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The development and application of a neoburkeian framework for rhetorical criticism

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The development and application of a neoburkeian framework for rhetorical criticism
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Schneider, Valerie Lois, 1941-
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1969
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vi, 201 leaves. : ; 28 cm.

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Learning ( jstor )
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Persuasion ( jstor )
Religion ( jstor )
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Thesis -- University of Florida.
Bibliography:
Bibliography: leaves 194-201.
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THE DEVELOPMENT AND APPLICATION
OF A NEO-BURKEIAN FRAMEWORK
FOR RHETORICAL CRITICISM


\'.ALERiE LUIS SI-INEiDEP










A DLbEF STATION FRE'ENTED TO THE CIr.l'I.TE COUiNCIL OF
THE LNI'ILIrIT OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FLILFILLIHtENT OF 111[ BCEQLIREIIENTS FOR THE
DECREE I: F L'0,TOR OF FHiLO OHi-n








UNIVEPRSIT OF: [LORJDA
1969




U. OF F. LIBRARY













Copyright by
Valerie Lois Schneider
1969




U. OF F. LIBRARY
















to
my father
Ralph J. Schneider
who took much interest in the progress
of this study and assisted in collecting
research materials for Chapter VI but
did not live to see the completion of
this dissertation.








U. OF F. LIBRARY














ACKNOLEDGEMENTS


The author is indebted to her supervisory committee for their

assistance in the preparation of this dissertation. She thanks C.

Franklin Karns for his close scrutiny of the rough draft and his

incisive criticisms which did much to improve the quality of the

final manuscript. She is grateful to G. Paul Moore for his warm

encouragement and helpful suggestions during the progress of the

research. She wishes to express appreciation to Charles Robbins for

his enthusiastic response to the study and for the stimulating

discussions with him which aided her in sharpening interpretations

crucial to the theory developed in the dissertation. She thanks

Leland L. Zimmerman for his helpful cooperation during the completion

stage of the study. The author is particularly grateful to the chair-

man of her committee, Donald E. Williams, for his meticulous super-

vision of the research and writing. His penetrating comments regarding

the critical theory occasioned much ampl ifying and reorganizing of

theoretical components. His suggestions pertaining to sample criticisms

presented in the study were also especially valuable. Professor

Williams' stimulating seminar in rhetorical criticism did much to

motivate the author to attempt the development of a new critical

theory.

The author also thanks members of the committee for ideas and

information presented in courses under their supervision which gave








her a suitable background for the development of this dissertation.

Other professors whose courses contributed significantly to background

for this study are Lloyd F. Bitzer, Winston Brembeck, Dennis Day,

Frederick Haberman, Daniel Kubat, Ted J. McLaughlin, Melvin H. Miller,

and Frederick Williams.














TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS............................................. iv

CHAPTER

I. WHY A NEW THEORY IS NEEDED AND WHAT IT WILL CONTAIN.....

II. A DETAILED EXPLORATION OF THE PSYCHOLOGY OF PERSUASION. 19

Ill. A MODEL OF SUCCESSFUL PERSUASION WITH ASSOCIATIONAL
CONDITIONING THE CHIEF STRATEGY...................... 52

IV. THE MANIPULATION OF 'SIGNIFICANT SYMBOLS' TO CONVEY
AND SHAPE MOTIVATIONAL CONCEPTS...................... 86

V. SOCIAL 'MYSTIFICATION'AND ITS COUNTERS AS THEY
AFFECT THE PERSUASIVE PROCESS........................ 112

VI. A STUDY OF THE RHETORIC OF THE MILWAUKEE OPEN
HOUSING ADVOCATES .................................... 141

VII. CONCLUSION ............................................. 182

BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................. 194














CHAPTER I


WHY A NEW THEORY IS NEEDED AND WHAT IT WILL CONTAIN



Before entering into a discussion of the flaws in the contemporary

theory and practice of rhetorical criticism, several basic definitions

need to be established.

In the field of public address .rhetQic usually refers to discourse

formulated primarily for a persuasive purpose; and that is the meaning

of the term as used in this dissertation. Some theorists in public

address reserve the term rhAetoric for spoken persuasive messages. Others

include both spoken and printed persuasive messages.2 !n this disserta-

tion all forms of persuasive messages -- spoken, written, and non-verbal

are regarded as significant examples of rhetoric which the critic should

be prepared to evaluate. Even messages formulated primarily for an

informative or entertainment purpose which are concerned with persuasion

as a subordinate purpose, should be of interest to the rhetorical critic.

However, a given message is defined as rhetorical, informative or

entertaining on the basis of the communicator's dominant concern.



A major exception is the definition of persuasion by Bryant which
includes both suasory and informative discourse.

2Edwin Black, RhetoricaiCritiism (New York: Macmillan Co., 1965),
p. 6.








Since .rhtorie has been defined as any type of message in which

persuasion is the dominant concern, it seems necessary also to define

the term persuasion. Perslms in is an attempt to modify the overt

behavior, or the attitudes or the beliefs of the person or persons to

whom the discourse is directed. Rhetor or persuader refers to one

who makes such an attempt.

Harold Harding, a critic of public addresses, defines criticism,

whether of applied rhetoric or of other humanistic forms, in this

manner:

a disinterested endeavor to learn and propagate
the best that is knaon and thought in the
world.

If the critic is to promote high standards and values in public

discourse he will have to judge the purposes of the rhetor as well

as the rhetor's techniques. However, Edwin Black charges that gener-

ally the critic's sole consideration is whether or not the speaker

accomplished his avo.ed purpose.5 The author's consideration of all

the critical articles published in 1967 in five major speech journals

supported Black's charge. Rhetorical critics generally fail to ask the



Brembeck and Howell also define persuasion in terms of the attempt
to influence in hics.alas A Ieanisof Social nlt_ L (Englowood Cl iffs, Neo
Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1952), p. 24.

4Harold Harding, ''The College Student as a Critic," (from an
abridgement of a speech del ivored at the University of Michigan, Ann
Arbor, July 23, 1952) prepared by Prof. Helvin Miller for Speech
Composition Class at University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, October, 1964,
P. 5.

5Black, pp. 76-77.

The 1967 volumes surveyed were Dsn anJJ i Ltr uaItL jfecrh,
Spei_QoJ.ng.rhiat,.,S, h.mL SLDnpecn h -.jrnLL, _enLcaJlS.LaaLtSjseich








question which Black says ought to be the most important aspect of

rhetorical criticism -- Hon well did the persuader's purpose serve the

welfare of his audience?

In hbLLtorical Criticism Black expands upon this ethical dimension

of criticism by describing the critic as opposed to the scientist in

terms of these three characteristics -- (a) lie studies humanistic

products, (b) He evaluates as well as perceives, and (c) He, unlike

the scientist, seeks to be a social force.7

These same three characteristics of criticism are particularly

underscored in Harding's definition of criticism. Because of the nature

of criticism, the rhetorical critic is not doing his job when he makes

the goals of the rhetor the ground of appraisal of the rhetor's

techniques, without evaluating the rhetorical purpoa Albert J.

Crofts makes a similar observation in his classic essay, "The Functions

of Rhetorical Criticism."8

This failure to evaluate the purpose as well as techiqu es of the

persuader is frequently excused on the ground that it would involve

ethical judgements relative to the individual critic's value-system.

Hence, the inclusion of such an evaluation would make the criticism

unobjective and unscientific. (Supposedly a judgement of this nature



Joucnal, and W eLeat nech. The only critic to evaluate the rhetor's
purposes was Robert W. Smith, "David Lloyd George's Limehouse Address,"
L.entrLitat s ipeechJournal, XV I I (August, 1967), 169-76..

Black, pp. 15-30.

Albert J. Crofts, "The Functions of Rhetorical Criticism," in lb
Erovince of Rhetorc, ed. by Joseph Schwartz and John A. Rycenga (New
York: Ronald Press, 1965), pp. 410-13.





4

could not be verified with data about the message, audience and larger

society.)

Nevertheless, explicit or implicit in almost every persuasive

proposition is the contention, This solution is the best for the audience

in the given circumstances, or, This attitude is the most helpful for

this audience in the given circumstances, or, This belief is the truest

one according to current knowledge on the subject. Since the conveying

of a solution, attitude, or belief, carrying one of the above implicit

propositions is the usual substance of a persuasive speech, it is not

only a function of ethics but also of logic for the listener to test

the truth of this implied contention. The receiver may test on the

basis of whatever outside evidence relating to the contention he is aware

of or is able to discover. The layman who is a critical listener tends

to do this kind of testing before he votes for or against a candidate,

an allocation of money, a referendum issue; or before he decides to

adopt an attitude or belief or support sane social reform measure.

Can less be expected of the professional critic who is supposed to

educate and guide the layman in doing a better job of evaluating and

reacting to discourses?

Even the writer of one of the standard discussions on social move-

ments suggests hav generalized evaluations of the goals of social

movements can be made and implies that it would be useful for the social

scientist to make these evaluations, llans Toch states that if the

movement is mainly concerned with a practical plan, the social scientist

can judge on the basis of the setting of the movement and its relation

to the overall society, whether or not its practical plan is feasible






5

and will in the long run benefit its members without significantly

harming any other area of that society. If the movement has mainly

cathartic goals, one must ask a further question -- Is an obsession

with this cathartic goal preventing the group from pursuing constructive

goals which would be attainable? If the answer is yes, then such a

purpose would be rated negatively. However, if a practical solution is

so unattainable that cathartic release is the most that can be accomplished

at the time, then the cathartic goal of the group would be evaluated
9
as a good and useful one. In a similar manner the rhetorical critic

can evaluate the purpose of the persuader.

It is more likely that the rhetorical critic will be encouraged

to criticize on the level of purpose if he has access to a new frame-

work for rhetorical criticism which includes new findings from the

social sciences facilitating such a level of criticism. An individual

critic might also make ethical assessments which cannot be defended

with empirical evidence from the social sciences. This individual

dimension of ethical criticism could not be provided for in any critical

framework serving as a guide for critics of varying philosophical

backgrounds. However, it is perfectly consistent with the framework

to be developed here for the individual critic to add this dimension.

The important consideration in doing this is that the critic be aware

of when he is making this kind of ethical assessment in order that he

may point out and distinguish it from other parts of his criticism.



Hans Toch, TieSoial2iE ycjolagyof Social tlovergnflt" (New York:
Bobbs-Merrill and Co., 1965), pp. 232-41..





6

As a matter of fact, the great Swedish sociologist Gunnar Myrdal stresses

that the critic, scientist, or social scientist cannot help making such

judgements, but that he should write these explicitly into his work.

The reader may judge how personal values may or may not affect other

areas of the writer's analysis. Myrdal's argument is so interesting,

so unusual, and so pertinent to our field that his argument shall be

quoted here in its entirety:

Biases in research are much deeper-seated than in the
formulation of avowedly practical conclusions. They are
not valuations attached to research but rather they per-
meate research. They are the unfortunate results of
concealed valuations that insinuate themselves into
research in all stages, from its planning to its final
presentation.

The valuations will, when driven underground, hinder
observation and inference from becoming truly objective.
This can be avoided only by making the valuations explicit.
There is no other device for excluding biases in social
sciences than to face the valuations and to introduce
them as explicitly stated, specific and sufficiently
concretized value premises. If this is done, it will be
possible to determine in a rational way, and openly to
account for the direction of theoretical research. It
will further be possible to cleanse the scientific work-
shop from concealed but ever resurgent, distorting valu-
ations. Practical conclusions may thus be reached by
rational inferences from the data and the value premises.
Only in this way does social engineering as an advanced
branch of social research become a rational discipline
under full scientific control.10

Concern with an ethical dimension of criticism is not the only

reason why significant social science findings should be incorporated

into the framework to guide rhetorical critics. Another of these



10Gunnar Myrdal, AmeLqai Ll,- I Vol. II: The rS_Qcjal
Strauctum (New York: McGraw-Hill Co., 1964), pp. 1043-44.









reasons becomes apparent if one considers Black's definition of

criticism:

Criticism is a discipline that through the investi-
gation and appraisal of the activities and products
of man, seeks as its end the understanding of man
himself.11

Since rhetorical discourse is a humanistic concern, significant

findings regarding human sociology and psychology should aid the critic

in doing the most thorough and accurate job. The addition of relevant

findings from these two fields would aid the critic both in formulating

appropriate criteria for judging discourses and in giving the most

accurate answers to hew well the discourse meets these criteria. An

important established principle from the field of mass media will be

given here as an example. This important principle is that of the

"two-step flow of communication." The essence of this principle is that

individuals are not directly influenced by messages conveyed on mass

media such as radio, television, or newspapers. Persons that the

individual knows and respects, at least in regard to their knowledge

of the topic being considered, must state opinions similar to those

the individual has heard on the mass media before the individual will

be significantly influenced by the message. These influencing persons

are knewn as "opinion leaders."l2 This principle can enable the critic

to make better interpretations of persuasive events where mass media

are utilized. With the principle in mind the critic can frame this

critical yardstick, the answer to it being a significant part of his



lBlack, p. 9.

12David K. Berlo, IJelEj .esof_&.C.nmua't jaLi (Noe York: Holt,
Rinehart and Winston, 1960), pp. 25-35.






8

total critical appraisal -- Did the persuader consider and adequately

provide for the factor of the intermediate "opinion leader's" influence?

Thonssen and Baird, the writers of the chief authoritative guide

to rhetorical criticism, indicated the need for incorporation of social

science findings in the introductory portion of their book Speech

Criticism:

Speeches occur in social settings. Consequently
their interpretation and criticism must stem from
a knowledge of the forces and conditions operative
in the social situation at the particular time.13

Even though Thonssen and Baird recognized such a need they did

almost nothing to incorporate socio-psychological findings into their

guide for critics. Basically they simplified and restated key elements

of Aristotle's rhetoric, particularly those dealing with the four

classical canons of style, delivery, arrangement, and invention. They

also discussed the three major types of proof -- ethical, logical, and

emotional. These topics provided rather set guidelines for the critical

act. This type of criticism has been termed "Neo-Aristotel ian" by

Black. He maintains that most practicing critics follac the "Neo-

Aristoteliarl'pattern. The author's survey of 1967 critical articles
14
showed that "Neo-Aristotel ian" criticism was the dominant mode.1



SLester Thonssen and A. Craig Baird, $SpecrCirLticL sJ (Nev York:
Ronald Press, 1948), p. 9.

