its tan yard,

salt works, and court house, was the metropolis of Jack
2
Logan's early life. Here he saw the yearly militia

muster, with its heavy drinking and inevitable fights.3

1
Dawson, op. cit., 3.
2
George Smith, Southern Illinois, I, 483.

History of Jackson County, Illinois, 22.










Here were held political demonstrations, at one of which

he heard his father speak in his first race for the state

assembly. At the conclusion of the campaign in 1834, the

eight year old grieved to hear that his father had lost to

James Harreld in the contest to succeed Alexander Jenkins

who was running for lieutenant-governor.1 Uncle Alexander's

victory partially compensated for his father's failure, and

the boy thrilled to hear that his uncle would go to Vandalia

to help run the state.

Brownsville also provided Jack's first schooling

away from the farm. His parents taught him as much as they

could. At seven he was sent to town, where classes were

held in the courthouse which served as court, school, and
2
church. Despite his father's desire that Jack be educated,

work on the farm took its share of the boy's time. This

was especially true after Dr. Logan's successful second

race for the assembly. In 1836 he won and in December

took his seat in Vandalia. This was his second protracted

absence from the farm. In 1832 he had enlisted as a surgeon

in Alexander Jenkins' company in the Black Hawk War, and

spent some time touring the countryside in search of the


1
Ibid., 17.
2
George Smith, Southern Illinois, I, 483.









1
Indians. Jack was then six; by 1836 he was ten and as

the eldest his father's absence gave him increased duties.

Jack began early to assume responsibility, for frequent

absences were not uncommon in a frontier doctor's family.

From Vandalia Dr. Logan wrote Jack and Tom telling them to

take good care of the colts, calves and sheep, and reminding

them to help their mother and help with their sisters.

Despite these duties, Jack Logan had time to sail

his homemade flatboat on the nearby Big Muddy. He learned

to play the fiddle, and became one of the best riders of

the neighborhood. Dan Brush recalled: "John in his early

life became an expert rider and was ever ready to ride a

race. I have witnessed races at the Logan tracks many

times when John, as a boy, was a rider of one of the

horses, and never saw him excelled."3 And there was the

business of the farm. He plowed, felled trees, and when

ordered by his father to run squirrels out of the corn, he

posted a notice on a tree: "'I give notice to all squirrels

to keep out of the cornfield. If they don't keep out they

1
Illinois Adjutant-General's Office. Record of
the Services of Illinois Soldiers in the Black Hawk War,
1831-32, and in the Mexican War, 1846-8, 36. Hereafter
cited as Illinois Adjutant-General's Report.
2
Dr. John Logan to John and Tom Logan, December
8, 1836, Dr. John Logan Mos., Illinois State Historical
Library, Springfield.

3Brush, op. cit., 62.










will be shot.'"' When the notice had no effect, Jack

returned with a gun to enforce the edict. Dr. Logan won

reelection in 1838 and 1840 and during the assembly sessions

became one of Egypt's most vocal spokesmen.2

While the doctor, like his contemporaries, felt that

children should work hard on the farm, his interest in their

education did not abate. An educated man himself, he hoped

to provide the best education the region offered. For some

time the best seemed to be that supplied by the string of

teachers in the Brownsville school Jack had attended since

he was seven. This was supplemented by reading and frequent

discussions of political and religious topics at home. At

a young age the boy espoused his father's political ideas,

as is normal, becoming an ardent Jacksonian Democrat.

1
Dawson, op. cit., 5.
2
In 1839 Dr. Logan was a member of the general
assembly when a new county was created out of Sangamon
County. The new county was: "Logan County...named by
Abraham Lincoln in honor of his friend, Dr. John Logan,
father of the famous soldier and statesman Gen. John A.
Logan....He was a member of the General Assembly which
passed the bill creating Logan County.... In the Tenth
General Assembly despite the fact that Dr. Logan was a Demo-
crat...he and Abraham Lincoln became close friends. When
Logan County was carved out of Sangamon no name having been
suggested by the settlers inhabiting the new county Mr.
Lincoln suggested the name of his friend Logan. As con-
vincing proof of the origin of the name the following item
appeared in the Sangamo Journal of Springfield, Ill. in its
issue of Feb. 16, 1839, the next day after the passage of
the bill creating Logan County: 'Logan County is named in
honor of Dr. John Logan, the present representative from
Jackson County.'" Lawrence B. Stringer, History of Logan
County, Illinois, I, 149-150.










The time arrived when a more advanced school was

required. In 1842, at sixteen, Jack together with his

brother Tom, was sent to Shiloh Academy at Shiloh Hill in

nearby Randolph County.1 The boys remained there for three

years, studying old subjects such as spelling, grammar and

arithmetic, and receiving their first instruction in Latin.

There was much time for diversion at the Academy,

and Jack seems; to have demonstrated his ability at public

speaking. He was among the best orators in the school,

speaking on such subjects as drunkenness, which he called

a "loathsome leprosy."2

Jack's diligence as a student is a matter of some

debate. Most of his biographers state that he excelled at

his studies and was among the best students in the school.3

One student of Logan's early life, however, states that "it

is doubtful if he [Logan] was a hard student."4 In later

life, Logan frequently referred to his rougish youth. In

a speech at Southern Illinois College in 1869 he said:

iDawson, on00. cit., 6-7; Andrews, op. cit., 367.

Ms. of a speech by John A. Logan, undated, Dr.
John Logan Mss.
3
Dawson, op. cit., 3; Andrews, ou. cit., 367;
Buel, op. cit., 310.

Joseph Wallace, A ;iography of John A. Logan, 4.
This is an unpublished biography of General Logan in the
Illinois State Historical Society Library, Springfield.










"I well remember in my boyhood days when the same number

of men and boys at my college in this country would have

been a terror to all hen coops, melon patches, apple and

peach orchards...without a picket fence, shot gun, and bull

dogs."I

For three years this combined learning and fun con-

tinued. In 1845 Dr. Logan decided to bring the boys home

to be educated with the rest of his expanding family. To

provide instruction, a private tutor, a frontier rarity,

was hired to teach the Logan children. The return of the

boys also put them back to work on the farm, home-grown

hired help made necessary by their father's expanding medical

practice. 2

These years, when the boys were at Shiloh, were

eventful ones for Jackson County. They returned from school

in 1843 to view the burned ruins of the Brownsville court-

house and see the twenty acre tract of land their father

donated to the county for its new courthouse.3 The transfer

of the county seat aroused considerable opposition. Dan

Brush, the most vocal Jackson County Whig, fought the move,

1
Ms. of a speech given by John A. Logan at Southern
Illinois College, June 25, 1869, J. A. Logan Mss., Library
of Congress.
2
Dawson, op. cit., 3.

3History of Jackson County, 17.










and called Dr. Logan a "bigoted incompetent."l On election

day, voters listened to speakers from both sides and voted

to accept Dr. Logan's offer and move the county seat. For

a time the new town was called Shieldsboro, but it was soon

changed to Murphysboro after a local politician." The new

courthouse quickly became the center of a cluster of buildings

which replaced Brownsville as the center of the county. One

of the new structures was a hotel built by Dr. Logan, who

seems to have profited by the change of county seat.3

Misfortune struck in 1844. One of the greatest

inundations in this land of annual floods hissed and swirled

up the Big Muddy partially covering the Logan farm.4 Further

disappointment was caused by Dr. Logan's defeat in his

attempt to regain the seat in the assembly he had given up

in 1842. The incumbent, R. A. Bradley, defeated him in a

close race.

The boys began to take a more active part in the

family's business while continuing their education. In

1
Brush, op. cit., 132.
2
History of Jackson County, 17.

3Apoleton's Cyclopedia, 1886, 504; Brush, op. cit.,
134.
4
History of Jackson County, 19.
5T. C. Pease (ed.), Illinois Election Returns,
1818-1848, 536.










1846, Jack, twenty, was entrusted with family business in

St. Louis, paying a $120 debt his father owed in that city.

But 1846 was a war year, and Jack thrilled to its

exciting events. The Mexican crisis which smoldered through

early 1846 burst into flame in May and war was declared.

The Democrats of the Mississippi Valley vigorously supported

President Polk's war policy, and young Egyptian., were urged

to enlist to vindicate "the honor and rights of your country,

and to repel from your soil a foreign foe."2

There were also thrilling events of a family nature.

The county election of 1846 swept Dr. Logan, a zealous war

Democrat, back into office and he returned to the assembly

as one of his section's leading spokesmen.

Jack, who now preferred to be called John, wanted

to join the rush to Mexico. His parents persuaded him to

remain at home until the doctor's campaign was over.

After his father's victory, John had to postpone his enlist-

ment until Dr. Logan returned from Springfield. Finally,

in the spring of 1847, John heard that a Jackson County

company was being formed. The slight but wiry John Logan,

who was so slender that he appeared consumptive to some,

1Dr. Logan to Mrs. Elizabeth Logan, December 10,
1846, Dr. Logan Mss.
2
Alton Telegraph and Democratic Review, May 30,
1846.









1
enlisted. James Hampton was elected Captain of the

company, and Logan and James Provost, a Jonesboro merchant,

were the candidates for lieutenant. Logan coveted the rank

and challenged his rival to a foot race, card game or fist

fight for the lieutenancy. The struggle was settled when

Provost was elected First Lieutenant and Logan, Second

Lieutenant.2

In May the company was ordered to march to the

rendezvous point at Alton to meet other companies of the

new regiment. Drums rolled, flags waved, tears and cheers

mingled with patriotic oratory as the recruits marched out

of Murphysboro. John was given stern orders by his father

to bear himself well, guard his health, and deport himself

like a God-fearing Christian. While his mother grieved,

his brothers and sisters proudly pointed to their officer

brother and boasted of what he would do to the Mexicans.

At Alton, Logan became a soldier. His enlistment

dated from May 9, when the Jackson County men, henceforth

Company H, were mustered into service. Ten days later,

on June 8, the entire regiment was mustered in and became

1
Buel, op. cit., 310.
2
2May Strong Hawkins, "The Early Political Career
of John A. Logan," 7, unpublished master's thesis, Univer-
sity of Chicago. This story was told to Miss Hawkins in
1934 by A. S. Tibbetts, editor of the Jonesboro Gazette;
Illinois Adjutant-General's Report. 222.










the First Regiment of Illinois Volunteers, commanded by
1
Colonel Edward W. B. Newby.

The men settled down to army life with its drills,

routine, and occasional illnesses caused by oppressive June
2
heat and change of food and water. As a second lieutenant,

John, who drew $65 a month, had his first command experience

at Alton and aided in preparing the 68 men of the company

for the trials ahead.3

Here he met young officers of other companies,

many of them from Egypt. There was First Lieutenant Isham

N. Haynie of Company C, and jovial Captain John M. Cun-

ningham, former sheriff of Williamson County, who led

Company B. Captain Cunningham found in Logan a kindred

spirit, full of fun, genial and adventurous. A cordial

relationship sprang up between Logan and the older man,

1
Illinois Adjutant-General's Report, 224. "The
Fifth Regiment which is officially known as the First
Regiment, Illinois Volunteers 'during the war' (the other
regiments having enlisted for twelve months), was called
out, under the requisition made by the Secretary of War
April 19, 1847, for six thousand more volunteers to serve
'during the war,' to take the place of those whose term
of enlistment was to expire. Of this call, but one regi-
ment was assigned to the State of Illinois, which was
organized June 8, 1847, at Alton, Illinois, by the election
of Colonel E. W. B. Newby as Colonel, Illinois Adjutant-
General's Report, xxx.
2
Alton Telegraph and Democratic Review, July 18,
1846.

3Ibid.

4Illinois Adjutant-General's Reoort, 208.









a friendship that grew during their war service. Of

course, there were always old friends like Lindorf Ozburn

and William Hampton, sergeant and corporal respectively in

Logan's Company H.

On June 14, the anxiously awaited marching orders

arrived, and the regiment boarded steamers for Fort Leaven-

worth. They sailed up the Missouri to the fort, where they

disembarked to prepare for their march across the Great

Plains to New Mexico. At Leavenworth the novelty of the

Missouri River voyage ended and the old routine of camp

life caught them again. The monotony was too much for

some, and Private Tilman Sipe deserted. Six other members

of the Company ended their brief army service at Leaven-

worth. Three died and three were discharged and returned

to Illinois, to the envy of many of their comrades.

Logan's friend "Doff" Ozburn indicated some of the

difficulty when, in the silence of a summer night, he told

his wife:

the Captain takes but little responsibility upon
himself which makes the other boys from the different
counties so hopeless in trying to do anything or make
any kind of a show, but I hope the day is not far
distant when John will be Captain of the company for

1
Mary 3. C. Logan, Reminiscences of a Soldier's Wife,
27. Hereafter cited as Reminiscences.
2
Illinois Adjutant-General's Reoort, 224.










he justly deserves the station. If John Logan was
out of the company I would pray to be at home but he
is the same John here that he is at home, he has
nothing but if I kneed [sic] it I get a share and
that without a murmer [sic].1

The prospect of a movement brightened spirits,

and the order to move out on July 7 was greeted with a

cheer. The regiment had been ordered to Santa Fe to occupy

that northernmost Mexican outpost, and to stand ready to

march South if needed as reinforcements. Their route lay

across the desolate expanse of the southern Great Plains.

For a time the line of march ran through beautiful prairie.

But after the Kansas River was left behind on July 10, the

country became a desolate, burned wasteland. John did what

he could to maintain order and keep spirits high, but the

monotonous scenery and the extreme summer heat brought

grumbling from men longing for the cool banks of the Ohio

and Mississippi. To some the novelty of this new land

wore off quickly. The prairie "for the first few days

had a most grand appearance, but the only one scene for

27 days gave me a disgust to a Prairie Country."2

There were variations, however, and John marveled

at the large herds of buffalo and ate buffalo meat and the

1
Lindorf Ozburn to Diza Ozburn, July 4, 1847,
Ozburn Mss., Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield.
2
Lindorf Ozburn to Diza Osburn, July 10, 1847,
Ozburn Mss.










wild plums he found along the banks of the Arkansas. There

was always a rush for any creek or spring along the line

of march and a majestic prairie thunderstorm was exciting

to the dusty marchers. In the midst of one of these storms,

the camp was startled to hear the sentinels' challenge

mingle with the storm's roar. John rose with the others

to discover a party of mounted men, led by Kit Carson,

bound for California, approaching their camp.

By August, John sweltered in the heat as the column

crossed the Cimarron and approached the edge of the Staked

Plains. They kept close watch for hostile Pawnees and

Comanches, whose territory they had entered, and on August

3, an excited trooper reported approaching Indians. The

regiment prepared for action, but the Indians proved to be

a large herd of antelope.2 On August 8, the column met

some teamsters returning from Santa Fe, who reported that

all .'as quiet in that city.

August was a trying month for the volunteers. Water

was scarce as many streams proved to be alkali beds. There

were also food shortages and constant fear of Indian attack.

But the heat was their greatest enemy. The sun rose early,

baked them all day, and set late, followed by chilling nights.3

1
Benjamin Wiley Diary, July 25, 1847, Wiley Diary
Mss., Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield.
2
Ibid., Aug. 3, 1847.
3
Ilary Logan, Reminiscences, 28.










As the men neared Santa Fe their situation improved.

In early September the extreme heat lessened and the hard

plains gave way to the streams and valleys of northern New

Mexico. At last on September 7, the regiment sighted Las

Vegas, the first town of any size they had seen in more than

a month, and they wearily marched into the mud hut village.1

Santa Fe was merely a resumption of the drudgery

of Alton and Leavenworth. For men who had struggled through

the hardships of the long march, a return to camp routine

with no prospect of action seemed dull indeed. Sergeant

Ozburn voiced the general feeling. "I am in hopes we will

not walk so far as we did, come home and say we have done

nothing...."2 Despite their wishes, Santa Fe seemed far

from the clash of arms they had expected. "All was quiet...

[There was] not a whisper of insurrection or the slightest

promise of a brush. That portion of Mexico seems to have

resigned itself to the rule of los Americanos."3

In October, reinforcements were needed to the south,

and Colonel Newby, leaving Lieutenant Colonel H. P. Boyakins

in command at Santa Fe, took half his force and began the

march to El Paso. Company H was one of the five companies

iWiley Diary, Sept. 7, 1847.
2
Lindorf Ozburn to Diza Ozburn, Oct. 20, 1847.

3Illinois State Register (Springfield), March 7,










left in Santa Fe, and John said good-bye to his friend

Captain Cunningham. John and the captain had complained

of their failure to come to grips with the Mexicans, and

at the older man's departure, John, though disappointed at

not being able to accompany him, congratulated Cunningham

and wished him the opportunity that had eluded them.1

After their comrades' departure, the rest settled

down to garrison duty with the bleak prospect of boredom and

disease until a peace treaty was signed. John had increased

duties to ea.se dull routine. He was named adjutant of the

post at Santa Fe at an extra ten dollars a month. The extra

duty came as recognition of the young lieutenant's popu-

larity and ability.2

John also busied himself by studying Spanish, a

language which seems to have lingered with him for the rest

of his life. In late October he was given a chance to

return to Illinois as recruiting officer to enlist enough

men to supply the Santa Fe garrison with replacements for

men lost to disease. John refused, much to "Doff" Ozburn's

dismay, since the sergeant hoped to accompany his friend

1
Mary Logan, Reminiscences, 28.
2
Ms. muster roll for Company 1H, Oct., 1847, Ozburn
Mss.
3
Dawson, op. cit., 3.










back to Egypt. Ozburn did not know the reason for Logan's

refusal but stated, "I suppose he wished to win laurels

on the field of battle."' John's letters of this period

indicate that the sergeant was correct. On November 5

John wrote his father that the prospect for a fight was

disappointingly remote. He told his father of the sickness

sweeping the troops in Santa Fe, but assured Dr. Logan
2
that he was healthy.

This condition was short-lived, and John Logan's

major battle of the Mexican dar was fought against disease.

During the winter of 1847-1848, the garrison suffered heavily

from measles and resulting complications. John contracted

the illness, which killed nine of his comrades in Company H.4

Because of distance and slow communication, John's family

knew little of his serious condition. It was not until

spring that Dr. Logan received a clear picture of John's

illness and recovery.5 When the doctor discovered how

1
Lindorf Ozburn to Diza Ozburn, Oct. 20, 1847,
Ozburn Mss.
2
John A. Logan (Hereafter cited as JAL) to Dr. Logan,
Nov. 5, 1847, Logan Mss., Library of Congress.
3
Illinois State Register, Jan. 21, 1848.

Illinois Adjutant-General's Report, 222.

5Joel Manning to Dr. Logan, Aug. 15, 1848, Dr.
Logan Mss.









serious his son's illness had been, he wrote Lindorf Ozburn,

"You will pleas [sic] accept my hearty and devout thanks

for your kind care and attention on my son John in his

illness as I am sure from the tenor of his letter that he

must have died had he not had the best kind of attention."I

Spring brought recovery to John, and increased hopes

for an end to the war. In February, 1848, Nicholas Trist

completed negotiations with the Mexicans and the Illinois

soldiers in Santa Fe rejoiced at the thought of going home.

Murphysboro friends and relatives sent a stream of letters

to John on the prospect of his return. A friend supplied

news of local political affairs, and John's sister Dorothy

urged him to hurry home for her wedding.2 Dr. Logan, his

most prolific correspondent, gave John a complete account

of the Trist negotiations, adding that Senate ratification

of the Treaty would be immediate.3

With the expected ratification of the Treaty of

Guadalupe Hidalgo, the Illinois troops began to prepare

for the march home. Their return was delayed until the

United States could provide adequate administrative

1
Dr. Logan to Lindorf Ozburn, March 26, 1848,
Ozburn Mss.
2
B. Keith to JAL, April 22, 1848; Dorothy Logan
to JAL, May 3, 1848, Logan Mss.
3
Dr. Logan to JAL, March 7, 1848, Logan Mss.










replacement. In July the Santa Fe occupation force

mustered in the city for the last time. The order to march

moved down the line and the gaping villagers watched the

Illinois Americanos terminate their nine months occupation

of the ancient city.

The men again faced a summer march. Dr. Logan,

speaking as a veteran of the Black Hawk War, sent John

advice on the return trip. The doctor cautioned him to

stay with the others all the way to Alton and warned:

"there will be great danger in travelling throo [sic] the

Indian country as the Indians are always [sic] more hostile

on the close of a war between us and any other Nation than

they are at any other timee.1

The return march was less eventful than the one to

New Mexico. Heat, thirst, and Indian danger were still

present, but the prospect of the triumphant homecoming in

Illinois made their steps lighter and the discomforts less

burdensome.

John Logan had mixed feelings on his return. His

happiness at seeing friends and family was obvious, but

his failure to win glory in battle was disappointing. In

September, the men reached Fort Leavenworth where they

1
Dr. Logan to JAL, April 16, 184, Logan Mss.











boarded transports, and in early October they arrived at

Alton. Here they were greeted as heroes who had given

"evidences of heroism and patience." From October 15 to

October 18 they were mustered out of the service. There

was another tumultuous reception at Murphysboro where the

bronzed veteran was proudly welcomed by his family.

John returned from Mexico 22 years old and undecided

as to his future. His father wanted him to study medicine,

but John was more interested in his father's avocation,
2
politics. With the support of father and uncle, both

influential in Jackson County politics, John had a good

chance for minor elective office. In 1849, the year after

his return, after a brief period reading law in his uncle's

office, John entered his first political contest and was

easily elected clerk of Jackson County. This office, how-

ever, was temporary, for John felt that a successful career

in politics demanded further knowledge of law. Law could

provide him with a living between sessions of the assembly

or between defeats. His service as clerk, therefore, was

a method of obtaining money to finance a law degree. By

1
Illinois State Register, Oct. 20, 1848.
2
Mary Logan, Reminiscences, 98.

3Thomas V. Knox, The Lives of James G. Blaine
and John A. Logan, 269.










1850 he had accumulated sufficient money of his own, with

some aid from his father, to make it possible for him to

resign and enter law school.

Among frontier law schools, Louisville University's

was one of the best, and John crossed the Ohio in 1850 to

be-in his studies. Instruction at Louisville was adequate

for a frontier barrister. There were recitation exami-

nations and oral lectures, and a moot court twice a week

to give the students practice in courtroom procedure.1

Board and lodging in Louisville were reasonable, but John

was forced to call on his father from time to time for

financial aid. In thanking the doctor for five dollars,

John predicted that the favor would, "receive a ten fold

benefit" when he graduated.2 John studied hard and became

an able student, especially at courtroom oratory. In

February, 1851 he received his diploma and started home,

telling his father, "You can tell all who are anxious for

my attendance at our court that I am certain to be there

if life lasts and money holds out."3

John returned in time for the spring elections

and offered himself as candidate for prosecuting attorney

1
Illinois State Register, Aug. 25, 1848.
2
JAL to Dr. Logan, Jan. 6, 1851, Logan Mss.

3Ibid.











of the Third Judicial District. Prominent in the press

were statements by friendly journalists proclaiming Logan's

graduation from law school and assuring their readers that

the young man would be an "ornament" to his profession.1

His race was successful and in the summer, at 26, he began

his legal career. In order to function more successfully

as prosecutor, John temporarily moved to Benton in Franklin
2
County. This spring was made even happier for John when

his old friend "Doff" Ozburn named his second child John

Logan Ozburn.3

Logan's term as prosecuting attorney was brief.

After a few months he resigned to run as representative

in the Eighteenth General Assembly from Jackson and Franklin

Counties, a position his father had held four times.

This campaign was John's first real test in his

chosen profession. His political ambitions were boundless.

He told his father, "Politics is a trade and if my few

fast friends in Jackson will stand by me, the day is not

far distant when I can help myself and them to pay ten

fold."4

1
Cairo Sun, May 29, 1851.
2
Thomas M. Eddy, The Patriotism of Illinois, 483.

3George Smith, Southern Illinois, II, 611.
4
JAL to Dr. Logan, Aug. 31, 1852, Logan Mss.










On the stump in 1852, John Logan, known personally

to many of the voters in the two counties, gave evidence

of the qualities necessary for success in Egyptian politics.

He was a vigorous man, about medium height, weighing about

140 pounds. John's appearance led to countless romantic

stories. He had bright eyes, swarthy complexion and straight

hair, features that led many to claim for him Indian ances-

try. This assertion was unfounded, but it persisted through-
2
out his career.

John was popular among the younger voters because

of his fun-loving nature. He joined in the horse-play of

militia day and playfully wrestled with town children.

Daniel Gill remembered that as a twelve year old he was

playing marbles with John's little brother William when

Logan strolled by and kicked the marbles out of the ring.

"Immediately the players jumped up and knocked the hat from

the head of John A. Logan. A regular sham-battle ensued

between John A. and the players." Some of the more strait-

laced members of the community opposed this behavior, but

H. E. Kimmel, "Sixty-sixth Wedding Anniversary of
Daniel Gill and Lucinda Pyle Gill, Du Quoin, Illinois,"
Journal, Illinois State Historical Society, XVII, No. 3
(Sept., 1924), 442.
2
Andrews, op. cit., 369; Mary Logan, Reminiscences,

Kimmel, op. cit., 441.










Egypt was a boisterous section and John's reputation as

a rollicking spirit aided in public life.

Without abilities in other directions, however,

John's career might have been short-lived. He was an able

speaker. Beginning with the days at Shiloh Academy, John

had many opportunities to develop an oratorical style.

His voice was sonorous and audible even to the last ranks

of a large crowd, so powerful, in fact, that he was able to

shout down hecklers, a quality necessary in the rough-and-

tumble of Egyptian politics.1

He was also blessed with a ready made organization

built by his Uncle Alexander and Dr. Logan. However, his

father's health was poor and John had to do much of the

organizing. He formed political meetings in his own behalf

and for W. A. Denning, candidate for the Democratic nomi-

nation to Congress.2 Denning, a veteran campaigner, supported

John, and John and his father backed Denning. Denning

wrote the doctor:

If Allen [Willis Allen, Denning's opponent] is
nominated his friends have already threatened
political death to me and my friends and among
others your own son....I hope, and pray Doct. that
you will try and get the leading Democrats together...
and send up some man who can be relied on in any
and every emergency.3

1
Kary Logan, Reminiscences, 98.
2
JAL to Dr. Logan, Aug. 31, 1852, Logan Mss.
3
". A. Denning to Dr. Logan, Sept. 1, 1852, Logan
Mss.









John, who was still on the circuit as prosecuting attorney,

also urged his father to send a delegate to the district

convention, who "will do as we want him to.... I can't be

a delegate, my position will not allow it."l

Denning failed to get the nomination, but this did

not materially affect John's campaign. He ran as a "Jack-

sonian Democrat," adopting positions popular in southern

Illinois. He was bitterly anti-Negro, and promised to

fight for a bill excluding free negroes from Illinois.

He also spoke in favor of rigid enforcement of the Fugitive

Slave Act. But like his idol Jackson, Logan and the Egypt-

ian Democrats who supported him were supporters of the

union and not devoted to the extremes of Southern states

rights doctrines. Furthermore, he took the usual Egyptian

position on the railroad issue, opposing "State policy"

in favor of a railroad policy that would benefit St. Louis,

the city toward which most of the southern Illinois tri-

angle looked.2

Logan indicated his support of the Compromise of

1850, if the Fugitive Slave Act was enforced, and spoke

for Stephen A. Douglas, an old friend of Dr. Logan's and

the new hero of Illinois Democrats who was running for the

1
JAL to Dr. Logan, Aug. 31, 1852, Logan Mss.
2
Andrews, op. cit., 369.









Senate. John promised to vote for the "Little Giant" if

he was elected to the Assembly. Logan's platform was popu-

lar; he was popular; and his organization was effective.

On election day the Democratic voters of Jackson and Frank-

lin gave him a large majority.1

Thus at 26 John A. Logan's political career took

a giant step forward. Soon his fame would spread beyond

the boundaries of Egypt and the "ten fold" benefits he had

promised his father would come to pass.


1
George Smith, Southern Illinois, III, ll9.










CHAPTER II


SPRINGFIELD AND MARY


Springfield in the winter of 1853 presented a

dreary appearance to those arriving in the town that had

been the capital of Illinois since 1839. The town was

famous for wretched streets made almost impassable by

heavy rain and snow, and for its primitive accommodations.

Despite its appearance, Springfield was charged with an

air of expectancy. Every other year brought a session of

the Illinois general assembly, and legislators had begun

arriving from far and near. They came from Chicago, the

growing metropolis of the state, from the abolitionist

counties along the Wisconsin border, from the expanding

central section, from the German towns opposite St. Louis,

and from the Egyptian counties of the southern Illinois

triangle.

The 18th general assembly convened January 3 when

the legislators were sworn in by Associate Justice Lyman

Trumbull. The major business of the opening day was

election of a speaker. The Whigs had been shattered in

the election of 1852, and this assembly was heavily Demo-

cratic. There were 59 Democrats, 16 Whigs and one Free

1
Arthur C. Cole, Era of the Civil War, 6.










1
Soiler. This made organization simple. John Reynolds,

St. Clair County Democrat, and former governor, was elected

by acclamation, many feeling that the office was due him

because of his long service to the party.

Two days later the assembly met in joint session

to elect a senator. There was never any doubt as to the

outcome of the contest. Stephen A. Douglas, who had won

control of Illinois Democrats, had been in the Senate since

1846, and expected no difficulty in his fight for re-

election. The Democrats caucused, and nominated the

Little Giant by acclamation.

Logan was an enthusiastic Douglas supporter as his

father had been before him. He voted for Douglas as the

senator won 75-19 over Joseph Gillespie. When committee

assignments were made Logan drew two important seats,

judiciary committee, and committee on banks and corporations.

The latter was a coveted assignment since many incorpora-

tion bills, including the important railroad acts, were

handled by this group. Logan's record in the House was

closely watched in Egypt, and John's law partner, W. K.

Parish, wrote: "I am glad to see that you are on the

1Newton Bateman and Paul Selby, Historical Ency-
clopedia of Illinois, II, 189.
2
W. A. Denning to JAL, Jan. 16, 1853, Logan Mss.

George Fort Milton, The Eve of Conflict; Stephen A.
Douglas and the Needless War. 95.










judiciary committee. That will give you additional standing

and particularly as a lawyer."l

The House got down to work January 6. Logan intro-

duced the bill that became the center of the most acri-

monious debate of the session. As a fellow Democrat stated:

"He had scarcely warmed his seat when he opened upon some

of the exciting topics of the day."2 Logan's proposal was

to instruct the judiciary committee to report a bill to

prevent the immigration of free negroes into Illinois

"under the article of the Constitution requiring the legis-

lature to pass such a law."3

The anti-slave forces from northern Illinois imme-

diately called for a vote to table the bill, and lost 54

to 14. The bill went to committee, where Logan would have

a hand in its construction. The opposition to the measure

had little hope of pushing the bill aside, but the vote

on the sixth served as a forecast of what might happen

when the bill reached the floor in final form.

The stir caused by Logan's exclusion bill quickly

subsided and both sides prepared for the final battle.

1
W. K. Parish to JAL, Jan. 16, 1853, Logan Mss.
2
Usher F. Linder, Reminiscences of the Early Bench
and Bar of Illinois, 343.
3
Journal Illinois House of Renresentatives, Eight-
eenth General Assembly, 1853, 3. Hereafter cited as House
Journal, 1853.










Meanwhile the business of the body continued with a multi-

tude of private bills filling the agenda. John introduced

a bill for the relief of John Elmore, former sheriff of

Jackson County, which passed on January 18. On January 11,

Logan proposed an act for the relief of John M. Cunningham

which passed by a unanimous vote three days later. This

measure provided for a one hundred dollar payment to Logan's

old friend as reimbursement for his services as marshal of

the district court of Massac County. It afforded the young

legislator great pleasure to be able to help his old com-

rade who had come upon hard times.

There was more important business before the House,

however, and Logan was active in deliberations concerning

much of it. There were proposals in favor of adopting a

statewide prohibition act modeled on the famous "Maine

Law," the pioneer "dry" statute of that state. Logan, and

most of the members from Egypt where "the use of intoxicating

drinks seems more natural than the use of water," opposed

the proposal, and in the debates on the law he introduced

several petitions from citizens urging the legislature to
2
vote against the bill. Because of his great interest in

1
Illinois Private Laws, 1853, 494; House Journal,
1853, 177.
2
House Journal, 1853, 278, 323; Cairo Times and
Delta, Feb. 3, 1858.










this measure, Logan was named to a special committee to
1
investigate the law as it had been applied in Maine.

Opposition to prohibition and its supporters was so strong

that a proposal to permit a temperance convention to use

the hall of the House was voted down, Logan voting with the

majority.

All attempts to push through a law of this kind

failed when opposition forces, led by the Egyptian members,

tabled every "dry" motion. The last victory for the anti-

prohibition men came on January 29 when Logan and 33 others

voted successfully to table a proposed statewide "dry" law.

Logan's position on the "Maine Law" was in line with public

opinion in his constituency. W. A. Denning, one of his

constant sources of information, wrote John that all Egypt

was interested in the debates and generally opposed the
"Maine Law."2

Much of the business of the House concerned in-

corporation of railroad and plank road companies. John

voted to incorporate eight plank roads and personally intro-

duced bills chartering plank roads into Murphysboro and

Benton. Railroads were more important, however, and John

House Journal, 1853, 21.
2
.1. A. Denning to JAL, Jan. 16, 1853, Logan Mss.
House Journal, 1853, 87, 144, 346.










voted in the affirmative 15 times on laws chartering new

roads. Most of these bills passed unanimously, but the bill

to charter a Terre Haute and Vandalia Railroad Company

brought a bitter debate, with Logan and the other repre-

sentatives from Lower Egypt in opposition.

This fight was a renewal of the struggle between

"State policy" and the more liberal railroad plan advocated

in Lower Egypt. The "State policy" forces wanted a cross-

state road in southern Illinois, but they opposed building

a road that would benefit any out of state terminus; con-

sequently they favored constructing a road with Alton as

western terminus. The Terre Haute and Vandalia was to be

a link in that system.

The opposition to "State policy" centered in the

section of the State that looked to St. Louis as an eco-

nomic center. These representatives had been fighting a

losing battle against the "State" forces through the 1840's,

and though their strength seemed to have increased by 1853,

they were unable to charter a road with St. Louis as termi-

nus, or to vote down the Terre Haute and Vandalia bill.1

Logan voted with the losing bloc.

During the session Logan was pleased to discover

that his activities were not being overlooked and that

1
Cole, op. cLt., 33, 43; House Journal, 1853, 307.











they seemed to be generally popular in his home district.

Denning and W. K. Parish kept him in touch with reactions

in Jackson and Franklin Counties, and Parish told him, "I

have no fears but what we will be able to exert an influence

in the political arena in Egypt sufficient for all practical

purposes." He further endorsed John's decision to remain in

Benton after his return. "Benton will be a town of con-

siderable size in Egypt which will render it a pleasant

residing place," he wrote. "It is central in the political

world."1

The Benton newspaper took notice of Logan's record

in the House, calling him "our worthy and talented young

representative...who has demonstrated to the North by his

talent and eloquence...that we, in the South have interests

to foster, guide and protect, and that we have men who are

willing and able to do it."2 Even in neighboring Missouri

Logan came in for praise, and the Springfield correspondent

for a St. Louis paper wrote, "Among all the members of this

House, John A. Logan of Jackson County and W. H. Snyder of

St. Clair have no superiors, and they are the youngest men

in that body....Their speeches are not mere declamations,


1853.


1
W. K. Parish to JAL, Jan. 16, 1853, Logan Mss.
2
Benton Standard, quoted in Quincy Herald, March 24,










but they abound with bold and lofty thought and profound

arguments." 1 These "profound arguments" of course favored

railroad policy that would benefit St. Louis.

The law of greatest interest to southern Illinois

in 1853 was the negro exclusion bill which emerged as the

session's last major business. Egyptians greeted Logan's

action with a show of solid support. They viewed the

spectre of wholesale negro immigration into Egypt as a

great calamity, and to be avoided at all costs. Parish

wrote Logan, "The move...in relation to the immigration of

free negroes into the state is one that will reflect credit

and distinction in Egypt especially."2

In taking the lead in transferring this feeling,

almost unanimous in Egypt, into legislative action, Logan

became for the first time recognized throughout the state

as the spokesman of Egypt. His statements in debate came to

be regarded as those of the entire section. The negro bill

first skyrocketed Logan into state-wide prominence, won

him immense popularity in his home section, but brought

condemnation from many quarters.

Anti-negro feeling had grown in Illinois in the

140's. The Constitution of 1848 denied negroes the vote,

St. Louis Republic, Feb. 21, 1853.

2
Dwight N. Harris, The Negro in Illinois, 234;
W. K. Parish to JAL, Jan. 16, 1853, Logan Mss.










and the right to serve in the militia. Furthermore, there

was a provision instructing the legislature to pass laws

prohibiting the entrance of negroes into the state. This

provision was separately submitted to Illinois voters for

ratification and passed by 50,261 to 21,297. Until 1853

the provision was ignored. But in 1353 Logan took advantage

of the invitation contained in the 1848 law and moved to

end negro immigration.

There were few negroes in the state, the 1850

Census listed only 5,436, but of this number 3,124 lived
2
in counties included in the Egyptian triangle. These un-

fortunates existed in pitiful conditions, on suffrance of

the people of the state with no legal status whatsoever.

In the 1850's northern Illinois abolitionists began to

demand increased rights for these negroes. Egyptians

reacted to abolitionist pressure by demanding a counter-

attack that would make a negro deluge on their section

impossible. Logan's bill was a response to this clamor

from his constituents.3

Once Logan's bill was introduced and sent to com-

mittee on January 6, the negro problem remained beneath

Cole, op. cit., 225.
2
Cole, op. cit., 225; Eighth Census of the U.S.,
1850, 702.

Harris, op. cit., 227.










the surface until the final bill emerged, except for an

incident of January 20. On that date A. H. Nixon of McHenry

County introduced an act aimed at permitting negroes to

testify in court. Once again the anti-negro forces were

triumphant as the bill was tabled 44 to 16.1

By late January, all interest in Springfield

centered on the negro bill. On Saturday, January 29, Logan

reported the bill out of committee. The stage was set and

the debate was scheduled for the middle of the following

week. On February 2 the speaker announced the bill as the

next order of business and heated debate began.

Opposition to Logan's bill came from the repre-

sentatives from the counties along the northern border, com-

bined with a scattering of support from the legislators

from north central Illinois. On the first day of debate,

the northern men introduced an amendment that would have

repealed all of Illinois' "Black Codes." This proposal

was beaten 58 to 7.2 During debate on the amendment, Logan

attacked its backers as "abolitionists," and charged that

repeal would lead to intermarriage and social and political

equality.

1
House Journal, 1853, 145.
2
Ibid., 363.

3Ms. of speech delivered in the Illinois legis-
lature in 1853, Logan Mss.










Following this exchange, Logan's bill reached the

floor for adoption. This controversial law made the intro-

duction of a negro into the state a crime punishable by a

$100 fine. Furthermore it made any negro entering the state

liable within ten days to arrest and fine, and if unable to

pay the fine, he was forced to work out the fine and trial
1
costs.

The measure was attacked vigorously by its opponents

and Logan was forced to speak out in its defense. Summoning

all the arguments Egyptians had been advancing for a decade,

Logan began by attacking his adversaries as supporters of

racial equality. He stated that history illustrated that

negroes are "not suited to be placed upon a level with the
2
white men." Reaching the heart of his argument, he stated

that Egypt, surrounded by slave states, would be the only

area of the state harmed by mass migration of negroes. He

proclaimed the fear held by his constituents that negroes

would migrate into Egypt, become paupers, and ruin the

morals of the section. In conclusion Logan lashed out

at the pro-negro legislators:

Nor can I understand how it is that men
can become so fanatical in their notions as to

1
Harris, op. cit., 236.
2
Ms. of speech delivered in the Illinois legis-
lature in 1853, Logan Mss.
Ibid.










forget that they are white. Forget the sympathy
over the white man and have his bosom heaving with
it for those persons of color. It has almost become
an offense to be a white man. Unfortunate were these
gentlemen in their birth that they could not have been
usher d into existence with black skin and a wooly
head.1

Logan's final roar was a threat. "Unless this bill shall

pass you will hear it again next session and again until

something shall be done to protect those people [in Egypt]

from the innundation from the colored population."2

Soon after Logan's ringing defense died away, roll

call began. It was evident that the bill's opponents had

gained some strength over their showing on the earlier test

votes. Logan's speech had alarmed some members of his own

party from northern Illinois who felt that the bill was too

harsh. This group wras not large enough to create a coalition

capable of defeating the measure, and when the vote was

tallied the bill passed 45 to 23. Voting "aye" was a solid

bloc of representatives from the counties south of ring-

field. Even the St. Clair representatives, whose German

constituents were an island of liberal thought in the sea

of Egyptian racism, voted for the measure.3 Just before

adjournment on the 5th, Nixon condemned the act and

lIbid.
2
Ibid.
3
House Journal, 1853, 442-443.











cynically proposed that the title of the bill be changed

to, "An act to create an additional number of abolitionists

in this state." The proposal was voted down, the House

adjourned, and Logan received congratulations on his first

major legislative victory.1 Six days later the Senate

passed the bill by a four vote majority.

Though the victory was popular in Egypt, others in

the state said that the law was brutal, too stringent,

and passed by the Democrats merely to satisfy southern

Illinois and to placate their fellow Democrats from the

slave states. Several mass meetings were held in the
2
North to protest the act's passage. The attack came from

many quarters, some Democrats joined the Whigs and Free

Soilers in opposition. John M. Palmer, writing years

later, summed up their feeling: "All the provisions of the

act are an example of the barbarity which can only be

excused by the prejudices of that part, the Southern, of

the State of Illinois."3

One student of the negro in Illinois maintains

that the bill was probably favored by a majority of the

Ibid., 444.
2
Logan's law did receive staunch support from the
Illinois State Register (Springfield), but some Democratic
organs in northern Illinois were hesitant in giving the
measure their unqualified backing.
3
John M. Palmer, Personal Recollections, 59.










state's population, and that though many opposed the rigid

provisions for enforcement, most Illinoisans favored the

exclusion of free negroes in principle.1 The same writer

challenges those who believe that the law was never enforced,

citing at least three cases of arrest under the "Logan negro

law."2 Gustavus Koerner, a leading German politician, also

gives evidence of the law's enforcement. Koerner, an

opponent of the bill, tells of freeing a negro about to be

arrested under the measure.3 The law remained in effect

until 1863, when it was repealed.

On February 14, the 18th Assembly came to an anti-

climactic end. Logan collected his per diem and mileage,

$145, and said good-by to the many new friends he had made

and returned to Egypt over muddy February roads. The ses-

sion had given Logan a chance to move up the political

ladder. His name was known throughout Illinois, and he

had made a record that gave him increased stature in

Egypt. The 26 year old returned as a conquering hero

who had advanced his section's legislative banner, met the

enemy, and emerged victorious. His fellow Egyptians were

already speaking of the great things the future held for him.

Harris, op. cit., 237.
2
Ibid.

3Gustavus Koerner, Memoirs, II, 31.











On his return, Logan and Parish settled down to

their expanding practice in Benton. Shortly thereafter

John was summoned to Murphysboro by the news that his father

was dying. Dr. Logan had been in poor health for some ticie

and John arrived to find him barely alive. Within the

week, despite the best attention available, Dr. Logan
1
died from an abscessed liver. Phe young legislator's

triumphant return *;aa shattered. The deep affection

between father and son is obvious from their correspond-

ence. The doctor had been proud of his son's success;

his influence on John's youth and early political career was

considerable. ,ith the doctor'u death Tom, 25, took over

the management of the family farm and John returned to

his practice.

Back in Benton, Logan found that increased popu-

larity materially aided him. Logan and Parish took all

kinds of cases. They defended murderers, took divorce

cases, and spent most of their time in actions involving

s.-iall claims.2 Logan's most Zanous case during this brief

period as an attorney was his defense of a prominent citizen

of Union County on trial for murder. Hostility toward

1
George Smith, Southern Illinois, III, 1149.
2
Ms. of legal notebooks, 1851-58, Logan Mss.











his client led Logan to ask for a change of venue, and the

trial was moved to Golconda. John's plea was self-defense

as the death had taken place during an altercation. The

courthouse stood in a field of grazing sheep. As John

arose to deliver his sunrm;tion to the jury, a dog chased

a lamb into the courtroom. Sensing his opportunity, John

seized the larb and, holdin- it in his aris, likened the

defendant to the sacrificial lamb of the Old Testament.

The plea wias effective and the jury found the defendant

not "uilty.1

But John was not long to -ppear as an attorney for

the defense. In 153 the election for prosecuting attorney

of the Third Judicial Fistrict was to be held. A victory

in this election would give hin an excellent chance of

improving himself p litically, as iell as ganiing prestige

in the legal profession The Third DiUtrict included the

lo,.-er 16 counti-s of the state and included most of the

counties of the Ninth Congressional District. \ term as

prosecutor would give John a chance to spread hi- influence

over the entire area and stand him in good rtead for any
2
future attempt at h -- r elective office. He announced
1
Dawson, op. cit., 9.

Hawkins, op. cit., 26.










for the office he had held briefly in 1852 and was easily

elected.
In the spring of 1854 Logan began his new official

duties. He retained his partnership with Parish in name

until 1855, when Parish became circuit court judge and the

partnership was dissolved. As prosecutor, John visited

the counties of his district for the regular court sessions.

Travel over rough roads on horseback was tiring and occa-

sional rheumatism, contracted during the march to Santa Fe,
1
was painful.

Court was pure delight to John. There was ample

opportunity for hearty conviviality, story telling, and

discussion of politics. Though his judicial duties occu-

pied a great deal of time, the young attorney was active

in Egyptian politics. His leadership in the legislature,

his record as prosecutor and his willingness to speak out

in defense of the section at every occasion made him a

growing force in Egypt. The editor of the Cairo City Times

reported on June 7, 1845 his attendance at court, where

he met, "Our old friend John A. Logan, who...is performing

with universal acceptability the duties of State's Attorney."2

1
Mary Logan, Reminiscences, 8.
2
Cairo City Times, June 7, 1854.











1854 was an election year and Logan maintained

close interest in the Democratic nomination for the House.

It went to Scott Marshall, who was chosen to succeed Uillis

Allen, leaving the House after two terms. Logan had met

Marshall on the circuit, and they had become close friends.

During his campaign, Marshall prominently displayed a list

of "intimate acquaintances" who endorsed his candidacy.

Logan's name headed the list.1

The same year brought the renewal of the debate

over slavery in the territories which many felt had been

solved in 1850. Most of the Illinois Democrats, Logan

included, backed Douglas and popular sovereignty as a

solution to the problem and endorsed the Kansas-Nebraska

Act. When the Little Giant returned to Springficld, plans

were made for a great meeting to greet him. Logan journeyed

to the capital to see the senator, and as Douglas spoke to

the crowd, John stood among the state's party leaders behind

him. He enthusiastically applauded Douglas' statement,

"I tell you the time has not yet come when a handful of

traitors in our camp can turn the great State of Illinois...

into a Negro worshiping, Negro equality community."2

1
Ibid., Nov. 1, 1854. Among other names on the
list was Marion County Democrat Silas Bryan, father of
William Jennings Bryan.
2
Carl Sandburg, Abraham Lincoln: The Prairie Years,
II, 10.











Logan returned to Egypt and in January, 1855 he

watched the bitter assembly battle in the election of a U.S.

Senator. The leading candidates were incumbent Democrat

James Shields and the Democratic Governor Joel Matteson.

Also in the race were former Congressman Abraham Lincoln

and anti-Nebraska Democrat Lyman Trumbull, who was opposed

by the Douglas men for what they felt amounted to desertion.

Shields and Lincoln were the leading contenders at the out-

set, but neither seemed able to muster a majority. On the

sixth ballot, with the body deadlocked, three Democrats

voted for Logan, "a particularly violent and very young

Democrat who was outspoken in his pro-slavery and Southern

sympathies."4 Logan's three votes went to Matteson on the

next ballot and the governor battled Trumbull, with the

latter winning the seat.

Logan's three votes were obviously a temporary

marking time by the three men, especially since John, at

28, was constitutionally unable to serve. Nevertheless

the mention of Logan's name, even in so casual a manner,

illustrates that he was a rising figure.

The new year was a fortunate one for the young

lawyer-politician. In the spring John began a legal

1
Albert Beveridge, Abraham Lincoln, II, 285. The
three legislators voting for Logan were Hopkins, Gray,
and Thomas Sams. Sams represented Logan's old district.











association with W. J. "Josh" Allen. John's new partner

was the son of ex-Congressman Willis Allen and the partner-

ship brought to an end Logan'd estrangement from this

influential Egyptian political family. Relations had been

improving slowly since the 1852 elections, and Logan and

"Josh" Allen remained close friends down to the Civil War,

though their partnership was terminated in 1859.1

Most of John's business in early 1855 concerned a

murder trial at Jonesboro, but he had time to devote to

politics. In the prohibition election of that year, he

spoke against the "drys" as the southern counties voted

solidly against the law. He lost no occasion to speak

approval of popular sovereignty and to acclaim Douglas a

future president. Logan also spoke several times against

the Know-Nothings, charging them with intolerance and with

attempting to deny constitutional rights to many Americans.

One of these speeches, at Metropolis, led the Cairo City

Times to exclaim, "John is one of the right sort; a pure

patriot and unflinching Democrat."2

Perhaps the most important political event of the

year in Egypt was Douglas' autumn visit. The Little Giant

1
History of Jackson County, 66; Cairo City Times,
April 4, 1855.
2
Cairo City Times, May 2, 1855.










was pleased with the Democratic organization in southern

Illinois and promised to speak there in September and

October.1 He made several stops and Logan joined the senator

in striking out at opposition to "Nebraska policy." The 29

year old prosecutor had become Douglas' close friend and

supporter, and the older man was happy to be associated

with the son of his old friend of the 10th General Assem-
2
bly.
Despite John's political interests, law was still

his primary concern, and as a prosecutor he toured the

circuit. These court sessions were pleasant. With the

exception of Murphysboro, none gave him greater pleasure

than his stops in Shawneetown, county seat of Gallatin

County, a lively village overlooking the Ohio. It had been

one of Egypt's earliest ports, and many of the section's

pioneers, who drifted down the Ohio, debarked there. In

1855 it was the sight of a thriving land office serving

much of southern Illinois.3
Registrar of the Shawneetown land office was

John's old friend John M. Cunringham, and John was always

1
Stephen A. Douglas to Charles Lanphier, July 7,
1855, Lanphier Mss., Illinois State Historical Library,
Springfield.
2
Cairo City Times, Sept. 26, 1855; Frank E.
Stevens, The Life of Stenhen A. Douglas, 673.
3Brownell, op. cit., 96.










welcome at the captain's home. Cunningham had crossed the

continent to California after the Mexican War, had been

unsuccessful in his quest for gold, and returned to Illinois

to serve as Massac County marshal. Then in 1853 the captain

was appointed registrar of the land office.1

In 1854 Logan's circuit took him to Shawneetown

and the old friends met and re-lived the march to Santa Fe.

Logan reminded the captain that during the war he had

promised to give him his daughter Mary in marriage. The

promise had been made in jest since she was only eight at

the time, but Logan asked about her and was told she was

in school at St. Vincent's Academy, near Morganfield,

Kentucky.2 During the next year Logan returned frequently

and in June, 1855 Mary came home and her father invited

Logan to meet her. The girl was 17, vivacious and friendly,

with a large circle of young friends.

John seems to have fallen in love with Mary almost

from their first meeting, but Mary, fresh from school,

showed signs of uncertainty. Her return from St. Vincent's

brought a round of parties with old friends, but Logan

persisted, and traveled long distances to spend weekends

with her. In the early summer John was able to spend

Shawneetown Illinoisan, AprJl 1, 1853; Mary Logan,
Reminiscences, 28.
2
Mary Logan, Reminiscences, 27, 29.
Ibid., 38-39.











some time in Shawneetown as prosecutor in a local murder

case and Mary's hesitancy began to fade with his constant

attention.1

By August John was ready to propose and on the

sixth he wrote her of his love, concluding with, "be

assured of my sincerity and after mature reflection, say

that you will be mine."2 Mary's answer was not complete

acceptance. She still had reservations, and later wrote:

"To this day I marvel that a young man of Logan's rare

ability, ambition, and mature years...should hazard his

career by marrying a girl of seventeen."3 Logan's reply

to her letter was a panic stricken missive asking if there

was a rival for her affections. His fears were quickly

allayed, however, and one day later, in Benton, he received

her acceptance. November 27 was the wedding date.4

From August to November, Logan rode to Shawneetown

whenever possible and the two corresponded steadily. Their

letters indicate that Mary's shyness had passed; the letters

are those of two people in love. John wrote, "I would

Shawneeto-.n Illinoisan, March 2, 1855.
2
JAL to Mary Cunningham, Aug. 6, 1855, Logan Mss.
3
Mary Logan, Reminiscences, 38-39.
JAL to Mary Cunningham, Aug. 15, 16, 1855, Logan
Mss.










rather dwell in a tent with one faithful heart, than lord

it in palaces with an ungrateful one." She answered, "I

make no pretensions and give you myself heart and hand."l

They exchanged miniatures, and in October, when Mary spent

a week in Kentucky at her old school, John journeyed to

Murphysboro, assuring Mary, "I shall have a nice time

telling my good old Mother all about My Mary and having her

advice to me."2

On the eve of the wedding some unpleasantness arose

when Captain Cunningham was accused by the Shawneetown

Illinoisan of fraud, but the charges were not proved.

Defense came from many quarters, and by nuptial day the

cloud had passed. The wedding was simple. Logan's family

lived too far to attend and the couple was married by John's

old partner, Judge Parish, in the presence of a few friends.4

Accompanied by several traveling companions, the

wedding pair left for Benton. Until a cottage was ready,

they lived with Parish and his wife. John soon took his

bride to Murphysboro to meet his family, returning with a

JAL to Mary Cunningham, Aug. 20, 1855, Logan Mss.
2
JAL to Mary Cunningham, Oct. 5, 1855, Logan Mss.
3
Cairo City Times, Oct. 31, 1855.

Mary Logan, Reminiscences, 39.











colored maid donated by Mrs. Logar.. Mary's first months

in Benton were a constant strain, 3ince she had to act as

hostess to large groups of her husband's friends in Benton

for court session. "Remembering that Logan's wife must be

equal to everything," she later wrote, "I put aside my

timidity."1
Mary accompanied Logan on the circuit. She endured

jolting buggy rides from town to town and was entranced with

the excitement of court days. These events were the only

contact many had with the outside, and Mary took pride in

John's activity in discussions. Through such attentions,

Logan was rapidly becoming Egypt's most popular political

leader.2 Mary became more than a mere traveling companion

as she began to read law reports to her husband and write

blanks for the indictments used by the prosecutor.3
Soon Mary's delightful, arduous, trips had to cease.

In early 1856 John learned that he was going to become a

father. The cottage in Benton became a lonely place for

the young wife and she told John she would never get used

to his absences.4 His letters were filled with legal news

and regrets at separation. Occasionally Logan's fellow

1
Ibid., 41.
2
Ibid., 52-53.
3Ibid., 50.
Mary Logan to JAL, Jan. 31, 1856, Logan Mas.









1
lawyers wrote Mary to assure her of John's health.

At every possible occasion John came to Benton, but

1856 was an important political year and visits became

fewer. He kept in close touch with local, state, and

national affairs. From Washington a Douglas supporter

suggested Logan begin organizing support for the Little

Ciant for president, "so as to show abroad that he stands

fair in his own state."2 Other politicians wrote asking

his advice and support, indicating that his influence was

being courted by office-seekers throughout southern

Illinois.

In the summer, Lcgan joined Illinois Democrats

at Springfield to nominate their candidates for state office.

a. c de lord the fact that Buchanan had won the presi-

dential nomination over Douglas, but they endorsed "Buck

and Dreck" against the "Black :e .blic- Fremont. Logan

.;as named an elector on the Democratic ticket from the

1linth Congressional District, and he was one of the

orators chosen to address the mass meeting held after the

conientron. .illiam A. Richardson was nominated for

1
',. Crenshaw to Mary Logan, Aug. 13, 1856,
Logan MTss.
2
John Hacker to JAL, Feb. 22, 1856, Logan lHs.

Green B. Ra m to JIL, Aug. 7, 1856; WJilliam H.
Snyder to JAL, March 13, 1856, Logan Mss.
Cairo Times and Delta, May 7, 1856.











governor against William Bissell, a former Democrat who

had broken with the party on the Kansas issue. The "Nebraska"

test of loyalty to Douglas' leadership was applied every-

where by the Democrats, and in Egypt, with the exception

of the German counties along the Mississippi, the Little

Giant received solid support. The lows of the German

Democrats was partially compensated for by the accession

to the Democrats of old Whigs whose party had disinte-
1
grated.

In Egypt, the Democratic Convention in the Ninth

District re-nominated Scott Marshall for the House, a

nomination tantamount to election. Logan again stumped

southern Illinois for Marshall and the party ticket. In

the fall he decided to resign as state's attorney and run

for the legislature from his old district. His powerful

voice was heard throughout the section as he denounced

"Black Republicans" and Know-Nothings with equal fervor.2

When Douglas spoke in Carbondale in October, Logan joined

Marshall and loillis Allen in echoing the statements of the

senior senator.3 At Belleville the Democrats invaded the

German counties in force and Logan joined John A. McClernand,

James Robinson, both congressmen, Don Morrison and Bob

1
Cole, op. cit., 126.

2Cairo Times and Delta, July 16, 1856.

3Ibid., Oct. 15, 1856.










Ingersoll, in speaking for the party's candidates. Gus-
tavus Koerner remembered Logan as "one of the most vitu-

perative speakers [who] abused Colonel Bissell so as to

disgust even his party friends."I

Logan's own contest was never in doubt, and on
election day he rolled up a greater majority than four years

earlier. For a time, however, the fate of Buchanan and
Richardson in Illinois was in doubt. Despite huge Demo-

cratic majorities in Egypt, the Republicans carried the

state house and Buchanan barely won the state's electoral

votes.2 whilee Logan felt that the state was "disgraced"
for having voted for Bissell Republicans gloried in their

gains and stated that only the solid vote of backward Egypt,
the "land of darkness," had kept Illinois out of the Repub-

lican column.3

The elation of election victory was followed by
the excitement of the birth of his first child, John Cun-
ningham Loran. December was the happiest period of the

1
Gustavus Koerner, Memoirs, II, 29.
2
Cairo Tirm-i and Delta, Nov. 26, 1856; D. ... Lusk,
.'litics and Politicians of Illinois, 35. In Logan's
district composed of Franklin and Jackson Counties, Buchanan
and Richardson ran far ahead of the Republicans. Buchanan
carried Franklin by 1051 to 5 and Jackson by 1144 to 2.
Richardson carried Franklin by 1076 to 34 and Jackson by
1096 to 46. The vote in Illinois for president was:
Buchanan 105,528; Fremont 96,27; Fi Imore, 37,531.
3Illinois rtate Journal (Springfield), Nov. 19,
1856; JAL to Mary Lo.an, Nov. 9, 1356, Logan Mss.










young couple's life. Baby and mother prospered, and the

proud new father boasted of his son and looked forward to

the session of the legislature. The separation in January

was an agonizing one. The Logans decided that mother and

child should stay in Benton rather than undertake the trip

to Springfield. John's brother William, who aspired to

a legal career, had been studying with his older brother

in Benton, and he promised to stay with Mary and the baby.

The 20th General Assembly met in Springfield on

January 5, 1857. This time Logan was no longer the obscure

son of a former legislator, but a figure of considerable

influence. Despite Bissell's victory, the Democrats had

captured both houses of the Assembly, and the governor

was faced by a hostile legislature. On the Democratic

side of the House, outstanding leaders were Logan, John

Dougherty, Ebon C. Ingersoll, Bob's brother, W. R. Morrison,

and S. W. Moulton. Leaders of the Republicans were C. B.

Denio and Isaac Arnold. There was also a small group of

six Know-Nothin7s, led by Shelby M. Cullom of Springfield.2

First business was election of a speaker, and Demo-

crat Samuel Holmes' victory over Isaac Arnold presaged

1
Mary Logan, Reminiscences, 57.
2
Journal Illinois House of Representatives, Twentieth
General Assembly, 1857, 3-5. Hereafter cited as House
Journal, 1857.











Democratic domination. The House completed its routine

business, and Logan, Moulton and Cullom were named to con-

duct Governor Matteson to the chair for his message. The

address was a review of his administration, and Logan made

the routine motion to print 20,000 copies of the speech,

which passed.1

The following day committee assignments were made.

Logan was appointed to Judiciary, Finance, Penitentiary,

Banks and Corporations, and was named chairman of the

Committee on Elections. On January 13, the serenity of

the chamber was shattered and party feelings were inflamed

almost to the point of violence. Logan's speech caused the

explosion, for which many had been waiting.

Governor Bissell was a victim of a "rheumatic...

affliction of the lower extremities which prevents me

from much -l]':In-, without assistance." The partial

paralysis was a result of Mexican War injuries, and Bissell

decided in 1855, to give up politics. In 1856 he changed

his mind when he discovered "an extraordinary and persistent

effort being made to wheel Illinois into the ranks of
2
slavery supporting...states."

1
Ibid., 28.
2
'. H. Bissell to E. Peck, Jan. 21, 1856, Joseph
Gillespie Mss., Illinois State Historical Library, Spring-
field.











Bissell had been a Democrat, but renounced Douglas'

leadership following the Kansas-Nebraska Act. His change

to the Republican Party cost him little support and in

1856 he was elected governor in an immense show of popu-

larity. This was treason, and Democrats were looking for

a chance to attack the traitor. Their opportunity came

when they discovered that Bissell had once been challenged

to a duel by Senator Jefferson Davis of Mississippi in a

feud involving their actions in the Mexican War. Since the

1848 Constitution prevented a man from taking office as

chief executive under these conditions, the stage was set.2

Strangely enough, the Democrats did not press the

accusation in the campaign, but Logan and the other Demo-

crats had been preparing their case since the election,

and seeking "an orator to execute the unfeeling task

selected with skillful penetration." Logan was chosen.3

This plan of attack was not unknown to the general public

since newspapers, mostly Democratic, had been editorializing

lCole, on) cit., 152.
2
;.helby M. Cullom, Fifty Years of Public Service:
Personal Recollections, 180; Bateman and Selby, op. cit.,
I, 48; Cole, op. cit., 151-152.
3
Alexander Davidson and Bernard Stuve, History of
Illinois, 661; JAL to William R. Morrison, Jan. 13, 1857;
William R. Morrison to JAL, Jan. 13, 1857; JAL to Philip B.
Fouke, Jan. 6, 1857, Logan Mss.; Robert D. Holt, "The
Political Career of William A. Richardson," Journal
Illinois State Hist. Soc., XXVI, No. 3 (Oct., 1933), 242.









1
on Bissell's disqualification for some time.

Then the Assembly convened, the state waited for

the Democratic challenge. D e to Bicsell's infirmity, the

governor's message was read by I. R. Diller. It was a

moderate speech, but left no doubt but that Bissell was
2
opposed to extension of slavery in the territories.

following the reading, Arnold moved to print 20,000 copies.

Loaan rose, moved to amend the number to 10,000 and began

his tirade against Bissell. He condemned Bissell's position

on slavery as an abject surrender to the abolitionist prin-

ciples of the Republicans, and assaulted the governor as a

perjurer, branding him as unfit to hold his high office.

"achinr. an emotional crescendo, Logan concluded:

This sir, is my home. Beneath the green and
hallowed sod of this beautiful prarie state lie the
bones of my aged and venerable father. Snall I
stand quietly by, as one of the people's reore-
sentatives, and see her public morals corrupted,
her constitution violated, her honor tarnished, and
give ro sound of alarm?3

His final words were lost in a roar of applause from the

Democrats and a storm of boos from the Republicans. Arnold

and Denio rose to Bissell's defense, and Koerner condemned

1
Cqiro Times and Delta Nov. 19, 1856.
2
Cullom, o1. cit., 25.
3Ms. of a speech delivered January 13, 1857, in
the Illinois State Legislature, Logan Liss.










the speech as the "coarsest billingsgate."l A Republican

paper called Logan's effort a "long and frothy speech...in

which he has disgusted his own party."2 Even the Know-

Nothings backed Bissell and Cullom called the speech "cruel

and a virulent attack" and recalled, "I became very much
3
prejudiced against him."

Democrats jumped to Logan's defense. The speech

was published, in pamphlet form, with an appendix of letters

from Davis to Bissell, for distribution throughout Illinois.

Support came from many quarters, and Judpe I. N. Haynie

told Logan that his speech had been well received in

Egypt.5 Some Democrats, however, were upset by the lack

of consideration shown the sickly governor.

Bissell was a sensitive man, and the attack "deeply

wounded him." He became his own best defender. Instead

of resorting to vituperation, he countered the charges with

calm, reasoned argument. Bissell simply maintained, as he

had during the election, that the constitution did not

1
Koerner, op. cit., II, 39.
2
Quincy Weekly Whig, Feb. 7, 1857.

Cullom, op. cit., 25, 180.

Davidson and Stuve, op. cit., 661.
5
I. N. Haynie to JAL, Jan. 17, 1857, Logan Mss.
6
Davidson and Stuve, op. cit., 661.











apply in his case. His defense was that the technical

challenge had not been given or accepted and that no duel

had been fought. Furthermore he claimed that since the

entire affair had taken place outside the state and not

within Illinois' jurisdiction, he was in no way a perjurer

and could take his oath of office.1

The turmoil gradually subsided, but the animosities

the speech created remained beneath the surface. The
"Bissell speech" was Logan's major achievement of the

session, and while it strengthened him at home, its very

nature tended to verify Republican claims that Logan was

little better than a bigoted, cruel rowdy from backward

Egypt who merely served as a henchman for Douglas.2

For the rest of the session, Logan's activity was

steady and unsensational. He introduced a number of private

incorporation bills which easily passed. He led the fight

against repeal of part of his "Negro exclusion bill" of

1853, and the motion to repeal was tabled 46 to 28.3
Another move popular in Egypt was his active participation

in the fight to fend off reapportionment. One proposal,

which would have cut the number of representatives in

1
Koerner, op. cit., II, 39; Cullom, op. cit., 180.
2
Cameron Rogers, Colonel Bob Ingersoll, 89.

3House Journal, 1857, 91.









1
Lower Egypt from five to four, was tabled 38 to 32.

Among the most constructive legislation of the session were

acts establishing free schools, and the law building a new

penitentiary. These were passed with little fanfare, and

when the solons dispersed February 19, the Logan speech

remained the most talked about event of the session.

Mary anxiously awaited the end of the business in

Springfield. She wrote a stream of letters chronicling

the progress of the baby and complaining of the dull life

in Benton. Bob Ingersoll, who stopped to see her, told

her in February that the session would probably run longer

than usual.2 Sooner than she expected, John came home to

spend what they both hoped would be a long sojourn.

However, fate seemed against them having much time

together. Logan had to make a living, and he soon set off

on circuit, with his partner "Josh" Allen. He found no

dearth of business, and the young barrister who had bearded

the Republicans in the capital had as much work as he could

handle. He was gradually becoming one of the most sought

after lawyers in the southern half of the state. In the

summer of 1857, Logan was retained by the prosecution in

iIbid., 895.
2
Mary Logan to JAL, Jan. 18, Feb. 11, 1857,
Logan Mss.
3JAL to Mary Logan, May 13, 1857, Logan Mss.











the case for which he is best remembered.

Shawneetovm was a town of violent Democratic

factionalism. The local paper, the Illinoisan, actively

participated in these feuds and served as a mouthpiece for

Colonel James C. Sloo, a quarrelsome Democrat who differed

with most Egyptians on slavery. Sloo had been at odds with

the majority of his party for years, once calling Scott
1
Marshall a "foul mouthed puppy." Leader of the colonel's

opponents was John E. Hall, clerk of the county and circuit

courts. Hall was a close friend of Captain Cunningham and

Bob Ingersoll, his deputy. These three constantly came

under attack from the Illinoisan and Sloo.2

The Hall faction frequently used nearby newspapers

to defend themselves. In October, 1856, the Marion Intel-

ligencer ran an article signed "Vindex," which delivered

a scurrilous attack on Colonel Sloo. When Ingersoll

asked his superior if he was "Vindex," he received an

enigmatic reply. Hall's manner convinced Ingersoll that

1
Shawneetown Illinoisan, Sept. 8, 1854.
2
Ms. of Ingersoll Brothers legal day book, 1856-57,
Robert G. and Ebon C. Ingersoll Mss., Illinois State
Historical Library, Springfield; Rogers, op. cit., 86;
Herman Kittredge, Robert G. Ingersoll; a Biographical
Anpreciation, 36; Shawneetown Illinoisan as quoted in the
Cairo City Times, Oct. 31, 1855.
3Marion Intelligencer, Oct. 10, 1856.











he had delivered the blast.1

In November, Colonel Sloo's son Robert returned

from West Point and began gunning for "Vindex." As Inger-

soll was taking dictation from Hall, one day Bob Sloo

appeared in the doorway. Before either man could move,

Sloo fired, and Hall lay dead in Ingersoll's arms. The

young assassin made no attempt to escape and was quickly

apprehended, but the trial did not begin until spring of

1857.

In southern Illinois, the excitement of the Dred

Scott decision pailed into insignificance beside the Sloo

trial. As the time approached, Shawneetown was deluged by

visitors. The prosecution hired Logan and Allen, and the

defense vas led by John Dougherty, a leading Democrat and
2
old friend of Colonel Sloo. Logan took the case hesi-

tantly since Mary was slightly ill when he left Benton.

Empaneling a jury took some time, so heated were

local passions, and it was late M-'ay before the trial began.

The defense produced an immediate sensation when it indi-

cated that Sloo's defense would be temporary insanity,

a plea Logan considered "a most infamous lie...but will

1
Rogers, op. cit., 87; Kittredge, op. cit., 39.
2
Cairo Times and Delta, June 3, 1857.











not avail him in my judgement." The trial dragged on

through the summer until tempers were frayed and passions

almost at the breaking point. To make matters more uncom-

fortable for Logan, Mary's illness had not abated and the

baby was sick. By August he was ready to go home:

You can not imagine the distress and uneasiness
of mind I am in since reading your letter. Has the
Lord determined to destroy our happiness on this
earth" I am almost tempted to start home tonight,
but...I suppose I will have to remain in suspense
till I hear again. We are nearly through this week
and God knows I will not leave you again.2

He also advised her that he was confident that Sloo could

not be acquitted and that a hung jury was the accused's

only hope of escape.

In early August, Logan wrote that Sloo's defense
"have got four abolition doctors here from the North who

are going to swear that he is crazy as a bedbug and God

knows what effect it will have on the case."3 The effect

was disastrous, and Sloo was eventually acquitted on the

grounds of insanity. This was a pioneer case in the state

since it was one of the first acquittals based on insanity.

Logan had served the prosecution ably and was disappointed

JAL to Mary Logan, May 28, 1857, Logan Mss.
2
Ibid., Aug. 3, 4, 1857, Logan Mss.

3 Ibid., July 28, 1357, Logan Mss.










at the verdict, but he was at last free to return to
1
Benton.

He returned to find Mary recovered but his son's

condition had worsened. It was soon evident that the baby

might never recover, and the autumn was filled with despair

which descended to the depths when the baby died in late
2
September.

The period following this tragic event were months

of crisis for the family. Mary, lonely at home, had borne

the brunt of the tragedy, and was desolated. She pleaded

with John not to leave her again, and when he returned to

the circuit and the political wars in 1858, her letters

ring with supplications. "Politics if you will allow can

destroy our happiness together. It will robb [sic] you of

all domestic feelings and make you miserable except when in

the society of men engaged in the discussion of political

subjects." The rest of this letter reveals the core of

their personal relationship during these bleak days:

I know my dear will forgive me when he remembers
what a different life I have had. I was married with
nothing but pleasure and happiness in view. I was
just from the scenes of happy school days. I was
young and knew nothing of life and did not anticipate
its realities so full of sorrow. I have been sick
almost all the time, and you have been forced to be

1
Rogers, on. cit., 89.
2
Mary Logan, Reminiscences, 58.











away from home so much of your time. Death has
visited us and taken our little Treasure. Indeed
we have had life in all its realities. You were
older and have mingled with the world and did not
picture life as one smooth scene of pleasure, and
I have always leaned upon you as my only sup ort
in undergoing all these changes. I have ever looked
up to you as a Father more than a companion and have
expected you to listen to my complaints and troubles
and to talk with me and show me my errors when I do
wrong.... In the future lets hope for a brighter life
and although circumstances may yet bring forth trials
that attend mankind we may be happy together.1

These letters are a far cry from the blissful

picture Mrs. Logan painted of their marriage years later.

"Our marriage was a real partnership," she wrote, "I shared

his thoughts and plans no less when he was a Senator than

when he was a prosecuting attorney in Southern Illinois."2

Logan countered with arguments he used over and

over. He told Mary that law and politics were his only

trade. He regretted the separations, but they were neces-

sary for him to make a living. whetherr due to his arguments,

or because Mary realized that John was what he was, her

letters are punctuated with glimpses of life, as when she

wrote, "It will sound rather strange to you to see me so

much interested about your being 3 candidate,...but I am

satisfied you will not be contented to lead a quiet domestic

life for a few years at least." One reason for this interest


1
Mary Logan to JAL, Iarch 8, 1858, Logan Mss.
2
Mary Logan, Reminiscences, vii.










was that the candidacy Mary alluded to was for congressman.

She hoped that a victory would keep them together more

effectively than Logan's earlier posts.1

In the spring of 1858, rumors spread through Egypt

that Marshall would step aside and that Logan would be his

successor. Logan's apprenticeship in state politics was

coming to a close. As he had moved from local politics

to the state level in 1853, so he was prepared to move to

the national scene in 1858. While the nation watched

Illinois, all Egypt kept an eye on Logan, waiting for con-

firmation of rumor. In Benton, Mary Logan listened and

hoped for the best.











CHAPTER III


DIRTY WORK IN WASHINGTON


Egypt had always been a Democratic stronghold.

Whigs received little support from small farmers who loudly

and proudly proclaimed their loyalty to Jacksonian Demo-

cracy. In 1856 Republicans showed little power in Egypt.

Know-Nothings generally ran ahead of Republicans, there

but their total vote was insignificant compared to the

immense vote for Buchanan and Richardson. For years,

Democrats running for state positions had counted on

Egyptian landslides to push them into office. Douglas

was no exception, and in 1846 and 1852 the section marched

solidly behind him. Then came the renewal of the question

of slavery in the territories, which brought a change to

the Democratic party of Egypt, Illinois, and the nation.

In 1857 Buchanan demanded that the Lecompton Con-

stitution be accepted as the formula for solution of the

Kansas muddle. When support of this mockery of popular

sovereignty became a test of party loyalty, the Democratic

party became hopelessly divided. In December, Douglas,

who would not accept the pro-slave constitution, arrived

in Washington to talk to the President. The two men could

not agree, and Buchanan warned the Illinois senator of









1
the price of party insurgency.

The Douglas-Buchanan split had immediate reper-

cussions in Egypt. Most southern Illinois Democrats fell

in behind Douglas, but there were administration supporters,

and a Buchanan organ threw down the gauntlet:
It has been boasted that Mr. Douglas holds Illinois
in his breeches pocket, and can lead it away with him
in support of whatever vagaries his self-willed head
may l1ad him into. This is a most tremendous mis-
take.

Logan never hesitated in his support of the Little

Giant, agreeing with the Douglas press which proclaimed,

"The people are with him for he is right."3 As the Douglas-

ites organized for the battle, there was speculation as to

the Douglas candidate for the House in the Ninth District.

In April, Scott Marshall declined to run for re-election,

announcing that he had a friend willing to take up the

cry against Lecompton. To most Egyptians the "friend"

was obviously Logan, and in a perceptive view of Egyptian

politics the administration press asked:

1
Philip G. Auchampaugh, "The Buchanan-Douglas
Feud," Journal, Illinois State Hist. Soc., XXV, No. 1
(April, 1932), 12; Milton, The Eve of Conflict, 273.
2
Cairo Times and Delta, Feb. 24, 1858.
3
Salem Advocate, Jan. 1, 1858.
Wlilliam Hacker to JAL, April 11, 1858, Logan Mss.










How have our Congressional candidates been nomi-
nated and elected? Beginning with Willis Allen they
have been elected by the fiat of a few. Samuel S.
Marshall was a man of influence and belonged to this
clique; John A. Logan is a man of influence and
belongs to this clique; W. J. Allen is a man of
influence and belongs to this clique; all were
aspirants for congressional honors; therefore it
was arranged between them that Mr. Marshall should
first go to Congress, Mr. Logan next, each one
turning his own influence and that of his friends
in favor of the one whose turn it might be to go
to Congress.

There had been such an agreement between F-::t's Demo-

cratic leaders, and Marshall, having stepped aside, looked

forward to Logan's "glorious victory over the Black Republi-

cans and the Chicago Postmaster traitors combined."2

Most Illinois Democratic leaders remained loyal

to Douglas and denounced the "Danites" or "Buccaneers,"

as the administration men were called. Logan took the

stump early in the campaign in defense of his leader.

After a speech in Cairo on April 13, even the hostile local

.ress called his effort "calm and argumentative and fre-

quently interrupted by cheering." Many leading Democrats

wrote Logan in the spring assuring him of an easy triumph

in the Ninth District. Congressman James C. Robinson

1
Cairo Tires and Delta, April 21, 1858.
2
S. S. Marshall to JAL, May 2, 1859, Logan Mss.
The "Postmaster traitors" are the "Danites."
3
Cairo Times and Delta, April 1i, 1958.










advised him that even the doubtful counties of the district

were free of both Republicans and Lecomptonites.1

The Republicans saw in the Democratic schism a

chance for victory in the Senate race as well as a possi-

bility of picking up several House seats. The "Danites"

were making such extravagant claims in Egypt that some

Republican leaders envisioned possible gains in the Demo-

cratic stronghold. These optimists were warned by D. L.

Phillips, a Democrat turned Republican, that these claims

were false and that Egypt was still pro-Douglas. He added

in a letter to Senator Trumnbull, "The Democracy here are

led by the Allens, Marshall, Lo-an. .and others, and these

are all for Douglas. John Logan is bitter against Bucha-

nan."2 Another Egyptian Republican wrote Trumbull that

Logan preferred Seward to Buchanan.3

If the "Danites" had little strength in Egypt,

they were weaker in northern Illinois where their extreme

"doughfacism" was in disfavor. In many counties only the

federally appointed postmasters were Buchanan men, and

Republicans began to realize that division in their

James C. Robinson to JAL, April 21, 1858, Logan
Mss.
2
D. L. Phillips to Lyman Trumbull, March 2, 1858,
Lyman Trumbull Mss.

3Ben L. Wiley to Lyman Trumbull, March 2, 1858,
Trumbull Mss.









opponents' ranks might do them little good.1

With Logan's nomination a foregone conclusion, he

became a target for attacks by both "Danite" and Republican

papers. The State Journal called him "an arrant trickster

of the blackguard order." The Republican organ at Chicago

agreed and added: "He is a Douglasite...and evinces determi-

nation to follow that gentleman unto the end." Among

Democratic papers of the state, however, administration

forces fared badly. Sixty-nine papers u.u ort d Douglas

with only five backing the "Danites."3

Organized campaigning began April 21 when Demo-

crats assembled at Springfield. Douglas' candidacy was

endorsed and candidates nominated for two state offices.

After Douglas' nomination, the convention split, the

"Danites" calling a meeting for June 9 to name their state

ticket. In June the Republicans gathered to name their

party's slate. They endorsed Abraham Lincoln as Douglas'

op onent and jibed at the divided Democrats. The Republi-

cans called their own convention a "brilliant triumph."

1
Cole, op. cit., 158.
2
Illinois State Journal, April 22, 1858; Chicago
Press and Tribune, quoted in Cairo Times and Delta, April 28,
1858.

3James W. Sheahan, The Life of Stephen A. Douglas,
397.
4
l4ton Courier, June 24, 1858.











Shortly after the Democratic convention at Spring-

field adjourned, Logan and his fellow Egyptians held their

district convention at Thebes. Logan was nominated for

the House by acclamation, and despite the absence of oppo-

sition, he began stumping the district.

This speaking tour was interrupted in June when

Logan and his wife journeyed to Chicago to meet Senator

Douglas. On the ninth, amid wild enthusiasm, the Little

Giant entered the city. There he made his first speech of

the canvass and conferred with his supporters from all over

the state. Logan optimistically reported on conditions in

the Ninth District and applauded Douglas' speech in which

the senator attacked both Buchanan and the Republicans.1

The Douglas caravan moved on to Springfield for the sena-

tor's second major address. The Logans rode the triumphal

train to the capital and again listened to the Little Giant

excoriate their opponents.

After the Springfield mass meeting, Logan and Mary

returned to Benton to begin the congressional campaign. For

the first time since their marriage, Mary was able to

accompany him on extended tours, and she was thrilled with

the excitement of the campaign and impressed with Douglas,


1
Mary Logan, Reminiscences, 58.










whom she met in Chicago. Logan had promised her that she

might accompany him through the remainder of the canvass

and she took increased interest in her husband's affairs.

Opponents irore slow in appearing against Logan.

As early as April, rumors started that John Dougherty, well-

known Jonesboro Democrat, would be the "Danite" candidate,

but this was denied.2 Dougherty had a large following in

Lower Egypt, and Scott Marshall advised Logan to get him to

renounce Buchanan. This effort failed, and in June Dougherty

was nominated for state treasurer by the "Danites."3 The

Republican candidate in the Ninth District was Ben L. 7'iley,

who did little campaigning. Deploring this inactivity of

the opposition, M1arshall wrote Logan praying for a more

active fight, promising "to travel over the district and

help skin them." He added, "we won't have much fun in

Egypt unless you ca' got up --thlin of this kind."4

The first real opponent in the field was Logan's

former partner, '.. F. Farish, the "Danite" man, whom the

Cairo Times and Delta predicted would win the seat by a

1
Ibid., 58, 61.
2
Cairo Tines and Delta, April 28, 1858.

S. S. Marshall to JAL, .ay 2, 185,, Logan MILs.
4
Ibid.









1
"whooping majority." It v'as obvious to most observers

that the "Buccaneers" strength in Egypt was largely imagi-

nary. Logan's partner "Josh" Allen confidently told John

"we shall beat them."2

Logan discovered unexpected help. Lincoln challenged

Douglas to a series of joirt debates, and the list included

two Egyptian towns, Jonesboro and Alton. Logan would have

a chance to appear beside the senator and benefit from the

luster Douglas would add to his cause. Douglas also stood

to gain by appearing with Logan. The senator knew that

his lieutenant wielded great power in southern Illinois and

that Logan's support would probably mean that no "Danite"

legislators would be returned from Lower Egypt.
The first two debates took place at Ottawa and

Freeport, and in September the senatorial aspirants turned

toward Egypt. Dourlas arrived first, meeting Logan at

Chester, where Logan and U. F. Linder spoke for the senator.

The group moved on to Cairo, where Logan and Marshall pro-

ceeded Douglas in addressing a crowd of Democrats.3
Next day Douglas and his companions journeyed to

1Cairo Times and Delta, Aug. 11, 1858. The
Chester Herald made the first announcement of Parish's
candidacy, quoted in Chicago Press and Tribune, July 27, 1858.
2
W. J. Allen to JAL, July 8, 1858, Logan Mss.

3Cairo Times and Delta, Sept. 29, 1858; Linder,
op. cit., 345.










Jon .bor, to nect Lincoln, who arrived the previous evening.

S Jn boro -stin- -i, re of the quietest of the debates.

Until abaut non there s little evidence of any unusual

act*Vit -. Ab ut midday the '-m i as carriages, accompanied

by a canon, which boomed at every opportunity, rolled into

tT;a 't afternoon, about 2,000 .) le listened to the

two -1 -It!: rsnew their .rrunt't.1 iry Logan later remem-

beaed Ia' vbili y to win support by "the magnatism

of his er ality." '"h also rec!Qled Lincoln:

1 al ays like to think of Mr. Lincoln as he was
xn the days when I saw his with the eyes of an
Sor.ent. aw kardnec has not been exaggerated,
but it gave no effect of self-corsciousnuss. ,. .c
a zoeo-rt' "r about his unrainleness and about his
hoe., face, even in a state of tall an"r n ny
en, w' ch : Iud h-ve made any one who sn .y w.ssed
him in th st eet or aoa. hira pitting on a -fotorm
remember hm.

Je n bor.) debate renewed the exchange begun at

Freeport. "' s c-'nstantly cheered by the Partisan

crowd as he ended 1 r sovereignty in the fojce of the

DVPd cott decio n. Lincoln*s penetration into Egypt

.a the sinai for the -atherir of all -ypt's Re-ublicans.

corbIne4~ with the D nites," who a plauded


r 10 "' ;& 'rr T - -4, T estimates
tie crowd at ,O-J. i 'c. "'ree rs fLu:' estimated
tae number t 1, u' .. e t to
convince voters thnt Dourlan could not even draw a crowd
in *.,t.

2 Iary Loan, Penini.scences, 61.











Lincoln out of hatred for Douglas, were able to muster con-

siderable vocal support for the gangling Republican.1

While nothing novel emerged from the Jinesboro

debate, it served as a rallying point for Egyptian Demo-

crats and Republicans. After the two debators concluded,

local battles began in earnest. Logan took advantage of

Douglas' presence, and following the match with Lincoln, the

Little Giant accompanied John to Benton. '.h re, September 16,

Douglas addressed a wildly partisan crowd in a grove north-

west of town. Mrs. Lo-an was busily occupied making a huge

flag to be used in the procession to the speaker's stand,

and she arranged the reception for Douglas. With Logan

presiding, he and the senator bla-ted the "Danites" and

called on the voters of Franklin County to follow the

Douglas banner.2 The narty next moved to the state fair at

Centralia, which provided a good opportunity for a large

crowd. Again Logan and Douglas shared the platform, the

former delivering a speech which even the Chicago Press

and Tribune admitted was effective.

With the departure of Lincoln and Douglas, politics

settled back to normal. But the Alton Courier thought that

1
Paul M. Angle (ed.), Created Equal? The Complete
Lincoln-Douglas Debates of 1858, 200, 223.
2
Smith, op. cit., I, 300.
3Chicago Press and Tribune, Sept. 19, 1858.










following Lincoln's appearance, "Egypt is waking up and
shaking off the political cloud in which it has so long

been enshrouded."I The Republican press showed great faith
in Lincoln's vote .-ettin7 powers by predicting that Logan's

majority might be cut to 5,000, but not even his bitterest
o )ncnts forecast a Logan defeat.2
In late September, Republicans entered an active

candidate against Logan. Wiley, whose business prevented

him from campaigning, withdrew, and .. L. Phillips took

the stump.3 The canvass in the Ninth District was typical

of northwestern politics. Rallies were accompanied by the

usual fights and drinking. Most of the district's towns

raised poles flying flags lettered with the names of their
favorites, and rowdies tried to saw down poles of the

-a iition.4 Usually there were only two poles, but there

were three in the Ninth District, and the trio of candi-

dates hurled charge and counter-charge. The "Danites"

claimed the "now-Not' inr.. were for Lofan, but voters
remembering his scourging of the nativists in 1856 were

1Alton Courier, Oct. 2, 1858.
2
Chicago Press and Tribune, Oct. 2, 1858.
3
Alton Courier, Sept. 39, 1 "5.

4Charles B. Johnson, Illinois in the Fifties,
147.










1
inclined to discount the story. The campaign was to a

great extent a battle of personalities, much of the time

external personalities. The names of Buchanan, Douglas,

and Lincoln appear almost as often as those of the con-

gressional candidates. However the issue of slavery in the

territories, and the negro problem in general did occupy

the three men. Logan pointed out that the Republicans

were in league with the abolitionists and if elected would

bring the feared deluge from across the Ohio. Logan found

himself between his two opponents, and from opposite poles

Republicans and administration men joined in attacking

Logan and Douglas.

These attacks enhanced Logan's popularity. Though

he spent most of his time in his own district, in October

he entered the neighboring Eighth District, and at Salem

joined Silas Bryan and I. N. Haynie in speaking for P. B.
2
Fouke, Douglasite candidate for Congress. Later, after a

speech at Mound City, that town's paper gave clear insight

into Logan's political personality:

Logan is a popular speaker and seems to have
espoused, certainly so far as this district is con-
cerned, the popular cause. In addition to this, he
is personally popular--is in possession of the
desirable faculty of making himself a lion in the
social circle, as he is acknowledged to be in the
political arena. In him abolitionism finds a foe
who will be satisfied only with "war to the knife,

1
Cairo Times and Delta, Sept. 29, 1858.
2
Salem Advocate, Oct. 30, 1858.










and knife to the hilt." His hate for that creed
is bitter and no man knows how to evince a bitter
spirit more completely than John A. Logan.1

Mary accompanied Logan on many of his speaking

tours, and her letters indicate that she was becoming more

easily reconciled to occasional absences. John's letters

reveal that though he thought victory was almost certain,

he regarded the canvass a "hard fight."2

The last great meeting of the contest was the final

Lincoln-Douglas debate held at Alton October 15. Again

the Democrats gathered, but this time Fouke, the Douglas

candidate from the Alton district, was the chief bene-

ficiary of the Little Giant's presence.

Following this debate, Logan concluded his own

campaign. Throughout the canvass he had speculated on

Douglas' chances. He realized the race would be close.

A Republican governor carried the state in 1856 and Lincoln

had the added advantage of divided Democracy. In the

sunmrer, the senator's friends attempted to declare a

truce, but Buchanan refused and John Slidell, Louisiana

senator, and a close Buchanan lieutenant, entered Illinois

to help undermine Douglas. The "Buccaneers" were

1
Mound City Emporium, Oct. 14, 1858.
I r- Logan to JAL, Oct. 4, 1858; JAL to Mary Logan,
Oct. 3, 1858, Logan Mss.
Richard R. Stenberg, "An Unnoted Factor in the
Buchanan-Douglas Feud," Journal, Illinois State Hist. Soc.,
XXV, No. 4 (Jan., 1933), 273; Milton, op. cit., 346.











particularly active in the close legislative districts,

and it was feared that if too many of them fell, Douglas

might be beaten in the assembly.1

Republicans also brought in outside help. Salmon

P. Chase of Ohio, Frank Blair of Missouri, and Schuyler

Colfax of Indiana joined the stop-Douglas movement. There

was great activity, by all sides, in the crucial central

region. There the election would be decided. Republicans

were conceded a majority in the North and Douglas awarded

Egypt, and a strong swing in either direction in the

region around Springfield could be decisive.2

Careful observers like Logan were inclined to take

other factors into account. Reapportionment had been slow

in Illinois, and the populous north was still dominated

in the legislature by the Democratic south. In addition,

only half the Senate vas to be elected, and though it was

rumored that the "Danites" were trying to influence the

holdovers to abandon Douglas, the senator's forces were

confident of their support.3

November 2, election day, was cold and rainy.

The Republicans later claimed the rain robbed them of

1
Sheahan, op. cit., 431.
2
Cole, op. cit., 165.
3
Cole, op. cit., 179; Milton, op. cit., 351.










victory, but apportionment more than bad weather handed

reelection to Douglas. Though Republicans won the state

offices, and Lincoln outdrew Douglas in total vote, the

legislature was Democratic.

In Egypt almost all the Douglas men were victorious.

Douglas candidates were returned from the two legislative

districts of Lower Egypt, and with the exception of German

St. Clair County, southern Illinois was solidly Douglasite.

Logan's vote was overwhelming. He rolled up 15,878 votes

to 2,796 for Phillips, and less than 200 for Parish. Even

popular John Dougherty, running for state treasurer on the

"Danite" ticket, polled only 1,215 votes in Logan's district.

The "Danites" were crushed, the Republican gain was insig-

nificant, and Logan was swept into office by a 13,000 vote

majority.2 Logan was beaten in only one county of the

sixteen in the Ninth District. In Edwards County, northern-

most of the district, he lost by 120 votes; Bissell had

carried the county by a similar margin two years earlier.

Lo-an did succeed in winning Wabash County, which Bissell

had taken in 1856. In most counties his margin was immense.

1
Chicago Press and TribUne, Nov. 5, 1858.
2
Lusk, op. cit., 45; Chicago Press and Tribune,
Nov. 18, 1858. Despite Republican claims of increased
power in lower Egypt, Phillips garnered only 600 more votes
in the Ninth District than Bissell had in 1856, Alton
Courier, Nov. 4, 1858.











Johnson County voted for Logan 1158 to 6.

Victory did not mean an immediate trip to Washing-

ton. The 36th Congress did not convene until December,

1859. John had an entire year before him, and he returned

to the circuit to make a living. The Logans spent a happy

Christmas with John's mother and family in Murphysboro

before he returned to court.

In January Logan went to Springfield to practice.

He remained through February, writing Mary to apologize

for his absence, but advising her, "there may not be so

good an opportunity for us to get some money as now."2

In February Logan was honored by the Democratic state comit-

tee. In appreciation of his speech against Bissell, they

presented him with a gold headed cane inscribed "To John A.

Logan, from his friends for the advocacy of our rights on

the 13th of Januar", 1857."3 This was good news for Mary,

but she had news of her own for John. That winter she

joyfully announced they were going to have another child.

The year was quiet in Illinois politics. Both

parties were working for 1860. The Democrats were certain

that Douglas' victory over Lincoln would win him the presi-

dential nomination, and the Republicans, though depressed

1
Mary Logan, Reminiscences, 70.
2
JAL to Mary Logan, Jan. 30, 1859, Logan Mss.
3
JAL to Mary Logan, Feb. 7, 1859, Logan Mss.










at their loss in the senatorial fight, had been kept alive

by the vigor of Lincoln's campaign. It was also a quiet

political year for Logan, and his time was consumed by his

practice. He defended clients accused of perjury, resisting

arrest, and illegal sale of whiskey. He also defended his

old Mexican War commander, Captain James Hampton, accused

of assault and battery. The practice brought him a fair

living, but like many attorneys he marked many of his

accounts unpaid.2

Logan spent a great deal of time in Benton, and

was with Mary when their daughter, named Dorothy after

John's sister, was born. The summer was a pleasant one.

Even during Logan's absences, Mary's letters were happy.

When summer gave way to autumn, however, a new crisis arose.

The baby was too small to stand the trip to Washington,

and what she had hoped would be time together turned into a

long separation. Her disappointment was intense, and the

parting a painful one, but John promised to send for her

as soon as possible. In November he left Benton for

Cincinnati on the first leg of his journey.3

1
William E. Baringer, "Camoaign Technique in
Illinois, 1860," Transactions, Illinois State Hist. Soc.,
No. 39 (1932), 203.
2
Ms. legal account book, 1859, Logan Mss.
3JAL to Mary Logan, Nov. 23, 1859, Logan Mss.