1Black, pp. 35-40. The only articles which were not"Neo-
Aristotelian"were James R. Andrews, "Picty and Pragmatism: Rhetorical
Aspects of the Early British Peace Movmncnt," 'Iech Mononraph,
XXXIV (November, 1967), 423-36 and James R. Andrews, "The Rhetoric of
a Lobbyist: Cenjamin Franklin in England, 1765-1775,'" QentLaltaLe
5psch JotUna XV Ill (November, 1967), 261-67. Both articles showed
a woeful ignorance of the dynamics of long range campaigns. The





9

The major reason, undoubtedly, is that there is no fully developed

critical framework serving as an alternate to the "Neo-Aristotelian."

Black is the only other critical theorist who has attempted a book-length

discussion of critical methodology. Even so, his critical system is

not fully developed. He has devoted over half the book to a refutation

of the "Neo-Aristotelan" system and has introduced several provocative

but disconnected and only briefly developed suggestions for the rhetorical

critic.

Virginia Holland and Leland Griffin in published articles have

also made attempts at alternate critical frames of reference, building

their new formulations largely on the work of Kenneth Burke. But they

too have failed to develop coherent, detailed systems. Griffin's main

contribution is an analysis of stages of mass campaigns, and Holland's

contribution is an analysis of verbal clues to the rhetor's persuasive

strategy.1 Both contributions are analytical rather than evaluative

tools.

The features which characterize the average sample of "Neo-

Aristotelian" criticism might be explored further here.



characterization to follow of "Noo-Aristotelian" criticism is based
partly on Black's discussion, partly on a study of Thonssen and Baird's
5Speech Criticism, partly on general readings of critical articles' and
discussions in the Rhetorical Criticism Seminar at the University of
Florida, taught by Prof. Donald E. Williams, September-December, 1966.

5Sec Virginia Holland, "Rhetorical Criticism: A Burkeian Method,"
QuaLt .rJr __lJonal of Sdpeeh, XXXIX (December, 1953), h4l4-50 and Leland
M. Griffin, "The Rhetorical Structure of the New Left Movement,"
LOuarerly JourLal .of Spfech~, I (April, 1964), 124-35.





10

The "Neo-Aristotel ian" critic usually begins by determining the

purpose of the rhetor who is the object of study. The critic usually

judges on the basis of historic results how successful the rhetor was

in working taoard his purpose. In addition, specific techniques are

assessed in terms of whether they added to or detracted from the desired

overall effect. Generally, the ethics or inherent worth of the rhetor's

purpose is not judged. The specific techniques of the rhetor are gen-

erally discussed under the headings of the four classical canons of

rhetoric -- arrangement, style, delivery, and invention. The analysis

and evaluation of arrangement is usually confined to deciding hew many

major parts the discourse contains, judging whether each part is

adequately developed, and assessing the overall coherence of the

discourse. Analysis and evaluation of the rhetor's style usually

centers upon judging its clarity, appropriateness, and ornamental

qualities. Frequently, the contributions of the speaker's style to

his overall ethos are also considered. Delivery is analyzed and

evaluated in terms of the speaker's overall bearing and in terms of the

vigor and appropriateness of gestures and vocal qualities. In analyzing

invention the "Neo-Aristotelian" critic generally determines the relative

amounts of ethical, logical, and emotional proof, giving the highest

rating to those discourses based mainly on logical proof.

Critics of the "Neo-Aristotelian" mode of criticism feel that its

greatest weaknesses are the factors that the rhetorical critic of

contemporary persuasive discourses ought to consider but which are not

provided for in this traditional framework. For instance, the "Neo-

Aristotelian" framework does not provide for analysis and assessment of






11

nei communicative forms which are sometimes instruments of persuasion

as significant as the persuasive speeches and essays which it does

deal with.6 Examples of some of these new communicative forms of

persuasion are economic boycotts, marches, sit-ins, lay-ins, and

petitions. These new forms for the effecting of persuasion are

featured prominently in current civil-rights, anti-war, and student

protest campaigns. This shift in forms of persuasive communication

utilized most extensively in contemporary mass campaigns was discussed

at the 1968 S.A.A. convention by Robert Scott and Donald K. Smith,

speaking on "The Rhetoric of Confrontation."

The word "confrontation" is being used currently
to describe a set of behaviors that implements
dissent in circumstances that once might have
given rise to discourse clearly rhetorical.
Whereas sit-ins, demonstrations, marches, and even
physical conflict are scarcely the stuff of con-
ventional debate, we are forced to consider the
potentialities of these activities as means of
persuasion.17

The "Neo-Aristotelian" framework also fails to provide guidelines

for discussion of multiple channels. Frequently multiple channels

convey the same message to different audiences simultaneously or at

differing intervals. Lack of guidelines for analysis of multiple

communication channels, non-verbal Forms of persuasion, and pertinent



16Wayne E. Brockriede, "Toqards a Contemporary Aristotelian
Theory of Rhetoric,'" Quarely ournd of SjpIech, LXII I (February,
1966), 35.

7Robert L. Scott and Donald K. Smith, "The Rhetoric of Con-
frontation," in Sbtllz~ s (Speech Association of America 54th
Annual Meeting, Chicago, Illinois, December 27-30,,1968), p. 6.





12

principles of mass movement dynamics weakens the rhetorical critic's

ability to evaluate the rhetoric of mass movements. The effect of this

lack of guidance can be seen in specimens of contemporary criticism.

In 1967, James R. Andrews did a critical study of the Eighteenth

Century British pacifist movement. He compared the first stage of this

movement unfavorably with the third because more tangible goals were
18
reached in this third and final stage. The scholar of mass movements

realizes that the earliest stage is normally concerned with gaining
19
attention and recruiting members; other concrete goals cannot be

attained until a later stage. Hence, Andrews' lack of knowledge of

mass movement dynamics led him to use inappropriate criteria in judging

the various stages of the movement. It is interesting to note that

Andrews was the sole published critic in 1967 to even attempt a com-

prehensive study of a mass campaign.

Many contemporary critics base their judgement of discourses

mainly on the soundness of the logic of the persuader's premises without

considering the soundness of the speaker's psychology in relating these

points of logic to his audience. The'Neo-Aristoteliar' bias toward

logical proof has probably contributed in large measure to this weak-

ness in rhetorical theory and criticism discussed by Richard B. Gregg:

For a realistic picture of argument we need to
superimpose a psychological Framework over the


18
J8ames R. Andrews, "The Ethos of Pacifism: The Problem of Image
in the Early British Peace Movement," Inu.arterly journall of Speech,
LIII (February, 1967), 32.
19
1Eric Hoffer, IThJ~T~ul ate_Leever (NeH York: New American Library,
1951), pp. 120-25.







logical structure of disputation. In other words, we
must consider auditor or audience reaction to argument
or if you will, the rhetoric of argument. We need to
understand not only why arguments should or should
not be accepted (the logic of argument) but why in
fact they are or are not accepted (the rhetoric of
argument).20

An example of this problem is the 1967 study, "Presumption and

Burden of Proof in Whately's Speech on the Jewish Civil Disabilities

Repeal Bill," by Floyd Douglas Anderson and Merwyn Ilayes, published

in Sp~.ch Mbonagraph2s. 2 This article is interesting in that the

critics take one of W'hately's theoretical formulations from his

lmentsofj Rhetoc and show. ha's the rhetorical theorist actually

applied the concept in one of his parliamentary speeches. The

rhetorical concept illustrated was this -- Whately held that a

restriction, such as disallowing Jewish participation in British

political life, unless clearly necessary to the self-defense of the

society, would enjoy no presumption of truth, even though it repre-

sented the status quo. This tenet from IThleu 1s de of Retoric was

also the central proposition of Whately's speech. To bolster it, he

cited evidence to show that the restriction against Jews had never been

proven necessary to British self-defense. After discussing Whately's

use of this rhetorical premise, the authors pose this question -- Is

the hypothesis itself and, hence, the approach relied on in the



2Richard B. Gregg, "The Rhetoric of Evidence," Western Speech,
XXXI (Summer, 1967), 189.

Floyd Douglas Anderson and Merwyn Hayes, "Presumption and Burden
of Proof in Whately'sT Speech on the Jewish Civil Disabilities Repeal
Bill," SJ2eag t~ olnoraps, XXXIV (June, 1967), 133-36.







parliamentary speech, good? Their judgment is that the concept is

sound and that the speech was a good one even though Whately's vie/

didn't prevail in the vote afterward. They base their conclusion on

the fact that fifteen years later in the 1848 parliamentary debates

on the same issue, Whately's speech was reprinted by the forces

favoring the repeal of Jewish disabilities. Moreover, they cite the fact

that Robert Peel utilized Whately's line of argument. Peel's speech was

considered decisive in winning enough votes for repeal.

Perhaps the authors were more concerned with analysis of Whately's

theoretical concept and the ramifications of its practical application

than they were with total critical assessment of the speech. Yet as

they assessed the soundness of the technique in this given speech

situation, they raised other issues they became obligated to answer. The

most obvious question in the mind of the reader is -- Why was Peel so

much more successful with a speech based on the same central argument?

Had some historical happenings made the mood of Peel's audience different?

If so, this should be explained. The critics might then have analyzed

what else Whately could have done to counteract the more negative frame

of mind of his audience. Or the critics should ask, What else did Peel

do to make his central argument appealing? Perhaps he stressed the

positive values of change, whereas, Whately had dwelt mainly on the

negative thought that the other side had not sufficiently proved that

danger would result from the removal of Jewish disabilities. The fact

that both men were not successful with the same argument underscores

that mere logical appeal is not enough for the success of a speech.

Factors of the psychology of the audience have to be considered in a

full and reliable appraisal.






15
The writers of three 1967 critical studies of speeches by Stokely

Carmichael might have profited from specific guidelines for evaluating

factors of humor and cathartic appeal as they affect the psychology of

persuasion. All three critics gave interesting impressionistic reactions

to the single speech each had heard.22 Each critic pointed out that

Carmichael succeeded in amusing and entertaining his audience with his

ironic humor. If these critics had been better acquainted with the

communicative value of ironic humor in aiding the audience to consider

the issue with less rigidity, they could have judged this technique

on a fuller and more significant level than merely labeling it "enter-

taining." For instance, Dencil Taylor, dismissed Carmichael's arguments

as shallowa. and emotional." However a-notional reactions such as

amusement or cathartic release often help to reestablish communication

within upset individuals or between alienated groups and, thus, prepare

them eventually to see the logic of argumentative constructions.23

A number of problems in contemporary critical theory and practice

have been discussed. A most significant problem if one considers the

ultimate purpose of criticism in aiding man toward greater self-

understanding and tvoard promotion of the highest values is the general

lack of an ethical dimension of criticism. The critic tends to concentrate


22
Pat Jefferson, "The Magnificent Barbarian at Nashville," Southern
Speech Journal, XXXIII (Winter, 1967), 77-87; Elizabeth Flory Phifer
and Dencil R. Taylor, "Carmichael in Tallahassee," S'Lthern Speech i rnal,
XXXIII (Winter, 1967), 88-92.

2See especially Hugh Duncan, C mmUyniCatLon andLhe j OJ rl
(New York: Bedminster Press, 1962), pp. 393-411; Dominick A. Barbara,
"Listening with the Inner Ear,'" ntrl5 S .are SpeecbDJornal, XI (Winter,
1960), 95-98.





16

on assessing the techniques of the rhetor without making value judge-

ments of the rhetors' purposes. Also he frequently judges the

techniques solely as to whether or not they are effective, regardless

of social and ethical problems which might arise from the use of certain

techniques.

Even the analysis and assessment of rhetorical techniques is not

as complete and accurate as it ought to be. The currently available

critical framework does not instruct critics regarding non-verbal

aspects of persuasion such as the "direct-action" techniques. Also,

the critic is not guided in considering multiple audiences receiving the

persuasive message through multiple communication channels. Hence,

criticism of the rhetoric of mass campaigns is relatively rare, and

when such an assessment is attempted it is likely to be incomplete.

In addition, many principles from sociology and psychology which relate

significantly to persuasive communications have been formulated in

recent years but have not been added to the framework guiding rhetorical

critics. The addition of these principles would enable the critic to

begin solving the problems of current research cited here. This

addition would also aid the critic in formulating the best criteria to

apply to rhetorical discourses and would provide him with the fullest

evidence in comparing the discourse to the criteria formulated for

judging it.

The author does not maintain that the new critical framework will

solve all problems. On many occasions poor critical studies are done

because the critic is unperceptive or is careless in his work. The

author is merely making the modest claim that critics, whether poor,






17

average, or good, would gain helpful ideas from another fully-developed

critical theory which attempts to discuss factors significant to

persuasive situations which the "N!eo-Aristotclian" framework does not

provide for.

Consequently, the concern in this dissertation is to develop a

new framework for rhetorical criticism to exist alongside or as a

supplement to the "Nco-Aristotel ian" framework. This frame.,ork is

grounded in significant principles from sociology and psychology

which add to the understanding and assessment of persuasive discourses.

Moreover, attention to the non-verbal factors of persuasion, attention

to significant components of mass campaigns, and attention to assessing

the ethical dimension of the rhetor's purpose and tactics, in so far

as these latter assessments can be supported by empirical evidence,

are stressed in the new framework. In addition, several samples of

applied criticism will be presented in order to aid the critic in

recognizing specific critical applications that may be made of the

principles discussed in the dissertation.

There is need to explain the method of selecting and synthesizing

into a coherent new framework, the most significant sociological and

psychological principles.

The author followed the advice of Berlo, Nichols, and Brockriede,2

and the example of Griffin and Holland, by beginning the search for a



24See Brockriede, p. 35 and Marie Hochmuth Nichols, Lectures gn
Rhetoric and Criticjism (Baton Rouge, Louisiana: Louisiana State Univ-
ersity.Press, 1963), p. 106.








new critical theoi y with a study of Kenneth Burke. The author alsu

relied heavily on a study of Hugh Duncan who has made a simple ified

restatement of Bu-kce's key rhetorical concepts.25

The author agreed with the persuasion and criticism theorists

cited that Burke has provided many perceptive insights about the

persuasive process which would be of aid to both the rhetor and the

rhetorical critic. The author, similar to Burke, became convinced that

identification is the substance of successful persuasion. However,

Burke does not give a detailed explication of how the identification

process operates. The author concluded after a survey of many socio-

logical and psychological theories that an exploration of associational

conditioning and related factors of learning theory were what was

needed to provide a detailed anatomy of the identification process

necessary to successful instances of persuasion. While this merger

of identification, associational conditioning, and related learning

concepts is the core of the theory, several other significant factors

have been added. Linguistic symbols are the main means of activating

associational conditioning: hence, this topic is explored extensively.

Another addition is a discussion of psychological blocks to accurate

audience perception of elements of the message. Factors of social

interaction which add to or hinder perception of the persuasive message

are also discussed.




25Hugh Duncan, a.m naictioon dL.Tc Socit__cer (Nt- York:
Bedminister Pres, 1962); Kenneth Burke, A Rhe~tforc f C'.lis
(Cleveland: World Publishing Co., 1962); Kenneth Burke, AGarn r.f_.a
tiotivel (Cleveland: World Publ fishing Co., 1962).















CHAPTER II


A DETAILED EXPLORATION OF THE PSYCHOLOGY OF PERSUASION



In this chapter a detailed outline is presented of the psychology

of persuasion. This may seem to be an odd topic to explore extensively

in the opening theoretical chapter of a dissertation which explicates

a ne. theory of rhetorical criticism. It would seem that the main

caoponents of a theory of rhetorical criticism would be the criteria

to be applied in evaluating a rhetorical discourse to determine its

overall merit. Criteria are defined as standards of excellence against

which any rhetorical discourse can be tested. Consequently, these

criteria are prescriptive statements indicating the best overall

strategies and specific tactics which ought to be employed within given

types of persuasive situations.

To derive these prescriptive statements the critic must first

ascertain the crucial factors contributing to successful instances of

persuasion. As these crucial factors are isolated, critical standards

of rhetorical excellence can be inferred, Critical standards of

excellence are ideals which few if any discourses meet fully but which

provide for comparative judgment of a given discourse's worth. If

critical standards were based on what is generally accomplished rather

than on what are the highest possible accomplishments (which can be






20

inferred from intensive study of attitude formation) critics would be

measuring mediocrity rather than excellence. Persuaders, moreover,

would not learn to improve their art.

The remainder of this chapter contains discussion of the process

factors necessary to making an attempt at persuasion a success. The

author regards any conscious attempt through verbal or non-verbal means

by a source to modify the overt behavior, the attitudes, or the beliefs

of a person or persons as an instance of persuasion and, hence, of

interest to the rhetorical critic. What are termed "necessary process

factors" may not be found in every attempt at persuasion, but they would

be found in every successful attempt. Since the ultimate purpose of

this dissertation is the development of critical standards, the process

steps necessary to any successful endeavor in attitude formation or

attitude modification are what is pertinent. These process factors

apply to persuasive messages in any form of publication -- speeches,

printed messages, non-verbal message forms, or a combination of these.

The process is discussed in terms of three major subdivisions --

perception, judgment, and action.

In a successful instance of persuasion, the audience is aided

to perceive the main elements of the message in the way the rhetor

intended them to be perceived. After accurate perception of the main

elements, the audience is encouraged to make a judgment taoard the

rhetorical proposition similar to the judgment the persuader desires.

The elements of perception and judgment will occur simultaneously

in certain parts of the message. For purposes of analysis, however,

perception and judgment are seen as discrete parts of the persuasive






21

process. The perception of major message canponents tends to set the

direction of judgment,, hence, serious discrepancies between intended

and actual perception may prevent persuasive success even before the

judgment phase is reached.

Percepts~ can be defined as the reception of information stimuli

and the comprehension of these elements through categorization and

labeling. Judgm int refers to connections between motivational (appeals)

concepts and the rhetorical proposition, including the final inferences

for overt action proceeding from these connections.

A judgment of some type generally is made by receivers, but it

may be opposite to the one the rhetor desires. On other occasions,

too few pertinent items of information are presented to enable structur-

ing toward any judgment regarding the proposition. This problem is

illustrated in the student speech to be discussed in Chapter III.

The final stage in the psychological process of persuasion is

the acting out of the proposition by the receiver. If, however, the

receiver's perceptions and/or judgments were in disagreement with

the rhetor's intention, the third stage may never occur; the audience

may not act in any way related to the proposition. On the other hand,

they may act in a manner contrary to it. An action step congruent with

the rhetor's intention is almost assured if the audience perceives and

judges in the manner desired by the rhetor. If success is achieved in

regard to the perception and judgment phases, the only probable reasons



See discussion of perception in Ronald H. Forgus, EPrs~e~ton
(New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966), p. 2. .





22

that the audience would fail to act would be due to the rhetor's failure

to describe specific actions or his call for an action that the audience

was incapable of giving. These two problems indicate poor audience

analysis and are treated adequately in standard persuasion texts.2

Hence, the remainder of this discussion shall be centered upon

considerations which the rhetor should make in aiding his receivers to

perceive and to judge in a manner leading to the desired action. This

manner of presentation may seem appropriate to the exposition of a

rhetorical rather than a critical theory. Actually it is appropriate

to both. In making his assessments, the rhetorical critic should simulate

the process of choosing which is discussed here from the viewpoint of

the rhetor. In other words, the best of the possible strategic choices

open to the rhetor are equivalent to the standards of excellence for

judging the persuasive message.

A number of elements presented in this theory are found in tradi-

tional discussions of rhetoric. The traditional treatment of sane of

these is, however, imprecise. A major contribution of this critical

theory is to cite empirical support for what have been common sense

notions of traditional rhetoricians. In so doing, fuller detailing

and further implications of given concepts will be developed. The

concepts discussed will be interrelated more carefully into an overall

view of the persuasive process than has been the case previously. The

discussion to follo.q also shifts the relative emphasis of certain



2See especially Wayne flinnick, ITh eArt_ Ealuf Pn-L i (Boston:
Houghton Mifflin, 1957), pp. 32-33.








components of persuasion. For instance, traditional critics have

stressed the formal logic of argument more than any other element.

Traditionalists have related argument to audience predispositions, but

generally formal logic has been scrutinized more than the audience's

psychological perceptions of the logical threads of the message.

One might get the best general orientation to the theory of

successful persuasion upon which this new critical theory is based by

considering the following quotation from an article by 0. H. Macrer,

an eminent leader in the field of stimulus-response learning psychology.

MoHrer comments on a statement by Carpenter which is consistent with

his -wn theory on the matter:

In a recent paper by Carpenter entitled "A
Theoretical Orientation for Instructional Film
Research," we find brief reference to the
releasor-organizer hypothesis, which is that
the signals, signs, and symbols of sound motion
pictures function principally as releasors and
organizers of meanings and responses in human
subjects. The releasing function of signs is
said to be both dependent (or interdependent)
on the activated brain processes engramss) of
the experiencing subjects. Thus, it may be
reasoned that the functions of signals, signs,
and symbols do not transmit meanings; they
release meaning when and only when the subjects
respond. The characteristics of these responses
relate closely to personal life history dif-
ferences. The releasor concept of signs and
symbols must be supplemented by the related
organizer concept. Previously learned engramss"
may be modified by new stimulation and even
nana related elements may be imprinted. Nel
relationships may be shewn and old responses
modified by film mediated stimulation. The
results are conceived to consist principally of



Richard B. Gregg, "The Rhetoric of Evidence," LlWe_tLesropeei,
XXXI (Summer, 1967), 180-88.







the reorganization of previously learned
neural-organic patterns which intervene between
film stimulation and the subsequent actions
or reactions of the individual.

The notion that signs release or arouse meanings
in rather than bear them to another individual
as stated by Carpender is identical with the
position taken in the present analysis.4

The notion of rhetoric presented here is quite different from that

generally entertained by the persuasion theorist. In particular the

psychological processes which explain why general persuasive strategies

succeed or fail are detailed.

Several of these psychological elements can be inferred from the

previous quotation and explored further. Most crucial is the releasor

aspect of the persuasive process. Mowrer's discussion indicates that

the persuasive process is completed within the individual. Indeed the

persuasive message must set forth conditions to facilitate the

receiver's persuading himself. HMorer delineates the physiological-

psychological connections within the brain and central nervous system

which facilitate this self-persuasive process. Due to previous

experience the receiver has "activated brain patterns," engrams,

which cause him to react in certain set ways in situations which

trigger the given "activated brain pattern."5

For instance, John Smith responds with an offer to help any time

one of his neighbors is in distress. A rhetor who wished to have

John Smith (and perhaps others like him in a larger audience) help



0. H. Malrer, "The Psychologist Looks at Language," in ilLunt a
La.2, Stri Vi n&n.SJVLudl[esEo xin.o:ilinOjLo es tQQ__ J l._ja r,
ed, by Arthur Staats (NoM York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston Inc., 1964),
p. 181.

5jid.., pp. 187-88.








some neighbors in the community would merely have to paint a clear

verbal picture of the situation. Smith's "activated brain pattern"

concerning the previously learned response of aid to the stimulus,

distressed neighbor, would connect within his neurological system, and

John Smith would either perform an overt action of giving help or at

least would resolve to do so in the near future.

If the rhetor's goal were to solicit money for aid to a foreign

country and his audience consisted of people like John Smith, he might

stimulate a new or slightly modified response by building on one

already followed as an "activated brain pattern." In this case the

rhetor would show the audience that the foreign activity was concerned

with giving relief to suffering international neighbors. This appeal

could lead to the desired action of getting contributions. In this

case a new stimulus, a problem situation in a foreign country, has

been conditioned to a previously established response of aid to dis-

tressed neighbors. Both the pure "activated brain pattern" and the new

pattern conditioned upon the old activations are made possible because

of the engrams (traces of synapse connections of previous stimulus-

response bonds left in the brain).

The preceding description of self-persuasion as it occurs in the

neurological system is all that will be discussed on that subject, since

little is known about the engram connection process. Though such

neurological connections are crucial to the persuasive process they

are a factor which cannot be analyzed directly as Ruesch and Bateson

expla in:


Events occurring in other persons are accessible to
an observer in terms of inference alone. All he







observes is the stimuli which reach the other
person and the latter's reactions; the rest is
subject to conjecture.

Consequently, the rhetorical theorist and the rhetorical critic

should derive principles by focusing attention on those types and combin-

ations of stimuli that will lead to mediating responses within receivers

causing them to act in the desired manner. The mediating mechanisms

are the engram connections and related parts of the brain and central

nervous system. It is arrangements of linguistic symbols which activate

these mediating mechanisms. A mediating reonsae is the repertoire or

part of a repertoire of behavior elicited by linguistic symbols which

have stimulated an "activated brain pattern" or a response derivative

of an "activated brain pattern."

An understanding of ho i linguistic symbols stimulate mediating

responses might be provided by considering and commenting on this

statement regarding symbol conditioning by Charles Osgood, a foremost

world authority on mediational-psychology.

Words represent things because they produce some
replica of the actual behavior toward those things.
This is the crucial identification, the mechanism
that ties signs to particular stimulus-objects and
not to others. Stating the proposition formally,
we may say; a pattern of stimulation which is not
the object is a sign of the object if it evokes in
an organism a mediating reaction this (a) being some
fractional part of the total behavior elicited by
the object and (b) producing distinctive self-
stimulation that mediates responses which would not



Jurgen Ruesch and Gregory Bateson, .Counication:_1 e
Matrix of Psychiatry (New York: W. W. Norton and Co., 1951), p. 26.







occur without the previous stimulation of qon-
object and object patterns of stimulation.

Osgood's discussion is of the process by which individual words

acquire meaning. The self-stimulation mediating process, haiever, is the

same one used in connecting motivational concepts (motivational appeals)

to rhetorical propositions to give the proposition a new meaning. The

self-stimulation mediating responses triggered by previous associations

refers to responses due directly to "activated brain reactions" or to

reactions derivative of them through generalization, discrimination,

or further associative conditioning. These conditions are consistent

with general knowledge regarding cognition as exemplified in this

remark by Doob:

When a thorough investigation reveals no actual
prior contact (between stimulus and response) some
process of generalization or discrimination must
have occurred since all behavior has antecedents.8

Arthur Staats explains that language conditioned in the manner

discussed by Osgood can in turn be applied in further operant condi-

tioning procedures to generate new patterns of learning, including

modifications of attitudes.

These connected levels of conditioning will be traces here. The

first two levels are attained by all learners of a given language; the



Charles E. Osgood, "The Mediation Hypothesis," in Staats, ed.,
p. 173.

Leonard Doob, "The Behavior of Attitudes," ibid., p. 297.

Arthur W. Staats, "A Case in and Stragegy for the Extension of
Learning Principles to Problems of Human Behavior," ibid., p. 137.





28

persuader has to make use of them through skillful language selection

in the phrasing of his message. First one learns the meaning of separate

word symbols by associating each to related clusters of action. Osgood

explains that human beings think of objects and word symbols for them

in terms of related actions. For instance, hammer means to an indi-

vidual the striking action he can perform with the implement.0 This

association of action-meaning with individual words is transferred also

to phrases, clauses, and sentences. Reaching the third level, the

strategy of the persuader might be phrased as an attempt to take a nae

subject (the rhetorical proposition) and connect it with predicates

(motivational concepts) already accepted by the audience.

Moarer has explained hcaq the sentence can be used as this type of

conditioning device. (What can be said of sentences can be applied

to any other unit of complete thought as has been demonstrated by

I. A. Richards.) l

The sentence preeminently a conditioning device
and that its chief effect is to produce new
association, new learning, just as any other
paired presentation of stimuli may do. This
position is congruent with the traditional
notion that predication is the essence of
language and may indicate, perhaps more pre-
cisely than purely linguistic research has
done, the basic nature of this phenomenon.
Perhaps the most generally accepted criterion
as to whether a sentence has or has not done its
work is this: if as a result of hearing or
reading a sentence, an individual's behavior on
some future occasion, with respect to some person,



Clharles E. Osgood, "The Mediation IypoLhesis," .LbLd., p. 174.

I. A. Richards, The Philosoohy of Rhetori (Nlew York: Oxford
University Press, 1965), pp. 47-50.








thing or event not present when the sentence occurred
is different from what it otherwise had been, then
that sentence may be said to have been understood
and to have functioned effectively. If, for example,
John tells Charles in the absence of Tom, that Tom
is a thief and if when Charles subsequently encounters
Tom, he reacts toward him with distrust and appre-
hension [persuasive] communication has clearly taken
place.l

One can see how this process takes place in a lengthy message

by considering an aspect of Roosevelt's First inaugural. (This

address is discussed in detail in Chapter IV.) Roosevelt's subject

(proposition) was "Accept my new economic recovery program." He

connected this with several predicates (motivational concepts) as

his basic argumentative strategy. For instance, one line of connection

was "Accept my new economic recovery program because it is consistent

with 'essential democracy' and other accepted American values."