In Cincinnati, Logan waited for fellow Congress-

man Phil Fouke for two days. When he failed to arrive,

Logan caught a train for Washington. The trip, Logan's

first into the East, was an interesting experience, espe-

cially a brief stop at Harperp Ferry. It had been little

more than a month since John Brown raided the town, and

bullet holes were still plainly visible. Logan, who bit-

terly condemned Brown, shuddered as he wrote to his wife

after seeing the town. "There is more danger of a rupture

in this government now than [there] has ever been before."1

Logan arrived in Washington November 26, an unknown

freshman congressman from the Northwest. lie was cheered

to hear several Southern congressmen say that Douglas was

the only man to handle the national emergency. For the

moment, however, the state of the union had to take second

place to more practical matters.2 Logan first lodged at

Brown's Hotel where he paid $25 a week. He soon moved to

a more modest rooming house near the capitol, where he

lived with Phil Fouke.3

1
JAL to Mary Logan, Nov. 27, 1859, Logan Mss.
2
Ibid. Logan was so obscure that he was listed
in the index of the Congressional Globe as, "Logan, John A.,
a Congressman from Indiana." Cong. Globe, 36th Congress,
1st Session, pt. 1, lvi.
3
JAL to Mary Logan, Dec. 1, 1859, Logan Mss.










On December 4 his career as a member of the House

began informally in Democratic caucus, where he met many

of his party's leaders and voted for Thomas Bocock, of

Virginia, for speaker. The five Illinois Democrats were

anti-Lecompton men, and though they initially agreed to

back Bocock, they were an unknown quantity in the 36th

Congress. Leading the Douglas ren in the House was John

McClernand, whom John knew but casually from contacts at

political gatherings in Illinois. From Illinois Logan and

McClernand were joined by James Robinson, Isaac Morris,

and Fouke. As he looked about the caucus room Logan saw

the Ohioans, Pendleton, Vallandighaw, and -. S. Cox,

William English of Indiana, and his fellow anti-Lecomp-

tonites, Haskin of New York and Hickman of Pennsylvania.

Also present were the fiery Southerners, Pryor of Virginia,

Keitt of South Carolina, Houston of Alabama, and young,

capable L.7.C. Lamar of Mississippi.

Next day, before packed galleries, the 36th

Congress began its chaotic course. An explosion came

quickly. After one inconclusive vote for speaker, John B.

Clark of Missouri introduced a resolution that any man

who favored the views toward slavery expressed in Kinton

Helper's work, The Impending Crisis, was unfit to be

1
Cong. Globe, 36th Cong., 1st Sess., pt. 1, 52;
New York Times, Dec. 5, 1859.










speaker. Since the leading Republican candidate, John

Sherman, had endorsed the book, the resolution was obviously

directed at him. The reaction to Clark's proposal made the

already difficult speakership election almost impossible.

Logan favored the Clark resolution. In the attempt to

table the resolution, which failed, Logan voted against

tabling. Across the aisle, Logan listened to hated Republi-

cans locked in combat with Southerners. There was Roscoe

Conkling of New York, Thad Stevens, the club-footed aboli-

tionist from Pennsylvania, and "Honest John" Covode from

the same state. From Ohio, Logan saw Sherman and John

Bingham, and from Indiana Schuyler Colfax, the same Colfax

who had entered Illinois to speak against Douglas in 1858.

He despised these men on principle. But he had more reason

to dislike the four Illinois Republicans. Logan had crossed

them on the stump, and since "no man hated an abolitionist

more than he," the four Republicans, Elihu Washburne, John

Farnsworth, William Kellogg, and Owen Lovejoy, came in for

special abuse from the young Egyptian Democrat.1

The speakership fight was made uncertain by the

close division of the House. There were 109 Republicans,

101 Democrats, and 27 Whigs and Know-Nothings, the latter

holding the balance of powor. The second ballot, shook

1
Linder, o). cit., 344.










the contest down to a two-way fight between Sherman and

Bocock, with the two minor parties scattering their votes

to prevent a choice. It was obvious to Logan that House

organization would be a long and tedious process, and he

devoted all his spare time to getting his own affairs

organized. He was even forced to hire a boy to help him

until he could get settled.1

On December 7 taking advantage of a lull ih the

speakership fight, Kellogg of Illinois rose to attack the

rumored deal between Horace Greeley, editor of the New

York Tribune, and Senator Douglas. The reported bargain

would have sold out Illinois Republicans in the senatorial

election of 1858. The story was old, frequently denied by

Douglas, and it brought Illinois Democrats to their feet.

Logan tried to get the floor to answer Kellogg, but failed,

and it was McClernand who finally defended the Little

Giant.2

Two days later, Logan got the floor for the first

time. His maiden speech was not a notable example of

parliamentary oratory, but it did not go unnoticed. The

chair recognized the young Democrat with the swarthy skin,

jet black hair, and large drooping mustache, and h s

booming voice made his auditors take notice. Logan began

1
JAL to Mary Logan, Dec. 6, 1859, Logan Mss.
2
Cong. Globe, 36th Cong., 1st Sess., pt. 1, 40.










by charging Kellogg with a complete lack of proof of

Douglas' dealings with Greeley. Choking off Kellogg's

interruption, he went on charging that the only reason for

dredging up the old story was to ruin Douglas as a presi-

dential candidate. Logan reminded the House that Kellogg's

cry was, "Republicanism! Abolitionism! Suwardism!"l

Stopping Kellogg's attempted interruption again, his voice

soared as he cried:

I tell the gentleman now, since he has refused
this morning to bring forward his proof, that from
this time forth, I shall never notice it. I scorn
to notice it any further, and the reason for it is
this. I made a charge once, in the legislature of
the State of Illinois, and I stood up and did prove
it, when called upon for proof, and did not shrink
from responsibility, and like a spaniel cower...1

Kellogg leaped up shouting, "Does the gentleman

call me a spaniel coward?" Amid the confusion and shouts

the pair rushed at each other. As Logan prepared to defend

himself, friends held the two apart while the chair gaveled

for order.2 Through the din, Logan demanded to be allowed

to continue, assuring the chair, "I am in no danger of

receiving injury." This brought a demand that provocation

1
Ibid., 83. The allusion to his own charges are
obviously those made in the Bissell speech.
2
New York Times, Dec. 10, 1859; Allan Nevins, the
Emergence of Lincoln, 118; Cong. Globe, 36th Cong., 1st
Sess., pt. 1, 83. One student claims Logan drew a pistol
during this altercation, but I have been able to find no
other contemporary or secondary accounts that mention the
pistol. This claim is in, Emerson D. Fite, The Presidential
Campaign of 1860, 43.











cease, and Logan promised to continue in "as mild a temper

as I am capable of." "hen hisses and noise continued, he

defiantly shouted, "If I am to be hissed; if I am to be

cl- *- down or if I am to be intimidated in this Hall,

allow me to say that I have as many rights, whether they

be respected or not as any man on this floor." Farnsworth

of Illinois there asked that the House not be turned into

a "bear garden," and suggested that Logan'? remarks were

out of order. 'hen a semblance of order was restored,

Loan, still on his feet, turned his attack on southern

Democrats who had received Kellogg's accusation with

"smiles and applause." He accused the- of being ungrateful

to Dougla., whose efforts had always been in their behalf.

.hen isked his position on slavery in the territories,

his defense of popular sovereignty received loud a clause

fror the Democratic benches.2
-rr .r.r- to Republican violations of federal law,

he defended the FTuitive Flave Act, and called for rigid

enforcement of that statute. Continuing on the same

subject, he von a nickname:

Every fugitive slave that has been arrested in
Illinois, or in any of the western n states, and I
call Illinois a westernn state, for I am ashamed
longer to call it a Northern state, has been made by
Democrats. In I-linois the D mocrats have all that

1
Cong'. Globe, 36th -or -., 1st .ess., 7t. 1, 83.
2
Ibid., 84.




Full Text

PAGE 1

JOHN A. LOGAN: POLITICIAN AND SOLDIER By JAMES P. JONES A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNUL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA Januar}-. I960

PAGE 2

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA ilillilllillliil 3 1262 08552 5342

PAGE 3

PREFACE One of the most interesting political and military figures of the Civil War was General John A, Logan of Illinois. "Black Jack" Lo^^an, a Democratic congressman before the war, left that party after Appomattox and from 1^66 until his death tv;enty years later was a leading Republican. This study traces Logan* s change of party and its effect on his native state. "John A. Logan, Politician and Soldier," also deals with LOf-an as a military commander. Unlike most Union political soldiers, Logan was a success on the battlefield, Ulysses S. Grant, James G. Blaine, and Rutherford B, Hayes called him the ablest non-professional soldier the war produced, an opinion shared by many. Biographical material on this colorful and significant figure is almost non-existent. The last life of Logan, written by a close friend, was published in ISS? and leaves a distorted picture of Logan* s place in the events of those critical years. All other biographies, especially the one by his wife, are equally misleading. This study was undertaken to present what I hope will be a clearer view of Logan* s career during the Civil War era. Since he was so much a product of his section of Illinois I have devoted two chapters to Lo!^an*s early life ii

PAGE 4

and his state and local political career. This material serves as a prologue to Logan's appearance on the national scene. The bulk of this study traces "Bl'«ck Jack's" life from 1^59 to 1^6? and its place in the events which filled those crowded years. It is hoijed that this narrative will fill an important Civil War biographical gap. No vjriter can hope to acknowledge all those who assisted in the preparation of a manuscript. He can simply recognize those v/ao have been most helpful. I would like to acknowledge my p^articul^r indebtedners to Dr. V/illism E. Baringer, my doctoral chairman, for actions far beyond the call of duty. He has been a constant source of help in a multitude of '/.-ays. I should al£;o lika to thank the other members of t^j doctoral committee for their assistance. There are several institutions I must recognize for their invaluable contributions to this study. The staff of the Manuscripts Division of the Library of Congress was especially helpful in making available the extensive Logan collections. The staff of the Illinois Soate Hir.torical Library v;as also of great aid in supplying materials. I v;ould like especially to acknowledge the kind assistance of Miss Margaret Flint and Mr. S. A. Wetherbee of that institution. Lastly I would like to thank the staff of The Florida State University's inter-library loan division under Miss Nancy Bird. Tneir indefatigable assistance made the iii

PAGE 5

libraries of the v.'orld my research libr?.ry. In conclusion I would like to thank my wife Berlin for her assistance and her inexhaustible patience. IV

PAGE 6

TABLE OF CONTENTS Page PREFACE ii Chapter I. THE YOUNG EGYPTIAN 1 II. SPRINGFIELD AND MA.RY 31 III. DIRTY WORK IN WASHINGTON 72 IV. ft PLAGUE ON BOTH YOUR HOUSE? 132 V. RALLY 'ROUND THE FL^^C 176 VI. THE THIRTY-FIRST ILLINOIS 200 VII. MONOTONY IN MISSISSIPPI, TEDIUM ir TEI^IiESoEE 255 VIII. HEWING THEIR wAY 2^6 IX. i-'ORTY ROUNDo 336 X. FLAi^KING THE DEVIL 366 XI. THE YEAR OF JUBILO 427 XII. I V;iLL KEVER AFFILIATE 4^7 BIBLIOGRAPHY 533 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE 549

PAGE 7

CHAPTER I THE YOUNG EGYPTIAN Illinois is shaped like a giant flint arrowhead. Its point thrusts deep into the South between the Mississippi and Ohio Rivers. At its tip, the muddy Mississippi and the slightly less tumid Ohio, merge in a great confluence. Here North and South meet, and in the triangle of land at the arrowhead's point, called "Egypt," the customs and ideas of North and South were intricately interwoven. John A. Logan was a product of this sectional intermingling. Egypt runs from Alton and Vandal ia on the north to Cairo, standing with "one foot in the Mississippi and the other in the Ohio" one hundred and thirty miles to the South. The origin of the name "Egypt" is a matter of debate. The delta-like nature of the area perhaps led to comparisons with the Nile delta. Here v;ere towns like Karnak, Thebes and Cairo. There are other theories. One holds that the region was named "Egypt" by its detractors, 2 ^ because of its supposed intellectual backv/ardness. A more widely accepted theory places the origin of the name Baker Brownell, The Other Illinois . 3. 2 rt R. H. Thornton, An American Glossary . 283.

PAGE 8

in the northern Illinois corn famine of 1330-1^31. This famine, caused by the "winter of theedeep snow," created a food shortage in the northern counties and led countless settlers South in a search for food, to the counties less affected by the freeze. The biblical parallel with the Genesis story of Joseph and his brothers came to mind, and it became common to say, "I am going down to Egypt.*" Some authors discount all of the stories, holding that the actual 2 origin of the name is lost in the misty past. Whatever the origin, the name seems to have been in common usage long before it entered written records, apparently in the early 1^50»s.^ During the lg50»s and lg60»s, the use of the name becajne so common that southern Illinois was almost always referred to as "Egypt" in both the Illinois and the national press. The name became so widely accepted that the quotation marks disappeared in print. Egypt has a long and colorful history. Its first residents were Indians of the Illinois Confederation. The first v/hites were the French who established forts and missions along the rivers in the seventeenth and eighteenth History of Morgan County. Illinois . W. F. Short (ed.), 2^7; Egyptian Key , II, Ho. 6 (March. 1947). 31. 2 Brownell, op. cit .. 5« 3 Dictionary of American History . J. T, Adams (ed.), II, 190.

PAGE 9

centuries. They in turn v/ere succeeded by the English after the French and Indian War. Settlement was sparse, hov;ever, until the American Revolution when Egypt's boom began. American soldiers came first to expel the English and later as settlers, lured westward by land bounties and the gentle beauty of the terrain. Fur trappers and pioneers of all kinds soon pushed into the region between the great rivers. From the Northern states this human tide flowed down the Ohio, to be joined by Southerners moving northward from Virginia, Kentucky and Tennessee, or later, across the river from Missouri, always looking for the prosperity the region seemed to offer. The first four decades of independence were years of steady gro'vth in Southern Illinois. The future of the section seemed limitless; its destiny as the great exchange point between North and South was evident to all. In IS24 Dr. John Logan crossed the Mississippi into this burgeoning land. A native of Ireland, he was brought to the United States in the first decade of the nineteenth century by his father, who sought to avoid the troubles of i ~~ In 1860 the Illinois Census revealed that the eleven states that seceded in I86I had contributed 94,475 natives to the Illinois population. The three border slave states of Kentucky, Maryland and Missouri had contributed 83,063. Many, perhaps a majority of the immigrants settled in Egypt. Eighth Census of the United States. 1"'60 . 104-105.

PAGE 10

his homeland. The family first settled at Ellicott Mills, Kiryland, but John soon joined the westward rush into the Mississippi Valley, settling in erry County, MisLJOiurl. John Loi^an studied medicine with his fathar. Although he engaged In various agricultural, business and political ventures in the bast, he never abandoned medical practice. chortly aTter his arrival in Missouri, the young doctor laarried Miss Mary Barcune, the daughter of a prt)Eiinent French family of Cap© Girardeau County, Missouri. When this union ended tragically in his wife's early demise. Dr. Logan left Missouri, and in lf^24 est^ibiished his r«3idence on the Big Maddy Uiver at Brownsville, a tiny haz&let serving aa the county seat of Jackson County, Illinois, ^^t Brownsville, Logsn T.~'t Mi^s Elizabeth Jex^in&, daughter of one of the county's most influential faailies. Miss Jenkins was born in North Carolina, and had moved with her i'aoily to routh Carolina and Tenneosee. Then, following the path of so nany residents of the slave states, her fanily crossed the Ohio into Egypt. Her brother, Alexander, later Illinois lieutenant-governor, was one of Egypt's most prominent lavfyers. Her father, a Jackson County farner, later held 2 a colonel 'd cofluaisslon in the Black Hawk War. i A " i 1 fa t on * o C y c l o r. a d i :"> . lo'16, 50h; Heorge W. Imith, A History of r outh-,rn lilincis'. Ill, 11Z»6. 2 r.eorge Switli, Southern I liaoia . III, 1149.

PAGE 11

After a brief courtship, Dr. Logan and Miss Jenkins were married. Soon after the marriage, the doctor took his bride to a new home a few miles up the Big Muddy from Brownsville. Here they settled on a l60 acre farm near the site of the present tovvn of Murphysboro. It v;as here that their first child, John Alexander Logan, was born on February 9, 1^26. Jack Logan's childhood was not typical of frontier Illinois, He grew up in the comfortable two story frame house in which he was born. This relative comfort was made possible by his father's medical abilities, which gave Dr. 3 Logan a large practice in Jackson County. This income was sup, lemented by that of the Logan farm, one of the area's finest, in which the doctor took great interest. He raised corn, fruit, horses, and cattle. One neighbor later remembered: "The Logan homestead became a very pleasant place to visit especially in apple and peach time.,., The old gentleman [Dr. Logan] was a great lover of horseflesh and usually had some good stock." i Ibid . 2 George F. Dawson, The Life of John A. Logan . 2; Byron Andrews, A Biography of General John . Lo,'::an . 362; Frederic L, Paxson. "John Alexander Logan." Dictionary of American Biop:raphy . XI, 363-364. 3 James Buel, The Standard Bearers . 304. 4 Daniel H. Brush, Growing Up in Southern Illinois . 62.

PAGE 12

This kind, religious man also took an active part in local politics as an ardent Democrat and follovrer of Andrew Jackson. Young Jack found his home a center for all the excitement of politics, and the Logan farm was a haven for Methodist circuit riders invited by the devout doctor. These dedicated men always stopped and preached at the Logan house when chasing the devil in the county. The Logan family enlarged. When Jack v/as two, a boy named Thomas was born, to be followed by nine other children. Jack roamed the quiet forests and streams of the county. He saw spring made beautiful by uhe blooms on his father's fruit trees, and sometimes disrupted by the rising of the Big Muddy. In the fall he tramped the crimson forests with his brothers, and accompanied his father when he hunted the abundant geese and quail of the area. The boy*s life centered on the farm and revolved around his father and his gracious but firm mother. There was time, however, for an occasional excursion into Brownsville. This town of about 300 souls, with its tan yard. salt works, and court house, was the metropolis of Jack 3 Logan's early life. Here he saw the yearly militia muster, with its heavy drinking and inevitable fights. Dawson , op. cit . , 3 • 2 George Smith, Southern Illinois . I, 4^3. 3 History of Jackson County. Illinois . 22.

PAGE 13

Here v/ere held political demonstrations, at one of which he heard his father speak in his first race for the state assembly. At the conclusion of the campaign in 1^34, the eight year old grieved to hear that his father had lost to James Harreld in the contest to succeed Alexander Jenkins who was running for lieutenant-governor.-^ Uncle Alexander »s victory partially compensated for his father's failure, and the boy thrilled to hear that his uncle would go to Vandalia to help run the state. Brownsville also provided Jack»s first schooling away from the farm. His parents taught him as much as they could. At seven he was sent to town, where classes were held in the courthouse which served as court, school, and 2 church. Despite his father's desire that Jack be educated, work on the farm took its share of the boy's time. This was especially true after Dr. Logan's successful second race for the assembly. In IS36 he won and in December took his seat in Vandalia. This was his second protracted absence from the farm. In 1832 he had enlisted as a surgeon in Alexander Jenkins' company in the Black Hawk War, 5.r/d spent some time touring the countryside in search of the 1 Ibid., 17. 2 George Smith, Southern Illinois . I, 4^3.

PAGE 14

Indians. Jack was then six; by IS36 he vras ten and as the eldest his father's absence gave him increased duties. Jack began early to assume responsibility, for frequent absences v^ere not uncommon in a frontier doctor* s family. From Vandalia Dr. Logan ;jrote Jack and Tom telling them to take good care of the colts, calves and sheep, and reminding 2 them to help their mother and help v.ith their sisters. Despite these duties, Jack Logan had time to sail his homemade flatboat on the nearby Big Muddy. He learned to play the fiddle, and became one of the bast riders of the neighborhood, Dan Brush recalled: "John in his early life became an expert rider and was ever ready to ride a race. I have v/itnessed races at the Logan tracks many times when John, as a boy, "was a rider of one of the 3 horses, and never saw him excelled." And there was the business of the farm. He plowed, felled trees, and when ordered by his father to run squirrels out of the corn, he posted a notice on a tree: "! give notice to all squirrels to keep out of the cornfield. If they don't keep out they i Illinois Adjutant-General's Office. Record of the Service s of Illinois Soldiers in the Black Hawk \.'ar, 1831-32. and in the Mexican "ar. 18/»6-8 « 36. Hereafter cited aa Illinois ft'^.j'utant-Gcneral' s Report . 2 Dr. John Logan to John and Tom Logan, December 8, I836, Dr. John Logan Mss. , Illinois State Historicil Library, Springfield. 3 Brush, OP. cit . , 62.

PAGE 15

will be shot,*" V,hen the notice had no effect, Jr^ck returned with a gun to enforce the edict. Dr. Lop;?tn won reelection in lo36 and I640 and during the assembly sessions 2 became one of Egypt's most vocal spokesmen. Whjle the doctor, like his contemporaries, felt that children should work hard on the farm, his interest in their education did not abate. An educated man himself, he hoped to provide the best education the region offered. For some time the best seemed to be that supplied by the string of teachers in the Brownsville school Jack had attended since he was seven. This was supplemented by reading and frequent discussions of political and religious topics at home, kt a young age the boy espoused hie, father *s political ideas, as is normal, becoming an ardent Jacksonian Democrat. 1 Dav;son, op, cit . , 5« 2 In 1839 Dr, Logan v/as a member of the general assembly when a new county v/as created out of Sangamon County, The new county was: "Logan County. . .named by Abraham Lincoln in honor of his friend, Dr. John I.ogan, father of the famous soldier and statesman Gen. John ?. Logan,.., He v/as a member of the General Assembly which passed the bill creating Logan County,,.. In the Tenth General Assembly despite the fact that Dr. Logan was a Democrat,.. he and Abraham Lincoln became close friends. 'v^Tien Logan County Aas carved out of Sangamon no name having been suggested by the settlers inhabiting the new county Mr. Lincoln sugi^ested the name of his friend Logan. As convincing proof of the origin of the name the following item appeared in the Sangamo Journal of Springfield, 111. in its issue of Feb. 16, 1839, the next day" after the passage of the bill creating Logan County: * Logan County is named in honor of Dr. John Logan, the present representative from Jackson County.*" Lawrence B, Stringer, History of Logan County. Illinois . I, 149-150,

PAGE 16

10 The timo arrived when a more advanced school was required. In 1^42, at sixteen, Jack together vrith his brother Tom, was sent to Shiloh Acaaemy at Shiloh Hill in nearby Randolph County. The boys remained there for three years, studying old subjects such as spelling, grammar and arithmetic, and receiving their first instruction in Latin. There was much time for diversion at the /Icadeny, and Jack seems to have demonstrated his ability at public speaking. He was among the best orators in the school, speaking on such subjects as drunkenness, whicii he called 2 a "loathsome leprosy." Jack* 3 diligence as a student is a matter of some debate. Most of his biographers state that he excelled at 3 his studies and was among the best students in the school. One student of Logan* s early life, hov/ever, statet; that "it is doubtful if he [Logan] was a hard student."^ In later life, Logan frequently referred to his rougish youth. In a speech at Southern Illinois College in 1^69 he said: Dawson, op. cit ., 6-7; Andrews, op. cit .. 36?. 2 Ms. of a speech by John A, Logan, undated. Dr. John Logan Mss. 3 Dav?soi:», op. cit .^ 3; Andrews, ov. cit . , 3^7; Buel, op. cit ., 310. 4 Joseph '-allace, L : lop.raphy ol' John A. Logan . 4. This is an unpublished biography of General Logan in the Illinois State Historical Society Library, bpringfield.

PAGE 17

11 "I well remember in my boyhood days when the same number of men and boys at ray college in this country would have been a terror to all hen coops, melon patches, apple and peach orchards. . .without a picket fence, shot gun, and bull dogs." For three years this combined learning and fun continued. In l£i45 Dr. Logan decided to bring the boys home to be educated viith the rest of his expanding family. To provide instruction, a private tutor, a frontier rarity, v;as hired to teach the Logan children. The return of the boys also put them back to work on the farm, home-grown hired help made necessary by their father's expanding medical practice. These years, when the boys were at Shiloh, were eventful ones for Jackson County. They returned from school in 1643 to view the burned ruins of the Brownsville courthouse and see the twenty acre tract of land their father donated to the county for its new courthouse.-'^ The transfer of the county seat aroused considerable opposition. Dan Brush, the most vocal Jackson County V/hig, fought the move, 1 Ms. of a speech given by John A. Logan at Southern Illinois College, June ?5, 1^69, J. -u Logcin Mss., Library of Congress. 2 Dawson , op. cit . , 3 • 3 History of Jackson County . 17.

PAGE 18

12 and called Dr. Logan a "bigoted incompetent," On election day, voters listened to speakers from both sides and voted to accept Dr. Logan's offer and move the county seat. For a time the new tovm v/as called Shieldsboro, but it v:as soon changed to Murphysboro after a local politician." The new courthouse quickly became the center of a cluster of buildings which replaced Bro^msville as the center of the county. One of the nev; structures v/as a hotel buiit by Dr. Logan, who seems to have profited by the change of county seat.^ Misfortune struck in iS44. One of the greatest inundations in this land of annual floods hissed and sv/irled up the Big Muddy partially covering the Logan farm. Further disappointment v;as caused by Dr. Logan's defeat in his attempt to regain the seat in the assembly he had given up in 1^42, The incumbent, R. A, Bradley, defeated him in a close race. The boys began to take a more active part in the family's business while continuing their education. In Brush, op. cit . . 132, 2 History of Jackson County , 17. 3 Apuleton's Cyclopedia. I066 . 504; Brush, op. cit . , 134. 4 History of Jackson County , 19. 5 T. C. Pease (ed.), Illinois Election Returns . lglg-1^4g , 536.

PAGE 19

13 1^46, Jack, twenty, v;as entrusted v;ith family business in St. Louis, paying a §120 debt his f.ither oued in that city. But 1^46 was a war year, and Jack thrilled to its exciting events. The Mexican crisis v/hich smoldered through early 1^46 burst into flame in May and war was declared. The Democrats of the Mississip;! Valley vigorously supported President Polk's \var policy, and young Egyptian?; were uj*ged to enlist to vindicate "the honor and rights of 3'-our country, 2 and to repel from your soil a foreign foe." There were also thrilling events of a fanily nature. The county election of IS46 sv/ept Dr. Logan, a zealous war Democrat, back into office and he returned to the assembly as one of his section's leading spokesmen. Jack, who nov7 preferred to be called John, wanted to join the rush to Mexico, His parents persuaded him to remain at home until the doctor *s campaign was over. After his father's victory, John had to postpone his enlistment until Dr. Logan returned from Springfield. Finally, in the spring of 1^47, John heaird that a Jackson County company was being formed. The slight but v.iry John Logan, who v/as so slender that he appeared consumptive to some. Dr. Logan to Mrs. Elizabeth Logan, December 10, IS46, Dr. Logan M?s. 2 Alton Telegraph and Democratic Review , May 30, IS46.

PAGE 20

u 1 enlisted. James Hampton was elected Captain of the company, and Logan and James Provost, a Jonesboro merchant, uere the candidates for lieutenant. Logan coveted the rank and challenged his rival to a foot race, card game or fist fight for the lieutenancy. The struggle was settled when Provost was elected First Lieutenant and Logan, Second 2 Lieutenant. In May the company v/as ordered to march to the rendezvous point at Alton to meet other companies of the new regiment. Drums rolled, flags v/aved, tears and cheers mingled with patriotic orator ' as the recruits marched out of Murphysboro. John v/as given stern orders by his father to bear himself v/ell, guard his health, and deport himself like a God-fearing Christian, VJhile his mother grieved, his brothers and sisters proudly pointed to their officer brother and boasted of what he would do to the Mexicans. At Alton, Logan became a soldier. His enlistment dated from May 9, v;hen the Jackson County men, henceforth Company H, v;ere mustered into service. Ten days later, on June ^, the entire regiment was mustered in and became Duel, op, cit . , 310. 2 May Strong Hawkins, "The Early Political Career of John A, Logan," 7, unpublished master*s thesis. University of Chicago, This story was told to Miss Hawkins in 1934 by A, S, Tibbetts, editor of the Jonesboro Gazette ; Illinois Ad.iutant-General*s Report . 222,

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15 the First Regiment of Illinois Volunteers, commanded by 1 Colonel Edward \V. B. Newby. The men settled down to army life v;ith its drills, routine, and occasional illnesses caused by oppressive June 2 heat and change of food and water. As a second lieutenant, John, who drew |65 a month, had his first command experience at Alton and aided in preparing the 6^ men of the company 3 for the trials ahead. Here he met young officers of other companies, many of them from Egypt. There vjas First Lieutenant Isham N. Haynie of Company C, and jovial Captain John M. Cunningham, former sheriff of V/illiamson County, v/ho led Company B, Captain Cunningham found in Logan a kindred spirit, full of fun, genial and adventurous. A cordial relationship sprang up between Logan and the older man, Illinois Adjutant-General* s Report , 224. "The Fifth Regiment v/hich is officially k;nox>fn as the First Regiment,' Illinois Volunteers Muring the war* (the other regiments having enlisted for tv/elve months), was called out, under the requisition made by the Secretary of War April 19, 1^47, for six thousand more volunteers to serve •during the v;ar,' to take the place of those whose term of enlistment v;as to expire. Of this call, but one regiment v;as assigned to the State of Illinois, which was organized June S, 1347, at Alton, Illinois, by the election of Colonel E. W, B. Newby as Colonel, Illinois Ad.jutant Gene r al * s Re port , xxx . 2 Alton Tt-legraph and Democratic Review . July IS, 1346. 3 Ibid. Illinois Ad.iutant-General*s Report . 203.

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16 a friendship that grew during their vrar service. Of course, there v/ere alv/ays old friends like Lindorf Ozburn and William Hampton, sergeant and corporal respectively in Logan's Company H. On June 14, the anxiously awaited marching orders arrived, and the regiment boarded steamers for Fort Leavenworth. They sailed up the Missouri to the fort, where they disembarked to prepare for their march across the Great Plains to New Mexico, ^t Leavenworth the novelty of the Missouri River voyage ended and the old routine of camp life caught them again. The monotony v/as too much for some, and Private Tilman Sine deserted. Six other members of the Company ended their brief army service at Leavenworth. Three died and three were discharged and returned 2 to Illinois, to the envy of many of their comrades, Logan's friend "Doff" Ozburn indicated some of the difficulty when, in the silence of a summer night, he told his ivife: the Cantain takes but littDe responsibility upon himself wnich makes the other boys from the different counties so hooeless in tryin^-^ to do anything or make any kind of a show, but I hope the day is not far distant when John will be Captain of the company for _ Mary 3. C. Logan, Reminiscences of a Soldier's V.'ife , 27. Hereafter cited as Reminiscences . 2 Illinois Ad.jutant-Goneral's Report . 224.

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17 he justly deserves the station. If John Logan was out of the company I v/ould pray to be at home but he is the same John here that he is at home, he h^s nothing but if I kneed [sic] it I get a share and that without a murmer [bic].^ The prospect of a movement brightened spirits, and the order to rriove out on July 7 v/as pjreeted v;ith a cheer. The regiment had been ordered to Santa Fe to occupy that northernmost Mexican outpost, and to stand ready to march South if needed as reinforcements. Their route lay across the desolate expanse of the southern Great Plains, For a time the line of march ran through beautiful prairie. But after the Kansas River v/as left behind on July 10, the country became a desolate, burned wasteland. John did what he could to maintain order and keep spirits high, but the monotonous scenery and the extreme summer heat brought grumbling from laen longing for the cool bnnku of the Ohio and Mississippi. To some the novelty of this nevf land wore off quickly. The prairie "for the first ftiw days had a most grand appearance, but the only one scene for 2 27 days gave me a disgust to a Prairie Country." There were variations, however, and John marveled at the large herds of buffalo and ate buffalo meat and the Lindorf Ozburn to Diza Ozburn, July 4| lf^47, Ozburn Kss., Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield. 2 Lindorf Ozburn to Diza Ozburn, Jiily 10, 1S47, Ozburn Mss.

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Id v;ild plums he found along the banks of the Arkansas. There was alv/ays a rush for any creek or spring along the line of march and a majestic prairie thunderstorm was exciting to the dusty marchers. In the midst of one of these storms, the camp was startled to hear the sentinels' cricillen.[:;e mingle with the storm's roar. John rose with the others to discover a party of mounted men, led by Kit Carson, bound for California, approaching their camp. By August, John sweltered in the heat as the column crossed the Cimarron and approached the ed.'-^e of the St'?ked Plains. The3r kept close vratch for hostile Pav/nees and Comanches, whose territory they had entered, and on August 3, an excited trooper reported approaching Indians. The regiment prepared for action, but the Indians proved to be a large herd of antelope. On August >^, the column met some teamsters returning from Santa Fe, who reported that all was quiet in that city. August was a trying month for the volunteers. V/ater vms scarce as many streams proved to be alkali beds. There were also food shortages and constant fear of Indian attack. But the heat was their greatest enemy. The sun rose early, baked them all day, and set late, followed by chilling nights.' Benjamin Wiley Diary, July 25, 1S47, Wiley Diary Mss., Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield. 2 Ibid., Aug. 3, 1^47. 3 Mary Logan, Reminiscences , 2f*.

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19 As the men neared Santa Fe their situation improved. In early September the extreme heat lessened and the hard plains gave way to the streams and valleys of northern New Mexico. At last on September 7, the regiment sighted Las Vegas, the first town of any size they had seen in more than a month, and they wearily marched into the mud hut village. Santa Fe was merely a resumption of the drudgery of Alton and Leavenworth. For men who had struggled through the hardships of the long march, a return to camp routine with no prospect of action seemed dull indeed. Sergeant Ozburn voiced the general feeling. "I am in hopes we will not walk so far as we did, come home and say v/e have done nothing...." Despite their wishes, Santa Fe seemed far from the clash of arms they had expected. "All was quiet... [There was] not a whisper of insurrection or the slightest promise of a brush. That portion of Mexico seems to have 3 resigned itself to the rule of los Americanos."-^ In October, reinforcements were needed to the south, and Colonel Nev/by, leaving Lieutenant Colonel H. P. Boyakins in command at Santa Fe, took half his force and began the march to El Paso. Company H was one of the five companies \iley Diary, Sept. 7, 1^47. 2 Lindorf Ozburn to Diza Ozburn, Oct. 20, 1^47. Illinois State Register (Springfield), March 7, 184S.

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20 left in Santa Fe, and John said good-bye to his Triend Captain Cunningham. John and the captain had complained of their failure to coma to grips v/ith the Mexicans, and at the older man»s departure, John, though disappointed at not being able to accompany him, congratulated Cunningham and vrished him the opportunity that had eluded them. After their comrades* departure, the rest settled dovm to garrison duty v/ith the bleak prospect of boredom and disease until a peace treaty v;as signed. John had increased duties, to ea.oe dull routine. He was named adjutant of the post at Santa Fe at an extra ten dollars a month. The extra duty came as recognition of the young lieutenant's popu2 larity and ability. John also busied himself by studying Spanish, a language which seems to have lingered v.ith him for the rest 3 of ais life. In late October he v/as given a chance to retux'-n to Ixiinois as recruiting officer to enlist enough men to supply the Santa Fe garrison with replacements for men lost to diseaEe. John refused, much to "Doff" Ozburn*s dismay, since the sergeant hoped to accompany his friend I Mary Logan, Reminiscences . 25. 2 Ms, muster roll for Company H, Oct., 1^47, Ozburn Mss. 3 Dawson, op. cit . , 3.

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21 back to Egypt. Ozburn did not know the reason for Logan's refusal but stated, "I suppose he wished to win laurels on the field of battle," John»s letters of this period indicate that the sergeant v/as correct. On November 5 John wrote his father that the prospect for a fight was disappointingly remote. He told his father of the sickness sweeping the troops in Santa Fe, but assured Dr. Logan 2 that he -.vas healtny. This condition was short-lived, and John Logan ^s major battle of the Mexican .var v;as fought against disease. During the winter of 1^47-1^43, the garrison suffered heavily 3 from measles and resulting complications. Jolm contracted 4 the illness, which killed nine of his coinrades in Company H. Because of distance and slow communication, John's family knew little of his serious condition. It was nob until spring that Di", Logan received a clear picture o£ John's Illness and recovery.^ '::aea the doctor discovered how Lindorf Ozburn to Diza Ozburn, Oct. 20, l?i47, Ozburn Mss, 2 John A, Logan (Hereafter cited as JhL) to Dr. Logan, Nov, 5, 1^47, Logan Mss. , Library of Congress. Illinois State Rer.ister , Jan. 21, 1^4?^. Illinois Ad.iutant-General's Report . 222, Joel Manning to Dr, Logan, Aug. 15, 1^4^, Dr, Logan Mss,

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22 serious his son»s illness had been, he v/rote Lindorf Ozburn, "You will pleas [sic] accept my hearty and devout thanks for your kind care and attention on my son John in his illness as I am sure from the tenor of his letter that he must have died had he not had the best kind of attention." Spring brought recovery to John, and increased hopes for an end to the v/ar. In February, 184^, Nicholas Trist completed negotiations v.dth the Mexicans and the Illinois soldiers in Santa Fe rejoiced at the thought of going home. Murphysboro friends and relatives sent a stream of letters to John on the prospect of his return. A friend supplied nev/s of local political affairs, and John's sister Dorothy 2 urged him to hurry home for her wedding. Dr. Logan, his most prolific correspondent, gave John a complete account of the Trist negotiations, adding that Senate ratification of the Treaty would be immediate,-^ With the expected ratification of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, the Illinois troops began to prepare for the march home. Their return was delayed until the United States could provide adequate administrative i ~ ~~ Dr. Logan to Lindorf Ozburn, March 26, 1848, Ozburn Mss. 2 B. Keith to JAL, April 22, 1^43; Dorothy Logan to JAL, May 3, 1^4??, Logan Mss. 3 Dr. Logan to JAL, March 7, 1^4^, Logan Mss.

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23 replacement. In July the Santa Fe occupation force mustered in the city for the last time. The order to march moved dovvn the line and the gaping villageru watched the Illinois Americanos terminate their nine raontha occupation of the ancient city. The men again faced a oummer march. Dr. Logan, speaking as a veteran of the Black Hawk V.'ar, sent John advice on the return trip. The doctor cautioned him to stay v/ith the others ail the v/ay to Alton and warned; "there will be great danger in travelling throo [sic] the Indian country as the Indians are allways [sic] noi'e hostile on the close of a \;ar between us and any other Nation than they are at any other tiue." The return march was less eventful than the one to New Mexico. Heat, thirst, and Indian danger were still present, but the prospect of the triumphant homecoming in Illinois raade their steps lighter and the discomforts less burdensome. John Logan had mixed feelings on his return. His happiness at seeing friends and family was obvious, but his failure to win glory in battle was disappointing. In September, the men reached Fort Leavenv/orth where they Dr. Logan to JAL, April 16, 1??40, Logan Mss.

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24 boarded transports, and in early October they arrived at Alton. Here they v/ere greeted as heroes v/ho had given "evidences of heroism and patience." From October 15 to October IS they were mustered out of the service. There was another tumultuous reception at Murphysboro v;here the bronzed veteran was proudly welcomed by his family, John retunied from Mexico 22 years old and undecided as to his future. His father wanted him to study medicine, but John was more interested in his father's avocation, 2 politics, '.Vith the support of father and uncle, both influential in Jackson County politics, John had a good chance for minor elective office. In 1^49, the year after his return, after a brief period reading lav/ in his uncle's office, John entered his first political contest and was easily elected clerk of Jackson County, This office, however, was temporary, for John felt that a successful career in politics demanded further knowledge of law. Law could provide hira with a living between sessions of the assembly or between defeats. His service as clerk, therefore, was 3 a method of obtaining money to finance a law degree. By i Illinois State Rep:ister . Oct. 20, 1^46, 2 Mary Logan, Reminiscences , 9o. 3 Thomas Vj, Knox, The Lives of James G. blaine and John A. Logan , 269.

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25 lf?;50 he had accumulated sufficient money of hits ovm, with some aid from his father, to make it possible for him to resign and enter law school. Among frontier lavf schools, Louisville University's was one of the best, and John crossed the Ohio in 1850 to be -in his studies. Instruction at Louisville was adequate for a frontier barrister. There vere recitation examinations and oral lectures, and a moot court tv/ice a week to give the students practice in courtroom procedure. Board and lodging in Louisville vrere reasonable, but John \;as forced to call on his father from time to time for financial aid. In thanking the doctor for five dollars, John predicted that the favor would, "receive a ten fold 2 benefit" when he graduated. John studied hard and became an able student, especially at courtroom oratory. In February, 1^51 he received his diploma and started home, telling his father, "You can tell all who are anxious for my attendance at our court that I am certain to be there 3 if life lasts and money holds out." John returned in time for the spring elections and offered himself as candidate for prosecuting attorney Illinois State Register . Aug. 25, I848. 2 Ibid. JAL to Dr. Logan, Jan. 6, lf?51, Logan Mss. 3.

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26 of the Third Judicial District, Prominent in the press were statements by friendly journalists proclaiming Logan's graduation from lav; school and assuring their readers that the young man v/ould be an "ornament" to his profession. His race was successful and in the suraner, at 26, he began his legal career. In order to function more successfully as prosecutor, John temporarily moved to Benton in Franklin 2 County. This spring v/as made even happier for John when his old friend "Doff" Ozburn named his second child John 3 Logan Oaburn. Logan's term as prosecuting attorney was brief. After a few months he resigned to run as representative in the Eighteenth General Assembly from Jackson and Franklin Counties, a position his father had held four times. This campaign \;as John's first real test in his chosen profession. His political ambitions were boundless. He told his father, "Politics is a trade and if my fev; fast friends in Jackson v;ill stand by me, the day is not far distant v/hen I can help myself and them to pay ten fold."^ Cairo Sun, May 29, 1^51. 2 Thomas M. Eddy, The Patriotism of Illinois . 4B3, George Smith, Southern Illinois . II, 611. 4 JAL to Dr. Logan, Aug. 31, 1^52, Logan Mss,

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27 On the stump in 1^52, John Logan, knov/n personally to many of the voters in ths two counties, gave evidence of the qualities necessary for success in Egyptian politics. He was a vigorous man, about medium height, weighing about 1/fO pounds. John»s appearance led to countless romantic stories. He had bright eyes, swarthy complexion and straight hair, features that led many to claim for him Indian ancestry. This assertion was unfounded, but it, persisted through2 out his career. John was popular among the younger voters because of his fun-loving nature. He joined in the horse-play of militia day and playfully wrestled with town children. Daniel Gill remembered that as a twelve year old he v/as playing marbles with John»s little brother William when Logan strolled by and kicked the marbles out of the ring. "Immediately the players jumped up and knocked the hat from the head of John A. Logan. A regular sham-battle ensued between John A. and the players." ^ome of the more straitlaced members of the community opposed this behavior, but H. E. Kirainel, ^Sixty-sixth Wedding Anniversary of Daniel Gill and Lucinda Pyle Gill, Du Quoin, Illinois," Journal . Illinois State Historical Society, XVII, No. 3 (Sept., 1924), 442. 2 Andrews, op. cit . . 369; Mary Logan, Reminiscences . 96. Kimmel, op. cit . . 441.

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2d Egypt \\as a boisterous section and John*s reputation as a rollicking spirit aided in public life. Jithout abilities in other directions, hov/ever, John's career might have been short-lived. He was an able speaker. Beginning v/itlri the days at Shiloh Academy, John had many opportunities to develop an oratorical style. His voice was sonorous and audible even to the last ranks of a large crowd, so pov/erful, in fact, that he was able to shout down hecklers, a quality necessary in the rough-andtumble of Egyptian politics. He was also blessed with a ready made organization built by his Uncle Alexander and Dr. Lo5;an. However, his father's health v:as poor and John had to do much of the organizing. He formed political meetings in his own behalf and for V/. A. Denning, candidate for the Democratic nomi2 nation to Congress. Denning, a veteran campaigner, supported John, and John and his father backed Denning. Denning wrote the doctor: If Allen [Willis Allen, Denning 's opponent] is rominated his friends have already threatened political death to me and my friends and among others your own son.... I hope, and pray Ooct, that you will try and get the leading Democrats together... and send up some man i^ho can be relied on in any and every emergency.-^ Mary Logan, Reminiscences , 93. 2 JAL to Dr. Logan, Aug. 31, 1352, Logan Mss. W. A. Denning to Dr. Logan, Sept. 1, 1^52, Logan Mss.

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29 John, who was still on the circuit as prosecuting attorney, also urged his father to send a delegate to the district convention, who "will do as v;e v;ant him to.... I can't be a delegate, my position will not allow it." Denning failed to get the nomination, but this did not materially affect John's campaign. He ran as a "Jacksonian Democrat," adopting positions popular in southern Illinois. He v;as bitterly anti-Negro, and promised to fight for a bill excluding free negroes from Illinoic. He also spoke in favor of rigid enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Act. But like his idol Jackson, Logan and the Egyptian Democrats who supported him v.-ere supporters of the union and not devoted to the extremes of Southern states rights doctrines. Furthermore, he took the usual Egyptian position on the railroad issue, opposing "State policy" in favor of a railroad policy that would benefit St. Louis, the city toward which most of the southern Illinois tri2 angle looked. Logan indicated his support of the Compromise of IS50, if the Fugitive Slave Act was enforced, and spoke for Stephen A. Douglas, an old friend of Dr. Logan's and the new hero of Illinois Democrats who was running for the i ~ JAL to Dr. Logan, Aug. 31, 1352, Logan Mas. 2 Andrews, op. cit . . 369.

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30 Senate, John promised to vote for the "Little Giant" if he was elected to the Assembly. Logan *s platform was popular; he was popular; and his organization v/as effective. On election day the Democratic voters of Jackson and Franklin gave him a large majority. Thus at 26 John A. Logan's political career took a giant step forward. Goon his fame would spread beyond the boundaries of Egypt and the "ten fold" benefits he had promised his father would come to pass. George Smith, Southern Illinois . Ill, 1149.

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CHAPTER II SPRINGFIELD AND MART Springfield in the winter of 1^53 presented a dreary appearance to those arriving in the town that had been the capital of Illinois since 1339. The town was famous for v/retched streets made almost impassable by heavy rain and snow, and for its primitive accommodations. Despite its appearance, Springfield was charged with an air of expectancy. Every other year brought a session of the Illinois general assembly, and legislators had begun arriving from far and near. They came from Chicago, the growing metropolis of the state, from the abolitionist counties along the Wisconsin border, from the expanding central section, from the German tovms opposite St. Louis, and from the Egyptian counties of the southern Illinois triangle. The iSth general assembly convened January 3 when the legislators were sworn in by Associate Justice Lyman Trumbull. The major business of the opening day was election of a speaker. The V/higs had been shattered in the election of 1852, and this assembly vjas heavily Democratic. There v;ere 59 Democrats, 16 Whigs and one Free 1 Arthur C. Cole, Era of the Civil War . 6. 31

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32 1 Soiler. This made organization simple. John Reynolds, St. Clair County Democrat, and former governor, was elected by acclamation, many feeling that the office was due him 2 because of his long service to the party. Two days later the assembly met in joint session to elect a senator. There was never any doubt as to the outcome of the contest. Stephen A. Douglas, who had won control of Illinois Democrats, had been in the Senate since 1346, and expected no difficulty in his fight for re3 election. The Democrats caucused, and nominated the Little Giant by acclamation. Logan was an enthusiastic Douglas supporter as his father had been before him. He voted for Douglas as the senator won 75-19 over Joseph Gillespie. V/iien committee assignments were made Logan drew two important seats, judiciary committee, and committee on banks and corporations, The latter was a coveted assignment since many incorporation bills, including the important railroad acts, were handled by this t^roup. Logan's record in the House was closely watched in Egypt, and John's law partner, V,', K, Parish, wrote: "I am glad to see that you are on the Nevrtion Bateman and Paul Gelby, Historical Encyclopedia of Illinois . II, 1^9. 2 V.'. A. Denning to JAL, Jan, 16, 1^53, Lop-an Mss. 3 George Fcrt Milton, The Eve of Conflict; Stephen A . Douglas and the Needless War . 95.

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33 judiciary committee. That v/ill give you additional standing and particularly as a lawyer." The House got down to work January 6. Logan introduced the bill that became the center of the most acrimonious debate of the session. As a fellow Democrat stated; "He had scarcely warmed his seat when he opened upon some 2 of the exciting topics of the day." Logan* s proposal was to instruct the judiciary committee to report a biil to prevent the immigration of free negroes into Illinois "under the article of the Constitution requiring the legis3 lature to pass Guch a law." The anti-slave forces from northern Illinois immediately called for a vote to table the bill, and lost 54 to 14. The bill went to committee, where Logan viould have a hand in its construction. The opposition to the measure had little hope of pushing the bill aside, but the vote on the sixth served as a forecast of what might happen when the bill reached the floor in final form. The stir caused by Logan* s exclusion bill quickly subsided and both sides prepared for the final battle. 1 V<. K. Parish to JAL, Jan. 16, 1^53, Logan Mss. 2 Usher F. Linder, Reniniscences of the Early Bench and Bar of Illinois . 343. 3 Journal Illinois House of Representatives. Eight eenth General Assembly . 1353 « Tl Hereafter cited as House Journal. 1853 .

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34 Meanwhile the business of the body continued with a multitude of private bills filling the agenda. John introduced a bill for the relief of John Elmore , former sheriff of Jackson County, which passed on January IS. On January 11, Logan proposed an act for the relief of John M. Cunningham which passed by a unanimous vote three days later. This measure provided for a one hundred dollar payment to Logan's old friend as reimbursement for his services as marshal of the district court of Massac County. It afforded the young legislator great pleasxire to be able to help his old comrade v/ho had come upon hard times. There was more important business before the House, however, and Logan was active in deliberations concerning much Ox it. There were proposals in favor of adopting a statewide prohibition act modeled on the famous "Maine Law," the pioneer "dry" statute of that state. Logan, and most of the members from Egypt where "the use of intoxicating drinks seems more natural than the use of water," opposed the proposal, and in the debates on the law he introduced several petitions from citizens urging the legislature to 2 vote against the bill. Because of his great interest in Illinois Private Laws. 1{?53 . 494; House Journal . 1^53 . 177. 2 House Journal . 1^53, 27^, 323; Cairo Times and Delta . Feb. 3, 1358.

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35 this measure, Logan was named to a special committee to 1 Investigate the law as it had been applied in Maine. Opposition to prohibition and its supporters was so strong that a proposal to permit a temperance convention to use the hall of the House was voted down, Logan voting v;ith the majority. All attempts to push through a lav; of this kind failed when opposition forces, led by the Egyptian members, tabled every "dry'' motion. The last victory for the antiprohibition men came on January 29 when Logan and 33 others voted successfully to table a proposed statewide "dry" law. Logan's position on the "Maine Law" was in line with public opinion in his constituency. W. A, Denning, one of his constant sources of information, wrote John that all Egypt was interested in the debates and generally opposed the "Maine Law."^ Much of the business of the House concerned incorporation of railroad and plank road companies. John voted to incorporate eight plank roads and personally introduced bills chartering plank roads into Murphysboro and Benton. Railroads v/ere more important, however, and John House Journal , 1-53, 21. 2 W. A. Denning to JAL, Jan. l6, 1S53, Logan Mss. 3 House Journal . 1^53, ^7, 144, 346.

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36 voted in the affirmative 15 times on lav;s chartering new roads. Most of these bills passed unanimously, but the bill to charter a Terre Haute and Vandalia Railroad Company brought a bitter debate, with Logan and the other representatives from Lower Egypt in opposition. This fight was a renewal of the struggle between "State policy" and the more liberal railroad plan advocated in Lower Egypt. The "State policy" forces wanted a crossstate road in southern Illinois, but they opposed building a road that would benefit any out of state terminus; consequently they favored constructing a road v/ith Alton as ;irestern terminus. The Terre Haute and Vandalia v/as to be a link in that system. The opposition to "State policy" centered in the section of the State that looked to St. Louis as an economic center. These representatives had been fighting a losing battle against the "State" forces through the 1^40* s, and though their strength seemed to have increased by 1^53, they v;ere unable to charter a road with St. Louis as terminus, or to vote dovm the Terre Haute and Vandalia bill. Logan voted v/ith the losinp; bloc. During the session Loeian v^as pleased to discover that his activities vere not being overlooked and that Cole, op. cit .. 33, 43; House Journa] , 1853 . 307.

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37 they seemed to be generally popular in his home district. Denning and W. K. Parish kept him in touch with reactions in Jackson and Franklin Counties, and Parish told him, "I have no fears but what we will be able to exert an influence in the political arena in Egypt sufficient for all practical purposes." He further endorsed John«s decision to remain in Benton after his return. "Benton will be a town of considerable size in Egypt which will render it a pleasant residing place," he wrote. "It is central in the political world." The Benton newspaper took notice of Logan's record in the House, calling him "our worthy and talented young representative... who has demonstrated to the North by his talent and eloquence. ..that we, in the South nave interests to foster, guide and protect, and that v;e have men who are willing and able to do it."^ ^M@n in neighboring Missouri Logan came in for praise, and the Springfield correspondent for a St. Louis paper vo-ote, "Among all the members of this Hoase, John A. Logan of Jackson County and W. H. Snyder of St. Clair have no superiors, and they are the youngest men in Uiat body. ...Their speeches are not mere declamations. \. K. Parish to JAL, Jan. 16, 1^53, Logan Mss. 2 Benton Standard , quoted in Quincy Herald , March 24, 1353.

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3d but they abound with bold and lofty thought and profound arguments." These "profound arguments" of course favored railroad policy that would benefit St. Louis, The law of greatest interest to southern Illinois in 1^53 was the nec^ro exclusion bill which emerged as the session's last major business, Egyptians greeted Logan's action with a show of solid sunport. They viewed the spectre of wholesale negro immigration into Egypt as a great calamity, and to be avoided at all costs. Parish wrote Logan, "The move... in relation to the immigration of free negroes into the stste is one that vrill reflect credit 2 and distinction in Egyr;t especially," In taking the lead in transferring this feeling, almost unanimous in Egypt, into legislative action, Logan became for the first tj.me recognized throughout the state as the spokesman of Egypt. His statements in debate came to be regarded as those of the entire section. The negro bill first skyrocketed Logan into state-v/ide prominence, won him immense popularity in his home section, but brought condemnation from many quarters. Anti-negro feeling had grown in Illinois in the l^A-O's. The Constitution of 1^4^ denied negroes the vote. St. Louis Republic . Feb. 21, 1^53. 2 Dwight N. Harris, The Negro in Illinois . 234; VJ, K, Parish to JAL, Jan, 16, 1>^53, Logan Mss.

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39 and the right to serve in the militia, F\irthermore , there was a provision instructing the legislature to pass laws prohibiting the entrance of negroes into the state. This provision v;as separately submitted to Illinois voters for ratification and passed by 50,261 to 21,297. Until 1^53 the provision was ignored. But in 1*^53 Logan took advantage of the invitation contained in the 1^4^ law and moved to end negro immigration. There v/ere fevr negroes in the state, the 1^50 Census listed only 5,436, but of this number 3,124 lived 2 in counties included in the Egyptian triangle. These unfortunates existed in pitiful conditions, on suff ranee of the people of the state with no legal status v;hatsoever. In the l{?50*s northern Illinois abolitionists began to demand increased rights for these negroes. Egyptians reacted to abolitionist pressure by demanding a counterattack that would make a negro deluge on their section impossible, Logan *s bill was a response to this clamor 3 from his constituents. Once Logan's bill was introduced and sent to committee on January 6, the negro problem remained beneath Cole, op. cit .« 225. 2 Cole, op. cit . . 225," Zighth Census of the U.S ., 1^50 . 702. 3 Harris, op. cit . , 227.

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40 the surface until the final bill emerged, except for an incident of January 20, On that date A, H. Nixon of McHenry County introduced an act aimed at permitting negroes to testify in court. Once again the anti-negro forces v/ere triumphant as the bill was tabled 44 to 16. By late January, all interest in Springfield centered on the negro bill. On Saturday, January 29, Logan reported the bill out of committee. The stage v/as set and the debate v.'as scheduled for the middle of the following week. On February 2 the speaker announced the bill as the next order of business and heated debate began. Opposition to Logan's bill came from the representatives from the counties along the northern border, combined with a scattering of support from the legislators from north central Illinois. On the first day of debate, the northern men introduced an amendment that would have repealed all of Illinois* "Black Codes.'' This proposal was beaten 5ft to 7. During debate on the amendment, Logan attacked its backers as "abolitionists," and charged that repeal would lead to intermarriage and social and political 3 equality. House Journal, 1853 t 145. 2 Ibid .. 363. 3 Ms. of speech delivered in the Illinois legislature in lJt53, Lofan Mss,

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41 Following this exchange, Logan':, bill reached the floor for adoption. This controversial law made the introduction of a negro into the state a crime punishable by a |100 fine. Furthermore it made any negro entering the state liable within ten days to arrest and fine, and if unable to pay the fine, he was forced to work out the fine and trial 1 costs. The measure was attacked vigorously by its opponents and Loiran was forced to speak out in its defense. Summoning all the arguments Egyptians had been advancing for a decade, Logan began by attacking his adversaries as supporters of racial equality. He stated that history illustrated that negroes are "not suited to be placed upon a level with the white men."^ Reaching the heart of his argument, he stated that Egypt, surrounded by slave states, would be the only area of the state harmed by mass migration of negroes. He proclaimed the fear held by his constituents that negroes would migrate into Egypt, become paupers, and ruin the morals of the section."^ In conclusion Logan lashed out at the pro-negro legislators: Hor can I understand hovr it is that men can become so fanatical in their notions as to Harris, op. cit . , 236. Ms. of speech delivered in the Illinois legislature in 1853, Logan Mss. 3 Ibid.

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42 forget that they are white. Forget the sympathy over the v/hite man and have his bosom heaving with it for those persons of color. It has almost become an offense to be a white man. Unfortunate were these gentlemen in their birth th^it they could not have been ushered into existence \'/ith black skin and a wooly head."*Logan's final roar v/as a threat. "Unless this bill shall pass you will hear it again next session and again until something shall be done to protect those people [in Kgypt] 2 from the innundation from the colored population." Soon after Logan's ringing defense died av/ay, roll call began. It was evident that the bill's opponents had gained some strength over their showing on the earlier test votes. Logan's speech had alarmed some members of his own party from northern Illinois vrho felt that the bill v/as too harsh. This group v/as not large enough to create a coalition capable of defeating the measure, and v;hen the vote v;as tallied the bill passed 45 to 23. Voting "aye" was a solid bloc of representatives from the counties south of Springfield. Even the St, Clsir representatives, vjhose German constituents were an island of liberal thought in the sea of Egyptian racism, voted for the measure.^ Just before adjournment on the 5th, Nixon condemned the act and ''' Ibid . 2 Ibid. 3 House Journal . 1S53, 442-443.

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43 cynically proposed that the t'tle of the bill be charif^ed to, "An act to cre-^te an additional number of abolitionists in this state." The proposal wa? voted dovm, the House adjourned, and Lop;an received congratulations on his first major legislative victory. Six days later the Senate passed the bill by a four vote majority. Though the victory was popular in Egypt, others in the state said that the law was brutal, too str3n7:ent, and passed by the Democrats merely to satisfy southern Illinois and to nlacate their fellow Democrats from the slave states. Several mass moetinrrs were held in the 2 North to protest the act*s passage. The attack came from many quarters, some Democrats joined the Whigs and Free Soilers in opposition, John M. Palmer, writing years later, summed up their feeling: "All the provisions of the act are an examole of the barbarity which can only be excused by the prejudices of that part, the Southern, of 3 the State of Illinois." One student of the negro in Illinois maintains that the bill was probably f^vorf^d by a majority of the Ibid .. 444. 2 Logan's law did receive staunch support from the Illinois State Re;;ister (Springfield), but some Democratic organs in northern Illinois v/ere hesitant in giving the measure their unqualified backing. 3 John M. Palmer, Personal Recollections , 59.

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44 state's population, and that though many opposed the rigid provisions for enforcement, most Illinoisans favored the exclusion of free negroes in principle. The same writer challenges those who believe that the law was never enforced, citing at least three cases of arrest under the "Logan negro 2 law." Gustavus Koerner, a leading German politician, also gives evidence of the law»s enforcement. Koerner, an opponent of the bill, tells of freeing a negro about to be arrested under the messure.-^ The law remained in effect until 1^63, when it u-as repealed. On February 14, the l??th Assembly came to an anticlimactic end. Logan collected his per diem and mileage, $145, and said good-by to the many new friends he had made and returned to Egypt over muddy February roads. The session had given Logan a chance to move up the political ladder. His name vjas knovrn throughout Illinois, and he had made a record that gave him increased stature in Egypt. The 26 year old returned as a conquering hero who had advanced his section's legislative banner, met the enemy, and emerged victorious. His fellow Egyptians were already speaking of the great things the future held for him. Harris, op. cit ., 237. 2 Ibid . 3 Gustavus Koerner, Memoirs . II, 31.

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45 On his retur-n, Logan and Parish settled down to their expanding practice in Benton. Shortly thereafter John was summoned to Murphysboro by the news that his father was dying. Dr. Logan had been in poor health for some time and John arrived to find him barely alive. \.'ithin the week, despite the best att^ention available, Dr. Logan died from an absceosed liver. The young legislator's triumphant return wac shattered. The deep affection between father and son is obvious from their correspondonce. The doctor had been proud of his son's success; his influence on John's youth and early political career was considerable, v.ith the doctor 'b death Tom, 25, took over the management of the family farta and John returnea to his practice. Back in Benton, 1.0 gan found that increased popularity materially aided him. Logan and Parish took all kinds of cases. They defended murderer^, took divorce cases, and spent most of their time in actions involving small claims.^ Logan's most lamous case during this brief period as an attorney was his defense of a prominent citizen of Union County on trial for murder. Hostility toward George Smith, Southern Illinois . Ill, llif9. Ms. of legal notebooks, 1^51-5^, Lo^an Mss.

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46 his client led Logan to ask for a change of venue, and the trial was moved to Golconda. John's plea war self-defense as the death had taken place during an altercation. The courthouse stood in a field of grazing sheep, ks John arose to deliver his sumT.-^tion to the jury, a dog chased a lamb into the courtroom. Sensing his opportunity, John seized the lamb and, holdin^]: It in his arms, likened the defendant to the sacrificial lanib of the Old Testament, The plea -was effective and the jury found the defendant not guilty. But John v/as not long to appear as an attorney for the defense. In 1^53 the election for prosecuting attorney of the Third Judicial District i;ay to be held, A victory in this election would give him an excellent chance of improving himself politically, raz v.ell as gaining prestige in the legal profession. Th= Third District Included the lo'-zer 16 counties of the state and included most of the counties of the Ninth Congressional District, A term as prosecutor viould give John a chance to spread hi? influence over the entire area and stand bin in good rtead for any 2 future att'mpt ^t hir^h-^r elective office. He announced Dawson, op. cit ., 9» 2 Hawkins, op. cit . , 26.

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47 for the office he had held briefly in 1852 and was easily elected. In the spring of 1^54 Logan began his new official duties. He retained his partnership with Parish in name until 1^55, when Parish became circuit court judge and the partnership was dissolved. As prosecutor, John visited the counties of his district for the regular court sessions. Travel over rough roads on horseback was tiring and occasional rheumatism, contracted during the march to Santa Fe, 1 was painful. Court was Pure delight to John. There was ample opportunity for hearty conviviality, story telling, and discussion of politics. Though his judicial duties occupied a great deal of time, the young attorney was active in Egyptian politics. His leadership in the legislature, his record as prosecutor and his willingness to speak out in defense of the section at every occasion made him a growing force in Egypt. The editor of the Cairo City Times reported on June 7, 1^45 his attendance at court, where he met, "Our old friend John A. Logan, who... is performing with universal acceptability the duties of f^tate^s Attorney."' Mary Logan, Reminiscences . 3. Cairo City Times . June 7, 1^54.

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kS 1^54 was an election year and Logan maintained close interest in the Democratic nominatioi' for the House, It ivent to Scott Marshall, v;ho v;as chosen to succeed Killis Allen, leaving the House after two terms. Logan had met Marshall on the circuit, and they had become close friends. During his campaign, Marshall prominently displayed a list of "intimate acquaintances" v;ho endorsed his candidacy. Logan's name headed the list. The same year brought the renev/al of the debate over slavery in the territories which many felt had been solved in 1{^50, Most of the Illinois Democrats, Logan included, backed Douglas and popular sovereignty as a solution to the problem and endorsed the Kansas-Nebraska Act. When the Little Giant returned to Springfield, plans v;ere made for a great meeting to greet him, Logan journeyed to the capital to see the senator, and as Douglas spoke to the crowd, John stood among the staters party leaders behind him. He enthusiastically applauded Douglas' statement, "I tell , ou the time has not yet come when a handful of traitors in our camp can turn the great State of Illinois.., 2 into a Negro worshiping, Negro equality community." Ibid., Nov. 1, 1^54. Among other names on the list was Marion County Democrat Silas Bryan, father of V/illiam Jennings Bryan. 2 Carl Sandburg, Abraham Lincoln; The Prairie Years . II, 10.

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49 Logan returned to ^gypt and in January, 1^55 he watched the bitter assembly battle in the election of a U.S. Senator. The leading candidates v;ere incumbent Democrat James Shields and the Democratic Governor Joel Matteson. Also in the race were former Congressman Abraham Lincoln and anti-Nebraska Democrat Lyman Trumbull, who was opposed by the Douglas men for v/hat they felt amounted to desertion. Shields and Lincoln v/ere the leading contenders at the outset, but neither seemed able to muster a majority. On the sixth ballot, with the body deadlocked, three Democrats voted for Logan, "a particularly violent and very young Democrat who was outspoken in his pro-slavery and vSouthern sympathies." Logan's tlu?ee votes v;ent to Matteson on the next ballot and the governor battled Trumbull, with the latter v/inning the seat, Logan's three votes v/ere obviously a temporary marking time by the three men, especially since John, at 2Bf v;a3 constitutionally unable to serve. Nevertheless the mention of Logan's name, even in so casual a manner, illustrates that he was a rising figure. The new year was a fortunate one for the young lawyer-politician. In the spring John began a legal 1 ~~ Albert Peveridp;e, Abraham Lincoln . II, 235. The three legislators voting for Logan v:ere Hopkins, Gray, and Thomas Earns. Saras represented Lofi^an*s old district.

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fo association with V/. J. "Josh" Allen. John's new partner was the son of exCongressman Vv'illis Allen and the partnership brought to an end Logan* d estrangement from this influential Egyptian political family. Relations had been improving slowly since the 1^52 elections, and Logan and "Josh" Allen remained close friends down to the Civil War, though their partnership was terminated in 1S59. Most of John*s business in early 1^55 concerned a murder trial at Jonesboro, but he had time to devote to politics. In the prohibition election of that year, he spoke against the "drys" as the southern counties voted solidly against the law. He lost no occasion to speak approval of popular sovereignty and to acclaim Douglas a future president. Logan also spoke several times against the Know-Nothings, charging them with intolerance and with attempting to deny constitutional rights to many Americans, One of these speeches, at Metropolis, led the Cairo City Times to exclaim, "John is one of the right sort; a pure 2 patriot and unflinching Derr.ocrat." Perhaps the most important political event of the year in Egypt was Douglas* autumn visit. The Little Giant History of Jackson County , 66; Cairo City Times . April 4, 1855. 2 Cairo City Times . May 2, 1855.

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51 was pleased with the Democratic organization in southern Illinois and promised to speak there in September and October.-^ He made several stops and Logan joined the senator in striking out at opposition to "Nebraska policy." The 29 year old prosecutor had become Dou-las' close friend and supporter, and the older nan was happy to be associated with the son of his old friend of the 10th General ^ssem2 bly. Desoite John's political interests, law wa? still his primary concern, and as a i^rosecutor he toured the circuit. These court sessions were pleasant. With the exception of Murphysboro, none ,-ave him ,-reater pleasure than his stons in Shawneetown, county seat of Gallatin County, a lively villa-e overlooking the Ohio. It hnd been one of Egypt's earliest ports, and many of the section's pioneers, who drifted down the Ohio, debarked there. In 1^55 it was the sif^ht of a thriving land office serving 3 much of southern Illinois. Registrar of the Shawneetown land office was John's old friend John M. Cunningham, and John was always btephen n. Douglas to Charles Lanphier, July 7, 1^55, Lanphier Mss. , Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield. ^Cairo City Ticios. Sept. 26, 1^55; Frank E. Stevens, The Life of Ster^hen A. Dout^gns. 673. 1 Brownell, oo. cit . . ^^6.

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52 welcome at the captain's home. Cunningham had crossed the continent to California after the Mexican V/ar, had been unsuccessful in his quest for gold, and returned to Illinois to serve as Massac County marshal. Then in 1^53 the captain was appointed registrar of the land office. In 1^54 Logan's circuit took him to Shawneetovm and the old friends met and re-lived the march to Santa Fe. Logan reminded the captain that during the war he had promised to give him his daughter Mary in marriage. The promise had been made in jest since she v/as only eight at the time, but Logan asked about her and was told she was in school at St, Vincent's Academy, near Morganfield, 2 Kentucky. During the next year Logan returned frequently and in June, 1^55 Mary came home and her father invited Logan to meet her. The girl was 17, vivacious and friendly, with a large circle of young friends. John seems to have fallen in love v/ith Mary almost from their first meeting, but Mary, fresh from school, showed signs of uncertainty. Her return from St. Vincent's brought a round of parties with old friends, but Logan persisted, and traveled long distances to spend weekends 3 with her. In the early summer John was able to spend 1 ~ Shavmeetown Illinoisan . Apr^i 1, 1853; Mary Logan, Reminiscences , 28. 2 Mary Logan, Reminiscences , 27, 29. 3 Ibid., 3^-39.

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53 some time in Shawneetown as prosecutor in a local murder case and Mary's hesitancy began to fade with his constant 1 attention. By August John was ready to propose and on the sixth he wrote her of his love, concluding with, "be assured of my sincerity and after mature reflection, say that you will be mine."^ Mary's answer was not complete acceptance. She still had reservations, and later v-Tote: "To this day I marvel that a young man of Logan's rare ability, ambition, and mature years. ..should hazard his career by marrying a girl of seventeen." Logan's reply to her letter was a panic stricken missive asking if there was a rival for her affections. His fears were quickly allayed, however, and one day later, in Benton, he received 4 her acceptance. November 2? v;as the wedding date. From August to November, Logan rode to Shavmeetown whenever possible and the two corresponded steadily. Their letters indicate that Mary's shyness had passed; the letters are those of two people in love. John wrote, "I would Shawneetovm Illinoisan . March 2, 1355. 2 3 2 JAL to Mary Cunningham, Aug. 6, 1^55, Logan Mss. Mss. Mary Logan, Reminiscences , 33-39. JAL to Mary Cunningham, Aug. 15, l6, 1^55, Logan

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54 rather dvrell in a tent with one faithful heart, than lord it in palaces with an ungrateful one," She ansv/ered, "I make no pretensions and give you myself heart and hand." They exchanged miniatures, and in October, v;hen Mary spent a v;eek in Kentucky at her old school, John journeyed to Murphysboro, assuring Mary, "I shall have a nice time telling ray good old Mother all about My Mary and having her 2 advice to rie." On the eve of the wedding some unpleasantness arose when Captain Cunningham v;as accused by the Shawneetown Illinoisan of fraud, but tho charges v-ere not proved. Defense came from many quarters, and by nuptial day the •a cloud had passed. The wedding was simple. Logan* s family lived too far to attend and the couple v:a3 married by John's old partner, Judge Parish, in the presence of a few friends. Accompanied by several traveling companions, the wedding pair left for Benton. Until a cottage was ready, they lived v;ith Parish and his wife, John soon took his bride to Murphysboro to meet his family, returning with a JAL to Mary Cunningham, Aug. 20, 1^55 » Logan Mss. 2 JAL to Mary Cunningham, Oct. 5, 1^-55, Logan Mss. 3 Cairo City Times . Oct. 31, 1^55. 4 Mary Logan, Reminiscences , 39.

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55 colored maid donated by Mrs. Logar. Mary':j first months in Benton were a constant strain, since she had to act as hostess to large groups of her husband's friends in Benton for court session. ••Remembering that Logan's wife must be equal to everything, '^ she later v.-rote, "I put aside my timidity." Mar>accompanied Logan on the circuit. She endured jolting buggy rides from tovm to town and was entranced with the excitement of court days. Theae events were the only contact many had vlth the outside, and Mary took pride In John's activity in discussions. Through such attentions, Logan was rapidly becoming Egypt's most popular political leader.^ Mary becaiae nore than a mere traveling corai>anion as she began to read law reports to her husband and write blanks for the indictments used by the prosecutor.^ :^oon Mary's delightful, arduous, trips had to cease. In early U5^ John learned that he was going to become a father. The cottage in Benton became a lonely place for the young wife and she told John she would never get used to his absences.^ His letters were filled with legal news and regrets at separation. Occasionally Logan's fellow Ibid . , l*.l. ^ Ibld .. 52-53. "^Ibid., 50. ^Mary Logan to JAL, Jan. 31, 1^56, Logan Mss.

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56 1 lav/yers wrote Mary to assure her of John*s health. At every possible occasion John came to Benton, but 1856 v/as an important political year and visits became fev;er. He kept in close touch v/ith local, state, and national affairs. From V»'ashington a Douglas supporter suggested Logan begin organizing support for the Little Giant for president, ^'so as to shov; abroad that he stands 2 fair in his ov;n state, '^ Other politicians v/rote asking his advice and support, indicating that his influence v;as being courted by office-seekers throughout southern 3 Illinois, In the summer, Logan joined Illinois Democrats at Springfield to nominate their candidates for state office. They deplored the fact that Buchanan had won the presidential nomination over Douglas, but they endorsed "Buck and Breck" against the "Black Republican" Fremont. Logan was named an elector on the Democratic ticket from the Ninth Congressional District, and he v:as one of the orators chosen to address the mass meeting held after the convention. ..'illiam A, Richardson vras nominated for !'T. Crenshaw to Mary Logan, Aug. 13, IS56, Logan Mss, 2 ^ ^ John Hacker to JAL, Feb. 22, IS56, Logan Mss. 3 Green B. Ra.ua to J/L, Aug. 7, 1?^56; 'William H. Snyder to JAL, March 13, 1^56, Logan Mss. 4 Cairo Times and Delta . May 7, 1^56.

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57 governor against William Bissell, a former Democrat who had broken with the party on the Kansas issue. The "Nebraska" test of loyalty to Douglas* leadership was applied everywhere by the Democrats, and in Egypt, with the exception of the German counties along the Mississippi, the Little Giant received solid support. The lo^s of the German Democrats was partially compensated for by the accession to the Democrats of old ViTiigs whose party had disinte1 grated. In Egypt, the Democratic Convention in the Ninth District re-nominated Scott Marshall for the House, a nomination tantamount to election. Logan again stumped southern Illinois for Marshall and the party ticket. In the fall he decided to resign as state's attorney and run ior tiie legislature from his ola district. His powerful voice was heard throughout the section as he denounced 2 "Black Republicans" and Know-hothings with equal fervor. When Douglas suoke in Carbondaie in October, Logan joined Marshall and v^ixlis Allen in echoing the statements of the senior sfciiator.-^ At Belleville the Democrats invaded the German counties in force and Logan joined John A. McGlernand, James Robinson, both congressmen, Don Morrison and Bob Cole, op. cit . , 126. Cairo Time s and Delta . July 16, If? 56. 3 Ibid., Oct. 15, 1S$6.

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53 Ingersoll, in speaking for the party's candidates. Gustavus Koemer T'MMDbAred Logan as "one of th« most Titu^ perative speakers [who] abused Colonel Bissell so as to disgust even his party friends," Lo.fjan's own contest was never in doubt, and on election day he rolled up a greater majority than four 3rears earlier. For a time, however, the fate of Buchanan and Richardson in Illinois was in doubt. Despite huge Democratic majorities in Egypt, the Republicans carried the state house and Buchanan barely i^on the state's electoral votes. ^ While Logan felt that the state was "disgraced" for having voted for Bissell Republicans gloried in their ^ains and stated that only the solid vote of backward Egypt, the "land of darkness,** had kept Illinois out of the Repub* lican column. The elation of election victory was followed by the excitenent of the birth of his first child, John Cunninghaa Lof^sin. Decanber was the happiest period of the Gustavus Koemer, ttoaoirs . II, 29, 2 Cairo Times and Dolta. Kov, 26, 1^56; D, v;. Lusk, Politics and Politicians of Illinois . 35» In Logan's diiitrict comrosed of Franklin and Jackson Counties, Buchanan and RichardEon ran far ahead of the Republicans, Buchanan carried Franklin by 1051 to 5 and Jackson by 1144 to 2. Richardson carried Franklin by IO76 to J4 and Jackson by 1096 to 46. The vote in Illinois for president was: Buchanan 105,523; Frenont 96,273; Fi Isaore, 37, 531. Illinois rtate Journal (Springfield), Nov. 19, 1356; JAL to Mary Lop;an, Nov. 9, l'^56, Logan Mss.

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59 young couple's life. Baby and mother prospered, and the proud new father boasted of his son and looked forward to the session of the legislature. The separation in January was an agonizing one. The Logans decided that mother and child should stay in Benton rather than undertake the trip to Springfield. John's brother VJilliam, who aspired to a legal career, had been studying with his older brother in Benton, and he promised to stay with Mary and the baby. The 20th General Assembly met in Springfield on January 5, 1^57. This time Logan was no longer the obscure son of a former legislator, but a figure of considerable influence. Despite Bissell's victory, the Democrats had captured both houses of the Assembly, and the governor was faced by a hostile legislature. On the Democratic side of the House, outstanding leaders were Logan, John Dougherty, Ebon C. Ingersoll, Bob's brother, Iv. R. Morrison, and S. V/. Moulton. Leaders of the Republicans were C. B. Denio and Isaac Arnold. There was also a small group of 2 six Knov;-Nothinp;s, led by Shelby M, Cullom of Springfield. First business was election of a speaker, and Democrat Samuel Holmes' victory over Isaac Arnold presaged 1 Mary Logan, Reminiscences . 57. 2 J ournal Illinois House of Representatives, Twentieth General Assembly . 1?J57. 3-3» ilereafter cited as House Journal. 1H57 .

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60 Democratic domination. The House completed its routine business, and Logan, Moulton and Cullon vrere named to conduct Governor Matteson to the chair for his messae;e. The address was a review of his administration, and Logan made the routine motion to print 20,000 copies of the speech, which passed. The follov/ing day committee assignments ivere made, Logan was appointed to Judiciary, Finance, Penitentiary, Banks and Corporations, and was named chairman of the Committee on Elections, On January 13, the serenity of the chamber v/as shattered and party feelin<5s v/ere inflamed almost to the point of violence. Logan* s speech caused the explosion, for V'hich many had been v/aiting. Governor Bissell was a victim of a ''rheumatic, affliction of the lovjer extremities which prevents me from much vralking, without assistance," The partial paralysis vas a result of Mexican War injuries, and Bissell decided in 1??55, to give up politics. In iSpo he changed his mind vrhen he discovered "an extraordinary and persistent effort being made to wheel Illinois into the ranks of 2 slavery supporting. ..states.'' 1 Ibid ., 2S. 2 V. H. Bissell to E. Peck, Jan. 21, IC56, Joseph Gillespie Mss., Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield.

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61 Bissell had been a Democrat, but renounced Douglas* leadership following the Kansas-Nebraska Act. His chan^^e to the Republican Party cost him little support and in 1856 he was elected governor in an immense show of popularity."'" This was treason, and Democrats v/ere looking for a chance to attack the traitor. Their ooportunity came when they discovered that Bissell had once been challenged to a duel by Senator Jefferson Davis of Mississippi in a feud involving their actions in the Mexican War. Since the iSl^S Constitution prevented a man from taking office as 2 chief executive under these conditions, the stage was set. Strangely enough, the Democrats did not press the accusation in the campaign, but Lo^^.an and the other Democrats had been preparing their case since the election, and seeking "an orator to execute the unfeeling task 3 selected with skillful penetration." Logan was chosen. This plan of attack was not unknown to the general public since nev/spapers, mostly Democr-^tic, had been editorializing Cole, oul cit ., 152* 2 ;:helby M. Cullom, Fifty Years of x ublic l^ervice ; Personal Recollections , 180; Bateman and Selby, op. cit ., I. LS: Goie. o;-. cit .. 151-15^. 3 Alexander Davidson and Bernard Stuve, Kistory of Illinois . 661; JAL to William R. Morrison, Jan. 13, 1857; '.Villiam 11. Morrison to JAL, Jan. 13, 1^57; J-L to i-hilip B. Foiike, Jan. 6, 1)^57, Logan Mas. ; Robert D. Holt, "The Folitical Career of V.illiara A. Richarusoii, " Journal Illinois State Hist. Soc, XX'VI, No. 3 (Oct., 1933), 242.

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62 1 on Blssell's disoualif ication for some time. V'hen the Asser.bly convened, the state waited for the Democratic challenge. D e to Bir?sell*s infirmity, the governor's messagG \ms read by I. R. Diller. It vias a moderate speech, but left no doubt but that Bissell was 2 opposed tc extension of slavery in th.5 territories. Follov/ing the reading, Arnold moved to print 20,000 copies. Logan rose, moved to amend the number to 10,000 and began his tirade against Bissell, He condemned Bissell 's position on slavery as an abject surrender to the abolitionist principles of the Republicans, and assaulted the governor as a perjurer, branding him as unfit to hold hie high office. Reaching an emotional crescendo, Logan concluded: This sir, is my home. Beneath the green and hallowed sod of this beautiful prarie state lie the bones of my aged and venerable father*. Snail I stand quietly by, as one of the people's representatives, and see her public moralb corrupted, her constitution violated, her honor tarnished, and give no sound of alarm? 3 His final vjords were lost in a roar of applause from the Democrats and a storm of boos from the Republicans. Arnold and Denio rose to Bissell 's defense, and Koerner condemned Cgiro Times and D elta . Nov. 19, l'^56. 2 Cullom, op. cit . , 25. 3 Ms, of a speech delivered January 13, 1^57, in the Illinois State Legislature, Lo:;an Mss.

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63 the speech as the "coarsest billingsgate." A Republican paper called Logan s effort a "long and frothy speech... in 2 which he has disgusted his own party." Even the KnowNothings backed Bissell and Cullom called the speech "cruel and a virulent attack" and recalled, "I became very much 3 prejudiced against him," Democrats jumped to Logan's defense. The speech was published, in pamphlet form, v;ith an appendix of letters from Davis to Bissell, for distribution throughout Illinois. Support came from many quarters, and Jud?;e I. I-i. Haynie told Logan that his speech had been well received in 5 Egypt. Some Democrats, however, v/ere upset by the lack of consideration shown the sickly governor. Bissell was a sensitive man, and the attack "deeply wounded him," He became his own best defender. Instead of resorting to vituperation, he countered the charges with calm, reasoned argument, Bissell simply maintained, as he had during the election, that the constitution did not 1 Koerner, op, cit .. II, 39. 2 Quincy ''/eekly .Vhig . Feb. 7, l'*?57. 3 Cullom, op. cit ., 25, ISO. Davidson and Stuve, op. cit ., 661. 5 I. N. Haynie to JAL, Jan. 17, 1^57, Logan Mss. 6 Davidson and Stuve, op. cit .. 661.

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64 apply in his case. His defense v/as that the technical challenge had not been given or accepted and that no duel had been fought. Furthermore he claimed that since the entire affair had taken place outside the state and not within Illinois' jurisdiction, he v/as in no vray a perjurer and could take his oath of office. The turmoil gradually subsided, but the animosities the speech created remained beneath the surface. The "Bissell speech" was Logan's major achievement of the session, and while it strengthened him at home, its very nature tended to verify Republican claims that Logan v/as little better than a bigoted, cruel rovjdy from backward 2 Egypt who merely served as a henchman for Douglas. For the rest of the session, Logan's activity v:as steady and unsensational. He introduced a number of private incorporation bills which easily passed. He led the fight against repeal of part of his "Negro exclusion bill" of 1353, and the motion to repeal was tabled 46 to 23. -* Another move popular in Egypt was his active participation in the fight to fend off reapportionment. One proposal, which would have cut the number of representatives in Koemer, op. cit .. II, 39; Cullora, op. cit .. 130. 2 Cameron Rogers, Colonel Bob Ingersoll . 39. 3 House Journal . 1357, 91.

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65 Lower Egypt from five to four, was tabled 3^ to 32. Among the most constructive legislation of the session were acts establishing free schools, and the law building a nev/ penitentiary. These were passed with little fanfare, and when the solons dispersed February 19, the Logan speech remained the most talked about event of the session. Mary anxiously awaited the end of the business in Springfield. She wrote a stream of letters chronicling the progress of the baby and complaining of the dull life in Benton. Bob Ingersoll, who stopped to see her, told her in February that the session would probably run longer 2 than usual. Sooner than she expected, John came home to spend what they both hoped would be a long sojourn. However, fate seemed against them having much time together. Logan had to make a living, and he soon set off on circuit, with his partner "Josh" Allen, He found no dearth of business, and the young barrister who had bearded the Republicans in the capital had as much v/ork as he could 3 handle. He was gradually becoming one of the most sought after lawyers in the southern half of the state. In the summer of 13$7, Logan was retained by the prosecution in •'" Ibid .. S95. 2 Mary Logan to JAL, Jan. 1^, Feb. 11, 1?*57, Logan Mss. 3 JAL to Mairy Logan, May 13, 1^57, Logan Mss.

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6^ the case for which he is best remembered. Shawneetown v/as a town of violent Democratic factionalism. The local paper, the Illinoisan, actively participated in these feuds and served as a mouthpiece for Colonel James C. Sloo, a quarrelsome Democrat who differed with most Egyptians on slavery. Sloo had been at odds with the majority of his party for years, once calling Scott 1 Marshall a "foul mouthed puppy." Leader of the colonel »s opponents was John E, Hall, clerk of the county and circuit courts. Hall was a close friend of Captain Cunningham and Bob Ingersoil, his deputy. These three constantly came 2 under attack from the Illinoisan and Sloo. The Hall faction frequently used nearby newspapers to defend themselves. In October, I856, the Marion Intelligencer ran an article signed "Vindex," which delivered 3 a scurrilous attack on Colonel Sloo. V.hen Inp:ersoll asked his superior if he was "Vindex," he received an enigmatic reply. Hall's manner convinced Ingersoil that Shawneetown Illinoisan . Sept. &, 1^54. 2 Ms. of Ingersoil Brothers legal day book, 1856-57, Robert G. and Ebon C. Ingersoil Mss., Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield; Rogers, od. cit . . S6; Herman Kittredge, Robert G. Ingersoil; a Biographical Appreciation . 36; Shav.Tneetown Illinoisan as quoted in the Cairo City Times . Oct. 31, 1^55. 3 Marion Intelligencer . Oct. 10, I856.

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67 he had delivered the blast. In November, Colonel Sloe's son Robert returned from West Point and began gunning for "Vindex." As Ingersoll v.'as taking dictation from Hall, one day Bob Sloo appeared in the door\>^ay. Before either man could move, Sloo fired, and Hall lay dead in Ingersoll*s arms. The young assassin made no attempt to escape and was quickly apprehended, but the trial did not begin until spring of 1357. In southern Illinois, the excitement of the Dred Scott decision pailed into insignificance beside the Sloo trial. As the time approached, Shavmeetown was deluged by visitors. The prosecution hired Logan and Allen, and the defense was led by John Dougherty, a leading Democrat and 2 old friend of Colonel Sloo. Logan took the case hesitantly since Mary v^as slightly ill when he left Benton. Empaneling a jury took some time, so heated were local passions, and it was late May before the trial began. The defense produced an iiranediate sensation when it indicated that Sloo*s defense wo\xld be temporary insanity, a plea Lof^an considered "a most infanj^ous lie,.,but will Rogers, op. cit .. B7] Kittredge, op. cit ., 39. 2 Cairo Times and Delta , June 3, 1^57.

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66 not avail him in my judgement." The trial dragged on through the summer until temj^ers were frayed and passions almost at the breaking point. To make matters more uncomfortable for Logan, Mary*s illness had not abated and the baby was sick. By August he was ready to go home: You can not imagine the distress and uneasiness of mind I am in since reading your letter. Has the Lord determined to destrojr oior happiness on this earth"^ I am almost tempted to start home tonight, but... I suppose I v;ill have to remain in suspense till I hear again. V/e are nearly through this week and God knov;s I will not leave you again. 2 He also advised her that he was confident that Sloo could not be -acquitted and that a hung jury vras the accused »s only hope of escape. In early August, Logan v;rote that Sloo's defense "have got four abolition doctors here from the North who are going to swear that he is crazy as a bedbug and God knows what effect it will have on the case."-' The effect vjas disastrous, and Sloo ;^s eventually acquitted on the grounds of insanity. This was a pioneer case in the state since it v/as one of the first acquittals based on insanity. Logan had served the prosecution ably and was disappointed JAL to Mary Logan, May 2g, 1^57, Logan Mss, 2 Ibid .. Aug. 3, 4, 1^57, Logan Mss. ^Ibid. , July 2^, 1^57, Logan Mss.

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69 at the verdict, but he was at last free to return to Benton. He returned to find Mary recovered but his son's condition had worsened. It vras soon evident that the baby might never recover, and the autumn was filled v;ith despair which descended to the depths vrhen the baby died in late 2 September. The period following this tragic event vrere months of crisis for the family. Mary, lonely at home, had borne the brunt of the tragedy, and was desolated. She pleaded with John not to leave her again, and when he returned to the circuit and the political wars in 135^ » her letters ring with supplications. "Politics if you will allow can destroy our happiness together. It will robb [sic] you of all domestic feelings and make you miserable except vfhen in the society of men engaged in the discussion of political subjects." The rest of this letter reveals the core of their personal relationship during these bleak days: I knovi my dear will forgive me when he remembers what a different life I have had. I v.as married with nothing but pleasure and hapoiness in view, I was just from the scenes of happy school days. I vras young and knov; nothing of life and did not anticipate its realities so full of sorrow. I have been sick almost all the time, and you have been forced to be 1 ' Rogers, op. cit ., 89» 2 Mary Logan, Reminiscences . 58 •

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70 away from home so much of your time. Death has visited us and taken our little Treasure , Indeed we have had life in all its realities. You v^ere older and have mingled v;ith the world and did not picture life as one smooth scene of pleasure, and I have always leaned upoh you ac my only sup or t in undergoing all these chanr^es. I have ever looked up to you as a Father more than a companion and have expected you to listen to my complaints and troubles and to talk with me and shov/ me my errors when I do wrong.... In the future lets hope for a brighter life and although circumstances may yet bring forth trials that attend mankind we may be happy together.! These letters are a far cry from the blissful picture Mrs. Logan painted of their marriage years later. "Our marriage v/as a real partnership," she wrote, "I shared his thoughts and plans no less when he vras a Senator than 2 when he v;as a prosecuting attorney in Southern Illinois." Logan countered with arguments he used over and over. He told Mary that lav/ and politics \rere his only trade. He regretted the separations, but they v;ero necessary for him to make a living, 'whether due to his arguments, or because Mary realized that John was what he vras, her letters are punctuated with glimpses of life, as when she wrote, "It will sound rather strange to you to see me so much interested about your being a candidate, .. .but I am satisfied you will not be contented to lead a quiet domestic life for a few years at least." One reason for this interest Mary Logan to JAL, lAarch J^, 1^5^, Logan Mss. 2 Mary Logan, Reminiscences , vii.

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71 was that the candidacy Mary alluded to was for congressman, She hoped that a victory would keep them together more effectively than Logan's earlier posts. In the spring of 1^5^, rumors spread through Egypt that Marshall would step aside and that Logan would be his successor. Logan's apprenticeship in state politics was coming to a close. As he had moved from local politics to the state level in 1^53, so he was prepared to move to the national scene in IS5S. While the nation watched Illinois, all Egypt kept an eye on Logan, waiting for confirmation of rumor. In Benton, Mary Logan listened and hoped for the best.

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CHAPTER III DIRTY V/ORK IN WASHINGTON Egypt had always been a Democratic stronghold. Whigs received little support from small farmers who loudly and proudly proclaimed their loyalty to Jacksonian Democracy. In IS56 Republicans showed little power in Egypt. Know-Nothings generally ran ahead of Republicans, there but their total vote was insignificant compared to the immense vote for Buchanan and Richardson. For years, Democrats running for state positions had counted on Egyptian landslides to push them into office. Douglas was no exception, and in 1??46 and 1^5^ the section marched solidly behind him. Then came the renewal of the question of slavery in the territories, which brought a change to the Democratic party of Egypt, Illinois, and the nation. In 1^57 Buchanan demanded that the Lecomcton Constitution be accepted as the formula for solution of the Kansas muddle, V/hen support of this mockery of popular sovereignty became a test of party loyalty, the Democratic party became hopelessly divided. In December, Douglas, who would not accept the pro-slave constitution, arrived in Washington to talk to the President. The two men could not agree, and Buchanan warned the Illinois senator of 72

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73 1 the price of party insurgency. The Douglas-Buchanan split had inmf di^te repercussions in Egypt. Most southern Illinois Democrats fell in behind Douglas, but there were administration supporters, and a Buchanan organ threw down the gauntlet: It has been boasted that Mr. Douglas holds Illinois in his breeches pocket, and can lead it away with him in support of v/hatever vagaries his self-willed head may Igkd him into* This is a most tremendous mistake. ^ Logan never hesitated in his support of the Little Giant, agreeing with the Douglas press which proclaimed, "The people are with him for he is riff;ht.^^ As the Douglasites organized for the battle, there was speculation as to the Douglas candidate for the House in the Ninth District. In April, Scott Marshall declined to run for re-election, announcing that he had a friend willing to take up the cry against Lecompton.^ To most Egyptians the "friend" was obviously Logan, and in a perceptive view of Egyptian politics the administration press asked: '"hilip G. Auchampaugh, "The Buchanan-Douglas Feud." Journal . Illinois Str^te Hist. Soc, aXv, No. 1 (April, 1932), 12; Milton, The Eve of Conflict, ^73. 2 V -> Cairo Times and Delta . Feb, 24, lo5t>. o Salem Advocate , Jan. 1, 1B5S* S'/illiam Hacker to JAL, April 11, 1^53, Logan Mss.

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74 How have oiir Congressional candidates been nominated and elected? Beginning; v/ith v;illis Allen they have been elected by the fiat of a fev.'. Samuel S. Marshall was a man of influence and belonged to this clique; John A. Logan is a man of influence and belongs to this clique; '/» J, Allen is a man of influence and belongs to this clique; all v.'ere aspirants for congressional honors; therefore it v/as arranged betiireen them that Mr. Marshall should first go to Congress, Mr. Logan next, each one turning his own influence and that of his friends in favor of the one whose turn it might be to go to Congress.-^ There had been such an agreement between Egypt's Democratic leaders, and Marshall, having stepped aside, looked forward to Logan's "glorious victory over the Black Republi2 cans and the Chicago Postmaster traitors combined." Most Illinois Democratic leaders remained loyal to Douglas and denounced the "Danites" or "Buccaneers," as the administration men were called. Loj-ian took the stump early in the campaign in defense of his leader. After a speech in Cairo on April 13, even the hostile local press called his effort "calm and argumentative and frequently interrupted by cheering."-'^ Manj'leading Democrats wrote Logan in the spring assuring him of an easy triumph in the Ninth District. Congressman James C. Robinson Cairo Times and Delta . April 21, l^;5f^. 2 S. S. Marshall to JAL, May 2, 1^5^) Logan Mss. The "Postmaster traitors" are the "Danites." 3 Cairo Times and Delta . April 14, 1^5^.