Supposedly, the auditor's previously learned action-pattern toward

entities democratic and American would be transferred to the recovery

program. Another conditioning pattern (or line of argument) was

"Accept my new economic recovery program because I am a charismatic

leader." A third conditioning pattern was "Accept my new economic

recovery program because it will undo the damage created by careless

and unscrupulous businessmen." Within the speech symbol manipulations

and supporting details were used to build up the three motivational

concepts -- factors of 'essential democracy,' businessmen as scapegoats,

and Roosevelt as a charismatic leader. The latter two were complicated


12
0. H. MIocrer, 'The Psychologist Looks at Language," in Staats,
ed., pp. 180-82.





30

as charisma had to be associated with Roosevelt and scapegoating with

businessmen, then the two concepts were associated with the proposition.

The essence of successful persuasion is to connect one's proposition

with predicates (motivational concepts) which (1) are needs, beliefs,

attitudes, or general courses of action already strongly accepted by

the audience, and (2) are concepts that move the audience toward

action-areas similar to the action the rhetor is trying to induce

toward the proposition. In the inaugural address, the prior action-

orientations toward the motivational concepts were those of strong

acceptance ('essential democracy'); complete trust and obedience

(charismatic leadership); and avoidance of anything connected with the

scapegoat, businessmen. This last action-area was valuable because

the recovery program involved a turning away from some previously

revered free enterprise practices. (3) The motivational concept

should be one which can be plausibly connected with the proposition.

The conditioning (or identification) of motivational concepts

already accepted by the audience to the proposition might be compared

with a traditional Aristotelian concept. The motivational concepts)

would be major premises believed by the audience. The connections

between these motivational concepts and the proposition would be the

minor premise. If the receiver truly sees the connection he is self-

persuaded and will make a favorable judgment toward the proposition.

lWhen self-persuasion has occurred the argumentative strategy has

functioned as an entlymemie in the sense that the receiver would

comprehend for himself the conclusion of the message (proposition)

proceeding from the lines of argument, even if the proposition were







left unstated. Factors of learning theory which facilitate the

receiver's making of the crucial connection are discussed in detail

in Chapter IlI.

The preceding discussion of conditioning steps has provided an

outline of the organizer part of the releasor-organizer theory of

persuasion as discussed by lowrer.

Howrer stated that the release aspect concerns setting forth

conditions so the desired attitudinal meanings will be released within

receivers. The setting forth of favorable conditions has to do with

aiding the receiver toward favorable perception (especially favorable

labeling) of major message elements, such as, the motivational concepts,

the proposition, and the connecting link between these two entities.

In particular the motivational concepts need to be labeled in a

manner that will win the audience's acceptance and will orient them to

an area of action similar to the one called for in the proposition.

The desired action would be an acceptance or avoidance response to a

definite entity. This conditioned response may be the initiation of

approach to an entity previously ignored or rejected, or it may be

renewal of approach to an encity. Similarly the response could be one

of avoidance regarding an object previously approached, or it could be

a resolve to avoid an entity previously not acted toward at all.

Fotheringham refers to these four major directions of action respectively

as adoption, antinuatio disontinuance, and deterrence.13 Speeches

cited in this study for the purpose of sample criticisms illustrate all



13Vallace C. Fotheringham, crsJpectives on Persuasion (Boston:
Allyn and Bacon, 1966), p. 33.






32

four action-orientations. Adopiion was called for in the proposition

of Franklin Roosevelt's First Inauguial -- "Accept my neo economic

recovery program." Continuation was the desired response to John

Glenn's proposition -- "Support this worthwhile space program."

Patrick Henry sought discontinuance in the proposition of his "Give

me Liberty or Give me Death Address.' He said, in effect, "Cease to

negotiate with Britain." The student speaker whose proposition was

"Do not depend on religion," was call ing for discnntinuance or deterrence,

depending on the prior practices of individual audience members.

Doob speaks synonymously with Mo.rer when he characterizes

attitude formation as consisting of perception and associational

learning.14 Staats also speaks synonymously when he explains that

attitude formation is based upon categories (perceived entities) which

are primed or activated through conditioning processes.

Motivational concepts, previously learned beliefs, opinions,

felt needs, or characteristic ways of acting, can be conditioned to

propositions calling for various types of judgment as Doob indicates

in the following observation:

Under varying conditions within the individual,
a given attitude can mediate a repertoire of
overt responses. A favorable attitude toward
a social institution, foi example, can mediate
innumerable responses connected with what is 16
considered to be the welfare of that institution.



14Leonard Doob, "The Behavior of Attitudes," in Staats, ed.,
p. 299.

15Arthur W. Staats, "Verbal Mechanisms in Purpose and Set," in
Staats, ed., p. 219.
16ob p. 29
Doob, p. 298.





33

Bruner, Goodnow, and Austin also support this line of thought in

discussing the relative nature of categorization.

The objects of the environment provide the cues on
which our groupings may be based, but they provide
cues that could serve for many groupings other than
the ones we make. We select and utilize certain cues
rather than others.17

The overall releasor-organizer concept of persuasion has been

defined and explicated, but a fuller understanding of the process

steps, perception and judgment, need to be attained. This discussion

will fill in the details of the releasor-aspect. Judgment toward the

proposition is the sum total of the labelings made of motivational con-

cepts and the resultant labeling of the proposition to which they are

connected. Since perception of these major message elements consistent

with the perceptions the persuader desired tends to facil itate judge-

ment in the direction desired, the mainan-plificatory discussion

needed is a further exploration of perception.

Although perception includes the three major elements of reception,

categorization, and labeling, only reception and labeling will be

discussed explicitly. A part of labeling is the categorization of

message elements. Indeed many cognition theorists would state that

labeling is subordinate to categorization and is chiefly an expression

of ho. these elements were categorized. In this study the viewpoint

is taken that the manner in which objects are labeled is the main

determinant of their categorization. The main reason for following

this interpretation is an understanding that the only way human beings



J7erane S.Bruner, Jacqueline Gcodnoe, and George Austin, A _Study
nf Tinkiang (New York: Science Editions, 1965), p. 232.








can think about features of their environment and form opinions of

them is through the use of symbols to name and interrelate objects; in

other words, only through labeling can objects be understood and reasoned

about.

Even the cognition theorists, Bruner, Goodncw and Austin, who

stress the primacy of categorization make statements which seen in

reality to support the primacy of labeling:

The stimulus similarity that serves as a basis for
grouping is a selected or abstracted similarity.
There is an act of rendering similar by a coding
operation rather than a forcing of equivalence on
the organism by the nature of stimulation.

Virtually all cognitive activity involves and is
dependent on the process of categorizing. Mure
critical still, the act of categorizing derives
from man's capacity to infer from sign to signifi-
cate.18

Further support for the primacy of labeling is given by symbolic

interactionists, such as, Duncan and Burke, who state that an indivi-

dual has to name a thing before he can act toward it.19 In addition,

various psychological studies report that individuals have difficulty

perceiving objects for which they do not have names. The critical

role of labeling in perception and cognition is especially well-stated

in some of the psychiatric literature, such as in the following

observation by Dollard and Miller:

The neurotic is a person who is in need of a
stock of sentences that will match the events
going on within and without him. The new sentences


18
18Jbid. p. 8 and p. 246.
19
1Hugh Dalziel Duncan, QComunication hLr_ L _S Q_ id__cL (Nem
York: Bedminister Press, 1962), p. 44.








make possible an immense facilitation of higher
mental processes. With their aid he can dis-
criminate and generalize more accurately; he
can motivate himself for remote tasks; he can
produce hope and caution within himself and aid
himself in being logical, reasonable and
planful. By label ing a formerly unlabeled emo-
tional response he can represent this response
in reasoning. It acquires a voice within the
individual. The unknown response does not appear
as a surprising element in a plan which had
disregarded it. Occasions for action can be
forseen and judged in advance as to suitability.

The debate regarding labeling versus categorization as the

primary cognitive operation mirrors in microcosm the debate over the

Whorf-Sapir hypothesis. The linguists, Whorf and Sapir, maintained

that the vocabulary and grammatical structure of a society determined

its members' perceptions of reality and, consequently, the type of

culture developed by them. Critics of this hypothesis have maintained

that vocabulary and grammar are mainly shaped by a society's perceptions

of reality and by its cultural needs. The author favors a position

close to that of Whorf and Sapir. The author believes, moreover, that

the Whorf-Sapir hypothesis of language shaping one's perception of

objects is more applicable to the reception of persuasive messages

than it might be to other situations. A formal definition of labeling

and a more precise description of its role in persuasion will support

the foregoing observation.

The label ng_rpracer. proceeds as an inner dialogue of the self in

perceiving objects, events, or other stimuli which serve as points of



John Dollard and Neal E. Mill er, Person i tya PscatL tLbgrapy
(New York: McGraw-Hill, 1950), p. 281.





36

information in a communicative message. Lab .inJgrsponse, refers to

the giving of a name to the stimulus being perceived at the moment.

Although labeling refers chiefly to the assigning of verbal names to

objects, the label includes an orientation to a definite area of

action which is the receiver's response to the stimulus of the labeling

words and the entities (beyond the immediate object) of which the

labelings are signs. Fishbein further supports and elucidates this

discussion of labeling responses.

The subject tends to read, or to repeat himself,
the stimulus toward which he is attending; he
makes a "labeling response." Once the individual
has learned the concept, ha'ever,he may learn new
associations to it. lost learning occurs after the
object is labeled, so attitudes are functions of
the individual's belief (labeling about the attitude
object)..21

In many situations the individual is presented first with an

object, event, or situation and proceeds to label it. In the

persuasive setting, the receiver is presented first with the persuader's

labeling of motivational concepts and of the rhetorical proposition

rather than being presented with these as actual entities. The

receiver does decide for himself whether to accept or reject the

persuader's labelings. However, because he must begin his thought

regarding these entities with labels given him by someone else he is

more likely to see objects suggested by the given labels than to val idate

the labels by reference to related aspects not suggested by them.

Especially is this likely to happen if the persuader makes his various



21Martin Fishbein, ReaJding i_ n AtLLLkdaJrQhio and Measurement
(No York: John Wiley and Sons, 1967), pp. 393-94.





37

labelings and the connections between them convincing (through adequate

detailing, logical connections, ethical proof, and the various perception

factors yet to be discussed in this chapter). The rhetor's biased

label ings are apt to be most convincing in situations where the

receiver knows little about the rhetorical issue. In that case the

receiver may make little or no attempt to validate the rhetor's labeling

through reference to outside knowledge of the objects represented by

the labeling.

Such a situation was pointed out recently by Roger Egeberg,

nominee for the post of Assistant Secretary of Health. He decried

cliches which he felt were manipulated by representatives of the

American Medical Association to frighten citizens into opposing further

medical reforms without really understanding the issues involved. In

particular, he attacked "social ization" as a word that electrifies

everyone and "compulsory" as a word that makes everybody's "hair

stand on end." His concluding remark was, "My job in Washington will

be to help get people thinking in terms of facts rather than in terms

of these cl iches."22

If the labeling of motivational concepts leads to a labeling of

the proposition that suggests a range of action acceptable to the

receiver, he will make a judgment of acceptance toward the proposition.

In his validation of the rhetor's labeling of motivational concepts

pointing toward a particular labeling of the proposition the receiver



22"Egeberg Claims Medical Field is Shattered," St. Petersburg Times,
July 5, 1969, sec. A, p. 9.






38
may derive a propositional statement suggesting an unacceptable range

of response. In that case his judgment will be one of rejection. There

are occasions when the rhetor presents motivational concepts in terms

of sparse or confusing details. In that case the receiver normally

cannot validate the labeling of either the motivational concepts or the

proposition,and he will make no judgment regarding the proposition.

Since labeling is so dependent upon and intimately connected with

other phases of perception, a general ized discussion follows of areas

in which perception may break darn. The major portion of this discussion

refers to hindrances to full and accurate reception of all crucial

aspects of the message. It is difficult, however, to pinpoint some of

these factors as mainly a failure in reception, or in labeling (including

categorization) or a combination of them. In particular it is difficult

to determine whether psychological blocks within a receiver hinder.

mainly reception or labeling. All that is really important is to

realize that these perceptual factors are a general hindrance to

successful persuasion. The pervasiveness of perception as the audience

comprehends points of information pertinent to the rhetorical propo-

sition, and as they begin to judge their reaction to the proposition

is illustrated in this observation:

In the accumulating experimental literature on
perception and especially on judgment, there
are recurrences that can be utilized in the
study of attitude and attitude change, .
how we see and hear things, ha- we discriminate
and compare things are not represented by cold
carbon copies of the stimulus, regardless of
the occasion. For one thing, the ways in which
we perceive and judge are determined .
within the context in which they are found
concurrently and in time sequence. But this
is not all . factors pertaining to the









individual, his background, his ego concerns, his
attitude, his organic states at the time -- have
to be considered as well, relative to the stimulus
conditions. These considerations apply to all
psychological processes, whether they involve
perceiving things, judging things learning about
things, or thinking about events.23

In the "old rhetoric" there was much concern about which side of

an issue has presumption in its favor and which has the burden of

proof in overcoming these presumptions. Recently Gary Cronkhite

suggested a broadening of the burden of proof concept. Cronkhite

stated that the rhetor bear in mind that he who asserts must prove
24
whatever is necessary to his assertations. Because accurate

perception is so vital the rhetor should realize that the burden is

on him to anticipate and to provide for any instances in which the

receiver might have difficulty perceiving elements of the discourse

accurately.

The concept of "noise" can be used to discuss factors responsible

for a failure to transmit intended perceptions intact to auditors.

The term was coined by Richards to refer to any interference with the
25
full and accurate transmission of a message.2

The most obvious interference are physiological and technical

"noises." If the audience is overly tired or overneated or the

speaker's voice is not loud enough, much of the detail to be perceived



23Carolyn W. Sherif, Muzafer Sherif, and Roger E. Nebergall,
Attitude and Attilude _Change: The Social Judgement-!nvolvement Aproach
(Philadelphia: W. B. Saunders Co., 1965), p. 223.
24
2Gary Lynn Cronkhite, "The Locus of Presumption," CeDnLta5jL ate.
.Speecj-~L Journal XVII (November, 1966), 270-76.

I. A. Richards, Speculative Instruments (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1955), p. 23.








will either be distorted or not communicated at all. There may also

be a motivational "noise" in that the audience fails to perceive the

speaker's topic as relevant to thon. This frequently happens when a

speech student talks to a college audience on medicare or social security.

On other occasions the problem really should concern the audience in

that they are capable of helping to solve it, but they have little

desire to become involved. In this case the usual reaction is to

physically or mentally tune out the persuader and his message. An

example is the lady who mumbled that her minister had spoken again on

civil rights. When asked what he had said about it, her reply was,

"Oh, I don't know, I turned off my hearing aid." Other people in

that audience probably tuned out by wool-gathering or by filling

their minds with the thought that ministers shouldn't deal with social

problems.

Discussion of the latter example leads beyond motivational "noise"

to "noise" due to conflict of attitude between the persuader and his

audience. In both cases receivers are likely to respond by applying

selective attention or by distorting the content of messages that are

attended to.

Sometimes the rhetor will induce an apathetic or hostile audience

to attend to his message by initially arousing tension or fear. Martin

Luther King and Arthur Wasko., prominentt strategist for various peace

and civilorights campaigns) conceived a tension-arousal use of "direct-

action" techniques. They specified that a major purpose of demonstra-

tions, economic boycotts, and related non-verbal protest measures is to

make the previously comfortable status quo sonunconfo tabJq that attention







of the general public toward solving social injustices becomes the

path of least resistance.6 This strategic approach corresponds to

what Fotheringham discusses as the use of non-verbal tactics for the

purpose of agitation. He also discusses the use of non-verbal techniques

to convey a definite persuasive meaning, termed the'bvent-message."

"The event-message" is to be distinguished from
agitation. The goals of the latter are to
arouse feeling, to unstructure the environment
of those for whom it is planned and in general
to heighten motivation. Persuasion and with it
the "event-message" implies the establishment of a
particular view or meaning or feelings toward a
particular object as a means of bringing about a
definite action-goal. Agitation generally precedes
persuasion and is a preparation for it.27

Althc gh such an agitation step seems needed in many situations,

the nature and severity of tactics to achieve it should be chosen

carefully. The famous Yale studies in persuasion indicate that

extreme fear-arousal often has a "bomnerang effect": The auditors

develop a hatred for the communicator and are likely to do the

opposite of what lie advocates.28

To know the direction and intensity of audience attitudes which

might lend themselves to a climate of apathy or a distortion of per-

ception, the rhetor must engage in audience analysis. Audience

analysis is an important part of traditional rhetoric and most



26Martin Luther King, Why WeCan's Wait (N[l. York: New American
Library, 1964), pp. 84-94; Raymond Murphy, ed., Problemis and Prospects
of the Neg jov _erent (Belmont, California: Wadsworth Publishing Co.,
1966), p. 377.
27
2Fotheringham,'p. 71.

2Carl Hovland, Irving Janis, and Harold Kelly, .CSnmmunication
adnL.ErSfs i~Jn (INea. Haven: Yale University Press, 1953), p. 189.






42

suggestions to be offered regarding it are not novel, but new knowledge

about reference groups may aid the rhetor. Most audiences that

persuaders deal with are sizeable and heterogeneous. The persuader may

infer major attitudinal predispositions of the audience by Finding

what reference groups they belong to, such as, political, social,

occupational, or religious categories. Osgood makes a succinct

explanation regarding the soundness of this approach:

The analogue for a cognitive element for an
individual is what we may call a cultural
meaning (stereotype, public image, etc.) for
a group. . It is characteristic of
cohesive groups as Newecomb has shown, for inter-
personal communication to produce increased uni-
formity of opinion and attitude. Mass com-
r nications have this function for the larger
groupings of individuals in mass society . .
Many of the applications of the semantic-
differential in the study of images of
political personalities and issues, of
commercial institutions and products, . .
have dealt with cultural meanings based on
reasonably representative groups of people.
The degree of conformity on issues (of
reference group members) is often striking.
Ninety to 100 percent of subjects frequently
choosing the same side if not the same
intensity.29

The occasion for the rhetorical message and/or the nature of the

sponsoring group usually indicate at least one important reference

group membership. Knavledge of one or two of these enables the

persuader to infer other attitudes and reference groups they are

likely to be associated with. Psychological studies have shown that

within a given reference group, a whole constellation of attitudes



2Fishbein, p. 435.








occur together30 Perhaps the best synthesis of types which might

guide the rhetor or rhetorical critic is Adorno's discussion of the

authoritarian versus democratic personality (including implications

regarding a third in-between category).31 For instance, if a rhetor

were to address an American Legion group which stresses patriotism

and loyalty he would hypothesize that this group tends to have an

authoritarian outlook. He would infer that his legion audience is

politically conservative, respects established institutions, and is

critical of those questioning these institutions. He would further

assess that the Legionaires favor conventional morality and family

life. In particular, Legionaires would react against anything

associated with "hippies," leftists, or protest demonstrators including

the vocabulary, clothing styles, etc., characterizing these groups.

Members of the American Legion as well as other authoritarian

types are much aware of class and rank distinctions and approve of

consciously stressing them. An individual addressing this group

should never adopt the "chummy" manner which might be favorably

received by a college audience. Even if the speaker were a social

equal to the Legion audience, his function as a speaker places him

momentarily at a higher rank, the expectations of which he should

meet. If at the same time the speaker were much younger or of

lower military rank than most of his audience, he should show the

proper deference toward them in these respects. The rule of "looking



30J.id., p. 436.

'Theodore Adorno, .ot sl.., ThAiLhor ibo.rdi. ~Lnear. o _aLLty (New
York: Wiley and Sons, 1964) pp. 31-56 and 390-467.







and acting the part," respecting one's rank whether it be that of

superior, inferior, or equal applies in almost all cases. It would

apply more strongly than usual with authoritarian-oriented people,

but would be toned dawn considerably when facing a "new-left" group.

This sample audience analysis is necessarily brief and merely

suggestive. It is the duty of the persuader or critic to make a

thorough study of reference groups he may be dealing with rather than

looking for a synopsis of reference groups in this dissertation.

Duncan discusses at length the matter of proper courtship mode

between superior and inferior or between equals. Duncan's basic

formula is that one petitions superiors, commands inferiors, and
32
convinces equals.3 However, in a society or group which is basically

democratic as are most American societal groups, one would also

convince superiors and inferiors. Yet one'sstyle of convincing a

superior would be deferential, and requests would probably be indirect.

One's style of convincing an inferior would be more authoritative and

direct, and one might include indirect reminders of one's power (see

discussion of tystificatiorl'in Chapter V). One reason student protest

movements are largely unsuccessful in reaching concrete goals is that

their leaders attempt to deal with university superiors in brash and

commanding rather than deferential tones. Such a style angers the

administrator personally and makes him fear a weakening of the hierarchical



32Duncan, p. 340.

33J. W. Anderson "Rebell ion Follows Pattern, Usually Fails,"
MilwaiIaOgourJn l, July 17, 1968, sec. B., p. 1.





45

arrangement which upholds the university structure. The result is that

the administrator refuses the student request and/or does not stay

around long enough to hear it, even though he might agree that the

request itself is just and reasonable.

Similar flaws which cause audiences to fail to attend at all or

to form distorted perceptions can be seen in the characteristic style

of extreme anti-har agitators. These people frequently proceed in a

manner which offends the sense of propriety, decency, or morality of

the general public. Hence, the public tunes out reception of these

protest messages. For instance, pouring blood vials over draft-center

records, stealing the records, burning dcwn R.O.T.C. installations,

and burning draft-cards are not attention-steps which favorably

dispose the American people to listen.

The successful persuader must understand and appeal to an audience's

sense of propriety and social-interaction to secure full and accurate

reception of his message. In addition certain audience groups may

have strong psychological tensions which must be allayed before

members can properly receive and react to the rhetor's message.

An example of people likely to have extreme psychological tensions

are cultural or racial minorities. Light is shed on why they might

have special psychological problems in this observation made by Duncan:

'We are anxious to communicate well with real audiences because their

responses become our responses to ourselves.'' Dominant social groups

must interact Favorably with an individual if he is to form an adequate


3Duncan, p. 283.








self-concept. Because of the rejections minority members often

experience, their self-concepts have a large canponent of self-hate

and aggression.35 These feelings are especially activated when such

individuals face situations (including speeches) concerned with racial

or social interactions. A persuader speaking on one of these themes

to such a group should try to alleviate the probable tension of self-

hate and aggression felt by his receivers. This necessity is stressed

in this additional observation by Duncan:

Thus, if the dream is the guardian of sleep,
art is the guardian of social order. When
society supplies us with no or fea benign
ways to express our frustrations, we turn to
crime, violence, rage, or hysteria. In these
furms of communication we try to say to others
something they cannot, or will not, let us
say in other ways. The [psychiatric] analyst
permits, indeed coaches us to every kind of
hostile expression, for he knows that only
when hate is expressed can it be understood.
He styles himself as an audience of a certain
kind, and we play out our hate before him.
As the hidden and secret hate of the patient
gushes forth the physician opens wide the
gates .

Translating this view to rhetorical concerns, the discourse

creates for the moment the society the receiver is in. If this

temporary society calls forth psychological tensions, they need to be

exorcized psychoanalytically before the receiver can perceive and react

to the discourse. This is analogical to the inability of disturbed

individuals to perceive and act effectively in the larger society until

psychological problems are facedand removed, as is discussed by Bandura


35
35John Milton Yinger and George Eaton Simpson, Racial and
itirul iw UJil aii JJ A sAnaly M i o rctudictaudJ0.L rim init ion.
(Ncn York: Harper Brothers, 1958).

36Duncan, pp. 282-83.








in the following remark:

Most theories of psychotherapy are based on the
assumption that the patient has a repertoire of
previously learned positive habits available to
him, but that these adaptive patterns are inhibited
or blocked by competing responses motivated by
anxiety or guilt. The goal of therapy then is to
reduce the severity of the internal inhibitory
controls, thus, allowing the healthy patterns of
behavior to emerge.37

The hated elements of oneself must be purged before one under

this type of tension can concentrate on constructive activity. Scape-

goating is frequently used to exorcize aggression against oneself. The

individual or group projects its cwn hated flaws on to another object

and then symbolically (or in actuality) destroys it. One can also

exorcize one's hated characteristics by joking about oneself or about
38
an object on which the bad traits have been projected. The manner

in which humorous catharsis mitigates self-hatred is explained by a

neo-Freudian psychologist in these terms:

In the humorous attitude the superego
relates itself to the ego like a good
parent to a child: lenient, understanding,
forgiving, kind. Wit utilizes infantile
pleasure in order to release aggressive
tendencies; in humor, the saving of emotion
reactivates a joyful narcissistic state
during which the superego treats the ego
with kindliness and not with the usual
sternness.39



3Albert Bandura, "Psychotherapy as a Learning Process," in Staats,
ed., p. 478.
38
8Duncan, pp. 125-31.
39
39artin Grotjahn, Bcyon Latghlitr (INcw York: McGraw-Hil l,
1957), p. 11.





48

Minority groups are not the only ones who may require tragic or

humorous catharsis to alleviate psychological tensions which interfere

with the ability to concentrate. Whenever a significant portion of the

audience has intense feelings of fear, aggression, self-hate, or guilt;

the rhetor should provide early in his message for an appropriate

tension-release. Any group temporarily undergoing an upsetting experi-

ence may be in need of psychological exorcizing. Obscenity is widely

used in comments by military men to relieve psychological tensions due

to the radically different environment and value system soldiers

frequently must face.4 In Chapter IV, there will be a description of

the use of symbolic scapegoating to aid members of American society

during the depression. Americans during this period had to overcome

feelings of fear and aggression which had prevented constructive and

unified action. The tragic catharsis created by Roosevelt involved

not self-hate but external hatred against the business classes. Such

external hatred can also be purged through either a tragic or a

humorous catharsis. Hatred features of the other group are exaggerated

and then either satirized or killed symbolically. Insight into the

working of satiric catharsis against an enemy is given in this

observation. Note also that this method would improve an individual's

self-communication because aggression would be spent without at the

same time creating guilt:

Aggressive wit gives us a no' way of admitting
dangerous aggression to our consciousness but it
has to be done in cleverly disguised form. The



4Duncan, pp. 345-50.









first person, the one who makes the joke or
perceives the idea, attacks the second person,
the butt of the joke. .. In order to test
whether the work of disguising the aggressive
tendency was successful, the first person has
to tell his witticism to a third person. The
one who has conceived the joke cannot himself
laugh because he is too close to the original
aggression and the feeling of guilt about it.
The third person, to whom the witticism is
told is only a listener and judges only the
disguise of the underlying aggression. When
the third person to whom the joke is told,
reacts with laughter, the first person who had
originally conceived the witticism, may join
him in the laughter with relief: the disguise
has succeeded. Hostile jokes lift repressions
and open up otherwise inaccessible sources of
pleasure.[but especially it opens internal
and external communication].4

The foregoing discussion indicates that generally persuasion is

effected during the labeling stage. The persuader's strategy is to

induce the receiver'to label the proposition in a manner he can

respond to favorably. After labeling almost nothing short of force

would change the direction of the ensuing result of the persuasive

effort. The tactic of force would achieve forced compliance rather

than persuasion. Persuasion has been defined in this study not

merely as outward action in accordance with the proposition, but as

also an inner mediational response of acceptance (self-persuasion).

If enough is known about both the audience and the persuasive message,

the critic can infer the probability of self-persuasion taking place.

By anticipating the factors of psychological perception discussed

here and by use of word symbols carefully chosen to convey motivational


41rotjahn 35.
Grotjahn, p. 35.






50

concepts well-selected in respect to the audience, the rhetor is likely

to secure favorable labeling of propositions to.iard which the receivers

might initially have been unfavorably disposed. This approach also
42
supposes a gradual lead into a rontroversial proposition rather than

blatantly announcing it early in the message. A generally loose

structuring of the message and generation of strong ethos also aid
43
favorable acceptance of a controversial proposition.

Although what has been developed here is a "labeling theory" of

persuasion, it in no way implies a return to sophism. To use word

choices and examples the audience can understand and show logical

connections between these and the proposition should require a

finding of true unities between these components. If the audience

is critical, it will demand realistic connections between motivational

concepts and the proposition. This means that verifiable evidence

of connection as well as seeming connection through favorable symbol

usage should be offered (this distinction is discussed in Chapter III

in reference to an address by Robert Ingersoll).

In the next chapter the process of associational conditioning will

be defined and explored in greater depth. Aspects of conditioning to

be given particular attention are the nature and function of motivational

concepts. Additional factors of learning theory which significantly

affect persuasive conditioning will also be detailed.


42
42ontrovLrsial is defined here as an issue on which many of the
audience are likely to disagree initially with the rhetor's proposition.

4Sherif, Sherif, and Nebergall, p. 172 and p. 187.








Chapter IV amplifies that which is a major instrument for the

development of motivational concepts and is the major instrument for

conveying them. The chapter is an in-depth exploration of verbal

symbols as they are used to show the linkage between motivational

concepts and the proposition.