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75 advised him that even the doubtful counties of the district were free of both Republicans and Lecomptonites. The Republicans saw in the Democratic schism a chance for victory in the Senate race as well as a possibility of picking up several House seats. The "Danites" were makins such extravagant claims in Egypt that some Republican leaders envisioned possible gains in the Democratic stronghold. These optimists were warned by D. L. Phillips, a Democrat turned Republican, that these claims were false and that Egypt was still pro-Douglas. He added in a letter to Senator Trumbull, "The Democracy here are led by the Aliens, Marshall, Logan.. .and others, and these are all for Douglas. John Logan is bitter against Buchanan." Another Egyptian Republican wrote Trumbull that 3 Logan preferred Seward to Buchanan. If the "Danites" had little strength in Egypt, they were weaker in northern Illinois xvhere their extreme "doughfacism" was in disfavor. In many counties only the federally appointed postmasters were Buchanan men, and Republicans began to realize that division in their James C. Robinson to JAL, April 21, 1^5^, Logan Mss. 2 ^ M D. L. Phillips to Lyman Trumbull, March 2, 1858, Lyman Trumbull Mss. Ben L. VJilcy to Lyraan Trumbull, March 2, 1^53, Trumbull Mss.

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76 opponents* ranks night do them little good. With Logan's nomination a foregone conclusion, he became a target for attacks by both "Danite-' and Republican papers. The State Journal called him "an arrant trickster of the blackguard order." The Republican organ at Chicago agreed and added: "He is a Douglasite. . .and evinces deterrai2 nation to follov; that gentleman unto the end." Among Democratic papers of the state, however, adjninistration forces fared badly. Sixty-nine papers supported Douglas 3 with only five backing the "Danites," Organized campaigning began April 21 \vhen Democrats assembled at Springfield. Douglas* candidacy was endorsed and candidates nominated for tv;o state offices. After Douglas' nomination, the convention split, the "Danites" calling a meeting for June 9 to name their state ticket. In June the Republicans gathered to name their party's slate. They endorsed Abraham Lincoln as Douglas' op onent and jibed at the divided Democrats. The Republicans called their ovm convention a "brilliant triumph." Cole, op. cit .. 156. 2 Illinois State Journal , April 22, 1^5^; Chicago Press and Tribune , quoted in Cairo Times and Delta , April 2^, 3 James W. Sheahan, The Life of Stephen A. Douglas , 397. 4 Alton Courier . June 2U, 1S5^.

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77 Shortly after the Democratic convention at Springfield adjourned, Logan and his fellow Egyptians held their district convention at Thebes, Logan was nominated for the House by acclamation, and despite the absence of opposition, he began stumping the district. This speaking tour was interrupted in June when Logan and his wife journeyed to Chicago to meet Senator Douglas. On the ninth, amid wild enthusiasm, the Little Giant entered the city. There he made nis first speech of the canvass and conferred with his supporters from all over the state. Logan optimistically reported on conditions in the Ninth District and applauded Douglas' speech in which the senator attacked both Buchanan and the Republicans. The Douglas caravan moved on to Springfield for the senator's second major address. The Logans rode the triumphal train to the capital and again listened to the Little Giant excoriate their opponents. After the iipringfield mass meeting, Logan and Mary returned to Benton to begin the congressional campaign. For the first time since their marriage, Mary was able t:^ accompany him on extended tours, and she v/as thrilled '.>?ith the excitement of the campaign and impressed with Douglas, i Mary Logan, Reminiscences , 5^«

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7g whom she met in Chicago. Login had promised her that she might accompany him through the remainder of the canvass and she took iLcrea^ed I'.nterest in her husband's affairs. Opponents v;ore slow in appearing against Logan. As early as April, rumors started that John Dougherty, wellknovm Jonesboro Democrat, would be the "Danite" candidate, 2 but thib was denied. Dougherty had a lo.rge following in Lov/er Egypt, and Dcott Marshall advised Logan to get him to renounce Buchanan. This effort failed, and in June Dougherty was nominated for state treasurer by the ''Danites."-^ The Republican candidate in the Ninth District was Ben L. Wiley, who did little campaigning. Deploring this inactivity of the ooposition, Marshall v.'rote Logan praying for a more active fight, promising "to travel over the district and help skin them." He added, "v;e vvon't have much fun in Egypt unless you car get up something of this kind." The first real opponent in the field vjas Logan's former partner, V;, K. Parisli, the "Danite man, whom the Cairo Times and Delta predicted v/ould win the seat by a Ibid., 5S, 61. 2 Cairo Tines and Delta . April 2g, 1?^5S. 3 S. S. Marshall to JAL, lAay 2, l^S'*^, Logan KtJS. 4 Ibid.

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79 "whooping majority."^ It v^as obvioue to most observers that the "Buccaneers" strength in Egypt was largely imaginary. Logan's partner "Josh" Allen confidently told John 2 "we shall beat them." Lof^an discovered unex; ected help. Lincoln challenged Douglas to a series of joirt debates, and the list included two Egyptian towns, Jonesboro and Alton. Logan would have a chance to appear beside tho senator and benefit from the luster Douglas would add to his caure. Douglas also stood to gain by appearing vith Logan. The senator knew that his lieutenant wielded ?rreat power in southern Illinois and that Logan's support would -robably mean that no "Danito" legislators would be returned from lower Egypt. The first two debates took place at Ottawa and Freeport, and in September the senatorial aspirants turned toward Egypt. Douglas arrived first, neeting Logan at Chester, where Lo^an and U. F. Linder spoke for the senator. The group moved on to Cairo, where Logan and Marshall pro3 ceeded Douglas in addressing a crowd of Democrats. Next day Douglas and his companions journeyed to ""Cairo Times and Delta . Aug. 11, J^^J. The Chester Herald made the first announcement of iaiish s candidacTT-q^ted in Chicago Press and Tribune, July 27, 1^58^W. J. Allen to JAL, July ^, 1^5^, Logan Mss. ^Cairo Times and Delta, Sept. 29, 1^5^; Linder, OP. cit ., 345.

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to Jonosboro to meet Lincoln, who arrived the previous evening. The Jonesboro aeeting **a5 !>ne of the quietest of the debates. Until about noon there was little evldwtee of any unuaual activity. About midday the Douglas eerriages, aceoapanled by a cannan, v^leh bocfflied at evwry opportunity, rolled Into tovm. That afternoon, about 2,000 people listened to the two giants renew their arguawsnts.^ Kary Logan later r4nMi-> bered 0augl3s' ablli"-y to win support by **the laaiGiaatlsin of hla personality." She also recalled Lincoln: I always like to think of Mr. Lincoln as he was xn the days when I saw hia vlth the eyes of an opponent. Hln awlo^ardness has nnt been exa7vi<;erated , Imt it gave no effect of seif-coRnciousness. Th^re was eosMSth.'ng about his unp^lnleness aEd about his hoaely face, even in a state oi tali and ungainly sen, wiiicb v^uld h?ve ?83de p.ny one who simply passed hia in tivi street or isaw him jFittinjij on a pxatforea remeaber hln.* The Jonesboro debate renmmd the exchan^^e begiw at Pr«eport. Dotigl.is vvas constantly cheered by the partisan crowd as he defended popular sovereignty in the face of the Dred Scott decision. Lincoln's ?>enetration into Egypt was the si^nxal for the leathering of all Egypt's ae-ubl leans. This group, corablned vlth the "Dnnites," who arplauded George Switl*, ^ , I, 26/», eetioates the crowd at 2,000. Th(. Trlbuiit; estimated tae number at 1,400, ' -.-« JoInrfitTTedt to convince voters that i ; not even draw a crowd in £gy; t. 2Cary Lo^n, Reainlscences . 61.

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gl Lincoln out of hatred for Douglas, vjere able to muster considerable vocal support for the gangling Republican. While nothing novel emerged from the Jonesboro debate , it served as a rallying point for Egyptian Democrats and Republicans. After the two debaters concluded, local battles be3;an in earnest. Logan took advantage of Douglas* presence, and following the match with Lincoln, the Little Giant accompanied John to Benton. There, September 16, Douglas addressed a vjildly partisan crowd in a grove northwest of tovm. Mrs. Lon:an was busily occupied making a huge flag to be used in the procession to the speaker's stand, and she arranged the reception for Douglas. Viith Logan presiding, he and the senator blacted the "Danites" and called on the voters of Franklin County to follow the 2 Douglas banner. The narty next moved to the state fair at Centralia, which r^rovided a good opportunity for a large crowd. Again Logan and Douglas shared the platform, the former delivering a speech v/hich even the Chicago Press 3 and Tribune admitted was effective. ^'ith the departure of Lincoln and Douglas, politics settled back to normal. But the Alton Courier thought that 1 Paul M. Angle (ed.). Created Equal? The Complete Lincoln-Douglas Debates of 185^ . 200. 223. 2 oraith, op. cit .. I, 300. 3 Chicago Press and Tribune . Sept. 19, IS^S.

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32 following Lincoln's appearance, "Egypt is waking up and shaking off the political cloud in which it has so long been enshrouded." The Republican press showed great faith in Lincoln's vote getting powers by predicting that Logan' e najority night be out to 5»000» but not even his bitterest 2 opponents for^caBt a Logan defeat. In late Septetaber, Eemiblicans entered an active candidate against Logan. Wiley, whose business prevented him froB canpaigning, withdrew, and .. L. ihillips took the stuap. The canvass in the Ninth District was typical of northwestern politics. Rallies were accompanied by the usual fights and drinking. Most of the district's tovms raised poles flying flags lettered with the naaes of their favorites, and rowdies tried to saw down poles of the opposition. Usually there were ohiy two poles, but there were three in the Ninth District, and the trio of candidates hurled charge and counter-charge. Ihe '^Danites" elalKed the Know-Nothings were for Logan, but voters resiembering his scourging of the nativists in 1856 v/ere ^l^o» Courier . Oct. 2, 18 5^. 2 Chicago Press and Tribune . Oct. 2, lf?5S. 3 Alton Courier . Sept. 50, 1^5^. 4 Charles B. Johnson, Illinois in the Fifties . 147.

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d3 inclined to discount the story.''The campaign was to a great extent a battle of personalities, much of the time external personalities. The names of Buchanan, Douglas, and Lincoln appear almost as often as those of the congressional candidates. However the iusue of slavery in the territories, and the negro problem in general did occupy the three men. Logan pointed out that the Republicans were in league with the abolitionists and if elected would bring the feared deluge from across the Ohio. Logan found himself between his two opponents, and from opposite poles Republicans and administration men joined in attacking Logan and Douglas. These attacks enhanced Logan's popularity. Though he spent most of his time in his own district, in October he entered the neighboring Eighth District, and at Salem joined Silas Bryan and I. N. Haynie in speaking for ^. B. Fouke, Douglasite candidate for Congress. Later, after a speech at Mound City, that town's paper gave clear insight into Logan's political personality: Losan is a popular speaker and seems to have espouled, certkinly so far as this district is concerned, the popular cause. In addition to this, he is personally popular— is in possession of the desirable faculty of making himself a lion m the social circle, as he is acknowledged to be in the political arena. In him abolitionism finds a foe who will be satisfied only with "war to the knife, Cairo Times and Delta . Sept. 29, 1S$8. Salem Advocate, Oct. 30, 1^5^.

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S4 and knife to the hilt." His hate for that creed is bitter and no t.ian knov.'s how to evince a bitter spirit more completely than John A. Logan. •' Mairy accompanied Logan on many of his speaking tours, and her letters indicate that she was becoming more easily reconciled to occasional absences, John's letters reveal that though he thought victory was almost certain, 2 he regarded the canvass a "hard fight." The last great meeting of the contest was the final Lincoln-Douglas debate held at Alton October 15» Again the Democrats gathered, but this time Fouke, the Douglas candidate from the Alton district, was the chief beneficiary of the Little Giant's presence. Following this debate, Logan concluded his own campaign. Throughout the canvass he had speculated on Douglas* chances. He realized the race ;vould be close. A Republican governor carried the state in 1?^56 and Lincoln had the added advantage of divided Democracy. In the summer, the senator's friends attempted to declare a truce, but Buchanan refused and John Slidell, Louisiana senator, and a close Buchanan lieutenant, entered Illinois 3 to help undermine Douglas, The "Buccaneers" were Mound City Emporium . Oct. 14, 1^53. f^ar^/Logan to JAL, Oct. 4, 1?^53; JAL to Mary Logan, Oct. 3, 1^5^, Logan Mss. 3 Richard R. Stenberg, "/'n Unnoted Factor in the Buchanan-Douglas Feud," Journ al. Illinois State Hist. Soc, XXV, No. 4 (Jan., 1933), 273;1^ilton, op. cit .. 346.

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«i particularly active in the close legislative districts, and it was feared that if too many of them fell, Douglas might be beaten in the assembly. Republicans also brought in outside help. Salmon P. Chase of Ohio, Frank Blair of Missouri, and Schuyler Colfax of Indiana joined the stop-Douglas movement. There was great activity, by all sides, in the crucial central resrion. There the election v/ould be decided. Republicans were conceded a majority in the North and Douglas awarded Egypt, and a strong swing in either direction in the 2 region around Springfield could be decisive. Careful observers like Logan were inclined to take other factors into account. Reapportionment had been slow in Illinois, and the populous north was still dominated in the legislatiire by the Democratic south. In addition, only half the Senate » as to be elected, and though it was rumored that the "Danites" were trying to influence the holdovers to abandon Douglas, the senator* s forces were 3 confident of their support.-' November 2, election day, was cold and rainy. The Republicans later claimed the rain robbed them of 1 Sheahan, op. cit ., 431. 2 Cole, op. cit .. 165. 3 Cole, OP. cit .. 179; Milton, op. cit .. 351.

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«6 victory, but apportionment more than bad weather handed reelection to Douglas. Though Republicans won the state offices, and Lincoln outdrew Douglas in total vote, the legislature was Danocratic. In Egypt almost all the Douglas men were victorious. Douglas candidates were returned from the two legislative districts of Lower Egypt, and v/ith the exception of German St. Clair County, southern Illinois was solidly Douglasite. Logan's vote was overwhelming. He rolled up 15,^7^ votes to 2,796 for Phillips, and less than 200 for Parish. Even popular John Dougherty, running for state treasurer on the "Danite" ticket, polled only 1,215 votes in Logan's district, The "Danites" were crushed, the Republican gain was insignificant, and Logan was swept into office by a 13,000 vote 2 majority. Logan v/as beaten in only one county of the sixteen in the Ninth District. In Edwards County, northernmost of the district, he lost by 120 votes; Bissell had carried the county by a similar margin two years earlier. Lo an did succeed in winning Wabash County, which Bissell had taken in 1^56. In most counties his margin was immense. Chicago Press and Tribiine , Nov. 5| 1''''5^. 2 Lusk, 00. cit . . 45; Chicago Press and Tribune , Nov. 1)?, 1.^5f^. Despite Republican claims of increased power in lov/er Egypt, Phillips garnered only 6OO more votes in the Ninth District than Bissell had in 1?^56, Alton Courier . Nov. 4, lf^53.

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87 Johnson County voted for Logan 115?? to 6. Victory did not mean an immediate trip to Washington. The 36th Congress did not convene until December, 1??59. John had an entire year before him, and he returned to the circuit to make a living. The Logans spent a happyChristmas with John»s mother and family in Murphysboro before he returned to court. In January Logan went to Springfield to practice. He remained through February, writing Mary to apologize for his absence, but advising her, "there may not be so good an opportunity for us to get some money as now," In February Logan was honored by the Democratic state coraittee. In appreciation of his speech against Bissell, they presented him with a gold headed cane inscribed "To John A. Logan, from h^'s friends for the advocacy of our rights on the 13th of Januar^', 1^557." This was good nev;s for Mary, but she had news of her own for John. That winter she joyfully announced they v/ere going to have another child. The year vras quiet in Illinois politics. Both parties were working for 1^60. The Democrats were certain that Douglas' victory over Lincoln would win him the presidential nomination, and the Republicans, though depressed Mary Logan, Reminiscences , 70. 2 JAL to Mary Logan, Jan. 30, 1859, Logan Mss. 3 JAL to Mary Logan, Feb. 7, 1^59, Logan Mss.

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dig at their loss in the senatorial fight, had been kept alive by the vigor of Lincoln's campaign. It v;as also a quiet political year for Lo.^-an, and his time was consumed by his practice. He defended clients accused of perjury, resisting arrest, and illegal sale of whiskey. He also defended his old Mexican War commander, Captain James Hampton, accused of assault and battery. The practice brought him a fair living, but like many attorneys he marked many of his 2 accounts unpaid. Logan spent a great deal of time in Benton, and v;as with Mary when their daughter, named Dorothy after John's sister, v/as born. The summer was a pleasant one. Even during Logan's absences, Mary's letters were happy. When summer gave way to autumn, however, a nev/ crisis arose. The baby v;as too small to stand the trip to Washington, and what she had hoped would be time together turned into a long separation. Her disappointment was intense, and the parting a painful one, but John promised to send for her as soon as possible. In Wovemher he left Benton for 3 Cincinnati on the first leg of his journey,-^ V/illiam E. Baringer, "Camoaign Technique in Illinois, 1S60," Transactions . Illinois State Hist. Soc, No. 39 (1932), 203. 2 Ms. legal account book, 1^59, Logan Mss. 3 JAL to Mary Logan, Nov, 23, 1^59, Logan Mss.

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d9 In Cincinnati, Logan waited for fellow Congressman Phil Fouke for two days. V.hen he failed to arrive, Logan caught a train for Washington. The trip, Logan's first into the East, was an interesting experience, especially a brief stop at Harper^ Perry. It had been little more than a month since John Brown raided the town, and bullet holes were still plainly visible. Logan, who bitterly condemned Brown, shuddered as he wrote to his wife after seeing the town. "There is more danger of a rupture in this government now than [there] has ever been before." Logan arrived in VJashington November 26, an unknown freshman congressman from the Northwest. He was cheered to hear several Southern conpiressmen say that Douglas was the only man to handle the national emergency. For the moment, however, the state of the union had to take second place to more practical matters.^ Logan first lodged at Brown's Hotel where he paid 1^25 a v/eek. He soon moved to a more modest rooming house near the capitol, where he 3 lived with Phil Fouke. ^ JAL to Mary Logan, Nov. 27, 1^59, Logan Mss. Ibid . Logan v:as so obscure that he was listed in the index of the Congressional Olobe as, "Logan, John A., a Congressaian from Indiana." Cong. Globe . 36th Congress, 1st Session, pt. 1, Ivi. 3 JAL to Mary Logan, Dec. 1, 1^59, Lo,:-;an Mss.

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On December U his career as a member of the House began informally in Democratic caucus, where he met many of his party's leaders and voted for Thomas Bocock, of Virginia, for speaker. The five Illinois Democrats v/ere anti-Lecompton luen, and though they initially agreed to back Bocock, they were an unknown quantity in the 36th Congress. Leading the Douglas men in the House was John McClernand, whom John knev/ but casually from contacts at political gatherings in Illinois. From Illinois Logan and KcClernand were joined by James Robinson, Isaac Morris, and Fouke, As he looked about the caucus room Logan saw the Ohioans, Pendleton, Vallandigham, and -. S. Cox, William English of Indiana, and his fellow anti-Lecomptonites, Haskin of New York and Hickman of Pennsylvania. Also present Vvere the fiery Southerners, Pryor of Virginia, Keitt of South Carolina, Houston of Alabama, and young, capable L.Q.C. Lamar of Mississippi. Next day, before packed galleries, the 36th Congress began its chaotic course. An explosion came quickly. After one inconclusive vote for speaker, John B. Clark of Missouri introduced a resolution that any man who favored the views toward slavery expressed in Kinton Helper's work. The Impending Crisis , v/as unfit to be Cong. Globe . 36th Cong., 1st Sess. , pt. 1, 52; New York Times . Dec. 5, 1^59.

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91 speaker, .since the leading Republican candid ae, John Sherman, had endor3ed the book, the resolution was obYlouely directed at him. The reaction to Clarices proposal made the already difficult speakership election almost impossible. Logan favored the Clark recolution. In the attempt to table the resolution, which failed, Logan voted a/^ainst tabling. Across the aisle, Logan listened to hated Republicans locked in combat v/lth Southerners. Thei-e was Roscoe Conkllng of Hew Tox4c, Thad Stevens, the club-footed abolitionist from Pennsylvania, and "Honest John" Covode from the same state. From Ohio, Logan saw Sherman and John Bingham, and from Indiana Schuyler Colfax, the same Colfax who had entered Illinois to speak against Dou/^las in 1^53. He despised these men on principle. But he had more reason to dislike the four Illinois Republicans. Logan had crossed them on the stump, and since "no man hated an abolitionist more than he," the four Republicans, iSlihu Washbume, John Famsworth, William Kellogg, and Owen Love joy, came in for special abuse from the young Egyptian Democrat. The speakership fight was made uncertain by the close division of the House. There were 109 Republicans, 101 Democrats, and 27 Whigs and Know-Nothings, the latter holding the balance of power. The second ballot, sh:)ok i Linder, op. cit .« 3^4.

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92 the contest down to a two-way fir;ht between Sherman and Bocock, with the tvra minor parties scattering their votes to prevent a choice. It was obvious to Logan that House organization would be a long and tedious process, and he devoted all his spare time to getting his ovm affairs organized. He was even forced to hire a boy to help him until he could get settled. On December 7 taking advantage of a lull ih the speakership fight, Kellogg of Illinois rose to attack the rumored deal between Horace Greeley, editor of the New York Tribune, and Senator Douglas. The reported bargain would have sold out Illinois Republicans in the senatorial electior of 1^5^. The story was old, frequently denied by Douglas, and it brought Illinois Democrats to their feet. Logan tried to get the floor to ansv/er Kellogg, but failed, and it was McClemand who finally defended the Little Giant. ^ T\ifo days later, Logan got the floor for the first time. His maiden speech vras not a notable example of parliamentary or'^tory, but it did not go unnoticed. The chair recognized the young Democrat with the swarthy skin, jet black hair, and lirge drooping mustache, and h s booming voice made his auditors take notice. Logan began JAL to Mary Logan, Dec. 6, 1^59, Logan Mss. 2 Cong. Globe . 36th Cong., 1st Sess. , pt. 1, 40.

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93 by charging Kellogg with a complete lack of proof of Douglas* dealings with Greeley. Choking off Kellogg* s interruption, he vjent on charging that the only reason for dredging up the old story v;as to ruin Douglas as a presidential candidate. Logan reminded the House that Kellogg* s cry was, "Republicanism] Abolitionism! Suv/ardisml" Stopping Kellogg* s attempted interruption again, his voice soared as he cried: I tell the gentleman nov/, since he has refused this morning to bring forward his proof, that from this tii-ne forth, I shall never notice it. I scorn to notice it any further, and the reason for it is this. I made a charge once, in the legislature of the State of Illinois, and I stood up and did prove it, wher called upon for proof, and did not shrink from rcjsponsibility, and like a spaniel cower... -•Kellogg leaped up shouting, "Does the gentleman call me a spaniel coward?" Amid the confusion and shouts the pair rushed at each other. As Logan prepared to defend himself, friends held the t\io apart while the chair gaveled for order. ^ Through the din, Logan demanded to be allowed to continue, assuring the chair, "I am in no danger of receivinp; injury." This brought a demand that provocation 1 Ibia . , ^j. The allusion to his own charges are obviously those made in the Bissell speech. 2 New York Times . Dec. 10, 1^59; Allan Nevins, fhe Emergence of Lincoln . IIJ^; Conp; . Globe . 36th Con^. , 1st SessV, ot. 1, ?3. One student claims Logan drew a pistol durin/T this altercation, but I have been able to find no other contemporary or secondary accouiits that mention the pistol. This claim is in, E-.nerson D. Fite, The Presidential Campaign of lt^6Q . 43.

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94 cease, and Logan proaised to eontlnise in "as slid a teaper as I an capable of." •hen hisses aixl noise continued, he defiantly shouted, "If I aia to be hissed; if I an to be clapped dcwn or if I as to be intlisidated in this Hall, allow me to say that I hare as sany rights, whether they be resj>ectcd or not as any aan on this floor." Famsworth of Illinois then asked that the House not be turned 5Lnto a "bear garden," and siiggested that Logan's r^iarics vere out of order. v;hen a seizd)lanee of :!rder was restored, Logan, still on his feet, turned his attack on southern Deaocrats who had received Kellogg's accusation with **aftiles and applause.** Re accused thea of being ungrateful to Douglas, whose efforts had always b^er. in their behalf. When asked his position on slavery in the territories, his defense of popular sovereignty received loud applause fron the D«BOcratic benches. TurninjE to Republican violations of federal law, he defended the Fugitive Slave Act, and called for rigid endorc^sent of that statute. Continuing on the saoN subject, he won a nieknaae: every fui^tive slave that has beer arrested in Illinois, or in any of the *esterr» statos, and I call Illinois a cestem state, for I aa ashased longer to call it a Northern state, has been eiade by I>eaM>erats. In Ilinois the D raocrats have all that Cong. Globe. 3'^th Cong., 1st ress. , pt. 1, 832 Ibid., 84.

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95 work to do. You call it the dirty v;ork of the Democratic party to catch slaves for the Southern }>eop]e. We are v.dlling to perform that diry work, I do not consider it disgraceful to perform, dirty or not dirty, v/hich is in accordance with the laws of the land, and the Constitution of the country. ' From this day, the Republican press of Illinois called him "Dirty Work" Logan. ^ Logan continued by condemning expressions of sympathy for John Brown which v/ere sweeping the North. He then made a plea for Democrats to bury the hatchet and elect a Democratic speaker so as to "snatch pov;er from the anti-Constitution, anti-Union, anti-everything" Republicans. When asked if he v/ould support a Democratic nominee in iS60 whose slavery viev/s did not agree vjith tiiose of Douglas, he ansv/ered : I am now about tv/enty-eight years of age, I vras born a Democrat; and, all ra3»life, I have learned to believe that the Democratic party, in national convention, never do wronq;. (Applause and lauj^hter from the Democratic benches and galleries, ) I h:ive never kno'vn the Democratic party, in national convention to Indorse a platform that was not consistent with my views....! c^me here as a Democrat, and I expect to support a Deiaocrat, 1 may have differed .vith gentlemen on this side of the House in reference to issues that are passed; but God knows that 1 have 1 Ibid . It is interesting to compare this speech and later speeches by Logan in this session of Congress with his oost-v.ar v:ri tings which constantly attack the brutality of the law, calling it "uiinecessarily cruel and harsh." John -., Logan, The Great Conspiracy . 40. 2 Illinois State Journal . Jan, 11, ItioO. The Chicago Precs -ind Tribune usually referred to him as "John A. Logan (d.w. )"

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96 differed with the other side from my childhood, and with that side I will never affiliate so long as I have breath in ray body.l Logan's maiden speech, full of violence, vrild charges, and obvious "doughfacism," rang with demagogic appeals for preservation of union at all costs. Logan exhibited an ability to turn embarrasing questions to his own advantage, and shov^i-ed an intense loyalty to Douglas, The senator acknowledged this support and reiterated that 2 Kellogg* s charge was an "unmitigated falsehood," Illinois took notice of the interchange between 3 its two sons. Democrats greeted Logan's speech with joy. Republicans naturally denounced the speech. One paper, commenting on the mistake in age, called it "a kind of spread-eagle flourish to attract attention to his youth." Another Republican organ noted a tone to Logan's speech that had been generally overlooked by Illinois Democrats in their enthusiasm. In commenting on Logan's pro-Southern statements and his advocacy of rigid enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Act, a Quincy daily wrote that Logan's Cong. Globe . 36th Cong,, 1st Sens., pt, 1, 56. The slip in age (Logan wat thirty-three) could have been unintentional, but it was probably done purposely to draw attention to his youth, v;hich he was fond of emphasizing, 2 Stephen a, Douglas to John McClernand, Dec, f?, 1859, McClernand Mss., Illinois State Hist. Lib. 3 Milton, op. cit ., 401-02. k Illinois State Journal , Jan, 11, lf?60.

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97 speech "does not sit vrell on the stomachs of some of the Democracy."''" Indeed some Democrats had begun to ask themselves if this young congressman from Egypt were not a little too pro-Southern. Charles Lanphier, Democratic editor of the Illinois State Register, v.TOte McClemand shortly after Logan's speech, deploring the fact that Logan and Fouke had declared their intention of supporting any platform or nominee of the Charleston convention. Lanphier called the position "peculiar." He added thnt he had little fear that the Charleston convention v/ould nominate anyone other than Douglas, but "let us not anticipate the adoption of such heresies [as the nomination of someone else] by pledging our support to any such, should they, by possibility be adopted. As I said before, the expressions mentioned are ill received at home.... The real meaning of course we appreciate, but it makes awkward record for us." Lof?;an v;as pleased with his first effort, and told Mary the speech had given him a reputation of which she could be proud. He added that he and McClernand had become "warm friends," and that he had called on Douglas. Glowing with pride, he wrote, "I think I have more standing Quincy Daily V/hip: and Republican , Dec. 11, 1^59. 2 Charles H. Lanphier to John McClernand, Dec, 29, 1359, McClernand Mss.

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96 today in Congress than any new member in it.... I tnink that I am regarded as the best debater in the House, of my age, on all sides.** On the folloxidng day Kellogg and Logan rose to apologize for offending the dignity of the House. Logan hoped the exchange had done nothing to inflame relations between members. The House deadlock continued, iix ballots were taken, with Sherman usually from four to six votes short of majority. The Democrats clung to Bocock, Logan included. Both sides hurled taunts. A Georgian, Crav;ford, threatened disunion if a Republican was elected president in 1.60. The Democrats caucused December 17 ^nd decided to stick with Bocock for the time being. After the caucus, Logan wrote Mary that the Republicans would probably organize the House sooner or later. He also told her of a practical problem which plagued all freshmezi in tiie House, the difficulty of getting the floor, he advised her that this was a far cry from the Illinois legislature, but John, undaunted, closed by telling his v,ife that "it is not a hard matter for a man of ordinary mind to become a considerable man 2 in Washington City." JAL to Mary Lo^an, Dec. 10, 13, 1^59, Logan Mss. 2 Ibid .. Dec. 17, 1^59.

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99 The next week, a break came in the Sherman-Bocock duel. Bocock withdrew December 19, and his votes scattered, the Illinoisans going to John Reagan of Texas. On the next day, Logan and the Illinois Democrats voted for McClernand, who garnered 21 votes to run third behind Sherman, who was still four votes short. Logan stuck to McClernand for three ballots, then joined the Democratic rush to John S. Millson of Virginia. For a time there was a feeling that the Know-Nothings would back Millson, but Etheridge of Tennessee, speaking for them, refused 2 to support a Lecomptonite, and the contest went on. Mary's December letters overflowed with pride at her husband's success. But she did exhibit some fright at the difficulty with Kellogg. She assured him that his actions met v/ith solid approval from his constituents and 3 "everyone admired your bravery." She also begged him to come home for Christmas, but he v;rote that if he left Washington before a speaker had been elected, neglect of duty would make a "sweet morsel" for nis enemies. In one of her letters, Mary mentioned the possibility of disunion, and Logan replied, "I hope and pray that such may never be Cong. Globe . 36th Cong., 1st Sess., pt. 1, 197. 2 New York Times . Dec. 22, 1^59. 3 Mary Logan to JAL, Dec. 21, 1859, Logan Mss,

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100 the case, I don't as yet apprehend danger of such a thing at any tine soon, but if these troubles continue the destruction at some day is inevitable." The troubles did continue. Heated exchanges occurred daily, and almost all of the legislators carried firearms in the House. On December 23 and 24, Illinois members monopolized the floor in an intra-state battle. Farnsworth began the exchange by condemning the return of runaway slaves in Egypt. Logan replied that the Egyptians were obeying federal law, and that he saw nothing wrong with ad ertising for fugitives. Logan pointed out that Farnsworth had openly endorsed Brown's raid, and stated that he refused to enforce the Fugitive Slave Act. When the Republican acknov;ledged the truth of the charge, Logan accused him of being a disunionist. Argument concluded the next day over another bone, the Kansas-Nebraska Act. If/hen Logan stoutly defended Douglas, Farnsworth replied JAL to Mary Logan, Dec. 31, 1^59, Logan Mss. 2 Advertisement for fugitive slaves was common practice in lo\/er ^f^ypt. In 1^51, beneath a runaway horse notice, the Jonesboro Gazette advertised for a fugitive slave. Jonesboro Gazette , April 2?, 1?551. Another example is in a Cairo paper. The notice described a runav/ay named John, and concluded, "The owner is requested to come, prove property, pay charges, and take him away." The notice war. signed by the sheriff of Alexander County. Cairo Times and Delta . Dec. 3, 1^56.

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101 that while the Democratic party worshiped Douglas, the Republicans were a party of principle. This brought Fouke to his feet snarling, "We worship Stephen A. Douglas and you worship Fred Douglass." To which the Republican ansv.-ered, "I am inclined to think that Fred is the likelier man of the two," VJhile the Illinois members snapped at each other, sporadic votes were taken, all inconclusive. Democrats changed candidates periodically, Logan casting his ballot for McClernand, then for Vallandighara. The policy to be followed by the Illinois Democrats was clearly delineated by McClernand in January. Illinois Democrats should "keep themselves within the party organization and conciliate Democrats of all shades of opinion so far as is practicable," wrote McClernand. Tliis policy, the Illinois Democrats felt, was abetting the Douglas campaign. McClernand wrote Charles Lanphier, "Douglas is gaining ground. The example of his friends in the House from Illinois, has done much to knock off the edge and much of the opposition to him in the 2 South." 1 _, Cong:. Globe. 36th Cong., 1st Sess., pt. 1, 337-39. There is some evidence that Logan, as a young man, had taken part in captures of fugitive slaves. Daniel Brush, on. cit., 125, says that the Logan boys used their father»s race horses in catching runaways. 2 John McClernand to Charles H. Lanphier, Jan. 3. 14, IS6O, Lanphier Mss. ^ » ^»

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102 As the new year arrived, the New York Time s summed up the feeling of the North: ''The House of Representatives continued to waste the vanishing days of the short session in idle and mischievous debate." The nev\r year brought no change. Grow of Pennsylvania and Branch of North Carolina had a heated exchange and a duel was rumored. An attempt to limit speeches to twenty minutes failed as Logan joined the opposition. Rumors swept the capitol that Southern Democrats were plotting to hamstring legislation by keeping the House 2 unorganized until lf^6l if possible. VThen the deadlock continued into January, fear of secession, financial panic, or civil war gripped the nation. During the second week of the new year, a proposal was made to decide the issue on plurality. Logan, still having trouble obtaining the floor, rose to speak against the motion, but he failed to be recognized.-^ Logan and Farnsworth again locked horns over the Fugitive Slave Act, but their debate was quickly squelched, and balloting continued. By January 27, 3^ ballots had been taken, and the end of the fight seemed near. Democrats were supporting New York Times, Dec. 29, 1^59. 2 Nevins, op. cit . , 119. 3 Cong. Globe . 36th Cong., 1st Sess. , pt. 1, 532.

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103 William N. H. Smith of North Carolina, and his vote was climbing near majority. When he pledged support of popular sovereignty, Logan and the Illinois Democrats changed to Smith. But there was still a drawback. He was rumored to have been a Know-Nothing, and some spurned him for that reason. Logan announced, on changing his ballot, that Smith himself had assured him that he v;as a Whig, and had never belonged to the American Party, This brought a few more ballots, and the announced total gave the Southerner a one vote majority. John Sherman rose to cast his first vote of the session. Amid hisses, the voted for Corwin of Ohio, and after a wild vote reshuffling, the clerk announced the total: Smith 112, Sherman 106, scattering 10. Still no majority. On the following day, a Saturday, the Republicans caucused and Sherman withdrew. Since it was rumored that three eastern anti-Lecompton Democrats would vote for Pennington of New Jersey, and since Pennington had not endorsed the Helper book, his election seemed possible. Sunday night John wrote his wife, "My opinion is that the Republicans v/ill elect a speaker. . .Pennington of New 2 Jersey." Cong. Globe . 36th Cong., 1st Sess. , pt. 1, 611-612; New York Times . Jan. 2g, 1360. 2 JAL to Mary Logan, Jan. 29, 1860, Logan Mss,

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lOZ, At noon Monday, the galleries were overflowing with spectators who heard Sherman's withdrav;al and Pennington's nomination. Democratic division continued, and the New Jersey Republican crept toward majority. Stop-Pennington forces united on McClernand, and Logan voted for his fellow Illinoisan to the last. However, some Southerners would not support McClernand, and despite exhortations of Ashmore of South Carolina, who maintained that McClernand would be better than a Republican, unity was impossible. On the 44th ballot, taken on the first day of February, an eastern anti-Lecompton man, Riggs of New Jersey, voted for Pennington. Amid Republican cheers the long bitter contest ended. Logan had voted on all 44 ballots and supported the general choice of his party, but he agreed with one of his constituents who wrote, "The defeat of Sherman has afforded us some satisfaction, but we would have been better pleased if in addition we could have had a Democratic speaker." The same correspondent lauded the actions of the Illinois Democrats, "your own course being particularly commendable." Logan's actions were attuned to public opinion at home, and he lost no opportunity in taking advantage of the fact. Cong. Globe . 36th Cong., 1st Sess, , pt, 1, 65O; New York Times , Jan. 31 Feb. 2^ IS6O. 2 . .^ S. Staats Taylor to JAL, Feb. 3, IB6O, Logan Mss.

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105 He had copied of h s December 9 speech printed for distribution in Egypt for the 1860 election. The Republican opposition in Illinois had paid close attention to the speakership fight, and chided Democrats for voting for a supposed Know-Nothing, Smith. In a letter to the State Journal , Illinois Democratic members of the House vowed that they would vote for a Knovz-Nothing before they would support a "Union destroying Black Republican." The Republican paper replied that the Democrats would have a hard time facing their foreign-born consti2 tuents. V/hen committee assignments were wade, Logan received an unimportant appointment to the Committee on Revisal and Unfinished Business. Through February the freshman congressman took little part in the House deliberations. He voted against the abolition of the frank for congressmen, and on February 2? introduced two private bills. On the 29th he visited the Senate to listen to Douglas speak on Illinois politics. Logan heard the senator explain Republicanism: "The creed is pretty black in the northern end of lilinois; about the center it is a pretty good mulatto; and it is JAL to Mary Logan, Dec. 17, l'^59, Logan Mss. 2 Illinois State Journal . Feb. 15, I860.

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•106 almost wh te v;hen you get down to Egypt." Through most of February Logan listened to continued exchanges between Republicans and Southerners, and efforts of raoderates to halt the vituperation. S. S. Cox later remembered Logan as one of these moderates who, with McClernand, Vallandigham, and himself, served as a "break2 water against the contending tides." Logan was planning re-election and he increasingly relied on his wife for help. Mary, taking a more active part in her husband's affairs, had begun to organize support at home. She wrote "Doff" Ozburn informing him 3 that Logan would run asking him to start the ball rolling. March brought Logan to hj s feet again in defense of Douglas against accusations by Kellogg of a deal with Greeley. This defense prompted the State Journal to comment, "Your Grecian orator, dirty-work Logan, and Monsieur Fouke..,seem to feel as though Mr. Douglas was in their especial care."^ Logan voted in favor of the Homestead Bill as that historic measure passed the House 115 to 65.^ Cong. Globe . 36th Gong., 1st Sess., pt. 1, 920. 2 S. S. Cox, Three Decades of Federal Legislation . 76. 3 Mary Logan to L. Ozburn, Feb. 29, i860, Logan Mss. Illinois State Journal . March 2^, i860. 5 Cong. Globe . 36th Cong., 1st Sess. , pt. 2, 1115.

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107 On March 26, after a prolonged fight to win the floor, Logan introduced a bill reorganizing district courts of southern Illinois. His frustration at being overlooked by the chair burst forth in debate over Utah Territory and polygamy. There were several proposals for bills which would outlaw polygamy, but Branch of North Carolina spoke for the South when he refused to support such measures, feeling that if polygamy could be declared a crime in a territory, the precedent might later be used against slavery. After Logan voted with the majority against tabling the whole bill, he got the floor and introduced a compromise amendment. He proposed to divide the territory in half, a solution which Logan felt would make the Mormons a minority in each half. Following reading of his proposed amendment, debate was omitted and for the next v;eek Logan struggled vainly for recognition. Failing to get the floor on April 4 he charged while his colleagues called for order, "the floor has been farmed out to different persons; and members have not been recognized when they rose and addressed the speaker. Gentlemen who desired 2 to speak have been excluded and prevented." On the following day, Logan's amendment was brought to a vote and New York Times. March 29, 1360. 2 Cong. Globe . 36th Cong., 1st Sess. , pt. 2, I554.

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103 defeated 159 to 36. \7hen spring came, the attention of the Democrats in Congress was divided betvreen legislative affairs and their national convention, scheduled to begin in Charleston April 23. They requested an adjournment during the convention but the motion failed. After voting for a deficiency appropriation bill April 13, Logan and fellow Illinois Democrats left for Charleston. Douglas forces in Illinois had long been preparing for Charleston. Delegates had been selected Januar^'^ 4. Six days later the "Danites" held their convention and nominated delegates. Both intended to go to the convention and press their claims as legitimate delegates. This early division of Illinois Democrats presaged difficulty in the national conclave. In February, Logan had v/ritten Scott Marshall that Douglas' chances for the nomination looked good. Marshall replied that he was gratified, since Douglas* victory "is the only hope for us in the Northwest, and is therefore a struggle for life." However, the former congressman, a delegate, cautioned Logan, "a pacific and conciliating course on the part of our delegation is unquestionably the 1 ~~~~ Ibid .. 1314. 2 Illinois State Journal, Jan. 11, I860; Cole, op. cit .. 187.

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109 1 proper one," Before he left the capital, Logan's optimism faded, and he confided to Mary, "I am not entirelysanguine of success as there is the most infamous combination against our man and if they find he is about to be 2 nominated they will try to break up the convention." Logan v/as not a delegate, nor v;as any Democratic representative from Illinois. In the Illinois delegation were many of John's old friends: Marshall, William Richardson, Linder, and "Josh" Allen. '^ But the Illinois congressmen attended. Led by Logan and McClernand, they worked feverishly to nominate the Little Giant. Logan felt that it was his "duty" to "get Illinois a President."^ Sunday evening before the meeting, Douglas men congregated at Hibernian Hall, their headquarters. They talked confidently of victory and passed out campaign 5 biographies of their hero written by James Sheahan. Douglas workers v/ere the focal point of the convention, as everyone was either for or against their candidate. 1 3. 3. llarshall to JAL, Feb. IS, 1S60, Logan Mss. 2 JAL to Mary Logan, April 16, 1360, Logan Mss. 3 Murat Halstead, Caucuses of 1^60 . 16. 4 JAL to Mary Logan, April 6, i860, Logan Mss, Halstead, op. cit . , 5; Milton, op. cit . , 431» 6 Halstead, op. cit .. 1.

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IIQ The "infamous combination" opposing Douglas was also present in force, Slidell of Louisiana, leader of the administration forces, was attempting to v;ean the large New York delegation away from Douglas. Fire-eating '. L. Yancey of Alabama v/as ready to denounce Douglas as little better than the abolitionists. Douglas forces planned to fight for seating their disputed delegations from Illinois and New York, and then to try to write a platform so inoffensive to the South that Douglas would be able to get the tvi^o-tiiirds vote necessary. They pointed out that Northwestern Democrats had been strong in defending the Fugitive Slave Act against "Black Republican" opposition.-^ Logan's role in this conciliation was important. As pro-Southern Egypt's representative, he had been in the front line of defense of what he considered the South »s constitutional rights. He worked frantically at Charleston to make Douglas palatible to the "South Americans," and to convince them that his election would not be a threat to the South. Auchampaugh, op. cit . , 33* 2 Nevins, op. cit .. 207. 3 Halstead, op. cit ., 6-7. 4 Milton, o-. cit .. 431; Halstead, oo. cit .. 9; JAL to Mary Logan, May 7, 1J?60, Logan Mss.

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Ill On convention eve, Murat Halstead, a perceptive Reporter, spied three Illinois leaders, Richardson, McClernand, and Logan sitting "pensive and silent." Logan sat with "his hat tilted far back on his head, his hands in his pockets and his mouth full of tobacco." The reporter evidently observed the silence of confidence, no Illinois leader would discuss a second choice in the event of Douglas* failure. On April 23, ornate Institute Hall was packed as the convention v;as called to order with F. B. Flournoy of Arkansas, temporary chairman. V/hen Caleb Gushing became permanent chairman, the battle began. In preliminary skirmishing, Douglas forces had thi? gs their own. way. After Richardson, Douglas* floor leader, called the delegate contest in Illinois "frivilous and contemptable," the credentials committee voted without dissent to seat the 2 Douglas men. Just as important was the acceptance of the credentials committee's majority report, seating the 35 pro-Douglas delegates from New York. This group, led by Dean Richmond, were seated in place of Fernando Wood's 3 administration supporters. As final evidence of Douglasite 1 Halstead, op. cit ., 9. 2 ?roceeding:s of the Democratic National Convention . 1360, 6. 3 Ibid., 30.

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112 power, on April 24 a rule vias adopted, 19?^ to 101, providing that members of uninstructed delegations might vote individually. This meant the Douglas votes in the uninstructed Massachusetts and Pennsylvania bodies were free of the unit rule and free to support Douglas. Even in delegations clinging to the unit vote, minority Douglas men exerted considerable influence, and it was aniong them that Logan worked. Though these procedural victories heartened the Douglasites, the next item of business, platform, loomed as a major stumbling block. On a raw cold Friday, April 27, majority and minority reports of the platform committee filtered rapidly through the delegates and party workers. The majority report, supported by the slave states, defended slavery in the territories and denied the right of Congress or a territorial legislature to molest it. The minority report reaffirmed the Cincinnati platform of IS56 and popular sovereignty. The crisis was at hand. For two days the platform was debated. Southerners demanded inclusion of a slave-code, and Richardson spoke for the Northwest when he challenged the South to compromise before it 3 was too late. New York Times , April 25, 1J*60. 2 Halstead, op. cit .. 30. 3 Democratic Convention Proceedinpjs. 135.

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113 The week-end was rife v/dth speculation and attempts to settle the platform wrangle. Though Logan and the Illinoisans continued their efforts to close the rapidly opening abysy, they increasingly felt that if the platform fight drove some of the delegates out of the convention, Douglas might stand a better chance of victory. They reasoned that if they could get a ruling in favor of election by two-thirds of those present and voting, Douglas might easily win. On Monday morning, May 1, tension in the convention hall was almost unbearable. As the vote on the platform proceeded, it was evident the result v;ouid be clo^e. V/hen the minority platform passed 165 to 13??, Douglas men moved that the planks be voted on separately. When voting began, the convention floor became a bedlam. Douglas forces retreated in the face of a Southern v;alk-out, but the Southerners carried out their threat and seven delegations b ^Ited led by Alabama. Logan v/as completely frustrated at this suicidal action. He and other Douglas men ceased conciliation and began to denounce the Southern men as violently as custom2 arily did abolitionists. Fears of disunion gripped all 1 Nevins, op, cit .. 220. 2 Hal stead, op. cit ., 87.

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114 Northerners at Charleston. Logan was present when Vallandighara forecast that an unhealed party split v;ould inevitablylead to civil v.-ar. The remainder of Logan* s time in Charleston x;as spent in a vain attempt to nominate Douglas. Vvhen Gushing refused to rule in favor of election by two-thirds of those voting, Douglas* nomination becar.ie an impossibility. His first ballot vote of 145 l/2 rose to 152 l/2, but after 57 ballots brought little change, the convention adjourned to meet in Baltimore June ItJ, The Nevj York Times commented that the Democratic schism "seems to sever the last link of nationality in the political affairs of the 2 nation.'' The day he returned to Washington, Logan, tired and disappointed, told Mary "I have worked at Charleston until I am nearly cm.zy. . . .Our fight there v/as terrible. Such a combination has never been met by any man on earth as v;as met at Charleston.""^ V/hen Logan returned to the House May 7| he was in time for several important measures coming to a vote. A bill abrogating Nev; Mexico's slave codes passed 97 to 90 as Logan voted "No." On the same day the House tariff James L. Vallandigham, The Life of Clement L . Vallandigham , 13^. 2 New York Times . May 4, 1^560. 3 JAL to Mary Logan, May 7, 1S60, Logan Mss.

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115 measure passed by a large majority with Logan again in opposition. A week later he rose to make a personal explanation. The Globe listed a ^25.26 charge for stationery against the Committee of Revisal and Unfinished Business, and Logan, chairman, informed the House that the committee had never met, and probably never v/ould. To protect the committee against a charge of fraud, he explained that the stationery had been used by another committee v/ho had been using his committee's rooms. As Logan sat down, Elihu Washburne, losing no chance to criticize Logan, chided his colleague for taking up the House's time with so insigni2 ficant a matter. In late May, Democrats had Congress to themselves. They kept a wary eye on Chicago, where the Republicans assembled to nominate their presidential candidate. After the Republicans had made their choice, Lo^an wrote Mary, "There is a great desire on the part of everyone to ^et home soon since the Republicans have nominated Abe Lincoln, they are anxious to commence the fight at horae."^ In late May, Logan journeyed to New York City to speak in Douglas* behalf. Since the Charleston convention. 1 Cong. Globe . 36th Cong., 1st Sess., pt. 2, 2046. 2 Ibid .. 2150. 3 JAL to Mary Logan, May 19, 1^60, Logan Mss.

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116 rumors had claimed that a portion of the New York delegation ivould abandon Douglas at Baltimore in favor of a candidate more acceptable to the South, Logan *s trip to Nev; York v/as designed to prevent a change of position by the New Yorkers. While in the city he spoke at the Cooper Institute in favor of Douglas for President. The trip v;as highly successful and Logan was able to write McClemand '-the New York delegation have given us every assurance that they will 2 stand firm at Baltimore." The important business of the session was by no means over, and \vhen Logan returned to Washington the House was considering the Senate *s amendments to its Homestead Bill. The House voted to substitute its original bill by an overwhelraing vote. Logan v/as paired, but announced that if he voted he would vote "aye."-^ In the debate over the Pacific Hailroad bill, Logan opposed Southern claims for a Southern route and voted, with the majority', to send the bill back to committee. The first week in June, Logan introduced a bill establishing an armory at Ft. Massac in Egypt. He also exhibited a passion for economy, voting against pay raises 1 ~ Illinois State Journal , May 30, liioO, 2 JAL to John McClemand, June 2, i860, McClemand Mss. , Illinois State Historical Library. 3 Cong. Globe , 36th Cong., 1st Sess., pt. 3| 2222,

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117 for diplomatic and consiilar officials, and against an appropriation for an American vessel to transport astronomers into the Atlantic to observe an eclipse. He wan joined in opposition by Ov/en Love Joy, the Illinois abolitionist, one of the fev; times these adversaries found themselves on the same side. Despite their opposition, both measures passed. ^j/hen Republican James McKean of New York spoke of the "Southern masters of the Democratic party," on June 6, Logan stated that he had no master and suggested McKean* s entire statement be stricken from the record. Nine days later, during debate over reducing appropriations for lighting Washington streets, a humorous exchanc^e occurred between Logan and Samuel Peyton of Kentucky. When "eyton proposed the reduction, Logan asked, "I v/ant to know why a gentleman who travels so much at night as the gentleman from Kentucky, desires to travel in the dark." Peyton replied, "Those with whom I keep company are honest, and it is not necessary to have then guarded; but perhaps in the gentleman's country — for I believe he comes from Egypt — he 2 may want protection at night." The six weeks between the Charleston schism and the Baltimore Convention were filled with wild party speculation, Logan had not abandoned hope that the party ^Ibid. , pt. 4, 2g{?9. ^Ibid. , 3049.

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113 rupture could be healed, and confidently reported, "Alex Stephens and the patriotic laen of the South hare gone to work and will strike doim secession and disunion beyond all question." This was perhaps more optiaisss than the situation warranted, but on the eve of the Baltinore oseeting hopes \«ere high that Democrats would unite. Stephens had been working toward that end. He opposed Southern radicals when he declared the Cincinnati platform, as proposed in Charles2 ton, satisfactory to the South, The reconvening Democrats were welcomed by the Baltiaore press, who spoke of the occasion as one of the most "mocaentous" in American history. Tltje Sun pleaded for a Democratic comproraise; disunion was certain if the party spilt continued.^ The Front Street Theatre was the scene of the convention, and extra windows bad been constructed 4 to make the building more bearable in stifling June heat. The delegations enae fr(NB most Southerti states, one composed of Charleston seeeders, and one pro-Douglas group. The radical Southerners were stranr,ely silent as they awaited the credentials coflsiittee report. During this JAL to Mary Logan, May 16, i860, Logan Mss. 2 Milton, op. cit «. 450» Baltimore Sun . June 16?, l'^60. Ibid., June 14, lf*^60.

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119 period of cr.lm, rumors flev:. Some claimed knowledge of a Douglas withdrawal; some stated that Seymour of New York or Alex Stephens would get the nomination in place of the Little Giant. Outside of convention hall there v;ere nightly meetings in Baltimore's Monument Square, and orators on both sides spoke until after midnight in defense of 2 their favorites. When the credentials report finally came, the majority favored seating Douglas men from the South. All eyes watched Dean Richmond, chairman of the New York delegation, for the large Empire State group could throw great weight in either direction. When the New Yorkers voted for the majority report on June 22, the becond bolt began. Next day a second convention was 3 meeting in St. Andrevj»s Hall in Baltimore. Voting for the presidential nomination brought the convention to a quick close. Douglas received 173 1/2 on the first vote and v;as victorious. But another vote was taken at the request of Flournoy of Arkansas, to make the vote look, "a great deal stronger." Douglas' total climbed to 181 1/2 and the meeting came to a harmonious New York Tiroes . June 20, 1??60; Halstead, ot. cit .. 194. 2 Baltimore Sun, June 20, 1^60. Milton, op. cit .. 475. 4 Democratic Convention Proceedin.JTS, 1£)60 . 231.

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120 close. As the last item of business, Lopan, speaking for the Democratic National Committee, reminded each state to name a proper person for the national committee. Though party unity seemed shattered beyond repair when the seceders nominated Breckinridge and Lane, the Douglasites left the city v;ith a shov; of confidence. Logan shared the enthusiasm for Douglas, but viewed with mixed feelings statements by Northwesterners that they had shown the North that they, 2 "as Democrats, v;ere not doughfaces." When Logan returned to Washington, little business remained, Logan brought his affairs to a close and answered roll call on adjournment day. He joined his fellow congressmen from Illinois in calling on Douglas and pledging support 3 in the campaign ahead. Logan's first term in Congress had not been particularly outstanding. He had engaged in several clashes that kept his name in the papers, but as a constructive member of the body his contributions were few. \7ith the exception of his trips to Charleston, New York, and Baltimore, his attendance record was good and he seems to have been conscientious in securing agricultural and economic i ' Halstead, op. cit ., 238. 2 Ibid .. 230. 3 Nev/ York Times. June 25, 1H60.

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121 reports for distribution in his constituency. Despite this lackluster record, typical of many freshmen in the House, he gained in stature with his constituents. Every letter from Egypt told of the hearty support at home. His defense of the Fugitive Slave Act and his attack on Kellogg would serve him veil in his campaign for re-election. Douglas* campaign in Illinois in 1^60 began at a disadvantage. His nomination came almost a month after Lincoln's, and the Douglas state candidates, James C, Allen for Governor, and Lewis Ross for Lieutenant-Governor, 1 were not selected until midJune. In ^gypt, however, Logan's campaign for re-election had been initiated by his friends before he returned. In preliminary organization, Mrs. Logan had been a hard worker, and v/hen John returned he found much of the ground work complete. He vtas also relieved to discover Mary and the baby, v/hom they called "Dollie," in good health. John delighted in playing with his daur^hter, now almost a ysar old. In July, after ho uas formally nominated for a second term in the House, Logan took the campaign trail. The canvass began ^t Shawn^etown, vhere a combined political meeting and barbocue br'^ught together Democrats to hear i Cole, op. cit .. 196.

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122 Logan and Ross attack Breckinridge and Lincoln as disunionists and hold up Douglas as the only hope of the nation. On July 25 Logan traveled to Springfield where the statewide Douglas ratification meeting v;as held. In the afternoon a throng of Democrats gathered to hear James Allen, Logan, and McClernand speak for the Little Giant. Festivities ended ^-d-th a torchlight procession and fireworks, 2 and the campaign was officially imder v/ay. Shortly after Logan's return from the state capitol. Republicans entered David T, Linegar in the race for Logan's seat. The Republicans felt that Linegar would help get out the vote in Egypt, Even if he failed to defeat Logan, the large Republican vote would aid the national 3 ticket in its battle for the Illinois electoral vote. The state's Republican press sounded an optimistic note on the party's chances in southern Illinois. Correspondents from the section assured readers that the Republicans were 4 organizing and would produce a surprise in November. One reason for Republican smiles was the bitter feud between Douglas and Breckinridge men reported from Lusk, op. cit . . 106. 2 Chicago Press and Tribune , July 26, IS6O. 3 Clark E. Carr, My Day and Generation . 376-77. Illinois State Journal , July /f, 1860,

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123 Egypt. Union County v/as a hotbed of anti-Douglas feeling, and the Breckinridge editor of the Jonesboro Gazette challenged Logan to a joint debate. The challenge was not accepted. Later in the campaign, when Logan campaigned 2 in that county, he was greeted by wholesale heckling. Supporters of the Baltimore "seceders" seemed to have considerable support in southern Illinois, and while the fourth party in the election, the Constitutional Union Party, had fev/ adherents in Egypt, its strength in the central counties, still an unknown quantity, was feared by the Democrats. A slight shift in those pivotal counties 3 might decide the election. Logan left his own district to campaign for Douglas in Marion County \7here he made a speech dealing "the secessionists such blows as made them bite the dust." Logan shared the platform at Salem with I. M. Haynie and Silas Bryan, and congratulatod the latter on the birth of his Chicago Press and Tribune. July IS, 1360, In a later issuo, the :"^re3s and Tribune indicated that it felt that Logan was little better than a Breckinridge man when it called him "one of the . . .raeanest dough-faces in the last session of Congress." Named along with Logan were Cox and Vallandigham of Ohio, and Larrabee of '.'isconsin. Chicago Press and Tribune . Aug. S, 1S60. 2 JAL to Mary Logan, Sept. 1$, 1^60, Logan Mss. 3 Cole, op. cit . . 196. 4 Salem Advocate . Aug, 9, IS6O.

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124 son Vs'illiaa, One paper reported that LogJ^n offered to campaign througtiout the state, but ho v.-^j' told his serYices were sost needed in Egypt. Statenents like this and other esticiates of th« growing pov.er of the Republicans in darkest Egypt were printed constantly in the state and jread throu^out the nation. They v/ero so convincing that a Kew York paper reported, "Egypt is almost wiped out as a Democratic 2 stronghold." Tne Illinois State Journal estimated the growth of the Republican party in Egypt. In n county by county survey, the paper predicted a gain of soae 3,250 votes over Bi:>sell»s 1^5*^ total. Mot all the opjsosition reports were slowing. One Republican journal despaired of Republicanism in Hgypti "Desocracy can only floiurish in such places as Sgypt Mher« the majority are exceedingly itllterate." Even the confident Press and Tribune finally admitted that the best the Republic&na could hope for would be a reduced Logan majority, blaming Logan's power on ignorance and bad 5 whiskey. Chicago Press and Tribune . Sept. 1, l!*-60. 2 New York Herald , ^m, 13, 1^60, Illinois r.tJ^te Journal . 5-ept. 1.7, i860. 4 Oregon Argus . Cept, ^, 1^60. Chicago Press and Tribune . Oct. 16, 22, i860.

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125 With the campaign well under way, Egypt was invaded by outside politicians. The Republican nominee for Governor, Richard Yates, spoke in Jonesboro and Cairo, and S. A. Hurlbut, Joseph Gillespie, and Gustavus Koerner, three Lincoln supporters, were active in the region. They concentrated on the German counties, A particularly active Lincoln man was W, W. Danenhower, who spoke in almost every county of southern Illinois. Since Danenhov/er was a former KnowNothing, Democrats feared the Fillmore vote of IS5& might go to the Republicans. These speakers v;ere greeted by small groups of Republican marching clubs called "V/ideAwakes," and a Lincoln-Hamlin pole was raised in Jackson 3 County, home of "the notorious John A, Logan. ""^ The Democrats v/ere not vrithout their outside support, Douglas himself planned to come to Egypt. Before he reached southern Illinois, October elections in several northern states were won by Republicans. Seeing only one chance remaining to beat Lincoln, Douglas cancelled his scheduled appearances and turned South to speak in the Ibid., ^ept. 1, 1^60. 2 Alton Courier . Oct. 26, 1^5^; Chicago Press and Tribune, Aug. 23, 1^60. 3 Johnson, op. cit ., 174; Chicago Press and Tribune . Aug. 1, 1^?60. 4 Salem Advocate , Aug. 9, I66O.

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126 1 slave states. The Douglas campaign never picked up great momentum. Attempts to heal the party breach failed, and v/hile unified Republicans gained, Douglas' chances grew dim. His first campaign speech at Norfolk, Virginia caused grumbling from some of his closest supporters. In answer to a question about secession in the event of a Lincoln victory, Douglas emphatically endorsed the union and promised "to do all in my power to aid the Government of the United States in maintaining the supremacy of laws against all 2 resistence to them, come from whatever quarter it might." This statement v;as greeted with horror by the South, and William Richardson wrote his v;ife after hearing Douglas' speech, "Logan was storming around, 'ugly and full of fight. '"^ V/hile there is little doubt that Logan and many of his fellow Egyptians recoiled at Douglas' speech, there is no evidence to indicate that Logan's efforts in Douglas' behalf were affected. On the contrary, he seems to have thrown himself wholeheartedly into the fight, going so far as to use 1 Milton, op. cit .. 497. 2 Ibid .. 492. 3 Ibid .. 493.

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127 unscrupulous methods. The newspaper In Benton, Logan's home town, the Franklin Democrat, was a small Democratic sheet which, for most of the campaign, endorsed Douglas on its masthead. In September, the editors, A. and G. Sellers, decided that Douglas had no chance, and began shopping for a new candidate to support. They refused to consider the disuuionist Breckinridge; 3eix, the Constitutional Union man seemed to have less chance than Douglas. This left Lincoln, and in an effort to help defeat the election of the Southern disunion ticket, the Sellers brothers decided to come out in favor of Lincoln. V/hen word of this switch reached Logan, then on a speaking tour, he cancelled several talks and returned to Benton determined there would be no Republican organ at home. On the evening the Democrat went to press with its first endorsement of Lincoln and Hamlin, Logan and several friends v/ent straight to the newspaper office. He began by trying to persuade the publishers tliey were making a mistake. Ulien they refused to return the paper to the Douglas fold, Logan shouted, "1*11 be d — d if it shall come out for Lincoln." He attempted to buy out the brothei^s. They set the price at $700, Logan offering ^550. At first they declined. By midnight the haggling had drawn a considerable crowd of Logan *s supporters. Sensing the crowd's hostility,

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12^ the Sellers agreed to Logan* s terms. Two weeks after their expulsion, the Sellers brothers arrived in Springfield and the St&te Joujrnal gladly published their attack on Logan, Complaining that an attempt at redress tlirough Egyptian courts would be futile due to the Democratic judges and juries, the former publishers challenged: r-lr. Logan may have succeeded in crushing us for the time being, and throwing us out of employment, but these acts of his will have a voice that will speak in louder tones than v;e can utter. Go on, Mr. Logan, put dov/n free speech, close up the avenues of free thought, gag the press if you can, trample under foot the sacred guarantees of the Constitution, but you can never stop the march of truth, 2 Lor:3n and his followers did not deny the story, and most of the state's Republican press joined in the State Journal's attacks on Logan, If the banished publishers of the Franklin Democrat meant by the "march of truth" a Lincoln victory, they had their revenge. But their martyrdom had little effect in Egypt, where rock-ribbed Democrats returned huge majorities for all Democratic candidates. There was a large turnout on election day, and Logan defeated Linegar 20,36.3 to 5,207, Again Edwards County was the only Republican county 1 Chicago Press and Tribune . Sept. 7, 1^60, 2 Illinois State Journal . Sept. 20, 1??60,

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129 in the district. The race was cloce in V.'abash, but in all the others Logan's majorities v:ere huge. The four-cornered race for president also ended in a Democratic landslide in lov:er Egypt, Douglas had 17,6^4 votes to 3,950 for Lincoln, 1,275 for Bell, and 2 1,056 for Breckinridp;e. Like Linegar, Lincoln was able to carry only Edwards Counter, Bell'' vote wae evenly divided throughout the district, but most of Breckenridge*s total came from Union County. Logan carried Union 1,292 to 142, but Douglas narrowly won the county 996 to ol9 for Breckinridge. Since Lincoln and Bell together totaled over 200 votes in that county, many people in this pro-Buchanan area refused to vote for congressmen rather than vote for 3 Logan. All Egyptian legislative districts went Democratic with the solitary exception of the two St. Clair County seats. There the German voters sent two Republicans to the assembly to support the new Republican Governor, L Richard Yates. One student of Illinois history has remarked on the astounding rise in Republican strength in Egypt in i Chicago Tribune . Dec. 5, IS60. 2 Illinois State Journal . Nov. 2??, 1^60; Smith, op. cit .. I, 314-I5. 3 Chicago Tribune . Dec. 5, 1?^60. 4 Ibid., Nov. S, 1860.

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130 the election of 1660. However, the vote in 1360 in lov/er Egypt when compared with 1^56 and 135S Republican totals there reveal no significant chanp;e. Lo^F^an received ^k% of the total vote cast in lB5d and 799^ in 1S60, The Republican gubernatorial candidate, Biesell, in 1??56 polled 125^ of the vote and Lincoln got 17!^ in lfi60. In both cases there was only a 5^ chanr©, hardly a major increase on the part of the Republicans, When the crisis struck the nation shortly after Lincoln's election, the claims that Egypt had been wiped out as a Democratic stronghold proved extravagant. Those voters who had caat their ballot d for Logan, Douglas and Breckinridge were soon to prove their Democracy, and it was to be a Democracy ttfith ties south of the Ohio. As Loan prepared for the return to VJashington and the second session of the 36th Congrecs, he realized that his role in the period of crisis at hand would not be an easy one. Many agreed with Charles Lanphier that Logan's position on the problems that plagued the country had been "peculiar." During the l??50's Douglas had been forced to "radicalize" the Democratic Party in the Northwest to maintain himself in power in Illinois. This he 1 _.^_— Cole, op. cit .. 200; Chicago Tribune . Dec, 5, I860; Alton Courier . Nov. 4, 185^; Lusk, op. cit .. 45; Illinois State Journal . Nov. 2$, i860.

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131 felt necessary to further his presidential ambitions. As Douglas slowly moved tovmrd the Republicans, Lop;an found it difficult to follow the lead of the Little Giant. However, he felt Douglas offered the best hope for the prevention of disunion; furthermore, he had seen the price of party insurgency in Illinois, Yet Lo/^an was an Egyptian, and while the rest of the state's Democrats had followed the new course set by Douglas, Er^pt clung to its Southern proclivities. The time was at hand when Egypt, \iith its split personality—economic and social ties with the .South, and reluctance to see the union destroyed— would be forced to make a choice. 'With Logan as the spokesman of Egypt, it was inevitable that the section's problems would fall heavily upon him in the days of crisis. 1 Auchampaugh, op. cit .. 33; Henry C. Hubbart, "» Pro-Southern » Influences in the Free-West, lrtl»0-l565," Mississippi Valley Historical Review . Xa, No. 2 (June, 1933), 56-57.

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CHAPTER IV A PLAGUE OK BOTH YOUR HOUSES In November, v/hen Logan left for Washington and the opening of Congress, secession hung heavily over the land. Many Democrats agreed with the Illinois State Register which proclaimed, "the election of Mr. Lincoln will be a national calamity." However, one paper assured its readers that Washington opinion indicated an early reassurance to the South from triumphant Republicans. Southern congressmen had brought their families to Washing. 2 ton and looked as if they meant to remain. For the first time since his marriage, Logan planned to have his family join him for a legislative session. Before he left Illinois in November he arranged for Mary and the baby to follow him. Excitedly, Mary avjaited departure date, and in late November she went by rail to Washington. Logan met his family and took them to Brown »s 3 Hotel v;here they lived throughout the session."^ When the second session of the 36th Congress began 4 on December 3, "stillness pervaded the capital." Good Illinois State Register . Nov. 7, IS60. 2 New York Times . Dec. 1, l.'^60. 3 Mary Logan, Reminiscences , 71. 4 New York Times, Dec. 4, i860. 132

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133 order in the House, contrasting vividly with the chaotic first seesion, led observers to hope that secession might be averted. December 4 Buchanan's message was received in joint session. It satisfied few and disappointed a]jnost everyone. There is no record of Logan's 1S60 opinion of the message, but tv,'o decades later he called Buchanan "a v;eak and feeble old man. . .doubtless a Union man at heart," but lacking in p rception, forcefulness, and "nerve," The young congressman doubtless had mixed feelings in lS60. Like Buchanan, he held secession unconstitutional, and opposed coercion. But while Buchanan remained inactive, Logan felt sv/ift compromise steps were necessary 2 to save the Union. An admirer of Jackson, the young Illinoisan longed to see Buchanan solve the crisis as his hero had met the threat to Union in 1^32. Following the presidential message, the House voted to create a committee to investigate the state of the Union. Logan voted for the Committee of Thirty-three, and two days later Republican William Kellogg was named Illinois' representative « The Illinois House delegation presented an unusual 1 John A. Logan, The Great Conspiracy . lOZ;.. 2 Cong. Globe . 36th Cong., 2nd Sess. , appendix, 173-131.

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134 bi-partisan front in voting for the Homestead Bill which, despite the South* s opposition, passed 132 to 76. In the following two weeks the activities of the Coraraittee of Thirtythree and speeches on the crisis occupied the House. Logan took little part in these debates. He voted against a request by Florida *s representative on the compromise committee that he be excused from serving. But until December 17 Logan sat listening to proposals for solving the nation's crisis. He closely watched the Soutl?; Carolina secession convention. On December 17 Logan voted for a resolution recommending repeal of any statute obstructing the Constitution. Since the resolution included personal liberty lav;s, Logan gladly voted "Aye." Later that day when a similar resolution v/as proposed, Logan asked that there be no Democratic opposition. He wanted the bill amended to state that "all men" rather than "all law-abiding citizens" should obey the Constitution, remarking that if the wording were not changed some of the members of Congress would not be included as "law-abiding citizens." The reworded reso2 lution passed 136 to 0. December 20 began calmly enough. All Washington kept a nervous eye on South Carolina, and compromise Ibid., 36th Cong., 2nd Sess. , pt. 1, 16. 2 Ibid. . 109.

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135 proposals occupied the House. As it convened, Logan introduced a bill to hold circuit and district courts for the southern district of Illinois at Cairo. When Elihu Washburne objected to the proposal, Bingham of Ohio assured Washburne that the bill was necessary for swift administration of justice. With \7ashburne still unconvinced, Logan defended the bill on grounds that much of the business transacted at Springfield concerned the Cairo area, Washburne then proposed postponement of consideration and Logan agreed. Following this exchange, the House returned to the state of the Union. As speakers droned on, an unusual ripple of noise spread through the chamber. Then came the announcement. South Carolina had passed an ordinance of secession. In this crisis the Illinois House delegation stood united against secession. In an informal caucus, Logan joined his fellov; congressmen in a resolution stating, "the Union must and should be preserved." Beneath this unanimity, Illinois members were bitterly divided as to the best 2 means of preserving the Union. The rest of the month brought little change to the House. Compromise efforts continued, but to many the Ibid., 160. 2 Illinois State Re,^ister . Dec. 20, 1360.

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136 Christmas season brought bleak prospects and fear of vmr. Illinois Democrats seemed united against Gecession, but they also condemned force to solve the nation's problems. McClernand v/rote, "The Northwest cannot afford to submit to disunion except as an unavoidable necessity." Douglas voiced the sentiments of his followers v;hen he added, "I will not consider the question of force and v;ar until all efforts at peaceful adjustment have been made and have failed." Logan was in complete accord v;ith this. The last day of the year brought a resolution from Pryor of Virginia condemning force in preserving the Union. Many felt that no such resolution should be adopted until the Committee of Thirty-three had reported. Logan, however, favored prompt adoption. Despite the fact that 14 liorthern 2 Democrats joined him, the resolution was tabled. On Nev/ Year's Day the Logans attended the V/hite House reception and Mary v/as much impressed with the president's dignity and the graciousness of his niece who extended them a "cordial greeting." The month had been a fascinating one for Mary. She had attended many social events and had helped Mrs. Douglas, to whom she was devoted, receive guests. However, she remembered later that the issues of 1 John A. McClernand to Charles Lanphier, Dec. 21, 1^60; Stephen A. Douglas to Lanphier, Dec. 25, 1B60, Lanphier Mss. 2 Conp;. Globe . 36th Cong., 2nd Sess., pt. 1, 220.

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137 the day were never forgotten, and every social gathering became a heated discussion. Logan viewed the coming year with alarm. He steadfastly opposed secession, but remained equally opposed to force. He agreed with the Illinois State Register : "Mr. Lincoln, while calling on the Democracy to sustain him must do something himself towards preserving the Union. He must recognize that the Union is endurable as it 'vas 2 originally framed, *part slave and part free.*" The Egyptian press, announced its opposition to force and added, "let her in God*s name go peacefully.... The sympathies of our people are mainly with the South, "^^ In these and other comments from southern Illinois, Logan saw seeds of trouble that might shatter Egypt. A compromise necessary to preserve the Union was just as necessary for the welfare of Egypt, caught as it was in a maelstrom of sectional animosities. Logan lost no time in making known his feelings on the nation's problems. On January 1 he wrote Judge I. N, Haynie a lengthy commentary on the times. Logan began by warning Haynie. "My feeble hand is incompetant to portray that fearful future whose rapid approach is now Mary Logan, Reminiscences , 73, 74. 2 Illinois State Register , Dec. 31, 1^60. 3 Cairo City Gazette. Dec. 6, 1^60,

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13 S shaking this vast republic to its very center." He dated the beginning of the trouble from the election of Lincoln, "a strictly sectional candidate," The young congressman told the judge that his only hope was for a moderate majority in each section to prevent extremists from shattering the Union. Hov;ever, Logan saw little evidence that moderates v/ere winning the struggle. "Those wno dream that this Confederacy can separate peacefully will wake up to the conviction of their sad error I fear too late," he continued. Logan's hope v/as that the "old fire of patriotism from the great heart of the people. . .would command the peace." He was particularly adamant that the North should cease its interference with Southern institutions. He attacked both "abolitionist Black Republicans" and Southern "fire-eaters" as creators of civil conflict. Of Lincoln he wrote: History informs us that Nero, a royal but insane and bloody thirsty man fiddled while Rome was burning, and it does seem to rae that the .^resident elect and his friends flushed and drunken with victory are plunging deeper into their fanatical orgies, the nearer our beloved country is undone. Ther he turned to the South. "The election of Mr. Lincoln, deplorable as it may be, affords no justification or excuse for overthrowing th;^ republic." But he felt calm Southerners would realize Lincoln was "harmless,"

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139 faced by a hostile Congress which would make him a "political puppet." Logan closed the letter v/ith a plea for Union. Speaking for his section, he concluded, "we of the North\-fest having as much, if not more, at stake than any other section can not stand silently by while the joint action of extremists are dragging us to ruin." The Logan-Haynie letter was Logan's only clear statement of the crisis in the first month of lS6l. Through January he took little part in House debates. The first excitement of the new year in the House \/a!:; Congressman Adrian's resolution approving Major Anderson's move from Ft. Moultrie to Ft. Sumter. The resolution also pledged support of all constitutional measures taken by Buchanan to preserve the Union, V/hen he voted, Logan cried, "as the resolution receives my unqualified approbation, I 2 vote aye." The resolution carried 12/f to 56. Logan's next business concerned the Cairo court bill. After some discussion on January 9, the bill came up for passage tv;o days later. V.'ith Washburne no longer J'M to I. N, Haynie, Jan. 1, IS6I, Logan Mss. This letter was written to Haynie for circulation in Logan's constituency. Its contents reported in the opposition Illinois State Journal , Feb. 14| IS6I elicited the comnent by thst p?per that it v/as evidence of "party pique and partisan hatred." 2 Cong. Globe , 36th Cong., 2nd 3ess. , pt. 1, 2^1.

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140 1 offering opposition, it passed v;ithout a roll call. The compromise committee seemed hopelessly deadlocked. The number of seceded states grew. Border staters and Northern Democrats issued pleas for prompt action and McClernand called on all conservatives to denounce secession 2 and support Union. On January 14 the report of the compromise committee emerged and a long acrimonious debate began. Since no representative of the Douglas Democrats had been named to the group, they viewed the committee's actions with hostility. Nevertheless, once the report v^as presented, the Dougla sites were generally in favor of the proposals. The report called for repeal of i^ersonal liberty laws; a guarantee that slavery v/ould be protected in slave states; and immediate entry of New Mexico presumably as a slave state. Following the report, each member demanded the floor to corrLTient. VJhile these speeches droned out, Alabama and Florida seceded. During the fortnight after arguments began, Logan experienced the frustration of the freshman member unable to get the floor. The story of the indignant congressman who announced, "I have been a member of this House three 1 Ibid . . 297, 326. 2 New York Times . Jan. 15, 1^61.

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141 successive terms, and I have caught measles, and influenza, but I have never been able to catch the speaker's eye," seemed appropriate in Logan's case. Night sessions were held to provide time for oratory. Still the Illinois freshman failed to \;in recognition. On the evening of January 2S, Logan had a sharp exchange with Dawes of Massachusetts, and on the last day of the month, still unrecognized, he lashed out with fury of his frustration. When Adams of Massachusetts and Morris of Pennsylvania made a deal by v;hich Adams, who had the floor, agreed to yield to Morris if he would retixrn the favor next evening, Logan rose to object. He angrily proclaimed: I have remained here. . .several evenings for the purpose of obtaining the floor, and I want the speaker nov; to tell me how many names are registered as entitled to the floor to speak, so that I may know on what evening I shall come here to obtain the floor, by acting decently and respectfully to the ejieaker. He continued, "I desire to say that this -iractice of farming out the floor in advance is infamous, and ought not to be tolerated in any body." After his objection Logan was recognized, and introduced a bill to clarify title to saline lands in Jackson County, Illinois. V.Tien Lo^^an concluded, objection 1 Mary Logan, Thirty Years in Washington . 122. 2 Cong. Globe . 36th Cong., 2nd Sess. , pt. 1, 656.

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142 was heard on grounds lihat evening sessions were for debaue, not business. Logan protested but v;at3 overruled, and general debate continued. While Logan was having difficulties in Washington, disturbing news arrived from Illinois. The state legislature v/as considering reapportionment oi congressional districts. The Republicans, now in control, wanted to change districts to the detriment of sparsely settled Egypt. Rumors reached Logan that Franklin County, his residence, would be removed from his district to gerrymander 2 him out of Congress. In January the Democratic state convention at Springfield adopted resolutions of loyalty to the Union while opposing force as a weapon against secession. These sentiments Logan approved; but they were condemned by the Republican press as "semi-secessionist." Strangely enough, the Washington correspondent of the Ciiicago Tribune simul3 taneously characterized Logan as a "unionist." On February 1 this writer lauded Logan, Morris, and Fouke as men who Have stood bravely up against those who have been their party friends and associates, but are nov.' seeking 1 ~^ Ibid .. 677. 2 Eddy, on. ci t., 4^3; Cole, op. cit ., 2$9. 3 Chicago Tribune, Jan. 14, 23, lS6l.

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143 to ruin the country. The courage and patriotism of these men, who have broken all political and friendly ties for the sike of the Union and justice is almost universally commended here,-*This would seem to indicate that Recublicans were not convinced that Logan was openly secessionist, as they v/ould later charge, Logan *s struggle for recognition continued into February. After a bitter argument with John Sherman, Logan finally got the floor on the evening of February 5. Before crowded galleries he delivered his speech on the state of the nation. This was in many ways a reiteration of the letter to Haynie , but taken as a whole it affords the most complete view of Logan's position in the crisis. Beginning his remarks with the realistic statement that nothing he said would alter the views of anyone listening, he again traced the crisis to Lincoln's election, which he called a "golden opportunity" for the ^outh. But the Republicans did not deserve the entire blame. He condemned abolitionists who have "warred upon southern institutions," and "reckless and seditious" Southerners who "have been no less industrious in creating a corresponding 1 Ibid . . Feb. 1, 1361. 2 Illinois State Register , Feb. 11, l^ol; C on g . Globe . 36th Cong., 2nd Jess., appendix, 17iJ-l3l. The entire speech is contained in these four pages in the appendix.

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144 hatred of Northern people." He called both sides more partisan than patriotic and demanded rapid compromise efforts. These effortfj vj-ere necessary, he maintained, to avoid the unconstitutional use of force in r^uttint; down secession, even thouprh secession itself vras "unlavrful" and "unconstitutional." On the une of force, Lof^an declared that resort to arras v;ould forever create permanent hatred between sections. He compared the bitterness felt by the American colonies toward their former masters, the English, after the Revolutionary War, to the situation force would create in 1^61. "They are our kinsmen," said he of Southerners, "and should be dealt v/ith kindly." Developing his analogy, he compared Republicans to King George III as oppressors and, by inference, the American colonists of 1776 to the South of 1861 as the oppressed. Since Logan had attacked the extremists in the South, charges later made by Republicans that Logan was defending the "fire-eaters" v/ere not true. This portion of Logan* s speech was unfortunate since its distortion in the hands of his enemies furnished aramunltion for harmful attacks. Following his condemnation of coercion, Logan sarcastically asked if Lincoln, who opposed the Mexican War, would nov/ favor war against his own people.

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145 He then called on members of the House to put aside politics and "satisfy and appease" the apprehensions of the Southern people." This could be done by guaranteeing the South its "peculiar institutions." '^uch guarantees, he went on, would place weapons in the hands of Southern conservatives which they could use to return their states to the Union. It would prevent further secession. Descending to specifics, Logan wanted assurances that interstate slave trade would not be abolished, and that prohibition of slavery in the territories would not be enforced. It has been said on this floor, by Republicans, that the God of nature has so arranged the soil and climate of thosie territories that slavery cannot ro there. .. .liThy, if by the soil and climate, is slavery excluded from the Territories, in 3od*s name why insist on this impracticable legislation by Congress? Logan doubted that Southerners would ever enter the new territory since it would be economically unprofitable to them; but "it is a denial of a right under the Constitution, that annoys and chafes them." He next dealt v^ith several compromise proposals before the country. Mentioning the Crittenden Compromise, the report of the House Committee, and several other proposals, Logan indicated that he would be willing to support any of them. A proposition introduced by Morris of Pennsylvania was his preference. The Morris compromise proposed

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146 that "neither Conf^ress, nor a territorial legislature shall interfere v>dth slavery in the territories; but leaves the people, v;heh they come to form their State constitution, to determine the question for themselves.'^ But he v:ould vote for any proposal that ended the threat to Union without resort to arms, Logan concluded his long oration vdth a fervent appeal in the name of Southern and border state conservatives. He likened them to "noble Spartans standing in the breach," and promised "i.vimortality." He forecast lasting infamy for extremists. He varned them that t'-^ose v:ho thought no border slave states would secede vere deceivin^^ themselves. 'Vith another plea to calm men everyv;here, Logan closed amid applause from the galleries. This address defined Logan's position for dark days ahead. From February 5 until June lr5, Loff-an failed to clarify his position araid rapidly changing conditions. There is little doubt that the speech pleased his constituents. In the main it echoed sentiments of a section deeply concerned with possible civil v;ar, Scott Marshall praised the speech as "highly commendable." The address clearly placed Logan in the compromise camp. He recoiled at the prospects of civil conflict and 3. S. Marshall to J'VL, Feb. 26, lf?6l, Lof^an Mss,

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147 demanded promises to the South necessary to end the danger. Because of the spe*='ch, he was condemned as secessionist and praised as unionist, Logan's strong compromise stand, expressed February 5, increasingly moved him away from fellovi Illinois Democrats. He had been very close to Douglas and McClernand in early days of crisis, but now imperceptibly a gap was appearing. McClernand, voicing the thoughts of many Northwestern Democrats, wrote: If we become entangled v;ith disunion we will be lost as a party.... Any compromise v;hich would enable them [Southern seceders] to come back into the party as its leaders, will doom the Democratic party to a repetition of its late convulsions and overthrow.^ After Logan's speech, McClernand wrote Lanphier that he 3 had talked to Logan and found him a "compromiser." As his friends h-ardened their attitudes toward the South, Logan remained open to any compromise proposal. On the day following Logan's speech he saw his Jackson County saline land bill passed. But most of the House's time vias occupied debating the compromise report. Chairman Corwin announced that debate would not close until Mary Logan, Reminiscences . 77. 2 McClernand to Lanphier, Feb. 4, 1^61, Lanphier Mss. 3 Ibid .. Feb. S, 1^61.

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143 the middle of the month so thot everyone would have a chance to speak, Logan said little more. He rose to defend S, S. Cox* 3 right to speak and voted enthusiastically for Cherman's resolutions guaranteeing that the Federal government vrauld not interfere ^vith slavery v/here it existed. He opposed a militia bill called 'y Bocock of Virginia a "declaration of war," This proposal, for calling out state militia to defend the Union, v/as held by many to be evidence of the North's determination to use force, and brought solid Illinois Democratic opposition. Unable to table the measure, its opponents finally succeeded in postponing debate until adjournment. Logan voted for postponement as the motion 2 carried 100 to 7h* The final business of the month v;as the showdovm on compromise committee recommendations. Items were voted singly. The first resolution, calling for effective enforcement of the fugitive slave law, which Logan considered long overdue, passed 137 to 53 with Lo^an voting for it. He also voted for a resolution promising no interference with domestic institutions of states. Adoption of this resolution 3 touched off wild applause in the galleries. Con;^. Globe . 36th Cong., 2nd Sess., pt. 1, ^57. 2 New York Times . Feb. 27, lS6l. Con;^. Globe , 36th Cons., 2nd Cess., pt. ?, 1285.

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149 On Monday, March 1, votes turned against the compromisers. The move to admit New Mexico failed 71 to 115. Logan voted for passage, and its defeat disappointed him. The last item provided for easier extradition procedures. Again Logan and the Illinois Democrats voted "Aye," but the bill was decisively defeated. Little of a constructive nature seemed to have been done by the House. Hov/ever, when the body adjourned on March 4, Logan could take heart from the border states, v;hich remained in the Union. On March 4 these problems became the concern of the new President, When Lincoln arrived in V/ashington in late February, Logan and Love joy, strange combination, visited him at V/illard's Hotel. Since Lincoln was an old friend of Logan's father, Logan had reason to visit the President-elect as a social caller. However, Logan's report of the meeting, written years later, when he became a Republican, invites speculation* Logan stated that he and Lovejoy urged Lincoln to "go right along, protect the property of the country, and put down the Rebellion no 2 matter at what cost in men and money." In light of prior statements, and subsequent actions, this is difficult to believe. Logan had called Lincoln's election "deplorable," 1 Ibid .. 1327. 2 John A, Logan, The Great Conspiracy . 142.

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150 and likened the President-elect to Nero. The com-ent that Logan demanded suppression of the rebellion regardless of cost is distortion. Political considerations, not accurate reporting, guided Logan's pen in writing The Great Conspiracy . Though there is no evidence to substantiate it, Logan's visit was probably to urge compromise on Lincoln. The entire Illinois congressional delegation called on 2 Lincoln February 23. With the session at an end, Logan hurried to Illinois, a homecoming filled with uncertainty. He had spoken what he thought v/ere the beliefs of his constituents. But had he? Already Egypt gave evidence of serious division. The Salem Advocate boldly spoke of possible secession of southern Illinois, and announced that an army marching from northern Illinois to attack the South could not reach 3 the Ohio, Others gave assurance that Egypt stood solidly 4 for Union. 1 ' — — Ibid . , 110. Here he states: "There v;ere Republicans in the 36th Congress who courageously expressed their belief that concessions could rot be mn-de and that compromises v.ere mere v;aste paper." He had earlier called these Republicans "drunken \rith. power," and demanded all possible compromise efforts be made. Cong. Globe « 36th Cong., 2nd Sess. , appendix, 17^-151. 2 Illinois State Register , Feb.. 26, 1861. 3 Salem Advocate . Jan. 31, 1^61. 4 Shav.noetown Illinoisan in the Illinois State Journal . Feb. 14, l^^T.

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151 Signs of discontent were growing among his constituents. A letter from Carbondale in the Illinois State Journal accused Logan of crying "Union" v;hile supporting the South, Other evidences of trouble in Egypt were the increasing number of letters reaching Republican congressmen protesting Logan's position on national issues. One Egyptian asked Washburne for an end to compromise. Another complained that Union men in Egypt "must look away from our oa'/n district for 'friends at court.'" A third added that Egypt v;as destitute of a representative who could 2 instill confidence in Union men. Despite such opposition, Logan returned reasonably certain that a majority of his constituents supported him. But who were his constituents': This was Logan's greatest cause for uneasiness as he left Washington. Charles Lanphier, editor of the Illinois State Re<:^ister , had written McClernand of a plot to gerrymander Logan out 3 of his district. In February the Illinois press ^vas full of details of proposed new districts. First reports had Franklin County safely tied to the old counties of the Illinois State Journal . Feb. 9, 1^61. 2 C. D. Hay to Elihu '^Vishburne, Feb. 4, 1^61; R. R. Brush to Washburne, Feb. 24, 1^61; Milo Jones to Washburne, Feb. 22, l??6l, Elihu Washburne Mss. , Library of Congress. 3 Ch rles Lanphier to John A. McClernand, Feb. 20, lS6l, McClernand I^ss.

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152 Ninth District. Then came proposals placing the county in the Eighth Illinois, to the north. This plan would place Logan and James Robinson in the sane district. The Register called the plan "unequalled in the history of 2 gerrymandering." When the Logans arrived in Benton in mid-March, John realized he was facing the greatest test of his career. But of one thing he was sure. If necessary he would move to stay with his old constituency. From his return in March, until June, information on Logan *s activities is extremely sketchy. In these months when Egypt was full of plots and counter-plots, he was silent. His actions are, for the most part, unreported. This silence led to wild speculation by friends and enemies. Logan *s first act v/as to move his residence to Marion in neighboring Williamson County. V/hen the bill passed, Franklin, Hamilton, and V/ayne Counties v/ere detached, and Logan's district, to be the Thirteenth after 1S62, contained the remaining fifteen counties of the 3 old Ninth, The people of Benton regretted his decision to leave and "the best v;ishes of the whole community" went with the Logans. Chicago Tribune, Feb. 9, 13, 1^61. 2 Illinois State Register . Feb. 9, l^ol. 3 Bateman and Selby, op. cit .« I, 20. 4 Benton Democrat in Illinois State Register , April 9, 1361.

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153 Once he settled Mary and Dollie in Marion, Logan returned to his law practice. He had a living to make and the prestige of congressional service brought him manyclients. He became associated with 'Ailliam H. Green, proSouthern member of the Illinois assembly. Logan* s absences were less oppressive to Mary since movin=: to Marion, She had been reunited with her parents who had recently moved there. On circuit in March and early April, Logan made several speeches. His remarks were similar to the February 5 address. He called on Lincoln for compromise and continued 2 to abhor coercion. Comparing Lincoln to King Geroge III continued to give Republicans ammunition against him.-' In early April the eyes of Egypt focused on Charleston harbor. The hostile Chicago Tribune advised that if any section of the free states could be lured into secession, Egypt "would be the proper place for the movement to begin." Lo^an persisted in his compromise attitudes and attacked abolitionists and secessionists alike. His viev;s were not given v/ide publication and he seemed to have 1 ~~~~~ Illinois State Rep:ister . Jirne 21, l36l. 2 Ibid . 3 Edward G. Smith, The Borderland in t he Civil War. 3d. ' 4 Chicago Tribune . April 2, 1361.

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154 1 lapsed into silence. On April 12 the explosion came. V/hen South Carolina batteries began to slam shells into Ft. Sumter, many Northerners heretofore opposed to coercion were galvanized into support of the President, Hot so in Egypt, Sgypt, an area divided socially, culturally, and emotionally, stood v/ith one foot in each camp, VJhile there v/ere no slaves in the triangle, it v-ras in every other way as much a border area as Missouri or Kentucky. Logan himself later admitted that in the border states, tied to the South as they were by bonds of blood, politics, and economics, there was no unanimity of opinion in the April days of 1^61. Thus, Logan* s lack of immediate resolution was natural. The young Deraocrat s actions are a mystery. Whether due to failure of his vrards to be preserved, or possible censorship of his papers, Logan information is scanty from April to raid-June, 1361. After the war, his l56l record became involved in politics. Reparation of fact from political Illinois State Rof^ister . June 21, 1^61. 2 John A. Logan, The Great Conspiracy . 208. 3 Jasper Cross, "Divided Loyalties in Southern Illinois Diuring the Civil V/ar," unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Illinois, 36; Jasper Cross, "The Civil Vjar Comes to Egypt," Journal . Ill, State Hist. Soc, XLIV, 163, Cross and the author agtee as to the possibility of censorship, but no definite proof against Mrs. Logan has b.en uncovered.

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155 buncombe is an arduous task. The burden of proof that Logan contemplated treason, however, rests with those who made the charge. After a diligent search of contemporary and secondary material, the author ic unable to find irrefutable evidence of Logan *s guilt. It seems reasonable to assume that Logan, after Sumter, remained a man of divided feelings. On June 21 when he broke silence, and in July, in his letters to Mary, Logan's lack of enthusiasm for the war is still evident. After Sumter he remained in favor of compromise and opposed coercion. He perhaps agreed with the Cairo Gazette which felt that Egypt should "stand unitedly as mediators between 2 the North and the South." The fact that he did not rush to the colors on April 12 as most of his biographers claim, told against him when used by political opponents.-* Egypt, by contrast, made plenty of noise. It v/as a seething cauldron of intrigue. A public meeting in Pope 4 County endorsed secession. Closer to home, on April 15 at Marion, a meeting was held to protest Lincoln's call for troops. It was organized in a Marion saloon, and Illinois 3tate Re;;ister . June 21, lS6l; Mary Logan to JAL, July 22, 25, 1861; J AL to Mary Logan, July 4, 5, 6, 10, 16, 1.^61, Logan Mss. 2 Cairo Gazette in Chicago Tribune . April 20, 1861. 3 See Dawson, Andrews, Knox, and Mrs. Logan. 4 Wood Gray, The Hidden Civil Var . 45.