Chapter V is concerned with miscellaneous factors of social inter-

action which may hinder or facilitate the persuasive process. Chief

of these factors is social mystification which is often used to

promote privileges for certain social groups while withholding them

from others. Techniques to counter these social 'rystifications'are

frequently used in either individual discourses or in massive campaigns

concerned with winning greater social or political pawer for a given

group. The development of or the countering of mystificationss"

constitutes a special case of developing or countering motivational

concepts. Hence, Chapter V, like Chapter IV, is chiefly an expansion

of a major topic developed in Chapters II and IlI, which contain the

heart of the theory.














CHAPTER III


A MODEL OF SUCCESSFUL PERSUASION WITH ASSOCIATIONAL
CONDITIONING THE CHIEF STRATEGY



The previous chapter contained a generalized discussion of the

overall theory of successful persuasion upon which is based the new

critical theory presented in this dissertation. This chapter

amplifies the associational conditioning process, which outlines the

basic strategy to be employed by the rhetor. Associational condition-

ing is proffered as being equivalent to Burke's concept of identi-

fication, but as a more precise explication of the mechanics involved

in identifying major message appeals with the persuasive proposition.

Hence, identification and related Burkeian concepts are explicated

in the early part of the chapter; then, a merger of identification with

associational conditioning is effected. There is also discussion of

related factors of learning theory which facil itate the conditioning

process. Motivational concepts are the specific elements to be

conditioned to the proposition, hence, much of the discussion of

conditioning centers upon these concepts. Exemplification of adequate

or inadequate use of motivational concepts is explored in selected

speech examples. In the latter part of the chapter there is also

explication of the special types of motivational concepts utilized in

mass campaigns. Miscellaneous considerations in carrying out long-range







53

campaigns are also discussed as these considerations have a bearing on

how the total message of the campaign, especially the lines of condi-

tioning upon which the campaign is built, are likely to be perceived.

It is common in persuasion textbooks to speak of the efficacy

of establishing common ground between the persuader and his audience.

For instance, the persuader is advised to demonstrate that some

features of his background, or experience, or certain of his values or

beliefs are similar to those of his receivers. Through these types of

common ground the persuader will enhance his ethos, thus increasing audi-

ence receptivity in listening to the persuader's arguments leading to

his proposition. Some writers of persuasion texts explore the concept

of common ground in a further direction. They suggest that the

persuader can do the best job of winning acceptance for his proposition

if it can be connected with felt needs or prior beliefs of the audience.2

In this latter sense, common ground is closely related to the develop-

ment of togpoi (lines of argument) as discussed by Aristotle, Cicero, and

Quintilian, although the discussion of motives providing common ground

is greatly extended in modern persuasion writings.

Currently there is much interest in Kenneth Burke's concept of

identification, but the author's observation has been that much of

the discussion regarding Burke's concept is carried on by people who



Winston Brembeck and William S. Howell, Persasion: A Means of
Social ControL (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1952):
pp. 174-75.

2Robert T. Ol iver, The PsychologQ y of persuasive Speech (New York:
Longmans, Green, and Co., 1942), pp. 255-87; James A. Winans, Public
54peakin (NaI York: Century Co., 1922), pp. 260-64.








have not read his works. They try to infer the meaning of Burkeian

Identification from their understanding of what the term identification

signifies in general usage. These discussants generally infer that

identification is equivalent to common ground in one or both of the

senses just discussed. Burke's concept of identification does include

both of these factors, but goes beyond them, as it is the core concept

in his overall theory of persuasion.3

Since there is currently much interest in Burke, along with a lack

of accurate knowledge of his thought, his basic vie.- of identification

will be discussed briefly. There is an additional reason for this

discussion. Some of Burke's other persuasion concepts as stated by

him or as restated by Hugh Duncan are cited elsewhere in this disser-

tation. These additional concepts will be clear if one understands

his view of identification. The survey of rhetorical theorists' views

on common ground or identification is included because the main sub-

ject of this chapter, associational conditioning, can be thought of as

persuasion through a psychological identification process. This process

is activated by motivational concepts conveyed through verbal symbols

and is completed as engram connections are made in the brain. Associa-

tional conditioning is the core of the persuasion theory presented in

this dissertation just as identification is the core of Burke's

persuasion theory. Indeed Burke's discussion of t-e various facets of

identification is consistent with the conditioning theory presented here.



3Kenneth Burke, Rketoric__i4_otivs. (Cleveland: World Publishing
Co., 1962), pp. 521-23.







Both Burke and his chief restater, Hugh Duncan, make perceptive

generalizations regarding identific,.; i, but they do not follow through

by discussing the specific mechanics of identification as they facili-

tate persuasion within receivers. The discussion later in this

chapter regarding associational conditioning provides such an under-

standing of the specific mechanics involved.

Before defining Burkeian identification, one needs to consider

Burke's definition of rhetoric and to understand how he interrelates

rhetoric and identification.

It [rhetoric] is rooted in an essential function
of language itself, a function that is wholly
realistic, and is continually born anew, the use
of language as a symbolic means of inducing
cooperation in beings that by nature respond to
symbols.

The purpose of rhetoric is to induce the degree of cooperation

among individuals enabling them to act together. The manner of inducing

cooperation is to show the individuals concerned ways in which they

already identify in common.5 One specifically accomplishes this by

demonstrating to individuals that they share properties such as

common experiences, values or attitudes. Common experiences are the

sources of the most meaningful level of identification. Since values and

attitudes have much to do with determining action in concrete situations,

commonality in regard to either of these indicates a potential for

common experiences. Hence, commonality in respect to value or attitude


4hid., p. 567.


5L hid., p. 544-45.








provides For a satisfactory though weaker level of identifica-
. 6
tion.

Stated a bit differently, rJiLLricz is the inducing of oneness

and cooperation by proclaiming that some level of identification

already exists. Identification and its opposite, division, actually

occur together.

For one need not scrutinize the concept of identifi-
cation very sharply to see implied in it at every
turn, its ironic counterpart, division.7

Identification is affirmed with earnestness precisely
because there is division. Identification is
compensatory to division. If men were not apart from
one another, there would be no need for the rhetorician
to proclaim their unity.8

An excellent example of Burke's analysis is provided in the

following excerpt from a sermon by William Temple, former Archbishop

of Canterbury.

Let us never forget that though the purpose of
our meeting is to consider the causes of our
divisions, yet what makes possible our meeting
is our unity. We could not seek union if we did
not already possess unity. Those who have
nothing in common do not deplore their estrange-
ment. It is because we are one in allegiance to
one Lord that we seek and hope for the way of
manifesting that unity in our witness to Him
before the world.9

Sometimes in a rhetorical event division against one person or

group is deliberately induced in order to achieve identification among

all those except the individual or group being excluded,l0 (See in



Jbid., pp. 547-48. 7_bLd., p. 547. 8Jd., p. 546.

W i 1 iam Temple, ReB~ gijous xp rLenc.L2n .dthe .-Qusay. (London:
James Clarke, 1958), p. 157.

10
Burke, p. 569.





57

Chapter IV discussion of a scapegoat role for businessmen in Roosevelt's

First Inaugural as exemplification of this phenomenon.)

Burke states that the "old rhetoric" utilized the concept of

identification mainly in terms of lines of argument which had common

appeal for audiences. The "old rhetoric" also gave some concern to

stylistic phrasing which would bring these topoj most clearly in line

with audience predispositions regarding the subject under question.11

Burke has no quarrel with these particular uses of identification, but

he feels the concept should be broadened and extended in a number of

areas.

Our treatment in terms of identification is decidedly
n t meant as a substitute for the sound traditional
approach. Rather as we try to show, it is but an
accessory to the standard lore.12

Burke uses the term identification in three distinct though inter-

related capacities.

Regarding the first capacity, identification is the generating

principle of tactics to achieve persuasion. The number of specific

identification tactics available to the rhetor is countless. Delineating

factors of a given situation will make the choice of certain modes of

identification more appropriate than others. Burke has grouped

identification tactics into three general categories. The first of

these is used to seek an uncritical identification. The rhetor

presents a line of identification supposedly as fact, but in a manner

which discourages interpretation. The example Burke gives is that of


I bid., pp. 580-81.


jbid., p. 522.








implying that a person with a particular uniform is a qualified

representative of that occupation. The second category is concerned

with analogical associations between various fields; this category

allays for interpretation as well as mere statement of fact. For

example, a university administrator Facing students hostile to an

acceptance of his authority might point out ways in which they accept

the principle of authority in fraternities, sororities, and athletic

teams. The third category is concerned with identifications between

concepts in terms of a similar ideological principle; this third level

allows for evaluation as well as presenting fact and interpretation.3

An example is a major argument used in the Nineteenth Century by

promoters of American imperialism. They reminded their audience

that the expansion of America's western frontier had been good for

the nation. To this premise they added a stated interpretation that

imperialist expansion in the Pacific and in the Caribbean was merely

a special case of western expansion.

Within the completed process of persuasion, two additional facets

of identification are operative. One of these is known to rhetoricians

as a part of audience analysis. It is known to social scientists

as role-taking. The successful persuader must identify with (internalize)

his audience to gauge how they might react to various persuasive
14
tactics and phrasings of them that he considers using. Finally



Lbid., pp. 658-59.

14Ibid., pp. 560-61.







Burke discusses self-identification (self-persuasion) as it pertains

to the receiver of the persuasive discourse:

To act upon himself persuasively, he must resort
to images and ideas that are formative. If he does
not somehow act to tell himself (as his aon audience)
what the various brands of rhetoricians have told
him, his persuasion is not complete. Only those
voices from without are effective which can speak
in the language of a voice within.15

It might be helpful to define self-identification or self-

persuasion in this manner: the receiver must perceive on his a.n the

conclusion of the chain of reasoning set forth in the speech. If the

receiver cannot see for himself the conclusion which equals the

rhetorical proposition proceeding from the argumentative strategy, he

is not persuaded.

A merger is made in the next section of this chapter of Burke's three

facets of identification: generating principle of persuasive tactics,

role-taking, and self-persuasion, with a model of the persuasive

process developed by Gary Cronkhite. Cronkhite's persuasion model

is consistent with Burke's conception of identification. In addition,

Cronkhite delineates more concretely than Burke the view of persuasion

as an identification process. A close study of Burke yields theoretical

perceptions fitting Cronkhite's model, but which were not actually

realized in it. The merger of these two viewpoints yields helpful

insights to guide the analysis and evaluation of rhetorical efforts.

Cronkhite defines the persuasion process as one of identification:

A persuasive communication can on a simplified
level be viewed as an attempt to induce the


'5bid., p. 563.








audience to perceive a relationship between two
concepts in order that audience attitudes toward
the one will transfer to the other.16

Cronkhite defines the two types of concepts and amplifies the

process of interrelating them:

One of these concepts is one taoard which the
audience has not formed attitudes, or if formed,
attitudes which the speaker considers capable
of being altered. In deliberative speaking this
concept is the plan of action proposed by the
speaker; in forensic speaking it is the conviction
or acquittal of the defendant; in epideictic
speaking it is the person or thing praised or
blamed. We shall refer to this concept, as the
"object concept," in that it is the object
toward which persuasion is directed.

The other of the two concepts is one toward which
the audience has preformed attitudes which the
speaker expects to remain relatively stable. This
concept may be viewed as a goal to be achieved
or avoided, and, thus, it has motivational
properties-which are either inherent or acquired
through its relationships with concepts which
do have motivational properties. We will
refer to this concept as the "motivational."

In short, the speaker induces the audience to cooperate in

accepting or carrying out his proposition by associating it with

beliefs, attitudes, needs, or courses of action which the audience

already adheres to. These motivational concepts are entities toward

which the audience has previously established emotional feelings of

approach or avoidance. The perceived connections between these

motivational concepts and the rhetorical proposition are the logical



16Gary Lynn Cronkhite, "Logic, Emotion, and the Paradigm of
Persuasion," u et'c.JLy_JntrLoaLp ige&_', L (February, 1964), 15.

17 bid.







18
proofs of the discourse. Cronkhite underscores that there are an

infinite number of possible motivational concepts (sources of identifica-

tion) available to the rhetor.19

In discussing the relationship between the proposition or object

concept and the motivational concepts, Cronkhite makes an additional

observation, defining the persuasive process as one of associational

conditioning. Following this line of thought, he holds that it is

justifiable for rhetoricians to utilize principles from learning theory

to supplement their notions regarding the persuasive process.

Motivational concepts are unconditioned stimuli
which automatically call forth a predictable
response in auditors of a rhetorical message.
The rhetor seeks to connect these so strongly
with his proposition that auditors will be
conditioned to make a similar response to the
proposition as they make to the motivational
concepts. Generally the closer the identifi-
cation between the two concepts the greater
will be the similarity of response to the two
orders of concepts-motivational and object.20

Cronkhite adds that several factors which facilitate learning

intervene to determine how close a connection will be made (in the

mind of the receiver) between previous action toward the motivational

concept and possible action toward the conditioning stimuli, the

rhetorical proposition. The strength of the intervening learning

factors will determine the potential strength of commitment that

receivers could develop toward the rhetor's proposition.21



18 19
18Lb.id., p. 16. 19I d.., pp. 16-18.

20 ,bid., pp. 15-16. 2. ., p. 18.





62

The intervening factors likely to have an effect are motivation,

generalization, contiguity, reinforcement, and summation.2 Each

of these :erms will be defined formally. Relating these learning

factors to the persuasive situation, motivatioa refers to the audience's

interest in the rhetorical topic. eneralization refers to the degree

of analogous connection between the motivational concepts) and the

rhetorical proposition. Cntignity refers to the degree of temporal

relation of the motivational concepts) to the rhetorical proposition.

Rainformc.ent refers to the connection of rewards with the acting

out of the rhetorical proposition. Sometimes it also involves the

connection of punishment with behavior which is the obverse of the

proposition; these are, however, more properly termed extinctions.

S.inma Htion refers to repetition of the main lines of argument connecting

motivational concepts to the proposition.

Operational definitions of the learning factors are presented by

discussing a speech concerned with the problem of stuttering. The

speaker's proposition was -- "There are things you as a listener can

do to help people avoid becaning stutterers or to aid rather than

hinder them, if they already have this problem." Audience motivation

to attend to this message was high since the audience were portrayed

as a potential cause and a potential solution to the problem.

There were two main lines of reinforcement in the speech. The

one chiefly stressed was a feeling of satisfaction if one succeeds in



22Dennis G. Day, "Learning and Communication Theory," enr.a.L
t~aes e SpRCe~ Jinal, XV (May, 1964), 86-87;David Berlo, Jhi _EbIQr~~QCS
.FLJL.amrimiLc.aj (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1960), pp.
84-92.






63

helping the stutterer. The reinforcement stressed secondarily was that

one would not want to be responsible for helping to create a stutterer

or helping to make the stutterer's problem worse. Generalization of

the cause of the problem was begun by giving a detailed example of a

store clerk who was very rude to two customers who were stutterers.

Since listeners were urged to avoid being a cause of the problem, the

causes were the major motivational concepts of the speech. Summation

(repetition of the main line of argument) was provided by making this

statement at the conclusion of the detailed example.

I'm sure that none of us here has or ever will
treat a stutterer in such a rude and callous manner.
Nevertheless through ignorance we might help to
cause or worsen a condition of stuttering unless
we remember as a listening relative, friend,
teacher, or business associate these suggestions:
(1) Don't become anxious or scolding about a
child's difficulty with a few words or letters
from time to time. (2) Don't try to help an
adult stutterer with words. (3) Look directly
at the stutterer and try to show no anxiety about
his grapple for words. (4) Don't in any other
way call attention to the stutterer's condition.

Contiguity (temporal connection) was satisfactory in that the

college students in the audience either were fulfilling sane of the

listening roles discussed already or soon would be.

As a result of the foregoing discussion of associational condition-

ing, a number of suggested points for rhetorical analysis and evaluation

emerge.

I. Internalizing the audience. Did the rhetor fail to internal-

ize the audience in any respects pertinent to the situation, such



23Dana Duncan, "You and the Stutterer," (presented in a University
of Florida Speech Class), December, 1967.








as, social-economic, political, ethical, or pragmatic orienta-

tions.

II. lotivatlln and the Rhetorical prnoosition. (A) Did the

rhetor speak to a felt need of the audience? (B) Did he at least

succeed in making it a felt need in the course of his speech? (C) Was

the specific proposition (object concept) clarified and consistently

adhered to in the message? (D) Did the proposition call for a response

which could be carried out by those in the audience, and/or were

serious barriers to audience action minimized?

III. factox-s of JHahit-Scngt eessayto successful Coditionin.

(A) Reinforcement: were the rewards of follaqing the proposition well-

established and appealing? (B) If appropriate, were punishments of

continuing behavior contrary to the proposition strongly stressed and

logically connected with the obverse of the proposition? (C) Generali-

zation and contiguity: was the probability of analogical connection

(considering both appropriateness and time-relatedness) between the

proposition and the key motivational concepts sufficiently established?

(D) Were sufficient amplification and appropriate language choices

used to heighten probability and strength of these analogical connections?

(E) Summation: was conditioning established through several examples

conveying a similar line of identification? (Particularly if each

example had a better appeal than others for certain audience segments.)

(F) Were summary, repetition, and parallel structures used to integrate

effectively the several examples pointing to the desired association

with the rhetorical proposition?

A short speech will be analyzed and evaluated in terms of the

above analytical-evaluative points to enable a fuller understanding of

them.







The speech to be assessed was presented by a student of public

speaking at the University of Florida, in October, 1966. A verbatim

copy of the speech is not available. What is reproduced here is a

faithful representation of the organization, argumentative strategy,

and major forms of supporting material. What is missing are a few

of the ampl ifying details, and the accurate, complete symbolization
24
itself.24 The text reproduced here is adequate to the purpose of

making a generalized analysis and evaluation in terms of the aspects

of conditioning discussed in this chapter. If the concerns to be

discussed in Chapter IV regarding symbol manipulations were to be'

added, a word for word manuscript would be required.

This particular speech was selected for several reasons. It is

desirable to test and to illustrate the "new criticism" with samples

given by rhetors speaking under varying circumstances to divergent

persuasive purposes. The speech also illustrates certain persuasive

problems which are well-diagnosed with reference to the criteria

discussed in this chapter.

Finally remedies to the major strategic weaknesses can be seen

by considering passages from an address by Robert Ingersoll supporting

the same proposition. The student speech, dealing with the issue of

dependence on religion,was delivered to a class of twenty-two beginning

public speaking students. Three members of the class were Roman Catholic,

about one-third were of Jewish background and the remainder were

Protestant.



2The researcher was the instructor for this course and heard the
entire speech. Students in this class reacted with verbal comments and
assessments on the day the speech was given. Two subsequent classes
evaluated the speech in terms of the partial manuscript presented here
as a part of their midterm exam.






Currently our society is experiencing a decline in
religious values. I can cite a number of examples
to show that people are less concerned with religion
than they were a few years ago.

For instance, in the last ten years the total percentage
of the population which are church members has declined
five percent.

Also a national survey has shown that people currently
read the Bible only about half as much as they did 20
years ago. Another finding of the same survey has
shown that 40 percent of those interviewed could not
name the authors of the four gospels.

Another instance of this religious decline is the fact
that the Catholic Church is changing some of its ritual,
particularly the use of Latin, and is also changing
some of its views on birth control.

A final proof of the decline is the development of a
radical movement in theology called the "God is dead"
Theology.

In large part scientific and philosophical developments
explain this decline in religious values which our
society is experiencing. For instance, religious
values began to decline somewhat a hundred years ago
after Darwin's theory of evolution was elaborated.
Herbert Spencer's "social Darwinism" also had a
negative effect. Further astronomical and geological
theories added their negative effect. In addition
there was the pragmatist philosophy of James and
Dewey, and last but not least the psychological
theory of Freud.

In addition, the lack of closeness of American families
and the lack of religious instruction in the public
schools are causes.

I guess in the future we will have to depend on our-
selves instead of on spiritual values.

The proposition of this speech is -- "In the future depend on

yourselves, not on religion." The term reqigjon was never defined,

and concrete areas in which one might apply self-dependcnce were

never discussed. The end result was that the proposition was too

hazy and generalized to channel effective audience energy in any

direction, yet the audience had given the appearance of strong







interest when the speaker announced his topic.25

The type of personal decision and application called for in the

proposition was of a nature that the audience would have been capable of

producing. However, it would have been a response involving an act of

will over a long period of time. This means that the rewards of depend-

ing on one's self would Iave to have been portrayed as appealing and

highly probable results on this course of action. A stressing of punish-

ments (negative or unpleasant effects) resulting from continued depend-

ence on religion would also have been helpful to the most persuasive case.

But the speaker failed to develop either the punishments of

depending on religion or the rewards of depending on one's self.

The speaker's main line of argument was to state in several

different ways that people were already dependent on themselves rather

than on religion. He did not give his listeners reasons why they ought

to have accepted this condition. He gave no reinforcement for following

the prescribed behavior, yet the viev of persuasion as a form of learning

indicates that reinforcement is a crucial phase of the persuasion process.

In addition, when the speaker summarized his proposition at the

conclusion of the speech he seemed ambivalent. One wondered if he

agreed with this course of action himself or had after accepting it

as fact, stoically concluded that whatis j_5mjubest.

The speaker's contention that a lack of dependence on religion is

the current condition was not established in a convincing manner. The

audience indicated that they considered only the discussion of the


25In addition psychological studies of youth show that an important
part of their search for identity is an exploration of what they will
think and do regarding religion. See especially C. G. Jung, The
Undiscovered Self (Boston: Little, Brcwn and Co., 1958), pp. 58-70.




68

"God is dead" theology as strong proof of this contention. They Felt

that changes in the Catholic Church have little or no connection with

the decline of dependence on religion. The item regarding a changed

Catholic position on birth control was not even factually true. The

statistics on the decline of church attendance and on decreased

reading of the Bible were considered as partially establishing the

contention. Most listeners did not feel that these institutional

aspects equaled the whole of religiosity or of religious dependence.

The statement regarding knowledge of the gospel writers indicated that

in the speaker's mind religion was to be equated with Christianity

and especially with Protestantism. This expressed line of thought

and the inference stated regarding changes in the Catholic Church

were tactless towards those of Jewish or Catholic background, indicating

a poor internalization of these respective groups.

Many of the points covered in the analysis and evaluation of the

preceding speech would have been included in a more traditionally-

oriented piece of criticism. Undoubtedly, a traditional critic would

have noted that the proposition was vague, that important terms were

undefined, and that there were problems in establishing the probability

of the contention regarding an already established lack of dependence

on religion. The traditional critic would have added that the total

speech was unmotivating and lacked adequate supporting material. But

the traditional critic probably would have stopped short of specifying

that the precise material needed was the establishment of reinforcement

which would condition auditors toward acting out the rhetorical propo-

sition. This, after all, was the critical flaw of the speech. Moreover,

the use of learning theory terminology provides for a precise, and well








structured analysis, and learning concepts provide authoritative

criteria for the assessments made.

The main line of argument in the foregoing speech was -- "Accept

a lack of dependence on religion because this situation already is

established fact." Unless the audience were driven by the desire for

conformity for conformity's sake, this line of reasoning contained

no motivational concept at all.

Every so often the critic will encounter a persuasive message

which is really not associated with any motivational concepts. This

situation is especially likely to occur in speeches concerned with

upholding a tradition such as, orthodox religion, conventional sexual

morality, patriotism, or the authority of institutional leaders.

For instance in May, 1968, a member of the state of Florida Board

of Regents attempted to defend the proposition, "Final authority for

decisions is given to the Board of Regents regarding all matters of

policy referred to this body." Excerpts are cited from a written

report of the address in order that its lack of motivational concepts

can be discussed.

The purpose of the speech, as announced in the
public notices was that of explaining hai the
Board of Regents worked, its administrative
relationship to the University of Florida and
the State Board of Education, and its role in
the educational system. . .

The students came to discuss issues, especially
compulsory ROTC; several statements made by some
of the students indicated that they mistrusted
authority in general. One forecast a wave of
student revolt if demands were not met. . .
The students seemed to have difficulty under-
standing (the speakers) lines of reasoning,
perhaps because of their lack of acquaintance
with an administrative situation.








The speaker's main point . might be para-
phrased as follows: in the educational structure as
it no4 stands, the Board of Regents is given the
authority for final decisions on all matters of
policy referred to it. It reaches its decisions
only after due deliberation and consideration of
all the evidence. Authority must rest so.nahere
(this statement which so antagonized the students
must be to a lawyer an everyday working principle)
-- that is someone must hold the responsibility
for making a final decision, otherwise there can
be no organized execution of any plan.

Parts of these arguments especially his repeated
use of the word authority seemed to antagonize
the attitudes of the students, and to increase the
"semantic noise" resulting from the difference in
background and position between the speaker and
the students.

The speaker's arguments were largely ineffective
in influencing the students to whom he spoke, due
in a large part to their prejudice and his position
of authority. He exacerbated this situation by
talking in legalistic terms and by using such a term
as authority which has bad connotations for some
of the students.26

This speech can be characterized as one in which the main supports

for the proposition seemed to be restatements of the proposition and

formal definitions of the term authoriLty. The persuasion model

developed in this chapter points to the conclusion that restatements

of the proposition and formal definitions of its chief terms are weak

proofs which cannot carry the burden of argument. Neither of these

types of proof provide concrete, detailed motivational concepts which

make associational conditioning and, hence, persuasion possible.

Moreover, since the audience is yet to be persuaded to accept the



26Douglas Wing, "Report of a Persuasive Speech," (unpublished
speech critique, May, 1968), pp. 1-4.







proposition, proofs derivative of it could not be motivational

concepts already accepted by the audience.

The regent should have presented either operational definitions

of authority already accepted by the audience or analogies relating to

authorities acceptable to students in other situations. Then his

speech would have been based on definite motivational concepts

accepted by the audience, plausibly related to his proposition, and

orienting the audience toward the area of action called for in the

proposition.

The main arguments of religious speakers frequently lack con-

nections with true motivational concepts. For instance, the evangelist

may argue "Believe in Christianity because it is true" or "Believe in

Christianity because you ought to believe it" or "Believe in Christianity

because God calomands you to believe." All three of these are cases of

using as an argument, a definition of a key propositional term, citing

an attribute of the proposition in the view of the believer. Instead

the evangelist should use an idea having audience acceptance that can

be related convincingly to the proposition. The even more frequent

argument "Believe in Christianity because the Bible says such and such,"

is a similar example of circular reasoning. A non-believer in

Christianity normally does not accept the Bible or any of its parts as

a motivational concept. The Bible can only be used as a motivational

concept for persons who believe in some critical aspects of Christianity

to persuade them to accept additional beliefs or modify forms of

behavior.

Several examples have been presented of messages lacking reinforce-

ment to induce auditors to act out the persuader's proposition because








motivational concepts were absent or very weak. In a lecture titled

"The Truth" Robert Ingersoll dealt with a proposition equivalent to

the one advocated in the student speech discussed earlier. There are

some significant flaws in Ingersoll's persuasive case, but he develops

more definite motivational concepts to reinforce his proposition than

the student speaker did. For that reason it should be helpful to

make a brief analysis and assessment of Ingersoll's address. Only

the aspects of reinforcement and extinction will be discussed in a

detailed manner.

The follaving is the proposition of Ingersoll"s speech "The

Truth."

Man will find that nature is the only revelation
and that he, by his own efforts, must learn to
read the stories told by star and cloud, by rock
and soil, by sea and stream, by rain and fire,
by plant and flaoer, by life in all its various
forms, and all the things and forces of the world.
When le reads these stories, these records, he
will knao that man must rely on himself -- that
the supernatural does not exist and that man must
be the province of man.27

Ingersoll conceives of the rewards of eschewing dependency on

religion as broad and universal. He also states that the desired

action is necessary to human progress, and equates this action with

free thought, free will and free action -- the most prized values

of an Anglo-Saxon culture.

By these means man will overcome many of the
obstructions of nature. He will cure or avoid
many diseases. He will lessen pain. He will



27C. P. Farrell, ed., Jngersnllis works, (New York:
Ingersoll Publishers Inc., 1900), Vol. .IV, p. 79.







lengthen, enoble and enrich life. In every direction
he will increase his power. He will satisfy his
wants, gratify his tastes. He will put roof and
raiment, food and fuel, home and happiness within
the reach of all. He will destroy the serpents of
fear, the monsters of superstition. He will become
intelligent, and free, honest and serene .
human beings will have each other instead of gods,
men will do right not for the sake of reward in some
other world, but for the sake of happiness here.28

Toward the end of this passage Ingersoll has begun to list sane of

the punishments of the obverse of his proposition. These are further

discussed by contrasting them with the rewards of self-dependency of

thought and action.

It does not ask man to cringe or crawl. It does not
desire the worship of the ignorant or the progress
and praises of the frightened. It says to every
human being. Think for yourself, enjoy the freedom
of a god and have the goodness and courage to
express your honest thought.29

Contrast is used again in the next passage.