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156 summoned a public gathering for the 15th to draw up prosecession resolutions. A large crov/d was called to order at the court house by James D, Manier. He appointed a committee, v/hich included Logan *s father-in-lav; Captain Cunningham, to draft resolutions. This was already prepared; it was produced and loudly accepted by the crov/d. The Marion resolutions traced the beginning of the nation's troubles to Lincoln* r election. They condemned the President's coercion, feeling that this policy xould drive the border states out of the Union. "In that event, the interest of the citizens of southern Illinois imperatively demands a division of the State, 'lie heartily pledge ourselves to use all means in our pov/er to effect the same and attach ourselves to the Southern Confederacy." In conclusion the meeting called for acknowledgement of the independence of the Confederacy and refused to bear arras , 2 against it. The Marion resolutions v:ere inevitably linked to Logan. There v;ere rumors he had endorsed them and that he 3 was v/orking throughout Egypt to aid the Confederacy. However, a seemingly reliable student of the area states, Milo Ei^;in, The History of Williamson County , Illinois, 253. ? '^irion Intellir.encer ir Chicago Tribune, April 25, 1^61. Gray, op. cit . , 5B; Koerner, op. cit . , II, 124; Cole, on. cit ., ?^0.

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157 "John A. Logan was not in the county v.'hcn these meetings were held, and had not been for several days." Furthermore, in the Chicago Tribune story of the Marion affair, names of the leaders are mentioned, and Lon;an's name does 2 not appear. After the war, a prominent Egyptian Democrat, D. R. Pulley, who participated in the meeting, stated that Logan had no connection v^ith it. Even James D. Manier, who presided over the meeting, denied that Logan was 3 present. On April 16, vxhen v/ord of the resolutions reached Carbondale, the people of that town asked that they be repealed. A meeting was called that night in Marion, in response to the Carbondale request, v;hich announced repeal. Since the persons involved on the 15th did not attend the repeal meeting, they maintained repeal vjas ineffective. The resolutions were never put into effect and are only important as indications of Egypt's pro-Southern sentiment. \Yhen Logan returned to Marion, he told Cunningham the resolutions v;ere treasonous, adding: that he would suffer his tongue to cleave the roof of his mouth, and right arm to wither. . .before he would take up arras against nis Southern brethren, i ~ Erwin, op. cit . , 256, 2 Chicago Tribune , April 25, 1<^/^1. 3 D. R. Pulley to JAL, Oct. 22, 1?566, Logan Mss.; Erwin, op. cit . , 256.

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15d unless it vras to sustain the Government; and that if war v;as prosecuted solely for the purpose of freeing Negroes, he vrould not ground his arms but would turn and shoot them North.l Logan was still the compromiser condemning both sides. Through April and May, stories of Egyptian disloyalty increased. Missouri reported that 50,000 Illi2 noisans "opposed this inhuman, revengeful Lincoln war." Governor Yates was flooded with letters outlining secessionist conspiracy in Egypt. One writer mentioned John Cunningham as leader of a group organizing a company to fight for the South. Another advised Yates that twothirds of the people of Franklin County sympathized with 3 the South and only lacked a leader. But there were also reports of Union sentiment in Egypt. John Olney vrrote Yates from Shav/neetown that, in general, Egyptians wanted the Union preserved. After the second Marion meeting, even the Chicago Tribune admitted that Union sentiment was strong in Egypt. Vi/hile Egyptian public opinion vacillated, Logan kept silence. Then he determined to go to Springfield Erwin, op. cit . , 25^. 2 Missouri Republican (St. Louis), April 20, 1^61. 3 Griffin Garland to Yates, April 23, ir'6l; ... G. Brown, et. al , to Yates, May 9, l»6l, Richard Yates Mss. , 111. State Hist, Library, Springfield. U John Olney to Yates, April 15| lB6l, Yates Mss., Chicago Tribune . April 17, 1^61.

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159 where a special session of the legislature was meeting. The session convened April 23, and two days later Douglas delivered a Union speech before a joint session. Logan did not hear the Douglas speech. He arrived in Springfield on Sunday, April 2^, ready to see for himself the degree of Union sentiment in the Illinois capital, Logan's relations with Douglas, in Springfield, and his activities in general, have been the subject of much debate. Two Illinois politicians remember Logan as being hostile to the Little Giant's sentiments. Gustave Koerner reported that for some time after the Douglas speech 2 Logan denounced the senator. Usher F. Linder, a Democratic friend of both Logan and Douglas, wrote that after Douglas' Union speech: "John A. Logan. ..took such mortal offense at the speech. . .that when he met him on the 3 streets he actually refused to shake hands with him." After the war, reports of the Logan-Douglas feud persisted. The Chicago Times , then opposing Logan's candidacy, reported he vowed he would follow Douglas and denounce him from the stump. The most complete account Illinois State Register . April 29, lS6l. 2 Koerner, oo. cit .. II, 124. 3 Linder, op. cit . , 345« 4 Chicago Tines in Chicago Tribune, Sept. 19, 1^66.

PAGE 166

160 of the split and of Logan* s behavior comes from Cht^rles Lanphier, editor of the Springfield paper, the State Register. In a letter written in 1?^76, Lanphier accused Logan of being so "violent and incendiary*' as to alarm Union Democrats who supported Douglas. Lanphier continued: So intense was the alarm, in anticipation of the meeting of the legislature, and the fear of the influence of Logan and his associates upon its action, that a fev/ days before the meeting, I vras induced by friends here to telegraph Judge Douglas, at V
PAGE 167

161 The veracity of Lanphier's accusation is open to some question. The letter was v/ritten when Lanphier and Logan were in opposing parties, the editor trying to unseat Logan. Like many of these post-war accusations, truth is entangled in party politics. Furthermore, a close examination of the Illinois State Register in 1^61 reveals no hint of disagireeraent between the paper and Logan. When Logan arrived in Springfield, the paper called him the "distinguished representative in Congress from the Ninth District." In June, v^en Logan finally defended himself, 2 the paper denounced his detractors and supported him. In addition, Lanphier infers Logan was in Springfield when Douglas spoke, and his own paper in 1S61 announced Logan's 3 arrival three days afterwards. At the other extreme, Logan* s defenders have mentioned no hostility between the two men. One author dates Logan* s conversion to the Union cause from Douglas* L April 25 speech. Mary Logan went so far as to state that after Sumter it was Logan v;ho became an intense Unionist i ~ Illinois State Reg^ister . April 29, lS6l. 2 Ibid .. June 21, 1861. 3 Ibid., April 29, l86l. 4 Charles A. Church, History of the Reoublican Party in Illinois. 1854-1912 . 86.

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162 leaving "Douglas and his party" behind. Logan hinself denied a serious break with Douglas. He endorsed the story of their relations as told by D. V/. Lusk. Luck stated that the tvra men were in basic agreement, but that Douglas had recently campaigned in the South and knew better the seriousness of the threat to the Union, 2 Logan ccillod this estimate basically "fair and correct." In this statement Logan does admit a slight difference of opinion with Douglas in the spring of lS6l. There is reason to believe that the split, though not as deep as indicated by Lanphier, vras more than Logan would have his readers think. A prominent Illinois politician, on the scene that summer in Springfield, adds to our knowledge of the reason for a difference of opinion between the tv;o. Shelby Cullom indicates that Douglas* speech broke an understanding among Illinois* congressional Democrats to act together. Douglas* failure to consult with hi3 fellow Democrats, before endorsing Lincoln* s actions, angered them.' Mary Logan, "^.eriiniscences , 6S. 2 Lusk, Q-Q. cit .. 175; Logan, The Great Conspiracy . 265-270. 3 Cullom, o p . c it . , Si. There is a typed, unsigned, three page note in the Loran Mss., in the Library of Congress which endorses Cullom* s statement. It maintains that the Illinois Deroocrntc vent hora.^ with tho iden of quieting "public apprehension," but that Douglas* speech to the asvsembly did the o-^ -oe--^' te. This anrerod Logan and brought on the feud. I have been unable to verify the authenticity of this note.

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163 As late as April IS Congressman James Robinson had written Logan: "I agree with you that the peace policy is the true policy for us." Douglas* complete endorsement of the war naturally brought forth opposition. In reading Logan's speeches of January and February, and his June letter to the State Register , it is easy to see reasons for a split with Douglas. The breach had been growing since the election of i860. As Douglas moved away from friendship with the South, Logan clung to his proSouthern ideas. V/ith secession, Douglas became increasingly aware of the futility of corapromice while his Egyptian lieutenant continued to grasp at straws. Logan, a practical politician, was still not sure of the views of his constituents. Pro-Confederate and, more important, peace sentiment was rife in southern Illinois. Robinson's letter is one example. Logan's law partner. Green, was also a peace advocate. He wrote Logan from Springfield condemning the v;ar and Democrats like 2 McClernand v/ho endorsed war. When Logan left Springfield in May, his relationship to Douglas is difficult to estimate, Logan says they 3 parted in complete agreement. The post-war Chicago Tribune James Robinson to JAL, April 15, lS6l, Logan Mss. 2 Vv. H. Green to JAL, April 25, 1861, Logan Mss. 3 Logan, The Great Conspiracy . 269.

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164 endorsed this story as does the mysterious unsigned report in the Logan manuscripts. But in May an Egyptian paper told of an anti-Douglas faction in the Democratic Party, and called Logan "the most obnoxious and offensive of the 2 gang." Linder says nothing to indicate that the two men a parted amicably."^ In early May Logan returned to Marion and soon was back on circuit. He obtained a clearer idea of Illinois public opinion, but did nothing to clarify his own position. There is one hostile report of Logan, at this time, published long after the v/ar. A resident of Mt. Vernon, Illinois, Edv;ard V. Satterfield, claimed to have seen Logan, at McLeansboro, draw a bowie knife and threaten to cut down the U.S. flag. This, like many other statements came from L a political opponent. May v;as an important month for Egypt and Logan. With peace impossible, Logan would soon be forced into a definite stand. His constituents were anxious to hear from their congressman. Refugees began pouring into Egypt from the South. As the number increased, secession sentiment i ~ Chicago Tribune , Sept. 19, 1866; see page 30. 2 Alton Telegraph , May 3, 1^61. 3 Linder, op. cit « , 345. 4 Edward V. Satterfield to Ben Hill, Aug. S, 13^1, in the Bloomington Daily Bulletin , Aug. 10, iS^l.

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165 declined.^ In May the first troops arrived in Egypt, causing considerable stir. About 4,000 men v.-ere stationed at Cairo by May 6, and on May 28 the first regiment of Egyptian 2 troops were mobilized under Colonel Michael Lawler. All this activity prompted one Egyptian journal to boast "Illinois is changing poles. Cairo is taking precedence of Chicago." Vvith more and more troops moving into the section the possibility of secession or even a peace policy grew remote. May was also the month in which pro-Southern sentiment in Egypt exploded again, and again enveloped Logan. For some time, rebel sympathizers had been considering the organization of an army to fight for the South. In early May two ardent secessionists, Thorndike Brooks and Harvey Hayes, began to organize troops. Their efforts were not very successful, and on May 2$, despairing of raising more men in Egypt, thirty-five men, brought together by Brooks and Hayes, started on foot for Paducah, Kentucky. They finally reached Mayfield, Kentucky vihere they joined the 15th Tennessee Volunteers.^ Illinois State Joiornal . May 4, 1^61. 2 Illinois State Journal . May 6, I86I; Report Q^ the Ad.iutant-General of Illinois for January 1. 1^63 . 17. 18. 3 Centralia Egyptian iiepublic . May ^3, I86I. 4 . Erwin, op. cit . , 262,

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166 Logan was charged with complicity. These claims are redolent of politics, A letter often cited as evidence of Logan's complicity in the Brooks plot, one of the few notes actually naming Logan as one of the conspirators, was vnr-itten to Governor Yates by Patrick H. Lang, Lang, Republican postmaster at Marion, vrrote: Your Gxcellencj'has no doubt, ere this, been informed of the disunion feeling existing at Marion, 111., brought about by disappointed politicians. Logan, Cunningham, Hundley, Pulley and others, have assisted in getting up a company for the so called 'Southern Confederacy, The company so organized, departed rejoicing in their treacherous mission of blood: and the men above named, are making efforts for another company. 2 The letter ends with "Destroy this," One day later another Egyptian Republican sent Yates a similar letter, but omitting Logan, -^ A Republican in Democratic Egypt, Lang had to move his post office out of Marlon. He offers no definite proof of Logan's involvement. Blanket indictments of all Egyptian Democratic leaders were common in 1^61, While Lang might have possessed information which he did not include in the letter, his note probably w-s merely n blow at opposition political leaders. Some political opponents did not credit J. G, Randall, Lincoln the President . I, 356. 2 Patrick H. Lang to Yates, May 2g, 1^61, Yates Mss. 3 Griffin Garland to Yates, May 29, l86l, Yates Mss. 4 Erwin, op. cit .. 270.

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107 the charge. The Illinois State Journal said Logan had nothing directly to do vith organizing the men. On the other side there is a great deal of evidence, 2 Logan denied any part in forming the company. After the war he marshaled other testimony in his defense. Evidence consistently used against Logan was that his brother-inlaw, Hibert Cunningham, was a mernber of Brooks* company. Toung Hibe, despite pleadings from his family, joined Brooks and left with him on May 25. Mary, in despair, vrote John pleading with him to return to Marion. In this letter, which indicates Logan* s absence vvhen the company left, she pleaded with him to come home, "I fear there will be some excitement and trouble groxifing out of those men leaving here." She concluded with a revealing comment which indicates hostility toward the viar and the Lincoln administration: The administration and his advisors have already begun their work of invasion, their arrogance and power have hurried thorn on in their progress. . .and the day will soon be here when every man must take sides in this conflict and never b-^for-e \/ere there two extremes more objectionable, for one can not honestly and honorably or justly endorse the course of the president. 3 Illinois State Journal . June 15, lS6l, 2 JAL to D, L. Phillips, Oct. 20, 1^64 in the Chicago Tribune . Oct, 25, 1364; Illinois State Register . June 21, 3 Mary Logan to JAL, May 25, lS6l, Logan Mss. See also Mary Logan* s diary for Jan. 20 Sept. 23, I36l, Mrs, Logan Mss,

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163 Further evidence of Logan's lack of knowledge of Hibe»s decision came from Hibe himself. When Logan was accused of complicity by Democrats in the election of 1S66, Hibe wrote Logan denying the charge. He vas joined In this denial by A. H, Morgan, another member of the company, who added that Logan was not in Marion at the time. However, to confuse the issue, Logan's sister Dorothy charged that he had furnished aid to pro-Southern forces in Egypt, Logan ? denied her charge. The Logan family was a casualty of war, and John's course earned the hostility of several of his brothers and sisters. In addition to Cunningham and Morgan, of the Illinois rebels, Thorndike Brooks, their commander, later testified to Logan's innocence. In 1^75 the charge appeared in the Nov/ York V/orld , That paper produced an affidavit by one John Wheatley which claimed Logan had not only organized the men, but led them to Kentucky. Logan wrote the paper charging that I'Theatley v/as paid for the statement, and had 3 later withdrawn it. He asked them to print the Brooks letter, which they did. Brooks called the V/heatley story a "lie throughout," and denied that Logan had anything to Hibert Cunningham to JAL, Oct. 15, 1S66; A. H. Morgan to JAL, Oct. 16, I366, Lo^an Mss. 2 Cole, op. cit .« 420, 3 New York World, Mar. 16, IS75.

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169 do with organizing or aiding his company. Another charge made against Logan was that his actions were so treasonable that General 3. M. Prentiss, Union commandant at Cairo, ordered his arrest and made him report daily. In August, l6'66 the general denied the charge, stating that his only talk with Logan came in August, 1861 when Lop;an returned to organize a Union regi2 ment. In June, l86l, however, an Egyptian paper reported a captain stationed at the railroad bridge over the Big Muddy "told us that he did not think the people would keep quiet until LOGAN, the chief traitor among them, was arrested. Said he was so smart that he coverea his tracks and there 3 could be nothing to get hold of him by." Diifering stories persisted and were used for and against Logan in all his political campaigns. Perhaps the clearest view of Logan's role comes from two widely separated sources. Milo Erwin, author of The History of V.illiamson County , denied Logan aided in raising the company, and interviewed W. M. Davis, a member of the group, when he wrote his book. Davis, like \Vheatley, had signed an affidavit saying he joined the company at Thorndike Brooks to JAL, Mar. 2?, 1^75, Logan Mss. 2 Illinois State Journal , Aug. 24, 1^66* 3 Centralia Er.yptian Retublic . June 13, 1861.

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170 Logan* s '^advice." Erwin states Davis told him "advice" was misleading, the wordinp: of those who asked him for the affidavit. He [Davis] ^ays that he did not think of going into the Confederate army until a few days before he started. Logan W9s not here [Marion] at that time, and of course could not have advised him to go.... He says that he did not swear nor mean that John A. Logan ever advised him... to go into the Southern army.... He says that vjhat he meant was that Logan, being a man of great influence in this county, and he believed that his sympathy w s with the oouth, and in this way Logan influenced him to go South. 'Years later, Davis* staten«nt was echoed by F. M. Woollard of southern Illinois. In 1909, a student, writing a thesis on Illinois in lS6l, wrote V/oollard for information, V.'oolard told his correspondent that, though Logan was an "extreme party man," he did not feel he had been guilty of treason. Woollard added that he met one of the men in the Brooks group who said nothing of Logan s direct involvement. He instead told VJoollard "they told us that Logan would follow and command the regiment as soon as it could be raisedl" It is reasonable to assxome that Logan's oopularity and pro-Southern ideas did assist in convincing Erwin, op. cit . , 264-65. 2 F. li. ;voollard to L, i^, Bost, April 22, 1909f F. M. Woollard Mss. , 111. State Hist. Library, Springfield, Smith in Borderland in the Civil >.ar . 17« says: ''As late as June [l«61J Logan's name was used to secure volunteers for the Confederacy."

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171 some of the youni; hotheads in Brooks* company that their course was wise. It is also likely thut Lof^an»s name was used in the recruiting campaign. After his speech of April 25, Senator Douglas went home to Chicago and became seriously ill. In late May his condition worsened and on June U the Chicago Times mourned: "the foremost man in the nation is no more." Douglas* death brought no public comment from Logan. He served on 2 the committee to collect money to aid Douglas' family. Logan's silence continued. Amid charges that he was a secessionist, one Egyptian paper defended him. The Carbondale Times informed its readers that Logan merely advocated compromise instead of war.-^ Others asked for clear statement of his intentions. One paper advised Logan the time for neutrality had passed and asked him to "come out and defend his position."^ The "Egyptian Home Guards" demanded that Logan resign from Congress since he no longer represented the views of his constituents. The Carbondale Times again came to his defense, branding the Chicago Times . June 4, 1^61. ^John B. Heskin to JAL, Aug. 6, 1^61, Logan Mss. Carbondale Times in Quincy Herald . June 12, l?^6l. Ghawneetown Mer^fury in Illinois State Journal . June 13, 1^61.

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172 resolutions "ill-timed" and passed without complete knowledge of Logan's position. From February to June, Logan's opinions had not appeared in the public press. The time for compromise was long past. Soon he would have to return to V.'ashington for the special session called by Lincoln. Since Sumter, Logan had been calculating the sentiments of his fellov/ Egyptians. By Jime it was evident southern Illinois v'ould stand by the Union. On June 18, perhaps under McClernan^'s influence, Logan broke his silence. The occasion was dramatic. At Camp Yates, near Springfield, a regiment commanded by Colonel Ulysses S. Grant faced the alternative of going home or reenlisting. Many had already gone home, and Grant, fearful of losing his command, asked McClernand to address them. McClernand arrived at the camp accompanied by Logan. Grant was av/are of McClernand* s unionism but hesitated to let Logan speak because of secession sympathy rumors. Finally, feeling McClernand could offset anything Logan might say, Grant 2 agreed that both men speak. McClernand spoke first, and the hawk-faced congressman delivered as expected. Then he turned to the stockier, Carbondale Times in Chica,p;o Times . June 21, 1861. The "Home Guards" resolutions v;ere issued on June 8, 2 . Ulysses 6. Grant, Memoirs . I, 195-96.

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173 swarthy Logan and introduced him: "Allow me, Illinoisans to present to you my friend and colleague in Congtess, Hon. John A, Lo;;^an. He is gifted with eloquence, and will rouse you to feel as the Athenians felt when under the eloquent appeals of Demonsthenes they asked to be immediately led against Phillip." Logan began by ridiculing the idea of going home without fighting a battle. He remarked, "*You can*t fall out nov/. If /ou go home to Mary, she will eay, *"ATiy Tom, are you home from the v^ar so soon? * "•Yes.» "'How far did you get?' 2 "Mattoon.*" This brought a roar of laughter and Logan concluded with an eloquent appeal which. Grant remembered: "breathed a loyalty and devotion to the Union vihich inspired my men to such a point that they would have volunteered to remain in the Army as long as an enemy of the county continued to bear arms against it. They entered the. . .service almost 3 to a man." Logan had taken his stand. There was no longer any doubt of his devotion to the Union. Illinois State Journal , June 25, l'^6l, 2 Lloyd Lewis, Cautain Sam Grant . 429. 3 Grant, op. cit .. I, 197.

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174 Three days later he spoke again. For the first time, he defended himself against the charges of spring. On June 3 "Josh" Allen who, like Logan, had been accused of fomenting secession in Egypt, denied the charges against himself and Logan. The State Jounaal . not satisfied v/ith Allen's 2 statement, asked Logan a series of questions. Reading the queries, following his speech to Grant's regi/ient, Logan wrote a heated reply. The long letter, printed in the State Register June 21, branded as lies all reports of his aid to secession. Kgypt secede? "Impossible and absurd." Noting that no substantial proof had been offered against him, he related his actions since returning from Washington: I have made three or four speeches while attending the courts in the ninth congressional district. In those speeches I very candidly deprecated the causes of our present troubles, and pointed to vjhat appeared to lae to be the concerted action between the abolitionists of the North and the secessionists of the South, to effect a dissolution of the Union. I said v^ithout disguise, as I say now, that the impertinent spirit of the anti-slavery party of the North was mainly chargeable for the state of feeling in the South. -^ He added he still thought, had Republicans exhibited a "proper spirit of compromise" in January and February, there would have been no need for coercion. Illinois State Register . June 12, 1^61; Illinois State Journal . June 10, l^bl. Illinois State Journal . June IS, 1851. 3 Illinois State Register , June 21, 1^61.

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175 "But while undisguised in the expression of opinion upon the policy of the administration, there was in no utterance of mine, an expression of disloyalty to the government.*' He defended Egyptians as loyal citizens. Men who followed Brooks into Kentucky v/ere "misguided boys." Logan's defense drew applause from Union Democrats all over Illinois. It satisfied the SUite Journal . Its Cairo correspondent declared he knew Logan had never been a secessionist,^ The June 1& letter stands as Logan's most eloquent defense in the confusing days of lS6l. Frankly criticizing actions of Republicans, and continuing to speak for moderation, his letter is far more credible than his post-war v/ritings. In late June only a few days remained before Logan's return to V/ashington. He was still uncertain of his role in the war. His decision to enter the array was not taken until later. That he still entertained vague compromise hopes is evident from his record in the special session. However, Logan had made clear his devotion to the Union and his opposition to secession. He had set his course toward support of the war. Though there were still doubts as to the wisdom of that course, there would be no turning back. Illinois St>-^te Journal, June 25, lf*6l.

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CHAPTER V RALLY » ROUND THE FLAG A special session of the 37th Congress was called by Lincoln for July 4. Filled v/ith uncertainty, Logan set out for the capital in late June. Illinois Republicans were still questioning his position, while the Democratic press rallied to his defense. These claimed the attacks came from "lying Republican newspapers," and denied charges that Logan was a secessionist. Logan, denying aiding rebellion, had not come out for war. He spoke of patriotism and the fate of traitors, but dwelt on the horrors of civil v;ar. His last speeches before entraining for Washington were intended, wrote Mrs. Logan, to prepare his constituents for "severing 2 of party allegiance and enlistment in the army." If this v;as his intent, he did it poorly. V/hen Logan announced he would join the array, after his return to Illinois in August, his supporters were surprised. VvTien Logan left Marion, Mary moved to Carbondale to be on the Illinois Central Railroad. There she could communicate with John rapidly by telegraph, and go quickly Illinois State Register , July 3, 1361; Carbondale Times . July 4, 1861. 2 Mary Logan, Reminiscences , 90. 176

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177 to V/ashington if necessary. Logan counted, to a great degree, on his wife to keep the people informed of national conditions, as Logan saw them, so that his future course would cause a minimum of surprise and tension. On July 3, the day before the session began, Logan met Henry W. Blodgett, Illinois Republican. He excitedly told Blodgett of a visit to Virginia, in the interest of compromise, by Congressman Henry May of Maryland. May»s visit, which Logan had encouraged, failed completely. He then told Blodgett of his intention to go to Lincoln and request a commission. Accompanied by the Republican, Logan proposed raising a regiment, but the president advised him he could render greater service in Congress. Here, said Lincoln, Logan could use his influence among fellow Democrats to secure votes for legislation to support the v/ar. V/hen Logan left, Lincoln promised that "authority v;ould be 3 given him later to raise a regiment." This interview with Lincoln would seem to indicate an end to Logan's wavering. His record in Congress, and his letters to Mary, however, belie this. He did not lend Ibid ., 91, 206. 2 Chicago Tribune, Sept. IS, 1361. 3 George F, James(ed.), Logan Monument Memorial Addresses , 5^-61.

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17S complete support to administration measures, and continued to vote against bills he considered unwarranted. But he had almost abandoned hope of compromise. In despair, on the session's opening day, he vrrote Mary: I can see no prospect of any adjustment of our difficulties. There is no one who will attempt to do anything. The Ky. and Mo. men all came here as solid as the Republicans for war, except Burnett, so you see that when from the South we get war, there is no use for northern men to sacrifice themselves by standing out against the storm. I shall act as consistently v/ith my record as I can under all circumstances.! The 1S60 elections had altered the Illinois House delegation. Four Republicans and i"ive Democrats remained, but Farnsv/orth and Morris were gone. In Farnsworth's place was Lincoln* s close friend Isaac N. Arnold, and William A. Richardson occupied Morris' seat. On the first day, despite rumors of a protracted speakership fight, Galusha Grov/ of Pennsylvania won the post. One opponent, Schuyler Colfax, stepped aside before voting began, and Grow's chief competitor, Frank Blair of Missouri, withdrev/ after the first ballot. With no hope of victory, Logan voted for John S. Phelps of Missouri. Illinois Democrats had their i ~ JAL to Mary Logan, July 4, 1^61, Logan Mss. 2 Joining Arnold on the Republican side were Elihu Washburne, Owen Love joy, and William Kellogg. Richardson's fellov/ Democrats were John McClernand, Philip Fouke, James Robinson, and Logan.

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179 own candidate for clerk of the House, John S, Dietrich. Again they lost as their man ran third behind the victor Emerson Ether idf^e. After electing a speaker, the day*s major business was the presidential message. Sihce April, Lincoln had been exercising unprecedented emergency powers. Many members of Congress felt that in his actions the president had been excessive. "These measures whether strictly legal or not," Lincoln replied on July 4, "were ventured upon what appeared to be a popular demand and a public necessity; 2 trusting that Congress would readily ratify them." The chief executive went on to trace the Sumter crisis and outline a program for the nation's preservation. The president's message, with its call to arms, did little to mitigate Logan's feeling of dread. "I have been borne dov/n with all the troubles that we feel," he vrrote his father-in-lav.' July 5. Far from being a staunch administration supporter, he v^rote: "It seems the devil... has seized upon these infernal abolitionists and they would rather see us in a revolution than to modify their fanatical 3 notions." The following day he told Cunningham that even 1 Cong. Globe , 37th Cong., 1st Sess. , 4. 2 James G. Randall, The Civil V/ar and Reconstruction , 361. 3 JAL to John Cunningham, July 5i 1^61, Logan Hss.

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ISO Crittenden, Congress* chief compromiser, saw nothing left "but to fight it out." Independence Day celebrations could not relieve his despondency. Fusillades resounded in the streets all day long, and a rumble of artillery rose frow camps across the 2 Potomac, After viewing a parade of 20,000 uniformed warriors on the 4th, and watching troops move, often drunkenly, about the city, he wrote Mary of his disgust at v;ar hysteria. It was not safe, he complained, for women to appear on the streets. V/ith an eye to affairs at home, he ended his letter with an appeal to Mary to keep her father quiet at home, for "vre have already had trouble enough."^ A few days later he thought "there can be no compromises, the South don't want any and the North v;ould not make any." House committees were named July B» Logan was renamed to the moribund Committee on Revisal and Unfinished Business, this time as chairman. He vras also given a seat on the Committee on Invalid Pensions.'' 1 Ibid ., July 6, 1361. 2 Leech, op, clt ., 83. 3 JAL to Mary Logan, July 6, I86l, Logan Mss. k JAL to Mary Logan, July 10, l86l, Logan Mss, 5 Cong. Globe , 37th Cong., 1st Sess., 3.

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131 Logan took little active part in the deliberations of the special session. His voice was rarely heard, and he hoped for a short session so he might "get home from the excitement." When a motion was made July 8 to restrict business to defense measures, he agreed. Love joy introduced a resolution to repeal the Fugitive Slave law. It 2 was tabled ^B to 62, Logan voting with the majority. Another abolitionist move which failed proposed to instruct the Judiciary Committee to prepare a bill confiscating property of officeholders fighting against the government. Logan, who fought confiscation throughout the session, 3 voted to table. Next day Lovejoy introduced a bill stating that it was no business of the army to return fugitive slaves. It, The bill passed, all Illinois Democrats voting "No." Later that day the first military appropriations bills passed with Logan in support. He had resolved to vote for men and money to fight the war. "I intend to give them a chance to preserve the government if it can be done. I do not think it can though I am willing they may try and then I cannot reproach myself that I was not willing for JAL CO Mary Logan, July 10, 1861, Logan Mss. 2 Cong. Globe . 37th Cong., 1st Sess., 24. Ibid. 4 Ibid., 32.

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1^2 1 a trial," he told his wife. This change in Logan* s policy was not generally known in Egypt. His law partner, \V, H. Green, wrote: "the people of southern Illinois are looking to you and your action to guide them more than to any other nan." Soraeone, he said, had started rumors that Logan supported the v;ar and "the people, the bone and sinew of the land, the honesthearted Democracy, are only fearful lest the rumors about you are true.'' He added that in Egypt Democrats were attacking Lincoln* s emergency policies. All Egypt looked to Logan as their "Standard Bearer." "vVhat Douglas was to the Democracy of the northv;est, you are to the Democracy of Egypt." The rabid anti-war Democrat concluded with a caution, 2 "For you to come out for the v;ar is ruin to you politically." His partner's letter left Logan more disturbed than ever. Support of the war might ruin him, but the war was under way and opposition to it might bring something worse. Logan went ahead with his intention of voting support for the v;ar. He joined most of the House in backing the administration's 3 loan bill. Logan was most active in the session's second week. He offered a resolution to print, for distribution, 20,000 JAL to Mary Logan, July 16, lo6l, Logan Mss. 2 V.'. H, Green to JAL, July 9, lool, Logan Mss. 3 Cong. Globe . 37th Cong., 1st Sess., 6l.

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133 copies of the Douglas eulogies delivered in the House July 9. He also introduced two private bills for relief of citizens of southern Illinois. These v;ere referred to the Conmittee on Military Affairs for action in the regular session. When Vallandigham introduced a resolution inquiring into the records of several House members who also held military commissions, the notion was tabled after heated debate, Logan, who later found himself in similar circumstances, 2 voted against tabling. On July 13 one of the most intense debates of the session took place. Frank Blair offered a resolution to expel fellow Missourian John B, Clark from the House for having borne arms against the governnjent. Logan joined Clark *s defenders in an attempt to sidetrack the bill into the Committee on Elections. The n^aneuver failed and by a vote of 9U to 45 Clark was expelled. Logan joined all Illinois Democrats except McClernand, v/ho did not vote, 3 in opposing expulsion. Tvfo days later Logan and the Illinois Democrats demonstrated their mixed feelings in votes on resolutions by peace Democrat Ben Wood of Kev; York, and war Democrat McClernand. V/ood proposed a general convention of the 1 Ibid., 116. 2 Ibid., 93. 3 Ibid .. 117.

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ISAStates at Louisville on September 1 to "devise measures for the restoration of peace in o\w country." The proposal was tabled 92 to 51 with all Illinois Democrats, including McClernand, votins against tabling. A little later the same day, McClernand produced a resolution pledging the House to vote all means necessary to put down rebellion. Again Illinois Democrats presented ^ solid front. The 2 McClernand proposal passed 121 to 5. Thus Logan, like many northern Democrats, hoped for last minute compromise before major military action. Yet they v ere determined to vote v;ar supports if mediatory efforts failed. Throughout the session Logan complained of suppression of free speech. He wrote that no man was safe who spoke in any way opposed to war. He thought a "reign of terror" existed in Vi^ashington against p^-ace advocates. "A man cannot express sentiments against the war v/ithout 3 being scoffed and hissed," he complained. From the time Congress convened it was only a matter of days before the first great battle of the war v;ac fought across the Potomac in Virginia. The city was an armed camp. Logan, disgusted at troops in the capital, determined to see the battle. As early as July 6 he told Mary it was his 1 Ibid ., 129. 2 Ibid .. 131. 3 JAL to Mary Logan, July 16, 1S61, Logan Mss.

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1<5 aim to join several congressmen in a martial excursion. He promi: danger." He promised to sit "at a respectful distance to be out of .1 He and William Richardson went to General Winf ield Scott to secure permission to follow the army to Manassas Junction. Logan cautioned Mary against mentioning the 2 trip to Virginia among his constituents. Having secured permits, the two men, accompanied by several other civilians, set out by carriage across Long Bridge and into Union camps in Confederate Virginia. When the House adjourned early on the 19th so that members could rush, in festive mood, to the battlefield, Lo;:an had already attached himself to the 2nd Michigan Volunteers and was marching through 3 the sunny morning toward Bull Run. Logan *s precise actions during the First Bull Run campaign are difficult to trace. Only a sketchy picture of him during those July days survives. But there is enough evidence to indicate he did not remain in Virginia until the great battle of the 21st. The 2nd Michigan, in the 4th Brigade, 1st Division of McDowell's army, with whom Logan marched, broke camp near Centerville on the l^th and i JAL to Mary Logan, July 6, lS6l, Logan Mss. 2 JAL to Mary Logan, July 16, 1661, Logan Mss. 3 Leech, on. cit . . 99; Robert U. Johnson and Clarence C. BueKeds.), Battles and Leaders of the Civil V.'ar . I, 194. The Second Michigan Volunteer Regiment was led by Colonel Israel B, Richardson.

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166 marched, on the Union left, toward Manassas Junction, The rebels had abandoned their lines at Centerville and the Union advance continued. After a short march. Colonel Israel Richardson ordered a halt to procure v;ater. He and General Tyler, the division commander, decided on a reconnaisance down into the valley along Bull Run at Blackburn's Ford. Skirmishers and artillery support were pushed forv;ard, and the 1st Massachusetts and 12th New York sent to their assistance. Richardson ordered a charge on a Confederate position at the ford, and the New York regiment pushed forward into dense woods bordering the run. As the colonel ordered the 2nd and 3rd Michigan to advance, he discovered the New Yorkers streaming out of the v;oods in complete disorder. His left had caved in, but center and right stood firm. Richardson proposed charging the ford with his three remaining regiments. General Tyler arrived and argued that further action v;as unnecessary. The shattered 12th New York finally regrouped up the hill, where an artillery battle was waged across the run for some time before breaking off. This brief skirmish, considered a major attack by the Confederates, left them jubilant and brought gloom to the invaders. McDowell was afraid that the demoralizing i Official Records of the War of the Rebellion . Series 1, II, 313. Hereafter cited as 0. R .

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187 setback suffered by the 12th New York would spread panic through his other green units not yet in action. During the engagement at Blackburn's Ford, Logan, forgetting his promise to remain at a "safe distance," in his excitement moved forward v;ith the troops, \vhen the 12th New York charged, Logan accompanied them. He was a strange sight on the battlefield. Dressed in civilian clothes, with a plug hat pulled down tight on his head, he picked up a musket and took a few shots at the Confederates. One observer remembered: "He was a man of alert and vigorous frame, swarthy complexion, long and heavy black mustache, and black eyes... and by language more forcible than polite, 2 he strove to rally the men." Logan did little fighting and spent most of his time under fire assisting wounded to the rear. After the battle on the l??th Logan decided he had seen enough and returned to Washington, where he wrote to an anxious v;ife: I have just returned from three miles this side of Manassas, which is Bulls Run [sic] and was in the fi^t with a musket... and came out without a scratch. I came back black with powder and bloody from carrying off wounded soldiers...! am now glad that I v/ent as I am not hurt and safely say that no man who sav; me on the field v/ill say that I wanted courage. 3 Battles and Leader:;:) . I, 179. 2 Walter R. Houghton, Early Life and Public Career of James G. Blaine with a Biography of Gen. John A. Lo^.an . 250^ The description comes from General Anson McCook of Ohio. 3 JAL to Mary Logan, July 20, 1861, Logan Mss.

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IBB Logan had accomplished his purpose. He had proved to his detr-Tctors thst he vxa,; not afraid of v/ar, though he deplored it. When the Union defeat of the 21st took place Logan was in V/ashington. He avoided the ignominy of the panic-filled rush from Virginia. He learned that the chairman of his Committee on Invalid Pensions, Alfred Ely, a New York Republican, had been taken prisoner. vjlien Logan returned from his baptism of fire he was determined to obtain an army commission. He had written Mary, before the battle, that if war continued he would rather be at the front than in Congress. "I feel very much inclined to go into the Army, not for the heart in the contest, but that if the Government is to be preserved to help do ii:," he told her. On July 25 Logan completed his plans and wrote, "I v/ant to join the array," He advised Mary he would not do so until he returned to Illinois and talked to her. His family *s opposition to the war bore heavily on his decision, "I am desirous that our noble little daughter shall be known as the daughter of an honest and brave man. 2 The stain upon our family must be v;iped out." Mary, who knew the decision was coming, wrote him of the excitement created in Egypt by rumors he would return 1 JAL to Mary Logan, July 16, lS6l, Logan Mss, 2 JAL to Mary Logan, July 25, lf?6l, Logan Mss,

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1^9 and raise a regiment. She had said nothing of hie intentions, Lof^an had written earlier acsking her to tell Lindorf Ozburn of the possibility he v/ould raise troops for the Union. Mary assured Logan Doff Ozburn had likevjise been silent. Commenting on Joeh Allen's reception of the rumors, she remarked caustically that he seemed pleased at the possibility, or Allen's motives she concluded, "your going into the service of course. . .would vacate your seat in Congress. Oh man how treacherous thou art J" Once he had made up his mind, Logan wished for a rapid end to the special session. Unlike many members, hov/ever, he remained until adjoiirnment. On July 22 he voted for Crittenden's resolution that the war was not to be v;aged for "conquest and subjugation," and would end 2 as soon as "law is vindicated." Logan continued to support measures to provide men and money to suppress rebellion. He balked, however, at the proposed direct tax to raise revenue. When the bill passed Logan voted against it. He was Joined by Fouke and Robinson, but McClemand, in one of the few splits among Illinois Democrats, voted "Aye."^ Even after Bull Run and his decision to join the Mary Logan to JAL, July 22, 1S61, Logan Mss. 2 New Tork Times . July 23, 1361. 3 Conp:. Globe . 37th Cong., 1st Sess., 331.

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190 army, Logan could not shake his wish for compromise. V/hen S. S. Cox introduced a resolution to name a commission to meet v/ith Confederate commissioners to discuss national difficulties, the House refused to suspend the rules and allow discussion, Logan, still clutching at the vain hope of mediation, voted to suspend and was disappointed at the defeat. In the final week Logan remained, most of the time, a silent observer. He did attempt to comment on a bill for retirement of incompetent volunteer officers, but debate was cut off. On August 2 the confiscation bill was reported out of committee and subjected to lengthy discussion. Logan and Mallory of Kentucky exchanged words vjith Thad Stevens of Pennsylvania, the measure's staunchest supporter. The two V/estern Democrats called the law unconstitutional, and Stevens defended it as a necessary wartime step. Logan later voted to table the bill but the attempt failed. When final action on the statute came, 2 Logan was absent. Only once more did Logan endeavor to speak. On August 3 , v/hen the bill for retirement of volunteer officers reached the floor again, he asked leave to make several 1 Ibid. 2 Ibid . . U2, 414.

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191 suggestions. Logan acknowledged the House was in no mood for "extended remarks," but he asked to speak briefly. Congressman Abraham Olin of New York, the biJl's advocate, declined, and Logan resigned himself to silence until adjournment. His final action of the session was to vote on another compromise proposal, T;^o days before adjournment Vallandigham and two Marylanderc introduced a resolution to organize a committee to "make recommendations for constitutional amendments to restore mutual confidence." 2 It V7as tabled with Logan voting "No." Though determined to join the army, Logan felt no compromise possibility should be overlooked. He voted to the last for any proposal to stop the carnage. Just prior to his return to Egypt, Logan indicated his future course to several previously ignorant of his intentions. A friend from southern Illinois, in V/ashington on business, visited the congressman and was told of Logan* s plans to return and raise a rer,-iment.^ Back in Illinois, the circle of friends aware of his plans grew. Logan telegraphed a close friend, John H. White, informed him of i Ibid., 423. 2 Ibid . . 445. 3 Halbert J. Strawn, "The Attitude of General John A. Logan on the Question of Secession in lS6l," Journal . 111. State Hist. Soc, VI, 256-57.

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192 his plans, and asked him to announce that Logan would speak in Marion on his return. White, future lieutenant colonel of Logan's regiment, spread the v;ord among close friends, and had posters printed announcing the speech. One Egyptian paper, still circulating the rumor, informed its readers that Logan's first act upon returning would be to raise a regiment. It forecast Logan's elevation to brig' dier general, in command of an Egyptian brigade, when enough regiments had been formed. This, they maintained, was an office for 2 which Logan was "v;ell fitted." Logan was also considered "well fitted" for a command by those in high places. "Well fitted" to bring increased support to the v/ar effort rather than as a military leader. In the latter role his qualifications were unknown. When Logan visited the President on April 3, he had been promised a commission. On August 7, one day after the end of the special session, Lincoln wrote McClernand, who was to be a brigadier, that Logan v/as to command a re.-'^iment.'^ Foiir days later Cxovernor Yates John H. White to JAL, Aug. 11, 1361, Logan Mss. Logan and V;hite had talked of the possibility of Logan's raising a regiment before Logan left for Congress. Erwin, op, cit .. 260. 2 Jonesboro Gazette, Aug, 17, 1^61. 3 Lincoln to McClernand, Aug. 7, 1^61, in Abraham Lincoln, Collected Works . Roy Easier (ed.), IV, 477.

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193 tendered Logan a colonelcy of one of the regiments to rendezvous at Camn Butler near Springfield. Lincoln's policy of preferring commands to political ofjronents, who would bring their followers into the war behind the government, was a vvise one. In Logan's case it was an outstanding success. The army talk had created hostile rumblings from Logan's anti-v^ar friends. It was deemed wise for Logan to return, be met by close friends, and complete plans for the speech before going before the public. On August 13 Mary, who had moved back to Marion to aid in the preparations, drove to Carbondale to meet her husband. There she found he had missed a connection and would not arrivs until the following morning. She drove back to Marion and was received by an angry crowd shouting for Logan, Williamson County Sheriff Swindell quieted the disturbance and told thera to come back next day to hear their congressman. That night Mary returned to Carbondale, and at 2 A.M, Logan 2 arrived. V/hen the couple drove into Marion, early risers crowded around the buggy cheering and asking questions. Promising to answer their queries that afternoon, he went home to rest. Richard Yates to JAL, Aug. 11, lS6l, Yates Mss. 2 Mary Logan, Reminiscences , 93.

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194 When Logan first informed his friends of his intention to speak, it was felt v/ise to collect a few svire backers to be in Marion to support hiin if necessary. White and Swindell had collected a small, loyal group led by Dr. Sarauel Mitchell. The afternoon was brutally hot when Lo^an i-jalked to the tovm square, mounted a wagon, and began his address. His booming voice reached the liMts of his audience as he began by tracing the national situation. He deplored action by extremists North and South. Then he slowly pictured the consequences of successful rebellion. Building to a climax, while some applauded and others listened in disappointment, he echoed Douglas' words of April 25: The tine has come vjhen a man must be for or against his country. . .The Union once dissolved, we should have innumerable confederacies and rebellions. I, for one, shall stand or fall with the Union, and shall this day enroll for the war. I want as many of you as v/ill to corae with me. If you say »no,* and see /our best ini^erests and the welfare of your homes and your children in another direction, may God protect you.^ As the speech ended a man who had served with Logan in Mexico stepped fonvard and struck up a patriotic air on his fife. This was a prearranged signal and several of Logan's friends stepped forArard to volunteer. Enough men i Ibid . . 93, 97; George Smith, Southern Illinois . I, 563. 2 Mary Logan, Reminiscences . 9^.

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195 enlisted that day to form a company. Many in the audience, on the other hand, disgusted with Logan's action refused to volunteer or support him in any way. A breach had opened that would never close. Many of those who had supported him became bitter personal and political enemies. To this group, Logan vv'as a traitor. The estrangement from former political friends was not too difficult to bear. He had experienced that before. The treatment he received from his family was a different matter. Of this large group, only his young brother James 2 shared John's Union sentiments at the outset of the war. One brother, Tom, made clear his pro-Southern feelings, and Logan's brother-in-law Dr. Israel Blanchard attacked the congressman for his advocacy of war. His mother's hostility was most difficult to bear, VJlien he went to Murphysboro, shortly after returning, Mrs. Logan received him coldly. She "upbraided" him for his abandonment of pro4 Southern principles and he left sick at heart. Logan's decision to fight for the Union had an instantaneous effect on Egypt. When Logan, now called by Ibid. This company became Co. C, 31st Regiment. 2 Buel, op. cit .. 335. 3 R. J. Wheatley to Yates, July 26, l86l, Yates Mss. 4 Mary Logan, "Sketch of General John A. Logan," unpublished typevjritten manuscript, Mrs, Logan Mss.

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196 some the "Little Egyptian Giant," offered his services, the Egyptian anti-v/ar tide ebbed and quickly turned in favor of the government. Within months, the section was supplying troops more rapidly than any other part of the state. Logan is credited by many with creating this change in Egypt *s sympathies. Grant gave full credit to Logan: "Logan's popularity in this district was unbounded. He knew almost enough of the people in it by their Christian names to form an ordinary congressional district. As he went in politics, 2 so his district was sure to go," Years later Grant added that Logan alone prevented southern Illinois from being swept into the Confederacy.-^ Other contemporaries spoke of Logan's influence. James G. Blaine traced Egypt's enthusiastic support of the war to Logan's actions. Nicolay and Hay also spoke of Logan's influence in bringing his section to the government's support. They credited him with great pov;er over Eg3/-pt's opinions. More recently Logan has been called c of the "most powerful of the Democrats in Illinois," the i Cole, op. cit ., 279. Grant, op. cit . . I, 195-196. Andrews, op. cit . , 386. 4 James G, Blaine, Tvrenty Years of Congress , II, 640 ; John G. Nicolay and John Hay, Abraham Lincoli. ; A^ History . VII, I36.

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197 congressman who could hold "the loyalty of his constituents as probably r.o other Illinois Congressman of his time." These estimates seem true. As a candidate for Congress in 1^53 and 1^60 Logan, magnetic and popular, was elected by large majorities. While he said nothing in favor of the war, Egypt rumbled vjith discontent and lagged in rushing to the colors. After August, lS6l, when Logan made his tardy decision to enter the contest, Egypt made a similar decision. Secession activity continued in the section after August, lS6l, but the overflow of enlistments from southern Illinois was unmatched throughout the state. Even abolitionist counties along the northern border lagged far behind "darkest Egypt" in filling troop quotas. It is possible that Logan, sensing a turn in public opinion, acted when he did to take command of the nev; trend before it passed him by and left him in the political lurch. There was pro-Union sentiment before Logan's speech and it had grown from April to August, lS6l. But it is also possible that Logan's decision created the turn in public opinion, and, as Grant maintained, won Egypt for the Union, It is certain that men flocked to the stars and stripes in ever increasing numbers after the Marion address. This 1 Lord Charnwood, Abraham Lincoln . 34^; Lloyd Lewis, Captain Sam Grant . 429.

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19S could have been a natural development. But the decision of a leader as popular as Logan, vrho had won great support in the past and v/ould continue to do so in the future, certainly had great effect on a section as uncertain as Egypt. They might have flocked to the colors any>.'ay, but it is certain that Logan's announcement hurried them on. Logan* i3 decision, North or South, was a long time coming. A natural hatred for abolitionists and syropathy with the South was tempered by a deep love of the Union. To a Jacksonian Democrat, which Logan considered himself, the Union *s destruction was intolerable, but force against one of the sections v;as also intolerable. Many factors contributed to his slov/ but irrevocable decision. His love for the Union and his conclusion that war alone v/ould save the Union was certainly important in determining his course of action. Like most Northern war-Democrats, the war v/as to save the Union and had nothing to do v/ith freeing slaves. Logan agreed with the Chicago Times ; "V/hen the Democrats are in the field, disunionists will find it difficult to make this a v/ar for the extermination of slavery, or the subjugation of the South.... It must be prosecuted for the sole purpose of sustaining the laws and the constitution." 1 ~~ Chicago Times , Sept. 7, l66l.

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199 Practical politics played a significant role in Logan* s resolution. He was accused of joining the army to play politics, a charge not i.>dthout foundation. With Egypt seeming to swing toward the Union, Logan could lead it and retain political prominence there at the end of hostilities. In addition, a military career could be a great help politically. He was well av/are of the uniform's hypnotic effect on voters. With McClemand, and many other Democrats in uniform, Logan joined to take advantage of military prestige. After all, he had used his Mexican War record, insignificant as it was, in past campaigns. Finally, personal considerations had their importance. Logan *s distress at the near-treasonous sympathy shown the rebels by his and his wife's family, left him determined to wipe out that disgrace. He wanted his daughter to be known as the child of an "honest and brave man." Joining the fight vjould help erase the stigma his family had acquired. He turned his face to the South as an enemy, but he entered the fray hesitantly and with grim forebodings.

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CHAPTER VI THE THIRTY-FIRST ILLINOIS In early July, Secretary of War Cameron informed Governor Yates no more troops were to be raised in Illinois until further notification from Washington. Authorization came quickly. On July 22, after the Bull Run debacle, 13 Illinois infantry regiments v;ere offered and accepted. Two of these, the 29th and 31st, were to be formed in Egypt< Command of the former went to James S. Rearden, colonelcy of the 31st to Logan. When the command was officially proffered Logan August 11, he accepted, and as his first step in organizing the unit delivered the Marlon address. After Marion, Logan stumped southern Illinois, recruiting much as he had stumped for votes in 1^5^ and 1S60, In his two congressional elections immense popularity and spell-binding oratory won Logan huge majorities. In August and September, lS6l, similar methods brought Egyptians flocking to the colors. In the first week after taking his stand at Marion, Logan spoke in Williamson, Saline, Perry, and Johnson Counties. His speeches were all alike, "The Union must be preserved, secession must be Illinois Ad.iutant-General*s Report. 1663, 24-25. 200

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201 ended, join the army and save the nation." Expecting some hostility, Logan was surprised by enthusiasm he encountered. He gradually shook off the gloom that had accompanied his decision to fip;ht. Absorbed tvith 2 details of raising his troops, he "seemed almost happy," Logan found little opposition and almost no difficulty in finding men. An appearance in the town square of Harrisburg, Jonesboro or Vienna, a passionate Union speech, a call to arms, and Egyptians came forward to enlist. In some areas change was miraculous, ^hen the first call was made, in April, men who marched away were hissed and stoned by Democrats. When Logan and fellow Democrats took the recruiting trail, Southern sympathizers joined up and "no 3 more was said about the horrible, unjust war," The call was always "save the Union." Some balked at fighting an abolitionist war, and Logan hastily assured recruits the struggle liad nothing to do with freeing slaves. He promised to lead them home if the war became an abolition crusade.^ After a week's personal recruiting, Logan went to Springfield to arran^'^e the reception of his regiment at 1 Illinois State Register . Aug. 14, 1861. o Mary Logan, Reminiscences . 100. 3 C. H. Kettler to Trumbull, Dec. 22, 16^61, Trumbull Mss. 4 Jonesboro Gazette . Feb. 28, I863.

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202 Camp Butler. Due to crowded conditions there, rendezvous point was shifted to Camp Dunlap near Jacksonville. Vhile Logan returned to Egypt to attend to final details and fill out the regiment. Judge I. N, Haynie, who had assisted in raising the unit, was sent to Camp Dunlap to take charge of the advance contingent of the 31st, Word of Haynie *s activities reached Logan in Carbondale, Ever jealous of rank and power, Logan complained to Brigadier General McClernand: "I sent Judge Haynie some days ago, who desired to be Lt. Col. Though I find that since then, instead of doing anything like taking charge, he has been arranging v;ith the folks in power there to be Col. himself, and has been trying to get some of the companies that I have raised 2 from the stump." Haynie never served in the 31st under Logan. He commanded his own regiment, the 4^th, and cordial relations were restored betv/een the tv;o. By September 1 Logan's regiment, almost complete, was undergoing its first training at Camp Dunlap. Logan arrived to find men clothed in every variety of garment. They mounted guard without guns, drilled incessantly, slept in straw without blankets, and took physical exami3 nations to pass muster. When examin-^tions were complete, 1 Illinois State Register . Aug. 19, 1^61. 2 JAL to McClernand, Aug. 2?, 1361, McClernand Mss. 3 W. S. Morris, History of the 31st Regiment Illinois Volunteers. Organized by John A. Logan , 17»

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203 orders came to move from Jacksonville to Cairo. Officers and men went by rail to Camp Defiance at Cairo where troop training began in earnest. The men of the 31st Illinois had marched away from home amid cheers, flowery words, and boundless enthusiasm. At Camp Dunlap they experienced first pangs of camp boredom. At Cairo routine canp life, though enlivened by wild rumors of impending action, brought restlessness, boredom, and constant complaints. It had been an unusually hot summer, and early September offered little respite, Car.ip Defiance, it the noint of land jutting south from Cairo, bounded by tvro 0;reat rivers, w-ts low, scorched, and uncomfortable. One author calls this narrow neck of land a "shining l-^nce head, thrusting its way deep into the very vitals of slavery and rebellion." To men learning the art of vrar it 2 vxas a steamy quagmire alive with mosquitoes. Mort of the men arrived in sumr.er clothing and did not receive uniforms until in actual need. Adequate weapons were also lacking, and ancient Belgian muskets were 3 used to learn the manual, drill, nnd stand guard. Lack of i Bluford Ailson, "Southern Illinois in the Civil War," Transactions , 111. St^te Hist, i'oc, 1911, 95. 2 Augustus Chetlain, Recollections of 70 Years , 80; Chicago Tribune, May 28, June 8. 1861; Centralia Egyptian Republic . June 13, l86l. 3 Mary Logan, Reminiscences , 105.

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204 proper equipment caused dissatisfaction and Logan and other 1 regimental coinraanders I'lere hard put to quell complaints. Once a portion of the 31st refused to do duty, mutinied, and stacked arms. V»hen informed, Logan roared, "Stacked arms J The devil they have! well, I'll give them enough of stacking arms!" Stalking into camp, he put loyal companies under arras over the malcontents, who ^stacked and un2 stacked arras for 12 hours. Discipline continued to be a problem. Logan vifrote often of the arduous duty of keeping troops reasonably content. He also continued to question the wisdom of his enlistment, fearing he had acted unwisely. However, he resignedly admitted, 'It is done and I must make the best of it." One difficulty was that many men in Logan's regiment had known him befoi^ enlisting, and persisted in calling him "John." These same old acquaintances plagued the colonel with pleas bo go home when bad news arrived. The tyro regimental commander was busy reluctantly refusing such requests. Chicago Times , Sept. 7, 1^61. 2 William F. G. Shanks, Personal Recollections of Distinguished Generals . 30S. 3 JAL to Mary Logan, Sept. 13, ISbl, Logan Mss. 4 . Mary Logan, Reminiscences , 108.

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205 In good weather most of the time was spent drilling. Those who had served in tiie Mexican War were looked to for instruction. While Logan concerned himself with securing clothing and weapons, parade ground activities were conducted by Lieutenant Colonel John H. White. Soon regimental and company corananders obtained copies of Hardee *s Tactics and citizens turned soldier diligently studied military theory written by a man they would face tiiree years later in one of the v/ar's greatest battles. Journalists flocked to Camp Defiance and iirrote in glowing terms of the 31st: "The regiment, one of the very best in the service. . .iij composed of material that can be depended upon, tiie entire body being Democrats v;itii the exception of twelve men. 2 Logan. ..will command the entire confidence of his men," V/lien the 31st arrived at Cairo, a change of command was causing confusion and unpleasantness. The first commander at Camp Defiance, General B. K. Prentiss, was removed without notice by General John C. Fremont, departmental commander. V/hen replaced by General U. S. Grant, I'rentiss refused to relinquish command. Trouble stemmed from failure to forewarn Prentiss of removal and from Prentiss* claim to seniority over Grant. -^ Grant filed charges against his 1 Morris, op. cit ., 19. 2 Jonesboro Gazette . Sept. 13, 15*61. 3 William A. Pitkin, "When Cairo v;as Saved for the Union," Journal . 111. State Hist, Soc. , LI, 297,

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206 predecessor but, "hoped that he vfill see his error and not sacrifice the interest of the cause to his ambition," When Prentiss v;ar, transferred to Mistiouri, the difficulty blev; over. Some applauded the change. "Grant is a plain inan, looks like business nnd has the confidence of the troops," 2 remarked the Chicago Times . Logan* s comrr.ents on the command feud are not extsnt but he and Grant had been friends since Logan *c rousing appeal to Grant* 3 regiment. Their amity rapidly increased and a highly successful military association began. Until mid-September, Logan's regiment remained one company short of full compliment. The deficiency was slowly filled. Most of the regiment v;ere Egyptians, but in Company K, last to be organized, man from northern Illinois, neighboring states, and oven Canada, were enrolled. On September 13, company formed, the regiment v»as mustered into service. Ir the main, Lotian^ o men cams from the 9th Congressional District. Company A was from Perry County and led by Captain John D, Reece. Companies B and G, both from v^aline County, v/ere captained by Thomas J. Cain and V/illis A. Stricklin respectively. C Company, commanded by Captain v./. A. Looney, represented Logan's home county, Williamson, Grant to F.lihu 'A'ashburne, Scot. 3, 1^61, Grant Mss., 111. State Hist. Library. 2 Chicago Times . Sept. 7, 1^61.

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207 and Company D, Johnson County. Leading the latter was Captain James H. Williamson, Company E from Union County was led by Captain Irvin C. Batson, F from Pulaski by Captain John Rigby, and H from Alexander, captained by Orasmus Greenlee, rounded out the all-Egyptian units. Company I included some Egyptians but also numbered many men from northern and central Illinois. Its commander, Captain E. S. McCook, v/as from Pekin. The final group, Company K, so long in formation, was commanded by Egyptian Captain Alex S. Somerville of Centralia, but in composition it was the most diverse of the units. Regimental officers were all from southern Illinois, Logan's second in command was John H, White, with Andrew J. Kuykendall, prominent 1 Vienna Democrat, major, and Charles H. Capeheart adjutant. Shortly after mustering in, a ceremony was held presenting the 31st a regimental flag. Logan, replying to the presentation, spoke of preservinp; the Union and of the importance of free and untrammeled navigation of the Missiesippi. "Should the free navigation of the Mississippi River be obstructed by force, the men of the West will hew their 2 way to tnc uuif with their swords." The day after Logan's Civil War service officially began, a northern Illinois 1 Morris, op. cit .. 9. 2 Sandburg, Lincoln, the War Years . IV, 18; Andrews, op. cit .. 397.

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20d newspaper voiced sentiment now common among those previously critical of southern Illinois: "God bless Egypt. Her heart was right all the time," One v/eek after final organization, Logan proudly 2 wrote Yates of his regiment's completion. But time was needed to transform farmers and mechanics into soldiers. It was necessary to reiterate justification for v;ar, Union not abolition. An additional disciplinary hazard was nearness to home and the descent of large numbers of civilians on Cairo. A British visitor discovered camps such a novelty and tents so unusual that "people come far and wide to see their friends under such extraordinary circumstances."-^ Requests for leave could be denied, but the "civilian army" departed only when forced by cold weather. Furthermore, sickness interfered v/ith troop training. Several ailments swept the camp, but measles, v/hich at one time infected about half the 31st, proved most bothersome. Inadequate hospital fscilities provided added distress. Drunkenness augmented command difficulties, and on October 11, McClernand, Rockford Republican , Sept. 19, 1^61. 2 JAL to Yates, Sept. 2^, lf^6l, Yates Mss. 3 V/illiam H. Russell, My Diary North and South . Fletcher Pratt (ed.), 174. 4 Mary Logan, Reminiscences , 113.

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209 in command during Grant's absence, closed all "gambling saloons and bawdy houses." Despite these problems, discipline at Cairo in general was good, and preparations for action busily occupied the physically fit. Logan forgot some of his home troubles. But when Mary, still in Marion, sent word of family and friends, Logan's old doubts assailed hira. For Mary, life at Marion was uncomfortable and dull. Pleading to be allowed to come to Cairo, she poured out her problems: Greater than all is the unnatural and piercing feelings our families feel about your being in the service. It makes it av;ful to be with them v-hile you live; and when I think of many things you said and affirmations you made last spring in your speeches against war, I can trace the foundation of their feelings. They will never feel right the fact of your having to join with Republicans under Lincoln's administration to fight the South. .. .They will ever keep alive the bitterness v/hich they will not hide.'' After several such plaints, Logan sent for her, and she spent October and much of November at Cairo. She shov/ed interest in regimental v^elfare, aiding greatly during the 3 measles eoidemic. The most prevalent feeling at Camp Defiance vras expectancy. Rumors of attack on Cairo circulated as early Pitkin, op. cit .. 300, 302. 2 Mary Logan to JAL, Sept [?], 1^61, Logan Mss. , LC. 3 Mary Logan, Reminiscences , 109.

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210 1 as April. It was predicted that Cairo, key to control of the upper Mississippi, vould be site of the war*s first great battle. By June, fear of attack receded to be replaced by expectation of Union advance. Many felt they were in the heart of enemy country and expected momentary 2 action. Rumor circulated wildly. It was well knov;n that Confederates under General Leonidas Polk had occupied Columbus, Kentucky and Belmont, Missouri, below Cairo, and commanded the river there. This placed Polk's force less than 20 miles away. In addition, rebel bands under Jeff Thompson prowled southeastern Missouri, and a large Confederate force under General Stirling Price ranged the same area. Grant was determined to drive Polk out of his Columbus bastion as the first step in opening the Mississippi. In late October he proposed a raova against rebel fortifications there, but received no reply from Fremont. Later vrhen Fremont moved against Price, Grant was told to feint do\^nl both sides of the river to prevent Polk reinforcing Price. These demonstrations did not concern the 31st and had little effect on Polk, and on November 5 Grant was finally ordered to attack Columbus. Concurrently Grant Memphis Avalanche in Illinois State Journal , May 4, 1^61.' 2 John M, Adair, historical Sketch of the 43th Illinois Rer:iment , 3-

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211 ordered a column under Colonel Richard Oglesby into Eissouri to ferret out Jeff Thompson and stand ready to aid Grant's assault on Polk. On November 6 the anxiously av;aited command came: "cook several days» rations and prepare for embarkation," Many in the 31st v;ere hospitalized, and Logan was able to muster only 610 infantry and 70 cavalry, the horsemen 2 attached to the regiment and led by Captain J. J. Doll ins. The regiment seemed in good spirits, attired in new uniforms and ready for a break in camp routine. Through a chilly, misty night, the 31st broke camo, marched to wharves and boarded the steamboat Alex Scott . The "civilian army," 3 with cheers and tears, \vatched them go. Grant's force numbered 3,114. The 31st Illinois was joined by Colonel N. B, Buford's 27th Illinois, and Colonel Phil Fouke's 30th Illinois in the 1st Brigade under McClernand. The 2nd Brigade, led by Colonel Henry Dougherty, included the 22nd Illinois and 7th Iowa, John A. Logan, The Volunteer Soldier of America , wafch Memoir of the '.uthor and Military Reminiscence.i from General Logan's Private Journal . 620-21. The Military Reminiscences covering pag-s 0l7-6';'6, are an excellent source for Logan's early military career, especially complete on Belmont and the HenryDonel son campai^^ns. 2 0. R .. Ser. 1, III, 2^7. 3 Mary Logan, Reminiscences , llif 4 Battles and Leaders. I, 355.

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212 The Alex Scott was one of four transports, and the expedition '."/as accompanied by two wooden gunboats, Tyler and Lexington . Through darkness troops lined rails to watch Cairo s lights disappear as they rounded the bend near Wickliffe, Kentucky, Nine miles below Cairo, Grant's fleet tied up for the night along the Kentucky shore. The men shivered and slept fitfully on hard decks thinking of the morning's action. At 2 on the 7th Grant, still unsure of his battle plan, received word Polk was concentrating men across from Columbus at Belmont, Missouri, preparatory to cutting off Oglesby's column. Grant at once decided to strike the reported assembly point at Belmont. Belmont v;as an old steamboat landing around which clustered several wooden shacks. It lay beneath ominous cliffs on the Kentucky side, nov; surmounted by Polk's artillery. The Confederate camp at Belmont was located on river flats at en eastward bend of the Mississippi. The area, with the exception of several marehes, was heavily wooded, and slashed by numerous ravines, a product of the groat New Madrid earthquake of 1311. To protect themselves, the rebels had felled trees along the river bank. This served as cover and made protective observation from Columbus' heights easier. On the Kentucky side Polk commanded about 10,000 rnen and fortifications that made river passage

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213 suicidal. At Belmont however, only a poorly supplied ini'antry regiment, mostly ill, si:: cannon, and a company of cavallry held the landing. Grant's information designating Belmont a staging area v/ae faulty. Polk had no intention of chasing Oglesby or enforcing Price. When dawn broke on the 7th Grant's expedition moved down river. By S:QO it arrived at Hunter's Farm, just around the bend from Colujabus, and about two and one-half miles up river fr^m Belmont, but concealed from both by a skirt of thick timber. Here the troops debarked in a cornfield and formed single line of march, 27th Illinois in the lead, followed by the 30th, 31st, 7th Iowa, and 22nd Illinois. When troops landed, Logan was challenged by Buford for first place in the advance. He rode up to Logan exclaiming, "Colonel Logan, remember, if you please, that I have the position of honor." Logan instantly replied, "I don't care a damn where I am, so long as I get into this fight. "-^ Surprise was loot when a detachment sent by Polk up the Kentucky bank discovered the Yankees and sounded the alarm. ^ Quickly the BishopGeneral cent Ibid.. I, 34^. ^ Battles and Leaders . I, 350; Official Atlas of the_ Civil War . Plate IV, Nos. 2, 3. ^Andrews, op. cit . . 397. This incident was reported by Kansas Conrresr,mar Lewis Hanback, a captain in the 27th Illinois. 4 . Battles and Leaders . I, 348.

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214 General Gideon Pillov; across v;ith four regiments and later ferried a fifth to their aid. IThile Polk acted promptly, the Union force, leaving five companies to guard the transports, '.vound up a narrow trail tov/ara Belmont. Le.cin.£!:ton and Tyler rounded the bend to keep Polk»s gunners busy. Soon artillery thunder echoed off the Kentucky bluffs, giving Grant *s infantry its first sound of battle. After a sharp exchange, the gunboats v/ithdrev/, unable to raatch rebel salvos. After a short march Union forces reached a large cornfield and deployed in battle line. Skirmishers were thrown out and the entire force advanced. The 31st began in the center but was soon ordered to the extreme left. In line to its right lay Fouke's 30th, the lowans, the 22nd, and 27th, v.'ith cavalry fanning out on the right flank. At 10:30 Logan's companies A and K met rillov/'s men vmo had left the camp and were hurrying through heavy timber to halt Grant's advance. Shots were exchanged, the rebels gave way slowly, and Logan sent McCook's company forward to Join the line, V;ith the rest of his command in support, Logan moved forv/ard slo'.rdy, amid some confusion created by thick brush, into a marshy ravine, £nemy skirmishers poured fire on the advance and Corporal John Vanhining

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215 fell mortally wounded In a marshy slough, first in the 31st to die. V/hen enerry fire increaned, slight confusion ensued as Loran and his officer? struggled to form an even front and advance in orderly fnshion. Uneven terrain and inexperience continued to make forvrard movement laborious. At last the men were ordered to "take to the trees and fight Indian fashion."^ When momentarily stopped by withering fire. Grant ordered Logan to cease fire until the enemy position could be determined. While the 31st hold fire, artillery crashed through trees overhead. Though these missiles caused few casaulties, their roar unnerved Logan»c raw troops wi-^o crouched in the thickets. An order came and the advance continued. General Pillow, seeing his men driven back to open ground near camp, determined to dislodge Grant before he was driver into the river. Southerners counterattacked unsuccessfully several times. Once Logan feared he v.ould be outflanked and was forced to extend his rank:} tov/ard the river on the loft. Through the final 300 yards of forest the graycoats gradually retreated under hot fire from the Egyptians who Morris, op. cit ., 23. ^0. R., Ser. 1, Hi, 2^^. 3 Morris, op. cit . , 23.

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216 1 "rallied under the f^allant example of Colonel Logan." On the edge of the wood?; McClernand ordered the left to charge and opposition flod before them. Of this assault Logan wrote: "officerr: and men maintained as 2;ood a line and executed commands as ^ ell ap could have been done by veteran troops." As center and ri.?;ht closed the vise, the 31st left cover for an open field in front of the enemy camp. Taking advantage of high ground overlooking rebel tents, Logan's men hurled fire on the retreating troops. Then Logan rode over to Fouke and the t\io Democrats agreed to charro the rebels ensconced behind felled trees near the riverbank. Logan, eyes ablase v;ith excitement, sword in the air, rose in his stirrups roaring "charge." The troops hurtled the abatis and chased the eneny from his works. "The battle was hot, but for a moment. The enemy fled and the day •;as \;on," v;rote Logan. Ir the charge ore shot killed Logan's m.ount, sending the colonel spravding; another shattered his pistol. H^ recovered, and still brandishing his sv;ord, sav his men sv/eep the camp. Q. R .. Ser. 1, III, 2?^. This is from McClernand »s report of Belmont. 2 Ibid., 2^g. •^ Ibid . , 2?^9. 4 Davjson, o-. cit . , 20.

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217 They suffered many casualties. Logan ascertained his force':; condition and discovered Captains Sommerville and Rigby badly wounded. These two officers, and other casualties, were sent back to the transports. It vi&s early afternoon, fighting had raged for two hours, the rebels had been routed and rushed headlong into the river v.'here they crowded a narrow mud flat under a steep bank. Here they shouted "We are whipped I" to reinforcements 2 arriving by ferry from Columbus. In a paroxyam of delight at having vion the fit-Id, Union discipline collapsed. Both officers and wen engaged in looting, laany gorging themselves on Confederate rations. 3 Others collected small arms, baggage, and horr.es. While knots of men busied themselves looting, officers rode about and "at every halt delivered a short eulogy upon the Union cause and the achievements of the comriiand." Men cheered their leaders and treated the lull in battle like an Independence Day outing. No charges of contributing to discord are to be found against Logan, but it seems reasonable to assume thnt he, Fouke, and McClernand, politicians turned soldier, did rot let opportunity pass. However, Logan Jonesboro Gaze tte, Nov. 16, 1^61. Shelby Foote , The Civil War , a Narrative . 151. 3 Morris, op. cit . , 24. 4 Grant, or>. cit . . I, 223.

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21g later boasted: "only one rep;iment of our troops, the 31st Illinois had retained its formation in ranks." Grant, furious, ordered the camp fired as a means of restoring order. As smoke and flames rolled down the river, officers struggled to reform their units. The conflagration had an irjnediate effect on Polk. Unwilling to p;ive his Columbus batteries full play while Confederate troops were clo.^ely engaged in dense forest, he v;atched them retreat. V/ith rebels cowering along the bank he had a clear shot at Union troops in the clearing. Furthermore, Grant's blaze gave Folk's gunners a target and they began to lob 2 shells among their disorganized enemy. Nor was this barrage Polk's only count ermea sure. After sending Pillow's reinforce:7ient in the morning, Polk had been unvjilling to ^/eaken further his Columbus garrison. The Confederate general expected an attack on Columbus from the north, feeling the Belmont action was merely diversionary. When no assault threatened, and his troops \/ere driven from the field across the river, Polk sent three more regiments under General B. I'\ Cheatham to join the refugees and cut 3 off Grant's retreat xvhile Union troops frolicked. They joined Pillov;'s defeated men and began to work up the bank Logan, Volunteer Soldier, 623. 2 Battles and Leaders . I, 350; Morris, on. cit . . 24. 3 Battles and Leaders , I, 349.

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219 to get between Belmont and Hunter's Farm, 5,000 angry Confederates prepared to retrieve the day from 3,000 Yankees who had rolled up Pillow's comraand. Grant, alive to dan.:^er, saw Polk's ferry hauling Cheatham's men, "gray v/ith soldiers from boiler-deck to roof," arrive on the Missouri side. When told his retreat was being cut off. Grant angrily cried, "Weil, v/e must cut our way out as we cut our way in."" Tne artillery cascade and word that they v/ere surrounded quieted orators and halted looters, and a degree of order v;as restored. The command to return to Hunter's Farm was given and a race for safety began. In forming the line of retreat, Logan, somewhat confused, was unsure of his position. Indecision passed quickly when he observed enemy troops in his rear. "I got my men in line poorly, but as best I could," he reported, when McClernand ordered him to cut his way through with the 31st, "I must confess I thought it a pretty hard task, tnougn ± felt complemented in getting the job, inasmucn as I was outranked 3 by every colonel on the field," 1 Grant, op. cit . , I, ?2L^.^ 2 Ibid . 3 J_. A., :':ar. 1, II', 2??9. Robert Pearson of the 31st is reported in Andrews, op, cit ,. 397, to have given this account of the order to retreat: "V.Tien Lop-an sav; the position we were in and McClernand saw it, and the latter didn't kncv: -.h'^.t to do, md m^de the remark, 'I don't know what we are going to do,' Log^n said, 'You give me permission and I will shov you v/h-^t I v.-lll do.' McClernand said, 'All right you go ahead.*" Logan's own report written after Belmont negates this stoiTr completely.

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220 Obeying McClem9nd»s comnand, Lo'^an ordered McCook to lead with I Company. Movinn; rapidly through v;ooded ravines, Logan's regiment led the column for some distance without ojiposition. Then near the cornf ielci , site of the morning's opening action, Confederates delivered scattered fire and momentarily halted the Egyptians, Firing on the run, they quickly resumed the race. Before serious opposition could materialise, Logan'?, regiment reached Alex Scott and clambered on board. The vn.thdrawal had beer so precipitous that Logan sv/ore he vrould rhoot anyone v;ho shoved off before the entire regiment I'JSls on board. ".Tiile the rest of Grant's command climbed gangplanks in disorder, rebel infantry in trees nearbv rained a steady fire on the retreating enemy. Once or borrd the 31st lined the rail firing \irildly into the vroods, and kept shooting as the Alex Scott rounded into midstream, V/hen the Confederates closed on the landing only one blueclad figure remained ashore. Grant, urging his men on, savi the last troor>s up the plank, looked tovrard the enem^r emerging from the timber, and turned to see the ships leaving shore. Jurt before starting his engine, the i John A, Logan, Speech of Ma.lor-General John A . Logan, on Return to Illinois qfter Capture of Vicksburg , iii. Introduction to the pamphlet, from which this note comes, v;a^; written by "Mack" of the Cincinnati Commercial,

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221 captain ^f the nearest vessel srded him and had a plank run out. Th-^ r>;eneral»f? hor
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222 Mary to whom he accounted detoils of the bnttle. Both sides claimed victory after Belmont. Casualty lists v:ere revised several times before final accounts were made. The Union had lost 120 killed, 3^3 wounded, and 104 captured and missing. Ten of the dead, 70 v/ounded, and 1^ 2 missing' came from Logan's ranks. Polk*s loss totaled 105 dead, 419 v/ounded, and 117 missing or taken prisoner. Here neither side had the upper hand. There vas much disagreement over Belmont's overall result. Some called the retreat an "Ignomlrious v:ithdrawal," and Egyptian anti-v^ar Democrats used the battle for propaganda purposes.-^ T'rant claimed complete v^'ctory, but the Chicago Tribune commented: "Our troops have suffered a bad defeat, .. .Our troops have been depressed if rot discouraged."^ The r>a^:>er's appraisal was extreme and not generally supr^orted by feelings at Camp Defiance. These engaged at Belmont had immense respect for the gri?:zled general ^^ho took them, out, frught them back v;hen cut off, and remained behind until all vrere 'aboard ship. They had seen ^cti'-in, i^roved nble soldiers, v;ith the exception of one lar)cc, and hnd driven the enemy from the field. Mary Logan, Reminiscences , 116. 2 battles and Leaders . I, 355; 0. R » . ser. 1, III, 275. 3 Cole, OD. cit . , ?63. Chicago Tr ibune . Nov. S, lf*6l.

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223 Southerners boasted of being able to whip five Yankees, but Belmont proved to Union troops' satisfaction that "they were at least equal to the enemy man to man." If they profited from Belmont's lessons, the battle would not be a total failure. Logan's regiment returned to Camp Defiance rejoicing in their achievements, "self-reliant and coni'ident." For months all that was needed to whip up enthusiasm was 2 to command "Belmont charge." In addition, the men realized the expedition was to halt reinforcements against Oglesby. Though Folk had no intention of sending reinforcements. Grant's men knew that in the futm^e, their leader would fi;5ht if his troops were in danger. Grant himself c^ni-ix-.ued lo maintain that Belmout saved Oglesby's column. He felt that sooner or later Thompson and Folk , 3 \TOuld have joined, imperiling Oglesby' s commanu. On the other hand, Belmont accomplished little else. The Belmont landing remained in rebel hands and nothing had been done to dislodt^e Polk from Columbus. Oglesby had to be recalled to make certain Polk would not follow up the Belmont repulse with a Cairo afcack. For Logan the battle was an initiation to cocuiiand. He proved a courageous, able, though inexperienced, Logan, Volunteer Soldier . 625. 2 ^ Morris, op. cit . . 26. 3 Grant, op. cit ., I, 229.

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224 regimental commander. McClernand»s report spoke glowingly of Logan, who inspired his men "largely contributing to the success of the day." The ,31st, already devoted to Logan, whom they v/ere be?7:inning to call "Black Jack," hgd increased regard for their colonel. Logan noiv thought less about his decision to join the anny, and more about preparing himself and his regiment for future action. Routine camp duty returned, but enlivened by tales of battle, sr)ecul9tion of the next campaign, and arrival of nev! troops. Through November and December new units swelled Camp Defiance. The 31st was augmented by the 12th 2 Illinois Cavalry. But monotony took its toll. For three months after Belmont no order to advance came from new departmental chief, General Henry W. Halleck. Grant spent the time adding to his force and training them for a campaign slowly germinating in his brain. Summer heat was succeeded by a lovely Egyptian autumn, which quickly passed bringing pinching cold. V'inter decimated Cairo's "civilian army," thus aiding discipline, but other old amusements continued to lure restless troops. One soldier appeared at Logan's tent requesting a leave to meet his sister on her arrival in Cairo, The permit v;as i 0. R . . Jer. i, lii, 27o. 2 Harry rratt (ed.), "Civil i.'ar Letters of Wintiurop S. G. Allen," Journal . 111. State Hist, Soc, XXIV , 425.

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225 granted but Logan, suspicious, sent two men to follov/ the soldier. Next morning he was found "quite drunk" and returned to Logan under arrest. Freely admitting his libations, the private drew a lecture from Lof^an and was ordered to unearth a stump near the colonel »s tent. Despite such lapses, good order vras general and Senator 0. H. Bro^/ming, , 2 a camp visitor, was impressed by Logan* s regiment on parade. Major problems facing Logan were outmoded vreapons and inadequate clothing. Since September Logan and his fellow regimental commanders had struggled to obtain arms and supplies, and they were r;rowing angry with frustration. Unable to secure satisfactory results in Egypt, Logan and Phil Fouke requested permission to go to Washington and New York to speed shipment before a major push began. Con.-ress was in session again drawing the two Democrats eastward. But Logan, telling Mary of his proposed trin, assured her, "I will return to remain \'rLth my Regiment until we are dis3 charged from service."' Boarding a train at Cairo, the two men arrived in Washington and were busily occupied renewing friendships and carrying out regimental business. Logan was still a Mary Logan, Reminiscences , 119. 2 0. H. Browning, The Di^iry of Orville H» Bro\ming . J. G. Randall and T. C. Pease (eds,), I, 511. 3 JAL to Mary Logan, Dec. 13, 1^61, Logan Mss.

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226 member of Congress but he took no part in House debates. He felt the Republican Congress was "determined to ruin the country," and remarked to Mary, "I do hope that the time soon comes when another set of men \vill have the rains [sic] of government." Unsure of his dual role, Logan investigated the possibility of retaining his seat vjhile serving in the army. I cannot get pay for Member of Congress and Colonel at the same time and therefore I am not willing to do the duties of both v:ithout renumeration. I shall not resign ray commission in the army after getting the boys into it, and to be candid with you I had rather fight anyhow now.... I feel desperate. Only for you and "Dollie" do I want to live. I have no other friends outside ray Regiment and with them I shall cast ray fortune, elthor death or glory shall be mine. 2 He did not officially resign from Congress until April. Logan v/ent to New York the first week in the new year, "annoyed to death with the business of getting guns." 3 He vowed he v;ould not leave until the shipment was certain. Accepting a promise of immediate shipment, he and Fouke returned to V/ashington where a letter from Mary awaited him. She reported rumors of Logan's impending promotion to brigadier. The promotion, she wrote, would be especially pleasing since it v/ould place him on an equal footing with i Ibid . 2 JAL to Mary Logan, Jan. 3, 1S6P, Logan Mss. 3 Ibid. . Jan, 6, 1362.

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227 McClernand. Mary despised the latter as "aristocratic and overbearing. .. .It has alv/ays cut me deeply for you to bo under him, he villi never do you justice." The couple also exchanged endless comments on Logan's wisdom in "fighting with the Re publicans;." Mary at last seemed resigned to continued hostility from their families. When Logan vnrote, he alv;ays sent kindest regards to the Cunninghams: "I love them as parents, though perhaps by them looked upon as a false hearted child moved by 2 ambition alone <" Logan and Fouke stopped briefly in Washington before moving on to Illinois. A great movement was in the offing and the two soldier-congressmen wanted to participate. Lo^an had a long talk v/ith Lincoln while in the capital. The President convinced him he v;ould not "succumb to the abolitionists," but the colonel philosophically remarked, "the future must tell the tale."-^ Some believed Logan's hostility toxvard abolitionists had cooled since his enlistment. The Illinois State Journal reported his willingness to abolish slavery if necessary to restore the Union. In view of his talk with Lincoln this seems speculation. Mary Logan to JAL, Jan. 5, 1B62, Logan Mss. 2 JAL to Mary Logan, Jan. 6, 1662, Logan Mss. 3 Ibid. , Jan. 12, 1^62.

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22S Logan told Mary: "My prejudices are not yet all allayed against the v;ar. The Nitr^rer is the watchword, and my God are all those fine young men to be sacrificed for the darky." Logan and Fouke left V/ashington January 16 and a few days later were greeted with cheers by their regiments at Camp Defiance. The 31st had just returned from an expedition into Kentucky toward Mayfield. Seven infantry regiments and eight companies of cavalry, under McClernand, had left Cairo and ranged v/estern Kentucky for ten days. The 31st, commanded by V/hite, marched 75 miles over icy, muddy roads, seeing no action, but suffering from exposure. The expedition caused consternation among rebel forces in the area and inspired loyal Kentuckians in their devotion 2 to Union. When the regiment returned to winter quarters, its respite was abbreviated by Grant's plans for a large scale drive into Kentucky and Tennessee, Logan returned just in time to be advised of the project. Stretching from Columbus to Bowling Green, Kentucky, the Confederates had formed a line designed to hold Kentucky and defend Tennessee. In January, Union troops under •^ Illinois State Journal , Dec. 14, lS6l; JAL to Mary Logan, Jan. 3, 1862, Logan Msg. " O . I,'. . . Ser. 1, VII, 71; Morris, op. cit ., 26.

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229 General George Thomas had won a minor victory at the line»s eastern end, causing distress at rebel headquarters. Grant, having failed to dislods^e the western flank, next proposed a drive at the line»s center, v/hich, if successful, would necessitate Confederate withdrawal from Kentucky and imperil Nashville, Grant's plan v;ent to Halleck in January, but he refused to give his approval. By month's end, however, Halleck changed his mind, and wired on the 30th to begin preparations. The order was unnecessary. Grant, already well prepared, moved immediately and on February 2 Cairo bustled with marching men. Fifteen thousand troops boarded transports to launch a strike at the heart of Confederate strength in the West. The 31st Illinois remained assigned to McClemand's 1st Division. The 1st Brigade, to which it was attached, was led by Colonel Richard Oglesby, a Republican politiciansoldier. Joining Logan's regiment in the brigade were four other Illinois Units: Sth, I3th, 29th, and 30th regiments.^ The day before departure Logan hastily scribbled a note to Mary. He ai)ologized for not telling her of the embarkation in time for her to come to Cairo, and he spoke fatalistically of his role in the war. Always thinking of his family, he concluded: "Tell iuother and all the family 1 0. R ., ber. 1, VII, 57^. 2 Battles and Leaders. I, 429.

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230 good-bye for me, I have no unkind feeling toward anyone of them," When Logan's regiment boarded the Minnehaha to move down river, iriorale was high despite bleak weather. Many had stuffed their haversacks with sausage, cheese, and tobacco, bought on credit from a sutler, who was left on 2 the levee v/atching his debtors sail up the Ohio. Grant's objectives, key to Confederate defense in the V/est, were tv/o rivar forts, Henry on the Tennessee, and Donelson on the Cumberland, The tv/o rivers flov/ed only twelve miles apart near the KentuckyTebnesses border where the two forts v/ere situated. Capture of the bristions vjould render hazardous further Confederate occupation of Kentucky, and endanger Albert Sidney Johnston's forces at Nashville, First objective was Ft, Henry on the Tennessee, Grant's expedition steamed up the Ohio to Paducah at the juncture of the Ohio and Tennessee, and halted overnight, Ilext day the fleet turned into the muddy Tennessee, swollen by torrential rains, and sailed for Ft. Henry, Through a murky, hazy morning Grant's fleet, nine transports and seven arraor-plated gunboats under Commodore Andrew Foote, steamed forv.'ard searching flooded banks for a landing. JAL to Mary Logan, Feb. 1, 1862, Logan Mss, 2 Morris, op. cit ., 29.

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231 Ft. Henry v/as an engineering monstrosity. Built on low land near the riverbank, heavy raine had so flooded the area that the fort vras menaced by \itcr c? much as by Grant* 3 army. But the innundation created a problem for Grant. Three miles north of the fort Panther Creek, now over its banks, made infantry movement periloufB. To land south of the creek might put the aray xvithin range of Confederate batteries. Grant selected a debarkation spot north of the creek and landing began, Logan's regiment, soggy with rain, watched the Minnehaha drift shoreward and moor alongside a sister ship. As the regiment marched across the bov.'s of the adjoining boat, they piled up thsir old muskets ind each received a new Enfield rifle, Logan's Washington mission had borne fruit. Camp was chilly and uncomfortable, and the men stood around in the drizzle v/aiting command to attack. Meanwhile, Grant had determined to launch a three pronged assault on General Lloyd Tilghman's garrison. One column would march up the west bank and seize high ground. This would give artillery a comTianding view of Ft, Henry. The other half of Grant's land force, which included the 31st, v/ould march around Panther Creek and strike the fort o directly. The final prong was Foote's naval flotilla 1 Ibid . Logan, Volunteer Soldier , 630.

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232 which would close fast and hammer the fortes batteries into silence. Inside Henry the rebels uneasily '..atched the approach of their twin enemies. The water's rise had submerged six guns and only nine bearing on the river I'emained above the flood. More distressing, however, was the blue clad deluge poui-ing down f roffi up river. Tilglrmian v;atched in dismay as the horizon blackened v/ith smoke from Union gunboats and transports. He at first decided on ret,istence, but as transports continued to land Hien he decided to abandon the fort, leaving a skeleton garrison to man the nine guns and hold off enemy attack as long as possible, V/lien Grant's assault began February 6, only 56 men remained in the sodden fortress. At 11 /..M. that morning Logan, on horseback at the head o£ the 31st, received Grant's order to advance. In concert, the column uest of tiie I'iver moved out. iis Logan sounded the for;vard, sun broke tiurough the haze. The men cheered this sign and moved tlirough cultivated bottomland skirting Panther Creek, Descending into the creek basin, the ground "becaiiie reduced to the con.,istency of soft porridge," making movement difficult. For an hour Lo^^an's ir-en struggled through the morass in silence, broken orJy by clatter of eouipmsnt, and nien'3 grumblin,';. Suddenly 1 Battles and Leaders . I, 3o9.

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233 a roar shattered the silence, signaling the fleet s attack. Foote had held back, allov/ing the infantry a good start, then leading the v.'ay in the Cincinnati , he closed on the fort. For a moment Logan's column halted listening to the roar, then he urged them forv/ard. For 3bout an hour the advance v?as accompanied by thundering shells. Then all v;as still. Logan's column, unable to see any of the artillery engagement, halted uncertainly, v.'ondering if Foote »s armada had been reT.ulsed. V.Tien Logan ordered the advance resumed they moved forward cautiously. McClernand sent out scouts, who soon returned at a gallop, announcing that the rebels hsd struck their flag. When Logan reported the news his r'.en cheered and pressed for;vard. After more difficult aarching they climbed a small hill and came upon Ft. Heriry's outlying breastworks nov; abandoned. After a brief stop, Log£ui urged his men on, and crossing a slough near the fort, he rode in, first 2 of the army to enter. Tilghman had already surrendered to Footers gunboats, but only 45 n;en submitted with him. The remainder had escaped to Ft. Donelson. Grant quickly sent a dispatch to Halleck: "Ft. Kenry is ours.... I shall 3 take and destroy Tt. Donelson on the 3th." Logan, Volunteer Soldier , 632. 2 Dawson, op. cit ., 21. •^ 0. R ., Ser. 1, VII, 124.

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234 Logan' 8 re.^iment, inside Henry, rvunmaged about discovering a number of gray uniforms, and donned rebel gray while they dried their own clothing, by the fire. They also raided Confederate stores and feasted, Logan, however, had little rest. At dusk he took a cavalry company and part of the 31st and movei dovm the road tov/ard Donelson to ascertain the enemyV'^^ position. He returned to report the terrain 2 cleared of rebel troops. Grant's promise to take Donelson on the f^th wac too optimistic. Grant found Donelson more formidable than Henry, and decided overland attack v/ithout support from Footers gunboats would be inadvisable. Therefore he r;ent the gunboats up the Tennessee and around to the Cumberland, Part of the army vfas put aboard, but the 1st and ?nd Divisions remained near Henry to march across the narrow neck between the r:vv;rs. For five days Logan's' regiment bivouacked in Ft. Henry vaiting for the comrriand to break camp. Life there v^as unpleasant. Rain vras constant and the men spent gloomy, restless days, Logan v/as occupied much of the time leading C9v^lry detachments on scout in~ forays, aevQral times pushing near the neighboring fort to report rebel activities. Orce he succeeded in seizing a Confederate 1 Morris, op, cit . , 31. 2 , , Logan, Volunteer Soldier , 636,

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235 mail carrier while ranging the surrounding hills. Though the five-day delay gave Johnston h chance to reinforce Doneloon, v;hich he did not use to advantage, it also gave Grant opportunity to increase his force, and by the 12th he v;as ready to move. Oglesby and McClernand met the commander on board his headquarters ship on the nth and returned with orders to prepare to march next morning. McClernand 's division moved out of Henr^ a few miles to high ground, to facilitate the movement. The 12th dawned clear, sunny and cool, the first pleasant day since leaving Cairo. At mid-morning the 31st, in high spirits, began it.*^. march. The re.^iment marched light, carrying neither tents nor baggage wagons, but each man had two days rations and 40 rounds of ammunition. Grant's column contained 15,000 men of the 1st and 2nd Divisions, led by McClernand and C. F. Smith respectively. Ten thousand had gone around with Foote, and 2,500 remained at Ft. Henry under Lew V/allace. Logan's men marched on the army's right, south of the main road between the two forts. They found themselves in hilly, wooded country. By noon heat saturated dark blue uniforms with perspiration, and the men could no longer see use for heavy overcoats and blankets. The line of march left a wake of abandoned i Jonesboro Gazette . Feb. 15, 1862.

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236 clothing. All thoughts of heat fled when, a little after midday, .skirnishers encountered fire from rebel pickets. This sporadic gunfire v/as accorapaniod by a deeper boom in the distance, indicating the flotilla's arrival. As the men scrambled up lov^ hills, tents v^ere visible on distant heights, and coon rebel v/orks appeared, bristling v;ith guns. Nearing the rebel line, the Union army scattered like a giant fan, covering the rebel front from Hickrian's Creek on the north to the outskirts of Dover, tv;o miles south of Donelson, Logan*--: unit \^heoled southv/ard an:' by dusk v;ere in place on the Union rf.r^ht betv;een two I2.1inois regiments, the 11th and 29th. As night fell, Logan's men were completing their investment. Next morning Logan climbed a rise to observe enemy lines. The 31st lay between '.-vy^in's Ferry Road and Dover, a river hamlet tv/o miles from, the fort. One look told Logan this would be no Ft, Herj:'y. Donelson and the rim of Confederate fortifications rested on a high bluff overlooking 2 the Cumberland and rising menacingly above the Union line. The rebel ridge v/as hacked vd.th long yellow scars v<'here the Confederates had dug emplacements. Occasional exchanges between pickets broke the Logan, Volunteer Soldier , 647. 2 Official Atlas . Plate XI.

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237 silence, Logan's regiment probed forward to find the most defensible positions possible. V.^hile this leisurely but sometimes dr.np;erous game continued, suddenly to the left a volley roared out of rebel vrorks met by one from charging Federals. McClernind hr'd ordered a char,5i;e n.-^oinst a bothersome bnttery, and Colonel I. V., Hnynie , Logan* s old friend, led tiro Illinois regiments into a ']:alling crossfire, Three times they advanced and three times they retreated. At last McClernand called them off. During the afternoon gunboats fired spasmodically and 9 clatter of picket fire continued, kt sunset Lo.<^an»s regiment settled do'"m for the nighb in slightly better -position after seeing little IS action. Vnen night fell, Grant was disturbed by the failure of his shipboard division and the bulk of Foote»s armada to arrive. He had fev/er nen than the besieged enemy, now ccmnaanded by General John B, Floyd, fourth commander of the garrison in a v/eek. It vrns highly unorthodox to carry out siege operations vrhile outnumbered, and Grant anxiously awaited his reinforcement. The amy vras also disturbed by the '^rosoect of a protracted campaign. Vfhen Oglesby and Logan rode through camp after dark on the I'^th, they found "one universal Logan, Volunteer Soldier . 649.

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23 S wish to me'^'t the enmy and carry the fort," Shortly after dark tomorro\v*s problems v.ere re':)l£ced by sornething more immediate. A dri::zlinc rain began to fall, v/hich quickly turned to sleet and blowing snow. The thermoneter plunf^ed to 20 , and tired and hungry men, their rations almost exhausted, lay down to sleen on the frozen ground. Camp fires v;ere not allowed, and they hr.ddled together, many 2 vrithout coverinp: due to earlier folly. Logan spent an uncomfortable night covered by an overcoat and a blanket, with his saddle for a nillov;. When he arose he was stiff vrith cold and eager to get on with 3 the fight, Friday, February 14, brought a gray dawn with Logan's men stamping in the snow to restore circulation, Davm brought word that 2,500 men from Ft. Henry had arrived, and that Foote's fleet had reached Donelson and was unloading 10,000 passengers. Opposing forces now stood at 27,500 for Grant to 17,500 for Floyd. Grant vxas convinced his superiority made a breakout impossible, and he settled back to let Foote hammer the fort into submission. i 0. il , t uer. 1, vlx, iij5» 2 Logan, Vol'onteer ooldifcir , 650, 3 Mary Lof_;an, ReininlscefiCeS t 122, She says: "From this exposure he contracted rheumr.ticm from xvhich he never recovered. " 4 Grant, op. cit .. I, 247.

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239 All morning sklxwlsh flr« was more subdued than on the previous day, Lo^n received orders to hold agalnat a breakout while the flotilla vent into riction. At 3 o'clock Foote iRoyed In while Logan stood on a snowy hill to watch. Guns boomod and shells scroaaed and thudded against the ironclads as 1 oote closed for action. The initial salvos daaaged the fort, but gradually the battle turned against Foote. For two hours the struggle raged. With fofur ironclads drifting, almost out of control, Foote called then back. Donelson was going to be a tough nut to crack, and ni^t fell a^ain accompanied by bitter chill. The 31st had played a spectator's role, and the fleet's repulse had Logan gloomily discussing a siege. Though they were again fireless and pelted by snow, the transports had brought some rations, and their hunger somewhat sated, the 3lst lay on their arms through the freezing night. Inside the fort, Foote' o repulse brought eletion, but the three rebel chief tans. Pillow, Floyd, and Siaon B. Buckner, vrere still pessimistic over their position. On the morning of the 14th Floyd called a council of war and 3 breakout was agreed upon. The artillery engagement delayed movement, and vrtien Foote limped up river too much of the day was gone. Floyd called another council. That Logan, Volunteer r.'oldier. 653.

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240 night, while snow sv;irled about the town, the three rebels met in Dover and decided on a breakout at daybreak. The assault v/ac to be delivered south of Dover where a road angled southv/ard to Charlotte and on to Nashville, Floyd ordered Pillo'.; to mass his inf>Trtry against the Union right, and Buckner to move his troops tov,'ard the Union center to support Pillov; and be ready to crash out when the gate swung open. All night Confederate troops moved, their jangle and rumble muffled by falling snow, unobserved by Federals wrapped together against the blast and keeping poor watch. At dav/n Pillow was poised to kick open the gate and fly for Nashville, Logan spent another bitterly cold night on the ground and arose stiffly to check his troops. As he looked about at silv<5r branches, heavily laden with snow, and the icy blanket -which some of his men were throwing off, Union buglers sounded revilie. Men struggled slowly to their feet, prepared coffee, and rubbed their limbs to 2 drive out the night '3 stiffness. They had little time to collect themselves. As if in answer to Union bugles, a rising crescendo of fire rapidly sv;ept back Federal pickets, as underbrush all along McGlernand's front came alive with Pillow's gray coats. Battles and Leaders , I, 415. Morris, op. cit ., 31-

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241 Lop;an jumped on horseback and hurried to form the regiment to resist. Pillow's spearhead struck the extreme right held by a portion of Oglesby's brigade and McArthur's brigade, the latter having moved there during the night and not yet in good position. The arsault quickly moved down the line, enveloping Logan, whore pickets v.-ere driven in and who found himself repelling a major frontal blo\^. As protection against the weather, Logan had permitted his men to leave the crest of the hill and sleep in s slight depression to the rear. Nov/ ar he ur -ed them 40 paces forward to the crest, they swiftly advanced, drooped to their knees, and volleyed against the charging enemy. Logan's line was covered by smoky haze and blood redenned the snow as rebel canr.ister tore gaps in its ranks. In the first volley several fell dead and wounded. One of the dead, James Mcllrath, who had ^one into action by the side of his 17 year old con Robert, stretched lifeless on the cold ground. Behind the line Logan and his staff, oblivious of flying balls, remained on horseback urging the men against the yelling rebels. Swoke hxiTiF, like a cloud over the field, and Logan v/as unable to see his vrhole regiment flank to flank. For three hours the battle surged back and forth. 1 Ibid .. 36. 2 George Smitn, Southern Illinois . II, 962.

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242 By mid-morning Pillow had succeeded, by superior numbers, in turning the right flank. McArthur*s regiments ran out of ammunition and began to iall back on Oglesby*s brigade. By 10 o* clock Oglesby's four Illinois regiments, the Sth, iSth, 29th, and 30th, having resisted numerous attacks, were drifting backward, imperiling the entire Union right. Logan, hard-pressed all morning, nov; felt pressure increasing. Riding forward, he ur^ed the regiment to hold fast, VJhile shouting encouragement, a ball struck him in the left shoulder, and he slumped in the saddle. His staff quickly led him behind the line and urged him to retire to the hospital, which Logan refused. His v/ound was bandaged and he returned to direct the regiment. Increased fire suddenly struck the 31st from the right and Logan realized the entire Union line to his right had collapsed. His regiment, fighting for its life, was forced to repel assaults from right and front. He met the danger by ordering his right to fall back and form a right angle v/ith the left to prevent the regiment being taken in the rear. Lieutenant Colonel V/hite galloped forward to lead the maneuver, and soon the regiment responding to shouted commands, stood ready to resist the new menace. Lofan sav/ White riding among the men, roaring defiance at 1 " 0. R ., Ser. 1, VII, 177.

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243 the enemy, then he saw him disappear beneath the smoke, Nev/s soon reached Logan that White had been killed instantly. V/ith \Vhite»s death, Logan moved forward again, his arm and shoulder streaming blood, to urge the regiment to hold its ground. To Logan* s left Colonel l.'. H. L. Wallace, commander of McClernand's 2nd Brigade, looked off to the right from his position. He could see but one of Oglesby's regiments, the 31st Illinois, still in place, and resisting. "Through the smoke he could see Logan riding in a gallop behind his line; through the roar in his front and the rising yell in his rear, he could hear Logan* s voice in fierce entreaty to his boys." The colonel screamed above the din, "Boys! give us death, but not dishonor!"-^ For an hour the reformed 31st resisted Pillow* s full onslaught, sustaining heavy casualties and running low on ammunition. Logan grew gradually weaker and at times his men struggled on leaderless. Once in this final hour, Lop;an, riding too near the linos, caught a shell in the thigh. By the time Logan took his second wound, the 31st had exhausted its ammunition and could no longer repel the enemy. Barely able to remain in the saddle, Logan decided to withdraw, believing further resistance suicidal. He Morri s , op. cit . , 37. 2 Battles and Leaders , I, 418, 3 Dawson, op. cit . , 22,

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244 sent a messenger to Lieutenant Colonel T. E. G, Ransom, of the 11th Illinois on his left, that ammunition v;as gone and he was retreating. Ransom moved tcvrard the gap Logan's retirement vrould create and Logan brought off his regiment in good order. He had held valiantly. General Pillow said "»had it not been for that regiment of regulars clothed in short blue jackets he would have made a Bull Run of it.*" Pillow was mistaken about the men being regulars, though 2 they fought like it. Only after leaving the line v/ould Logan agree to go to the rear. As he jolted to the hospital he lay totally exhausted, and severely v/eakened from loss of blood. Riding in an ambulance, Logan sav/ William Morrison, central Illinois Democrat, also wounded. Logan inquired: "Bill, did you get a bad lick?" Morrison replied: "Yes, John. I think I got enough to go home and beat Phil Fouke for 3 Congress." Logan left behind a leaderless, shattered regiment, but one which had demonstrated discipline, courage, and ability to resist the best the rebels could hurl. V/hen Logan, in great pain, left the field, the battle was by no means over. V/lien the 31st retired, the i 0. R .« Ser. 1, VII, 1^7, 199; Battles and Leaders . I, 41S. 2 Morris, op. cit . , 41. 3 Sandburg, Lincoln, the V;ar Years , I, 461. Morrison did return and defeat Fouke, v/ho had, unlike Lop;an, chosen to return to politics rather than retain his commission.

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245 Charlotte road stood open, Pillov/ hesitated, once the gate svmng vfide, afraid of a flanking counterattack while running the gap. At noon, though the gate had been open for an hour, no one had gone through, soon it v:as slammed shut. For six hours, while the breakout attempt raged, Grant was absent, and 'Wallace and Smith, under orders not to change position, vj^atched while McClernand*s flank was rolled back. Grant had gone to visit wounded Commodore Foute v\?ith "no idea that there v;ould be any engagement on land unless I brought it on myself." After a conference with Foote, Grant began a leisurely ride back to the army, to be met by a staff officer who poured out the story of McClemand*s repulse. Spurring his mount. Grant arrived behind the lines and quickly appraised the situation. He realized the rebels were trying to break out and ordered an immediate attack. Grant knew the Confederate right had been weakened to assist Pillow's drive, and he sent C. F. Smith's division forv/ard to strike that flank. Then -..allace smashed the center and Grant rode on to McClernand*s division where he found men standing in small groups, talking excitedly, with no leader to direct them. Grant yelled, "Fill your cartridge boxes, quick, and get into line; the enemy is trying to escape and must not be permitted to do i Grant, op, cit .. I, 250.

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246 so." Responding, McClernand's unit moved for»ifard, and Pillow^s men retired. Logan's regiment did not participate in the afternoon push. It v;as in reserve when Pillow v/as driven back into the entrenchments. A.t dark Grant's army had regained its lost ground and even pushed forward in several places. The 31st was moved to the rear at nightfall and camped on a snowy hillside behind Smith's division, v;here for the first time in more than 24 hours they ate. Logan's casualty list v/as long, 31 3 dead, 117 wounded, and 2g missing. In addition to V^liite, Captain James Williamson, the regiment's senior captain, had been killed. Logan lay in great pain in division hospital, weak from loss of blood, hunger, and exhaustion. He appeared so weak the attending physician was unsure of his recovery. Confederate elation turned to depression after failure to break Grant's siege line. Another council was held and it v/as decided to surrender the fort, since Grant's afternoon attacks had placed Union guns in positions v;hich v/ould render further occupation hazardous. Floyd, Pillow, and cavalry commander Nathan Bedford Forrest took advantage of darkness and the river to escape, but Buckncr and the 1 Ibid . 2 Morris, op. cit ., 37. 3 0. R ., Ser. 1, VII, I67. 4 Andrews, op. cit ., 405.

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247 bulk of the garrison remained to capitulate. That night, Buckner, who succeeded Floyd and Pillow, composed a note and sent a messenger to deliver it to Grant. A bugle rang out in the frosty air, and the messenger came through Smith's line and presented General Buckner* s proposed terras. Smith read it and raced off to Grant who had to be roused from a sound sleep. Grant read the note and jotted down his answer: Yours of this date proposing armistice and appointment of commissioners, to settle terms of capitulation is just received. No terms except an unconditional and immediate surrender can be acceoted. I propose to move Immediately upon your works, ^ Grant's reply angered Buckner. But, contenting himself with a formal protest, he surrendered. By the time the exchange was complete it v;as daylight and Grant rode forward to meet his old friend Buckner. There was no formal surrender, the notes were enough. The Donelson victory was greeted throughout the North v/ith great joy, Grant, dubbed "Unconditional Surrender," was a hero overnight. The long victory drought had finally ended, Bull Run was avenged, and Grant, holding tv/o rebel forts and 15,000 rebel troops, stood poised to invade Tennessee. Many felt Grant's triumph v;ould bring a quick end to the rebellion, the New York Times remarking "the monster is already 1 Battles and Leaders , I, 42?.

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246 clutched and in his deathly struggle," v.'hlle Sunday church bells pealed on the l6th announcing the sabbath and Grant *s victory, Mary Logan, elated over the news but concerned for Logan *s welfare, penned him a short note. "Be good my darling, I mean be religious and don't for your soul's sake be so profane. In the Ariiiy a man must be careful or he will forget his 2 dependence on a higher povzer. " Logan was exercising his profanity and calling on a "higher power" at the same time. His shoulder v;ound was caused by a ball passing through the shoulder joint. Another ball smashed his bolstered pistol and drove splinters into his side, nearly breaking his ribs. These two wounds caused intense pain. The third injury, a minor flesh wound in the thigh, was insignificant by comparison. Field surgeons felt it best to keep him as inmiobile as possible, and his 3 left arm was strapped to nis body to prevent movement. While Logan lay wounded. Ft. Donelson casualty lists raced over the telegraph. First lists to cross the Ohio were sketchy and inaccurate. First list published in Egypt reached Mary at Murphysboro where she and Dollie had recently moved. Glancing down to the 31st Illinois, she broke into i ~ Nev; York Times . Feb. 17, lS62. 2 Mary Logan to JAL, Feb. 16, lf?62, Logan Mss. 3 Mary Logan, Reminiscences , 1?5«

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249 sobs as she read the list of killed: "Colonel John A. Logan, Lieutenant Colonel John H. 'Vhite." She quickly recovered, and arranging for someone to cnre for Dollie, she set out for Cairo determined to go to Donelson. Nev:s of Logan* s death also reached Washington where it brought grief to old party comrades. A revised list, numbering Logan among the wounded, prompted a friend to write from V/ashington: "If you could have heard the regrets over your reported death, yesterday, and the joy today on ascertaining that you were only wounded, you would feel 2 proud enough." At Cairo Mary also learned the truth, and she redoubled her determination to go to him. Orders, however, forbade civilians to board transports. Mary encountered Colonel Dunlap, McClernand's quartermaster, who pointed out a steamer about to embark ond told her to board as a member of his family. Subterfuge was unnecessary however, when she boarded and found the captain a man Logan had cleared of manslaughter several years earlier. He welcomed her, "Come on board, and you shall see Logan."-' When Mary reached Donelson her steamer berthed alongside Grant's boat, the New Uncle Sam . Officers on the 1 Ibid .. 123. 2 It. B. Brovm to JAL, Feb. 1*^, 1362, Logan Mss. 3 Mary Logan, Reminiscences . 123.

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250 ship recognized her and assisted her over the rail, informing her Logan wa^ belov/, having been brought on board at Grant *s insistence. She descended and found Logan lying on a cot next to Colonel Ransom, After a tearful reunion she listened to Logan describe the 31st* s heroism, and took steps to make him and Ransom more comfortable. For tvjo v;eeks she kept vigil over the tv/o colonels, until Ransom recovered and Logan was deemed fit to be moved. Kia doctors decided he could be taken North, and he sailed to Cairo, thence by 2 rail and carriage to Murphysboro. Logan left the 31st on garrison duty at Donelson where it remained through February and March. When danger had passed and Grant moved on toward Pittsburg Landing, relatives and friends poured dovm the Cumberland to viev; 3 the scene of victory and visit the regiment.-^ The river campaign was a giant step forv/ard in Logan's military career. He had handled his men v/ell under all conditions, and the 31st responded in heroic fashion. Despite this splendid record, Egyptian political enemies, many of them former friends, continued to snipe from the rear. Nor were Logan's Republican enemies silent. Disgruntled at having many regimental commands go to their old 1 Ibid .. 125. 2 Ibid. , 12f^. 3 Morris, op. cit ., 37.

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251 political adversaries, some Republican paper? lost no chance to attack the Democratic political ooldiers. The Missouri Democrat claimed Logan *s v;ound came from a boy in his ovm regiment. Another maintained Logan v/as not the hero at all, but gave credit to Colonel John Logan of C^^rlinville, "an approved Bliick Republican," Confusion v/as possible since John Logan commanded the 32nd Illinois, but his regiment was not engaged at Donelson. Grant might have been aware of these charges, but he ignored them in favor of his ovm observations. On March 14 he sent his report of the Henry-Donelson campaign to :jecretary of War Edwin M. Stanton. At its conclusion he noted several officers for special conmendation: I v/ould particularly mention the names of Colonels J. D. Webster, 1st Illinois Artillery; Morgan L. Smith, Sth Missouri Volunteers; W. K. L. Wallace, 11th Illinois Volunteers, and John A. Logan, 31st Illinois Volunteers. The tv;o former are old soldiers and men of decided merit. The tv/o latter are from civil pursuits but I have no hesitation in fully endorsing them as in every way qualified for the position of brigadier-general, and think they have fully earned the position on the field of battle. 2 The Egyptian press took up the cry and called for a general's rank for Loran "the great representative man of Egypt." In late March the promotion arrived. Durinp^ March Logan rested, rpicovered from wounds, Jonesboro Gazette , Mar. 1, ti, lo62. 2 0. R . . Ser, 1, i, pt, 2, 35,

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252 and played v;ith hj.s daughter. Unlike two later returns from the front, this did not become a speaking tour. He was too '".^eak to t^ke the stu^Pj and anxious to recover fully and return to action. He decided to resign from Congress, submitted his resignation, and on '^pril 2 his seat was declared vacant. As Loj^an started back to the front, Yatec issued a proclamation calling for a special election for May 6 to fill Logan's seat. Many proposed Josh Allen, but Logan endorsed no one and departed, momentarily abandoning politics for his new career. Allen had written Logan February IS: "the government seems determined to go on in its mad career," v;ords with little meaning for a man lying badly 2 v/ounded in defense of that "government." Logan had created a breach with his old p^olitical astiociate v/hen ho joined the army, Allen's continued criticism of the war v/idened the breach. By March's end Logan vras ready to return to his command. V/ord filtered into Egypt of a major campaign in the offing and Logan rushed to rejoin the army. He was still unable to put his arm in his coat sleeve, but ignoring Mary's appeals, he left for Cairo v-^here he hoped to find transportation to the front.-' Biog;raphical Directory of the U. S. Congress , 267. 2 \/. J. Allen to JAL, Feb. 1^, 1^62, Logan Mss. 3 Mary Logan, Reminiscences , 128.

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253 On April 6 Lo^ian was on his way dov/n the Cumberland. Next day he reached Ft. Donelson v.'here the 31st remained on garrison duty. While preparing to embark the regiment, he heard of a great battle to the South, and loading the 31st on transports he steamed up the Cumberland to Paducah, then dov/n the Tennessee to Pittsburg Landing. Logan arrived 2 too late to fight at Shiloh, but in time to see the carnage. A'hen Logan caught up w-ith Grant's army, a new command had to be found for him, and on April 12 he was ordered to report to McClernand for assignment. The new brigadier was named commander of the 1st Brigade, 3rd Division, 17th Amy Corps. His brigade included the 12th Michigan, and four Illinois regiments: ^th, iSth, 30th, and his own 31st, 3 which he had specially requested. The first phase of Logan's Civil War career concluded, he looked forward, for the moment, hopefully to the future. His mercurial temperament would soon return to gloomy pessimism, but in April, 1^62 his hopes soared, both for his own advancement and a quick end of the war. Logan i Morris, op. cit .. 44. 2 JAL to Mary Logan, April 2, 7, 15 f 1862, Logan Mss, Logan is sometimei: mentioned as being engaged at Shiloh, but he arrived three days too late. The mistake is no doubt due to the presence of Colonel John Logan and the 32nd Illinois at Shiloh. Battles and Leaders , I, 537-53^. 3 Q. R . . Ser. 1, X, pt. 2, 102; Logan, Volunteer Soldier . 661.

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254 had decided to put 'politics behind him and devote all, or nearly all, his time to his nev/ career.

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CHAPTER VII MONOTONY IN MISSISSIPPI, TEDIUM IN TENNESSEE ki'hen Logan returned to the army Grant was no longer in conuaand. As a result of his actions at bhiloh, and Halleck»s jealousy, Halleck had arrived from St. Louis to assume field command. Grant was to be his second in command, a position devoid of pov/er. The change, and attacks on Grant because of alleged drunkenness, infuriated Logan who had become intimate with the stocky, grizzled victor of Henry and Donelson. Grant was so disconsolate at the turn of events that General John Schofield went to see him and found him packing to leave the army and go to St. Louis. Schofield dissuaded him, assuring Grant that he and Logan remained steadfast in his support. In addition to the Grant affair, Logan was upset over two other matters. He had promised on leaving Illinois to look for Hibert Cunningham, and persuade the young rebel to leave the Confederate array. On April 15 Logan v/rote Mary of his failure to learn anything of her brother. Tv/o weeks later, with the Union army moving toward Corinth, Mississippi, Logan heard that Hibe v;as at Corinth, and he Mary Logan, Reminibcences , 12^. 2 The Uiarv and Letters of Rutherford B. Hayes . IV, 229-230. 255

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:56 renewed his promise to contact him. The final source of dissatisfaction was Logan ^6 continued service under McClemand, whom he had come to dislike intensely. This dislike, caused to sowe extent by political-military rivalry, v;as to increase ±u following months. These matters, however, were forced into the background by arduous duties Logan found in his nev,f command. The brigade, formerly led by Oglesby, was in camp one mile north of Shiloh Church on the road to Corinth when Logan assumed command. From April 15 to the 24th Logan was engaged in preparing his men for their role in the pursuit of the rebel army nov/ commanded by General i .G«T. Beauregard, and entrenched around Corinth 20 miles to the bouth. Logan knew most of his regimental commanders, having been closely associated v/ith all units except the 12th Michigan in earlier campaigns. This familiarity and friendship eased his duties somewhat and relations were cordial, especially with the 31st Illinois. After Donelson, the 31st underwent a major command shakeup. Logan's promotion, IVhite's death, and Major Kuykendall's resignation to return to Egyptian politics, left a void filled by promotion of three lieutenants. New regimental commander was Logan's old friend JAL to Mary Logan, April 15, 30, 1^562, Logan Mss.

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257 and Mexican War comrade, "Doff" Ozburn. Lof^an felt it "is a -r.at task to take charge of a Brigade, though I think I can get alonr,."^ Concerning the impending campaign he informed tvK) Illinois congressmen, "we are in front of a large rebel force, but when v;e will fight them I cannot say, though when v,'e do you will hear from Ills." April 24, preparations completed, Halleck ordered his forces to assemble for the movement against Corinth. Logan broke camp and moved two miles southward to a bluff overlooking Owl Creek where he constructed the first of many field fortifications ordered by the general commanding.^ J'or the next week Logan edged toward Monterey, a small tovm just north of the Mississippi state line. Most of this time was spent repairing and constructing roads from the Monterey region back tov/ard i'ittsburg Landing. May arrived clear and pleasant, bringing Halleck's advance at last. On the 2nd, promising Lincoln he would stand before Corinth ready to strike the following day, he ordered the amy to move. Halleck»s force was immense; the left was commanded by John Pope, center by D. C. Buell, and right by George Thomas, with a reserve of three divisions ^ Q. R .. Ser. 1, X, Dt. 1, 75^. ^JAL to Mary Logan, .^nril 30, 1^62, Logan Mss. ^JAL to Elihu Washburne and J. C Robinson, April 18, 1362, V/ashburne Kss. 0. R .. Ser. 1, X, pt. 1, 759.

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'58 under McClernarid, Tne entire force totaled in excess of 100,000. Logan's brigade v/as included in licClernand's reserve. V/hen Halleck'c order to advance reached McClernand, Jie had no commander for the First Division, so he gave Logan the post. Logan led the division for one day, when orders from army headquarters replaced him with General Henry M. Judah, a classmate of Grant at west Point. Logan v;as suffering from complications of his Donelson wounds, and he asked a day*s rest. It v/as granted, and Colonel Mike Lawler of the ISth Illinois led the brigade across Lick Creek toviard the state line. On the 4th Logan resumed command. On his day off he had written Mary of the move on Corinth where he expected Halleck's force 2 to encounter 120,000 rebel troops. Halle ck shared this estimate of Confederate might, sometimes figuring Beauregard's army to be even larger. Beauregard, though entrenched behind strong breastworks, was able to muster only about 20,000 men, many of them ill. This overestimate of enemy strength, coupled v;ith Halleck's naturally cautious nature, made the advance a snail-like affair v/hich Logan labeled "the most ludicrous 1 — — — Ibid . 2 JAL to Mary Logan, May 3, lu62, Logan Mss.

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^'59 1 feature of the whole war." A day's march covered only a few miles, and at nightfall the regiments dug fortifications to repel enemy attacks which did not materialize. Both officers and men, many of them used to Grant's slam-bang tactics, grew restive under "Old Brains" command. The movement was tedious and some feared it might turn into a summer-long siege. Perhaps the most unpopular feature was Halleck*s insistence on daily construction of breastworks as his men inched their v;ay south through the blist2 ering sun. The countryside from Shiloh to Corinth was hacked and scarred by endless lines of v/orks, hastily constructed and abandoned by hot, angry troops. On the 11th Logan finally crossed into Mississippi, using the road taken one day earlier by 'ft. T, Sherman's division. Logan's cavalry, riding its daily reconnaisance, usually returned at dusk v/ith little to report. But on the 11th horsemen under Colonel William McCullough destroyed the Mobile and Ohio Railroad bridge over Cypress Greek, and captured a locomotive which they ran into the creek. McCullough 's men then moved on toward Purdy, v/here they encountered a rebel outpost which they scattered, 3 clearing the town. Logan, Volunteer Soldier , 662, 2 Adair, op. cit . , 6. 3 0. R .. Ser. 1, X, pt. 1, 759.

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260 Follov/ing this action several days were spent without movement. It was not until May 21 that Logan received word to advance, and he moved his force, without opposition, to a position near Easel's House, vacated by Sherman the day before. Again forward movement halted, and Logan remained motionless for another week, Iv'hile he v;aited, in poor health and dissatisfied over the campaign, Logan 'fwote home. He told Mary, "I have been almost temj)ted after this fight is over, if I get through alive, to resign though I do not know v/hat to do." Logan then complained of Halleck's lack of speed and of his division commander's incompetance. Judah he remarked is a "perfect sapsucker, no sense at all." After six days in camp, Logan received his first chance for action, v.. T, Sherman on the Union right, pushing close to rebel works, asked McClernand for a brigade and Logan \\'as dispatched. The order came in the early afternoon of the 2^th, and Logan moved his brigade to Sherman's extreme right, instructed to drive rebels from a fortified house, and assist against Beauregard's left. Logan advanced to a new position in front of the rebel house. A strong demonstration v/as enough to convince the enemy their position was no longer tenable and they , 2 retreated. JAL to Mary Logan, May 22, 1^62, Logan Mss. Q. R ., Ser. 1, X, pt. 1, 741, 76O.

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261 The house taker., Sherman ordered Lo,r';an to throw out skirmishers and advance, Logan's skirmish line, moving forward slowly through scattered timber, exchanged shots with the enemy, but until late afternoon little damage was done by either side. At dusk the rebel picket line, obviously reinforced, suddenly rushed out of trees along Logan's front in an attempt to drive him back. His alert advance line, led by the ^th Illinois, poured a withering volley through the gathering dark and the rebel line fell back. At nightfall Logan's brigade stretched beyond Sherman's right, near the main line of the Mobile and Ohio Railroad. His men lay on their arras expecting further action, but the sultry summer night v;as peaceful. The night of the 23th was filled with speculation over Confederate plans. Reports of great commotion from Beauregard inside Corinth raced through the army, many believed the sound of trains arriving followed by cheering indicated large reinforcements moving in from the South. Logan felt the rail activity had another significance. The Mobile and Ohio main line ran through Logan's sector, a few miles northeast of Corinth, and some of his men, old railroaders, v.'aiked up the tracks to listen to the far off noise. After listening for a mon,ent some of the men put their ears to Ibid .. 761.

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?62 the rails to listen to the movinj:^ trains come and go. They became convinced that Beauregard was evacuating Corinth, claiming to be able to discern a difference between loaded and empty trains, the hum reaching them indicated empty trains rolling in and loaded cars moving out. They ent to Logan, who came, listened, and agreed. He talked to KcClemand and the t:v;o went to Grant with the report. Grant, agreeing to the possible accuracy of the reported evacuation, tojk it to Halleck. "Old Brains" refused to credit the theory, still believing Beauregard v/as hauling In troops for a major attack. Logan asked repeatedly to be allowed to launch a probing attack to verify his suspicions, but was refused. Halleck wanted his line dug In behind strong fortifications, not moving forward. In the morning Logan asked again to be sent forward and v/as refused, x^icket fire sputtered along Logan* s front, but no attack having materialized, Logan v;as relieved and ordered bock to the reserve at 1 o'clock. Three regiments had started for the rear when suddenly the clatter of rifle fire increased and a solid line of gray clad soldiers burst out of the brush, driving in Logan's pickets. At first it seemed as if Beauregard's full scale attack was Lo^ran, Volunteer Soldier , 666; Grant, op. cit ., I, 314; 0. R .. Ser. 1, X, pt. 1, 757.

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263 beginning, but the 8th and 2v5th Illinois, volleyed against the Confederates and counterattacked. This show of force broke the foray and the enemy retreated through the sweltering afternoon. This was Logan* s final action of the campaign. He V7as proud of the v.^ay his men, since leaving Tenneosee, had throv.Ti bock every rebel advance, exhibiting "true western courage." V'hen the rebels retired, Loran returned to his old camp with McClernand»s reserve. That night explosions vere heard from Corinth and at daybreak clouds of smoke spiralled up behind Confederate lines. Soon Logan heard that Pope»s men had moved into town, Beauregard was gone, and Logan felt the victory merely "the barren honor of 2 occupying an abandoned position." When Beauregard retreated, Logan's brigade remained encamped near Corinth awaiting orders, Logan's role in Halleck's "ludicrous" Corinth campaign was minor, but carried out with ability. McClernand's report spoke well of his subordinate, and Sherman, with whom Logan associated for the first time, was impressed with Logan's behavior. Sherman reported: "I feel under special obligations to this officer who during the tv/o 0_j_R. , Ser. 1, X, pt. 1, 76l. 2 ,, Logan, Volunteer Soldier . 667.

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7Ak days he served under me held the critical ground on rny right." Logan wa^^ gaining valuable experience and was coming to be recognised as one of the better "political soldiers," During the Corinth campaign Illinois politics seethed with excitement, but Logan, busy running the brigade, was unable to exert personal influence, when an Illinois Democrat arrived at the front to ascertain the degree of support among the troops for the Constitution of 1662, he reported i-IcClernand in opposition, but was unable to 2 find Logan, then attached to Sherman. May»s political event with most interest for Logan, the race to choose his successor, drew no statement from him. There v/ere six candidates in the field, most of whom had announced when Logan returned to the army. The three leading contenders, Josh Allen, Scott Marshall, and I. K» Haynie, v/ere Democrats and associates of Logan. Allen and Marshall were peace Democrats, v/ith Allen more of the extreme Copperhead variety, and Haynie, who resigned his commission to enter the race, sui^ported war. Logan probably leaned tov^ard Haynie, but he endorsed none. Mary wrote 3 favoring Marshall, but Lo^an withheld comment entirely. 1 ~ 0. R . , Ser. 1, X, pt. 1, 743. 2 John Hill to Lanphier, May 30, 1?562, Lanphier Mss. 3 Mary Logan to JAL, April 28, 1^62, Logan Mss.

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265 The degree of Lo'^^anVs influence in this election is difficult to asce-tair. It seems to have been .T.inor, but the result must have been disappointing. When the votes v/ere counted Allen had 4,795, Haynie 4,052, and Marshall 4,000.^ Certainly Haynie »s defeat was a dexeat for Logan* s brand of war Democracy, and a victory for Egypt* 3 peace faction. But Logan seems to have been as xinconcerned with Illinois politics as he v/ould ever be. In the war's final tv;o years he went home often to make his influence felt in the state's political struggles, but in 1^62, after resigning from Congress, he appeared to have renounced politics. Mary again decided to go to the front. This time her mission was tv.o-fold, she v/anted to see her husband and contact her brother, persuading the latter to come home. Before she arrived, Logan, in temporary command of the division, received marching orders. Beauregard's retreat left Confederate troops in western Tennessee in a dangerous position and Halleck ordered Union action to seize the region. Logan's division and a regiment from Lew Wallace, tne 73th Ohio, was named to move north from Corinth and drive the rebel garrison out of Jackson, Tennessee. This was more like Grant's kind of var, and in early June Logan's men marched toward their objective. On June 7 they saw the 1 Jonesboro Gazette . M3.y 31, 1?62.

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?66 town, nestled on the South Fork of the Forked Deer River, loom up in the distance. His line formed, Logan threv; out skirmishers, and ordered the advance. The outnuiribered rebel garrison offered a hesitant defensive fire, then fled. Logan, riding at the heud of his column, moved cautiously into Jackson, discovered the absence of armed opposition, and shot off a telegram to McClernand reporting capture of the tovm, with stores, two railroad depots, and telegraph office. Jackson, rail center of west central Tennessee, was center of a district whose command was given to McClernand. McClernand chose to remain with the bulk of the array near Corinth, and Logan remained in Jackson as post commander. Logan was given permanent coraraand of the division June 12, 2 and he settled down to occupation duty. Mary, who arrived the day after Jackson fell, remained three days and returned satisfied of Logan's recovery. She also managed to acquire further word of Hibe, who had been garrisoned just south 3 of Jackson before bhiloh, and was v/ith Beauregard's army. The day following Mary*s departure brought Logan face to face with problems of occupying a district subject to raiding forays. Rumors of a rebel cavalry attack on i ~ 0. R .. Ser. 1, X, nt. 1, 91^. 2 Ibid., Ser. 1, XVII, pt. ?, 6. 3 JAL to Mary Logan, June 12, l'^62, Logan Mss.

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267 Decaturville, 40 miles east of Jackson near the Tenne-ssee River, forced Lo^^an to send out several comoanies of cavalry and infantry. These raiders v/ere supposed to be burning cotton, and Lo(^an was instructed to car»ture incendiaries and turn them over to a military commission for trial. The rumor proved groundless and the expedition quickly returned. By the end of June, after several weeks at Jackson, Logan* s men regarded the camp as a pleasant place. Their duties v;ere varied enough by f^uarding bridges and railroads at various points in the area to decrease camp bore2 dom. . Logan v/as impressed with the district's beauty, though he found inhabitants "all hot 'secesh' and look daggers at us all," He also reported working harder than ever before, but he was "pleased v/ith such a command rather than a smaller one as it gives me position and I 3 think I have given entire satisfaction." Politics continued to pursue Logan, who avoided it like the plague. In late June several Republican papers reported that Logan had told his troops "he had been nosed around by Southern politicians long enough. He had seen 1 Q. R .. Ser. 1, XVII, pt. 2, 6. 2 Adair, op. cit ., 6. 3 JAL to Mary Logan, June 20, 1S62, Logan Mss,

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263 enough of the cun^ed institution and he would not sher.th his sv.'ord until it v/ac v;iped from the land," Logan denied this statement, and declared that since he entered the army he had been too busy to deliver political speeches. He was 2 still unwillin,^ to endorse abolition. By June the v.ork of guarding lines of transportation vras becominf?; tedious and nerve vrracking. Some of Logan's troops stationed at Humboldt, 17 miles northv/'est of Jackson, grooving angry at verbal abuse from local citizens, looted part of the town. Logan v/as told to stop the pillaging and ordered to send an agent to punish offenders. But there was no time to investigate. On July 5 Logan received v.-ord that 300 of Confederate Colonel V;illiam H. Jackson's cavalry had moved into the district intending to destroy the railroad. To meet this threat he ordered out a detachment of cavalry under Hajor K.R.M. 'Wallace, supported by the 31st Illinois, They v;er8 to move to Bro-irtfnsville, 30 miles west of Jackson, find Jackson and drive him out. IVallace's cavalry v/as to make frequent reconnaisances up the nearby Hatchie River, since Jackson was supposed to camp somewhere along the river. VJhen Doff Ozburn left at the head of the 31st, Logan, not wanting the Humboldt affair repeated, Bloomineton Pantap;raT3h in Illinois State Journal , July 2, 1^:^62. 2 Jonesboro Gaaette, July 26, 1862.

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269 carefully instructed the colonel to stop stragglint^, enforce strict discipline, and protect private property. Ozburn moved out, scoured the country, "^nd found nothing. So it v;ent through July, rumors, reports, expeditions dispatched, and no enemy found. Logan heard rumors of a different nature by the middle of the month, 3nd he \vrote to i-iary tnat he momentarily expected to be sent to Virginia, Lo;^an advised her that he did not want to go, preferring to remain in the V.'Gst, Of Jr.ckson, a "pretty place" a month earlier, he remarked, "there never v^a^ such a hole a^ this, it is 2 insulting and impudent." For three weeks after sending Ozburn toward the Hatchie a deluge of reports of enemy forces operating around Jackson reached Logan, Uebel guerrij.las were reported east of Jackson at Decoturville and Farmington, northwest at foplar Grove, and east again along the Tennessee at Perryville, In each case Logan dispatched troops to disperse the raiders, but when his men arrived there were no rebels to be found. This prompt action, hov;ever, had prevented any serious damage in the district. Each time Logan repeated his cautions against seizing property. To i 0. R ., Ser. 1, X''II, pt. 2, 80. 2 JAL to Mary Logan, July 10, 1^62, Locran Mss.

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270 Colonel Garrett Wevins of the 11th Illinois he added: "I desire you to u'jc your endeavors to cultivate a conservative, friendly feeling with the peo;:le where you may be." Raiciern finally struck the last week in July, divided Logan* s force, and did considerable damage. On July 27 v/ord of guerrilln activity around Bolivar, 30 miles south of Jackson, so alarmed McClernand that he ordered all Logan's force except tvMo small regiments sent there, Lof^an protested that it v.-eakened his garrison. On the 2??th the heretofore phantom force of V/illiam "Cotton" Jackson took advantage ox Logan's weakness and attacked the railroad betv»eon Humboldt and Jackson, burning the bridge over the Middle P'ork of the Forked Deer River. In despair, Logan reported the attack to Grsnt and advised that he was sending a force to repair and hold the brid,^e. Of Jackson he telegraphed, ''"sfnat v;ill become of this place you can imagine, 2 I shall hold it or be bui'ned in its ashes." Logan also reported the damage to McClernand. "I feared this when I 3 was ordered to send from here nearly ;dl the troops," All day the telegraph crackled as Logan and Grant exchanged messages. Grant advised Logan to keep a sharp I 0. R .. Ser. 1, XVII, pt, 2, 115. 2 Ibid .. 12J*. 3 Ibid.

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271 watch for Jackson*. =: further movements, assuring him reinforcements would be sent from Corinth if necessary. He then shot off a messa!^e to McClern'^nd ordering him to return a portion of his forces at Bolivar, where they v.'ero not needed, to Jackson as soon as possible. Logan's complaints to Grant and McClernand and Grant's order to McClernand to send Logan's men back to Jackson, infuriated the touchy, ambitious McClernand, On the 29th McClernand and Lo/^an kept operators busy tapping out ch?r,£;e and counter-charge, complaint and excuae, as the smoldering rivalry betvj^een the tv/o, who aspired to Douglas' mantle a.-^ Illinois' leading Democrat, exploded. McClernand maintained Logan's force at Jackson v;as entirely adequate to cope with the situation, and called his telegram 2 of the 2J?th a "fxratuitous comrlaint.'" Logan asked aeatedly, "How could I <^ard a-ainst an attack north witnout anybody to leave here'' Can I gunrd all the roads and prop-erty here v/ith such a force a ^: is left ine and at the same time reinforce any of the points?" He again requested a reinforcement, assuring McClernand he v.-^c doing all in his power to defeat Jackson. McClernand 's next message reported another bridge destroyed, this time at Medon, south of Jackson, and he i Ibid., 129. "ibid., 133.

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?m expressed surprise that Lof;;^!! had not sent a reinforcement to the small garrison at Medon, Logan's re:?l7 reiterated his lack of troops at Jnckson, and .'Assured McClernand there v:ere troops at Medon, but not enough to drive off Confederate guerrillas. Taking offense at McClernand' s intimation that he had been negligent and disobeyed orders in not preventing rebel arson, Logan wrote, "If I am to blame I can bear ray part as v/sll as any i.ian.,.,I have no complaints 1 to make of any kind, but will do ray duty." I'Jliile /writing telegrams, Logan cent a cavalry force under Major warren otewarc after Jackson's horser.ien. Stewart's force nurabering only 75, caught up with Jackson's rearguard on the north bank of the Hatchie and routed them, taking ten prisoners. Pursuing, 3tev;art encountered Jackson's main body in the late afternoon and was attacked and driven back toward Jackson. After 3tev/art's repulse Logan v;as forced to weaken his Jackson garrison, even though his men at Bolivar had not returned, and send a combined cavalry and infantry force to push Jackson south of the Hatchie and into Kississippi. Logan cautioned Colonel Harvey Hogg, commander of this unit, to proceed carefully to prevent the Confederates from breaking through to Jackson. Hogg's i Ibid.

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273 column succeeded in drivin^j the raider i out of Logan *s 1 district, Lo^nn oLirned his attention to pro-Southern civilians in his district. He v:a3 reasonably certain Teniiessee civilians had acted as infantry support for Jackson's 2 cavalry :^trikes, and ne dCted to prevent repetitions. ' On receiving orders to extract uu oath of allegiance to the government from all cicizens in the area, Logan demanded the oath be taken, "Unless they do I will send them to 3 Chicago," Logan threatened. Many i^ex'used, and others swore and continued to aia rebel guerrillas. Most of the former, c.nd those of the latter group v.ho could be taken, v>'ere imprisoned until they took the oath and agreed to give, no further aid to the Confederacy, Logan did his best to tnfoi'ce the order, ana civilian assistance to the enemy lessened around Jackson. Lo^an, visiting a group of civilian prisoners in Jackson, asked them to take the oath, and all refused. He approached one of tiiera, a middle aged farmer, and renewed his appeal, Tne man told Logan he had five boys in the Confederate army and rather tnan take the oath he v/o'oid rot in prison, fie loyalty impressed 1 ^ Ibid ., 136. 2 Ibid .. 139. 3 JAL to Mary Logan, July 10, 1^62, Logan Mss,

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274 Logan and he v;ent free. In midAugust rebel r'iiders reappeared along the Hitchie and Lop;an again sent out column after column to pursue the el"?^ive eneny. To the^e frur^trations were added old oroblens of relations with McClernand and numerous complaints fror.i both civilians and soldiers. "I am nearlyworked to death and must i;et relief noon or I v/ill break dovm," Logan complained. "I am almo;jt tired of living in the army though I dislike to quit ur.lecs I could do it at 2 aone more proper time," He asked for a 20 day leave and soon was his v/ay north by rail to Illinois arid a ten day rest. Just before Logan left for Illinois, politics reentered his life. On Av-igust IS he received a letter from Republican 0. r. Hatch, Yates* i^ccrotary of State, The Republicans, feeling Logan* s v/ar record and immense popularity v/ould make hiia a \/inning candidate, asked him to return and run against Allen in Logan *s old district. Hatch said nothin;^ about party labels, but promised Republican support. Logan v;as better than peace-mongering Copper3 head Allen, Logan refused to leave the ar; ly and return to R. S. Henry (ed.), As They Saw Forrest . SO-^1. This story wai.. told by 'fjr, ..illiam V.itiier spoon. 2 JAL to Mary Logan, Aug. 21, 1^,02, Logan Mss. 3 G. M. Hatch to JAL, Aug. lb', 1
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•75 politics: "politics of every ?;rade and character whatsoever are ignored by me." He refused to endorse either party. "I express all ray views and politics v;hen I assert my attachment for the Union. I have no other politics now, and consequently no aspiration for civil place and power." Logan's letter indicated a desire to fight the v/ar to a successful conclusion regardless of cost or "interest it may effect or destroy." He concluded however, with v/hat amounted to an endorsement of Yates' policies as he assured , Hatch he "looked v^ith pride and admiration on the continuance of the present able conduct of our State affairs." Vvhile most Illinois Democratic leaders continued to attack Lincoln's conduct of the v/ar, Logan was imperceptibly edging from anti-war Democracy to complete administration support. When Logan arrived in Egypt he went at once to Carbondale v/here Mary and Dollie v/ere living. Because of Logan's family's hostility, she found Murphysboro uncomfortable and chose Carbondale because of its nearness to the railroad. Logan arrived shortly after his brotherin-law, Dr. Israel Blanchard, had been seized for opposition 2 to the war, and sent to Washington under arrest. Despite political ferment caused by Blanchard 's arrest, and Allen's 1 Dawson, op. cit .» 26-27. 2 George Smith, Southern Illirois , I, 332.

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276 re-election campaign, Logan vowed to spend his time v/ith his family. His lone speech was delivered in Carbondale in response to a request from citizens of his new home town. This address, similar to Logan's letter to Hatch, v;as basically a non-political statement in v;hich he told Egyptians "party lines and partisan feelings should be sv/allov/ed up in patriotism," When asked earlier what Logan would do in the fall political v;ars, Shelby Cullom had written, "Logan is quiet," This remained true, and Logan started 2 back to Jackson without another public statement, rt'hen Logan reached Cairo on September 2 he received a wire from R. R. Townes, a member of his staff, telling of a large rebel cavalry demonstration south of Jackson, and pleading for reinforcements. Before Logan left Cairo he was relieved to hear from Townes that "reinforcements 3 have been sent. The enemy are still in check." Logan's return brought increased duties since McClernand had gone to Illinois to raise troops and Grant had given Logan command of the entire Jackson district. Replacing Logan as commander of the Jackson post v/as Colonel Mike Lawler of the i ~ Illinois State Journal , Sept. 11, 1862. 2 S. M. Cullom to M. Hay, July 5, 1^62, Cullom Kss., III. State Hist. Library. 3 Q. R .. Ser. 1, X^II, pt. 2, 196. Kenneth P. 'Williams, Lincoln Finds a General , IV, 67.

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277 iSth Illinois. Logan's command now included 23 regiments, stretched throughout the area. As if in honor of Logan's return, the rebels resumed their pyrotechnics the day he arrived in Jackson. The railroad bridge between Humboldt and Jackson, burned in July, was attacked again and set afire. This time, hov.ever, the fire was put out, and the rebels were driven off, losing their comi.ander, a lieutenant, in the process. Logan's forces pursued the raiders in an attempt to take the whole force, but the party melted into the Tennessee hills. The remainder of September was spent, at Grant's orders, resting the men and guarding and repairing rail and wagon roads. Several times v;ord reached Logan from along the Hatchie, south of Jackson, that large rebel cavalry units were operating, but October arrived without further attacks. Difficulty arrived from a new quarter in late September with Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation. Its effect on politics would be noted at the polls in November, and it took that long to affect the Westerners under Logan's command. The proclamation came as a surprise to Logan and 2 his men, but was generally well received. Some, however, agreed with the Egyptian paper which screamed, "The Niggers __ 0. R .. Ser. 1, XVII, pt. 2, 203, 231. 2 Logan, Great Conspiracy , L9^»

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273 are free," and lushed out at Lincoln's change of war aims. Of this group there were those v;ho, recalling Logan's enlistment promise, expected to be led home, and when no such action v;as forthcoming, deserted. Logan privatelyconfided to Mary, "the President's foolish message does us no good," but he said nothing publicly about abolition, and continued to urge his men to fight to preserve the Union, October brought pleasant fall v;eather and an attack by Confederates under Earl Van Dorn and Stirling Price on Corinth. Logan was ordered to hold his position in west Tennessee against Confederate raiders, and keep Corinth's lines of conmunication open to the North, New units daily moved into Logan's district as Grant gathered his right wing for an advance on Vicksburg from the north. The 124th Illinois, recently organized, arrived at Jackson October 9 and v/as reviewed by Logan, wno was \vell pleased v;ith the appearance of fresh troops.-^ Most v/elcome reinforcement v/as a company raised and captained by Logan's brother Tom, which joined the 31st. Logan had talked with Tom on his return in September, convincing him he should join the 1 ~ Jonesboro Gazette , Oct,, 4, l«o2, 2 JAL to Mary Lo^an, Dec. 12, 1862, Logan Mss. 3 Richard L. Howard, History of the 124th Regiment Illinois InfantiT Volunteers . 23.

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279 1 ranks. As cool fall days passed Logan's men enjoyed the break in combat and prepared for the rumored advance into Mississippi. Many had become friendly with the inhabitants and they visited homes and attended church regularly. There were always incidents that threatened cordial relations Logan had tried so hard to create. A resident of Bolivar came upon a soldier sitting in a garden on a sv/eet potato ridge digging potatoes with his bayonet. The Tennessean asked, "Is this the way you are going to convert us into good Union men?" Never looking up, the soldier replied, 2 "No by God, this is the way v:e dig taters." "Tater digging" ended November 2 when Grant ordered Logan to move his command into Mississippi as the long awaited Vicksburg campaign began. On October 25 Grant vias placed in command of the Department of the Tennessee, and he set in motion an advance on the great Confederate citadel on the Mississippi, He chose to move south through Mississippi, east of the river, driving scattered rebel forces back on Vicksburg as he went. Though October was relatively peaceful, the advance brought great relief after two and one-half months of defending a large district 1 Green B. Raum, A History of Illinois Republicanism . 526. 2 Fritz Haskell (ed.), "The Diary of Colonel William Caram, 1^6l-lJ^65," Journal, 111. State Hist. Soc, XXIV, 91?^.

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2^0 from rebel raiding parties. Grant's army numbered about 30,000 and he estimated his rebel opposition under Genral J. C. Pemberton to be about the same. Grant's left wing was led by McPherson, the center by C. S. Hamilton, and the right by '..', T, Sherman. Logan's division marched with McPherson' s left. Pemberton was solidly entrenched south of the Tallahatchie River, but several rebel garrisons remained north of the river, and those at Holly Springs and Grand Junction merited Grant's attention. As the campaign began, Logan, no longer commander of the Jackson district, v/as named commander of the 3rd Division, 17th Army Corps, under J. B, McPherson. Logan's three brigades, led by Colonels Carroll Marsh and John D. Stevenson, both Illinoisans, and M. D. Leggett, able former chief of the 7Sth Ohio, included fourteen regiments, most 2 of which had served under Logan. On October 31 a grand review v;as held, and Logan and McPherson told Grant the left was ready to move. At 4 o'clock on a chilly November 2 Logan's division formed "with knapsacks and cartridge3 boxes," and the advance began. Two days later, after an uneventful march, Logan Grant, op. cit ., I, 3 50. 2 0. R. . Ser. 1, XVII, pt. 2, 33^. 3 Richard Howard, IS/i-th Illinois , 23,

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2gl moved into La Grange, Tennessee on the Mississippi Central Railroad. Here he remained for most of November, putting the railroad into running order and making certain Grant's line to the rear v;as secure, Lo?an saw little action, but dispatched daily reconnaisance missions which sometimes encountered rebel units, driving them southward. In addition to guard and repair duty, Logan drilled his men. Discipline was generally good and Logan took pains to make certain his men vere well equipped. The recently arrived 124th Illinois began the movement without enough supply wagons, and Logan sent them more. "This affair gave General Logan a place in the hearts and confidence of our men v?hich he never lost, and to which his subsequent kindly acts proved him to be richly entitled," observed the regimental historian. One of the few causes of distress was that of men who, taking exception to the Emancipation Proclamation, 3 resigned, v;ere dismissed from the service and sent home.^ While this did not constitute a major problem, it grieved 4 Logan and led him to call emancipation "foolish," JAL to Mary Logan, Nov. 12, 25, 1??62, Logan Mss. 2 Richard Howard, 124th Illinois , 41. 3 Haskell, op. cit ., 923. 4 JAL to Mary Logan, Dec. 12, lf?62, Logan Mss.

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2g2 On November 2S Logan*.? division broke camp at La Grange and moved vdth the Union left tov;ard Holly Springs, Mississippi, All the follovring day Logan, moving along a narrow road, heard gunfire away to the southv;est, but he encountered no opposition. Holly Springs, already taken by Grant *s horsemen, was reached on the 30th. Pemberton had pulled his entire force behind the Tallahatchie, After a brief halt at Holly Springs, which Grant designated his main supply depot, Logan advanced. On December 2 he was astir early and after a brisk rooming march came in sight of formidable rebel earthworks north of the Tallahatchie, Instead of a pov.erful barrier occupied by Pemberton* s entire force, Logan found the xwrks abandoned and Pemberton rumored in fli^t southv;ard. Grant, unwilling to attack Pemberton* s strong river line, had sent a cavalry force up stream, crossed, and convinced Pemberton he should fall back on Vicksburg, Grant quickly hurdled the Tallahatchie and moved his main force south in pursuit tov/ard Oxford. Logan's division, despite short rations and roads turned into a morass by fall rains, led the advance, and just after dark on December 3 it arrived in Oxford. Logan remained in the lovely college tovm a few days, receiving supplies and preparing to spearhead the left flank southward. The army Richard Howard, 124th Illinois , 42.

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233 was forced to turn the state university's library into a hospital, and Logan found school officials bitterly hostile. Ready to move again on the 12th, Logan's division advanced through rolling, timbered country toward the Yocona River. He marched without opposition and reached the Yocona, near Water Valley, to discover again an absence of Confederates. Logan was ordered to halt, make camp on the river, and await further instructions. Peraberton's continued withdrawal had caused a change in Grant's plans. The Yocona was to be Logan's farthest line of penetration, the division camp there later being dubbed "Camp Turnabout." Logan lay along the river from the 11th to the 22nd, encountering few enemy troops and scouting. At Camp Turnabout he compiled his December troop report, 2 finding almost 7,000 officers and men present for duty. He scribbled a few lines to Mary, reporting, "I am v/ell satisfied with my position and men," but added, "I would be glad if the war could be settled properly, and if the heads at Washington had any sense, and would have as much done on the Potomac as we have done, the rebellion v/ould 3 be ended." Still patrolling the Yocona region, Logan heard on Ibid., 41. ^ 0. R .. Ser. 1, XVII, pt. 2, 512. •^JAL to Mary Logan, Dec. 12, 1^62, Logan Mss.

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2^4 the 19th of a Confederate cavalry raid on Jackson, Tennessee, Nathan Bedford Forrest had slammed into the area and ripped up the road between Jackson and Columbus, Kentucky, cutting off communications v;ith the North. On the following day a second disaster struck the Union rear. Van Dorn's cavalry dashed into Holly Springs and set fire to Grant *s immense sU;:ply base. His ariay*s lines of communication severed, and its supplies destroyed. Grant made the only possible decision, retreat. On the 21st McPherson told Logan to retire toward Oxford, seizing provisions to replace those 2 destroyed by Van Dom, These authorized seizures came none too soon, for when Logan began his withdrawal some units were already on short rations. At 2 o'clock on the morning of the 22nd Logan asked his regimental officers to breakfast. After outlining the line of march, Logan launched into a tirade against the rebellion in general, and Mississippi in particular, vov/ing "he would burn every damned house in it if he had command of it a couple of days." At 7 o'clock Camp Turnabout got its name and retreat began, Logan moved slov/ly through Oxford and Grant, op, cit ., I, 36O. 2 Oj__R. , Ser. 1, XVII, nt. 2, 453. 3 Haskell, o p. cit .. 927; Morris, op. cit .. 52. 4 Haskell, op. cit .. 92?*.

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2J!5 spent a cheerless Christmas and Nev; Year»s Day along the Tallahatchie. North of the river Logan was sent by Grant to La Grange to establish winter quarters. An exhausted division dragged into the Tennessee rail junction as 1^62 and the first act of the drama of Vicksburg ended.

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CHAPTER VIII HEV7ING THEIR WAT "Should the free navigation of the Mississippi River be obstructed by force, the men of the West will hew their v;ay to the Gulf with their swords," Loj^an had promised in lS6l. Fifteen months had passed since Logan thundered his vow at the fledgling 31st Illinois, and the river remained closed. Grant had struck once at rebel forces north of Vicksburg and his army had been cut off from the rear and repulsed. In January of the new year, Grant, forced to devote more attention to McClemand (vrho had his own ideas about who should lead the expedition) than to Pemberton, was busy moving troops down the Mississippi for another 1 crack at the rebel citadel. Frustrated and denied victory east of the river, Grant had determined to approach Vicksburg from lov; country to the west. By the end of January he had a force on the river flats northwest of his objective, but high v/ater made movement impossible. Deciding an advance was hazardous until March, Grant took steps to reinforce his assault force. He ordered McPherson to move Logan to Memphis where the 3rd Division would join the rest of the 17th Grant, op. cit ., I, 367. 216

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:37 Corps and steqm dovm river to join Grant's van around Young *s Point and Lake Providence, Louisiana, Lo^an vms first ordered to sail on January 13, but his instructions were countermanded and he remained at La Grange, unable to march to Memphis because of impassable roads. When his route cleared on the 17th, Logan, "keen to go," broke camp and marched for Memphis. On arriving Logan expected to embark immediately, but on the 25th Gr^int telegraphed that because of flooding the landing would be perilous, and he directed Logan to await further orders. At month's end Logan's thirteen regiments had erected temporary winter 2 quarters and v;ere impatiently v/aiting for Grant's call. January and February were the darkest months of the v/ar for Logan. Since Donelson, his duties had been drudgery, with little chance for glory or advancement, and nov; it seemed as if there would be an interminable v/ait at Memphis. If the wait was too long Logan was afraid his command might disappear entirely. Desertions, a growing problem since September, were on the rise and as long as the army remained motionless they increased. In desperation Logan wrote, "It takes all ray time to keep the men in camp... the people, President and all, have gone crazy and I shall i ~ Q. R . . Ser. 1, XVII, pt. 2, 552, 569. 2 0. R .. Ser. 1, WII, pt. 2, 577; XXIV, pt. 3, 23.

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2gg hold on to my command a v;hile yet and see if all v;ill not become sane again. If not I shall probably leave the array," Logan, horrified to hear that the 109th Illinois, an Egyptian regiment, had mutinied at Kolly Springs and was under arrest, 2 feared a similar outbreak among his units. While desertions increased and anti-war forces spread propaganda through his division, Logan v/as incapacitated. Damp, chill weather brought a recurrence of pain from his Donelson wounds and for a month he lay v/eak, 3 feverish, and depressed. On February 12, fearing wholesale mutiny Logan issued an order to his troops through regimental commanders. Apologizing for not being able to deliver the message in person, he assured them "your General still maintains unshaken confidence in your patriotism and devotion, and in the ultimate success of our cause." He expressed disgust at "treasonable" influences at v;ork designed to create dissatisfaction. Logan especially deplored newspapers reaching the men containing false pictures of public sentiment at home. He concluded with a denunciation of deserters, calling on his men to stand by JA.L to Mary Lofran, Jan. ?1, IS63, Logan Mss. 2 Cole, op. cit ., 306. 3 Mary Logan, Reminiscencec , 13^.

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239 the flag.^ Logan»s message prompted the Jonesboro Gazette, a former friend, to take him to t^sk for championing the war after it had become an abolition struggle, reminding him of his promise to lead his men home if abolition prevailed.^ Even Doff Ozburn imbibed anti-v.^ar sentiment, and 3 Logan confessed to Mary, "I '..ant nothing to do with him." The two men grev.' farther apart, and when Logan heard Czburn say he had not come ^'to fight to free the Niggers," demanded his resignation. Ozburn was replaced by Edwin McCook as the division embarked for Vicksburg. Most of his men remained in camp however, and after Logan's plea of the 12th, Colonel John Stevenson organized a group to serenade him at headquarters. After the singing, Stevenson pledged 5 the troops* loyalty. Illness, insubordination, and inactivity left Logan depressed and he told Mary she and Dollie were his only reasons for living. After learning of Logan's illness, his ife received permission to go to Memphis, and brought a \/ Order read to the 3rd Division at Memphis Feb. 12, 1863, Logan Mss. Jonesboro Gazette . Feb. 23, I863. ^JAL to Mary Logan, Jan. 21, 1^63, Logan Mss. C. w. Balestier, James G. Blaine; a v^ketch of His Life. v:ith a Brief Record of the Life of John A. Logan. 257; Morris, op. cit .. 179. Mary Logan, Reminiscences , 132.

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290 ray of light into the other'/'ise bleak v/inter. The couple first stayed at Logan's headquarters at tlie Gayoso House, but in early Februarv division headquarters was moved to the Lanier estate outside Memphis, and General and Mrs. Logan lived in the mansion. Mary v/as of great help during Logan's illness, acting as messenger, and even reviewing troops. At an evening dress parade of the 31st, she v/alked down the line shaking hands vrith the men and encouraging them to 2 remain loyal, Mary remained until the division moved south and then returned to Carbondale, By February 15, when Logan had recovered sufficiently to ride, the division stood ready to embark. The first transports arrived on the Sth, but unLil the 20th there were not enough to carry the -whole division. On the 20th Logan marched his raen aboard and transports turned dovm river tov/ai-'d Grant's array stretched snakeline across the river from Vicksburg. The grim interlude was over. Logan's division was ready to begin "hewing its way to the Gulf." They debarked at Lake Providence, about 35 miles north of Vicksburg where they formed the northern extremity of Grant's line. The Louisiana lowlands around Lake Providence were dotted with flooded bayous. Towering 1 Ibid.. 129. 2 Morris, op, cit. . 52,

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'^91 over Gr.ant»s army, huddled in soggy bottomland, stood Vicksburg»s armed cliff '?. The Mir.sis£.i?pi at Vicksburg meandered wildly through a sericr, of hairpin turns, most prominent of which thrust eastward into Mississippi like a giant finger. Grant realized a frontal attack on the bluffs would be madness and decided to undertake a aeries of experiments until he found a way to effect a landing on solid ground on the Mississippi side. He expected little from the time consuming activities of March and i!.pril, but they served to divert ,'emberton, and keep Union troops busy. Grant's diversion included a number of attempts to get behind Vicksburg from the north tJirough the lasoo country, and several canal projects west of tne river. The latter v.-ere aimed at by-?asoing Vicksburg 's batteries and depositing the army south of the city. Vvlien Logan arrived at Lake .-^rovidence, troops already there, under McPherson, had cut the levee and been canal digging for almost a month. Lake Providence was part of the old bed of the Mississippi, but in 1J563 it lay one mile west of the river. The lake, six miles long, joined a system of tortuous, tree clogged bayous which ran into the Tensas, Washita, and Red Rivers. If navigable for its entire length this route could land Grant's army 400 miles south Grant, op. cit . , I, 371-

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292 of Vicksburg at Port Hudson. On February 4 Grant returned to ascertain McPherson»s progress and decided there was little chance of success. Nevertheless, he let the work continue "believing emplo3nnent was better than idleness for the men." Logan's men, joining Mcpherson's miners, had little chance of idleness, and activity kept them in good spirits. Some dug while others, more fortunate, explored the bayous when water rose high enough for small boats. Several times they returned vrith reports of a practicable route through the winding waterways, but each time further investigation proved passage unsuitable. One of Logan's brigades, under hard driving Colonel M. B. Leggett, also participated in a foray east of the river and north of Vicksburg, attempting to wriggle in behind Pemberton. This expedition, like several others there, failed and was called back. On March 2? Grant ordered the Lake Providence canal project abandoned and Logan's men, forced five miles up river by the lake's rising waters, set up a dry camp and waited 3 for Grant's next move.-^ Promotion occupied Logan's mind through the spring. During the advance into Mississippi in November and December, 1 Ibid ., 374. 2 0. R .. Ser. 1, XXIV, pt. 3, 96. ^Ibid. , Ser. 1, XXIV, pt. 1, 403.

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293 Governor Yates asked Logan's promotion to major general, Lincoln complied by sending Logan's name to the Senate, and that body, much to Logan's and Yates' distress, rejected the nomination. Undeterred, Logan pressed Yates for reconsideration and the Illinois governor sent Lincoln a letter "in behalf of the State and of a large majority of her loyal people." Yates called the Senate's rejection "most unfortunate to the interest of the Government in my state and in the West generally." Yates was especially anxious to see Logan promoted because of the influence such a step 2 V70uld have on Illinois' war Democrats. A number of Logan's subordinates also penned letters to the President in his 3 behalf. Another example was an appeal to Elihu Washburne drawn up by Colonel Jasper M. Maltby of the 45th Illinois, and signed by the entire regiment. Maltby asked a major general's stars for his "beloved and distinguished" division commander as an evidence of political impartiality in making promotions. He cited Logan's excellent v/ar record, his support of the government, and his "shining example" 4 to men under his command. Lincoln again asked Logan's 1 Dav;son, op. cit ., 28. 2 Yates to Lincoln, Mar. 20, 1863, Logan Mss., copy. 3 James M. Davis et al . to Lincoln, Mar. [?], 1863, Logan Mss. 4 J. M. Maltby to Elihu Washburne, April 2, 1863, Washburne Mss.

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294 elevation, but no action was forthcoming until the campaign's conclusion. The Illinois Democratic press continued to show interest in Logan's "betrayal" of his party. Lanphier attacked Logan's February 12 letter, leading Logan to exclaim, "this does seem as if there was a determination to abuse me for everything." Commenting on the same document, an Egyptian paper told Republicans who believed Logan had joined them, "Gen, John is as ardent a Democrat as he ever was, and he hates abolitionists as much as he ever did, but Gen. John wants to be promoted to Major General.... He hasn't fooled the Democrats for they never did think 2 he amounted to much." While newspapers peppered Logan, stories attacking him swept through Egypt. Mary found herself rejected, subjected to stony silence from former friends, and forced to sit and listen to her husband called a thief and traitor. She finally refused to mention the war altogether, not even when told Logan was guilty of breaking seals on soldiers' letters. Scarcely able to withstand the unremitting assault, she lamented: "isolated from my kindred by this unfortunate trouble, torn from my husband by the same unholy cause... JAL to Mary Logan, Mar. 10, 1^63, Logan Mss, 2 Jonesboro Gazette „ Mar. 14, I063.

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295 how can I say much with you on one side and a brother, whom I love dearly, on the other." In early April Logan completed the circle, moving from a bitter abolition foe to open advocacy of freedom for the slaves. Flirting with the idea of making such a statement for several months, the opportunity came when AdjutantGeneral Lorenzo Thomas appeared at Lake Providence to speak to the division on the government's policy of arming Negroes. Thomas outlined the policy in a short, formal speech, hissed and booed by many of the men. When Thomas finished McPherson spoke briefly and introduced Logan. Roaring out in his best stump style, Logan admitted he had been educated to supoort slavery and fight abolition, but the war had opened his eyes. Slavocrats had struck at the republic and slavery must be destroyed. Concentrating his appeal on the Egyptians of his old regiment standing before him, he gestured violently as he thundered: "We must hurt the rebels in every way possible. Shoot them with shot and shells and minie balls, and damn them, shoot them with niggers.... And you my old 'Dirty-first,' you are willing even a colored man should shield you from rebel bullets. I know you are. So v;e'll unite on this policy, putting the )ne who is the innocent cause of this war, in the ''Mary Logan to JAL, Apr. 6, Mar. 23, 1363, Logan Mss.

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296 front rank and press on to victory." Instinctively, led by the 31st, the men cheered, and little was said afterward openly against Negro troops or abolition. Thomas wrote, "I must refer to the eloquent remarks of General Logan, who not onlj'fully indorsed my own remarks, but went beyond them."^ Logan's shift of position can be traced to two factors. He v;as no dedicated abolitionist, but by 1^63 he had concluded that everything, even slavery, should be sacrificed if necessary to save the Union. He also had politics in mind. His eye on post-vjar politics, Logan was growing certain that a narrow Egyptian vlevt of national affairs v/ould not v/in state-wide office. Though his popularity might decline in Egypt, and even there his enemies were more noisy than numerous, every step away from rigid Egyptian Democracy brought him greater praise from northern Illinois. His name, long an anathema in Springfield, Freeport, and Rockford, v/as now greeted v/ith cheers. Shortly after Thomas departed, waters began to recede, roads became passable, and Grant's mind bubbled with ideas. Unable to hit Pemberton from the north or v/est. Grant determined to n^arch dovm the Louisiana shore south of 1 ] ~ Richard Howard, 124th Illinois . o5-o6; Hayes, op. cit .. IV, 302. 2 0. R ., ser. 3, HI, 121.

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297 Vicksburg, cross, and strike from a new quarter. Having formulated his plan, Grant called a concentration of forces at Milliken*s Bend, between Lake Providence and Vicksburg. On April 15 McPherson ordered Loi'.an to embark for the staging area brigade by brigade as soon as transports arrived. A few days later the 3rd Division stood at Milliken's Bend ready to advance. His three brigades totaled thirteen crack regiments from Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, and Missouri. On the eve of the advance Brigadier General I. N. Haynie, longing for politics, resigned to be replaced as commander of the 1st Brigade by Brigadier General John E. Smith, but otherwise Logan* s unit commanders remained the 1 same. To ferry his men across the river south of Vicksburg, Grant was forced to send a fleet under Admiral David D. Porter dovm the Mississippi under Pemberton*s guns. The success of this endeavor, despite some loss, led to a second try on the night of April 22. This salley was necessary to supply the army while waiting to cross, since adequate wagon trains could not negotiate the muddy bottomland west of the river. Grant called for volunteers to man the ships, asking for men with past experience on western rivers. Five times more men offered their services than Ibid .. Ser. 1, XXIV, pt. 3, 257.

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29S were needed, and of the force chosen almost all \,-ere from Logan* s division. When Colonel Maltby asked for volunteers from the 45th Illinois, almost the entire regiment stepped foxn^'ard. The zeal displayed was a tribute to spirit in1 spired by Logsn and his regimental officers. V/hile his intrepid volunteers dashed beneath Vicksburg's hulking cliffs, the bulk of Lor^an*s division broke camp on the 25th and marched through bayou country tovjard Grant's projected crossing opposite Bruinsburg. Drenching rains hampered movement, but Logan kept a steady pace and made Hard Times Landing opposite Grand Gulf by the 2Sth. Tvro days later he reached the point opnosite Bruinsburg ^^fhere he v/as to cross. Grant's plan of attack was nov; obvious to his subordinates, and they did not like it. Sherman, McPherson, and Logan strongly op:iosed this move on grounds that an effective supply line to the rear could not be maintained 2 and the whole force might be cut off and destroyed. Grant however, had revolutionary ideas about supply lines, V/hen Van Dom put the torch to Grant's Holly Springs base in December, the army was forced to subsist off the country during its retreat. This policy was so successful that it gave Grant ideas. Why couldn't his whole army, moving Wilbur F. Crummer, With Grant at Fort Donelson . Shiloh, and Vicksburg . 91. 2 J. r. C. Fuller, Grant and Lee , 8?.

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299 through country untouched by conflict, do the same? The idea was bold, reckless, and sure to be countermanded by Halleck, but Grant nade sure Halleck knew nothing of his plans until it v;as too late to stop them. To confuse Pemberton, Grant ordered two diversions. He sent Sherman do\vn through the Yazoo tangle feinting at Vicksburg from the north, and dispatched cavalry commander Benjamin Grierson on a hard riding sweep through Mississippi. This flurry of action sent Pemberton scurrying in all directions and rendered impossible effective stoppage of Grant's first move south of the city. On the 30th McClernand*s 13th Corps began crossing at Bruinsburg. That afternoon and night Logan's 1st and 3rd Brigades "bade farewell to Louisiana and its alligators." Their crossing was accomplished without incident, but as Logan's artillery was being ferried after dark, two transports collided and one containing Battery G, 2nd Illinois Light Artillery, sank, taking with it all the artillery, several horses, and three men. Though this accident slowed ferry work, the 2nd Brigade landed May 1. Before the 2nd Brigade landed its fellow units were in action. Shortly after midnight on the 1st, McClernand's column i Osborn H. Oldroyd, A Soldier's Story of the Siege of Vicksburg . 3. 2 Q. R .. Ser. 1, >JCiV, ot. 1, 642. 1

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300 encountered infantry and artillery fire on the road to Port Gibson and he halted to await daylight. When day came McClernand moved his troops down two roads toward Port Gibson about ten miles from Bruinsburg. Here he met Confederate General John S. Bovren, hurrying with 5»000 men from Grand Gulf to delay Grant's advance. While waiting for rations, Logan's two brigades heard distant booming, and as Grant arrived in Bruinsburg, a messenger from McClernand dashed in requesting aid. Grant sent Logan's 1st Brigade under Smith to the left, and Stevenson's brigade to reinforce McClernand' s right. McPherson rode out with Smith while Logan joined Stevenson in jogging through the hot Mississippi sun tov/ard the sound of battle. Smith, a veteran of Belmont, Donelson, and Shiloh, with the 45th and 124th Illinois in reserve, hurried, as one old soldier recalled, "to help McClernand out of a scrape." The terrain through v;hich they moved was a broken series of v/ooded ridges separated by deep ravines choked with heavy timber and tangled undergrowth. Some of Smith's men fell by the wayside, overcome by heat, but most struggled on, bristling 2 with fight after months of inactivity. By noon wild Confederate artillery balls had begun to crash through trees around Smith's troops, and they soon reached McClernand 's Adair, op. cit ., 10. 2 Morris, op. cit .. 55.

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301 line. Bovven'y rebels occuDied a high ridge opposite McClernand and looked formidable behind their natural fortifications. Smith quickly flung his advance units into the line and Union troops slowly drove Bowen back. The Confederates retired to a hill where Bov;en halted his comr:and, hoping, with the aid of the terrain, to delay further Union advance. After a short infantry exchan.p;e, Smith and McClernand decided to charge. The order v/ent dovm the line and Smith »s entire force rose, fired, and raced through a hail of shots toward Bowen 's line. The brigade struck like veterans, rolling Bowen back until he called a retreat. This charge was the first combat experience for the 124th Illinois and it was disconcerted by balls that "struck uncomfortably close and made us cringe," but at day's end, Grant told their commander, Colonel T. J. Sloan, "I never 2 want soldiers to do better," On McClernand *s right, Stevensoh»s men, the 8th and Slst Illinois, 7th Missouri, and 32nd Ohio, accompanied by Logan, stumbled through the broken country. This Union flank was stronger than the left, but Stevenson's men came in time to plug a hole in McClernand* s line. Fighting was not as intense there. After an afternoon filled with the clatter of rifle fire, Bowen 's left joined the retreat. 0. R .. Ser. 1, XXIV, pt. 1, 643. 2 Richard Howard, 124th Illinois . 79.

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302 Guns stilled, Logan* s men were exuberant at their success. First they cheered v/ithout knov/ing quite what they v/ere cheering; then they cheered the 124th Illinois for behaving so v;ell in its first fii^ht. Logan and McPherson came up to be greeted with cheers, and when Grant rode along the exclamations rose again. Behind Grant "on a couple of sorry looking secesh nags" came Yates and Washburne, The tv;o politicians had recently come dovm river and they rode forv/ard to observe the battle, Washburne had even ridden tov/ard the enemy beside Jasper Maltby of the 45th Illinois, but the sharp crack of muskets convinced him he should remain in the rear. Emerging after Bowen's retreat he galloped up shouting "Give it to 'em boys," His enthusiasm once the enemy was silenced drew snickers from the mer , but they admitted "you couldn't blame him much. He wasn't getting the enormous sum of ftl3 per month to be shot at, A Congressman's salary didn't justify the sacrifice of being riddled with bullets." Despite this, and though "it wasn't our custom to cheer for civilians," they gave Yates and V/ashburne "three cheers such as they never got before or 2 since." How things had changed. The army was in the field, confidently striking through the heart of Dixie, and Grant told Halleck, "the amiy is in the finest health Cruminer, op. cit .. 91. 2 Adair , op. cit . , 18 .

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303 and spirits." High spirits and carefree Informality of Logan's men continued next morning as they swung into Port Gibson while bridges over the South Fork of Bayou Pierre were burning. The command stopped while Grant decided on his next move, and a group of Logan's men, wandering through the streets, found a quantity of blank currency. Signing enormous amounts, privates left town feeling like bank 2 presidents. Having reached Port Gibson and effected a firm landing east of the river, Grant could have been expected to establish a base of supplies and v;ait for N. P, Banks* force in Louisiana to join him, A year earlier Grant might have stopped, but he had the initiative and did not propose to drop it. Furthermore, a halt might give Joe Johnston, in eastern Mississippi, time to join Pemberton. Grant proposed to slash across the state separating the two enemy armies and driving Pemberton inside Vicksburg, sealing his fate. He moved even though he had inadequate v/agon trains, and orders went out to forage liberally. V.agons vrere seized around Port Gibson, and as the army advanced detachments scoured the country for anything edible. New bridges over the South Fork at Port Gibson were begun on May 2, but, not waiting for their completion, i . R . . Ser. 1, XXIV, pt. 1, 33. 2 Oldroyd, op. cit .. 5.

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304 Grant called on Logan and sent him to seek a quick crossing. Guided by a helpful Negro, Lo^an vjent three miles upstream and forded. He found no enemy, moved across to the North Fork, and camped near VJillow Springs. Logan, nov; leading the army, had att.ained high ground and v;as in the clear striking for Jackson. The men had no idea v/here they vjere going but they reasoned Grant knew v;here he was taking them. With faith in their commanders as great as any army ever possessed, they v;ere going to hack the Confederacy in half. "Logan," his men knew, "is brave, and does not seem to know what defeat means, Vn'e feel that he will bring us out of every fight victorious. .. .1 have no fear of a needless sacrifice of life through mismanagement 2 of this army." Rising early on the 3rd, Logan sent out foraging parties and prepared to cross the North Fork of Bayou Pierre. Some of Logan's men, on patrol along the peaceful stream, decided to take a swim before breakfast, and they were splashing happily when rifle fire kicked up jets of vjater. No one was hurt and Logan drove the marauding rebels off, crossed the bayou, and moved up a sandy road toward Hankinson's Ferry on the Big Black River. All afternoon retreating graycoats were herded along ahead V/illiams, op. cit . . IV, 351. 2 Oldroyd, op. cit ., 15.

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305 of Logan's column, several times falling prisoner to advance units. Logan reached the ferry at dusk and camped along the Big Black for three days. Across the river Confederates had planted a battery and at daybreak on the 4th it opened on Logan's camp, sending men scurrying for cover. Bringing his ovhi artillery forward, Union guns joined the booming chorus and silenced rebel fire. Rocky Springs was the objective when Logan broke camp on the 7th. He reached the hamlet that evening and camped there for tvjo days, thrusting ahead again on the 9th toward Utica. Forv;ard movement alov/ed on the 9th and 10th due to the v;ait for supi->ly vmgons hauling necessities unprovided by the countryside, such as coffee, bread, and ammunition. Logan rumbled through Utica on the 11th bearing northeastward toward Raymond, certain the enemy would appear before he had gone much farther. At nightfall on the 11th however, all remained peaceful, campfires were lit, and orders were passed to move out early on the 12th and seize , 2 the crossroads at Raymond. At 3:30 that rooming, Logan, "gallant and irrepressible," led McPherson's line up the road with skirm3 ishers thrown forward and cavalry riding the flanks. 0. R ., Ser. 1, XXIV, pt. 1, 645. 2 Ibid .. 35. 3 Charles A. Dana and James H. V/ilson, The Life of Ulysses S. Grant . 120.

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307 the hill to bombard the enemy. When his guns began to thunder, several cooks, surprised near the front, broke for the rear carrying their utensils. One of them, kettle in hand, ran headlong into Logan who asked him vrhere he was going. "Oh General," he quaked, ''I*ve got no gun, and such a snapping and crackling as there is up tlicre I never heard before." Chuckling, Logan let him pass. As the infantry charged, Gregg s'.vept the open space with a murderous fire, but "every man stepped promptly and majestically forward," Dennis and Smith soon reached cover behind a line of fence and timber overlooking the creek and Gregg *s line, and for tvro hours the ravine was a bedlam of noise and death, Durin™ the lengthy exchange Logan moved Stevenson's reserve brigade to Smith's right, placing his entire division in action, Dennis on the left, 2 Smith in the center, and Stevenson on the right. Time after time Logan's men broke from behind the protection of the fence, only to be driven back by v/ithering fire. Logan dashed up and dov/n the line roaring at his men to hold their places, "firing the men vrith his 3 own enthusiasm." He constantly presented a clear target to rebel sharpshooters and one shot his horse from under Oldroyd, op. cit . , 17. 2 0. R .. Ser. 1, :aiV, pt, 1, 645. 3 Oldroyd, op. cit . . 17.

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306 By 10 o'clock skirmishers hr.d encounter d opposition and reconnaissance discovered a consider?able force, estimated by McPherson at 4-5, -'00, v:ell posted, eommanc'ing the road and a bridge spanning a small creek. McPherson quickly ordered up Marcellus Crocker, who with Logan was considered by Grant the army's ablest division commander. Before Crocker reached the battle, the contest had been decided. Raymond was Logan's private battle. E. S. Dennis* brigade was leading Logan's division and it arrived opposite the enemy first, followed by Smith and Stevenson, When the three units joined, they stood on a hill overlooking a deep ravine cut by a small stream. From the hill they could see Raymond's clustered houses two miles away. Confederate General John Gregg, enemy commander, had placed his skirmish line west of the creek and Logan's first wave of skirmishers dislodged it, forcing it to cross. Gregg's line now presented a menacing obstacle to attackers. Covered by the bank and thick brush, it lay along the creek and commanded an open hill down which Logan's forces must charge. Determined to strike immediately, Lof^an swung Smith's men to Dennis* right and leaving Stevenson in reserve he roared "charge!" Simultaneously he ordered Charles DeGolier's battery on i ~ Grant, op, cit . . I, 416,

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30^ him. To Logan, behind the lines, it seemed as if Gregg was concentrsting on Dennis. As ht; rode toward Dennis* flank, Logan encountered a tall, l&nky tioldier wandering along in the rear. -'General," drav;led the soldier, "I hev been over on the rise yonder, and it*£ my idee that if you* 11 put a rigiment or t\-io over thar, you'll get on 2 their flank and lick them easy." Thanking the man for his advice, Logan investigated the situation, saw the wisdom of the tall private* s words, and spurred his nevr mount back to Stevenson, He detached the J5th Illinois and sent it to the left. It was just in time to support Evan Richards' 20th Illinois v^hich iiad finally broken across the ravine and, bayonets out, were charging the rebels. Following the ^th and 20th, Lo?;an*.s old "Dirty-first," some of its men plunging neck deep in water, clambered dripping up the bank, fixed bayonets, and pressed forward. Gregg* s line, though punctured, was by no means broken and he gave way grudgingly, subjecting Logan to a galling fire. To aid the 1st Brigade *s drive up the hill, Logan moved DeGolier»s battery to the left and it smashed the enemy flank v/ith terrible effect. Once Gregg tried to capture the battery, but the attackers were met by a v;all 1 Dav/son, op. cit . . 35. 2 Isaac H. Elliott and Yirgil G. Way, History of the 33rd Regiment Veteran Volunteer Infantry . 39.

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309 of grape and cannister and they broke in disorder. At 3:30, with 3mith aud Stevenson fording the creek, Gregg, outnumbered and outgunned, fell back on Raymond in good order. ^ Tnere was no time to stop and cheer and by 5 o«clock Losan and McPherson stood at Raymond* s crossroads, but Gregg, retreating toward Jackson, was gone. The men pitched camp in the town and had their chance to cheer. But there were fewer men to do so; 66 lay dead in the smoking ravine, 339 . . 3 were wounded, and 37 missing. Logan, disgusted at having failed to catch Gregg, nevertheless rejoiced at his victory. Fought entirely by his division, the small but intense engagement reflected his dynamic leadership, and his growing ability as a strategist. Yet as he lay awake thinking of the day»s events, he must have delighted in knowing that his men»s knapsacks held their rightful share of marshal »s batons. Raymond was left behind on the 13th, but because of his long engagement the previous day, Logan gave up the lead to Crocker. Both divisions cut northward to Clinton on the Jackson-Vicksburg Railroad where they bivouacked. All night Logan busily destroyed railroad tracks near Clinton, and on the 14th followed Crocker toward Jackson. 0. R .. Ser. 1, aXIV, pt. 1, 637. 2 Ibid .. Ser. 1, XXIV, pt. 3, ^73. 3 Grant , op. cit . , I , 41 5 .

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310 At 11 o* clock Crocker »s advance units contacted Confederate skirmishers, drove them in on the main force, and Logan v;as sent in support. These rebels vrere commanded by Joe Johnston, just arrived from the East, and included Gregg^s force, smashed tvio days earlier at Raymond. Logan hurried for;vard his own skirmishers and moved his main force to Crocker's support, but Crocker's men, moving in steady line, pushed the rebels back, '//hen Logan got up there v;as nothing to do but cheer. Crocker, moving into the state caoital, found enemy lines empty, and as Logan galloped up to join him the flag of the 49th Indiana v/aved from the capitol dome. After dark Logan settled his men and sat with McPherson discussing the campaign. Soon several soldiers approached McPherson' s headquarters escorting a man recently come through the lines. This mysterious visitor, a Union secret agent, carried a message from Johnston to Pemberton, and McPherson hurried him off to Grant. Johnston, now Pemberton' s superior, was ordering Pemberton to strike Sherman, encamped at Clinton. Grant immediately ordered McClemand, who had just reached Raymond, to slice in a northwesterly direction toward Bolton, and he sent McPherson and Sherman down the Jackson-Vicksburg Ro^-id to join him. _ 0. R .. Ser. 1, XXIV, pt. 1, 646.

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311 On the 15th Logan hastened his men past Clinton, sv/ung down the rood toward Edwards* Depot, and camped that night on Turkey Creek, seven miles v.est of Clinton. As Grant moved his army toward Bolton to prevent a Confederate juncture and to drive Pemberton into Vicksburg, Pemberton was moving eastward hampered by conflicting orders, President Jefferson Davis wanted Pemberton hold Vicksburg at all costs while Johnston, his immediate superior, ordered him to leave Vicksburg and bring about a Confederate con2 centration. He had decided to try both, and he was moving toward Grant with 16,000 troops to smash Sherman* s corps, thus delaying Grant, and then join Johnston. \\'hile neither Grant nor Pemberton was sure of his enemy* s position, a clash was imminent. When Logan reached Turkey Creek, he came up v;ith General Alvin P. Hovey's division of McClernand's corps, and the two units moved forward past Bolton on the morning of the 16th. Hovey led, Logan next, followed by Crocker. At 10 o*clock Hovey 's pickets met enemy advanced units and discovered Pemberton in force along a ridga commanding the Union line of march. The ridge Pemberton had chosen, called Champion's Hill, was a low eminence running southwest to northeast, with one spur jutting southward from the 1 Ibid . 2 Bruce Catton, This Hallov/ed Ground . 236.

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312 northeast point. Near the hill, three roads leading from the east into Vicksburg came close together, tv;o of them actually joining. Grant s army was moving down these three roads: Hovey^s division and McPherson*s corps on the right, two of McClernand^s divisions in the center, and one other division. A, J. Smith of McClernand, on the left. Sherman remained around Jackson destroying railroads and factories, Hovey, v/ho had first made contact, formed his tvv'o brigades, threv; out a skirmish line and prepared to fight. Meam-^hile McPherson, riding v/ith Logan, had encountered Hovey* s wagons and sent for Grant to come up and clear the road. Grant rode forward, ordered Hovey »s train out of the way, and moved Logan and Crocker around to Hovey* s right facing Confederates on the ridge. The men trotted forward until a rest became indispensable. The weather was hot and the men tired and warm. Getting into position was hot work in more v;ays than one. Logan's 2nd Brigade, again commanded by Leggett, recently returned from a long illness, was raked by artillery fire as it moved through a small ravine to ,^et into position. Once in line, Leggett told his men to lie down until the rest of the division came up. One of Colonel Manning Force's men in the 20th Ohio remembered: "The command vms obeyed with alacrity, for bullets v/ere 1 Morris, op. cit .. 63.

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313 already whizzing over our heads, I never hu.^o-ed Dixie's soil as I have tod^y." Smith's brigade, on Leg,'-ett's right, had less trouble forming, and v/ith Stevenson in 2 reserve, Lo2"an, on the Union right, stood ready to strike. Before Logan had all his men in position, Hovey launched the attack, and Logan quickly joined him, Leggett and Smith pushing forv;ard in tv;o lines. Rebel rifles crackled, sifting leaves down on the men's heads as they walked steadily forward. Logan, closely following his line, discovered Pemberton's troops strongly posted in the edge of thick timber up the ridge, their position further protected by a vvooden fence. Riding to the rear, Logan called up DeGolier's reliable artillerymen and the Michigan battery opened on the fence with grape and cannister. Round after round pounded into the structure splintering it and sending 3 "rails and rebs in the air together," DeGolier's gory work completed, Logan sent in his infantry. Leggett found relatively easy going, but Smith, on the extreme right, was forced to plow through a ravine clogged with thick growth and sv/ept by enemy guns. Toiling upward was bloody business, but both brigades reached the fence, hurling the rebels back to a second and higher ridge. Ever mindful of 1 Oldroyd, op. cit .. 22, 0. R ,. Ser. 1, XXIV, pt. 1, 646. 3 Oldroyd, op. cit .. 23,

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314 a flanking attack, Lofran placed Stevenson on Smith's right, and no sooner did the 3rd Brigade take position than a five gun rebel battery began to throv: shells dox'/n the hill, Stevenson, ordered to silence the guns, led his men through an "almost impassable'' hollow and took the entire battery. At noon Logan rode to Stevenson's brigade where he was joined by Grant galloping up to examine the situation. Stevenson's movement had turned the rebel flank and actually cut Pemberton off from his only road of retroat, one leading along Baker's Creek between Champion's Hill and Vicksburg. This fact v/as unknown to Grant however, and when Hovey, hard pressed in the center, asked for reinforcements, he told Logan to pull Stevenson back and close the entire division on Kovey. Hovey 's relief came none too soon, but it opened the road and the chance to capture a large part of Pemberton 's army disappeared. Moving back toward the Union center, Lof^an discovered Leggett, on Hovey 's immediate right, hard pressed by rebel attackers who also soon moved down the hill toward Smith, Swedish Major Charles Stolbrand, Logan's artillery chiof , noting the advancing enemy, rode to Smith crying, "Sheneral Schmidt dey are sharging you mitt double column. By damn it dey vant mine guns." Smith grimly replied, "Let 'em come, we're ready," and he ordered "fix bayonets!" 1 Grant, op. cit .. I, 433.

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315 As steel cleared scabbards, Lorran end McPherson dashed up, the latter yelling, "Give them Jesree, boys, give them Jesseel" Lopan, risinp^ in his stirrups, shouted, "VJe are about to fight the battle for Vicksburg," and turninr to his old regiment he roared: ''Thirty-onesters, remember the blood of your mammas. Vve must whip them here or all go under the sod together. Give 'era hell." One veteran thought this charge one of the finest he witnessed during the war. After a bloody battle in the ravine, rebel attackers reclimbed their hill, hastily scrambled down the open road to the rear and left the field to Grant. When the fight was over, Logan, McPherson, and Grant v;ere greeted with hysterical cheers. Two of Logan's brigades, completely exhausted, camped on the field, but a third, despite its fatigue, outstripped McGlernand*s fresh troops in their pursuit of the retreating enemy. They shelled Pemberton's rearguard toward Big Black River Bridge before rejoining the division. Logan's total loss at Champion's Hill was 40? killed, v/ounded, and missing: 135 from Smith, 210 from Le ",gett, 61 from Stevenson, and 1 from the artillery. Logan in turn took 1,300 prisoners 2 and 11 guns. Charles A, Dana was a special emissary to Grant's 1 Morris, op. cit .. 64. 2 0. R . . Ser. 1, XXIV, ot. 2, 9.

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316 army from V/ashington, and his perceptive observations of leading participants of the Vicksburg campaipcn are among the best written. Dana, riding T-rith John Rawlins of Grant's staff after Champion's Hill, came to Logan's headquarters and found him greatly excited. "Logan declared the day was lost, and that he v;ould soon be swept from his position." Dana inquired later of Logan's unrealistic post-battle pessimism, and was told it v/as simply a curious idiosyncrasy of Logan's. In the beginning of a fight he \T;as one of the bravest men that could be, saw no danger, went right on fighting until the battle was over. Then after the battle was won, his mind gained an irarcovabla conviction that it was lost. It was merely an intellectual oeculiarity. It did not in the least impair his value as a soldier or commanding officer. He never made any mistake on account of it.l Time after time this incurable pessimism overtook him, becoming one of his best known traits. Later Dana further remarked of Logan's character: Heroic and brilliant, he is sometimes unsteady. Inspiring his men with his own enthusiasm on the field of battle, he is splendid in all its crash and commotion. A man of instinct and not of reflection, his judgements are very apt to be right,,., On the whole, few can serve the cause of the country more effectively than he, and none serve it ;.:ore faithfully. 2 Dana's opinion of Logan's usefulness was shared i Charles A, Dana, Recollections of the Civil V/ar in Earl Schenck Miers, Web of Victory . 193. 2 Dana, Recollections , in C. E. Macartney, Grant and His Generals . 101-102.

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317 by Grnnt. As his opinion of McClemanc) declined, Crart's r^.dmiration for Lo{rsn*s qualities as leader and fighter increased. At Chamnion^s Kill Lop;an struck hard and fought his men v/ell, but McClernand held back, refusing to attack the left flank v:hen his men might have sealed Pemberton*s 1 fate. Grant surely agreed with the two historians v:ho v.'roto: "Logan exhibited every day, a constantly increasing aptitude for military command and the highest soldierly qualities, not only of couragG and intelligence, but of strict obedience and subordination, v/hich latter McClern2 and did not possess and seemed incapable of acqiilring." McClernand *s career as a field conjnander was about to end, while Logan's military star v/as steadily rising. Champion's Hill was a splendid victory, called by some "the decisive 3 battle of the vrar." Pemberton, separated from Johnston, had little choice but to take his crippled army back to Vicksburg, where his stubby pursuer and the all-winning Union amy would lock the door. Abroad early on the 17th, Logan led the corps toward the Big Black, but trailed two of McClernand »s divisions v;ho had the day's fight, Pemberton, instead of trying one final time to elude Gr-.nt and march north to i Grant, op. cit .. I, 435. 2 Nicolay and Hay, op. cit ., VIT, I36. 3 I'/illiams, ot>. cit .. IV, 379.

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318 join Johnston, lay astride the river at the bridge. His men east of the river commanded a cleared field, but Grant »s relentless army pounded across the onen soace, captured most of the defenders, tilted some into the river, and caused Pemberton's main body on the v.estern heights to burn the bridge and retreat. Logan was not engaged, but he was as happy as if his ovm men had '.fon. Leading the Union charge was one of Logan's old regimental commanders, Mike Lawler, who had organized Egypt *s first regiment. Lai\rler, Falstaffian in girth without that gentleman's vices — he refused drinks explaining, "I have a brother who drinks for both of us" — had recently been elevated to a brigade command, and it was the affable Irishman's unit that led the charge. After the battle Logan rode forward and pounded the giant on the back, congratulating him on the success. Burned bridges never stopped Grant long, and on the iSth Lo'^an crossed the Big Black on pontoons. Once across, Logan tunried north, struck the Bridge port-Vicksburg Road and marched all day, his men stepping out confidently. On the morning of the 19th, Logan struck Pemberton's outlying works, about tv/o miles from the city, and he went Wilson, op. cit .. 101; J. T. Dorris, "Michael Kelly Lawler: Ilexican and Civil .jar Officer," Journal . 111. State Hist, Soc, XLVIII, 393.

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319 Into position in the siege line's center. His division lay between the wagon road and railroad to Jackcon. That afternoon Grant ordered an assault and Logan's men charged, securing a few better positions. The attack was short and demonstrated effectiveness of rebel entrenchments. Grant's investment completed by nightfall, his army coiled around Pemberton like a giant constrictor. The Union line, shaped like a great ear, ran from the river's U turn north of Vicksburg, to sv;ampy lowland along river flats south of the city, Sherman's 15th Corps held the right or north, McPherson stretched out forming the center east of the city, v/ith McClernand holding McPherson' s left, south of Vicksburg, Two separate divisions, Francis J. Herron's and Jacob G, Lauman's,held the sv;ampy terrain on the extreme left south of McClernand, Pemberton' s defensive line expertly took advantage of the rugged terrain around the city. The bluif overlooking the river on which Vicksburg is si uated, lost its flatness as it stretched eastward to where Pemberton' s men lay entrenched. There it was slashed by ravines, and Confederate rifle pits ^.ere arranged so as to make assault through this labyrinth of gullies extremely difficult. The Union army learned this on the 19th. For two days after his first attack, Grant secured a supply line to bring bread and ammunition to his army.

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320 During this time Grant meditated on the possibility of a quick, successful attack. His decision to try another frontal attack on the morning of the 22nd was based on several factors. Grant knew Johnston v/as somewhere in his rear, organizing troops, and he v;anted to take Peraberton before Johnston arrived to complicate things. In addition Grant believed Pemberton's army, fresh from a series of defeats, was demoralized, while his own men, flushed with victory, v;ere confident. Consequently he called his corps comiaanders, ordered them to synchronize watches, and strike at 10 A.M. Logan stood beside McPherson as the corps commander looked at his watch waiting for jumping off time. At 10 Logan shouted "forv/ard," and the division, 1st and 3rd Brigades in advance, 2nd in reserve, leaped down the ravines and rushed rebel riflemen. The attack was a total failure. Though pushed vigorously all along the front. Confederate sharpshooters cut holes in the blue line and Logan fell back leaving dead and wounded behind. On the left, McClernand saw some of his men reach rebel works, decided he was breaking through, and sent word to Grant that he could take Vicksburg if supported by Sherman and Mcl'herson. Grant doubted McClernand 's claim but he sent the array forward again remarking later, "this last attack Grant, op. cit .. I, 444.

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)21 only served to increase our casualties, v;ithout giving any benefit v/hatever." Logan had ample reason to mourn Grant *s decision to back McClernand. He suffered 359 casualties, 272 alone from the heavily engaged 3rd Brigade, and ^1 from Smith *s 1st, The 7th Missouri returned with 102 casualties, while the ^Ist Illinois counted its losses at 9^. Most distressing hov;ever, vjas the death of gallant Captain Samuel DeGolier. As Logan charged, DeGolier's Sth Michigan Artillery unlimbered and belched forth support for the infantry. The fiery Frenchman, directing his men in clear view of rebel sharpshooters, was killed at his 2 guns. The assault answered Grant *s question as to the possibility of quick victory. Pemberton might be demoralized, but behind prepared fortifications even demoralized men could stop Grant's best. Sergeant Oldroyd wrote on the 23rd, "the v/eather is getting hotter, and I fear sickness.., 3 If v;e can keep well, the future has no fear for us." The repulse did not shatter Union morale but the men settled down for a long, hot suramGr. For several weeks there were alarms that Pemberton would try to cut his way out, and McPherson warned Logan i Ibid . , 445. 2 0. R . . Ser. 1, XXIV, ot. 2, 155-156. 3 Oldroyd, op. cit . . 34.

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322 nightly to keep his pickets "particularly vigilant." Finally x^ith Grant's army approaching 75»000, fears of an assault vanished and mer) settled dovm to siege conditions. Life in the trenches was monotonous and hazardous, and rnen kept busy digging to make their lines strong. Daily existence was fraught with perils. Cooking rations in the front lines produced a curl of smoke twisting upward, usually followed by a torrent of enemy fire, of ten with 2 fatal effect. Water was scarce, wells yielded a muddy ooze, and men were forced to haul it from the Mississippi. As June's sultry vreeks passed, Federal trenches inched toward enemy works. Every morning Logan's sappers crawled into an ingenious invention, the sap-roller, or as it viras sometimes called "bullet-stopper," and excavating began. The sap-roller, tv/o barrels lashed together, covered with willov; saplings, and daubed with earth, protected men while digging. Along Logan's main front elaborate fortifications were built of dirt and logs, with space between where sharpshooters pointed their deadly weapons. All day riflemen were busy, and Logan's artillery'-, on high ground in the rear, slammed countless rounds into rebel lines. At •"• Q. R .. Ser. 1, XXIV, pt. 3, 352. 2 Adair, op, clt . , 12. 3 Cruiri-^ier, op. cit ,, 103,

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323 night Admiral Porter's naval batteries opened up, .ighting the sky with lurid flashes. Mortar shells crisscrossed as they arched upv.ard from the river, reminding men of shooting stars, before they fell on the beleagured city vrLth a crash. Gcunes and rumors occupied the men while deadly exchanges continued. By June 15 opposing lines were so close that one of Logan's men lobbed a hard-tack biscuit into trenches of the 3rd Louisiana. The biscuit, bearing the word "starvation," came back marked, "Forty days rations 2 and no thanks to you." Men of the 20th Ohio devised a method of luring enemy gunners from behind their parapets. Raising duirimies a little above their rifle-pits, they waited until rebel riflemen raised their heads to fire, then a Union volley tore the rebel v;orks, sometimes finding its mark.^ Fraternization between the opposing armies occurred often, and men of Logan's Illinois, planting a piece of light artillery on a rise behind the lines, v;ere challenged by a single Confederate standing on top of his fort's wall. Soldiers on both sides spent a short time talking through Morris, op. cit .. 71. 2 Oldroyd, on. cit .. 54. This reminiscence cones from an appendix to Oldroyd 's book v>rritten by V/, H. Tunnard entitled, "Reminiscences of the 3rd Louisiana Infantry in the Trenches in Front of Logan's Division." 3 Ibid .. 34.

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324 the quiet night, livened by an occasional shell from Porter, Bidding each other good night they returned to their duties. Rumors were prevelant throughout the siege. Word of Confederste starvation inside Vicksburg was common, 2 mule meat it war reported brought 5^1.00 a pound. A constant rumor v;as of Pemberton^s breakout. At the same time reports that Joe Johnston was coming v.-ith 50,000 to raise the siege v.ere credited by some, scoffed at by others. Nevertheless, this fear v;as so real that McPherson ordered Logan on June 23 to have Forceps Ohioans ready to march to 3 Sherman's relief if the rumored attack occurred, I^Jhile rumor flov/ed, and men lured the enemy to their death one day and exchanged gossip '.vith them the next, the grim business of siege operations continued. Heat, dust, lack of v;ater, and danger from whizzing missies, made life tiresome and maddening. To men fresh from the war's most sensational series of flash victories, this was anti-climactic. Back to Logan came some of the wounded from Raymond and veterans of subsequent action v;ere amused at their timidity, "It is fun to see these newcomers dodge the balls as they zip along," chuckled one grizzled Ms, Diary of Hiram C, Crandall, 5th Iowa Rgt,, June 5, 1363, Civil War Diaries, 111. State Hist. Library. 2 Morris, op, cit ,. 713 0, R ,. ;^er, 1, XXIV, pt, 3, 430.

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325 veteran."^ Many failed to dodge and ambulances rolled awaydaily, hauling their grisly cargoes, k particularly dangerous spot v;as the main road from Logan* s headquarters to Grant's command post. The road svoing over a high bridge spanning a ravine, and rebels discovering that it was open and within range, assigned a sharpshooter corps to fire on all crossers. They were so effective that riders, Logan included, v;ere forced to creep quietly to the edge oi the cleared space and then spur their mounts across to make cover before the 2 tattoo of minie balls began. Danger and hard work led to a great deal of skulking and these men, tagged "canebreakers," when found were angrily put to work building trenches under fire. The historian of Logan's old 31st remembered years later "the hardships were not confined to Pemberton's lines. Cohtinuous watching and exposure, scarcity of water, and a broiling sun, annoyed and sickened the assailants. The horrors of the siege were everj'where visible," Perhaps the best summary of the long days from May to July came in Second Lieutenant James S, McHenry's simple diary entry for June 19, "Fiting Lsic] as usual. 1 Oldroyd, op. cit ., 54. 2 Sylvanus Cadwallader, Three Years With Grant . 101. 3 Morris, op. cit ., 71. Sbid . , 74.

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326 Hot and dry. Company lay in camp all day, " Day after v;eary da/ they awaited Pemberton»s surrender, gazing at Vicksburg's court house and distant church steeples. Most agreed with Sherman who pitied the poor families of the city, especially v/omen and children, forced to live in holes underground while Union shells crashed 2 through their homes. Enlistments expired during the siege and many wanted to go home, "but go home they can not until 3 our 'Rabbit is caught,*" Somehow the 4th of July became target date for Vicksburg*s surrender, and men told themselves Union banners would fly in the city by Independence Day, This wish was expressed by an Ohio private in a fellow soldier's album. His brief note concluded: "and also may we see this rebellion. ,, come to an end, while we live on to enjoy a peace secured by our arms. Then hurrah 4 for the Buckeye girls J" During the investment Logan became one of the army's greatest characters and perhaps, outside of Grant, its most popular leader. He flatly refused to remain in the rear 1 Ms, Diary of James S. McHenry, 2nd Illinois Cavalry, June 19, 1S63, Civil V.ar Diaries, II], State Hist. Library. 2 \i» T, Sherman, Home Letters of General Sherman . M, A, DeVv'olfe Hov;e (ed,), 264. 3 Oldroyd, op, cit ., 56. 4 Ibid., 44. The inscription is by Pvt, Henry Fulton,

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327 and his headquarters, called "Siege Battery Logan," v/as thrust forward belligerantly and perhaps ostentatiously toward rebel lines. His first headauarters structure was unsuitable, and Logan had another built of timber filled with dirt, and containing loopholes for defense. It was the hisrhest point in Logan's line and the most advanced 2 point in Grant »s entire array. Though under constant fire, Logan spent most of his time in it, despite a glancing wound in the thigh. He seemed determined to remain near the front sharing the burden of the siege v/ith his men.-^ A rough and ready camaraderie v/as maintained, and Logan, who knew many of his men by name, chatted with them as he moved up and down the trenches. Often a face was remembered from Illinois political days, and once, standing in front of his tent, a passing soldier jogged his memory. Logan ordered the man into the tent and asked, "See here sir, ain*t you the man that gave me the damned lie at Enfield in 1^60?" "Yes sir." "V/ell," said Logan, "it was a damned lie."^ 0. R .. Ser. 1, XXIV, pt. 2, l6g. 2 Ms. Crandall Diary, June 20, 1863, 111. State Hist. Library. Dawson, op. cit . , 44. 4 F. W, Woollard to E. j.. Bost, April 2d, 1909, Woollard Mss.

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32S Though in the lines by day, Logan often rode to Grant *s headquarters at night, usually attended by a staff officer. His visits v;ere officially to see Grant, but in reality he v^ent to share a convivial hour with Colonel V/illiar,i L. Duff, Grant's medical officer. These visits were pleasant intervals in the drudf^ery, and Logan made the most of them. One night a correspondent attached to Grant's headquarters came upon Logan, "with nothing on him... but his hat, shirt, and boots, sitting at a table on which stood a bottle of v;hisky and a tin cup." Logan was exuberantly playing the violin while a number of negro roustabouts danced. 'Then dancers tired, Logan passed around the cup, taking a liberal portion himself, and dancing continued through the night. "Yet he was not intoxicated from the beginning to the end of the vvar, so far as came to my knowledge," the astonished writer confessed. When Logan arrived before Vicksburg, Mary's letters finally caught up with him. Her first note reported people at Marion "picking your bones severely," but in general politics v/ere quiet. ^ After the drive through Mississippi, with Logan's name echoing through the North, Mary gloated "everything is Grant and Logan." However, she v;as disgusted with fawning Republicans who had assaulted Logan Cadwallader, op. cit ., 67. 2 Mary Logan to JAL, May 3, 1^63, Logan Mss.

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329 in the past and now praised him. Logan's replies were short and irregular, usually broken off when he was called to duty. He simply assured Mary of his health, and spoke with uncertainty of the length of the siege. Sometimes he boasted of his division and its nearness to rebel works, and he always spoke v.'ith confidence. There is an entirely different tenor to Logan's letters during the Vicksburg campaign. Gone was despair, pessimism, and constant threats to leave the army. Pride in the army's accomplishments and his role in them 2 glovfed through. Nor had Logan's role gone unnoticed. The Chicago Tribune admitted they had never been on "friendly relations" with Logan, but they called hira "courageous, skillful, and full of pluck..., IVe echo the opinion of his superior that he is a whole division in himself."^ Grant's opinion of Logan had increased since they crossed the river in early May, When he recommended Logan for promotion to major general during the siege, he wrote, "There is not a more patriotic soldier, braver man, or one Jiore deserving of promotion in this department than General Logan. "^ Even 1 Ibid . . June 2^, 1363. 2 JAL to Mary Logan, May 31, June 24, 1^63, Logan Mss. 3 Chicago Tribune . May 2?, 1^63. 4 Macartney, on. cit .. 311.

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330 the President, speaking of the army of the West, mentioned Logan as one of the ablest leaders of a campaign he considered "one of the most brilliant in the v:orld." Writing of distinguished Union generals just after war*s end, journalist William Shanks felt Logan's person had become enshrouded in myth, Logan, one of the most popular men in the array, said Shanks, had taken on an aura of romance. He had become "Black Jack" Logan with flashing eyes, drooping mustache, thundering voice, and proved 2 courage. The role x^/as one he loved to play. Only major action on the Union line between the unsuccessful assault of May 22 and Pemberton's surrender came from Logan on June 25. Mining became a major activity all along the front, and Logan pushed forv/ard several tunnels in attempts to explode them, tearing a hole in the rebel line. Most v/ere small excavations doing little damage, and some v/ere discovered by defenders who hurled 3 shells on the unfortunate miners. In midJune, however, Logan determined to push a large tunnel that might shatter Confederate ranks and lead to a general victory. It was pushed deeper than its predecessors and went unobserved by Lincoln to I. N. Arnold, May 26, 1^63, Lincoln, op, cit .. VI, 230. 2 Shanks, op, cit . , 197. 3 Oldroyd, op. cit . . 133. From Tunnard*s memoir.

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331 the defending 2nd Louisiana, The Louisianans occupied Fort Hill, a particularly galling point opposite Logan, which gave them a vantage from which they exacted a heavy toll of killed and wounded. Digging proceeded well into June, and on the 24th Logan was satisfied with its proximity to rebel lines. He told McPherson he was ready. The explosion was to go off at 3 o'clock on the 2 5th and Logan had his 1st Brigade poised to race through the breach once the mine did its v;ork. The ever ready 45th Illinois was to lead with the 20th, 31st, and 56th Illinois in reserve. At 3 Jasper Maltby had his 45th set, while across the lines the enemy carried on daily activities, oblivious to impending doom. Suddenly a huge mass of earth surged upward, burying some defenders under mounds of dirt, killing others outright, "It seemed as if all hell had suddenly yawned," but the shock was shrugged off quickly and when Maltby charged, a murderous fire greeted him. Bravely stumbling up the crater's sides, rifles, artillery, and grenades made the gap an inferno and the 45th fell back. In succession the three reserve units poured into the breach and v/ere hurled back with considerable loss, Logan stood near the crater watching the carnage, murmuring, "My GodI they 2 are killing ray bravest men in that hole," Despite Union 1 Ibid., 139. 2 Crummer, op. cit ., 141.

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332 artillery support, an advance v;as impossible and Logan ordered his men out. Mining vras abandoned as a way of opening Pemberton»s line for infantry attack, but digging continued, and on July 1 Logan exploded another charge. Most famous event of the Fort Hill explosion was the arrival of an unexpected visitor in Logan's camp. VThen the charge went off, several rebel soldiers were hurled into the air, and one Negro, working on Confederate works, v/as thrown toward Logan. Landing scared but unhurt, he was brought to Logan who asked him how high he v^ent, "Dunno Massa, but I speck 'bout tree mile," he replied. The Negro remained with Logan as a servant, and marched 2 into Vicksburg with Logan's command when the siege ended. July brought desperation to Pemberton, whose food was running lovr and who had abandoned all hope of escape. He called a council of his commanders and presented tv/o alternatives; crash out, an almost hopeless task, or surrender. Surrender won, and on July 3 a white flag \\rent through Logan's lines to Grant, When the messenger went back to Pemberton, McPherson told Logan there would be no cessation of hostilities until the final terras were arranged. No one was taking any chances. But McPherson did ssk Logan 0. R .. Ser. 1, XXIV, pt. 3, 456; 0. R .. Ser. 1, XXIV, pt. 2, 293. 2 Dawson, 00, cit ., 43 •

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333 to clean up his men and put them in shape "so as to present a good soldierly appearance." That afternoon Grant called a meeting of corps and division commanders to query them on surrender terras. 2 Most, including Logan, favored parole. Later, accompanied by E. 0. C. Ord, McPherson, Logan, and A. J. Smith, Grant walked to a hillside a fev/ hundred yards from rebel parapets. There under a lone tree, Pemberton met his besieger. Men from both armies lined their works as the tv7o commanders advanced, saluted, and talked. Standing v;ith his three fellow officers, Logan looked out over lines v;here men exposed themselves in a way that would have invited 3 sure death hours earlier. The meeting v/as brief and Union leaders returned to await Pemberton* s final decision. Grant, unwilling to go through the cost and bother of sending Pemberton* s garrison of 31|000 north as prisoners of war, offered parole. Next morning, a grim 4th for the Confederacy, prearranged signals, white flags draped along rebel lines, meant Grant's "rabbit had been caught." Logan's command, spruced up and ready to march, was designated lead unit for the advance into the city. Q. R .. Ser. 1, XXIV, ot. 3, 466. 2 Ibid .. Ser. 1, XXIV, pt. 1, 11$. 3 Nicolay and Hay, op. cit .. VTI, 303.

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334 McPherson suggested Maltby*s 45th Illinois head the colunm and Logan heartily agreed. The 4$th stepped out with understandable pride and Grant, Logan, and McPherson rode 2 together in frorit as the army entered the battered city. Reaching the court house, long visible from Union lines. Confederate flags came down and the regimental flag of the 45th Illinois v/aved aloft. Seeing the Union banner "in a single moment the excitement became so great that you could scarcely hear yourself talk. The whole division belched out in one glad shout. "-^ Cheers rang through the shattereci buildings and many broke enthusiastically into the "Battle Cry of Freedom."^ Logan was named by Grant temporary commander of the city with orders to provide guards to prevent prisoners from escaping and to protect against looting, Sherman wanted the restful city command, but Grant had other plans 5 for him, and he was soon striking eastward after Johnston, That night silence was so oppressive that many ^ 0. R .. Ser. 1, XXIV, pt. 3, 476. 2 Adair, op. cit . , 12. 3 Ms. Unknovm Soldier* s Diary, 26th Illinois Infantry, July 4, 1^63, Civil War Diaries, 111. State Hist. Lib. Horace Greeley, The American Conflict . II, 316. 5 Sherman, Home Letters , 271.

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335 found it difficult to sleep, and others hardly able to realize the v;eary days had ended, sat around talking of home and an end to the v/ar. Ne^ct day, his duties as occupation chief just beginning, Logan wrote Mary; "The victory is the greatest triumph of modern times.... My division has 2 immortalized itself in the eyes of the v/hole army." These Westerners had done a great deal of "hewing" since October, 1^61, and at last the "father of waters rolled unvexed to the sea." For Logan there had been great changes since the depression at Memphis five months earlier, 3 and he wrote, "Daylight seemed to be breaking at last." Ms. Crandall Diary, July 4, 1{^63, Civil War Diaries, 111. State Hist. Lib. 2 JAL to Mary Logan, July 5, 1B63, Logan Mss. 3 Logan, Great Conspiracy . 515.

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CHAPTER IX FORTY ROUNDS Vicksburg lay in ruins end a multitude of problems confronted Logan as post commander. Though he held the position only sixteen days, his record was almost universally praised. Within a vreek of Vicksburg' s fall Logan named a three man committee composed of one Union officer, one Union chaplain, and one reliable citizen to tour the town, discover needy cases, and issue provisions. This policy went forward successfully and rations were distributed re,f?;ardless of oolitical sympathies. Lo^an received some visitors himself to ascertain their x^ants, and he was deluged v;ith pleas for assistance. Not all v/ent smoothly, however, and Logan protested to Grant over "the manner in vjhich Confederate officers are permitted to intimidate their servants in the presence of officers appointed to examine said servants," The policy of issuing passes to negroes to go along with masters on trips outside of Vicksburg also brought a strong protest. Logan believed this practice was merely furnishing every Confederate officer in Vicksburg a bevy of negro servants. 1 2i_ii., 'osr, 1, XXIV, pt. 3, 501-502. 336

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337 Grant agreed and the practice was stopped. Generally Logan* s administration ran harmoniously and his troops behaved themselves so well that even Confederate observers remarked that Logan's division "conducted itself in an exemplary manner. " A lull in the war having arrived, Logan ached to go home, Many have written that Logan went North in July, IS63 at the request of influential politicians. Soi..e even 3 include Lincoln on the list. Thsre is no evidence to support this claim, Yates had visited the army in front of Vicksburg and perhaps asked Logan to speak in Illinois, and Lincoln did show some interest in Logan's speeches later in the summer, but when Logan left the army he went home for reasons of health. Throughout the Vicksburg campaign old v;ounds bothered him, and on July 20, Special Orders 196, from Grant, gave leave so that Logan could "recover his 4 health," General John E, Smith relieved Logan as Vicksburg' s commander and Logan started home. In summer IS63 anti-war feeling, despite the twin victories in early July, seemed on the increase. The new Ibid ,. 4^3. 2 Miers, op, cit . . 296. 3 Andrev;3, op. cit . . 440; Dawson, op, cit , . 46; Mary Logan, Reminiscences. I4I. 4 U R .. Ser. 1, :aiV, pt. 3, 537.

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333 conscription order had been resisted violently in New York, and in the West Co^perheadism appeared to be growing, Egypt's record of war support, however, remained excellent. By early autumn, Egypt's ten southernmost counties, all from Logan's old district, had run up an excess of ^0% over their troop quotas. In many counties incredible numbers of men had marched to war. Nevertheless, anti-v;ar sentiment remained strong in southern Illinois. Many deserters were rumored hiding there, and Brigadier General W. B. Buford wrote a fellow officer he had reason to believe there were 400 deserters, armed to resist capture, somewhere in William2 son County. Mary Logan also reported much activity from peace men all of whom she labeled members of the Knights of the Golden Circle. According to her, a "reign of terror" existed, and there v;ere numerous threats of violence against 3 Logan when he returned. It was to this still badly divided section that Logan, by July, 1363 a staunch war supporter, returned. He reached Cairo as the campaign for local offices was getting under way. For a week Logan remained in Carbondale resting and visiting family and friends. After that brief respite, i Colo, op. cit .. 279. 2 N. B, Buford to Jacob Ammen, June 4| Ic-oj, Jacob Ammen Mss. , 111. State Hist, Lib. 3 Mary Logan, Reminiscences , 141-145.

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339 his leave turned into a whirlwind speaking tour. In his two previous trips to Illinois since war began, Logan remained almost completely silent, but, by 13^3, his earlier pessimism had turned to optimism and he took the stump to whip up v;ar support in divided Egypt. Many soldiers had been furloughed home after Vicksburg. Logan met tnem everywhere, and his audiences contained many men who had followed him against rebel guns. Groups of these servicemen called oil him to address local gatherings to "set the citizens of this county right on the gr^at issues of the day." Advising Logan that " no other man can do it ." writers spoke of fearful anti-war activities, and begged him to speak. "From the respect they once entertained for you, they will listen 2 to your admonition." Logan accepted several of these invitations, and on July 31 delivered one of his most famous speeches. Coming at the war»s half-way point, this address at DuQuoin, Illinois, stands as a barometer of Logan »s thoughts. "I do not propose to make any political speech. I am not canvassing this part of the country for the purpose of promoting any political organization," Logan began, 1 Ibid .. 141. o "t. 0. Spencer to JAL, July 30, 1563, Logan Mss.

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340 his voice reaching the edge of a crowei of 5,000. He continued, "since I h'?.ve been in the Army I have at all times eschewed politics." Setting the stage in this manner, Logan turned av;ay from partisan affairs to the war and the civilian's role. He demanded support from the home front, and condemned all those Vv'ho opposed the v:ar and called it "unholy, unrighteous, or unconstitutional," Lashing out at the Knights of the Golden Circle, he called it "one of the foulest, most damnable, hell-born conspiracies that ever was organized," Turning to the South, he maintained the only reason rebels gave for secession was Lincoln's election. Admitting he opposed Lincoln in 1^60, Logan denied this as an adequate reason. He also denied the constitutionality of secession and attacked the Confederacy as the force that "stopped you men of the Northwest from taking your produce down to New Orleans." Returning to the Copperheads he sarcastically cried, "they forget that Jeff Davis and his crowd are doing anything wrong. Oh no J They are honest people, they all go to church. But v^e [war Democrats] John A, Logan, Speech of General John A, Lop:an on Return to Illinois After the Capture of Vicksburg. with an Introduction by "Mack" of the Cincinnati Corrunerical . iv. , 5. Logan's G^eech is 32 pp. long and all the quotations used will come" from it, I will not footnote each quotation. The speech was translated into German and distributed to Germans throughout the Northwest.

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3U are a set of wicked devils usurping power that don't belong to us,.., I am for peace as much as any man can be, but I will tell you v.'hat sort of a peace I am for. I am not for a piece of a country." Lo.r^an discussed charges that Union troops had been ravaging the South, No one ever heard of an army in the field marching through an area without doing some damage. Things of that nature happened despite precautions to prevent them, "The boys had nothing to eat but two crackers a day and half a ration of meat, I told them to take hogs, chickens, and cows, and 1*11 do it again," he roared to the applause of listening troops. He asked the rebels to acknov;ledge their allegiance to the Government, stop the war, and "walk back as a whipped child" to be received again by a fond parent. "Nov; my fellow citizens, that is the kind of peace that I am for," he thundered. But he cautioned his listeners. "I don't want any man to understand that I am striking at any party. I only strike at individuals who are trying to ruin the country." Then in a loud voice he challenged his former Democratic friends: I want them to tell me how they knov/ I am an Abolitionist. ,..:Vhy, I will tell you the reason. It is because v/e are in the Army and Abraham Lincoln is president. That is the reason. These men don't know enough or don't v/ant to knov/ that Abraham Lincoln, because he is president, don't own the Government, This war ain't fighting for Mr. Lincoln. It is fighting for the Union, for the Government.

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342 He said the fact that Negroes ran ax/ay did not make him an abolitionist. Of slavery: "that machine is gone up, played out. There is no doubt of that and the people of the North are not responsible. The Southern gentlemen have done it themselves." '\Tiile on the subject of "Southern gentlemen," Logan demanded that at v/ar's end the leaders of the rebellion be deprived of the constitutional rights they enjoyed before the war. He flatly opposed restoration of full rights, fearing a return to governmental control by the South. Coming to the end of his long speech, Logan turned again to home front stimulation of troops at the front. He appealed to Northern citizens to discourage desertions and to support the v;ar in every way. He asked families to say to the troops, "Go on boys, God bless you." "Let us have no more letters from home to the boys in the field, grumbling and growling, and telling them you wish the unholy war had never begun. .. .Quit quarreling. Be for your Government, in spite of what anybody may say." If Northerners were united, Logan believed, "and stood upon one platform, as we do in the army, this rebellion would be crushed in 90 days." Finally, returning to politics, Logan again assured his auditors:

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343 I told you today that I did not intend to make a political speech, and would belong to no political party until tha v/ar is over. I meant just v/hat I said, I am only for the Union, right or v;rong...» I have learned in the army the best I'-sson I ever learned in the world.,.. I have stood for hours under the hottest fire, where bullets \.ere flying like hail, and cannon balls were vrfiizzing past my head every moment. I have seen Repub iicans stand by my side and the Democrat and the Abolitionist. I have seen the Democrat shot down and buried in the same grave with the Republican and the Abolitionist. They are all fighting for the same country, the same ground, the same Constitution. An Iraraense roar greeted his final, "I thank you very kindly for your attention." In his DuQuoin speech Logan seems to stand midway between parties. He still considered himself a Democrat, but he had no patience with Democrats who called for peace. Though a Democrat, he was also willing to speak for Republicans who supported the war. His remarks made it evident that he was no fiery abolitionist, deeply concerned v;ith the negro's welfare, but his open advocacy of freedom for the slaves took him far beyond most western Democrats. Finally, Logan's statement on post-war terms for the South offers some hint of his growing hostility toward an easy peace which v:ould allow Southerners again to control the Democratic Party and the country. This was a transitional year in Logan's life. He had climbed the hill of public life a Democrat, but in IS63 Logan reached the divide. Thereafter he moved slowly toward the Republican horizon.

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344 Logan* s DuQuoin speech, circulated widely in pamphlet form, brought a flood of requests for speeches, A hundred citizens of Richvievj, Illinois asked him to speak to them "v:ithout distinction of party," and neighboring states joined the rush. The National Union Association of Cincinnati, after reading the DuQuoin address, implored Logan for a visit. But he confined his efforts to his 2 native state, Logan covered Egypt with his words, speaking in Cairo and Carbondale to enthusiastic groups. All his speeches were circulated and used as campaign literature by local Union candidates. Abandoning Egypt in early August, Logan rode northward to Chicago, where he spoke on the 10th. A huge crov/d assembled at Courthouse Square and Logan's appearance was greeted with wild cheers and doubtless a few unreported boos. This address was almost a replica of the DuQuoin talk as Logan told his audience he did not "propose to discuss party politics." He again dwelt on three main topics: Copperheads, Southern treason, and Northern civilians, Logan asked that Northern peace men be put in front of the Union army, "where they will get justice," and called for punishment of Southern "traitors," War support claimed much of his time, and without a party 1 100 Citizens of Richview, 111, to JAL, Aug. 1, IS63, Logan Mss. 2 John Caldv/ell to JAL, Aug. 3, I863, Logan Mss.

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345 endorsement of any kind, he lauded all those backing the fight for Union. This speech too v;as printed. Turned out by the Chicago Tribune in pamphlet form, it v/as circulated through the army and the Northv/est at $2.00 a hundred. Logan's svreep through Illinois and his support of the administration reached Lincoln's attention when letters arrived asking for an extension of his leave. Several Republicans, convinced Logan was "doing much good to our cause here in Illinois," asked the president to let Logan tour portions of the state not yet visited. One writer who had spoken to Logan said he was writing because Logan "did not like to ask for the leave himself." This correspondent added, "Logan calls things by their ri^jht naues and his speeches will do a world of good in this state as showing the spirit and temper of the ar;ny." In response to these requests, Lincoln asked Stanton to extend Logan's leave "unless you know a reason to the contrary." Staiiton 3 did not, and Logan stayed in Illinois until August. After another round of speeches, Logan returned to the array at Vlcksburg v.'here he resumed command of his division. Much to Logan's delight, he was not restored to i Ms. "Great Union Speech" at Chicago, Aug. 10, IS63, Logan Mss. ; Illinnis State Journal . Aug. 13, 1363. 2 Philip Kinsley, The Chicago Tribune; Its First Hundred Years . II, 282. 3 Lincoln, op. cit .. IV, 3^2-83.

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346 command of the city*t? occupation forces s5.rce his veteran division was needed for other purposes. The division had seen a shift in brip;ade commanders vrhile Logan visited Illinois. Leggett commanded the 1st Brigade, replacing Smith, Manning Force of the 20th Ohio led the 2nd Brigade, while Jasper Maltby of the 45th Illinois led the 3rd. Logan* s artillery remained under capable Captain Charles Stolbrand. Logan's first movement after his return was a reconnaissance into Louisiana in .'jearch of rebel troops. The division crossed the river and marched about 90 miles to Monroe looking for enemy raiders. They found hostile civilians, but no troops, and returned to Vicksburg in 2 early September. Most of the month Logan lay in camp doing picket -and provost duty and working on fortifications. In late September the efforts of John and Mary Logan bore fruit when Hibe Cunningham arrived at Vicksburg. He was vrelcomed cooly by Logan, who let him remain at division 3 headquarters, Mary was overjoyed at Hibe's return, she asked that he come to Illinois, but Logan vfas determined to keep him at the front, perhaps to make amends, in some 1 n . R . . Ser, 1, XXXI, pt. 1, ^23, 2 Ibid., Ser, Ij XJJC, pt. 4, 596. 3 There is no mention in Logan's letters or in Mary's Reminiscences as to the method of Hibe's escape from Confederate service. He simply a.j^ears at Logan's headquarters in October without further explanation.

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347 measure, for earlier actions. In October, vjith his command slated for an expedition into central Mississippi, Logan agreed to send Hibe to Illinois, exactinj^ the promise that he return to the array as soon as his visit was over. With the young man on his v;ay north, Logan broke camp on October 14 and moved toward Canton, a small town north of Jackson, rumored base of Confederate guerrillas. Logan's division joined Tuttle's infantry division and a cavalry brigade, all under McPherson, in scouting the area for rebels. They were in the field for six days and skirmished several times with small bands of enemy raiders, always driving them back. Unable to find large Confederate concentrations, McPherson moved his men back to Vicksburg 2 where tiresome garrison duty began again. Meanwhile, far east of Vicksburg at Chattanooga, great changes v^ere taking place in the Western war. The Union army, beaten at Chickamauga, had fallen back to Chattanooga, v;here Bragg had them bottled up. Grant, inactive along the Mississippi since Vicksburg, was sent to uncork the bottle, Sherman was named commander of the Army of the Tennessee and sent to reinforce Grant. Sherman's elevation left vacant permanent command of the 15th Corps (Frank Blair served as temporary commander after Sherman's JAL to Mary Logan, Oct. 12, 1^63, Logan Mrs. 2 0. R .. Ser. 1, XXX, pt. 2, d02.

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34a elevation) and on October 26 Grant v/ired Halleck recommending Logan's promotion to major general and assignment to command Sherman's old corps. One day later General Order 349, signed by Stanton, winged vrestward and Lop;an, drearily working on Vicksburg's fortifications, received orders to report to Sherman in Chattanooga as major general commanding 2 the 15th Corps. It took some time to complete the com:nand change, Logan spent two weeks concluding division business in Mississippi, and it v/as not until Novonber 15 that he boarded a steamer for the trip north. M. B. Leggett succeeded Logan as division chief, and the 3rd Division paraded for its ex-coraraander. At the review's conclusion, Logan, v;ith deep feeling, addressed his old comrades of the Vicksburg campaign. He bade them an affectionate farewell and received a rousing ovation and best wishes from men who were devoted to him because of "his uniform sympathy and kindness, his readiness to aid us in any emergency, his well recognized ability and soldierly qualities, and by his stern uncompromising patriotism," "General Logan," the division felt, "had greatly endeared himself to us all, IVe reposed almost implicit confidence in hin, ..and 3 parted v/ith him v;ith deep regret." ^ Ibid . . Ser. 1, XXX, pt.ll, 739. ^Ibid. , 759, 763. 3 Richard Howard, 12Uh Illinois . 15^-59.

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349 To reach Chattanooga Lof^an had to sail to Cairo and then dovm tho Cnmberland to Nashville. From Nashville he ver.t overland to Grant's besieged force. The trip upriver '.vas leisurely. Logan, reflecting on the send-off at Vicksburg, wrote Mary proudly, "You ou^ht to have v/itnessed the scene at Vicksburr^ when I left my old division. The crov7d gathered till the streets v;ere filled and the air rang vrith farewells. ., .God blesses were enough to melt a stone.... If I can only vrln the confidence of my new command I am content." At Cairo, Logan waited a few days for trms^orts, taking advantage of the stopover to deliver another Union speech. He v;as cheered by the success of the Egyptian Union candidates in recent elections and wrote Mary, who did not come to Cairo: "ViTiat does Josh and Co. think of the elections? Can they see it? If not they will some day soon I hope. The whole army is rejoiced at the happy result." On the 21 st the trip resumed, and he boarded the Pes Moines and descended the Cumberland. Logan arrived too late to fight at Chattanooga. Grant had broken Bragg »s vise and popped out of the encirclement when Logan reached 1 JAL to Man' Logan, Nov. 16, lf*63, Logan Mss. 2 JAL to Mary Lo^an, Nov. 21, 1{^63, Logan Mss.; Tribune Almanac . 1^64, 62. Seven Egyptian counties went Union in local elections in 1^63,

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350 southeastern Tennessee, V/hen he caught up with his nev/ command it was encamped near Chattanooga preparing to march to Knoxville to relieve General Ambrose Burnside's besieged garrison. Temporary comrr.and of the 15th Corps vras still in the hands of Frank Blair, like Logan a politician. V.hen Logan arrived, he asked Sherman to let Blair led the corps on the march to Knoxville since he was familiar with it. In addition he felt Blair should nave the honor of finishing the campaign, IVhile he awaited the corps* return, Logan remained in the Chattanooga area getting acquainted v/ith ne\! army associates. He thought a ^reat deal about the war and wrote Mary forecasting a quick end after "one or two more decisive battles." If the rebellion continues after that "it v'ill become a v;ar of desolation and almost extermination." "All se .m to feel," he wrote, "that much longer obstinacy on their part will justify any meanj to be used to destroy them." Strange v/ords from a man who 1 had once favored compromise at all cost. When Blair returned from Knoxville, the command change was made, and Blair, who was going to Washington to claim the House seat he had never resigned, turned over the 15th Corps to its nevi commander, Logan, Bleir felt, "behaved JAL to Mary Lor<-an, Nov, 29, Dec, 4, 1^6.3, Logan Mss.

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35: very handsomely and I wr^s not sorry... to relinquish the Corp3,,.to one who had shown me such good feeling." Only tv.'O of the corps' four divisions returned with Blair on Deceir.ber 11, the others were still north of Chattanooga on the march. Logan did not vfait for thera to arrive, and taking one-half of his new command he iaarched them to Scottsboro, Alabama, corps headquarters. Ey the 17th the last two divisions had arrived and Logan had his first opportunity to view the entire corps. The 15th Corps of the Army of the Tennessee, formerly led by Sherman, had an illustrious war career in the V.'est. One soldier on being assigned to its ranks wrote home, "we have just learned that now v;e are in the famous l$th Army Corps p and we are very proud of it."" Lo^^an intended to maintain that pride. V.Tien Logan took command, the corps* divisions were led by former Prussian officer Peter J. Osterhaus, pre-war drill sergeant Morgan L. Smith, Logan* s old friend John E, Smith, and Shennan*s boyhood friend Hugh 3 Ewing. The corps numbered 16,973 present for duty. W. E, Smith, The Francis Preston Blair Family in rolitics . 171. 2 Theodore F, Upson, With Shennaji to the bed: The Civil V/ar Lettoro, Diaries and riemlniscences of Theodore F . tjpson . Oscar 0. V.'inther (ed.). 69. 3 0. R .. Ser. 1, XXIV, pt. 3, 501-02.

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352 Logan* s first assignment on settling down at Scottsboro on the Tennessee River was the building and maintenance of a po; toon bridge across the river. Ke ir?r ^Iso charged v;ith selecting vinter quarters for his divisions in northern Alabama at places where easy collection of supplies was possible. By a bitterly cold December 20 Logan's headquarters was established at Scottsboro, v/here he Vsras joined by Hugh Swing's 4th Division. Morgan Smith's 2nd Division was encamped slightly north of Scottsboro at Belief onte, while John Sraith's 3rd lay west of Logan at LarkinsVille on the Memphis and Charleston Railroad. Osterhaus* 1st Division held Woodville a fev/ miles v/est of Larkinsvilie. In late Deceraber, Sherman, commander of the <\rmy of the Tennessee, received permission to go home for Christmas. From Nashville he sent Logan advice for disposition of the array which Logan was to command in his absence. If good weather lasted, Sherman wrote, Logan should place his amiy at Athens, Huntsville, Paint Rock, and Larkinsvilie, with outposts along the Tennessee covering fords and ferries. In addition to these instructions, Sherman told Logan, "I think I see one or two quick blows that v/ill 2 astonish the South," 1 Ibid. "ibid. , 459.

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353 Sherman* s instructions on troop distribution could not be carried out due to a drastic change in the weather shortly after his departure, Logan pushed a brigade to Huntsville and sent Osterhaus with part of his command to explore Paint Rock and Flint River Valleys, but roads v;ere too muddy to permit a major movement, Osterhaus* mission brought welco/.ie news of a good supply of provisions in Paint Rock Valley.^ As Logan's expeditions splashed westward through the mud, they approached General G. M, Dodge's l6th Corps, stationed in southern Tennessee, Logan and Dodge hail been instructed to build a road from Pulaski, Tennessee to Huntsville, connecting their commands, and both agreed to 2 work for completion by February 1. Christmas and New Year's Day passed accompanied by sleet and snow, but the first v;eek of the new year brought some warmth to Logan's area. The hea^^. was supplied by bridges fired around Huntsville by Confederate raiders. Four bridges v/ere destroyed, but the raiders, believed to be operating along the Tennessee River across from Decatur, retired without doing further damage, Logan's greatest bother during January v;as the difficulty of securing rations. The area he occupied, thought at first to be bountiful, did Ibid .. 543. 2 Ibid .. 4^5, 521.

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354 not offer adequate provisions, and the railroad to Chattanooga and Nashville vras undefendable. He vras finally forced to complain to Grant and advise him "the men are suffering." By midJanuary, despite the v/eather and a dearth of supplies, Logan vjas forced into activity. Sherman had been sent by Grant into Mississippi to strike from Vicksburg eastward to Meridian, To prevent Confederate reinforcements from reaching Confederate General Polk at Meridian, Logan and General George H. Thomas, commander of the xirmy of the Cumberland, were ordered to feint to\v'-ard 2 Rome, Georgia. On the ?4th, Morgan Smith moved his division from Bellefcnte across the Tennessee tox%''ard Georgia. For eleven days he ranged the Alabama-Georgia border, destroying anything that vrould aid Confederate troops, and capturing fifty enemy soldiers. 'Vfter Smith returned, Logan reported to Gr.':nt that a great many people in eastern Alabama had expressed a desire to join the Alabama Union 3 regiment, Logan's feint v/as not successful in its purpose since Joe Johnston, Confederate commander in Georgia, had already sent two divisions to Meridian, but it kept him from dispatching others. Nor was the feint necessary to 1 Ibid., Ser. 1, XXXII, pt, 2, 23. 2 IMd. , 75, 106. Ibid .. Sor. 1, XXXII, pt. 1, 127.

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355 confuse Confederate leaders. Their intelligence reports in early February constantly mentioned Logan's 15th Corps as a part of oherman's iorce in Mississippi. It v;as not until February 7 that they discovered their mistake, VThen Smith's men returned in early February, Logan had shifted headquarters to Huntsville and the corps was greatly reduced in number due to the absence of furloughed veterans. Cotton speculators had poured into the district and Logan viae forced to proclaiui: "All cotton speculators 2 are ordered out of the limits of the 15th Corps." During the v/inter Logan received little nev.'s from home, but he did hear of a "Logan for Governor" proposal. The Republican Cairo uevvs called for Logan as its party's candidate in 1664. Another party organ, printing the Cairo paper's endorsement, reported it had been told by an army friend of Logan's that the general did not care to run. The paper added that though Logan would not leave che array, he supported the Union ticket.'^ "Logan for Governor" talk was not confined to one source, in late 1663 General John M. Palmer, another Illinois ].olitician-soldier, at the front near Chattanooga, heard that "Logan stands a good chance Grant, op. cit .. II, 42; Q. R .. Ser. 1, X.^:::!!, pt. 2, 672, 6^8. 2 0, R ., Ser, 1, XXXII, pt. 2, 192. 3 Cairo News in Jacksonville Journal , Mar, 17, 1864,

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356 for sovernor....He out r^f the v. ay, Oglesby would start v/ith the ?dvantaf^e, . . .McClernand is rother under a cloud 2t present." Ag Qvents v.lll prove, this prophecy ;;as amazingly accurate. This speculation no doubt pleased LOiZan. It -was some indication of v/hat he might expect after the \;ar, but it did not lure him from the army. Furthermore, the first v;eek in February he had little time to think of Illinois politic?. No sooner had vSmith returned than Logan was ordered by ^rant to mnrch his command northeastv/ard into Tennessee, Grant decided to strike at General James Longstreet's Confederate troops near Knoxville, and Logan was ordered to send all troops not needed to guard the railroad 2 to Chattanooga to relieve Thomas there. Cn the 11th, Logan started fourteen regiments toward Chattanooga, but the sajne day Grant cancelled Thomas'' proposed movement to Knoxville, Grant decided Longstreet vrould be best left alone: "If he v.-as forced to leave there, his whole wellequipped army would be free to go any place where it could effect the most for their cause. "-"^ After changing his mind, Grant decided to start Thomas in another direction, 1 George T, Palmer, A Conscientious Turncoat, The Story of John M. Palmer . 1^17-1900, 130, 2 0, K ,. Ser, 1, aXXII, pt. 2, 343. 3 Grant, ou. cit .. II, 43*

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357 south against Dalton, Georgia. On the 12th Grant ordered Thomas, reinforced by Logan's regiments, to strike at Dalton, but "Slov.' Trot" Thomas held up his advance. By the 21st Thomas still had not moved and Grant demanded he start immediately, Logan too was growing restive, With Thomas stationary in Chattanooga, he ^vrote Grant "respectfully" requesting his troops* return as they \iere needed to build and patrol the railroad. Thomas finally moved on the 23rd and the enemy fell back without a battle, but with provisions hard to acquire, "Slow Trot" soon returned to Chattanooga. As soon as Thomas' expedition returned. Grant had Logan's men detached and, badly fatigued, they rejoined Logan on March 1, While Logan v;as trying to get his men back from Thomas, a new nuisance crept into his district. On the 26th he telegraphed Grant that a major of colored troops was at Huntsville "capturing Negroes with or without their consent," Logan further commented that if these people were forced into the array "it will entirely stop the cultivation of farms that were being prepared for crops by loyal men," Grant immediately instructed Lo^^an to stop the 2 impressment and encourage farming in the region. In spite of these bothersome affairs Logan vvas able to write: "I am 0. R ., Ser. 1, :aXII, pt, 2, 46I, Ibid ,. 477.

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35« well and getting along first rate with my command." His relations with Huntsville»s citizens, however, v;ere a different matter and brought from him nothing but complaints. Logan \>;as constantly annoyed by locals in quest of permission to travel, and nev/sman Sylvanus Cadwallader reported riding to Nashville with several Huntsville ladies gone there to buy dry goods and family 2 supplies. This incessant civilian bother prompted Logan to report: "this place, although a pleasant looking place, is the meanest place for complaints of citizens that I 3 have ever seen." On March 3 a major shift took place in Union command xvest of the Appalachians. Grant, promoted to lieutenant general, was ordered East to find a winning combination on the Potomac, and he recommended Sherman as his successor in the West, McPherson was brought from Vicksburg to replace Sherman as head of the Array of the Tennessee, and command of McPherson* s 17th Corps, at Grant's recommendation, was given to Logan. The latter change brought a lengthy discussion before it v.-as nullified. On March 15 the President \^ote Grant asking that Frank Blair be returned the 15th Corps JAL to Mary Logan, Feb. 11, 1364, Logan Mss. 2 Cadwallader, op. cit .. I65. 3 JAL to Mary Logan, Mar. 4, 1^64, Logan Mss. Grant, op. cit .. II, 46.

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359 and the army chief replied, "General Logan commands the corps referred to in your dispatch, I will sec General Sherman within a few days and consult him about the trans~ fer." On the 17th Grant advised Lincoln that Sherman consented to Logan's transfer to the 17th Corps and Blair's appointment to the 15th. Grant no doubt thought Logan would be happy to be reunited with his old division, still In the 17th Corns, but the transfer brou^t an appeal from Logan to the President nine days later, "I understand by the papers," Logan telegraphed, "that it is contemplated to make a change of commanders of the 15th and 17th Army Corps, so as to transfer me to the 17th. I hope this will not be done, I fully understand the organization of the 15th Corps now, ..and earnestly hope that the change may not be made." A week later when nothing had been done in the matter Logan wrote Mary calling the proposed switch "an act of Injustice 2 to me." The following day Grant, unwilling to upset the western army in a command fight, notified Sherman that Blair would go to the 17th and Logan would keep the 15th, While he struggled to retain the corps to which he had become attached, Logan kept sharp watch for rebels along the south bank of the Tennessee. In early March he 1 Q» R «. Ser. 1, XXXII, pt, 3, 156; Lincoln, op, cit .. VII, 246. 2 JAL to Mary Logan, Mar, 30, IS64, Logan Mss.

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360 was afraid of a rebel attack on Decatur or another attempt to burn Union railroad bridges. There was a great deal of activity on the river around Whitesburg and a crossing seemed imminent. Later that month, Nathan Bedford Forrest, the terror of isolated Union garrisons, was reported to command a large force operating out of S^merville, and Logan cautioned his commanders to "patrol the river well," On March 22 Dodge telegraphed Logan that Forrest was reported preparing to attack Decatur the following day and tear up the railroad. The rebel assault did not develop, however, and the month ended peacefully. At the end of March, Logan, in excellent spirits, anxiously awaited initiation of Sherman* s spring campaign. Winter's icy blasts had disappeared, and the dawn of a lovely Southern spring prompted Logan to tell Mary: "I am now enjoying good health and feel buoyant as we prepare for an exciting campaign, .. .My command is in excellent condition and eager to be moving, which is much better for soldiers than lying in camps. When in camps they become indolent and study mischief, and not only study it but perpetrate it a good deal." The mischievous men of the 15th Corps were a colorful collection of western veterans. Logan's regiments were JAL to Mary Logan, Mar, 30, 1^164 1 Logan Mss,

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361 a potpourri of the great Northwest. Ten regiments from Iowa's plains joined ten from Ohio. Missouri contributed eleven, m-my of them husky blonde Germans who followed officers like Hugo V/angelin, Clemens Landgraeber, and Alexander Mueller, Indiana gave six Hoosier regiments, while one each came from Minnesota and Wisconsin. One of Logan's regiments even came from 'Vest Virginia. Closest to Logan's heart, however, were the eleven Illinois units. Men from Egypt marched side by side with central Illinois farmers and rov^dy Irishmen from the streets of Chicago, From one of the Irishmen, a veteran of the 26th Illinois, came a regimental song, taken from the popular war tune "Abraham's Daughter," Tired of the old words, the Gaelic troubadour sang: "Oh, I belong to the Fifteenth Corps, and don't you think I oughta? For I'm going dovm to V/ashington ^ To court old Abraham's daughter," Pride in the corps and in the ruggedness of the western army was evident in the acquisition of a badge for the 15th Corps, When Hooker's 12th Corps reached Chattanooga from Virginia, another 15th Corps soldier, inevitably an Irishman, stopped to stare at the Easterners' corps badge, a five pointed star, "Are you all major generals?" he asked. They explained the star was their corps' badge i ~~ Upson, op. cit . , 99.

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362 and inquired "What*s your badge?" The Irishman patted his ammunition pouch and replied proudly, "Badge is it? There be Jasus — forty rounds in the cartrid,p;e box and twenty in the pocket." Vlhen Logan took command of the 15th, he heard the story and ordered an engraving of the box with "40 rounds" on it adopted as corps badge. While Logan's men sang their songs and perpetrated mischief, they took pride in their unit. From Belief onte men of the 100th Indiana boasted of their "strict military life." "It greatly increased the efficiency of the Regiment and was for the good of the service, 2 wrote the Hoosier regiment's historian. To keep the men occupied when in camp studying mischief, Logan supported Chaplain Joseph C. Thomas' plan to establish a loan library system. Logan wrote the chaplain the reading plan met with 3 his "hearty approval." By April time for reading books was running short. Sherman expected Grant to order his advance into Georgia Lloyd Lewis, Sherman Fighting Prophet , 317. 2 :.. J, Sherlock, Memorabilia of the Marches and Battles in which the One Hundredth Regiment of Indiana Infantry Volunteers took an Active Part. 1861-18o5 . 74* 3 Carroll H. Quenzel, "Books for the Boys in Blue," Journal . 111. State Hist. Soc, XLIV, 226,

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J63 on the 25th and he struggled to prepare his vast army of 100,000 for the campaign. On the 2nd McPherson impressed upon Logan the urgency of cutting wood for the railroad so that supplies could reach the army. Two weeks later the array commander told Logan to collect his transportation and supply facilities, throw out surplus baggage, and place the corps in a condition to march. In April, while Sherman struggled against internal dissension, and worked slavishly to organize his men for the advance, a feud between Logan and George H, Thomas, commander of the Army of the Cumberland, erupted and was temporarily settled. When Grant went north in March to assume his new command, he asked Sherman to ride to Cincinnati with him to discuss future campaigns in the West, While Sherman was gone, a major feud developed betv/een Logan and Thomas. Thomas, in the Chattanooga area, ran the Nashville-Chattanooga Railroad and maintained close control over its use. When Logan discovered that Army of the Tennessee officers travelling over Thomas* tracks had to obtain passes from Thomas' headquarters, he exploded, "This brought on a conflict betv/een Thomas and Logan, at first no bigger than your hand, but finally growing into a matter of considerable moment," wrote the onlooking Dod';e, i 0. R ,. Ser. 1, XXXII, pt, 3, 401. 2 Grenville M, Dodge, Personal Recollections of General 17. T. Sherman . 9.

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364 Logan, ever jealous of his position, requested passage on his own passes and was turned down. As soon as Sherman returned, Logan rushed to him at Nashville, demanding equal authority for all armies on military railroads. Sherman satisfied Logan by ordering his demands put into effect, and soothed Thomas by telling him "the slights were unintentional on your part." Though Sherman* s action seemed to have squelched the difficulty, Thomas and Logan maintained a hearty mutual dislike. The feud slumbered and would explode later with major consequences. The Thomas affair settled, Logan devoted himself to preparations for the spring campaign. He had about 12,000 men in their winter camps along the HuntsvilleLarkinsville line, and by the la-t week in April they stood ready to march. Looking over his command, Logan proudly told Mary, "I think that I have the best corps in the army and all seem to think v/ell of me, and desire no change to be made," Three weeks later, on the eve of the advance, he wrote, "everyone in good shape and think campaign may 2 be a great victory." Logan »s division commanders remained the same with one exception, Sherman's friend Hugh Ewing had asked for relief during the winter and had been sent to Louisville. Lewis, Sherman . 346; 0, R ,. Ser, 1, XXXII, pt, 3, 490. 2 JAL to Mary Logaa, April 6, 25, 1^64, Logan Mss,

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365 When the Georgia campaign began, Sherman refused to restore Ewing, believing General William Harrow who had led the division through hard winter months should lead them into Georgia, Otherv/ise, Osterhaus and the tv/o Smiths remained. On April 2& Logan received orders from McPherson to begin moving his command toward Chattanooga with full equipment. John E. Smith's 3rd Division was assigned garrison duty along the railroad in Alabama and Tennessee, and disgustedly watched as Osterhaus, Morgan Smith, and Harrow moved their commands out toward a juncture with Sherman's entire force at Chattanooga, The long winter's wait was over at last, Logan's veterans left arduous guard and repair duty and marched to begin the campaign most of them were certain would end the war. They reached Chattanooga on May 5 and established camps where they deposited surplus baggage. On the 6th, Logan marched his men southward and halted at Lee's and Gordon's Mills on the south bank of V/est Chickamauga Creek, Sherman's sabre was raised, when it descended it would strike the heart of the Confederacy, bringing that proud foe to its knees. 1 0. R .. Ser, 1, XXXII, pt. 3, 524.

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CHAPTER X FLANKING THE DEVIL Spring had come to north Georgia when Sherman's array slashed southward May 7. The Army of the Tennessee swung through flowering fruit trees and blooming wild flowers as they moved down the Union right, Sherman started 9S,000 men in motion in three armies: Schofield's Army of the Ohio on the left, Thomas' Cumber landers in the center, and McPherson's Army of the Tennessee on the right. To meet Sherman in this deadly springtime game just beginning, Joe Johnston had mustered 60,000 troops, veterans of three years of combat, Johnston was a defensive master and his fortifications at Buzzard Roost Gap, near Dalton, were deemed by Sherman too formidable for a head-on assault. Therefore, while Thomas and Schofield occupied Johnston at the gap, Sherman began the first move in a series that came to be as formalized as a dance. He swung McPherson wide around Johnston's left and sent him racing for Resaca, a rail hub eighteen miles in the Confederate rear. The men of the Army of the Tennessee v.ere to become Sherman's prize pedestrians and he hoped the rapid Tennesseans would cut off Johnston's rail line, forcing him out of the hills into 366

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367 flat country to the east where numerical superiority could smash the rebels. Logan, moving on McPherson*s left flank, marched to the western entrance of Gordon's Springs Gap, and the following day he shot the gap and passed through Villanow. That night he camped near the spot where Snake Creek cuts its way through Chattoogata Mountain, and on the 9th he arose and prepared for action. Logan left most of his transportation at Snake Creek guarded by a brigade, and marched through the gap "in fighting trim," moving along behind Dodge »s l6th Corps. Logan moved forward until he reached the crossroads two miles southwest of Resaca where he halted and deployed to support Dodge. The I6th Corps advanced slowly toward the town and Johnston's rail line to the rear, hoping to sever the Confederate route of retreat. V/ord reached Sherman from McPherson that he v/as closing on Resaca and Sherman 2 whooped, "I*ve got Joe Johnston dead!" Events at Resaca proved otherwise. On approaching rebel lines, McPherson decided enemy fortifications were too strong for immediate attack and he fell back to av/ait reinforcements. Disappointed, 1 0. R .. Ser. 1, XXXVIII, pt. 3, 90. Dodge's Corps and Blair's 17th Corps joined Logan's 15th in forming the Army of the Tennessee. 2 Lewis, Sheraan, 357.

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36g Sherman regretted the failure to cut off Johnston and rushed Thomas and Schofield tov.^ard Resaca. Johnston, ever cagey, slipped away ahead of Sherman and v.hen the Union army united, Johnston was ready at Resaca, The delay on the 9th produced a controversial story of Logan *s actions. Shanks, New York Tribune correspondent, reported after the war that Logan was "thoroughly disgusted" by McPherson^s refusal to assault the town, Logan, insisted Shanks, demanded to be allowed to strike immediately, promising he could take Resaca v/ith his corps alone, Loi^an himself, however, after the v;ar wrote: "The attempt to break the railroad at Resaca, and thus cut off the retreat of the enemy, failed, not because of the timidity of anyone, as has been unjustly suggested, 2 but because the place was found so completely fortified," When he wrote his reoort during the v;ar Logan merely stated: "The movement not being successful, I fell back in the evening." The difference in stories cannot be accounted for. It is perhaps due to Shanks' desire for a good story, or Logan's post-war desire to protect his friend McPherson. Shanks, op. cit .. 30S--09. 2 Logan, Volunteer Soldier , 679. Resaca was completely fortified, but the works were held by a small force that could have easily been oven/helmed by the Array of the Tennessee, 3 0. R ,. Ser, 1, XXXVIII, pt. 3, 90.

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369 Logan fell back to Sugar Valley at dusk and drew up a line crossing the road from Villanow and guarding Snake Creek Gap. All day long on the 10th Logan held position in front of the gap. Skirmishing kept ur a steady sputter of rifle fire and, fearing a major attack that afternoon, Logan moved to a stronger position nearer the gap where he remained the next two days, \vhile encamped in the gap, the rest of Sherman's army came dovm from the north and joined the Tennesseans. Here Logan "raised the laugh" on Sherman over Sherman's announced intention to make the campaign without a tent. The commanding general slept outside under a tree without covering unless the ^-eather was bad and then he moved inside a convenient house. There were no houses at Snake Creek Gap and when a downpour drenched the army Logan sent Sherman a tent which he was compelled to use. The incident brought smiles to the faces of many, amused at Sherman's distress. On the 11th the corps dug defensive v^orks and the following day, while Osterhaus and Harrow remained inside their v;orks, Smith moved toward Resaca, joining Sherman's cavalry chief Judson Kilpatrick's reconnaissance. On the 13th Osterhaus and Harrow moved up to join Smith and by one o'clock Logan had the corps deployed in battle line. 1 Shanks, op. cit . , 23.

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370 Osterhaus was on the left, straddling the Resaca Road, Smith on the right lay in a v/ooded field, and Harrow marched in reserve. Having formed his line, Logan threvj out skirmishers and pushed slovrly forv/ard. Rebel pickets gave v;ay grudgingly and Logan followed over broken, hilly ground, absorbing casualties from "rapid and effective" Confederate fire, •vhen Logan left the timber and reached a row of cleared fields, he found rebel forces posted along a range of low hills commanding the open space. The enemy was protected by rifle pits and when Logan reached the clearing rebel artillery opened up, doing some damage. Hurrying his own pieces up, Logan promptly silenced enemy guns and ordered his whole line forviard, Osterhaus on the left, Smith on the right, and Harrow still in reserve. Confederate rifle fire failed to stop Logan's steady advance and he crossed the fields, climbed the hills, and drove the gray coats into Resaca, Spurring his horse up the hills, Loj;an discovered that his position overlooked Johnston's entire line, the tovm, and the railroad bridge over the Oostenaula River. Delighting in this vantage, Lo,^an called for ^tolbrand's guns. Placed in position on the cr^^st, they opened a booming fire at the town "causing considerable confusion and interrupting the passage of railroad trains," V.'hile 0. a .. Ser. 1, XXXVIII, pt. 3, 91.

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371 his batteries sprayed the distant enemy they drew rebel fire in return. Balls began to find Lof^an*s Vnoll and his staff scattered leaving Logan, Stolbrand, and stolbrand*s artillery lieutenant, Captain Francis DeGress, alone with the gunners. Showing little concern, they continued to expose themselves and ohanks marveled: "how they escape being 1 struck I can not conceive. ' When night fell Lo.jan halted the barrage and looked to the corps* deployment. He brought Harrow's reserve up on the left, left Osterhaus in the center, and placed omith on the right. His line took advanta,;e of the crests he had taken on the 13th and he had shallow rifle pits dug for protection, With most of Sherman's array before Resaca, Logan held the extreme right directly in front of the town. Daylight on the 1/fth brought a renewal of sharp skirmishing and heavy artillery fire. Logan spent the 14th moving forward against stout opposition from Polk's Corps, occupying enemy lines along his front. While the remainder of Logan's army moved into position, Logan kept up his fire to prevent reinforcements from leaving the Confederate left. During the skirmishing Osterhaus found a weak point and carried the heavily wooded valley in Logan's front near the Resaca Road. Then quickly the 12th Missouri took the bridge over Camp Creek, at the foot of Logan's position, ' i Shanks, op. cit . , 312,

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372 giving him solid footing in timber between Union lines and Polk, Directly in front of Lo^an lay Polk's main line stretched along another range of lov; hills, running from the Oostenaula River northward. Logan decided that, if taken, Polk*s hills would put him only three-eights of a mile from the railroad bridge giving Sherman a point from which to sever Johnston's rail line, Logan was supposed to move in force across Camp Creek and attack Polk's ridge on the follov;ing day, but he had plenty of light (it was 5:30) and he pushed his assaulting columns ahead. V/ith rebel artillery pouring a withering fire on his lines, Logan hauled up Stolbrand's guns and they fired until enemy cannon fell silent. Then Logan ordered the advance, and two brigades, Charles Woods' and Giles Smith's, moved down the slope into the woods. Camp Creek bridge could not possibly accommodate all Logan's attackers, and some floated across on logs or waded up to their waists, sometimes their necks, holding their weapons overhead. It was about one-third of a mile to the objective, but the terrain made going painfully slow. After crossing the creek, attackers still had to plow through 1 Battles and Len ders, IV, 301. 2 0. P. .. Ser, 1, XXXI, pt. 3, 562-63. Logan's brigade commanders were: in Osterhaus's 1st Division, Charles R. V/oods, David Carskaddon, and Hugo WanFelln; in Smith's 2nd Division, Giles A, Smith, and Joseph k, J. Lightburn; and in Harrow's 4th division, Reuben Williams, Charles C. Walcutt, and w, S. Jones.

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373 marshy bottomland full of fallen trees and thickets. At 5:50, the slough behind them, Logan^s line poised on the marsh »s edge ready to strike. A shrill bugle sounded and the tv;o brigades raced at the double quick up the rebel slope, cheered on by their watching comrades across the creek. Rebel infantry, well posted in shallow trenches, poured a deadly fire against the blue line, and fresh Confederate artillery, brought up to repel an attack, joined in smashing bloody holes in Union ranks. "But neither thicket, nor slough, nor shot, nor shell, distracted for a moment the attention of the stormers," Logan observed. By 6:30 Logan saw Union colors fly on the rebel summit and he watched as Smith and Woods deployed to resist counterattack. Entrenching tools v;ere sent over, and Logan, fearful that the Confederates would attempt to retake the ridge, sent General Lightburn's brigade as reinforcements. Indications of a rebel attack proved correct when at 7:30, through a deepening dusk, Union skirmishers were driven in and Polk's men charged to retake the heights. Rebel attackers were met by a withering fire and withdrew to form for another try. This time greater Confederate numbers threatened to turn Union flanks and Lightburn»s men reached Smith and Vioods just as the enemy swept forv^'ard. Lightburn had been able to locate the Union position from the red flame of muskets ""Ibid. , Ser. 1, XXXVIII, pt. 3, 93.

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374 showing plainly through the night, and nov^ Logan watched the same red points as they spotted the night, firing v^t renewed rebel -ittack. Opposing lines 'a ere clearly outlined by spots of flame and Logan saw his dots light up to be answered by rebel attackers. Until 10 o* clock musket fire echoed across the hills and red musket flashes continued to puncture the dark. At 10 o^clock, unable to dislodge Logan's advance, rebel flashes flickered out and "it was evident to the meanest comprehension anong the rebels that the men who had double-quicked across to their hills that afternoon, had come to stay," Woods, Smith, and Lightbum led their men gallantly and their loss of 102 killed, 512 wounded, and 14 missing was far less than the 92 prisoners and an estimated 1,500 killed and wounded suffered by the rebels. The chief importance of Logan's late evening victory, however, was that Johnston, no longer able to use the bridge Logan's advance had placed under Union guns, was forced to build 2 a new bridge over the Oostenaula. Logan brought his entire command up after the battle ended, his new line running from the river's north bank along the rldre to the Resaca Road. At dawn the importance of the orevious evening's struggle was obvious and Logan's Ibid., 94. This is from Logan's campaign report. 2 Battles and Leaders . IV, 301.

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375 artillery began to spray the town, bridge, and rebel lines. On the 15th there was no advance a^ Sherman *s lines kept up a bteady fire and Johnston built h.'.s bridge and retreated. After dark on the 15th artillery continued to bang along the Union left, while the right remained silent. Anticipating v/ithdrawal, Shenman ordered Logan »s skirmishers to press the enemy all night and about daylight they found Polk* 5 force gone, Smith's and Osterhaus* pickets moved im;o Resaca at dawn on the heels of the retreating enemy, driving Johuston^s rear guard across the river. Logan's action was so rapid that it prevented retreating Confederates from destroying the road bridge, even though the railroad bridge was burned. Logan expected to be ordered to pursue the enemy down the main road south, and he moved his cooEaand across the river, but a messenger from McPherson found him and ordered a halt to await further orders. Orders came quickly and Logan struck westward to Lay's Ferry where he camped on the l6th. The next day he crossed the Oostenaula moving down the main road to Rome. Following Dodge's corps the afternoon of the 17th, Logan heard firing, and answering a call for assistance, rushed Osterhaus forward. The Prussian deployed, but crossing a low ridge, he discovered the enemy retreating, and Logan brought up Smith and Harrow.

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376 Logan camped at McGuire that evening and on the I3th svmng away from Rome, uoving southeastv/ard tov.ard Kingston. Logan marched to Adairsville and then turned west again, crossing Gravelly Ridge in the afternoon. Climbing the ridge, Logan founa a small rebel force across the road. After harassing his skirmishers for a v/hile they withdrev;. Logan camped at Woodland and moved out the follov;ing morning tov;ard Kingston. The march had hardly begun vjhen cannonading was heard in the distance and Lo*jan parked his train and moved Osterhaus out in advance, follov;ed by ^raith and Harrow. Reaching Kingston, Logan found no opposition and he camped on the Etov/ah River west of to^vn. That afternoon Logan suffered the loss of an invaluable member of his staff. Major Charles Stolbrand, Logan *s artillery commander and close friend since Vicksburg, was sent at Logan's direction to examine surrounding country. While his expert eye surveyed the terrain, picking out good artillery positions, a squad of rebel cavalry broke through the trees and before Stolbrand could mount, he v»as taken. The loss was a grievous 1 one for Lo;'';an v/ho had come to depend on the able Swede. At Kingston, Sherman ordered a brief halt, Logan took advantage of the stop to scribble two letters to Mary. Of Resaca he v/rote: "My corps all behaved gallantly and 1 0. R .. Ser. 1, XXXVIII, pt. 3, 95.

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377 received great credit by all v/ho saw the charge and fight." Of the overall campaign: "When Johnston v/ill make a stand I do not know but think at the Allatoona Mountain." \Vhen the army paused at Kingston, Hibe came up from Chattanooga. He had rejoined Logan when the general came to Alabama in November, and had been working for a sutler in 15th Corps camps ever since, Logan assured Mary of her brother's health and delighted in telling her, "he seems to take great interest in our success." When the army prepared to resume action on May 23, Logan, apprehensive of the future, wrote Mary. "I may fall," he told her, "and if so, I shall fall in a just cause and will be only one man added to the list of those who have laid down their lives in pure devotion to their country....! want you to know that if I do not survive I have deposited with Col. John C. liraith, chief of the 15th Corps, ;;^10,000 that he will pay you on demand," Quick to assure her the money was "no false or improper gain,'' he 2 told her it came from a land deal. During his stay at Kingston Sherman gathered supplies and tried to guess Johnston's next move. The little Scotchman who commanded the rebel army crossed south of the Etowah on the 21st and while Sherman rested, he set strong JAL to Mary Logan, May 20, 1364, Logan Mss, 2 JAL to Mary Logan, May 23, IS64, Logan Mss.

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37^ defensive positions along the railroad at Allatoona Gap, Sherman* s army, facing the rebels, stretched from Schofield on the loft near Carter sville to Jeff C. Davis' division of the 14th Corps at Rome. Just before Sherman resumed his advance on the 24th, Johnston pushed Hardee's Corps v;estward to Dallas in expectation of another of Sherman's lightning-like flank movements. The deadlj dance be.^an again on the 23rd. The bulk of Sherman's force thrust south tovrrd Johnston's line betvreen Allatoona and Dallas, but the hard marching Army of the Tenr.essee looped v;ide again and walked for Johnston's flank. Logan, twenty days' rations packed into wagons, crossed the Etov/ah at 'A'ooley's Bridge :-:nd marched for Van Wert. He made eighteen miles the first day out of Kingston and camped on Euharlee Creek. At davm the corps rose, stepped out for Van Wert, cleared the tovm by early afternoon and bent eastward for Dallas. Marching was difficult due to heat and rugged terrain. The country between the Etowah and the Chattahoochee, slightly north of Atlanta, was desolate, with little sign of habitation. Unlike the piney hills north of the Etov/ah, growth here was scrubby and dense, and loose sand on hill slopes mixed with quicksand bordered streams slowed marchers. Pumpkin Vine Creek appeared on May 25 and Logan, 1 Battles and Leaders . IV, 306.

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379 drawing near Dallas, camped alonf^ the creek in line of battle expecting to find a lar,;:e rebel force near the tovm. Next morning Logan heard heavy firing from the direction of Dallas and learned from deserters that Joe Johnston himself was at Dallas in force, Lo ran threv; out flankers, pushed forward a strong skirmish line, and advanced cautiously. His cavalry and artillery fought a slight skirmish with enemy infantry v;est of Dallas, but they fell back and Logan marched through the tovm without further incident. Without a halt, Loftan continued along the Powder Springs Road eastward. Two miles beyond the town Logan* s skirmish line faltered and fell back, reporting a heavy Confederate concentration dug in behind strong field works along a low ridf^e. The corps halted and Logan sent forward skirmishers who felt out the rebel line and discovered it lay north-northwest by south-southwest crossing Powder Springs and Marietta Roads, Logan's men were able to estimate rebel works at a glance and they accurately reported its strength to headquarters. One of them even presented his regimental commander a sketch of Hardee's entrenchments and the colonel forwarded the amazingly accurate information to the corps commander. Several days later the young man who had surplied 1 0. R .. Ser, 1, aXICVIII, pt. 3, 95.

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3^0 the drawing went personally to Logan with another sketch, this tine of an enemy battery. Logan asked him in, examined his work, and opened his file book showing the soldier an order for a promotion for the young man who had sent in the sketch on the 26th. "I/ell that beat me," the soldier wrote, "there must be a lot going on that I know nothing about. General Logan treated me very nicely." Certain of his enemy *s position, Logan ordered Harrow to the right, Morgan Smith in the center, and Osterhaus' division to the left where it joined Dodge's I6th Corps. After dark Logan ordered shovels broken out and his men, thankful that he had waited until the sun went dovm, spent the night scraping v/orks in the sandy Georgia 2 hills. That night Logan heard Thomas had been engaged near New Hope Church, a few miles east of Dallas, and that Jeff C, Davis had come up to form on Dodge's left. Logan, Dodge, and Davis formed a solid blue wall facing Hardee's Corps. Logan, "like a horse ready for battle," vjas sure of a 3 smashing victory on the 27th if Johnston chose to fight. At daybreak skirmish fighting began and all day long rifle fire, punctuated by artillery blasts, continued. Logan, i Upson, OP. cit . , 114. 2 0. R .. Ser. 1, XXXVIII, pt, 3, 95. 3 Oliver 0. Howard, Autobiozra-jhy . I, 557.

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331 "intensely active on the aooro^ch of battle, his habitual conservatism in council changed into brightness, accompanied with ehergetic ^nd persistent activity," tnoir.ontorily expected to be ordered to char-^e, but no order cane. Tha only action of the 2'^th was an assault on Harrow* s division »rtiich he promptly checked. Skirmish fire died at dusk, and the night of the 27th was spent improving fortifications, Clattering rifle fire ushered in the 23th and scorchinp; Georejia sun climbed high to hover over tvjo sv/eating, bleeding amies. E.-srly in the day, Sherman determined to move his army eastward, and McPherson v;as told to withdraw and m?rch tov/ard the Union center near 2 New Hope Churcb. Hot skirmish iction, hov/evjr, made it impossible for McPharson to pull out, ?.nd he spent the morning and early afternoon fending off rebel forays. At 3:30 the anry commander tried to extricate his men, but Hardee, moving quickly, poured out of the v/oods and stormed foni^ard. McPherson stopped the \d.thdrawal and turned to face Hardee's entire corps. Logan, "growling at the situation," hurried forward to rally his corps. He galloped down the lino alone, coatless, forming units to rer.ist the assault, roaring his comriiands above the din of Confederate musketry, "Ful in! 1 Ibid . 2 Battles and Leaders . IV, 303.

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3^2 FortvardJ" First blow came on Harrow at the v/eakest point in Logan's lino, Harrow's division lay across the Villa Rica Road vrhere the road wound down the backbone of a ridge in terrain difficult to fortify. Hardee's assault struck this point, sv;eeping in skirmishers from Colonel Charles V/alcutt's 2nd Brigade and overrunning three guns of the 1st Iowa Battery, IVith the enemy only eighty yards from their works, Walcutt's men fired volley after volley across the plateau, the deadly fire preventing rebels from turning the lov/a guns on Union works. Fighting in front of Walcutt was murderous. His four regiments, from Illinois, Iov:a, and Ohio "stood unflinchingly at their guns," led by Walcutt, "who stood on the parapet amid the storm of bullets, ruling the fight. "^ Seeing the battle storm on the right, Logan galloped to Walcutt waving his sword in the air, his red undershirt shov/ing beneath his torn uniform shirt. Disorganized groups converged on Logan asking for their regiments and officers. Logan thundered at them, "Damn your regiments I Damn your officers! Forward and yell like hell'"^ V/ith the 1st Iowa's Andrews, oo. cit ., 452. This account comes from Brigadier General George A. Stone's description of the battle in a Mt, Pleasant, Iowa paper, Jan, 17, 133A-. ^ 0. -i ., Ser. 1, XXXVIII, pt. 3, 96. This is from Logan's campaign report. 3 Stone in Andrews, op. cit . , 452,

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3^3 guns still in rebel hands, Lo '•an mounted a counterattack by rallying Harrow's division to retake the battery. He jumped his horse over the works, follov;ed by shouting troops racing into a hail of rebel fire. Logan, struck in ths left forearm by a rebel ball, s^w the men claim their guns and hurl the enemy back. His arm supported in a hastily torn sling, Logan rode back to the line followed by the cry, "Black Jack's wounded."^ He continued to ride along the front urging his men to repel new enemy assaults. Several times Hardee rallied against Harrow, but each time he v/as turned back. Shortly after Confederate attackers first struck Harrow, they sv/ept in on Smith and Osterhaus, but the ground in front of the latter tv.o divisions v^as more f avor ible to defense and after several advances Hardee retired. The engagement lasted only one hour, but its intensity can be measured in the casualties. Logan lost 30 killed, 295 wounded, and 54 missing. He took 97 prisoners and estimated Hardee's total loss at 2,000. Logan's estimate of Confederate casualties is a trifle high, but Logan did bury many 3 rebel dead in front of his works after the battle. Following the battle, McPherson asked Sherman for a delay in moving the army and reported Hardee "handsomely Upson, op. cit . , 103. 2 Dawson, op. cit . , 54. •^ 0. R .. Ser. 1, XXXVIII, pt. 3, 96.

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384 rei-ulsed" by the 15tb and l6th Corns. Los^sn, his v/ound troubling him only slightly, exultantly reported to Mary, "since the fight of Saturday, the men are all enthusiasm 2 and think I am all they x;ant to command them." On the 29th, in compliance v/ith Sherman's orders, Logan attempted to withdraw and move to the left, but once again Hardee »s demonstrations caused Logan to march the corps back into the works. All day and most of the night Confederate fire continued. Several times after dark skirmish action seemed about to turn into full scale attacks. From 11 o'clock until 3 A, in, musket fire lit up opposing lines and Union commanders gave up attempting to chanp;e position. On May 30, Sherman rode over to McPherson to ascertain Hardee's intentions, Sherman, McPherson, Logan, and Sherman's artillery chief Colonel Ta -lor, mounted a high point on Logan's line despite rebel fire, to survey opposing lines. Rebel balls began to move imcomfortably close to the knot of Federal officers, and before they could retire, one tore through Logan's coat sleeve and struck Taylor in the chest. Logan's woimd was insignificant and Taylor was saved by a thick memorandum book in his pocket. The ball 3 merely broke several of the colonel's ribs. Ibid .. 18. 2 JA.L to Mary Logan, May 30, 1^^4, Logan Mss, 3 William T. Pherman, Memoirs, II, 45.

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3^5 'dTien June srrived, Lor^an v:an on the move eastvrard tov;ard New Hope Church and Acvrorth. From the 1st to the 5th skirmishing v;as continuous 9S rebel lines at New Hone Church remained stationary/-. On the 5th, Logan's probing pickets found enemy lines abandoned and he pushed on toward Acworth. Johnston's withdrawal from Allatoona and Acworth gave Sherman control of the railroad as far south as Big Shanty and Kenesaw Mountain, and he called another halt around Acworth to bring for'/iard supplies and complete railroad communications with Chattanooga. While he lay at Acworth, Blair's 17th Corps cane up and Logan went over to see his old comrades of the 3rd Division. "I rode along their line," he wrote Mary, "and it caused the wildest enthusiasm you ever saw." He concluded caustically, "They do not think much of General Blair. "•' From the 6th to the 9th Logan lay south of Acworth in battle line: Harrow on the right, Smith in the center, and Osterhaus on the left. May's hot and mostly dry weather disaopeared in early June and Logan's encamped corps was pelted almost daily by heavy rain, often followed by sun which turned woods into a steam bath. On the 10th Acworth was left behind and Logan, with Smith leading the v/ay, joined the army's march southeastward tov;ard what Sherman J^L to Mary Logan, June S, 1^64, Logan Mss.

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3^6 believed to be Johnston's nev; position. After a short v;alk, gray clad skirmishers wei-^ found posted beiiind rail piles just south of Big Shanty Station, Johnston's pickets were dislodged by Logan's artillery and he moved forw-ard only to be stopped shortly by the def(;nsive master's newest line of works, Johnston, now only about twenty miles from Atlanta, had erected his nevi line along three rugged hills, Kenesaw, line, and Lost Mountains, guarding the railroad line south, A quick look convinced veteran Union campaigners that Johnston had dug formidable parapets and "heavy masses of 2 iniantry could be distinctly sei^n v;ith the naked eye," Johnston seemed prepared for battle, and Logan, on the Union left facing Kenesaw, edged his men toward the rebel heights. He reached the hills' outcrop by the 13th, Here shovels came out and Logan dug his v/orks, the men scooping out the muddy clay, accompanied by incessant rain and booming of Osterhaud' guns. x^'or a v;eek, digging, light skirmishing, and constant artillery exchanges occupied weary, sodden troops, Logan inched up the hill v/herever possible, but was forced to detach Smith and Harrow and 1 Jacob D. Cx>:, Atlanta , 117. 2 Sherman, Memoirs . IT, 51. 3 0. R .. Ser. 1, :L';,VIII, pt. 3, 97.

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337 send them to the extreme left to aid in repelling what looked like Johnston* s attempt to flank Sherman's wing. Harrow's division v;as heavily engaged there on the 15th, losing 45 killed and wounded. On June 19 Johnston r^ave up his first line on Kenesaw and moved farther up the hill, allowing Logan to advance to the mountain's base, his works very close to rebel skirmish lines. From the 20th to the 25th, positions remained unchanged and fire was almojt continuous during daylight hours. Logan's line during this period had Osterhaus on the right, connecting with Dodge's I6th Corps, Smith on the left joining Blair, and Harrow in reserve. Logan's corps occupied the center of the Army of the Tennessee, which held Sherman's left. \\1iile opposing armies ceased the flank-withdrawflank again pattern so well developed since early May, and prepared for what seemed to be a major fight, reporters with the army ground out copy on the campaign's leading participants. Logan vias described by a New York journalist as "of middle stature, compact, v/ell-knit frame. He has a glorious pair of dark eyes, that scintillate beneath his heavy brows, and dark hair. A heavy, curved mustache covers his well formed mouth. Such is his appearance, and his fighting qualities are in accordance," The reporter called Logan a soldier by "inspiration." The Northern public read that

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3d^ Lor^an^s "military career is full of dashing heroism," "Dashing heroism" v/as useful in abundance for Logan's next engagement, the assault on Kenesaw Mountain, If Sherman had follovred his v/ell-established policy he xvould have thrown out the Array of the Tennessee again, flanked Johnston and raced for Atlanta, but he decided differently. Johnston's mountain line was strong on the flanks but v/eak in the center. Sherman felt that if he made a breach in the rebel center, his spearhead could wheel toward the 2 flanks and overwhelm Johnston's position. After the \!ar Lo an was the source of another story of Sherman's reason for assaulting Kenesaw. Logan told Bonn Piatt, who disliked Sherman, that the v;e stern commander struck the mountain because of jealousy of Grant. Logan described a meeting ih Sherman's tent on the 26th in v/hich Sherman, reading, a newspaper's war reports, grew angry at the atr.ention given Grant's Eastern array and determined to win headline space for his comrriand, Sherman's biographer 3 thinks that there is an element of truth in Logan's story. Whatever his reason, Sherman told his army commanders to prepare their men for an attack at S o'clock on the morning David P. Gonyngham, Sherman's March Throurxh the South, 54» 2 Sherman, Memoirs , II, 60. 3 Lewis, Sherman . 375.

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339 of the ?7th, Logan spent the night of the 26th moving his men into position for their bloody climb up the rebel hills. He put Lightburn, Giles Smith, and Walcutt in his assault force under former Indiana schoolmaster Morgan Smith, Smith had orders to charge the south and west faces of Little Kenesaw sharply at 3 o» clock. Then Logan went to his tent and dashed off a letter to Mary. "Johnston," he \^ote, "has a strong position entrenched strongly on high mountains. We have to climb there and then assault earth works of a very formidable character. Our men are in good heart, though they have a bloody road before them," The road was bloody indeed. Early on the 27th Sherman's artillery began working along the hills, its shells producing white puffs where they struck Johnston's heights. At S o'clock artillery stilled and Logan, sitting tensely on his horse "Old John," cried "Charge J" Many of the soldiers had grave doubts about scrambling up the tree covered slopes into the face of 25,000 rifles and 50 cannon, but the order brought immediate action and men started up. Thomas' Cumberlanders climbed in formal battle columns offering a pretty blue target for Johnston's gunners, but McPherson's Tennesseans moving in loose Indian forma2 tion suffered fewer casualties and advanced more rapidly. JAL to Mary Logan, June 26, 1364, Logan Mss. 2 Lewis, Sherman . 373»

PAGE 396

390 Ao soon as Logan broke cover, his three brigades, in two lines, brought enemy fire showering dovm upon him. Toiling upvj-ard was deadly business, but Logan* s attackers took and held tv.'O lines of rebel rifle pits on the hill*s side. Feeling further attempts at enemy lines futile, John Palmer of Thomas* 14th Corps told his men to lie dovm and rode over to Lo^^an to tell him the mountain could not be carried. Logan replied the 15th Corps could go farther 1 than any unit, and he urged his men up again, Logan rode up the mountain, bullets falling about him, driving his men forv;ard. However, Johnston* s works on the crtst defied the Federals. The torrent of rebel fire v;as bad enough, but the terrain, a "steep declivity of rocks 20 to 25 feet high," made further attack certain death, "After vainly attempting to carry the works for some time, and finding that so many gallant men v;ere being uselessly slain, I ordered them to retire to the last line of works captured, and placed them in a defendable condition for occupancy," Logan reported. Pioneers went up the hill and by nightfall Logan* s line, effectively dug in, lay along the hillside slightly below Johnston's crest and higher than any other corps. About dusk Confederates on Logan's right attempted to dislodge Lightburn, but were John M, Palmer, Personal liecollections . 205. 2 0. a .. Ser. 1, aI-JLVIII, pt. 3, 99.

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391 driven back with heavy loss. Dark arrived, guns growled into silence; Logan improved his vorks, and counted his losses, lu the relatively brief action Logan lo3t 80 killed, 506 wounded, and 17 missing, nmong the dead v
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392 Divisions swept past Kenesaw on the left and entered Marietta taking 200 rebel prisoners. Sherman*:, flank movement had caused another retreat. It seemed to men in both armies as if the endless game of cat and mouse might go on forever. One frustrated Confederate soldier, taken prisoner by Logan's 103rd Illinois, gave vent to his exasperation at Union strategy. "Sherman' 11 never go to hell," he drav;led, "he will flank the devil and make heaven in spite of the guards." Reaching Marietta, the laot significant to\^-n bet-v/een Union troops and Atlanta, Logan deployed to cover the tovm, remaining there until July 4» Then he pulled out, marching to the army's right. That night Morgan Smith's division rejoined Logan and on the 5th and 6th the corps advanced slowly tov/ard the Chattahoochee River, Johnston's last natural barrier north of Atlanta, On the 7th, Logan moved into Union lines along Nickajack Creek erected by Jeff C. 2 Davis when he drove the rebels across m the 5th. For five days Logan lay north of the creek, a sluggish stream that wandered off the Chattahoochee on Johnston's left flank. During this period both sides roraained generally inactive, While Logan lay opposite Johnston's works, rain abated and his men v^ere bathed by a scorching sun. However, Lewis, Sherman . 3 60. 2 Jeff C. Davis to John M, Palmer, Jan 4, 1566, Jefferson C. Davis Mss., Indiana State Historical Library, Indianapolis, This letter ±e Davis' memoir of his Civil War service.

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393 most of them •'•ere in ':^ood rplrits. They had driver Johnston to the gates of Atlanta snd by early July they "began to find blackberries and green apples now for sauce, so we live quite good again." Their respite on the shores of Nickajack Creek ended on the 12th. >/hen Sherman began to edge flankers across the Chattahoochee, Johnston gave up the river line and fell behind Peachtree Creek. Mov; came the time for Sherman to set his racehorse army in motion again. Grossing the Chattahoochee, Sherman started Thomas and Schofield directly at Johnston, but he took McPherson and swung him from the right to the extreme left, a fifty mile niarch. This move2 ment led Sherman to call Mc?herson»s army his "whip-lash." Logan pulled out on the 12th, raced back through Marietta, and wheeled northeastward for Rosvrell where he was to cross the Chattahoochee. On the IJ+th he made Roswell v,ith one division and he v;aited for the other t\ra to come up next day. Crossing the river on the 15th v;as made hazardous by a thunderstorm which broke while the 15th Corps v/as on the bridge. A bolt struck near the bridge knocking down several of Logan* s .:ien, but movement proceeded James D. Padgett(ed. ) , "With Sherman Through Georgia and the Carolinas: Letters of a Federal Soldier," Georgia Hibtorical ^jz-rterly . XXXII, 29^. 2 Lewis, Sherman . 3 31.

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394 and that night the damp corps dug fortifications on the Atlanta side. Logan remained in camp across from Rosv/ell on the l6th and got off tv;o letters. He had written Mary two days earlier: "my coraiiiand ivas 1st on Kenesaw and in Marietta, but that will make no difference unless I v;as a "West Point officer," This is Logan *s first complaint against Sherman's favoritism for professional soldiers. On the l6th he v;rote again: "Sherman is a strange man and seems to fight a portion of the army at a time, \^hich is certainly of disadvantage to us, I should not complain however, for I am sure that he has given me enough to do since with him, and he has certainly said as little about it as he possibly 2 could in his dispatches," Logan had never been as close to Sherman as he had to Grant, and this first evidence of dissatisfaction v/as to assume proportions of a major feud in the next two weeks, Logan wrote another letter on the I6th, to Governor Yates, Hibe Cunningham was still with the corps and Logan asked Yates for a captain's commission on his staff for the young man, assuring the governor, "I am well satisfied that he has finally relented and feels a deep interest in 3 our success," Logan had written Mary a month earlier telling i Dodge, Sherman , 17. 2 JAL to Mary Logan, July 14, 16, 1^64, Logan Mss. 3 JAL to Yates, July 16, 1B64, Logan Mss,

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395 her of his plan for Hibe and this request met with her hearty approval. Within the month Hibe had his commission and v;as leading Union troops a!?;ainst his former comrades. On the 17th Lor^an moved for*ward ac-ain, reaching Nancy* s Creek where he drove in rebel skirmishers, crossed the creek, and marched for Decatur. That night he learned that Sherman* s old dance partner was no longer in command of Confederate opposition. Jefferson Davis, no longer able to stand Johnston* s policy of withdrawal, removed him and replaced him v;ith John B, Hood, McPherson had known Hood at West Point and he told Sherman, and later Logan, the new Confederate commander was impetuous where Johnston had been 2 cautious. Terpsichore vras overthrown; Mars now ruled, McPherson sent Logan racing for the Georgia Railroad on the l8th. By dusk, operating in the shadow of hulking Stone Mountain, Logan reported the railroad, Hood*s link with the East, destroyed for a considerable distance. After working on the railroad, Logan moved to Henderson* s Mill where he camped. At dauTi Logan *s agile command headed for Decatur. They struck the railroad east of tov.Ti and worked westward, tearing up track and burning ties. That night Logan bivouacked on Decatur *s north side, only five miles from i JAL to Mary Logan, June £?, 1364, Logan Mss. 2 Lewis, Sherman . 3^3.

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396 Atlanta, July 20 brought Logan closer to Atlanta, He left everything except his ammunition v;agons at Decatur and pushed for Hood*s lines. In the afternoon DeGress* artillery found a high position offering a splendid viexv of Atlanta's spires, about tv/o and one-half miles away. He hauled up a battery of 20 pound Parrotts of the 1st Illinois Light Artillery, and Atlanta felt its first Union shells, Logan entrenched in that position on the night of the 20th, and on the 21st set his lines: Smith in the center, flanked by Harrow on the right, and Osterhaus on the left. Smith's division strattled the railroad. Osterhaus' 1st Division was terapprarily under command of Charles Woods while the Prussian recovered from illness. Slight skirmishing occupied Logan on the 21st, but he spent most of his time strengthening his position with earth works reinforced vjith legs. While Logan dug v/orks on the night of the 21st, Hood was stealthily moving four divisions toward the Army of the Tennessee, The battered Texan, now charged with Atlanta's defense, had been smashed by Thomas on the 20th, but, undaunted, he decided Sherman's left flank might be smashed by a quick strike near Decatur. Logan's men were astir early in the morning. It was drizzling rain when they 0. R ,. Ser. 1, XX.iVIII, pt. 3, 101-02.

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397 rose, and before rations were handed out skirmish fire began driving them into their trenches. After a short time skirmish fire flickered out and Logan advanced scouts who reported rebel skirmishers had abandoned lines opposite the 15th Corps. Logan reported this withdrawal to McPherson and was ordered to send Morgan Smith forward to occupy the 2 vacated trenches. Smithes advance completed, Logan received v/ord from McPherson that Sherman believed Hood was evacuating Atlanta, and Logan was told to lead the pursuit. Before the order to march could be given, however, it was evident to Logan that the rebels, rather than evacuating, were still along his front in force. Enemy fire rose in a sudden torrent and a rebel shell burst vd.thin twenty feet of vj'here Logan and McPherson stood observing the action, "General, they seem to be popping that corn for us," Logan remarked 3 to the army commander. At 10 o* clock there v;as no longer any doubt. Confederate entrenchments in front of Thomas and Schofield v/ere found partially vacant and definite word reached Logan and McPherson, who were riding along behind 15th Coros lines, that Hood*s men were moving to the left in force. McPherson immediately halted the ordered advance, 1 Morris, op. cit ,. IO3. 2 Cox, Atlanta . 16? . 3 Dawson, op. cit . . 6I. 4 0. R .. Ser. 1, XXXVIII, pt. 3, 102.

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393 put Logan back in his lines, and rode off to Shennan, He found Sherman at Howard House in the rear, told him of his fear of a strong assault against the left, and received Sherman's endorsement for the change of plans he had already made. The two generals sat for some time talking over Hood's possible moves, and campaign strategy for the future. Both men were in good spirits and Sherman traced lines on a map to indicate the Army of the Tennessee's movements after it had destroyed more track at Decatur. Suddenly at about noon a loud booming was added to the clatter of rifle fire and the new sound brought Sherman and McPherson to their feet. Sherman whipped out a compass to check the direction, and found the cannonade emanated from far to McPherson' s left. McPherson rounded up his staff and they galloped off toward the portentious rumbling. The first assault struck Giles A. Smith's division of the 17th Corps. Some of his skirmishers had been picking blackberries in the damp woods and they came 2 hurtling back over Union works. Smith, recently elevated to division command and transferred out of Logan's corps, was the target for Hood's artillery and infantry, and Logan rode toward the flank to assess the danger. McPherson was riding in the same direction, but 0. 0. Howard, Autobiography . II, 5. 2 . Morris, op. cit . , 106,

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399 Logan turned back before he met the army commander. Hov;ever, McPherson, racino; toward Blair's corps, soon sent word to Logan to send a brigade to fill the gap betv/een the 17th and l6th Corps, Logan quickly sent Colonel Hugo "A'angelin's 3rd Brigade of the 1st Division. When McPherson reached the front the danger was immediately evident, Hardee's Corps had slashed out of a stand of timber and crashed into the left flank exactly perpendicular to the line of battle, taking it from front, flank, and rear. To better discover his enemy's position, and devise v/ays to counter Hardee's attack, McPherson spurred his mount into a ravine along Blair's front. He had ridden a short distance when a squad of rebel horsemen burst through the trees and ordered McPherson and his orderly, the only person with hira, to halt. The general refused, and urging his horse toward Union lines he was brought down by a rebel volley. The orderly was chased off leaving the 2 general's mortally wounded body in enemy hands. Some of Blair's men saw McPherson ride down the ravine, and hearing the volley, ran fonvard to help the general. One reached the head of the n'ully and v;as told McPherson was dead, "I wouldn't believe it, but it was too true,"^ Blair i ' 0. R ,. Ser, 1, XXXVIII, pt, 3, 103. 2 Lewis, Sherman . 3^7. 3 Byron R, Abernethy (ed.), Private Elisha Stockv:ell Sees the Civil War . 91.

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400 himself heard the volley, and rushed McPhcrscn»s adjutant, then at 17th Corps headquarters, to Logan and Sherman v;ith the nev;s, Shennan was stunned: "The suddenness of this terrible calamit^r would have overv/helraed me vrith grief, but 2 the living demanded ray whole thoughts.^ Sherman acted quickly to provide McPherson's successor. He sent a messenger to Lo,'?^an naming him commander of the array, ordering him to hold his ground at all costs, and promising reinforcements if needed. Logan turned over command of the 15th Corps to Morgan Smith and rode rapidly to the sound of firing on the left. He was determined to recover McPherson*s body. A. nearby soldier heard "Logan say he v^ould have McPherson»s body if he sacrificed every man in the 15th Corps." Soon a group found McPherson*s corpse and brought it back to Union lines. This accomplished, Logan rode on, V/hen he reached the part of the field hit by Hardee's first attack, firing had slackened and he looked over the position. The I6th Corps held the extreme left, Blair *s men held the center, and Logan's old corps held the right. The Union line had been forced into a right anr^le by Hardee's first onslaught 1 0. 0. Howard, -utobiography . ^-9. 2 0. R ., Ser. 1, XXXVIII, ot. 3, 67-69. 3 Sherman, Memoirs , II, 77. 4 Abernethy, op. cJt . . 91.

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401 with Dodr;e and Blair forming one side and the 15th Corps the other. Strongest point on the left was held by General Leggett, now commanding the 3r'd Division, 17th Corps, Logan* s old command. It was a slight eminence called Bald Hill, named Leggett »s Hill after the battle, and it gave Leggett a vantage from which he could observe Hardee s movements, Logan told Blair to make certain Leggett v;as not driven off the hill and he turned to the army*s weakest spot. Between l6th and 17th Corps was a rather long gap in the Union line. The gap was in a wooded area and provided excellent cover for enemy attackers. It had been created because Dodge, who had been in reserve, had not time enough to set his men before the enemy charged, Logan acted quickly to plug the hole. He ordered Dodge to swing out his right to connect with Wangelin's brigade of the 15th Corps, sent earlier in the day. Then he told Blair to move the brigade on his left over to link up v;ith Wangelin, Before Dodge and Blair could make the necessary changes, Hardee s men debouched from the trees and with a shout charged the 17th Corps again. After a severe struggle the attack v.'as repulsed only to be followed by another and still another. Blair *s men gave ground slowly, fighting on both sides of their works, and absorbing terrific punishment. By 3 o'clock Giles Smith's division, which

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402 had taken the brunt of Hardee s assault, had been forced to give ground, creating a dangerous pocket on the Union left. All this time the 15th Corps, holding the right, had not been attacked. At 3:30 the right felt its first shock, the 2nd Division meeting and hurling back the first line of gray attackers. But the 15th Corps had been weakened by reinforcements sent to the left and a gap, along the railroad cut, offered an entry route for the perceptive Confederates. They found the hole, and under cover of smoke of battle, a rebel column marched up the cut and appeared in the Union rear before anyone saw them. The right of the 15th Corps, forced to fall back to avoid anihilation, had to leave DeGrees*s two batteries in rebel hands. Logan, having ridden to Dodge »s Corps, v;hen told of the dan;^er on the right raced back to his old command. Before leaving Dodge he asked the l6th Corps leader for a brigade to assist the right. "He came to me as v/e were in the habit of doing, Logan, Blair, and myself," v/rote Dodge, "when one was hard pushed and the other vjas not. We sent troops without orders v;here they were most needed." Loran took Mersey's brigade from Dodge v/hen he returned to the right. Arriving there, Logan found Harrow, Lightburn, and Woods struggling to change position so as to prevent their Dodge, Sherman . 19-20.

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403 commands from being overrun. The rebel spearhead had driven a wedge through the 15th Corps separating Woods from the rest of the corps. V/oods closed on Schofield*s Ar-my of the Ohio on his right, but the opening the rebels had made grew wider, seriously imperiling the entire Union flank. V/hen he reached the front, Logan brought up Major Clemens Landgraeber*s artillery, and the gunners compelled the marching enemy to momentarily take shelter. Landgraeber's guns also played on DeGress* batteries, killing their horses to prevent the enemy from carrying off the guns. As Landgraeber*s German gunners opened up, Sherman sent additional artillery from Schofield. The mass of guns opened "an incessant fire of shells on the enemy within sight and on the woods beyond to prevent his reinforcing," The cannonading having given them a chance to reform, the divisions of the right v^ere ready to counterattack. Woods and Harrow rushed forward, and Smith's old division, now led by Lightburn and supported by Mersey, joined the charge. As the men advanced Logan rode along the lines, his black hair streaming, waving his hat in the air. As they charged he cried, "McPherson and revenge boys," The blue lines grimly moving forward to retake their lost ground began to chant "Black Jack I Black Jack!" as 1 Cox, Atlanta . 172-73.

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404 they fought against a hail of rebel fire. The fierce assault successfully hurled back rebel lines and DeGress* battery was retaken. By 4:30, after a costly struggle, the right had recaptured its old position. Only tv;o more attacks remained, and the first one poured out of the woods at about 5 o'clock in front of Blair as Confederates tried to crack the left again. Rebel troops reached Blair's lines and regimental conmanders, with their colors, v.'ith such men as would follow them, would not infrequently occupy one side of the v;orks and our men the other. Many individual acts of heroism occurred. The flag of opposing regiiTients would rueet on the opposite sides of the same v;ork, and would be flaunted by their respective bearers in each others faces; men were bayoneted across the works and officers, with their sx\rords, fought hand to hand with men vvith bayonets. ^ For 45 minutes the bloody engagement raged around Blair's works before, unable to stove in the Union line, Hardee's men v;ere called back. At 6 o'clock the final assault began, again directed against Giles Smith and Leggett on the extreme left of the 17th Corps. Smith's line v/as driven back by superior numbers, but V/angelin, still supporting Blair's corps, advanced to Smith's support. These two units and Leggett's valiant men, holding the slopes of Bald Hill, threw back a severe Confederate onslaught. V^angelin's four sturdy 1 Catton, op. cit .. 344. 2 0. R .. Ser. 1, XXXVIII, pt. 3, 104.

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405 Missouri regiments were the deciding factor as the fl^ht raged through the dusky woods. His brigade managed to strike the enemy flank, driving it in and threatening the entire assault line. This check, and confusion brou^t on by failing night, led Confederate commanders to call off their troops. Night fell, firing ceased, and the Array of the Tennessee stood bloody but undefeated. This battle proved the Army of the Tennessee was "pahic-proof ." Writing his report of the Battle of Atlanta, as the fight of the 22nd came to be called, Logan felt Hood, "did not succeed due... to the lateness of the hour at v;hich the attack was made, a lack of concert in his movements,... but more than all these to the splendid bravery and tenacity of the men and the ability and skill of the officers of the Array of the Tennessee." Logan also spoke of McPherson. "He was an earnest patriot, a brave and accomplished officer, 2 and... a true gentleman." When a final check was made, army casualties totaled 3,722. The 15th Corps lost IIS killed, 414 wounded, and 535 missing, Dodge»s Corps lost 103 killed, 5^4 wounded, and 167 missing, while Blair* s heavily engaged command suffered 209 killed, 65I wounded, and 1,031 missing.^ Nicolay and Hay, op. cit . . IX, ?72. 2 0. R .. Ser. 1, XXXVIII, pt. 3, 2^. 3 Ibid.

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406 V/hile Logan was being pounded, the remainder of Sherman's army stood immobile, Sherman ordered Thomas to attack when he discovered Hood*s main force opposite the Tennesseans, but "Slow Trot" moved forward, found what he felt v/ere strong entrenchments, and fell back. Years later Sherman said Atlanta should have been taken on the 22nd, but he was unwilling to blame any of his subordinates for failure to do so. Skirmish fire, especially strong in front of Bald Hill, lasted long into the night. Its chattering mingled with the groans of over 1,500 vjounded soldiers. Logan set his ai'ray in its old position and called Blair and Dodge to his headquarters. The three men stood under an oak tree near the railroad and discussed the battle. They agreed Thomas and Schofield should send troops to relieve some of the most battered units, Giles Smith's and Lightburn's certainly, and sent Dodge off to Sherman with the request. Dodge arrived and delivered his appeal, and Sherman replied, "Dodge, you whipped them today didn't you?" "Yes sir." "Can't you do it again tomorrow?" 2 "Yes sir," said Dodge and rode back to his command. This interview, illustrating Sherman's faith in the 'Irenville M. Dodge, The Battle of Atlanta , 49-50; Dodge, Sherman . 21, 2 ""Dodge, Sherman . 19-20.

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407 men of his old army, started a rumor racing through the army: Gen. Logan sent to Sherman for reinforcements. Sherman *s ansv;er is said to have been 'No sir, not a nan. If I had 5,000 men here and did not know what to do with them, you should not have a man. You have lost those v.^orks and you must retake them . ' And he did retake them.-*Dodge returned with Sherman* s actual reply and Lo'^an set his men strengthening their works. Hood did not renew his assault on the 23rd and Logan got a breathing space to entrench himself to resist anything Hood mi^t throw. Sherman, Logan, and most Union leaders were happy at the result of the '^2nd's action. They of course mourned McPherson, but many felt Hood^s failure would lesd him to abandon Atlanta. One Union general, however, grouchy John Palmer of Illinois, periiaps seeing in Logan's new acclaim the rise of a potential political opponent, thought differently. "The newspapers v/ill be filled with the details," he wrote his wife, "Logan will be announced as the saviour of the army, 'ATiile really the battle need not have been 2 fought if our troops had been ready for battle," The period of calm following the first Battle of Richard Harwell (ed,), "The Campaign from Chattanooga to Atlanta as Seen by a Federal Soldier," Georgia Historical Quarterly . aJC v , 273. 2 "john M. Palmer to Maggie A, Palmer, July 24, IS64, John M, Palmer Mss., Ill, St^te Hist. Lib.

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40^ Atlanta gave Sherman time to think about a commander for the Army of the Tennessee. Thomas came to see him on the 23rd to talk about McPherson*s successor. He expressed his opposition to Logan, admitting Logan "is brave enough and a good officer, but if he had an army I am afraid he would edge over both sides and annoy Schofield and me." The old railroad difficulty at Chattanooga still rankled in his breast and Thomas supported General 0. 0. Howard for the post. Sherman argued Hox>;ard, havin:^ come from the East, might be opposed by the Westerners, but Thomas insisted. "*If you give it to Logan,' said the solemn Thomas, *I should feel like asking to be relieved.'" "'Why Thomas,' exclaimed Sherman, 'you would not do that?'" "'No,' said Thomas slov;ly, ! would not, but I feel that array commanders should be on friendly terms and Logan and I cannot. Let the President decide it.'" "Sherman snapped, 'No, it is ray duty and I'll 2 perform it. '" The discussion continued. Hooker, senior corps commander, was considered and rejected immediately. No one could get along with the ambitious former commander of Jacob D. Cox, Reminiscences , II, 30S; Lewis, L:herman . 3^^. 2 Lewis, Sherman , 3^^.

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409 Union forces in Virginia, and talk inevitably returned to Howard. Finally Sherman made up his mind. On July 26 he wrote home, "Poor Mac, he was killed dead instantly. I think I shall prefer Howard to succeed him." He wanted to maintain harmony between his army commanders at all costs and he regarded Thomas' advice highly. Sherman later wrote: General Logan had taken command of the Army of the Tennessee by virtue of his seniority, and had done well; but I did not consider him equal to the command of three corps. Between him and General Blair there existed a natural rivalry. Both v/ere men of great experience, coura-e, and talent. Both were politicians by nature and experience, and it may be that for this reason they were mistrusted by regular officers like Generals Schofield, Thomas and myself. 2 Sherman considered Logan more than adequate in a fight but was not certain of the amateur's ability to run all the technical aspects of a protracted campaign. He was about to wheel the Army of the Tennessee over to the right flank and was unsure of Logan's ability to carry off this intricate movement. Howard's name was sent to the War Department on the 27th, and the following day the one-armed Howard, knovm as the "Christian Soldier" because of his piety, relieved Logan. "Black Jack" resumed command of the 15th Goros.^ 1 Sherman, Home Letters ^ 303. 2 Sherman, Memoirs . II, S5, 3 Q' R»« Ser. 1, XXIVIII, pt. 3, 104.

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410 Howard's appointment stirred up a hornet's nest in Sherman's army. Hooker was infuriated and resigned in a huff. On hearing the nev;s, the fiery Hooker wrote Logan: "I asked to be relieved from duty with the array, it being an insult to my rank and service. Had you retained the command I could have remained on duty without the sacrifice of honor or principle," Logan, thoroughly disappointed, refused to follow Hooker and he gave way to Howard. Logan's disappointment was shared with many in the Anny of the Tennessee, Dodge felt that the army "had in it material to command itself," Shortly after Logan's removal, Dodge went to Sherman's headquarters and found Logan sitting on the porch. He hardly recognized me as I walked in, and I saw a great change in him, I asked General Sherman what the change in commanders meant, why Logan was not left in command. As everyone knows, Logan's independence and criticisms in the army were very severe, but they all knev; v;hat he was in a fight, and v/henever we sent to Logan for aid he would not only send his forces, but come himself; so, as Blair said, \ie only knev/ Logan as we saw him in battle. Lo;jan coiild hear every word that was said between Sherman and myself. Sherman did not feel at liberty to say anything in cxi^lanation of this chan??;e. He simply put me off very firmly, but as nicely as he could, and iipoke highly of General Hov7ard,..,I v/ent av;ay from the place without any satisfaction, and when I met Logan on the outside, I expressed to him ray regrets, and I said to him: There is something here that none of us understand,' and he said: 'It makes no difference; it v;ill all come right in the end.'^ Joseph Hooker to JAL, July 27, IS64, Logan Mss. ^Dodge, Sherman . 21-22.

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411 The "something" Dodge could not understand Logan felt he understood completely. Logan believed, a belief he held until he died, he was replaced simply because he v/as rot a West Point graduate, Sherman's Memoirs did ^.ittle to convince hira otherwise. First published in 1^75, they seem to substantiate Logan's opinion, "I regarded both Generals Logan and Blair as 'volunteers' that looked to personal fame and glory as auxiliary and secondary to their political ambition, and not as professional soldiers," Though he insisted elsewhere he had not been partial to any class, his words indicate differently. Sherman was particularly distressed by his political generals' periodic visits North for political purposes and preferred to have commanders he could depend on to stay with the anny. His feelings are only natural, Logan seemed to bear little ill will toward Howard personally. After the war he called Hov/ard, then head of 3 the Freedmen's Bureau, a "noble officer." Howard in turn was impressed by Logan's diligent return to duty as corps commander despite his disappointment. He took every oppoi tunity to praise Logan's ability and courage. Sherman, Memoirs , II, 36, ^Ibid., 145. 3 John A, Lo,j;an, Speech in the Houae on Relief of the Suffering Poor of the South . 5. 0, 0, Howard, Autobiography . II, 16,

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412 Sherman *s decision was a difficult one since his "heart prompt 3d him to name Logan, whose battle conduct entitled him to comnand the army that was already his in spirit." But his uncertainty as to Logan *s comriiand capabilities and his unwillingness to offend Thomas and Schofield led him to his eventual resolution. That he felt bad about Logan was obvious from the tributes he paid him during the rest of the campaign. On the day Howard was named, Sherman wrote Logan, "I fear you v^ill be disappointed at not succeeding permanently to the command of the army. I assure you in giving prejudice to Gen. Howard I v/ill not fail to give you every credit for having done so well..,. Take a good rest. I know you are worn out with mental and physical work. No one could have a higher appreciation of the responsibility that devolved on you so un2 expectedly and the noble manner in which you met it." Further impressed by Logan* s refusal to rush northward with Hooker, Sherman concluded, "If I can do anything to mark my full sense at the honorable manner in which you acted in the battle and since, name it to me frankly and 3 I will do it." In mid-August when Sherman found time to write his report of the campaign, he told Grant: "General Lewis, Sherman , 3^9. 2 Sherman to JAL, July 27, 1^64, Logan Mss. ^Ibid.

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a3 Logan admirably conceived my orders and executed them, . . . General Logan managed the Ar.niy of the Tennessee well during his command," On the change of command, Sherman wrote: "I meant no disrespect to any officer, and hereby declare that General Logan submitted with the grace and dignity of a soldier, gentleman, and patriot, resumed command of his corps, and enjoys the love and respect of his army and his commanders," Though Logan carried into post-war politics his disappointment at not being sustained in command by Sherman, his actions in IS64 won admiration from all. Instead of choosing Hooker's way he stayed with his corps. Logan had vowed to leave the army only when the rebellion had been crushed, and on July 27 Hood*s plainly audible picket fire told Logan that time had not come. He had come to fight and fight he would whether as commander of a corps or of 2 an army. But he could not forget. When Howard replaced Loiran the Army of the Tennessee was in the midst of moving to Sherman's right, Logan had begun the movement as army commander and when he returned to the 15th Corps it was almost complete, Sherman had swung his foot cavalry to the west and it took its new position opposite Hood's lines at Ezra Church, On the Logan, Volunteer Soldier . 62-63. 2 0, 0, Howard, Autobiography , lu., 22.

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414 morning of the 2^th, as Logan's men climbed to the ridge on which Ezra Church vias situated, Hood struck again. At first only skirmish fire, accompanied by low rumblings from rebel artillery, broke the morning's silence. Then Hood stepped up his fire, rebel shells smashing trees where Logan lay. Several men, unnerved by the cannonade, ran for the rear, but Logan, "greatly animated, rushed for all stragglers with drawn saber, and assisted by his officers, drove them back to their commands." At 11:30 rebel fire exploded and Sherman, tv;o miles av;ay, exclaimed, "Logan is feeling 2 them, and I guess he has found them." Out of thick brush along his front rushed gray clad attackers hitting hard at Logan's right and center. The corps had not had an opportunity to dig trenches along the ridge, but the height of their natural position aided them in hurling back Hood's warriors. The first Confederate assault, in good order and great strength, failed to dislodge a single portion of Logan's line. The confident 15th, nervousness gone, stood firm in a manner that led Howard to comment, "I never saw better conduct in battle."^ Their first advance repulsed, the Confederates retired, reformed, and about 1 o'clock started up again. The second ''' Ibid . 2 Levris, Sherman . 399. ^ 0. P. .. Ser. 1, XXXVIII, pt. 3, ^6.

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kl5 assault was turned back, but three more times Hood*s battered troops climbed the hill only to be driven back. Fighting v;as terrific. Hood's ranks were decimated as Logan *s men unloosed a torrent of fire on the struggling enemy. Once in the afternoon Logan's line, hammered severely in several places and v;eakened duB to heavy casualties, showed siigns of giving way, but Logan raced down the front roaring, "?Iold 'eml Hold »em." His men rallied, but Logan felt it necessary to call on Dodge and Blair for aid and six regiments from the 15th sister corps went into line. Only darkness brought an end to Hood*s assaults. The 15th Corps fought Ezra Chapel almost alone, 2 Logan sustained 50 killed, 439 wounded, and 73 missing. Enemy loss was much higher, and Hood*s second failure in less than a week to crack the "panic-proof" Army of the Tennessee discouraged him from another immediate fight. The following day as pickets exchanged shots, one of Logan's men shouted across the lines, "*Well Johnny, how many of you are left?*" Back came the gloomy response, 3 "'Ohl about enough for another killing.'" Logan had again fought his men ably. Sherman lauded Logan's "conspicuous" behavior and Hov.ard, v/ho remained Sherlock, op. cit .. 105. 2 0. R .. Ser. 1, XXXVUI, pt, 3, 105. ^Cox, Atlanta. 136.

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416 in the rear so that Lop;an might garner the laurels, vnrote: "The Sjjeneral commanding the Fifteenth Army Corps,... was indefatigable, and the success of the day is as much 1 attributable to him as to any one man." Despite these plaudits and his undeniable success in battle, Logan was disconsolate and angry at Vv^hat he felt was a failure to give him due credit. Three days after Ezra Church he v/rote Mary of the two battles and his replacement by Howard: "Ivhether I v^ill get any credit for these fights I can not tell, but -^uess not," he complained, "Were I from West Point these two fights would make me more reputation than Sherman ever had before this campaign, but I do not expect it." A week later he wrote: "On the 23th I had the hardest fight of the campaign with my corps alone and gained a great and complete victor , but will get no credit for it. West Point must have all under Sherman v;ho is an infernal brute . As soon as this campaign is over I think I shall come home, at least I will not serve longer 3 under Sherman." As Logan v/on his successes in the Atlanta campaign, behaving in his flambouyant and colorful manner, the myths continued to f.row. He became an idol, and men "cheered 0. R .. Ser. 1, XXXVIII, pt. 1, 7^; 0. R . , Ser. 1, XXXVIII, pt. 3, ^6. 2 JAL to Mary Logan, July 31, 1864, Logan Mss. 3 JAL to Mary Logan, Aug. 6, IS64, Lop;an Mss.

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417 and leaned forward to touch his stallion," ar he galloped along the lines. Combat correspondents found him good copy, and while they rather disliked Sherman, they delighted in stories about Logan, A New York writer felt "Lo.-^an by his dashing, kind manner, might create enthusiasm 2 among troops, but Sherman or Thomas never.'' It is certain the general loved all the adulation and encouraged the journalists. Shanks and Conyngham spoke of Logan in glowing terms and the Northern public heard his "niilitary career is full of dashing heroism,'"^ Following Ezra Church, Logan dug strong defensive works. Rebel troops were out of range and the corps spent the day burying its dead. July passed and August arrived with the corps still in position on Sherman's right, vvest of Atlanta, Almost no action occurred until the 3rd when Harrov; fought a brief skirmish as he pushed his division ahead to a stronger lirxe. One week later Osterhaus moved forward slightly, capturing 60 prisoners after a short contest. On August 4 Logan lost his veteran lieutenant Morgan Smith. Smith had been wounded at Chickasaw Bayou in December, 1862 and constant exposure and exhaustion so v/eakened him Lewis, Sherman . 400. 2 Conyngham, op. cit . . 4^. 3 Shanks, op. cit .. 308; Conyngham, op. cit . . 54.

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41S that he had to be sent north, Lightburn led the 2nd Division until a new commander, William B, Hazen, ai^rived. The new brigadier, close friend of another obscure Union general named James A, Garfield, rode into camp just as Logan and his staff vrere sitting dovMn to sui-'per. Hazen reported of his new associates: "The staff was very numerous, and, as I found afterward, very efficient. Most them were young men. It was the first time I had met Logan, and I was most agreeably impressed by him, both as a soldier and as a man, and have never had reason to change that first 1 impression," 'v/hile Logan awaited renev/al of action, he complained to Mary of his treatment at Sherman *s hands. "I do feel it as sensitively as any one can, and so does the whole army and they speak of it in very severe terms, but the good sense of it is for me to say not a word but go on and do my duty to my country." He expressed disgust at the rise of peace sentiment in the North: "from the papers it seems that at home,,. there will be trouble yet though I hope not. The people are crazy. Just now when the rebels are almost exhausted, they can not increase their armies any more, and if v/e can only get the proper quota to fill our ranks it must be crushed, yet, at home they cry of peace, " V/illiara B, Hazen, A Narrative of Military Service . 2^0. 2 JAL to Mary Logan, Aug. 21, 1864, Logan Mss.

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419 August was a quiet month as Hood and Sherman played a giant game of bluff. Hood sent Fighting Joe V/heeler at Sherman's rail link with the rear, but Confederate cavalry was unable to do serious damage. Back in the lines around Atlanta, Hood, smashed twice against the wall of the Army of the Tennessee, was unwilling to hazard another attack. Sherman was content to put Atlanta under siege. Union guns daily screamed and whistled their deadly salvos into the city. In Hood's lines one rebel private reported a typical day. "The Yankees. . .are 'pegging away' with their cannon and the picket's keep up a regular noise from one end of the line to the other, something like cuttin,£_cord wood." As his guns "pegged away," Sherman edged his army around the city on the west to cut off Hood's rail lines, enveloping Atlanta like a giant octopus. Logan's 15th Corps was the spearhead of one of the tentacles slowly extending southward. Its objectives were two railroads running south from Atlanta, the Atlanta and West Point, and the Macon and v\/estern. Logan started moving on the night of the 27th, and though it rained all night, Logan, "as wide awake by night as by day," kept 2 his men rolling and they reached Camp Creek by the 28th. J. I. Cain, "The Battle of Atlanta as Described by a Confederate Soldier," Contributed by Andrew F. Muir, Georgia Historical Quarterly . XLII, 110. 2 0. 0. Howard, Autobiography . II, 32.

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420 Osterhaus led the way on the 29th as Logan probed forward on the Army of the Tennessee Vs left. Dodge and Blair had the roads, but Logan's pioneers, hacking their way through dense woods, kept up a steady pace. On the 29th Logan hit the Atlanta and V/est Point north of Fairburn and spent the day ripping up rails. Harrow's division, charged v/ith working on Hood's tracks, burned ties, twisted rails, and broke telegraph wire. The job i/as done so well that Logan made an examination and pronounced the destruction complete.' Jonesboro was the objective on the 30th, and Logan crossed a number of creeks as he sweated toward Hood's last rail line, the Macon and Western, Before noon a detachment of cavalry under Kibe Cunningham, now a captain wearing blue instead of gray, struck rebel cavalry vedettes and drove them back. The corps, Hazen leading, came up quickly and by 3:30 it had reached Flint River about a mile from Jonesboro and the railroad. At the rivsr Lo/^an found a strong enemy force rushed by Hood to keep the railroad open, Logan sent Hazen to join Judson Kilpatrick's cavalry in securing the bridge across the Flint and rushed his whole coramand across when it was in Union hands. It was midnight bafore the entire corps had crossed and Logan found the best ground available and dug in. The new man Hazen held Logan's •'• Q. R .. r.er, 1, XXXVIII, pt. 3, 107.

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421 left, his division resting on the Jonesboro-Atlanta Road only one-hfilf mile from the railroad. Logan* s right, Harrow, stretched from the Atlanta Road to the river, Osterhaus was in reserve with Kilpatrick's cavalry. All night railroad trains chugged into the town as Hood, surprised by Sherman *s movement, rushed to hurl back the Yankees and protect the railroad. As he sat in his tent on the quiet night before a possible battle, Logan's mind went back to an incident of the day. As his men moved forward they encountered a clearing v^ith a log cabin in it. An old "cracker" woman came out but retreated when she saw Union troops. The cabin was badly scarred by ohell fire and entering troops found the woman's daughter lying on a bed with a new born child. Someone proposed baptism and sent for a chaplain. The request v/as heard by Logan and he viranted to know why a chaplain was needed. V/lien he heard, he rode off with the clergyman. On arriving in the clearing a Union doctor told him, "General you are just the man we're after.*' "For what?" •'For a godfather," replied the doctor, Logan went inside, ordered his men to leave some of their rations, and held the child while the chaplain went through the ceremony. The baby, whose father had been

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422 killed fighting with the Confederate army in Virginia, was christened "Shell-Anna," and Logan left a gold coin avS a christening gift. As ho rode off from this interlude in the war, Logan posted a guard to make certain the v/omen v;ere not disturbed by Union stragglers. Ifnen davm broke on the 31st, Logan roused his men to be ready for immediate attack. He sent two regiments from Osterhaus to bolster Hazen, and got one brigade from the l6th Corps. \''ith this one exception the day^s fight was the private property of the 15th Corps. All morning Logan's pioneers under Captain Herman Klosterraan, called by Logan "one of the most thorough engineer officers I have met in the service," erected stronger positions. At noon they stood ready to receive an attack. Also at noon Logan ordered his guns up and they began shelling the railroad depot and Confederate lines. It was not until 3 o'clock that an ansv/ering fire broke forth from Confederate artillery. After a 15 minute barrage rebel infantry charged Logan's entire line. Hazen bore the brunt of enemy assaults, but KlosteiTnan's shovellers had done their job well and from strong v;orks Logan poured "the moot terrible and destructive fire" he had ever v/itnessed. Logan, as usual galloping along the line looked acroas the field, saw his Dawson, op. cit . , 76-^0.

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423 opponent, General Fatten Anderson, riding fearlessly into the mouth of v.'ithering Federal fire. He later observed Anderson "did all that a commander could to make the assault a success....! could not help but admire his gallantry, 1 though an enemy," The first Confederate attack broke but vjas succeeded by two others. The final strike was made hesitantly by men who seemed to have had enough dying while trying to hammer the sturdy Tennesseans into submission. At dusk rebel fire sputtered to a stop and Logan took stock of his position. He had lost only 154 men while Confederate loss in prisoners alone exceeded that figure. Howard again had reason to laud the behavior of his able lieutenant and his 2 veteran cor^js. On September 1, Logan, busy witli artillery fire to support Jeff C. Davis' 14th Corps, heard Gchofield had cut the Macon and Western between Atlanta and Jonesboro. He maintained a cannonade all day but the corps v;as not otherwise engciged, Kiglit brought unusual sounas southward from Atlanta. At about midnight Logan heard run^blings from the city 26 miles away, Shenaan heard the same r.oibfc and rose to make inquiries. Again about 4 o'clock more faint explosions 0. H .. Ser, 1, lOXVIII, pt, 3, 109. 2 0. 0. Howard, Autobiography . II, 33,

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424 roused Logan, but they soon died away. At dawn Logan rose to find enemy trenches vacant, and by ten o'clock rumors that Hood had abandoned Atlanta reached the men at Jonesboro. All day long Sherman cautiously approached the city, umvilling to expose his array needlessly. All vias quiet from the Georgia rail center, and Sherman wrote Schofield, ''nothing positive from Atlanta, and that bothers me,"' After midnight the happy truth finally arrived. The sounds of the previous night ^ere sounds of Hood's evacuation. The rebel army was gone. General Henry rf. Siocum had already telegraphed Stanton: "General Sherman has taken Atlanta," but it was Sherman's message of the 4th that is best remembered: 2 "Atlanta is ours and fairly won." when word reached the troops pandemonium ensued. Cheers rang through the woods and Logan and his staff happily congratulated each other on the success of the great campaign. For a time cheers had to be supressed since Sherman had ordered Logan to pursue the retreating enemy. He moved south from Jonesboro to Lovejoy's Station where he fought sporadic skirmishes until the 5th. Then Sherman called off the chaise and Logan marched to East Point. There he set up carap and his men rested from what amounted to four months of almost constant action. Lewis, Sh^rrnSHi 40^. 2 Ibid.. 409.

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425 At East Point Logan sat down to write his report to Sherman. Evidencing great pride in his corpc, Lojran wrote: "The officers and soldiers of my command hive performed the duties of the campaign v/illingly and earnestly; in no Instance has a disposition other than to face the enemy been exhibited," Logan reported his casualties at 65O killed, 3,53^ wounded, and 633 missing. The victory at Atlanta had a great effect on a North starved for concrete victory. For months Grant and Sherman had advanced, but neither won a triumph which could bring joy and hope to the nation. Atlanta did so. J« G. Randall has written: It is hard to exaggerate the effect of the nev.s. To the average Northerner, weary with hope deferred after years of frightful loas, it seamed the nost important achievement of Union arms in the year 1S64. iO Lincoln and the Repubiicano, under blame for a blundering and *honeless* war, it was a godsend. 2 Logan* s role in the Atlanta campaign had been active, gallant, and significant. He had been the most dashing corps commander in an army of able leaders, and his fame travelled throughout the nation. Due to his friendly relations with the press, probably no officer in the anny except Sherman and possibly McPherson had garnered more fame in the foiu* months in Georgia. Despite this acclaim, Logan sat in his tent on September 13, writing his campaign 1 o. 11. .. bei'. i, aXa-VHI, pt. 3| ilO. 2 Randall, Civil v^ar ana tteconstruction . 554.

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426 report, a disappointed man, Hir. T/ords do rot r?.veal this feeling or his hostility to Sherman, but he deeply rssented the refus?3l to pre,«ervG him ap. McPherson*3 successor. The campaign over, Sherman Vs mind began to think of the next move a.sj-^inpt Kood. Logan's thoughts, however, moved in other directions. As after Vicksburg, a lull gave Lofean a chance to go horns and parlay his military fame in the politic?! arena. Logan had "flanked the devil" in Georgia, nov: he vras ready to begin a head-on assault against political "devils" in Illinois.

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CHAPTER II THE YEAR OF JUBILO As Sherman's legions struck deep into the heart of the Confederacy, political events of 1^64 gathered momentum. Union failure to end the war in the spring and suiri-iier increased the clamor for peace and laade Democratic chances of unseating Lincoln in the fall appear excellent, i-urthermore, Republican politicians were not helping their ovvn cause. Factional strife between Lincoln and the Radicals brought on a Salmon P, Chase for President boom in early 1864* The Chase boom gradually disappeared, to be followed by a Fremont boom which also fell before Lincoln's popularity and control of party machinery. In June at Baltimore, Lincoln won the Republican nomination with Tennessee Unionist Andrew Johnson as his running mate. The Baltimore platform called for a united effort to put down the rebellion and demanded abolition of slavery. Democrats met in Chicago August 29 to choose their nominees. Both war and peace Democrats were included in the convention and a war Democrat, General George McClellan, and a peace man, George Pendleton of Ohio, were the party's candidates. The platform was composed by the peace faction 427

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42^ and callod the war a failur'^. It demanded peace as soon as possible. In Illinois, D-^smocrats seemed to be ahead in the spring and sumT.or. Democrats rominated James Robinson for governor and Republicans chose Richard Oglesby. In Egypt Josh illen ^^-as certain to receive the Democratic nomination for Congress from the 13th District, Logan*s old seat. For a time the Republicpn, or Unionist, as they ^.^rere often called, candidate was in doubt. In July Andrew J. Kuykendall, Logan's old comrade in the 31st and a former Democrat, vfon thz nomination to oppose Allen. The Illino is State Reg:ist3r ^-^reeted Kuykendall with hostility. "The aiiscegens of the 13th district have nominated that patriotic »var democrat,* Kuykendall for Congress. Good Lord Kuyk, v:hat can one man do? V/e don't think you* 11 find your 2 *v;ar democracy* a very paying card in E^rypt." Logan kept his eye on the political scene as he fought through Geor/ri?. As early as March he had written Mary, "I understand that Josh Allen will soon be home and coraraence his canvass for Conf.ress. I do hope that Haynie will run against hin and beat him. He can do it and God knows it vjould do me p-ood to hear of his defeat."-"^ Logan 1 Illinois State Journal , July 7i loo4. Illinois S tate Register . July 8, 1264. 3 JAL to Mary Logan, Mar. 4, 1864, Logan Mss.

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429 said little else about politics until nominations had been made and then he struck at Allen again. "Josh Allen wrote me a letter, the infernal scoundrel, merely wanting me to write a letter to him saying that I was not for Kuykendall. I shall not answer his letter, but hope Kuykendall may beat him of which I have no hopes." In August and September, as national candidates were nominated and politics moved to stage center, and as Logan* s fame increased, he was deluged with political letters. Two old Democratic friends, Charles Lanphier and James W, Sheahan, wanted Logan to speak for the Democrats. Lanphier asked Logan to campaign for four days in Springfield: "They are pressing us here, have all the money, and with the pride about 'Lincoln's home,' they ^v•ill turn 2 hell and heaven to beat us," Sheahan wrote after McClellan's nomination requesting, almost demanding, Logan's endorsement of McClellan. The Chicago journalist asked: Will you refuse both [party and country] when they jointly ask your voice ih this election? In God's name Dear Logan, by all your hopes for your country and yourself, let not the Democracy ask your arm and be refused. .. .That pairty gives us a rational and a national platform, will you refuse to give your voice in behalf of our Hon. soldier, patriot, Democrat, and Statesman, McClellan? P. S. L.incoln has gone to the devil. Illinois ijority.3 will give MclClellan] 35,000 ma. JAL to Mary Logan, Aug. 6, IS64, Logan Mss. 2 Lanphier to JAL, Aug. 7, 1^64, Logan Mss. 3 Sheahan to JAL, Aug. 31, IS64, Logan Mss.

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430 A Democrat from New York, friend of Democratic Congressman J. B. Haskin, several times wrote Logan suggesting him for Democratic Vice President. Lop;an seems to have ignored these oleas entirely. Until Atlanta fell he shov;ed no indication that he would participate in the election in any capacity. Then, Logan was ready to return to the political arena. In September an old friend and a Republican congress nan wrote Logan to ask his support. I. Ij. Haynie regretted Logan's absence from Egyptian politics, and accurately stated the general's feelings when he wrote, "I arn sure that you cannot be a disinterested spectator of a field in which you were in days past so conspicuous a leader," Haynie told Logan Egyptian Democrats were nothing but peace men, but hoped at least six counties in Logan's 2 old district might give Union majorities. Three days after Haynie »s report, Elihu Washburne wrote Logan from Washington, He congratulated Logan on his role in Sherman's victory and turned to politics. The Chicago platform, he commented, "proclaims the experiment of war has been a failure, that you and the noble soldiers who have been fighting under you have accomplished nothing," Washburne expressed the wish that Logan might go to Illinois and campaign for Lincoln, "We want your clarion voice to echo ^F. G. Young to JAL, July 27, Aug, 12, 1364, Logan Mss, 2 Haynie to JAL, Sept, 9, 1B64, Logan Mss.

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431 over our state and arouse the Union and catriotic people to the salvation of the country." Washburne^s appeal for Lo^an^s support was seconded by the President shortly afterward. If Lincoln wrote Logan a personal letter the document haiidisa;.^peared, but Logan wrote long after the war, "When I left on leave after the Atlanta campaign to canvass for Mr. Lincol' , I did it at the special and private request of the then president. 2 This I kept to myself and have never made it public." The request for Logan's leave that Sherman received came from Stanton, no doubt with Lincoln's approval. On September 20 Sherman wrote Hov;ard consenting to Logan* s leave. He remarked with irony, "There seems a special 3 reason why he should go home at once." Though military success had made Sherman more cooperative in sending soldiers home to take part in political campaigns, he still complained that "our armies vanish before our eyes r-nd it is useless to complain because the election is more important ,5 4 than the war." In his memoirs Sherman curtly wrote, "Generals Blair and Logan went home to look after politics."' 1 Washburne to JAL, Sept. 13, 1664, Logan Mss. 2 JAL to Sherman, Feb. IB, l8f^3, Logan Mss. ^ 0. R .. Ser. 1, XXXIX, pt. 2, 426. 4 Sherman, Home Letters , 314. ''Sherman, Memoirs . 130.

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432 On the 21st Logan turned over corps coniiand to Osterhaus and bade his men good-by. He shook hands v;ith many, promisin.c^ to come back. Fie told the corps they could "feel safe" under Osterhaus, and Logan was loudly cheered whefc^-he boarded the train. Before Logan decided to return, both parties v;ere claiming his support. The Illinois St ate Register advised Illinois Democrats that Palmer, Logan, McClernand "and other distinguished and influential gentlemen v.'ho have not, of late, act 3d i^rith the Democratic ;:arty, will give their 2 influence tc secure the election of Gen, McClellan." Several days later the Illinois State Journal questioned the Register \s claim in light of all that had been said against Logan by Illinois peace men. Though not outwardly claiming Logan* s support, the paper intimated Logan and other war Democrats \i.'ould back Lincoln. Later, when they v;Gre sure of Logan *s support for Lincoln, Illinois Republicans did not claim Logan had abandoned Democracy. They continued to call him a "i/ar Democrat" to win increased support from Democrats. They also labeled Logan* s old party friends, now opponents, vjho backed McClellan, L "Copperheads." 1 Upson, op. cit . , 132. 2 Illinois State Register , Sept. 0, I864. Illinois State Journal , Sept, 8, I864. 4 Ibid . . Sept, 21, 1^64.

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433 Logan's journey north\:ard took about s week. He travelled through Chattanooga and Nashville, reaching Louisville on the 25th. Tiio days later he v;';s back in Egypt. When Logan reached Illinois, the Democrats announced his arrival with no mention of politics. The Illinois State Journal , on the other hand, blared in a banner headline: *'Gen. John A. Logan Coming Home," They claimed, "He will be enthusiastically vjelcomed by every loyal man in Illinois." Republicans also reported hearing of a recent Lo^an speech 2 in which he warmly supported Lincoln. Logan had said so little about his probable course that Mary was not sure who he v/ould suj)port. He had vv-ritten nothing concerning politics except opposition to Josh Allen, but from this she felt he would campaign for Lincoln. Logan's brothers thought he would co;Tie out for McClellan. In her Reminiscences Mary tells of 2. bet she made with one of them on Logan's politics. A span of mules was the prize won by Mary when her husband returned and spoke for the President. The mules were used to pull the Logans* car3 riage around hgypt. Logan's first public appearance v/as scheduled for Carbondale on Saturday, October 1. Before that speech, few Illinois State Register , Sept. 27, 1^64. 2 Illinois State Journal . Sept. 24, 1^64. 3 Mary Logan, Reminiscences , 17^.

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434 were certain vhlch candidates would be beneficiaries of Logan*s "clarion voice," Ti/o days before Logan took the sturap Josh Alien wrote hira from Marlon, Allen spoke of Logan* s extensive influence throughout Illinois and asked, "if coKyatibls with your sense of duty and conviction of right," that he back McClellan, Allen asi^ured Logan his "true friends" were Democrats and that the Democratic "rank and file regard you as one of them." Logan's former partner did not ask for support for his ov;n candidacy, but concluded, "No one v/ould hail .;ith greater delight than myself the era when your relations and mine should be as of your [sic].'' Logan did not reuly to Allen in v/riting, ansv;ering instead from the rostrum. He dashed off a note to Republican leaders, "I will be in Springfield on the 5th of October ready for duty," on the 1st and walked to Carbondale square for his first address. Logan had been swamped with questions ever since he reached town but he had parried them all. Logan looked appropriately tired and haggard when he mounted the platform on a warm fall day and looked out on familiar r. 2 faces. From his first words it was evident he would not Allen to JAI , Sept. ?9, 1^6/f, Lofran Mss, 2 Mary Lop'an, Renin! scences , 170. Mrs. Locan estimates the Carbondale crowd at 20,000, no doubt a slight exagferation.

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435 support McClellan and the Democrats. He delivered a tirade against "men among us who sympathize with the infamous and damnable treason." He spoke of his Democratic background, but refused to "act with or support any man or set of men, no matter by what name they may be called, that are not in favor of exhausting all the men and means under the control of the Government in order to put dovm this accursed rebellion." His familiar voice rising to a roar, he said: V/hen I find the leaders of the party I acted with, betraying the trust of the people reposed in them; when I find them repudiating the doctrine of Jackson, who was for hanging traitors to the highest tree... and for preserving the Union at all har,ards, either with blood or without it, I am compelled to follow you no farther, I cannot go with you into the precincts of treason and disloyalty. The crowd roared as he finished. "I will act with no party who is not in favor of my country, and must refuse my support to the nominees of the Chicago platform." The die was cast, Logan would stump the state for Lincoln. After the Carbondale speech Logan, accompanied by Haynie, boarded a train for Springfield. A ceremony complete with cannon and speeches was to have greeted the two Egyptians, but a downpour interf erred. Several hundred braved the rain to greet Logan and hear Yates say, "Napoleon never had a better or prouder General than John A, Alton Telegraph . Oct. 7, 1^64; Carbondale New Era . Oct. 12, 1864.

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436 1 Logan has proved himself to be." Logan responded "I have come from the field, and feel ha^py in coming home to see the old stars and stripes." He told the small gathering there viere only two sides, patriots and traitors, and 2 declared his determination to fight the Chicago platform. The Illinois State Register greeted Logan's arrival sarcastically, saying he had "reported for duty" to the abolitionists. They asked the former Democratic congressman how it felt to be supporting men who had called him "Dirty 'Vork." Logan* s speeches of lS6l were brought out and reproduced to illustrate his party treason. He vns condemned for supporting Lincoln, whose election he claimed had caused the nation's problems. Lanphier's paper professed to be mystified by Logan's traitorous conduct to 3 his old party. On the 5th Logan closeted himself with Republican leaders and worked out a schedule of sixteen speeches. Most of these were to be in Egypt, with an occasional foray into northern Illinois.^ The night of October 5 Logan delivered his second speech. It was almost a duplication of the Carbondale address. Logan spoke fondly i ~~ Illinois State Journal . Oct, 5, 1864. 2 Ibid . 3 Illinois State Register . Oct. 5, 1^64. 4 Illinois State Journal . Oct, 6, 1^64.

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437 of Douglas' war support and as^ain called on Jacksonians to act as "Old Hickory" would have in preserving the Union. "I believe Mr. Lincoln is a devoted patriot struggling honestly to preserve this country," "He has done some things that I have not thought best," Lo:Tan continued without specifying, "but that he has tried faithfully to sustain the Constitution. ,« is a position. . .no man can gainsay," Of Lincoln's running mate, Logan said, "If Lincoln should die this man Johnson has brains enough to run the machine. He is a patriot, a soldier, and a statesman. ,. ,1 am for these men whether I have a friend left in the Democratic party or not." Logan was followed on the platform by Lyman Trumbull, v/ho seconded Logan's sentiments before a 2 crov/d of 3,000. The Illinois State Register stepped up its attack on the apostate, reiterating the lS6l Republican charge that Logan had raised troops for the South. Lanphier wrote, "John, we should be sorry to think you couldn't 3 fight any better than you talk." Then the Register implied that Logan's campaigning constituted desertion, reporting Hood's attempt to cut off Sherman's line of communications, putting Union troops in grave danger. "Yet Major Generals •'• Ibid .. Oct. 6, 7, 1S64. 2 Alton Telegraph . Oct, 6, 1^64, 3 Illinois State Ref^.ister . Oct, 7, S, 1S64.

PAGE 444

/f3S Logan and Palmer... are in Illinois making speeches for Lincoln." Democrats everywhere took up the cry and Lo;^an was condemned for playing politics v.'hen he should have been at the front. Logan left Springfield and spoke in Belleville on the 10th. He moved on to Centralia and DuQuoin. At DuQuoin, scene of his 1{?63 address, Logan was joined by Oglesby, Haynie tried to get Yates to join the group, but 2 the governor was unable to attend. At DuQuoin Logan reminded his listeners of his earlier address, and endorsed Oglesby for governor, Logan followed Springfield Republican Shelby Cullom on the 15th at Clinton, and launched his first attack on Josh Allen, Allen, Logan claimed, had proposed dividing Illinois into two parts in 1361, the Southern part to Join the Confederacy. Logan stated he refused to join Allen's plot and "told him that he would see any man who 3 would attempt such a project hanged as high as Haman." Logan's Egyptian speeches continued to strike at Allen, ^'.'hile he endorsed Lincoln and Oglesby, he worked even harder for Kuykendall. In August he was pessimistic of Kuykendall' s chances, but in October his hopes soared. He v.xote Mary, "I spoke yesterday to a large crowd, mostly Ibid , . Oct. 16, 1??64. 2 Haynie to Yates, Oct, 7, 1S64| Yates Mss. 3 Missouri Democrat (St. Louis) in Illinois State Journal . Oct, 17, 1<'364.

PAGE 445

439 Republicans. .. .This district is now safe I think." Alton, center of Egyptian Republicanism, furnished Logan's audience on the 20th and he told them he was ready to go to any length to out down rebellion. "I am willing to subjugate, burn, and I hnd almost said exterminate rather than not put down this rebellion, I am in favor of taking negroes. I have no conscientious scruples concerning 2 slavery; but the South h.Ts violated its contract." Moving into deepest Egypt, he spoke in Jonesboro, Cairo, and Benton, In JDnesboro Logan turned to Josh Allen: Nov; let me say a few v;ords about this man Allen. I know him well, and a greater traitor and humbug vmlks not unhung,. V^hen the war first broke out , and at about the time that I returned from Congress to this district, in order to raise a regiment and to enter the field and service of ray country, I met Josh :\llen stalking about the Southern part of the State, trying to turn it over to the rebels; and he made a proposition to me to stump the district for the Confederacy to induce the Southern half of Illinois to secede with me, and I told him I'd see him in Hell first. -^ This brought forth a heated denial from Allen, He proclaimed his innocence and professed astonishment at Logan's charge. "I pronounce the charge, ,, said to have been made by General Lo":an, as unqualifiedly false — false in its conception by him, and dastardly in its repetition JAL to Mary Logan, Oct. 19, 1^64| Logan Mss. 2 Illinois State Journal . Oct. 21, 1864; Alton Telegraph , Oct. 21, 1864. Illinois State Journal , Oct. 29, 1364.

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440 by the poor parasites of ill-gained power." Logan echoed Allen in vigorously denying charges of treason in I36l, He vrrote a note dealing vvith these charges to Egyptian Republican D. I., Phillips on October 20. Five days later it vras printed in the Chicago Tribune . Logan called treason allegations "false in every particular, and denied he had ever assisted any man to go South, His opponents vjere slandering him because he had stood by his 2 country while they aided rebels. The Jonesboro Gazette defended Allen and rated Logan, its former hero; calling him a "mysterious combination of buffoonary and blackguardism," and pointing to Logan* s pro-Confederate attitude in 1^61.-^ The campaign, bitter all over Illinois, was especially intense in Egypt. Logan and Allen traded accusations at every opportunity, Kuykendall forgotten much of the time. Logan concluded most of his addresses with appeals in Kuykendall 's name and bore the brurt of campaigning. Though Kuykendall spoke regularly, it was obvious that if 4 Allen lost Logan v;ould be the cause. Pennsylvania, Indiana, and Ohio elected state Jonesboro Gazette . Nov. 4, 1864. 2 J T, to D. L, Phillips in Chicago Tribune . Oct, 25, 1364. 3 Jonesboro Gazette,, Oct. 29, 1^64. 4 Cross, "Divided Loyalties in Egypt During the Civil War," 100.

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Ul officers in October, elections supposed to be indicative of the November result. Republicans ran well in October and forecast complete victory the following month. Manytroops had been furloughed at Yates* request to aid Lincoln's cause, and Logan everyvrhere net comrades from the Amy of the Tennessee. The v^eek before election day Logan swung through Harrisburg, Vienna, and Metropolis. He left the state for one big Union speech in Evansville, Indiana. Lincoln estimated Illinois in the McClellan column during this final week, Elihu Washburne had written of "imminent danger of losing this state," but just before election day 2 he wrote, "Logan is carrying all before him in Egypt." The nation voted on November 6 and next day even Lanphier*s paper admitted "the returns so far received look 3 unfavorable for the Democracy." Returns soon indicated a national landslide for Lincoln. McClellan was able to carry only Kentucky, Delaware, and New Jersey as the president amassed a 400,000 vote majority. Illinois wound up safely Republican by 30,736 votes. In addition, Oglesby beat Robinson, and eleven of the state's fourteen seats in Congress went Republican. 0. R .. Ser. 3 , IV , ^71. 2 Sandburg, Lincoln, War Years . Ill, 275, 3 Illinois State Register . Nov, 9, lo6if. 4 Cole, op. cit .. 328.

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if42 Congressional and presidential races in Egypt vfere exciting to the and. The 13th District, always De.TjOcratic , v;ent Republican. Kuykendall defeated f.llen ll,7it-2 to 10,759. Allen v;on nine counties to six for Logan's candidate, but Kuykendall won several counties by landslides. Johnson County, which had given Logan iiamense majorities as a Democrat, voted for Kuykendall 1,225 to 36?. Ma^isac and Pope also v/ent strongly for Kuykendall, 941 to 2$b^ in the former and 1,093 to 36? in the latter. Logan's native county, Jackson, refused to follov; his lead and went 1,201 1 to 7^9 for Allen. Cven the neighboring 12th District v/ent Republican. There W. R. Morrison, Logan's wounded comrade of Donelson, vias beaten by Republican Jehu Baker, for v;hom Logan campaigned. The Lincoln-McClellan race in the 13th was also evidence of Logan's electioneering ability and popularity. In a district that had soundly defeated him in i^5S and 1860, Lincoln won by 11,714 to 10,926.-^ Most were willing to credit Logan for the section's amazing political reversal. Viashburne was echoed by the Illinois State Journal and the Alton Telegraph . The latter felt: The Union party is indebted in a great measure to him for the glorious result.... He it was that went to Illinois State Journal . Nov. 21, 1864. 2 Lusk, op. cit . . 16o. 3 Illinois State Journal . Nov. 22, 1864.

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443 the field of battle and came back covered v/ith ^lory , and exposed the machinations of Josh Allen. To this fact then, more than any other, this r;lorious triumph over Cop; erheadism is attributable.-'After the war the Chicago Tribune recalled "how he revolu2 tionized Egypt in the fall of 1B64." In 1^64 newly elected Governor Oglesby joined these voices as he thanked Logan for "the generous and very effective cooperation and support of your heart and tongue in the late canvass. This however General is but a small part of the rich results of your noble efforts in behalf of the whole cause. I feel sure your bold attacks in Egypt* ••will never be forgotten nor cease to be honored 3 by all Illinois." Lo,p;an thought of his return to the array. Diiring October, unknown to Logan, he was proposed by both Stanton and Grant as Rosecrans* successor as Union corrariander in Missouri. Logan's name was dropped, however, because of 4 his political activities. After the election Logan was exhausted and complained of an "inf lamruation in the throat." He wrote Sherman asking if he should come back at once, but Sherman, about to march to the sea, replied, "It is i ~ ~~ Alton Telegraph . Nov. 1?, 1^64; Illinoig State Journal . Nov. 15, l.%4. 2 Chicago Tribune, Aug. 6, 1S66. 3 Oglesby to JAL, Nov. 20, lrtb4, Logan Mss. 4 0. R .. Ser. 1, XLI, pt. 4, 3, 126.

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444 not possible to overtake your command. Remain nt home until you recover.'' To receive an extended lesve Logan -/rrote Lincoln. He asked for thirty additional days and for per2 mission to visit Washington on h^s way back to the irmy. Lincoln ansv;ered immediately, granting the leave, subject to Sherman's approval, and adding, "if, in viev; of maintaining your good relations 'vith Gen. Shrrman. . .you can 3 safely come here, I shall be very ?;l?.d to see you."' Logan spent a fe-.v days resting v/ith Mary and Dollie. Never quiet for lonr;, he -\';is off again in midNovember. He travelled to Chicago T-.nd delivered a Union speech before returning to Springfield and Egypt at month's end. Logan's extended leave and his trip to northern Illinois may have been brought on by a sudden "Logan for Senator" movement. Letters written two months later indicate Logan's interest in the senatorship, but in November he stuck to his earlier vov; to "evschew politics" 5 and returned to the army before the legislature met. I. K. Haynie was interested in promoting Logan's candidacy. He arranged with the editor of the Mt. Vernon, Illinois Ibid., Ser. 1, XLIV, 465. ^Ibid. , Ser. 1, XXXIX, nt. 3, 751. 3 Ibid. Illinois State Journal , Nov. 23, 1564. 5 JAL to Mary Logan, Jan 20, 22, 1^65, Logan Mss.

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445 Unconditlon?! Unionist to mention Logan as Egypt's senatorial favorite, promising to send a copy of the endorsement to every paper in the state. Haynie told Lo'-en "it is my design to stir things up hot." Several other papers took up the Unionist's call for Logan, but the state's leading J J 2 Republican organ, the State Journal , was not carried away. The paper supported Yates for the Senate, but announced its admiration for Lo:^an who it believed would not be a candidate.^ Democrats, smarting under the election defeat, accused Logan of thinking more about the senatorship than the war.^ V/hen Yates was finally elected, Lo^an was on his v;ay back to resume command. Haynie, disappointed at Logan's refusal to stay in Springfield until the legislature met, wrote Mary, "there is no question but that the Senatorship wat^ within his grasp if he had been able to be present during the contest. All parties concede that Genl. Logan will be invincible tv/o years hence." In early December the politician became a soldier again. He reported to departmental headquarters at Haynie to JAL, Nov. 19, 25, 1S64, Lo^^an Mss. Two of Lof^an's supporters were the Central Illinois Gazette (Champaign), Dec. 2, 1'364; Carbondale uew -Ira in Illinois State Journal . Dec. 12, 1^64. Illinois State Journal . Nov. 26, lf^64. Jonesboro Gazette, Dec. 24, 1*?64. Haynie to Mary Logan, Jan. 4, 1^64, Lotran Mss.

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446 Louisville and, with Lincoln's permission, started for Washington, Logan's activity in Illinois in IS64 v:as significant. He supported Union candidates and opposed those he felt favored peace. His speeches rang with appeals for v^ar support, but mention fev/ other issues. Abolition and Reconstruction v;ere almOvSt completely ignored. It is difficult to call Logan a Republican in 1564» He v/as obviously a Unionist, ;ne of many pre-war Democrats who joined Republicans behind Lincoln under the Union banner. But to date Lo2;an's conversion to Republicanism from 1^64 is misleading. In his speeches and letters ho did not seem to think of himself as a Republican. Logan \ns regarded by others as a "v;ar Democrat," or a I'Uhionist," not a Republican. His activities in IS64 v/ere a step in the direction of the Republican Party, but he was not a Republican in IS64. Logan left Louisville for the nation's capital on December 2 and arrived there a few days later. He spent several days in the city and went out to City Point, Virginia to see Grant, The two friends greeted e;ch other cordially and talked over old tia.es in the '..est. There ^ was little time for reminiscing, however, for Grant had somethin-j on his mind. Since Logan haci retuinieo to Illinois there had been major developments at the front. Sherman

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447 had left Atlanta and was now somewhere in the interior of Georgia striking for the sea. When Sherman left Atlanta he sent part of his army under Thomas back to Tennessee to stop Hood*s invasion. The Confederate chief decided to slash northward and imperil Union communications, hoping to draw Sherman out of Georgia, The move had no effect on Sherman who simply abandoned a line of supply and communications. When Logan met Grant, Hood was outside Nashville after having fought one costly battle at Franklin. He was besieging Thomas in the city and "Slow Trot" showed no inclination to attack his besiegers. Out in Tennessee Thomas felt he had ample reason to wait. His cavalry did not have sufficient mounts, and when they got them, bad weather set in and made cavalry movement impossible. One of Thomas* lieutenants reported, "Men and horses were seen falling whenever they attempted 2 to wove across country," In Washington, where the ice hazard was not fully comprehended, Thomas' superiors v/ere first anxious and then angry. Grant wired Thomas several times in the first two weeks of December urging him to attack, and by the 11th 3 he threatened Thomas with removal, Stanton and Halleck joined in Grant's demands and the exasperated Secretary of Stanley F. Horn, The Decisive Battle of Nashville . ^5-97; Battles and Leaders . IV, 440-474. 2 Cox, Reminiscences . II, 352-53. 3 Grant, op. cit .. II, 25^.

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44d War telegraphed Grant, "Thomas seems unwilling to attack because it is hazardous, as if all war was anything but hazardous. If he waits for Wilson to get ready, Gabriel will be blowing his last horn," Finally, on the 13th, Thomas still waiting, Grant 2 decided to send Logan to relieve "Slow Trot," Logan held a high place in Grant *s mind, the army commander thought of him as a "vigorous fighter," The two men talked over the Nashville situation and Logan was on his way by 3 midday. He vjas directed "not to deliver the order or publish it until he reached there, and if Thomas had moved 4 then not to deliver it at all," "Black Jack" raced back to W shington and entrained 5 for the West. He reached Cincinnati next day and Louisville on the l$th. Grant himself, still anxious, decided to follow Logan to the front. He wjs in V^ashington ready to depart when he heard of Thomas* victory. With Logan ^ Q, R ,. Ser. 1, XLV, pt. 2, Bl^, ^Ibid. , 171. 3 Horace Porter, Campaigning With Grant , 34^. 4 Grant, op, cit ,. ii, 259. ''Logan says in the Great Conspiracy page 602 that he went to see Lincoln on his way v/est, !!is letters do not indicate that he sav; the President until his return. The urgency of the situation would surely have prevented a visit to Lincoln on his v/ay to Nashville.

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449 in Kentucky and Grant on his way, Thomas at last attacked. In a two-day contest the deliberate "Rock of Chickamauga" smashed Hood, driving his shattered army southward, Logan, at Louisville, had no reason to go on. He telegraphed Grant on the morning of the 17th, "People here jubilant over Thomas' success. Confidence seems to be restored. I will remain here to hear from you. All things going right. It would seem best that I return to join my command with Sherman." Two days later Grant ordered Logan 2 to report to V/ashington on his way back to the South. The Nashville affair was a subject of much discussion after the war. Logan's magnanimity in not rushing to relieve Thomas, who had supposedly been unfair to Logan in Georgia, drew praise. Mary Logan embellished this story with a claim that Logan stopped at Cincinnati and sent a staff officer to Thomas, telling him of Logan's mission 3 and urging him to attack. This story seems a fabrication, repeated by Logan's friends. Colonel Henry Stone, a member of Thomas' staff at Nashville, stated Thomas was totally 4 ignorant of Logan's mission. If Logan warned Thomas he was disobeying Grant's order not to "publish" the mission 1 Q. R .. Ser. 1, XLV, pt. 2, 230. 2 Ibid .. 265. 3 Mary Logan, Reminiscences . IS7. 4 Battles and Leaders . IV, 456,

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450 until he arrived. It was also said by Logan's friends that the general stopped in Kentucky v/hen he could have reached Nashville in time to seize command before Thomas struck. This story was accepted by such post-war v/riters as Senator George Hoar, who called it an act of "magnanimous self2 denial." It v/ould have been impossible for Lo,o:an to have reached Nashville ahead of Thomas' attack. The stories are cited as examples of war tales, many of them either false or vxrongly interpreted, used by Logan in post-war politics. None seem to have had greater currency than that of Logan's self-sacrifice at Nashville. Logan started back to Washington on the 20th, reaching the capital three days later. He saw Grant and went to see the President, In November when Logan asked permission to see Lincoln, '^/ashburne conveyed the request to the President: "Genl. Jack Logan sends word to me that he wants to go to Washington. ., to see you about certain matters he does not wish to write about." What these "matters" were Logan never stated. 'iFhen he returned to Washington from Louisville he told Mary, "I will see the President Mary Logan, Reminiscences . IS?; John A. Logan, Volunteer Soldier , memoir by G. A. Logan, 6?. 2 George F. Hoar, Autobiography , I, 236-37, 3 Many of Logan's political friends also rsportsd that Logan commanded the 15th Corps on Sherman's march to the Sea, 4 Lincoln, op. cit . . VIII, 105.

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451 before I leave, ., .and do the best I can in matters," Nowhere does the general clarify his mysterious mission. His only report of the meeting came long ^fter the v;ar and it sheds no light on the mystery. He merely reported finding Lincoln in pocr health, Logan did mention a conversation v/ith the president about the war: "He had an absolute conviction as to the ultimate outcome of the war, the final triumph of the Union array; and I v.-ell remember with what an air of complete relief and perfect satisfaction he said to me, referring to Grant — *We have nov; at the head of the 2 Amies, a man in whom all the People can have confidence.'" One topic of conversation was the dispatch of a message from Lincoln to Sherman, Logan was to be Lincoln's messenger. When Sherman arrived at Savannah in December he telegraphed an anxious Lincoln, "I beg to present you 3 as a Christmas gift the city of Savannah." Lincoln wrote Sherman an answar on the 2^th and sent it by his caller, "Many, many thanks for your Christmas gift," Lincoln began 4 his congratulatory note lauding Sherman's array. Logan, bearing the message, boarded a warship and sailed to Savannah, arrivinr^ on January 6. He was welcomed by 1 ~~ JAL to Mary Logan, Dec, 23, 1864, Logan Mss. 2 Logan, Great Conspiracy , 602, 3 Sherman, Memoirs . II, 231, 4 Lincoln, op, cit . . VIII, ISI.

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452 Sherman and, shaking off seasickness, reported to Mary, "This is the most beautiful city I have ever seen anywhere, it looks like a garden full of flowers."" Amid cheers Logan resumed command of the 15th Corps. He relieved Osterhaus, congratulating the able Prussian on his leadership through Georgia, The corps staged a review to vjelcorae "Black Jack" and an Illinois chaplain wrote: "The 15th Array Corps v;as reviev/ed today by Genl. Sherman and it was a splendid sight. Genl, Logan is here and pre2 sents the finest military appearance of all." Composition of the Army of the Tennessee had changed since Logan left Atlanta. The l6th Corps had been dissolved and merged into the 15th and 17th. Logan gained a fourth division commanded by General John M. Corse, hero of an October action at Ailatoona, Georgia. His three old units remained virtually the same. Charles R. Woods led the 1st, Hazen the 2nd, and John iL, Smith the 3rd. Logan's artillery commander was Lieutenant Colonel a. H, Ross, His command totaled 15,765 officers and men when he left 3 Savannah on Sherman's nev/est adventure. The first week of the new year brought a resumption of Sherman's campaign. He decided to strike northward JAL to Mary Logan, Jan. t^, 1^65, Logan Mss, 2 George Corapton, Jan, 7, l3o5, Civil War Diary, Ms., 111. State Hist. Lib. 3 Sherman, Memoirs . II, 263-69.

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453 through the Carolinas toward Virginia v\:here he and Grant v;ould combine to crush Lee. Between Savannah and Virginia, however, stood a battered rebel army, again commanded by Joe Johnston, and miles of terrain made for defensive action. Sherman's men would have to march through long stretches of marshland filled to ovfirflov/ing; by torrential winter rains. Though the march v;ou]d be no lark, as the stroll throufijh Georgia had been, the men v/ere ready to depart. Every stop seemed to bring victory nearer. Logan spent a few days v^orking on Savannah's defenses. Blair started to move his corps into South Carolina before Logan. Vfrien he had departed Woods' division of Logan's cor^:)S began embarkation. The division marched to Fort Thunderbolt south of the city and boarded transports on the 10th. Logan was anxious to have all his men in Beaufort, South Carolina, the point from which the Array of the Tennessee was to begin the march, as soon as possible. Therefore he ordered V.'oods to move by all means available. Seizing anything that v;ould float. Woods reached Beaufort by the 13th. He wan followed by Hazen who had rost of his unit there by the 17th. Woods and Hazen v.'ept into camp at Beaufort, a town with "a dilapadated appearance ond... very full of Negroes." V.'ith these tvo divisions away safely, Logan received a change of orders. Blair hsid Sherlock, op, cit .. 109.

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454 advanced from Beaufort to Pocotaligo and reported enemytroops in retreat. He scouted the area across river from Savannah and decided troops could be Moved overland, Sherman ordered embarkation suspended and Logan's men moved back to Savannah. Smitli's division was set to cross the Union pontoon bridge over the Savannah River January 19 i but the evening of the l£^th brought a fierce rainstorm, pronounced by 2 natives v/orst in twenty years. Despite the deluge Smith began crossing and managed to get one brigade across before flooding made further crossing impossible. At this juncture Logan ordered Smith to push on to Pocotaligo v;ith the half of his comraand on the South Carolina side , while the remainder of his division wjs in camp at Beaufort. On the 26th Logan transferred corps headquarters to that town. His last division, Corse, was sent with General Kenry Slocum's left vring up river to Sister's Ferry where it v/as to cross and march toward Hickory Hill where the entire corps was to rendezvous. Before he left Savannah, Logan virote two letters home. On the 20th he comniented on war and politics. News of the capture of Wilmington, North Carolina, the last •^ 0. R ,. Sor. 1, XLVII, pt. 1, 221. 2 John Barrett, Sherman's March Thr ough the Carolines , 45.

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455 Confederate port, had been received. "Since we have that news our campaign will be changed somewhat. Probably we v^ill strike west than was contemplated," Lo^an also remarked on the ID.linois senatorial election, pronouncing Yates* victory the result he expected. He also indicated some disappointment at the failure of his ovm candidacy. Two days later he once again showed chagrin and blamed his supporters for not working hard enough, "I do feel as though I was somewhat neglected by those v/ho should be under some obligations to me." These two letters indicated more than a passing interest on Logan* s part and seem to mean he would have resigned his commission if elected. Through soggy lowlands Logan s two and one -ha If divisions at Beaufort moved tov/ard Pocot'iligo on the 27th. Despite the weather, marching i-ras rapid and they moved through "a low wet country which vras a picture of desolation; 2 not an animal or citiaen was to be seen." Most of the troops were determined to make South Carolina, called by many the "Hell hole of secession," hcv/1, and many cheered and sang patriotic songs vrhen they crossed into the Palmetto 3 State, At first, however, there was little opportunity to vn'eak vengeance on the state. The men m?rched through JAL to Mary Logan, Jan. 20, 22, 1^65, Logan Mss. 2 Sherlock, op. cit , , 1^7, 3 Battles and Leaders . IV, 6^4.

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456 uninhabited swamps. By month s end Logan joined Smith's brigade at Pocotaligo and the three divisions moved along the south bank of the Big Salkehatchie River toward Hickory Hill where they v/ere to meet Corse. Nov; they v;ere in inhabited country and foraging by "bummers" began. Daily, soldiers moved out ahead, behind, and to the side of the main column, collecting supplies. A jingle, popular in the army, expressed the attitude toward "bumming": "My bojs can live on chicken and ham. For everything that we do find Belongs to Uncle Sam. "-^ The last day of January Logan's corps moved through McPhersonville, and before the column cleared town the 2 village was in flames. This was the first example of a harsh and needless pattern already established in Georgia and many times repeated in the Carolinas. Logan, like Sherman, publicly deplored the wanton destruction, but seems to have made little effort to stop it. As Logan moved toward Hickory Hill he found numerous trees felled by retreating rebels, but his two mounted infantry detachments quickly cleared them and moved on.-^ The first days of February Confederate cavalry appeared to hirass the corps. Logan's men yelled, "You'd better get out, this is the Fifteenth Barrett, op, cit . . 54. 2 0. R ,, Ser. 1, XLVII, pt. 1, 222. 3 Henry Hitchcock, March in,? V/ith Sherman , M, A, DeWolfe Howe (ed.), 236,

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457 Corps," and routed them. A squad of "Fighting Joe" Wheeler*s cavalry stood, clearly visible, across the Coosawhatchie River. As the column's head approached, they fired, killing several Union troops. Logan brought up two guns and 2 lobbed several shells into the horsemen, scattering them. Corse failed to join Logan on February 2, The 4th Division reported trouble crossing the Savannah River and it v/as ordered to march vrith Jeff G. Davis* 14th Corps until 3 it caught Logan. Accompanied by Sherman, Logan left Hickory Hill and pushed toward Beaufort Bridge over the swollen Big Salkehatchie, Corduroying was necessary, and grumbling artillerymen struggled to move guns over the morass. That night they camped in a field near Duck Creek and Logan sent Sherman an interesting captive of the day's advance, a "'white slave,'" wrote the amazed Hitchcock. Sherman first feared the man, probably a mulatto, w^as a spy, but his story was corroborated by a 'Negro slave. He went back to Logan's headquarters and was left behind when the army marched, Logan, it was reported, was very interested in the case and declared, "this alone would have made an abolitionist of him."^ Lewis, Sherman , 4^9. 2 Hitchcock, op. cit .. 23^, 3 Jeff C. Davis to John M. Palmer, Jan. 4, 1366, Davis Mss. 4 Hitchcock, OP. cit .. 24^-250.

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453 Logan began crossing the Big Salkehatchie on the 5th. Retreating enemy troops had destroyed the. bridge and Logan's pioneers worked all day v;ith pontoons. By nightfall the command had crossed and Logan and Sherman shared a house used as Ifheeler's headquarters the night before. Smith in the lead, Logan plodded on toward the Little Salkehatchie the following day. On reaching the stream Smith drove V/heeler's skirmishers across and discovered the bridge destroyed. He also found rebel vjorks on the north bank occupied by a force ready to stop the Union crossing. The 3rd Division deployed in battle line facing rebel works and Logan sent his tvfo mounted infantry detachments in quest of a ford from which they could flank the enemy, V/hile they searched, V/oods' division was ordered up to support Smith and the two units stood ready to attack, Logan, awaiting v;ord from his reconnaissance, rode toward the rear where he met Sherman and his staff, "Those fellows are trying to stop us at the creek down there, and damned 2 sassy they are acting about it," he told Sherman. Scouts could find no dovmstream ford, so Logan decided on a frontal assault. Union troops occupied a high bluff overlooking rebel fortifications. The Confederate position, though much lower than Logan's line, was defensible Conyngham, op. cit . , 306. Hitchcock, op, cit . . 258,

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459 since its front Wc.£ covered bj' the stream and a tangled swamp. The Little Salkehatchie could be forded op osite V'heeler^s line but it would mean a direct change likely to be costly. Logan decided to fight anyv/ay and called on Srrith's 2nd Brigade, led by Colonel C. P.. w'ever, to attack. Wever*s men charged across the stream and v?aded the n-uddy swamp ir. face of enemy fire. All V/hoeler could throw against then vras to no avail. Charging Federals cleared Confederate works and chased enery troops back to an open field a mile to the rear. The rest of Smithes comirand ivaded across ard dispersed the enemy. It was early afternoon, and until dark the corpr. forded while pioneers erected a bridge for c.rti.T] ery and wagons. At dusk another drenching rain began and men spent an uncomfortable night. At 6 o» clock the corps was ready to move and it marched toward Bajnberg and the Charleston and Augusta Railroad, through a rainstorm. Sherman expected stiff rev^istence at the railroad, but rone v/as found when the corps reached 2 the tracks at noon. Lofran put Hazen to work ripping up tie? and rnils, and before dark one inile of track hr^d been totally destroyed. TIext day was spent destroying the roac and scoutinr ahead toward the next './iter barrier, the •^ 0. R .. Ser. 1, XLVII, pt. 1, 224. 2 Sherman, Memoirs , II, 273. 3 Hazen, op. cit .. 357.

PAGE 466

460 South Edisto, Colonel 'i^ S. Jones of Hazen^s division returned at dusk to report bridges dovm and the river high. On the 9th Logan swung slightly v^estward and camped covering approaches to sites of two recently destro3''ed bridges. Pontoons were built on the 10th and that day and the following morning were spent hurtling the river. High water extended far back into woods on either side of the stream and Lo^can's men "worked incessantly, often with cartridp;e boxes and haversacks susTjended to their necks." The night of the 13.th Lo?an bivouacked near Poplar Sprihg. At dark Corse's division came up after an arduous struggle to catch the corps. Corse encountered high water at Sister's Ferry v/here he was to cross the Savanna.h and was delayed for days, \.hen he caught up, Logan v/rote, "At last 2 I found ray vjhole corps together, unimoaired in usefulness." More water and reVjel opposition loomed ahead. The North Edisto was encountered before noon, and a lixie of enemy works aopeared on tiie north bank. Logan spread his corps, sending Jones' brigade and Hazen's division to cross up and dovm stream from the rebel position. Many forded in water chest deep while others floated over on f?llen trees or rafts. As soon as the gray coats found Logan's men on their side they broke and rap, throwing down weapons Oliver 0, Kov/ard, Autobiography . II, 109. 2 . R . . 5er. 1, XLVII, pt. 1, 22$.

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461 in thoir flight. Logan took 30 prisoners, losing only one killed and five wounded. Having dispersed the defenders the North Edisto crossing began. By night the entire unit had forded, but once over, a raile wide swamp remained. Officers and mea, including Logan, "waded with cheerfulness and enthusiasm." Though a number of creeks remained between the i5th Corps and Columbia, it had spanned its last major barrier in front of the Soutn Carolina capital. Sherman, v/ho had ridden with the 17th Corps for several days, rejoined Logan on the Ijth and the corps, in two columns, moved along the edge of Caw Gav; Swamp. Marching was easy for two days and by the morning of the l$th Loji'^an, approaching Congaree Creek, stood less than ten miles lYom Columbia, Scouts reported enemy v/orks north of the creek, and Woods' division was sent up to take them. As they had done twice earlier, Logan's men flanked the enemy, wading through waist deep water. Rebels abandoned their line with a rush, but a rear guard tried to burn the small bridge spanning the stream Logan had bsen unable to use because of enemy fire, wet timbers would not ignite and Confederates fled. Logan crossed and, passing abandoned works, raced for Columbia. He met a large force of Wade Hampton's rebel cavalry in the afternoon, but Woods advanced and they gave way without fighting, Lo-'an reached the 1 Hazen, op. cit . , 357.

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462 Congaree River thvo night and bivouacked opposite the capital of the "Hell hole of secession." During the night rebel artillery in Columbia shelled 15th Corps campts, doing little damage except to sleep, ^t down Logan stood ready to fight the battle for Columbia. Approaching the cit]'Log^n found the bridge over the Congaree destroyed and his pioneers told him their pontoons would rjot reach across. This necessitated crossing the Saluda and Broad Rivers, Opposite Columbia these fvo streams join to form the Congaree, and the 15th Cor^.s prepared to cross the Saluda to a narro\/ point of land betv;een it and the Broad. The Confederate arr.cy shoved no sign of giving up Columbia, and while Logan's men bridged the Saluda, DeGress* guns pounded the capital. Across the Saluda, Logan *3 advance ])ushed on tov/ard the Broad, attempting to seine the bridge before it v.-a^ detrioiished. Near the rivei" they v/ere stopped by V.Tieel&r's rear gu-ird, fortified by gin. The rebels, enboldened by their potations, held positiern until tho bridge was on fire, tnen they rushed through fler,ies to safecy. Logan's lead troops could only sit and watch as the structure flamed and fell hissing into the rivejc. ' After dark Logan camped in the narrovv triangle 1 Barrett,, qti, cit . , o2.

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463 of land betv/een tho two streams. The following morning, Woods leading, ha began to cross the Broad. By 7 o* clock pontoons were down nnd the corps marched. Colonel George A, Stone's brigade cro^jsed rapidly and moved toward Columbia, driving In token resistence. Stone reached the city before the 15th Corps had croesed snd it was he who received the 1 surrender from the mayor. After threatening to fiE;ht, rebel leaders decided to abandon the city. Before neon the re-;t of Logan's force entered Columbia. Haaen ;>ras offered the honor of leading the march but his ;nen v;ero 'lom out and he declined, a decision he 2 "always regretted.'' Woods replaced him and, lad by Sherman, Howard, and Logar , tha corps filed into the city. As tney marched some of the men sang: "Hail Columbis, hsopy land If I don't burn you, I'll be damned. ''-^ A journalist watching the procession remarked, "John A. Logan, too v/as there, v/ith his dark, almost bronzed countenance, and fitry, comrianding eye, the ti^ue type of the dashing general," _^ 0. R ., Ser. 1, XLVII, pt. 1, 22?. 2 Hazen, op. cit . , 349. 3 George a. Pepper, Personal Recollections of Sherman's Campaign in Geor g ia and theTarolinar. . 3II. 4 New York Herald, Mar. If?, 1^65.

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464 In Columbia order degenerated and men ran out of control. Logan maintained the citizens received his soldiers with "bucketfuls of liquor, and the negroes, overjoyed at our entrance, piloted them to buildings where wine and whiskey were stored, and for a while all control was lost over the disor—nized mass." General Henry I'.'. Slocum wrote, "a drunken soldier with a musket in one hand and a match in the other is not a pleasant visitor to have about 2 the house on a dark, v.dndy night." By dark fires had sprung up all over the city and Sherman, lying down for a nap, was roused by cries and 3 flickering shadows. The origin of the frames is still a mystery, Sherman, Hov;ard, and Hazen reported cotton bales on fire as the army entered the town, but Wade Hampton denied it emphatically, Logan and Ivoods, who led the march, mention no such flames in their reports. No matter what origin, a strong wind blew all day, and after dark drunken soldiers raced about the city applying the torch. 0. R .. Ser. 1, XLVII, pt. 1, 22?. 2 Battles and Leaders . IV, 6S6. Sherman, Memoirs . II, 2gJ[«-35. 4 0. R .. Ser. 1, XLVII, pt. 1, 21; Sherman, Memoirs . II, 2^0; Hazen, op. cit .. 349; Earl Schenck Miers, The General •A'ho Marched to Hell . 314-16, ^ Q. R .. Ser. 1, XLVII, pt. 1, 227-243. 6 0. R .. Ser. 1, XLVII, pt. 1, 22?; Battles and Leaders . IV, 686.

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465 Wind fanned the flames and a lurid nocturnal glare hung over the city, Emma LeConte, South Carolina college girl, observed the scene with horror: "Two corps entered town... one, the diabolical 15th v/hich Sherman hid hitherto never penmitted to enter a city on account of their vile and desperate character. .. .The devils as they marched past, looked strong and vfell clad in dark, dirty-lookiiig blue," With fire busily consuming the business district, Logan joined Hov/ard and Woods in an attempt to fight 2 its spread. Sherman joined them about 11 o'clock and they worked feverishly to stem the inferno. Many soldiers, having mssed through the city and ca!'nped, ran back to help "Generals Logan and Hovjard in their fruitless attempts to extinguish the flames and save the city,""^ Man v;as impotent against the bla2:e and it had to bum itself cut. Toward morning Logan had enough sober men to quell rioting and stop incendiaries, but fire had consumed much of Columbia and was still burning unchecked in isolated areas. Of Logan's personal incendiary activities there are conflicting accounts. His headquarters was in the beautiful home of Hampton's father-in-law John C, Preston, Lnuna LeConte, When the V.'orld Ended; The Diary of Emma LeConte . E'^rl Schenck Miors (ed.), 43-44. 2 Oliver 0, Hov:ard, Autobiography . II, 122, 3 Morris, op, cit . , 150. 4 0, R .. Ser. 1, XLVII, pt. 1, 223.

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466 described as a veritable art museum. When the Urusuline Convent burned, Sherman sent the Mother Superior and her charges to the Preston House for refuge. As the procession of little girls marched in, some claimed Logan was preparing to fire the house. Furthermore, South Carolina tradition, perhaps truth, held that "Black Jack" had "sworn mightily" 1 when handed Sherman's order. In Logan* s defense, Hazen stated the mansion received excellent care from General 2 Logan, At any rate the home was standing v;hen Union troops left the city, Incendarism was not the only charge brought against Logan by South Carolinians. Another diarist, Mrs. Mary Boykin Chesnut reported being told how "a Yankee General, 3 Logan by name, snatched a v/atch from Mrs, McCord*s bosom." This is the only mention of this incident and it \ic.s possibly one of thousands of such stories that followed Sherman's wake. While Columbia smoldered, Hazen and Corse spent the iSth ruining 15 miles of the Columbia branch of the South Mary Boykin Chesnut, A Diary from Dixie . Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Locke tt A vary (eds, ) , 353. 2 Hazen, op. cit ,, 352. 3 Mary Boykin Chesnut, '". Diary from Dixie , Bon Ames Williams (ed,), 499. The earlier edition of Mrs, Chesnut's diary cited above and published twenty years before Mr, Williams' edition, does not name the "Yankee General,"

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V67 Carolina Railroad. The cit" war quiet except for occasional bursts of lingering flame and an occasional explosion as Logan* s men destroyed enemy stores. One of these explosions occurred when members of the 63rd Illinois, carting ammunition from the Confederate arsenal to the river, let one box fall, igniting a whole wagon of shells. Four nen were killed and 20 woxinded in the accident. Rails, machin^jry, and guns continued to feel axe and hammer next day as v;-ork of destruction v;ent on. Marching orders v;ere issued that evening and at 7 o'clock next morning the corps moved out. It was joined by a long line of refugees who wanted to accompany the army 2 north, a line that v/as to grov; in days to come. As his men wound their way toward v/'innsboro, Logan heard them singing: "John Brown's body lies a mouldering in the grave, 3 But his soul goes marching on." Instead of swamps, Logan found himself in hilly, barren uplands with little forage for men or animals. He pressed on rapidly, crossing the Wateree River on the 22nd, No sign of enemy appeared, and on the 23rd Logan decided to 1 Conyngham, op. cit . , 330. 2 OjJR, , Ser. 1, XLVII, pt. 1, 228. 3 Upson, op« cit ., 150.

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46^ divide his coliuTin, Woods and Smith were to move on toward Cheraw by a direct route while Kazan and Corse were to swing eastward to Canden, The two columns vrere to link up later at Pine Tree Church. Troops advancing on Camden found the town undefended and, after destroying government stores of meat, soap, and cotton, turned north. Tl:e corps reformed on the 25th and moved on tov;ard Cheraw. Firit major obstacle since leaving Columbia proved to be swollen Lynch' s Gre^k about thirty miles south of Cheraw. Rains had made the stream ''too wide to be bridged, too deep to be forded." Logan's infantry waded the creek up to their armpits, but trains could not cross. As Logan's pioneers struggled in vain, a "slight con-pre temps " developed between Logan's pioneers and Howard's army engineers, both impatient at their failure. Logan sent Kov/ard a note threatening to "make no further effort to cress that ugly stream," unless Howard withdrew his engineers, Howard simply wrote back, "The cominanding officer of the 15th Corps will obey every lawful order," ti^en the two men met 20 minutes later nothing further was said. It took eight days for waters to subside enough for wagons to pass and then bread and ammunition had to be raised off wagon beds. Movement v/as still painfully slow due to flooded creeks, but they could be more easily spanned and Logan Oliver 0. Howard, Autobiography . II, 131-32.

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469 marched into Cheraw on March 4. The arr../ stopped in Cherav/, on the banks of the Great Pedee, until the 5th, when they crossed the river, "ATiile r.t Cherav. Logan sent a detc^chment to Florence, but it v;as unable to take the tovm due to heavy enemy force. This group under Colonel Reuben l.illiams was, however, able to burn railroad bridges along its line of march. When the advance halted a pleasant interlude took place at Blair's headquarters. Blair v;as joined by Sherman, Logan, and their staff Ox fleers escaping the rain. Glasses of wine v;ere handed around, a violin was produced, and Logan sang and) played lor the appreciative group. The only music from the 6th to the 8th v/as creaking v/agon v/heels and pattering rain as the army trudged toward the North Carolina state line. It rained almost constantly and when Logan crossed into North Carolina on the 8th roads had become almost impassable, Gordui'oying was necessary most of the time and anyone wandering off the road was certain to mire. Fayetteville uas reached on the 12th 2 after "trials that. ,, beggar description." '.vhen they went into camp there to take a fev^ days* rest, "the men had been soaking wet for about sixty hours, with nothing to eat but cold rations. ., .The sufferings of the officers i o. H. M. Byers, \'.'ith Fire and Sword . 182, 2 0. R «. Ser. 1, XL VII, pt. 1, 231.

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470 and men, as v/ell as the animals .--as very great." While the army rested, engineers erected pontoons over the Cape Fear ^5.ver. '".'hen Corse led Logan's corps out on the 14th, they crossed easily and moved toivard Bentonville. Corse met rebel cavalry on the 15th but shoved thorn back and raud was the only impediment until the 19th. On the move early on the 19th, Logan struck di-^ectly for Everett sville, across the Neuse River from Goldsboro. The usual flooded terrain slowed the column somewhat but pioneers cleared the way, and before noon Logan reached a crossroads three miles south of Cox^s Bridge over the Keuse, He considered the spot valuable and set Colonel Uever*s brigade in position across the road facing the bridge until the rest of the cor;-s could come up. That afternoon heavy cannonading suddenly boomed up from the south, and a small force of rebel cavalry appeared at the bridge. One regiroent vias enough to disperse enemy horsemen. That done, Logan ordered Smith to entrench and moved Woods and Corse up to his support. Hasen, some miles to the rear, vjas told to go in the direction of the cannonading. It proved to be Slocura»s left v/ing under fire at Bentonville v/here he had encountered Johnston's v/hole force. f^fter dark Logan received a change of orders, Sherman decided to strike the Confederates at Bentonville, Sherlock, op. cit .. 206.

PAGE 477

471 He told Logan to leave one brigade at tiie bridge and send the remainder of his comiuand to Slocum, Up at 5 o'clock, Vioods led, followed by Corse and Giaith, with V^ever left to cover the bridge. Enemy pickets appeared before Logan had moved very far and 'Voods threw jut skirmishers and steadily advanced. Pjriodically Logan fired a cannon and Slocura, at Bentonville, knew the l^ih was moving to his support. At Mill Creek, halfway to the field, rebel cavalry appeared in force and dismounted, fighting behind prepared fortifications. Woods drove the enemy from a series of these barricades and soon the corps was close enough to hear the rattle of 1 musketry irom :jiocam, Logan's advance had been on Johnston's raar, and had it been done silently the Gonfedoratos might have been oaken by surprise. Silence was impossible, however, and skirmishing announced Logan's coming, Johnston had ample time GO shift to meet the new threat. He bent his left back and Logan, forming the Union right, found Johnston's new position running along a ridge through thickly wooded 2 country. At 4 o'clock '.Voods and Corse moved up to a point near Johnston and by dark they were firmly in place. On the left they connected with Jeff C. Davis' 14th Corps, heavily engaged on the 19th, 1 0. R .. 3er. 1, XLVII, pt. 1, 235. 2 Barrett, op. cit ., 177-73.

PAGE 478

472 Or the ^Ist Logan probed fon-rard at daylight, but found the enemy still in force. Heavy rain be?^an in the morning and continued all day, making artillery movement almost inpossible, Ilazen splashed un in the Tnornin? and vrent into position on \foods' left. In the meantime Blair's 17th Corps had gone into the line on T.or?n*s right, putting the 15th in the Union center. Py noon Lop;an*s gunners had v/restled several cannon into position and the3'opened a little Ic'iter vrith great effect. At 1 o'clock Sherman ordered Logan to send skirmishers forvr.rd to keep pressure on Johnston, Men from VJoods, Hazen, and Corse clambered dovm the slope and charged through the gray har.e made bright by rifle flashes. They overwhelmed rebel skirmishers and took their advance line of rifle pits. Throupih the afternoon Confederates tried to retake the pits, but their guns growled into silence at dusk, having failed completely. During the night Johnston, having done little to stop Sherman or inflict major damage on the Union array, retreated toward Smithfield, In the morning Woods' lead units found the retreat bridge still burning. VJoods moved back to his old line and Logan left him at Bentonville vrLth orders to hold position all day and then follov; the corps north. Marching was easier after Bentonville, Hazen led the corps back to Cox's Bridge, then on to Everett sville. Jay Luvaas, "Johnston's Last Stand— Bentonville," North Carolina Historical Quarterly. IXXII, 351-52.

PAGE 479

473 Logan crossed the Neuse on the 27th and re i chad Goldsboro where the whole army encamped, Logan in defensive works east of town. Goldsboro marked the terminus of Sherman's Carolina campaign. The army went into camp there to refit for a new move northv/ard into Virginia, It had struggled through miles of difficult country since leaving Savannah and a general halt was badly needed. When the army had rested and refitted, Sherman would strike again. The Goldsboro respite was a pleasant one with men lolling around camp "luxuriating in the spring weather." Some v;ent to church, others went into tovm to see what diversion it might offer and found none, \vhile the army waited, countless appeals for aid poured in from the surrounding country. Logan was confronted by a planter claiming to be a British subject. The man asked protection and Logan answered: "What the hell, then, are you doing here if you are? The boys will take every hog and chicken you have, though you are a British subject. British subject 2 be hanged." In addition to trouble from outsiders, a minor dispute erupted in the Union Camp. Logan and Blair felt Sherman's chief commissary officer had been incompetent in Barrett, op. cit .. 193. 2 Conyngham, op. cit .. 344-345.

PAGE 480

474 outfitting the men, especially v.dth shoes. They sent a protest charging him with "utter incompetency and inefficiency." Sherman replied, "Generals Blair and Logan don^t knov; of the difficulties arising from mud banks, storms at sea, difficulties of navigation, etc." There the matter rested. By April 5 Sherman felt the army rested and supplied sufficiently to begin another campaign. On the 5th orders v/ent out to be ready to move in five days. The army was to drive across the Roanoke River, use Norfolk as a supply base, link up v.ath Grant, and launch one great assault on Lee.' Before he could move, ho^/ever, v/ord tliat Richmond had fallen reached the army, Sherman quickly changed his plans and ordered an advance on Raleigh and Johnston. Nev;s of Richmond's fall was greeted with wild rejoicing by the troops. Generals toasted victory and a quick end to the v;ar v/hile enlisted men went wild. In the camp, "such cheering, shouting, gunfiring, band playing, etc. I never heard before. Everybody was v;ild most." The same soldier, overjoyed with victory vjrote , "I can't think what to say this time only 'Three time three and a Tiger for Grant and his army.'"-'^ P'ederal troops broke camp on the 10th and moved on 1 0. R .. Ser. 1, XL VII , pt. 3, 28-29. 2 Sherman, Memoirs , II, 341-42. 3 Padgett, op. cit . . 75, 77.

PAGE 481

475 Raleigh, Sherman wrote just before leaving Goldsboro, ''Poor North Carolina v;ill h?ve a hard time, for we sweep the country like a swarm of locusts. Thousands of people may perish but they now realise that war means something else than vain glory and boasting. ., .The entire army has new clothing, and with soap and water have made wonderful changes in our appearance," The change was indeed miraculous. Grimy marchers had turned into clean marchers. Though more swamps lay ahead, they moved with a more sprightly step. Richmond had fallen and the dogs of war seemed iieaded for the kennel. Weather was better and stories raced through the army bringing smiles to confident men. One of these was the tale that became a standing joke during the march, Logan, it was said, 2 had offered a reward for a dead cavalryman, blue or gray. Infantrymen who had seen Kilpatrick's cavilry dash along, but who found themselves doing the fighting, roared at Logan's joke. Logan* s line of march toward Raleigh lay through Lowell Factory and rineville. Sherman warned him not to destroy the factory, hoping less pillaging might aid in bringing a quick surrender at Raleigh, A little skirmishing occurred on the 11th but no men were lost. During the night more news from Virginia arrived — Lee had surrendered. Sherman, Home Letters , 342. 2 Bell I. Wiley, The Lii'e of Billy Yank , 32?.

PAGE 482

476 Sherman shot off a congratulatory telegram to Grnnt while bands blared, guns roared, and bottles came out. In the 15th Corps' camps pandemoniujn broke loose. Sergeant Theodore Upson va*otfc, "We had a great blov; out at the Hd Quarters last night,-' and described singing and drinking far into tne night . Lee's capitulation further nltered Union plans, Sherman vijas determined to begin inimediate negotiations with Johnston. Logan moved his hap-y troops into a quiet, seemingly evacuated Raleigh en the 14th -and marched three miles north of the city. His ''bummers," feeling an end of their activities r.ear, took advantage of a last chance and 2 "a large number v/ere found dead drunk by the roadside.*' For the next ceveral days Sherman and Johnston met trying to arrange an end to hostilities. Rumor of their meetings v;er-3 cheered by the troops and men wandered about hoping to hear something of the negotiations, 'AHiile the army awaited further v/ord an unexpected and terrible piece of news arrived. On April 17 a telegraph operator rushed to Sherman v/ith a coded message. Lincoln had been assassinated, Sherman cautioned his officers to keeo the raesscge a secret mitjl he could v;rite an announcement. That night ho returned from a talk ^vith Johnston end published Upson, or), cit .. I64-66. 2 Barrett, op. cit . . 224.

PAGE 483

477 1 word of the President's death. Before releasing the nev.'s, Cherman set heavy guards in Raleigh and ordered his commanders to maintain order. Most of the fl;en were angry but not violent, some talked of inscribing "Lincoln's Avengers" on their flags. A small rr.ob of about 2,000 hov.ever, decided to take action. Shouting threats to burn the city, they marched tov.'ard the Korth Carolina capital. Just outside tovm Logan galloped up and ordered them back to camp. Tlriey stopped, listened, and Avent on. At this point General Jacob Cox, v;hose troops mounted guard in the city, felt "v;e once more feared we .,2 might not be able to save the city from vengeance." Logan, roaring angrily, got the men halted and shouted loudly, threatening to order artillei^y to rake them vjith canr.ister. This stopped the enraged troops and they 3 returned to cam^j. Raleigh had escaped Columbia's fate. The day after v/ord of Lincoln's death arrived, v;elcome news reached the army, surrender terms had been arranged subject to approval from v;ashington.^ During the 17th and loth Sherman liad consulted his (generals and Logan was most vocal in favoring surrender on aLnost any terms. Logan told Sherman the v/hole army dreaded another long Sherman, Memoirs , II, 351. 2 Cox, Reminiscences . II, 465. 3 Upson, op. cit . , 167. 4 0. R .. Ser. 1, XLVII, pt. 3, 2/fS.

PAGE 484

47S pursuit, and insisted Jeff Dnvio bo allovred to escape if that was one of Johnston* s demands. Though Logan and Blair urged Sherman to end hostilities without approval from V-ashington, he forwarded his terms. They were sweeping. If accepted, they would have almost settled the Reconstruction issue. Their liberal nature met a hostile reception and Sherman vias turned down. On the 26th a new set of terms, approximating Grant's terms to Lee, was agreed oii. This time they were accepted and Johnston's army laid dov/n its anas. Union troops ivent wild again. Major Henry Hitchcock described the festive scene at Sherman's headquarters in the governor's mansion on the nigh of the 26th: a crov/d ox officers have been sitting and standing all evening on the portico in front; a fine brass band playing in the large yard in front;.,. and a little while ago looking through the front windows. ., one could see Grant and Sherman sitting at i:he cenuer table, both busy writing, or stopping now and then to talk earnestly wioh other general officers in the room — Howard, Schofield, 'Johnny' Logan, and Meigs. ^ Lopan did some writing of his own. He sent Mary, starved for nev^s, two letters in the week thnt brought war's end. In both he exulted at neace and grieved at Lincoln's death. "We have just heard of the terrible tragedy in Washington and it has vsry much exasperated the army," he vrrote two days after turning back "Lincoln's Avengers," Sherman, Memoirs , II, 351-52. Hitchcock, op, cit , . 31o.

PAGE 485

479 One day after Johnston gave up he told Mary, "it is terrible that he [Lincoln] should be t iken off at such a time," In his note of the 27th Logan exhibited his first interest in his post-war career. "They want to make me a Brigadier in the regular army," he wrote, "but I think I shall quit the business and try peaceful associations for a while, and see how I will be used by the country and that may determine me as to the array," "All foraging will cease" read general orders on the 27th, The same orders cautioned corps commanders to stop all "bumming" and set each unites line of march northward, Logan v/as to move to V/ashington with the right wing by way of Louisburg, '.Varrenton, the Roanoke River, Lawrenceville, Petersburg, Richmond, Fredericksburg, and Alexandria. Howard asked the msrch be made "a model one for propriety of conduct," and Sherman warned, "punishment for entering 2 or pillaging houses will be severe and immediate." It was a joyous group of hard-bitten veterans that stepped out for Washington on the 29th. They crossed the Tar River on May 1 in good order and two days later moved into Virginia, A 15th Corps chaplain reported; "the citizens, ladies in particular, seemed very indignant — yet crest fallen . Gen. Logan said he loved to shake the JAL to Mary Logan, April 19, 27, 1365, Logan Mss. 2 0. R. . Ser. 1, XLVII, pt. 3, 324, 326.

PAGE 486

1 old flag at them." An area much like battered Vicksburg, now so long in the pnpt, came into view on the 6th. Logan reached Petersburg, scene of Grant's siege, and the corps camped for several days. Logan reported to Mary, "there is no more necessity for troops south more than small numbers in 2 each state. These people are thoroughly whipped." A reviev? vras held as Logan left Petersburg on the 9th and men were told to "cle-^.n themselves and brighten their guns." As Logan left Petersburg for Richmond an order came from Halleck to Howard: "Your command will be encamped at or near Manchester and not be permitted to enter Richmond until prepared to march through the city."^ This was taken as an insult by the \\'esterners who wanted to get a look at the Confederate capital. Army of the Potomac guards were posted to keep Logan's men out, and his soldiers pelted the guards with stones. On the 11th when the army was ready, they were marched through Richmond. Vnien they svmng past Halleck' s headquarters, elaborate by Western standards, a ragged V/esterner broke ranks to spit 5 tobacco juice on the immaculate guard's boots. Ms. Compton Diary, May 3, 1^65. JAL to Mary Logan, May 6, 1365, Logan Mss. 3 0. R ., Ser. 1, XLVII, pt. 3, 422. 4 Ibid .. 421. Lewis, Sherman , 566.

PAGE 487

4^1 North of Richmond Logan struck for Alexandria, Sherman told Lo>^an not to rush thinrr, but to ^rrive at Alexandria one or two days before the scheduled "Grand Reviev;" of the 2Uth. Sherman noured out his bitterness against Halleck and the despised Et sterner s. The cause was the insult at Richmond: The manner of your v^elcome v:5s p p rt of a n-^nnd game to insult us — us who have marched 1,000 miles through a hostile country in mid-vrinter to help them. We did help them and what has been our reward? Your men vere denied admisRion to the city, v:hen Halleck had invited all citizens (rebels of course) to come and fro without passes. If the Americar peoole sanction this kind of courtesy to old and tried troops, v;here is the honor, satisfaction and p;lor3'' of serving them in constancy and faith? If such be the welcome the East fr'lves to the V/est, v:e cnn bnt let them make war and fight it out themselves. Disgusted with the alien Easterners, Sherman turned his thoughts to a more appreciative land: I know where is a land and people who v;ill not treat us thus — the '/est, the Va:i ley of the Misrissippi, the neart and soul of the future strength of America, and I for one v/ill ^^o there. .. .Chev; the cud of bitter fancy as you ride along, and when events draw to a conclusion we can step into the ring.-'While Logan moved through Virginia, events took place that made possible his elevation to command of the Army of the Tennessee. On the 12th Howard was named commissioner oi the Freedmen's Bureau and Loran designated temporary chief of the Tennesseans. A week later Sherman asked Oj_R, , Ser, 1, ax.VII, pt. 3, 477-73,

PAGE 488

4S2 for Logan as permanent army conanander, and on the 23rd "Black Jack" assumed command. Before final word came hov;ever, Logan, pessimistic because of the Atlanta disappointment, wrote Mary, "Genl, Howard has been assigned to the 'darkie' bureau.,,and I am told that I am to command the army, but God only knows I am sure I shall not ask it, as I have been so treated once before, I have nothing to 2 expect at the hands of these men," For a time it seemed Logan's prediction might be accurate. Howard still intended to lead the array's march into Washington, Several days before the review, Sherman asked Howard to relinquish command. Howard told Sherman he had fought the army since Atlanta and had a right to lead it. Sherman answered, "I knovi it, but it v/ill be everything to Logan to have this opportunity." ''Hov/ard, you are a Christian," he continued, "and won't mind such a sacrifice." Hov/ard replied, ''surely if you put it on that ground, I submit." Sherman later thanked Howard, adding, 3 "I do think it but just to Logan. ""^ This time he would not be disappointed. Logan would lead the Tennesseans in the Grind Review. The last few days of the march northward turned into a scenic tour. Men sav^ the Fredericksburg battlefield Ibid., 53?, 562. 2 JAL to Mary Logan, May 20, 1^65, Logan Mss. 3 Oliver 0. Howard, Autobiography . II, 210-11.

PAGE 489

4^3 and on the 19th Woods » division marched to Mt. Vernon 1 where "the command all witnessed the sacred burial place," Alexandria was reached at last on the 20th and the army went into camp to prepare for the great show. Rivalry between E astem and Western armies that had begun in southern Virginia and almost erupted in Richmond, continued in camps across from Washington. Sherman was afraid his ambling Westerners, so unused to anything like great crowds, would look like a rabble. On the 23rd the Eastern army was reviev;ed by the president and an immense crowd. The following day vas the IVest's turn. Early on the 24th men were on the move. They crossed Long Bridge into the city, gaping at the Potomac and the Capitol dome in the distance. By 9 o'clock Logan and the Army of the Tennessee was in position behind the Capitol building. Sherman rode past to the head of the procession and the men "snickered to see Uncle Billy ride past, 2 'dressed up after dingy carelessness of years.'" Hov;ard rode up to join Sherman and Logan and his staff moved to the head of the army. The Tennesseans were to lead followed by Slocum's Army of Georgia. First in line in Logan's army was the 15th Corps, trailed by Blair's 17th. At 9 a cannon boomed, bands blared "The Star 0. R .. Ser. 1, XL.VII, pt. 3, 533. 2 Lewis, Sherman , 573.

PAGE 490

k&k Spangled Banner," and Sherman urged his horse forv/ard, "Stage fright stuck in plov/boys* throats. The roofs and trees were black with people." Bunting and flags waved everyr/here and long streamers proclaimed: "Hail to the Western Heroes. . .Hail, Champions of Belmont, Donelson, Shiloh, Vicksburg, Chattanooga, Atlanta, Savannah, Bentonville, Pride of the Nation." Sherman, still apprehensive, dared not look back until he reached the Treasury. Then he turned: "the sight was simply magnificent. The column was compact, and 2 the glittering muskets looked like a solid mass of steel." As Sherman turned in the saddle, cheers were deafening. The Array of the Potomac was an old story in Washington but the V.'esterners were novel and the crowd gave them a "wholesouled v;elcome,"-^ Leading the column came Logan v/ho v^ras recognized, along with Blair, as former congressmen and applauded viildly. Grant's aide, Horace Porter, saw "Logan, 'Black Jack,' riding at the head of the Army of the Tennessee, hi;; swarthy coal-black hair giving him the air of a native Indian chief. "^ Most v/atchers greeted Logan with hurrahs 1 Ibid .. 574. 2 Sherman, Memoirs , II, 377. 3 New York Times, May 25, lf*65. Leech, op. cit . , 4l6. 5 Porter, op. cit . , 510.

PAGE 491

485 but one observer, Miss Marian Hooper, later Henry Adams' wife, thought "Howard looks finely vdth his one arm; and General Logan, \i±th Indian blood in his veins — very little of anything else, I should think." When Logan reached Sherman and Howard near the reviewing stand, the three rode together, hearing "loud and prolonged acclamations of applause all along the route,"' In front of the stand the three generals turned and took the review. Emotion welling up inside him, Logan saw able Charles Woods, handsome Bill Hazen, and long time associate John E, Smith ride past. Then Frank Blair's Corps and perhaps Logan's greatest thrill. Here came Manning Force, Mortimer Leggett, and Giles Smith, and with them Logan's old division. Striding by went the 45th Illinois, the 30th, and Logan's old regiment the 31st. After the Army of the Tennessee Slocum's Georgians followed, but Logan was off riding at the head of the Tennesseans. Mary Logan v;rote later, "It looked as if the great Republic was on dress parade." For the first and perhaps the last time the Westerners marched in formal parade. Sherman called it his happiest moment, and Logan describing the glorious scene, spoke with pride when he told Mary, "The Mrs. Henry Adams, Letters of Mrs. Henry A.dams . 'uard Thoron (ed.), 9« 2 Hew York Times . May 25, 1865. 3 Mary Logan, Reminiscences . 193.

PAGE 492

4S6 Army of the Tenn, , .excellsd the Potomac army in appearance and marching." Almost everyone agreed. The Ifestemers looked taller, more rawboned, and walked with a springier stride, Logan's pride vras overflowing ?s he led his great army through the capital. Ke had come a long way since his uncertain words to a hostile crovd from a wagon in the square of a small Illinois town in August, lS6l. But what would he do now? There would be time to think of that later, now was the time to bask in the applause of a grateful Republic, The moment might not come again and Logan could but hope the Republic's gratitude would not v/ane. But on a pleasant spring day in May, IS65 those hearty 'Aesterners with "splendid legs" vrere marching down Pennsylvania /venue. An old friend of Sherman's sat in the stand and said as he watched Cump Sherman's array, "They march like the lords of 2 the world." Th"t night a New York journalist wrote his headline story: "The great display is ovor. Sherman's two armies — the most superb material ever molded into 3 soldiers — has passed in review." JAL to Mary Logan, May 26, lf?65, Logan Mss. 2 Lev;is, Sherman . 576. ^Mew York Tikes, May 25, 1^65.

PAGE 493

CHAPTER XII I WILL NEVER AFFILIATE Peace did not immediately end Logan* s military duties, ^s commander of the Army of the Tennessee he had to manage its separation from service. Since the army was composed mostly of Westerners, headquarters was shifted to Louisville, and in early June troops began to move there. Logan's headquarters was moved June 4, and one day later the last division left Washington by rail. In addition to the Tennesseans, Logan inherited Westerners from other commands. Before the end of the month Westerners in Slocum*s Army of Georgia, and ten Western regiments from the Army of the Potomac, were on their way to Louisville to be mustered out. Before Logan joined his men, he delivered his first post-war address. Several Union generals, Logan among them, travelled to New York for a mass meeting June 7. Grant was in the city to receive its adulation, but the taciturn lieutenant general said little. Orations were left to men like Blair and Logan. The meeting, held at Cooper Institute, was called to express confidence in the "character and patriotism of President Johnson, and to pledge support... to the 1 0. R .. Ser. 1, XLIX, pt. 2, 1029. 4^7

PAGE 494

4dd measures of his administration." It was evident that Democrats were endeavoring to tie to the party those war Democrats, replete with military prestit3;e, who had supnorted Republican candidates during the war. These men had to be secured before they wandered into the Radical camp. The Cooper Institute meeting brought out an enthusiastic crov;d to see the heroes. It thundered a welcome for Grant as he marched in, stood for a moment, and departed v/ithout saying a word. Noise at the rear announced the arrival of Logan and Blair, and Sherman's two "political generals" strode to the platform, Blair spoke first, and when he concluded, loud shouts for Logan brought "Black Jack" to his feet. Logan thanked the peoole for coming and launched into some comments on the president: So far as his administration has developed I certainly have no fault with it. What there may be to object to in the future I don't know; but if there is anything objectionable, then, as a matter of course, and as the auestions arise the country will have a right to decide for themselves whether the president is in the ri-^^ht or in the wrong. The great questions that have been before the people for the last 4 years are now settled, the rebellion is supressed; slavery is forever dead. 2 This statement is interesting since Johnson's presidential plan of restoring the states had already been announced, Logan's remarks seem to indicate an endorsement of Johnson's plan. i New York Times . June 7, lf?o5. 2 Ibid .. June 5, 1^65.

PAGE 495

4d9 Logan went on to deny the congressional theory that former Confederate states had been out of the Union and should be treated as territories. "If those States, by making war on the government, have become territories, then ve must admit that Davis did really establish a government," and Logan v.'as unwilling to do that. This again endorsed Johnson Reconstruction, Turning to punishment of rebel leaders, Logan roared that Davis and his associates should be convicted of treason and punished. He did not specify the degree of punishment. Returning briefly to Presidential Reconstruction, Logan said, "I maintain this as being correct doctrine, that President Johnson has the right to exercise power as is necessary to assist in putting the machinery of these states in motion. He has the right for the time being to appoint a man to govern. When he does that 2.nd they organize, the State is then in existence, not only as it has been, but can exercise the functions that it did before in the government of the nation." The remainder of Logan's speech concerned foreign problems. He referred to aid given Confederates by the English and demanded payment of what later xere called the "Alabama claims." Of French interference in Mexico, Logan remarked, "The little gentleman in Mexico ought to be notified some morning, .. .that is will be equally pleasant... if he v/ould retire." But Logan was opposed to any Mexican

PAGE 496

490 military expedition. His address ended in a bedlam of applause and song. Logan's speech seemed to line him up with the president. But did ic? This June address is the only public statement in v;hich Logan took a clear stand during tha first 14 months after the -.var. Though he spoke many times, he made no public endorsements of either side until June, 1566, For the next year he watched, v/aited, and studied political trends before openly supporting either side in the great Reconstruction debate, Logan left Nev^ York and joined the army at Louisville. There had been some difficulty with troops around Washington disturbing citiatnc, v/hen he arrived in Kentucky, 2 Logan began to enforce strict orders to prevent a repetition. Though there were some reports of vandalism in June, the Louisville press reported, "Notwithstanding the large number of soldiers around our city, good order generally 3 prevails." Most of the month was spent mustaring out veteran regiments. Orders ca:ae from Grant on the 23rd to step up the pace, and t^oon much of the anriy was on its way home. Muster rolls were completed, and men sent to state rendezvous Virhere they were paid and discharged, Logan 1 ' Ibid . "^ 0. R .. Ser. 1, XL VII, pt, 3, 5^9-90. 3 Louisville Democrat, June 13, 1^65.

PAGE 497

491 reiterated strict warnings to units learing Louisville to behave themselves. Officers were told men vere liable to punishment until separated. The business of discharging thousands of men, all of whom wanted to go at once, led Logan to cor.iraent , "My duties now ore more arduous than since the war. There is so much discontent among the soldiers and so many things to do." There was no chance for glory in this and every chance for dissatisfaction. Mindful of the future and good relations viith veterans, Logan wrote: "they will forget all that the man has ever done unless in 2 the last instance he looks to their interest," Logan worked frantically to make siire V7estem troops, especially Illinoisans, left his command with ha, py recollections. Every man was a potential vote, July v/as an active month. In severe summer heat mustering out continued. Sherman arrived to inspect the command, and wrote Grant "all are to be mustered out forthv/ith, I am glad of it, for I think many of them will soon tire of the tedium of civil life and be anxious to enlist 3 in the regular army." A banquet was held in Sherman's honor and he left Louisville satisfied with operations. Logan, flooded with civilian complaints, soon issued 1 0. R ,. Ser, 1, XLIX, pt, 2, 1047. 2 ^ ^. JAL to Mary Logan, June 28, 1865, Logan Mss. ^ 0. R .. Ser. 1, XLVIII, pt. 2, 1050.

PAGE 498

492 a stern warning concerning "wanton depredations, » .upon both white and colored citizens," In July there v;as a noticeable change for the worse in the troops' behavior. Street fights, robbery, assault, and vandalism marred civil-military relations. In addition discipline was breaking down in regimental camps. A member of Logan's old regiment struck 1 an officer and v;as sent to jail for three months. To prevent these outbreaks, Logan told his subordinates to keep troops 2 out of Louisville, An opportunity to speak came to Logan July 22. He was asked to talk on the proposed 13th Amendment, and he spoke for tvro and one-half hours. Logan condemned slavery as a degrading, socially stagnating institution that "dv.-arfs the energies of people, and is a stumbling-block in every respect." He asked Kentuckians to adopt the amendment and forever wipe out slavery, "the great cause of all the troubles we ever had." To the amendment's opponents, who called its advocates supporters of "negro equality," Logan exclaimed: "The 'Ljegro equality' talk against the amendment is all a bug-bear and humbug. I don't consider a 'nigger' my equal," He maintained the war had been fought to free slaves and all should be freed. Concerning Negro suffrage, Logan thought Kentucky could "do as she pleases." Louisville Democrat . July 14, 19, 1^65. 2 OjR. , Ser. 1, XLIX, pt. 3, lOJ^O.

PAGE 499

493 The Constitution expressly gives every state "the right and power to regulate the privilege of suffrage for itself," In late July, Reconstruction, army affairs, and politics v/ere overshadowed by a personal event. The Logans expected a baby in the summer. Logan's June and July letters speak of affairs at Louisville, and end v/ith concern for I4ary. She reassured him and wished he could be in Carbondale when the baby was born. He thought he might 2 not be able to come home before early August. He also commented on future plans. He had v;ritten in May that he wanted to leave the anny, and July 17 he t,3 wrote: "I have determined to resign as soon as I can." Of the political scene he observed; "From the v^ay politics seem to be uioving...I can not say that I will have anything to do with them again." War Department orders accelerated separation procedures, and Logan expected all troops to be on their way 5 home by August 1. V.ith his array disappearing, Logan delivered the customary farewell address. The profound gratification I feel in being authorized to release you from the onerous obligations of New York Times . July 30, 1865 . 2 JAL to Mary Logan, July 9, 1865, Logan Mss. 3 JAL to Mary Logan, July 17, 1^65, Logan Mss. JAL to Mary Logan, July 9, 1665, Logan Mss. 5 0. R . . ber. 1, kLxAf pt. 2, 1091.

PAGE 500

494 the camp, and return you laden v;ith laurels to homes where warm hearts wait to welcome you, is somewhat embittered by the painful reflection that I am sundering the ties that trials have made true. He recounted the array "s victories and mentioned his connection with it. "Although I have been but a abort period your commander we are not strangers; affections have sprung up betv/een us during the long years we have passed through together." Logan paid tribute to McPherson and asked the army to bear themselves as well in peace as in war. Late in the month the 31st Illinois started to Springfield and discharge. Seven hundred men were on the rolls in IB65, 1,130 had been on Logan* s original muster roll in li^6l, 2 Robert N. Pearson was last of the regiment's four colonels. In Carbondale on July 24, Mary bore a 13 pound baby boy. The child, healthy from the first, in contrast to the sickly first child who died before the war, was christ3 ened "Manning Alexander Logan." The general heard the good news and started for home immediately, his duties completed at Louisville. He reached Carbondale July 28 and saw his son for the first time. Mary war doing well, and Dollie had grown. It was a happy homecoming. New York Times . July 23, IS65. 2 Morris, op, cit . . 11. 3 Ms, "Sketch of iihe Life 01 John A. Logan, Jr.," by Mary Logan in M3ry Lo^an Mss., L.C., n.d. The boy changed his name from Manning to John A, Logan, Jr. His mother wrote, "He inherited all the intensity and enthusiasm of his father's nature."

PAGE 501

495 Orders follov;ed Logan telling him to report to General E. 0. C. Ord, commanding the Department of the Ohio, and he decided to resign, "there being," he wrote to Stanton, "no necessity for my services lon^^er. .. .Matters of pecuniary interest in settling my business of lonp; standing demand my attention," The War Secretary replied the following day: "Your telep-ram tendering the resignation of your commission was received this mornin^r and submitted to the President, v;ho directs me to say that it is accepted. 'Mlow me to express my regret that the service will lose so gallant 2 and patriotic a soldier." .-vlmost four years to the day from the decision to raise a regiment, Loran returned to civilian life. He had his eyes on a higher post than that he left for the field. He remembered Haynie*s prediction that the Senate seat would be hin in lf^66, and aimed for it. For the time being, however, Logan was not sure v^ich party could put him there. Through 1^65 he stood completely uncommitted. At first he dabbled in Egyptian real estate. He bought property in Murphysboro, and built two buildings."'^ Logan also took a few local law cases, but politics remained his primary interest. . R. . . Ser. 1, aLIa, pt, 2, 1100, 2 " ibid .. Ser. 1, XLII, pt. 2, 1101. 3 Newsome, op. cit . . 177.

PAGE 502

496 One month after his son's birth, restless as usual, Logan left for Springfield and the Stste Fair. From Springfield he v^ent to Jacksonville, Dec-tvr, .^nd Chicago. From Chicago he vrotc Mary, "I have had such a pleasant time, Everyvmere I have been the people seem glad to see me and unless I am very much fooled I vdll have but little trouble v;hen the time comes in securing any position I may desire. The fairs all going on nov, I think I had better avail myself of this oportunity to see the people." He sav/ them all over the state, and was hailed everyv/here as Illinois' greatest soldier after Gr:-nt. There vas every reason to believe a bright political career was dawning. While he v;atched Illinois political tides, Logan considered a second choice, lax.' practice in a large city. He decided to move his family out of Egypt, preferably to Chicago, if his 2 political expectations turned out badly. As Logan travelled the fair circuit, appearing but saying little, his interest developed in veterans organizations. In North Carolina, in the uar's last weeks, Logan and several other officers conceived the idea for a Society of the Army of the Tennessee. The organization, a fraternal society to keep alive wartime friendships, x^as one of the earliest such grouT^s to appear. By 1366 it ^A-as holding JAL to Mary Logan, Aug. 27, Sept. 2, 1B65, Logan Mss, 2 Ms. "Sketch of the Life of John A, Logan," by Mary Logan, Mary Logan liss. , n.c.

PAGE 503

497 annual conventions. The society remained primarily a nonpolitical organization, but it i:!;ave Logan ideas of the political possibilities of such groups. After "5 swing around IllinDis, Logan returned to C'^rbondale. Mary had hotted neace would bring him home for good, but, pleading a necessity of travel to make a living and watch political currents, Logan left for the East in October. He went to New York and spent five months there 2 and in Washington speculating in cotton and stocks. Men flocked around the general, ea^er to assist him and to have his prestige benefit them. After a week in New York he vTCte , "A friend of mine, Mr. M rston, in stocks made for 3 me ^5,000." Never letting pass a chance to speak, Logan addressed large crowds in New York and New Jersey. Both states were holding local elections, and Logan endorsed Union men. In Jersey City on October 30 he talked of the significance of the v;ar: "It has been decided according to the doctrine of Andrew Jackson, that the sovereignty of the United States is paramount." He adroitly straddled on Reconstruction, Of the Union Party, in v/hich he claimed membership, Logan roared, "The Union Party, v/hat is it? Is it nere Rep'iblican or Democrat or Abolition? No it is not this limited. Mary Dearinj-, Veterans in Politics . 70; Dav.son, op. cit . , 96. 2 Chicago Tribune , Jan. ?, 1?*77. 3 JAL to Mary Logan, Nov. 4, 1^65 1 Logan Mss.

PAGE 504

49d It is that p=irty whicn organized in the hour of the nation's peril, preserved it till the safety was secure," It was such speeches that led one historian to comment, "His speeches were mere rodomontade. He denounced slavery and bombastically lauded the soldier boys;.,, but his speeches 2 reveal nothing of his politics," In November Logan found himself confronted by a new problem. On the 14th he received a commission from Johnson naming him minister to Republican Mexico, possibly hoping to win Logan's support by x,he move,"^ Logan, his eye on ohe 3en.iue, never seriously considered acceptance,"*" He was inclined to refuse at once, but Grant advised him to 5 at least talk to Seward before declining, Logan wrote the Secretary of State that he would withhold his decision until mid-December, Logan suggested another appointment if if time vms important, since he intended to decline. Press reports of Johnson's offer reported Logan's hesitancy from the firs;t. An Egyptian paper v;rote that Logan had advised the mayor of Central ia that he did not New York Times , Oct, 31, 15^65. 2 Howard K. Beale, T he Critical Ye-r . 110. 3 Andrew Johnson to JAL, Nov, 14, lf^65, Logon Mss, 4 Mary Logan, Reminiscences . 203. 5 Grant to J/.L, Nov, 23, 1-^65, Lof^"n Mss. 6 JAL to Sexxfard, Nov. 29, 1^65, Logan Mss,

PAGE 505

499 intend to go to Mexico. The Mew York Times did not comment on the merit of Logan's selection. It saw great significance in the move: "The appointment of f'bjor General Lo.^-^r to be Minister to the Mexican Republic is a new notice to Mixi2 miliar: that his imperial rule will not be recognized." The capital press thought Logan's acceptance doubtful ?nd that the f^eneral regarded the appointment as a demonstration in favor of Juaren rather than an intention of actually 3 sending him to Mexico. Corarient from France mentioned the absurdity of sending a minister to a defunct government. Laughing dt the picture of Logan vainly searching for Juare?.' seat of government, a French paper said, "It is said that Mr. Logan comprehends the ridiculous position in v;hich he is placed, and will refuse it, preferring to be a United States Senator." Johnson's cabinet heard that French diplomats v^ere "scared out of their vvits" by Logan's appointment. Gideon Welles v/rote: "Evidently there is a fear that Logan will bull things into i v-^.r because of hia belligerant nature." Centralia Sentinel . Nov. 23, 1"65. 2 New York Times . Nov. 17, IS65. 3 National Intelligencer . Nov, 21, 1^65. 4 Courier des Etats Unis in National Intelligencer . Nov. 20, IMT. 5 The Diary of Gideon Welles . II, 401.

PAGE 506

500 His mind already made up, Logan vent to V/ashington in December. He had several interviews v/ith Johnson and Seward and declined officially. Johnson then offered the mission to Japan, Honshu was a long vjaj from the Senate 2 and he refused again. While Logan was in Washington he talked to Republicans as well as Democrats. One Republican, 3 Elihu V/ashburne, offered to back Logan for the Senate. In 1S66 Logan continued to speculate in cotton and politics. Some of his cotton interests fell through, but he wrote Mary he wa; sure his stay in the East v/ould be profitable. The best sources of Logan's political speculation in these days of indecision are his letters to his wife, which reveal a policy of \-ratchful vraiting. In January he wrote, "I am saying nothing in politics, nor will I until the proper time. "^ The follovdng month he reported from Washington, "Political matters are in a perfect stew here, .. .Congress abusing Johnson and he abusing Congress 5 so that nothing can be done." A little later he vowed again to say nothing about Reconstruction through the xjinter JAL to Mary Logan, Dec. 12, 11*^65, Logan Mss. 2 Mary Logan, Reminiscences , 203, 3 JAL to Mary Logan, Dec. 1?, 1^65, Logan Mss, 4 JAL to Mary Logan, Jan. IS, 1^66, Logan Mss. JAL to Mary Logan, Feb, 19, 25, 1^66, Logan Mss.

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501 and spring. In April: "Johnson seisms determined to force the Copperheads into power again all things look blurry and 2 I fear matters in Illinois, they look ugly." Illinois politicians v/ere growing restive. In April, Yates received a letter from an Egyptian Republican asking the senator to influence Logan. "Our future success here depends very much on the position Gen. Logan shall take, I should like to knovr very much what he will probably do. Josh Allen and his old opponents here are all out for Johnson.... If Logan shall go with them, the 13th district is 3 lost to us beyond doubt. "'^ By early May a slight shift developed in Logan's tone. He may have decided Johnson's cause was doomed, and chose to oprose the President for that reason alone. However, other factors seem to have contributed to this switch. Logan was disgusted at seeing m.any former Confederates in Washington during the winter. Alexander Stephens, he reported, "comes here... and makes the platform on which Johnson and his friends v;ill soon stand.... The proposition reported by the Committee on Monday as amendments to the Constitution are right and if Mr. Johnson opposes them, as I understand he will, he is entirely over with the 1 7~ JAL to Mary Logan, Mar. 5, 1866, Logan Mss. 2 JAL to Mary Logan, Apr. 29, 1866, Logan Mss. 3 Jesse Bishop to Yates, Apr. 17, 1866, Yates Mss.

PAGE 508

502 Copperheads." Logan expressed surprise at Mary*s statement that people in Illinois v/ere in doubt as to which party he would support. Contradicting ail his letters in which he had told of scrupulously avoiding political issues, he v/rote, "Everybody here knov^s how I have stood all winter and it does a pear stranse that anyone should question it for a moment." He refused to consider being a candiaate for Congress from the 13th District. "If I am not v/orthy of something more, I want nothing. . ..I have had no favors from Johnson or do I v/ant any." Though no x\ford of this change reached the public for a xvhile, Logan had all but decided to join the Republicans. V/hile Logan worked in the East, Mary grieved at a renewal of his pre-war life. Dollie^s health was bad during the winter, and a sick child and an infant caused her great distress. She hoped John would return in the spring ind looked forward to a family vacation in the summer. Logan, on the other hand, looked to the sunamer as a time to campaign, and opposed the vacation. Certain she would never find any happiness in life, Mary complained of her lot. Her "teminiscences paint a picture of serenity and joy during this period, but in March she poured out her tribulations: I have struggled for ten yesrs vdth an untiring devotion to help you and be all you wanted. I loved JAL to Mary Logan, May 2, id66, Logan Mas.

PAGE 509

503 my home and tried by might and main to make it pleasant the short visits you have made to it, but failing to make it tolerable scarcely to you as you v;ell kn^v; my Darling, you have never spent an evening with me and made me feel you were harpy, , , .You h^ve been in excitement so long, a quiet domestic' home has no charm for you.... Alas like all my past anticipations of pleasure, it is all over and so I will give up and do the best I can.^ Mary*s letter brought forth protestations that his absences were in the family* s best interest. In every letter he promised to return as soon as possible. Family trouble, political indecision, and business ups and downs harrassed Logan, But he was busy with another matter, the Grand Army of the Republic. Legend has it that the C. A, R, was started by an idealistic army chaplain and an army doctor for social reasons, \ recent study indicates the real founder was Governor Richard Oglesby, 2 v/ith Logan as a collaborator. Chaplain Stevenson and Doctor Rutledge participated, but as tools in the hands of Illinois politicians. Best evidence of the G. k, R.'s political overtones is a letter from Stephenson to Logan written in 1S68 in which the clergyman promised: "I will... keep you posted on the internal workings of the Capital for I will be on the inside of every ring without anyone suspecting that I take any interest in it.... I have been too long a politician to not know how to keep my secrets."-^ r Mary Logan to JhL, Mar. 15, lc566, Logan Mss. 2 Dearing, op. cit .. ^1-84. 3 B. F. Stephenson to JAL, Jan, 30, 1B6^, Logan Mss.

PAGE 510

504 Oglesby had most to do with the group s start since Logan was in the East. But Logan was apprised of the plan and worked with Oglesby. The two men were primarily interested in unseating Senator Lyman Trumbull, and saw the Grand Army a means to that end. Oglesby believed Logan had a good chance to defeat Trumbull and backed him. Trumbull *s v;orkers soon got wind of the plan and told the senator of the plot against him. Though no letters between Logan and Oglesby, dealing with this affair, remain in the Logan collection, it was probably Oglesby' s support, and the founding of a potent Republican veterans organization, that swung Logan away from the Democrats more than any other single factor, Logan had been immensely popular with troops during the war, and veterans, well organized, could convert this popularity into peacetime office. The Grand Army's Illinois founders organized their first post in April, and by August, 56 had been formed. Two months later, before the November election, the number was 157. Political intentions were veiled, but the Chicago Tribune reported in August that it held the balance of 2 political power in several Illinois counties. V/ith the G. A. R, burgeoning, and Oglesby working for him, Logan broke his long silence in June. On the 2Sth 1 ~ S. W. Munn to Trumbull, May 27, 1^66, Trumbull Mss. 2 Chicago Tribune . Aug. 27, 30, IS66.

PAGE 511

505 at Cairo he spoke for three hours, and while he said nothing clearly announcing his party stand, his address left little doubt. He castigated the traitorous rebels, calling for their perpetual banishment from public office. Logan spoke in favor of the Freednien*s Bureau, but said nothing about President Johnson. Logan reserved a definite statement for his Independence Day oration at Salem. There, at a soldier's picnic, Logan joined Sherman, Ofelesby, and Haynie on the speaker's platform. He spoke for the entire Radical program, denounced Presidential Reconstruction, and on his conclusion Oglesby welcomed him into Republican ranks. This address was Logan's first real contribution to "Bloody Shirt" oratory, the style he and other Radicals mode famous. His words ring with condemnation of the Democrats as a party of Southern rebels and Northern Copperheads. Both the Cairo and Salem speeches were printed and distributed by 3 the Chicago Tribune as campaign documents. Logan had taken the plunge; he was no. longer a Democrat. The state's Democratic press greeted Logan's July 4 speech and his alli?nre vlth the Republican3 'with derision. They called the Salem mueting the "smallest kind of a pot Illinois State Journal . July 3, 1866. 2 Centralia Sentinel . July 5, lo66. Kinsley, op. cit .. II, 44.

PAGE 512

506 house political gathering," and branded Logan's address a "rehashed political tirade." Democrats further informed the public Logan's mother, who was still a Democrat, attributed her son's political defection to "bad company." Logan went to Springfield for the first state Grand Army convention. He hoped to be elected state commander, and use the organization to support his senatorial ambitions, Logan's plans failed v;hen a nevj challenger entered the field and won the post. John M, Palmer, leader of Sherman's 14th Corps, also had senatorial ambitions, and had become interested in the G. A. R. Palmer was a popular leader and close friend of Chaplain Stephenson. The July 12 meeting was not public, and no records exist to shed light on its deliberations. But one of Trumbull's friends provides the reasons for Logan's defeat. Norman B. Judd reported that a majority of delegates op osed Logan because of a feeling he was still on the fence and v;ould support Johnson if enough patronage was forthcoming.^ Logan's loss made it evident that Illinois Radicals had decided to back Palmer rather than Logan against Trumbull. Logan went back to •'ashington. Cotton speculation was one reason and politics another. He endorsed Congressional Reconstruction, and urged the lawmakers to remain in Illinois State Register . July 6, 13, IS66. 2 Norman B. Judd to Trumbull, July 11, 1366, Trumbull Mss.

PAGE 513

507 session to defeat the President. Logan also addressed a Soldiers Union League meeting and attacked Johnson as a tool of Copperheads. He was anxious to return to Illinois before the Republican state convention in August, and told Mary he intended to make several speeches beforehand. Through July Trumbull's supporters schemed to nominate Lo:':an as congressman-at-large."^ The incumbent was S, W, Moulton, and many delegates favored his renomination. In July, talk of Logan for congress spread, and announcements of county delegations instructed for the general appeared almost daily. Several papers opposed the movement and deprecated the attempt to railroad Moulton out of his seat. The Democratic press greeted every mention of Logan's nomination with old stories of rumored sympathy for secession. An old friend spoke of Logan's "former treason to the government,*' his attempt to raise troops for the Confederacy, His former associates revived his pre-war nickname. Broadsides against "Dirty Work" Logan were a regular feature of Democratic editorial pages, ^ Illinois State Journal . July 17, 21, 1^66. 2 JAL to Mary Logan, July 21, 1366, Logan Mss. 3 Dearing, op. cit .. ^9-91. 4 Belleville Advocate, in Illi nois State Journal. July 27, 1366. Jonesboro Gazette . July 21, 2S, 1366; Illinois State Registsr . Sept. 1, 1366. '

PAGE 514

503 Republican delegates conver?5ed on Springfield August S. Logan had returned a v/eek earlier and made several speeches. More county groups announced their support of the general for congressman-atlarge. Most Republican journals v:ere adamant in their demands that a soldier be on the party ticket. The Chicago Tribune ;varned that if this were not done, the Copperheads rrdght corral the veteran 1 vote. The boora for the House nominstion took Logan by surprise and disappointed him. He still cherished the Senate seat, and vniis silent for a time about the lesser post. On convention eve, however, following an editorial maintaining his "name would be a tower of strength to the ticket," 2 Logan said he v/ould accej^t if nominated. J, G. Conkling, Springfield politician, called the state convention to order. Green B. FLaum, close friend of Logan's from Egypt, was elected president and nominations began. There was little doubt of Logan's victory from the first. A motion was made that he be nominated by acclamation. Moulton rose, removed himself as a candidate, and pledged his sup ort. General Phil Hurlbut, another soldier mentioned for the post , also v;ithdrev;. In a storm of cheers the convention stampeded to Logan, Responding Chicago Tribune . Aug. 3, 1B66. 2 Ibid., July 6, 3, 1S66.

PAGE 515

509 to calls for a speech, the general rose and in the fashion of many victorious nominees, said he had "come to the city not anticipating the honor, but merely to see and listen," Logan then called the Democrats traitors and said the Republicans must carry on the movement to save the country. V/axing eloquent in the best -'Bloody Shirt" manner, he attacked Johnson and lauded efforts of "patriotic" congressmen to upset the president's plans. Logan thanked the delegates, paid his respects to Moulton, and retired. "Black Jack^s" selection was greeted with Republican applause. Most papers felt Logan's campaign would be so vigorous as to swesp other party candidates into office v/ith him. All looked forward to a great majority for Logan, 2 the "man whom the loyal masses have a deep regard." Trumbull forces ^.vere delighted at his victory,-^ Logan prepared to run a strong race for the House seat, but he had not given u;; the Senate, He looked forv.ard to January when the legislature convened, .i i^o. ember victory mi^t help his candidacy in January. The Democrats took delignt in Logan's discomfort. The State Re>-Tister reported Logan "did not appear to feel at all complimented at this questionable nomination of Illinois State Journal . Aug, 9, 1366. 2 Ibid . ; Chicago Tribune . Aug, 9, 1^66; Chicago RepubliCcin . Aug. 9, 1866. 3 George T. Bro'/m to Trumbull, Aug. 16, 1^66, Trumbull Mss,

PAGE 516

510 Trumbull's." His former s sociates renev/ed their attacks on Logan's pre-war record, adv&nce evidence of the bitterness of the campaign. Springfield held a rally the day after the nominations, and Logan brandished the "Bloody Shirt," Of Andrew Johneon, the man he lauded in 1864, Loi:an said: "VJhen all things were created, in the creation it wss necessary to have animals for all kinds of work, snd v.-hen the almighty looked around for a demagogue he found 'ndrew Johnson and made him." Logan and Oglesby left Springfield to attend a soldier's mass meeting at St. Louis, Here they joined Wisconsin Governor Lucius F?irchild, Indiana Governor Oliver P, Morton, and Missouri Governor Thomas G, Fletcher, all Radicals, in political conference. President Johnson got wind of this conclave and sent an investigator, Charles O'Beirne, to report on the meeting, O'Beirne produced startling information that the V/estern Radicals intended to use the Grand Ar^iy as a military organi::c:tion to enforce their program. They even discussed appointing a die tr tor, the President w-js told, Logan's correspondence reveals nothing of this conspir: cy, but several reliable witnesses Illinois State Register . Aug, S, 15, 1866, New York Herald , Aug, 10, 1866, in Beale, op, cit ,. 371.

PAGE 517

511 substantiate O'Belrne's report. Leaving St. Louis, Logan v.ent to Chicago to begin his campaign. A large crov/d rreetcd hin at the station, and a reception was held at the Opera House, where Logan delivered a speech out of the usual mold. To influence the veteran vote, Logan adopted the 15th Corps Badge, "40 Rounds," as his campaign badge. Veterans flocked to hear him remind them that it was their duty to defeat the ''Copperhead*' Democrats as they had vanquished Confederate troops during the war. The Illinois ^tate Journal produced a Louth Carolina editorial attacking Logan as a "fiend" as a supporting campaign document. ~ From Chicago Logan returned to the state capital and drevi up his itinerary. He was scheduled to tour northern Illinois in late August, swinging into the central part of x,he state in September, while he aenounced them from the stump, the Democrvts struck back. The Chicago Times called him a "political courtesan" who "prostituted" himself for office. Lanphier dredged up Logan's speech 3 against Governor Bissell and used it as campaign material. At month's end, the Democrats held their own convention and named Logan's opponent. Tney steered away Dearing, op. cit . , IO/4.-IO6; Beale, op. cit .. 377. O'Beirne's reports are in Johnson Mss., Library of Congress. n Illinois State Journal . Aug. lo, 18, I060, 3 Chicago Times in Ibid . . Aug. 18, 1866; Illinois State Register . Aug, 14, 1866.

PAGE 518

512 from peace men, and Colonel T. Lyle Dickey, veteran of several western battles, vjon, Dickey* s military record convinced Democrats they had a strong ticket capable of beatiny; Logan. They called the former colonel a "distinguished veteran of the late war," v.iio "presents a striking contrast to the brawling, blatant demagogue, the foulmouthed, profane, obscene mercenery selected by the Radicals as his opponent." Democr-Dts determined to keep up a barrage of this anti-Logan vituperation. Quick to pounce on Dickey's claim as a military hero, Republicans greeted his nomination with a preview of the campaign's bitterness. We believe Col. Dickey did go to v/ar as Colonel of a ref^inert, but v/e are not certain he was ever heard from after he got in. On the contrary, if we ^re not mistaken, he \;on but f'-w laurels. « .his fighting being confined to guarding bridges in Tennessee; .-^nd after a brief and inglorious career, he threw up his commission and came home in disgust, eithor bec'^use he -.o:; not uiade conuaander-in-chief , or because of Mr. Lincoln's proclamation of emancipation. These unfair attacks on an ablo cavalry colonel launched a bitter contest. September found Logan in northern Illinois speaking alonp;side Congressman John Farnsworth, In counties v;here mentlor of his name produced a torrent of abuse before the Illinois State Register . Aug. 30, 1S66. 2 Ill inois State Journal . Aug. 30, 1^66.

PAGE 519

513 war, he spoke to large crowds. He spoke at Golena, Grant *s home town, denouncing Democratic claims of Gr^nt^s support. Grant, he said, was no politician, and "it was not his province to minele in the political discussions," But, Logan continued, Grant* s every act m^de it evident he stood behind the party that saved the Union, Democratic reasons for reporting Grant 'l, Copperhead connection, Logan declared, was their desire to destroy his chances for the Presidency in leee,'^ On his way into centr&l Illinois for speeches at Joliet and Ottawa, Logan detoured to South Bend, Indiana where he addressed an immense crowd of soldier^.. Hie malignant tongue lashed out at Johnson and cheered 3uch Hoosier Radicals as Morton and Schuyler Colfax. This was the sort of "Bloody Shirt" harangue that prompted a 14 year old Indiana farm boy, Albert J. Beveridize, to envy. "Next day, following the plov*, with my bare feet, I v/ondered if I could ever talk as wonderfully." i.ogan's appearance is credited with greatly aiding Republican candidates in 3 Logan's first appearance in 2gypt came at Carbondale 3 Indiana. Chicago Tribune, Sept, 2, 1S66. 2 Thomas J. Pressly, Americans Interpret Their Civil War . 45. 3 Beale, op. cit ., 391; 0. J. Hollister, The Life of Schuyler Colfax « 295.

PAGE 520

514 September 13. He arrived home to find Mary, her woes momentarily forgotten, caught up in the excitement of the canvass. Green B. Raum had been nominated for Congress from the 13th District against Josh Allen, and Logan, Raum, and Oglesby joined in hammering the Democrats. The day before Logan* s address, his opponents reached their peak of abuse. A Chester v;eekly hoped to deliver Illinois, already disgraced by "such a dishonest, radical, lecherous, blasphemous, and drunken, dirty, beastly thing as Dick Oglesby," from "that low vulgar, dirty, and hypocritical Logan. Maggots would sicken on him." Logan countered with his own castigation of Dickey, Allen, and the "nest of traitors" that supported them. Veterans of Vicksburg heard Dickey called the man who rushed home in June, IS63 to speak "at a peace meeting, invoking the people to crush you into powder, should you dare to do an act of offensive 2 war against the traitors." Two developments enlivened the campaign in late September. The first was the call for a National Union Soldier* s Convention. Logan was interested in this meeting*s organization and hoped to be its chairman. He was named a delegate to the Pittsburg gathering set for September 24, 1 ~ Chester Picket Guard . Sept. 12, 1366, in Cole, op. cit . , 403. Chicago Tribune, Sept. 20, 1366.

PAGE 521

515 but found he could not afford to leave the state. Ohio's General Jacob D. Cox was named chairman, though the dele2 gates shouted for the absent Logan. The most sis:nlficant outcome of the Pittsburg meeting was ths spread of the G. A. R. into the Eist. \/hile the "Bloody Shirt" waved in Pennsylvania, a second development brought increased excitement to the Logan-Dickey battle. On £ ptember 1, V,, H. Green, a former Logan law partner arid peace Dsmocr-it, wTote McClernand a suggestion for Dickey* s campaign. McClernand promptly sent a copy to Dickey, Green advised the colonai to "invite Logan to a joint ii^icussion extending all over the 3t-ite." The Egyptian Democrat told Dickey, "I might give many reasons in favor of my suggestion, but will only mention one. That is, Logan cannot ever do hi:uself justice in a joint dis3 cussion and will do lauch less damage in oUch di3CU3sion." Dickey decided the plan h.d merit and raaila the proposal to Logan, An agreement was reached for \:hree meetings: at Carbondale on September 2d, Macomb, October 9, and at Decatur October 16. Logan w :s to open with an hour speech Dearing, op. cit .. 96, 9^. 2 Illinois State Journal , Sept. 27, 1S66. 3 W. H. Green to McClernand, Sept, 1, 1^66; McClernand to T, Lyle Dickey, bept. 5, 1866, V;, H. L. Wallace T. Lyle Dickey Mes., 111. State Hist. Library.

PAGE 522

516 at Carbond^le, to be followed by Dickey for 90 minutes. Logan then \\'-is to conclude with a 30 minute rebuttal. The procedure vfas to be reversed at Macomb, and returned to at 1 Decatur. The first debate brought a hu2:e crov;d to Carbondale. The Illinois Stato Journal estimated the number at 10,000, probably not too far off, ovring to the nat^jire of the 2 occasion, and the fact that the Grand Army was out In force. The gathering was tumultuous, divided about equally between adherants of the rivals. Logan's opening was the usual "Bloody Shirt" message. He said he joined the Republicans only ;
PAGE 523

517 rebellion. Lo^-^an denied the charge and vo\ved to gather proof in his defense. On Reconstruction, the tv:o men spoke for opposing sides, Dickey for Johnson, Logan for the Radicals. After the two men left Egypt, Logan* s opponents there decided to let the "skeleton of Logan's past... stalk forth among his admirers."^ The Cairo Democrat published nine charges of secessionist activity against Logan in every October issue. The paper charged "Logan entered the war... for the same reason he entered politics, — to get office." Other Democratic journals took up the cry, and Logan's actions in the spring of lS6l became a political issue in 1.166. Josh Allen charged Logan with attempting to bring about the secession of southern Illinois, and the Democrats produced a member of Thorndike Brooks* company willing to testify Logan had participated in the group's formation.^ Colonel Dickey seemed to have little to do with these attacks. He made tnem occasionally, but his campaign concentrated on issues rather than personalities. Reconstruction was his primary interest, and he backed the Presidential Cole, op. cit .. 402. 2 Chicago Tribune . Oct. 1, 1^66. 3 Cole, op. cit .. 400. Cairo Democrat . Oct. 2, 21, 1S66.

PAGE 524

513 plan. Despite Republican charges of Dickey's incompetence and cowardice as a soldier, calm Republicans admitted 1 "He was a modest, brave ynd efficient commander of cavalry." 'Vhile his opponents scattered their charges, Logan struggled to obtain counter evidence. He found little time for that and speaking engagements, and Mary had to find denials of Democratic charges. The general moved into western Illinois in early October, speaking in Quincy on the 6th. Before going on to Macomb and the second joiht debate, he crossed into Iowa and spoke to a large group at Keokuk. Back in Illinois, he called Johnson an "accidental president" and shouted, "'ndrev.' Johnson has been sv:inging around the circle for v/eeks and making a blatant 2 ass of himself." The Macomb and Decatur debates v/ere like the Carbondale meeting. At Macomb, Dickey struck to Reconstruction and Logan called for harsh treatment of the Confederate states. "We have the pov/er to give the rights v/hich they have forfeited," he roared, "and I propose that we give 3 them — when we get ready." At Decatur the audience was clearly pro-Logan. The G, A. R. had bands present and the general's every statement brought cheers. Defending himself, Chetlain, op. cit ., 19^. 2 Illinois State Journal . Oct. 4, 1S66. 3 Ibid. , Oct. 12, 1866.

PAGE 525

519 Logan averred, "As long as I saw a chance to avert war I voted and worked for peace, but the instant the first gun war fired, I left the Democratic Party and went v/ith loyal men to suppress the rebellion." In light of events five years earlier, this was a slight exaggeration. Before the Decatur meeting, Dickey asked for another debate in which he might open and close, but Logan, pleading a full schedule, declined. If his prot-i Stat ions from the stump did not reassure his followers of his innocence of secession activity, Logan was certain the evidence would. On October 14 he sent Mary a rough draft of a statement he hoped she could get sev ral Egyptian Democrats to sign. The allegation denied Cairo 3 Democrat charges, Mary had some difficulty getting the document signed. Finally her father agreed to sign, and he and seven others affixed their names. Shortly after Mary had rushed the signed statement into print, however, two of Josh Allen's lieutenants persuaded six of the men to remove their names. Mary wrote her husband that the men reported they were still "willing to swear you never furnished them any encouragement or had any private talk or anything v;ith them, but they did not v;ant anything done Ibid .. Oct. 17, 1^66. 2 Dickey to JAL, Oct. 16, 1^66, Logan Mss. 3 JAL to Mary Logan, Oct. 14, 1866, Logan Mss.

PAGE 526

520 1 to injure Josh Allen and their cause." On the 27th the Cairo Deniocr^ t published a story by the reluctant six claimine; Mrs. Lor an had printed their names i^/ithout their 2 consent and that they supported the Democrat *s charges. This denial hurt Loran in Egypt, but he v:as quick to counter with what he had. Hibe Cunningham and A, H. Morgan, two members of Brooks* company, wrote letters 3 denying Logan's complicity and the notos were published. The Illinois State Journal also produced a number of letters from Egyptian Democrats who announced their pol-'.tical opposition to Lo^^an, yet denying he had supported secession. The charges of treason angered Logan. He wrote Mary, "unless my conduct in the army is sufficient to satisfy the people with rae they can go to thunder." Furthermore, he vowed to save his last speaking dates for Egypt in an effort to save the district for himself and aid Raurn against Josh Allen, When November arrived, Lor;an wao on hs w3y to Mary Logan to JAL, Oct, 22, 1366, Logan Mss. 2 Cairo Democrat . Oct. 27, 1S66. 3 Hibert Cunningham to JAL, Oct. 15, 1S66; A, H, Morgan to J-.:, Oct. 16, 1^66, Lo^an Mss,; Centralia Sentinel . Nov, 1, 1866. Illinois State Journal . Oct, 29, 1866. JAL to Mary Logan, Oct, 27, 1866, Lo-^an Mss,

PAGE 527

521 Egypt. He sDoke in AiJia on the 1st, Tamaroa on the 2nd, and Murphysboro on the 3rd. His last address, a joint appearance v/ith Raura, came at Marion on the 5th. Logan spent little time on issues, but lashed out at Dickey and Allen as Copperheads. He att eked Dickey'r, vrar record and defended himself. Election day v;as the 6th, and Logan sacmed safely ahead of h:s opponent. Dickey had stumped the state, calmly discussing the issues. His supporters had spent their time making a feeble appeal for the soldier vote, and, when that seemed to fail, attacking Logan. "Black Jack" campaigned tirelessly, speaking all over the st^tc; to large crowds. The Grand Army appeared every kvhere and the veteran voce alone seemed to be enough to sv;eep Lo,=:an into office. The general touched Reconstruction only \jhen he cried out at the folly of turning; the nation over to traitorouti Democrats. His appearances were intemperate while Dickey's were calm. Illinois, like most midwestem states, was in no frame of mind to support Democrats. Logan rode the cr^^st of a Radical wave. Vote countin,'^ showed a Logan trend that never stopped. The day after the election the Chicago Tribune reported that city safely in the Republican camp, and Logan ahead by 9,000 votes in Cook County. Everywhere the story 1 Chicago Tribune . Nov. 7, 1^66.

PAGE 528

522 w:s similar. Lop;an swept through Boone County 1,646 to 165, DeKalb County 2,554 to 491, and V/innebago, where his name had long brought jeers, vent to Logan 3,375 to 407. He vron 65 counties to Dickey's 37, and few of Dickey's county majorities nere as large as Logan's. Statev.ide, the vote was 203,045 for Logan to 147,455 for Dickey, a comfortable 55,590 majority. The 13th District brought the closest race, but even there Lo-an edged the colonel. Dickey won eight of the 15 counties, but Lo^an took the total vote 13,515 to 12, 93^. Ke lost Jackson \>y I36 votes, but ran v;ell ahead in Johnson, Pope, Perry, ?-nd Massac, '/."hile Lo' an v;on Egypt, his fellow Republican also triumphed, Raum v.'hipped Allen 13,459 to 12,^90. Even the 12th District, also Egyptian, voted Republican. A rematch of the 16^64 race found incumbent Jehu Br.ker defenting Bill Morrison again. Republicans exulted in their victory, claiming it the nation's greatest for the Radicals. The Tribune pronounced Log-an's majority unexpectedly Icrge, Egyptian Republicans proudly boasted that their victories indicated Logan's "revolution" of 1?^64 "v.-ould not go backwards, and that the district had actually become Radical," They were willing to credit Lo^-an with the result, "No man," they felt, "h s ever before made such a thorough and effective Illinois State Journal . Nov. 20, 1S66.

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523 canvass in the State." This opinion is conceded by Hc^vsrd K. Beale who v.TOte: "f^ large factor in the success of Illinois Radicals was the -personal popularity and tireless campaigning of General Logan, by sheer dint of personality he s'/rung the two 'Egypt' districts. . .to the Radical side." Democrats had little to ?ay. They wished the vhole state had voted like some Egyptian counties. If it hod, "all ?uch plotters as John A. Logon would be consigned to everlasting oblivion." They loudly cheered Jackson, Logan's native county, and proclaimed, "Johnny can 'sell out,' but 2 he can't deliver the Deniocracy of Old Jackson." After the election, Lo.-an roturnr.d to the East and business. Ke intended to remain there until mid-Becember, and return for the Senrte fight. One report stated that Logan's trip vras undertaken to "induce the impeachment of the President."^ Lo^-an's letters hov/ever, merely concern business and his political sspirrtions. Ke was still using his legal talents and personal influence in behalf of cotton speculators. Moving betv;een New York and V/ashington, he reported one case settled satisfactorily in vhich his fee was $5,000. Before his wife could lament his absence, Logan assured her, "I am doing all I can... to get some ^Crirbondale New Era . Nov. 22, 29, 1^66; Beale, o;j. cit . . 392. 2 Jonesboro Gazette . Nov. 13, 1^66. Illinois State Journal » Nov. 17, 1366.

PAGE 530

524 money for us, and you must not complain at me," He reported several large fees in the offing, but wanted to return for the legislativi vote before taking the cases. The last v;eek in December Logan arrived in Illinois, He had reported from the East that letters from political friends indicated his senatorial chances .-.ere poor. Never2 theless, he resolved to "make the best fi,;^ht I can." In early December his hopes turned for the better, ;?.nd he vuTOte, "I do not intend to be taat for Senator, have 3 v/ritten everybody, and lAfill do all I can," Hi s letters v.ent to Illinois Republican legislators and their ansv;ers brought great disappointment. Most said they would vote for Trumbull, and Logan considered withdravdng. He and Oglesby had both coveted the Senate seat, and both had 4 urged John Palmer to join the fight against Trumbull, The three generals, however, v:ere ineffectual allief^, and their efforts against Trumbull v;ere not as effective as the incumbent's. A Palmer supporter v/rote that better preparation be.ore the delegates had been instructed could 5 have beaten Trumbull. JAL to Mary Logan, Nov, 29, Dec, 7, 1^66, Logan Mss. 2 JAL to Mary Logan, Nov, 22, 1866, Logan Mss, 3 JAL to Mary Logan, Dec, 1, 1S66, Logan Mss, ""John M. Palmer to John Mayo Palmer, Nov, 10, 1^66, Palmer Mss. J. D. Ward to Palmer, Dec, 25, 1^66, Palmer Mss.

PAGE 531

525 The three generals were prominently mentioned as candidates all through November and December. An Egyptian journal endorsed Logan daily, and called for the election of a military man. This paper claimed Logan* s sweeping November victory gave him the right to the seat. Other reports placed T -umbull in front, followed by Logan, 2 Palmer, and Oglesby. The Democrats, despairing of victory for one of their own candidates, predicted a 3 victory for Logan. In Springfield Logan found he had little chance to win. He joined Oglesby in an effort to throw the election to Palmer, a military man and more a Radical than Trumbull. "I got out of the race," he wrote, "as I was determined not to be beaten and ruin my future prospects....! am working hard to help elect Palmer to the Senate against Trumbull, but aa fearful we will not succeed." His fears were realized when Trumbull won. Logan went to Egypt following the election and prepared for his trip East. He resolved to go to Washington in January and practice lav: until Congress convened. Mary 1 Carbondale New Era . Jan. 3, 1S67. 2 Illinois State Journal . Nov, 23, 1S66; Jonesboro Gazette . Nov. 24, 1866. 3 Illinois State Register . Nov, 10, 1S66. 4 JAL to Mary Logan, Jan. 9| l'^67, Logan Mss.

PAGE 532

526 decided to remain in Carbondale until Logan took his seat. Then she planned to join him. For six weeks he worked hard in V/ashington, although his letters reveal business was not going well. Just before Congress met, Logan travelled to Connecticut to give the "Nutmeg State" an example of his 1 "Bloody Shirt" style. Returning from New England, Logan arrived on March 3. The following day he vjent to the Capitol for the swearingin ceremony. The last time he sat in the chamber he was a Democrat, but now he took his seat among the Republican desks that overflowed across the center aisle after the 1366 landslide. He v^fas welcomed by old enemies George Boutwell, John Covode, and John Bingham, James G, Blaine remembered his arrival as a "noteworthy addition" to the House. Military figures v;ere v/idely evident in the chamber. Logan found former generals Rutherford B, Hayes, James A, Garfield, and Ben Butler, He also greeted old comrades James Wilson and Grenville M, Dodge, From Illinois, Logan joined Republicans Ebon Ingersoll, Shelby Cullom, and John Farnsworth, the latter being the only member of the state s House delegation who sat with Logan in 1661, At noon the chair gaveled for order and new members took the oath. Uhen Lo^an rose and was sworn in, veteran JAL to Mary Logan, Mar. 5, 1^67, Logan Mss, Blaine, op. cit . . II, 231, 3 Cong:. Globe . 40th Cong., 1st Sess., 2.

PAGE 533

527 members watched the man they ranembered as an intenselypartisan young Democrat return as an equally partisan Republican, One wonders what Logan *s thoughts were as he completed his journey across the aisle. Did he remember a speech delivered in this same chamber in 1?59 by a freshman Democrat: "I came here as a Democrat, and I expect to support a Democrat. I may have differed with gentlemen on this side of the House in reference to issues that are passed; but God knows that I h-:'ve differed with the other side from my childhood, and '//ith that side I will never affiliate so long as I have breath in my body,*' In 1^66 he found himself on the "other side." Logan completed the oath, took his sea':, and a few moments later voted for Republican Schuyler Colfax as speaker. John A. Logan was a practical politician whose every act was undertaken with political office in mind. He was not a saint as most of his biographers assert. Byron Andrews told his readers of Logan* r^^ "shining mail of 2 untarnished integrity." Georga Francis Dawson, a family friend, dedicated his biography to Logan the "Ever-Victo3 rious Warrior, and Illustrious Statesman." This study, 1 ' ~ Ibid., 3oth Cong., 1st Sess., pt. 1, 86. 2 Andrews, op. cit . . 361, 3 Dav.'son, op. cit . . ix.

PAGE 534

526 best known and most often cited, is a totally unbalanced and misleadin/^ work. The Logans read the manuscript vrith the general advising his v.dfe to "read it over and pass judgement upon it,.,, If you think it ought to be changed you can make the suggestion to D," Bav;son saw fit to ignore Logan* s pre-v/ar career, never stating that Logan was a Democrat. The most deceptive^ work concerning Logan, hovrever, was written by his wife, Mary, who outlived the general by thirty years, spent her life shining the Logan legend and polishing his "mail of untarnished integrity." Though there are no rabid ant i -Logan biographies, there is ample newspaper copy denying the legend. These pieces leave the general a crass, scheming man, ready to sell out for personal advantage. Like the other extreme, these stories are misleading. Most of the derogatory material is impossible to verify, and much of it was no doubt conceived for use in Illinois* rought and tumble politics. The assessments of Logan's character by several of his contemporaries achieve some accuracy by falling between the two extremes. Senator George Hoar saw Logan in the House and praised his ability. At the same time he admitted Logan "was exceedingly imperious and domineering, impatient of contradiction in any matter... a rather uncomi'ortable man JAL to Mary Logan, Apr. 28, 1?^85, Logan Mss.

PAGE 535

529 to get along with." Two fellow Illlnoisana who first opposed and then supported the Democrat turned Republican, vn:*ote in a similar vein. Shelby Cullora admired Lopan as "one of the ablest men of Illinois," but added, "he expected his friends to swear devotion to him every time they saw him. He was * touchy* in this respect and would not readily overlook 2 any slight." /^ur;ustus Chatlain, like Cullora, praised the soldier-politician highly s? one of the nation's "distinguished" men. He also felt Logan was "impulsive and a 3 little brusque." John A. Loran's early career is important as a study of a man who was ?mong the most popular leaders of his time. He v-js able to change parties and retain power. The trend of the times helped greatly, but Logan's personality was a major force in his popularity. His motives In 1^61 and 1^66 are difficult to discover because of the vagueness of his rublic pronouncements and a lack of private material. In both cases political ambition played a major role. As with the motives of most men, there were no doubt other factors. A love of the Union, fear of harm or disgrace for his f^wiily, and an unwillingness to give the country Hoar, op. cit «. I, 236. 2 Cullom, op. cit . . 183. 3 Chetlain, op. cit .. 237-3^.

PAGE 536

530 into control of those who had opposed the war, all affected Logan* s decisions. Behind them all, however, was the question of political p;ain. Whether Logan would have remained a Democrat after the war, as raany ^va^ Democrats did, if that party became dominant in Illinois, ie pure speculation. Perhaps he vjould have, lltia fact is that he did change parties and took with him many followers. An entire section, once staunchly Democratic, began voting Republican, While Logan *s role in this change was important, Egypt did not change its political habits nerely because of John A. Logan, Secession, v.'ar, Copperheadism, and new issues created by the vrar led to tha change. But Lo;^an personified the revolution. In him are to be found the thoughts, doubts, and frustrations of a divided area. He used his popularity, watched the trend, and remained in oiTice, The greater part of this study concerned Logan's military career. From 1C561 to l?i65, except for occasional trips home, "Black Jack" Logan wrote an amazing martial record. For a man with little training, he showed great aptitude for comfiiand. Even those critical of his political career speak glowingly of Logan the soldier, I'he Union Army was shot through with political soldiers, Moct of them were poor, many incompetent. Of those who rose to high comaiand, Logan stands out ac the ablest.

PAGE 537

531 Moyt V.'est Pointers named Lo;^an best of the volunteers. Some even admitted his record outshone many professionals. If his "mail'' became tarnished in politics, it shone with great luster on the battlefield. Few Union conmanders won such admiration from their men, and few shov;ed greater personal courage. This study has been an attempt to answer Byron Andrews* requist for a historian to ''tell the truth, free from the imputation of man-vjorship," All the truth can never be found, and total objectivity is impossible for a biographer. An attempt has been made to gather the facts and unravel the tangled story, Logan's Civil Xar career and his change of ^.arty merit such a study. He was one of the best known iuen of his day. He had the makings of a popular hero: color, v/armth, courage, and ability. And if the hero sometimes muddied himself, a majority of the people seemed willing to overlook that and vote for the hero they sav;, or thought they saw. The Illinois state song goes: '•'On the record of thy years Abra'am Lincoln* s name appears, Grant and Logan — and our tears, Illinois, Illinois, i Ardrev/s, op. cit . . 36I.

PAGE 538

532 Grant and Lo^an — and our tears, Illinois." Grant* 3 and Lincoln's names are fmiiliar to everyone, while aoGt people grope in vain for Logan. This work, it is hoped, v.'ill contribute to the greater understanding of the Civil ii.ar career of Egypt's greatest political-soldier, "Black Jack ' Logan.

PAGE 539

BIBLIOGRAPHY I. SOURCE MATERIALS Adair, John M. Historical Sketch of the 45th Illinois Regiment . Lanark, Illinois: Carroll County Gazette Printers, IS69. Adams, Mrs. Henry. The Letters of Mrs. Henry Adams. 1^65 15^3 « V/ard Thoron, ed. Boston: Little, Brown k Co., 1937. Angle, Paul, ed. Created Equal? The Complete Lincoln Douglas Debates of 155o » Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 195^. Atlas to Accompany the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies . Vv'ashington, D. C: Government Printing Office, 1S91-1S95. Arnold, Isaac N. Reminiscences of the Illinois Bar Forty Years A^o . Chicago: Fergus Printing Co., 1881, Battles and Leaders of the Civil //ar , Robert U. Johnson and Clarence C. Buel, eds. 4 vols. New York: The Century Co., I887-I888. Blaine, James G. Twenty Years of Congress. I86I-I88I . 2 vols, Norv;ich, Connecticut: Henry Bill Publishing Co,, 1836. Browning, Orville Hickman. The Diary of Orville Hickman Browning . T, C, Pease and J. G. Randall, eds. 2 vols, Springfield, Illinois: Illinois State Historical Library, 1925, 1933. Brush, Daniel H. Growing Up With Southern Illinois. 1820 1861. Milo M. Quaife, ed. Chicago: R. R. Donnelley & Sons, 1944. Byers, Samuel Hawken Marshall, With Fire and Sword . New York: Neale Publishing Co., 1911. Cadwallader, Sylvanus, Three Years With Grant . Benjamin P, Thomas, ed. New York: Alfred Knopf, 1956. 533

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534 Carr, Clark E. My Day and Generation , Chicago: A. C. McClurg & Co. , 1908. Census of the United States. Elp;hth Census , i860. Chesnut, Mary Boykln. A Diary from Dixie . Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Locke tt Avary, eds. New York: Peter Smith Co. , 1929. A Diary from Dixie . Ben Ames Williams, ed. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin Co., 1949. Chetlaln, Augustus L, Recollections of Seventy Years . Galena, Illinois: Gazette Publishing Co., 1899. Congressional Globe . V/ashlngton, D. C. i Conyngham, David P. Sherman* s March Through the South . New York: Sheldon & Co. , 1865. Cox, Jacob D. Military Reminiscences of the Civil V.ar . 2 vols. Nev; York: Charles Scrlbner's Sons, 1900. Cox, Samuel S. Three Decades of Federal Legislation . 1855-1-^5. Providence: J. A. and R. A. Reid, 1894. Crunmier, Wilbur F. With Grant at i^-'ort Donels o n. Shi loh and Vicksburg . Oak Park, Illinois: E. C. Cruramer Co., 1915. Cullom, Shelby M. Fifty Years of Public Service . Chicago; A. C. McClurg, 1911. Dana, Charles A. and James H. Vvilson. The Life of Ulysses S. Grant. General of the Armies of the United States. Springfield, Massachusetts: Bill Co., 1868. Dodge, Grenville M. The Battle of Atlanta and Other Campaigns. Addresses, etc . Council Bluffs, Iowa: The Monarch Printing Co. , 1910. 4 . Personal Recollections of General Ivilliam T. Sherman . Des Moines: n.p., 1902. Elliott, Isaac H. Record of the Services of Illinois Soldiers in the Black Ha-Ak '.var. 1B31-183^--. and in the Mexican War. 1846-1848" ! Springfield, Illinois: Journal Co., 1902.

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535 Erwln, Milo, The History of Villlamson County. Illinois . Marlon, Illinois: n. p., ISjS'. Grant, Ulysses S. Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant. 2 vols. New York: Webster Co. , 1885. Halstead, Murat. Caucuses of i860, Columbus, Ohio: Follett, Foster Co. , 1860. Haskell, Fritz, ed, "Diary of Colonel William Camm, 1861-1865," Journal . Illinois State Historical Society, Vol. KXVIII, No. 4, January, 1926. Hayes, Rutherford B. The Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes . Charles R. v.'illiams, ed, 5 vols. Columbus, Ohio: The Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Society, 1926, Hazen, '.•/illiam B. Narrative of Military Service . Boston: Ticknor Co., iWTHenry, Robert Selph, ed. As They Savi Forrest . Jackson, Tennessee: McCowat-Mercer Press, 1956. Hitchcock, Henry. Marchin-:; ;vith Shenixan . M, A, De^.'olfe Howe, ed. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1927. Hoar, George F. Autobiography of Seventy Years . 2 vols. New York: Charles Scribner*s Sons, 1903. Howard, Oliver Otis, The Autobiography of Oliver Otis Howard, 2 vols. New York: The Baker and Taylor Co., 1907. Howard, Richard L, History of the 124th Rep;iment Illinois Infantry Volunteers , Springfield, Illinois: H, W. Rokker Co. , 1880. Illinois House Journal . Springfield, 111. Johnson, Charles B. Illinois in the Fifties . Champaign, Illinois: Flanigan-Pearson Co., 1918. Kimmel, H. i. . "Sixty-sixth V.'edding Anniversary of Daniel Gill and Lucinda Pyle Gill, DuQuoin, Illinois," Journal . Illinois State Historical Society, Vol. XVII, No. 3, September, 1924.

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536 Koerner, Gustave Phillipp. Memoirs of Gustave P . Koerner. 2 vols. Cedar Rapids, lov/a: Torch Press, 1909. LeConte, Ernma. When the World Ended; The Diary of Emma LeConte . Earl Schenck Miers, ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 1957. Lincoln, Abraham, The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln . Roy P, Basler, ed, 9 vols. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1953« Linder, Usher F. Reminiscences of the Early Bench and Bar of Illinois , Chicago: Legal News Co., 1879. Logan, John A, The Great Conspiracy. Its Origin and History . New York: A. R. Hart Publishers, 1886, . Relief of the Suffering Poor of the South . Washington, D. C: Chronicle Printers, 1867, Soc'ech of Ma.jor General John A. Lop:an on Return to Illinois after the Capture of Vicksburg , with an Introduction by "Mack" of the Cincinnati Co:-;nercial . Cincinnati: Loyal Publications of National Union Association of Ohio, Caleb Clark Printer, 1863. . The Volunteer Soldier of America, Chicago and New York: R, S. Peale Co, , 1887, Logan, Mary C, C, Reminiscences of a Soldier^s Wife . New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1913. Thirty Years in Washington . Hartford, Connecticut: A. D, VJorthington &, Co,, 1901. McCulloch, Hugh. Men and Measures of Half a Century . New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1889. Manuscripts Ammen MSS. Papers of Jacob Ammen, Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield. Civil V.ar Diaries MSS, Diary of an Unknown Soldier, 26th Illinois Infantry, Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield.

PAGE 543

537 Manuscripts (Cont.): Compton MSS. Diary of George Compton, Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield. Crandall MSS. Diary of Hiram Crandall, Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield. Cullom MSS. Papers of Shelby M. Cullom, Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield. Davis MSS. Papers of Jefferson C. Davis, Indiana State Historical Library, Springfield. Gillespie MSS. Papers of Joseph Gillespie, Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield. Grant, MSS, Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield. Ingersoll MSS. Papers of Robert and Ebon G. Ingersoll, Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield. Lanphier MSS. Papers of Charles Lanphier, Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield. Dr. John Los;an MSS. Papers of Dr. John Logan, Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield. John A. Logan MSS. Papers of John A. Logan, Library of Congress. Mary Logan MSS. Papers of Mary S, C. Logan, Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield. Mary Logan MSS. Papers of Mary S. C. Logan, Library of Congress. McClernand MSS, Papers of John A, McClernand, Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield. McHenry MSS. Diary of James S. McHenry, Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield. Ozburn MSS. Papers of Lindorf Ozburn, Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield. \ Palmer MSS. Papers of John M. Palmer, Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield.

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53d Manuscripts (Cont.) Trumbull MSS. Papers of Lyman Trumbull, Library of Congress. Wallace-Dickey MSS, Papers of Vv, H, L, V/allace and T, Lyle Dickey, Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield. Washburne MSS, Papers of Elihu B, Waahbume, Library of Congress, Wiley MSS. Diary of Bend»min Tiley, Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield, Woollard MSS, Papers of F, K, Woollard, Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield, Yates MSS, Papers of Richard Yates, Illinois State Historical Library, Morris, W. fi. History of the Thirty-first Regiment Illinois Volunteers, Or.'anlaed by John A, Logan . Evansville, Indiana: Keller lublishing Co,, 1902, Muir, Andrew F., ed, "The Battle of Atlanta as Described by a Confederate Soldier," Georgia Historical Quarterly . Vol, XI.II, No. 1, March, "19 5^. Newspapers Alton Courier . Alton, Illinois. Alton Toleerajh . Alton, Illinois, Also appears as Alton Telegraph and Dernqcratic Revie w. Baltimore Sun. Baltlraoro, Maryland, Bloomington Daily Bulletin . Bloomington, Illinois, Cairo City Oazette . C'liro, Illinois. Cairo Democrat . Cairo, Illinois. Cairo Sun . Cairo, Illinois. Cairo Times and Delta . Cairo Illinois, Also appears as Cairo City Times ,

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539 Newspapers (Cont.) Carbondale New Era . Carbondale, Illinois. Carbondale Times . Carbondale, Illinois. Central Illinois Gazette . Champai/rn, Illinois. Centralia E;j:yptian Republic . Centralia, Illinois. Centralia Sentinel . Centralia, Illinois. Chicago Republican . Chicago Times. Chicago Tribune . also appears as Chicago Press and Tribune , Illinois State Journal . Springfield, Illinois. Illinois State Register . Springfield, Illinois. Jacksonville Journal . Jacksonville, Illinois. Jonesboro Gagette . Jonesboro, Illinois. Louisville Democrat . Louisville, Kentucky. Marion Intellipiencer . Marion, Illinois. Mound City Emporium . Mound City, Illinois. National Intel lip;encer . V/ashington, D, C. New York Herald . New York Times . New York World. Oregon Argus . Oregon, Illinois. Quincy Daily Whig and Republican . Cuincy, Illinois. ^Iso a ppears as Quincy V.'eekly '.."hig . Quincy Herald . Quincy, Illinois. Rockford Republican . Rockford, Illinois.

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540 Newspapers (Cont. ) St. Louis Republic , St, Louis, Missouri Salem Advocate . Salem, Illinois, Shawneetown Illinoisan . Shavmeetown, Illinois. Oldroyd, Osborn H, A Soldier *s Story of 'ohe_ 3ie)j:e of Vicksburg . Springfield, Illinois: H, I-. , Rokker, Padgett, Jaineo, ed, "Viith Sherman Through Geor.^ia and the Carolinas: Letters of a Federal Soldier," Georj^ia Historical Quarterly . Vol. XXXII, No, 4, December, 1943, Ko, 1, .'"arch, 1949. Palmer, John M. Personal Recollections of John M. Palmer , Cincinnati: R. Clarke Co., 1901. Pepper, George Whitefield, Personal Recollections of Sherman^s Campaigns in Georg;ia and the Carolinas . Zanesville, Ohio: Hugh Dunne, 1866, Porter, Horace. Camjvciigning With Grant . New York: The Century Co., 1397. Pratt, Harry, ed. "Civil VJar Letters of SA^inthrop S. G. Allen," Journal, Illinois State Historical Society, Vol. XXI\r, No. 3, October, 1931. ProceedirpTS of the Conve.tions at Charleston and Baltimore of the National Democratic Conventioru Washington, D. C. : National Democratic Executive Committee, I860. Read, Ira Beraan, "The Campaign from Chattanooga to Atlanta as Seen by a Federal Soldier," Richard B. Harwell, ed. Georgia Historical Quarterly . Vol. XXV, No. 3i September, 1941. Report of the Ad.iutant-General of the State of Illinois . 1861-1862 , Srringfield, Illinois, 1563. Russell, William Howard, My Diary North and South , Fletcher Pratt, ed. New York: Harper Bros., 1954. Shanks, .Jilliam F. G. Personal Recollections of Disting uished Gimeralb. Neiv York: Harpers, 1866.

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541 Sherlock, E. J. f-''emorabilla of the Marches and Battles in Which the One Hundredth Regjlment of Indiana Infantry Volu nteers Took an Active Part. 1?61-1^6 ^. Kansas City, Missouri: Gerard -v.'oody Co. , 1S96, Sherman, William T, Home Letters of General Sherman . M, A. DeV.olfe Howe, ed. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1909. Memoirs of General V,, T. Sherman. 2 vols. 1st ed. New York: D. Appletoh & Co., 1^75. Stockv/ell, Elisha. Private Elisha Stockv;ell Jr. Sees the Civil War . Byron R. Abernethy, ed. Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Frees, 195^. Strawn, Halbert J. "The Attitude of General John A. Logan on the Question of Secession in 1^61," Journal . Illinois State Historical Society, Vol, VI, No. 2, July, 1913. Tribune Almanac . Chicago: Tribune Publishers, 1^66. Welles, Gideon. The Diary of Gideon •Telles . 3 vols. New York: Houghton, Mifflin, 1911. Upson, Theodore F. With Sherman to the Sea; The Civil V/ar Letters. Diaries ^ Reminiscences of Theodore F. Upson . Oscar 0. ./inther, ed. Baton Rouf^e, Louisiana: Louisiana State University Press, 19/^3. The War of the RebGllion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies . 129 vols. Washington, D. C: Goverrment "rintintOffice, IS^O1901. Way, Virgil and Isaac H. Elliott. History of the Thirty third Regiment Illinois Veteran Volunteer Infantry in the Civil War . Gibson City, Illinois: The Regimental Association, 1902. II. SECONDARY MATERIALS Adams, James T., ed. Dictionary of Ar.ierican History . New York: Charles Scribner^s Sons, 1940.

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542 Andrews, Byron, A Biography of General John A, Logman ; V/lth an T'cccurt of His Public Services in Peoce and War . New York: H. S. Goodspeed, 1881+. Appleton's Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Important Events , Auchampsu;?rh, Philip G. ''The Buchsnan-Douglas Feud," Journal . Illinois State Historical Society, Vol, XXV, Nos. 1, 2, April, July 1932. Balestier, Charles Wolcott. Jameg G. Blaine; a Sketch of his Life, with a Brief Record of the Life of John A. Lo'^aTu New York: a. orthin^-ton, lSo4. Baringer, Villiam E. "Campaign Technique in Illinois, 1S60," Transactions , Illinois State Historical Society, No. 39, 1932. Barrett, John G. Sherman ^s March Through the Garolinas . Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press, 1956. Bateman, Ne-/ton and Paul Selby, Historical Encyclopedia of Illinois and a History of Sanr.^nion County . Chicago: Munsell Publishing Co., 1912. Beale, Howard K. The Critical Year . New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1930. . "What Historians Have Said About the Causes of the Civil V/ar," Theory and Practice in Historical Study; A Report of the Comraittee on Kist or io,g;raphy . Nev/ Yorlc: Social .science Research Council, Bulletin No. 54, 1946. Beverid.^e, Albert J. Abraham Lincoln. 1^09-1^5^ * 4 vols. Boston; Houphton, Mifflin, 1928, Bio;-^raphical Dir e ctory of the American Conp;ress, 1774 1949 « Washin^^ton, ';, C: Government Printing Office, 1950. Brownell, Buker. The Other Illinois . New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 195*^. Brownie e, James H. History of Jackson County, Illinois . Philadelphia : Brink, McDonoup;h & Co., 1S78.

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543 Buel, J. VJ. The Standard Bearers: the Authorized P5,ctora l Lives of Blaine and Lo^an « Philadelphia: V/. H, Thompson, 1884. Catton, Bruce. This Hallowed Ground . Garden City, New York: Doubleday, "1955". Charnwood, Lord. Abraham Lincoln. London: Constable & Co., Ltd., I92T; Chidsey, Donald B. The Gentleman from New York: The Life of Roscoe Conkling . New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 193 5 . Church, Ch-Trles A. A History of the Republican Party in Illinois. 1^54-1912 . Rockford, Illinois: Wilson Bros. Co. , 1912. Cleaves, Freeman. Rock of Chickaraac^ua; Life of General Georg!;e H. Thomas . Norman, Oklahoma: University of^ Oklahoma Press, 1 94^ . 4 Cole, Arthur C. The Era of the Civil 'Var . Vol. Ill, The Centennial History of Illinois. Springfield, Illinois: Illinois Centennial Commission, 1919. Cox, Jacob D. Atlanta. Nevr York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1^32. ' Cross, Jasper W, "The Civil War Comes to 'Egypt,*" Journal . Illinois State Historical Societ , Vol. XLIV, No. 2, Summer, 1951* "Divided Loyalties in Southern Illinois During the Civil '-'ir," unpublished doctoral dit sertation. University of Illinois, 1942. Davidson, Alexander and Benjamin Stuve. A Complete History of Illinois from 1673 to lg^4 . S-rin^field, Illinois: H. w, Rokker, I884. Dayton, Aretas A. "The Raising of Union Forces in Illinois During the Civil V.'ar," Journal . Illinois State Historical Society, Vol. XaXIV, No. 4, December, 1941. Dawson, George Francis. Life and Services of General John A. Lor-;an as r.oldier and Statesman . Chicago and New York: Belford, Clarke Co., 1887.

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544 Bearing, Mary 3. Veterans in Politics; The Story of the Grand Army of the Republic . Baton Rouge, Louisiana: Louisiana State University Press, 1952, Dictionary of American Biography . vols. Dumas Mai one and Allen Johnson, eds. Nev/ York: Charles Scribner*s Sons, 192?5-1937. Dorri3, J. T. "Michael Kelly Lawler: Mexican and Civil V»'ar Officer," Jourhal . Illinois State Historical Society, Vol. XLVIII, No. 4, winter, 1955. Eddy, T. r% The Patriotism of Illinois . 2 vols. Chicago: Clarke & Co. , 1865. Egyptian Key . Carbondale , Illinois. Ekirch, Arthur A. The Civilian and the Military . New York: Oxford University Press, 1956. Fite, Emerson D. The Presidential Election of 1(^60 . New York: Macmillan, 1911. Foote, Shelby. The Civil V/ar; a Narrative. From Sumter to Ferryville . 'Jev; York: Random House, 1953. Fullor, J. ". C. Grant and Lea . Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1957. Gray, Wood, The Hidden Civil War; The Story of the Copperheads . New York: Viking, 1942. Greeley, Horace. The /ir.erican Conflico. 2 volv3. Chicago: G. & C. V/, Sherwood, 1865-1867. Harris, N. Dwight. The History of Megro Servitude in Illinois: :\nd :i J^l:-:very .'.citation in that State . 1719-1864 . Chicago: A. C. McClurg, 1904. Hawkins, May Strong. "The Early Political Career of John A. Lo7,an," unpublished masters thesis. University of Chicago, 1934. History of Morsan County, Illinois. Chicago; Donnelley, Loyd Co. , 187^. Holllster, 0. J, Life of Jchuyler Colfax . New York: Funk and V/agnalls, 1887.

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545 Holt, Robert D. "The Political Career of v:illiam Richardson," Journal , Illinois Gtate Historical Society, Vol. ::XVI, No. 3, October, 1933. Horn, Stanley F, The Decigive Battle of Nashville . Baton Rouge, Louisiana: Louisiana State University Press, 1956. Houghton, Walter R. E:\rly Life and rublic Ccreer of James G . Blaine, Including a Biography of General John A. Lop;an . Cleveland: N. G. Hamilton & Co. , 1334. Hubbart, Henry C. " '?ro-Soathern' Influences in the Tree v;est, lS40-lt165,'' Mississippi Valley Historical Review . Vol. /JC, No. 1, June, 1933. James, George F. , ed, Lo^an Monument Memorial Addresses . Chicago: n. p., 1^9o. Kinsley, Philip. The Chicago Tribune: Its First Hundred Years. Now York: Alfred Knopf, 1943. 2 vols. Kittredge, Herman E. Ingersoll; A Biographical Appreciation . New York: Dresden Publishing Co., 1911. Knox, Thomas V.'. The Lives of James G. Blaine and John A . Logan. ^ Hartfoi^d, Connecticut: Hartford Publishing Co. , 1884. Leech, Margaret. Reville in Washington. New York: Harpers, 1941. Lewis, Lloyd. Captain Sam Grant . Boston: Little, Brown & Co. , 1950. Sherman. Fighting Prophet . New York: Har court. Brace Co. , 1932, md Henry J. Smith, Chicago: The History of Its Reputation . New York: Harcourt, Brace Co., 1929. Liddell Hart, Basil Henry. Sherman. Soldier, Realist, \iiierican . New York: Bodd, Mead Co., 1929. Livermore, Thomas L. Numbers and Losses in the O^vl^ '''^^^ in America. 18 61-1865. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1900. Lusk, David W. Politics and Politicians of Illinois. I856 1884 . Springfield, Illinois: H. V;. Rokker, 1884.

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546 Luvaas, Jay. "Johnston's Last Stand — Bentonville ," North Carolina Historical Review . Vol. XXXII, No. 3| July, 195^: Macartney, Clarence Ed7;?.rd. Grant and His Gener-ils . New York: The McBride Co., 1953. Miers, Earl Schenck. The General •ho Marched to Hell ; Willj.'^m Te c umseh Thernan and Hj.3 March 'jo ?ame and Infamy . Nev; York! Alfred Knopf, 1951. Ueb of Victory; Grant gt Vicksburty . Nev/ York: Alfred Knopf, 1955. Milton, George Fort. The Sve of Conflict: :.te.hen A . Dou^Jas and the Needless vvar . New York; Houghton, Mifflin, 1934. Nevins, Allan. The Erer.'-cnce of Lipcol:; . 2 vols. New York: Charles Scribner»s Sons, 1950. Newsome, Edmund. Historical Sketches of Jackson County , Illinois . Carbondnlej Illinolf>: T dir.und ^'ovisoae, Nicolay, John G. and John Hay. Abraham Lincoln, a History . 10 vols. Nev< York: The Century Co. , li;30. 0* Connor, Richard. Thomns: Rock of Chickamagua . New York: Prentice-Hall, 1948. Palmer, George T. A Conscientious Turncoat. The Story of John ?4. Palmer. l?17-r',-''0 » Fev? Kaven, oonnocticut : Yale University Press, 1941. Pease, T. C, ed. Illinois Election Returns. I^l^~lg4^ . Springfield, iTTiroTFl TruL^tet-i:oT the Illinois State Historical Library, 1923. Pitkin, William A. "When Cairo was Saved for the Union," Journal . Illinois State Historical society. Vol. LI, No. 3, autumn, 19 5^. Pressly, Thomas J. Americans Interpret Their Civil V/ar . Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University x'^ress, 1954. Quenzel, Carroll H. "Books for the Boys in Blue," Journal .

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547 Illinois Ctate Hirtorical Society, Vol. XLIV, To. 3, autumn, 1951. Randall, James G. The Civil 'Var and Reconstruction . New York: D. C. He?th Co. , 1^53. . L incoln the President . 4 vols. New York: Dodd, Mead Co. , 1946-1952. Raura, Green B. A History of Illinois Reuublicanism . Chicago: Rollins Publishing Co., 1900. Rogers, Csraeron. Colonel Bob In~3r3oll . Garden City, Kew York : Doubl eday, Page Co. , 1927. Sandburg, Carl. Abraham Lincoln. The Frarie Years . 2 vols. Ke\7 York: Harcourt, Brace, 1926, . Abraham Liiicoln^ The "V.-.r Years . 4 vols. New Yorkl Harcourt, Brace, 1939. Sheahan, James W. The Life of Stephen A. Doag;las . New York: Harper & Bros. , 1J?60. Smith, :^dward. C. The DordfarL^-nd in the Civil ::ar . New York : Macmillan, 1927. Smith, George W, A History of Southern Illinois . 3 vols, Chicago: Lewis Publishing Co., 1912. Smith, William E. The Francis Pr:5ton Pl'-ir Fa^nily in Politics , 2 vols. New York: Macmillan, 1933. Stenberg, Richard R, "An Unnoted Factor in the BuchananDouglas Feud," Journ'-l, Illinois .Ttate Hiatoricil Society, Vol. XXV, No. 4, January, 1933. Stevens, Frank E. The Life of Stephen A. Douglas . Springfield, IllinoiTi Iljinois St-^-te Historical Society, 1924. Stringer, Lav/rence B. History of Lo.p;an County. Chicago: Inter-Gtate Publibhin^ Co., l??o. Illinois, Slocum, Charles E, The Life and Services of Mci.jor General Henry V'arner Slocum, Toledo, Ohio: Slocum Publishing Co., 1913. Thornton, R. H, An American Glossary , Philadelphia: J. P. Lippincott, 1912.

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546 Vallandigham, James L, A Life of Clement L, Vallandigham . Baltimore: Turnbull Bros., 1872. Wallace, Joseph, "A Biography of John A. Logan." Unpublished manuscript in Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield. Vvecter, Dixon. The Hero in America . Mew York: Charles ocribner's Sons, 1941 • '-vhite, Horace, Lyman Trumbull . Kev; York: Houghton, Mifflin, Co"., 1913. Wiley, Bell I, The Life of Billy Yank; Common Soldier of the Union , Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1951. Willia;as, Kermeth ?, Lincoln Finds a General , 4 vols, NewYork: Macmillan, 1949-1956. Wilson, Bluford. "Southern Illinois in the Civil W^r," Tr'^nsaci:! JUs . Illinois State Historical Society, No. 16, 1911.

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BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE jAA«t P. Jones was bom June 17, 1931 in Jacksonville, Florida. He graduated from Landon Hir>i School, in Jacksonville, in 1949. He attended Emory-at-Oxford Junior College from 1949 to 1951, and The University of Florida friMi 1951 to 1953 as an underF.raduate. Mr, Jones received his Bachelor of Arts in 1953 from The University of Florida. A year later he received his Master of Arts from the saow institution* Since 1954 Mr, Jones has j)ur6ued studies leading to a Doctor of Philosophy in History with a minor in Political Science. This study has been carried on at The University of California, Berkeley, and at The University of Florida. From 1957 to i960 Mr. Jones has been nn Instructor of History at The Florida State University. 549

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This dissertation was prepared under the direction of the Chairman of the candidate's supervisory committee and has been approved by all members of that committee. It was submitted to the Doan of the College of Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate Council, and was approved as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, January 30, I960 Dean, Co and Sclen ge of Arts 1^ Dean, Graduate School SUPERVISORY COf/iMITTEE: ^ Chairman i^lA(Jj^^f pQ ;S ^ St^^ M H ^-y->


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