Superstition is the serpent that crawls and hisses
in every Eden and fastens its poisonous fangs in the
hearts of men. It is the deadliest foe of the human
race. Superstition is a beggar -- robber, a tyrant.
Science is a benefactor. Superstition sheds blood.
Science sheds light.30

Reward-punishment identifications of this type are developed

abundantly throughout the speech. These identifications with freedom

are motivational concepts which would have strong appeal with a general

American audience of any time period. A close inspection reveals

haoever, that these motivational concepts have little or no sub-

stantive content. In essence they are little more than a series of



28 bd. 29. .,1 pp. 78-79.
30 ., p 00.
1J1s., p. 100.






74

positive and negative name-callings. A major contention in Chapter IV

is that stylistic phrasings in themselves become a part of rhetorical

proof. Nevertheless, while the most excellent speakers choose their

words carefully to add support to their ideas, they offer objectively

verifiable evidence. Ingersoll offers this level of proof less often

than he could. It is clear what types of evidence he should provide

in greater abundance from the few that he does produce. For instance,

in one place he cites persecution, war, and suppression of scientific

inquiry as bad results of the status quo. But he does not detail

these or even name specific incidents in these categories. Neither does

he establish that they are recent events or that they are a result

of religious dependence per se rather than a narrow-minded application

of it. (These are examples of failure to establish strong motivational

probability with respect to the factors of contiguity and general ization.)

One passage which supports Ingersoll's line of thought quite well

is a melange of specific statements from the Bible with interpretations

by Ingersoll in ironic placement with the statements.

It [the church] claims to have preached peace
because its founder said, "I came not to bring
peace but a sword."

It claims to have preserved the family because
its founder offered a hundred-fold here and life
everlasting to those who would desert wife and
children.

So it claims to have taught the brotherhood of
man and that the gospel is for all the world
because Christ said to the woman of Samaria that
he came only to the lost sheep of the house of



31l id., pp. 93-9.4.








Israel, and declared that it was not meet to take
the bread of children and cast it unto dogs.

In the name of Christ, who threatened eternal
revenge, it has preached forgiveness.32

Further evidences of this nature might have been offered in the

speech to provide summation.

Ingersoll did a much better job than the student speaker because

he provided reinforcement for the desired response to the proposition

at the same time inducing extinction of behavior contrary to the

desired response. Ingersoll failed to do an excellent job with this

proposition because in most instances reinforcement and extinction

were supported with insufficient evidence. There was, moreover,

insufficient detailing of the evidences that were presented. Also

there was an over-dependence on name-calling of an exaggerated quality.

This flaw is likely to have weakened the speaker's overall credibility

with a number of his listeners.

The theoretical model of persuasion developed in Chapter I

and expanded in this one has been discussed primarily in reference to one

persuader and his face-to-face audience. The conditioning principles

developed would apply also to mass campaigns. Hvoever, in the expanded

setting of the mass campaign; slogans, images of leaders, associations

of the group being promoted with other societal groups, as well as a

generalized ideology are the usual motivational concepts. In a campaign

or movement for social reform, motivational concepts of this nature are

used to induce favorable acceptance of the proposition -- "Grant group x


32L.d., pp. 96-97.





76


greater equality or privilege in such and such an area." In a

presidential campaign scme of the major motivational concepts are

features of the party platform, campaign slogans, endorsements by

famous personalities, and by major interest groups, endorsements by

major news media, campaign promises of the candidate, and the general

personality image conveyed by the candidate and by his family and

associates. These concepts are associated with the proposition --

"Vote for candidate x." Factors which could distort the total campaign

message or at least obscure major lines of conditioning are considered

here.

The mass campaign would be complicated with multiple communication

channels and with multiple audiences which frequently do not meet the

persuader face-to-face. The critic would have to consider at least a

two-step persuasion channel any time that messages are conveyed

through the mass media such as radio, television, or newspapers. The

reason is that people are not generally influenced directly by messages

conveyed through the mass media. Individuals the receiver knows

personally and respects at least in regard to knowledge of the topic

being considered must state opinions similar to those conveyed through

a mass communication channel, before the receiver will be significantly

influenced. These influencing individuals are known as "opinion

leaders." Frequently, the critic of mass campaigns will be concerned

with the question -- Did the persuader frame his discourses adequately

considering the factor of the intermediate "opinion leaders" on the

mass media audience?



3Berlo, pp. 25-35.







Generally in mass campaigns the first step is to win over an

audience, such as, community guardians (perhaps labor or business

leaders, or politicians) so that in turn they will function as

"opinion leaders" to their ~geral publtics (members). Mass media

messages in that case probably should be geared to these leaders more

than to the general public. Draft protests, on the other hand, are

geared to winning members of the general public as opinionn leaders"

so the public will pressure the community guardians for change.

If a persuasive message is conveyed through several media it

is likely to become altered or distorted in the process. The altera-

tion could work either to the rhetor's advantage or disadvantage. For

instance, Richard Rovere in his biography of Senator Joseph McCarthy

explains how McCarthy retained a suitable ethos with the general public.

McCarthy seemed rational to the public because the synopses of his

speeches reported in newspapers appeared more coherent in structure and

less irrational in content than his original messages.

On the other hand, several speech critics conclude that the excerpts

quoted from Stokely Carmichael's speeches have made him appear to be a

fanatic; whereas, he does not convey that impression to those who have

heard the complete addresses.35


34
4Richard Rovere, Senator JoejE iCaj_ (New York: World Publishing
Co., 1959), pp. 136-38.

35Pat Jefferson, "The Magnificient Barbarian at Nashville,"
Southern Speech Journal, XXXIII (Iinter, 1967), 77-87; El izabeth
Flory Phifer, "Carmichael in Tallahassee," S' Jtern__Speach Journal,
XXXIII (Winter, 1967), 88-90.








In addition to looking for possible alterations in persuasive

messages because of conveyance through more than one media, the critic

should try to ascertain whether or not the rhetor consciously provided

for or utilized such changes.

For instance, Samuel Adams, the great agitator of the American

revolution, had his addresses for state occasions published as pamphlets.

Knowing they would reach the greatest number of people in this form,

he molded the discourses to the printed rather than the spoken medium.

In addition Adams wrote a number of speeches for others and was vague

about the authorship of some of his printed messages. The apparent

reason for these actions was that greater persuasive impact would be

achieved by making it appear that the same message was being promoted

by a number of different people.

It is hoped that the discussion of motivational concepts adapted

to mass campaigns, and conveyed to multiple audiences through multiple

communication channels will be helpful. Several additional features

of mass campaigns should be considered by the critic who is going to

deal with this form of persuasive event. These features do not relate

directly to the subject of this chapter, the conditioning process.

Haoever, if the critic does not understand these features, he is likely

to frame inappropriate criteria in assessing both the overall goals of

the campaign and in assessing the motivational concepts and lines of

conditioning used to achieve these goals.



6Valerie Schneider, "Samuel Adams: One Who Made a Revolution,"
(unpublished seminar paper, June, 1967), pp. 3-9.







The critic should take into account the fact that rhetorical

campaigns which are part of a mass movement pass through several stages,

generally three in number. The first stage normally is concerned with

getting attention for the issue being disputed and recruiting members

to the cause. During the first stage, the protest generated is quite

radical as are most of the people who join the movement. Later more

moderate people are recruited, and they gradually succeed in taking

over leadership. In the third stage the movement frequently is trans-

formed into an institutionalized group headed by capable administrators.37

If the critic realizes the nature and cumulative effect of these

movement stages, he can better gauge within each stage whether or not

the best available means of persuasion were used. lie can also judge

whether or not the soundest persuasive goals were sought.

It would also be helpful for the critic to realize that a mass

campaign has two predominant Functions -- strengthening membership

(group maintenance) and specific task accomplishment. For instance, the

task might concern getting a referendum questioning United States

involvement in Vietnam on the ballot. Or the task might be persuading

citizens, political representatives, and civic leaders to use their

influence to get an open housing law passed. The critic would want

to judge whether or not the amount of rhetoric devoted to each of these

functions (membership and task accomplishment) was proportional to how

much each should have been stressed under the given circumstances.



37Eric Hoffer, TeTlru JL.JI ievo (New York: Nov American Library,
1951), pp. 119-25; Richard HoFstadter, Ie~_AasIQr fo o (New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1955), pp. 148-73; Christopher Lasch, The Nl.
Radicaltism in America (Ncw York: Borzpi Books, 1965), pp. 38-39.





80

Before this chapter is concluded a postscript regarding motivational

concepts should be added. There has been no attempt to list specific

motivational concepts and rank them hierarchically according to their

persuasive efficacy, although this is the approach taken in many

theoretical works on persuasion. The discussion of associational

conditioning and related factors of learning psychology as well as

observations on the role of perception in persuasive endeavors gives a

general map of persuasive motivation. The viewpoint permeating this

study is that the theorist need not, indeed cannot go further than such

a general map. In a given situation the nature of the audience and the

rhetorical proposition determine what possible motivational concepts

can be used and the relative efficacy of each possible one. It is the

job of the persuader or critic after thorough audience analysis to

determine what specific motivational appeals are best. lHoIever, a

few general judgments regarding types of motivational concepts have been

made. It was explained that restatements of the rhetorical proposition

and formal definitions of terms of the proposition are weak proofs (They

really are only clarifying devices.) which cannot carry the main burden

of argument in a speech. In Chapter V transcendent principles will

be discussed; motivational concepts derived from the transcendent

principle of the group being addressed are generally the strongest ones

available.

Motivational concepts based on physical force as well as those

based on non-physical coercive appeal generally do not lead to persuasion

as conceived in this study. Persuasion is presented here as a learning

of new attitudes and new actions (derived from the attitudes) toward a

given proposition. Force or coercive appeals often lead in a given







81

instance to outward compliance to the action called For in the proposi-

tion. The response of those forced to canply represents conditioning

to the applied force or to the threat; it is not a conditioning toward

the proposition itself. The test of whether true persuasion has taken

place is this: If the receiver will continue over a period of time

without reinforcement or interference from anyone the area of

behavior called for in the proposition in a variety of applicable

situations, he has truly been persuaded.

If an individual conforms to the desired action of the persuader

because a gun is being held over him, his response represents conditioning

to the motivational concept, preservation of life. The latter concept

is not in turn conditioned to the proposition as it would be in an

instance of true persuasion. For instance, if Vietnamese villagers in

the pacification program are forced at gun point to aid the South

Vietnamese war effort and to accept ideological statements favorable

to the regime of Thieu and Khe, their response indicates conditioning

to the stimuli of self-preservation. They are not also being condi-

tioned to really believe in the actions they must perform or in the

statements they must agree with. It is unlikely that most of the

villagers will continue these actions after American troops leave. In

the case just cited the motivational concept is connected with getting

the desired action,but it is not in turn connected with the proposition.

The conditions for a suitable motivational concept are not only that

it possess the desired action-orientation, and be previously accepted

by the audience, but also that it be capable of a logical, intrinsic

connection with the proposition. This third component is what generally







is missing in the use of coercive motivational appeals. In effect,

conditioning with coercive appeals leads to this label ing of the

situation -- "In this instance perform the desired action or else."

In a true example of persuasion the labeling would be -- "Perform the

desired action ncw and henceforth because the action makes sense."

A hypothetical situation involving non-physical coercion is

discussed to clarify further the distinction between compliance and

persuasion. A group of young people who have attitudes neutral or

favorable regarding the use of marijuana are presented by society,with

the proposition, "Do not use marijuana." The main motivational concept

supporting this proposition is a law threatening severe penalties to

anyone convicted of using marijuana. Most individuals in this group

will comply with the lan because they are conditioned to motivational

concepts such as concern for social approval, fear of jail sentences,

or of paying heavy fines, or even reverence for law. But these

individuals are not being conditioned to an acceptance of the proposition

itself. They would be persuaded in regard to the proposition itself

only if a connecting link is made explaining reasons why use of marijuana

is bad for the individual who experiments with it. Therefore, it is

likely that many would try marijuana if the law is removed; if they

feel they can break the lay without detection, or if they become

members of a different society where there are no penalties against

marijuana consumption. Better motivational concepts to attach to the

proposition would be demonstrated connections between marijuana usage

and the irritation of various physical and/or mental disorders; or proof

that reckless actions are performed by those under the influence of

marijuana. If these motivational concepts are used, it is likely many






83

in the group would be persuaded to avoid the use of marijuana for the

rest of their lives whether or not there were laws against its usage.

One should not conclude, however, that all negative conditioning

patterns or all motivational concepts based on fear would lead to

capliance rather than persuasion. For instance, an individual may

disapprove of racial intermarriage; miscegenation functions for him

as a motivational concept producing reactions of avoidance, fear, and

disgust. Probably he has either reasoned for himself or has learned

as of result of communications from others to associate his fear of

miscegenation with school integration and integration in housing and

public acccmodations, believing integration in these areas would

increase the number of racial intermarriages. There seems to him

to be a plausible connection between integration in these areas and

the motivational concept which conditions him to fear-avoidance

responses. Hence, without further influence or reinforcement, he will

react in the predictable manner of opposing integration in a variety

of situations. He has been truly persuaded to believe in the proposi-

tion, "Avoid integration."

The distinction between compliance and persuasion has been made

because generally a communicator needs to modify his receivers'

behavior over a period of time, and compliance will not achieve this

aim. There are, haoever, some situations in which immediate canpliance

is all that is necessary. In that case the critic should point out

that true persuasion was not achieved, but also that it was not

necessary; the communication was a success from the standpoint and

need of the communicator, although the ethics of the coercive appeal








would probably receive a Iow rating. An example is a senator who needs

to garner one more vote to have his vies on a proposed bill prevail.

He may coerce another senator into providing the needed vote by

threatening non-support on another voting issue. The other senator

complies with the desired action. But the coerced senator is not

persuaded to approve of the essence of the bill he is voting for and

lacking further influence would fail to support bills of a similar

nature. Yet in this instance the other senator has received all he

desired or needed to achieve.

The chief concern of this chapter has been the associational

conditioning process. The proper selection of motivational concepts

does much to determine whether or not the attempted conditioning will

lead to persuasion. The three conditions for proper selection are

these: (1) the motivational concepts) should be already strongly

accepted by the audience, (2) the concepts) should orient the receivers

toward the action-orientation the rhetor desires transferred to the

proposition, and (3) the concepts) should lend themselves to the

making of logical, intrinsic connections with the proposition. If

all three of these selection factors are properly utilized, if the

concepts) are strongly connected with the proposition, and if

miscellaneous perceptual factors are provided For, it is highly likely

that persuasion in the desired direction will take place. When all

these conditions are met except the third because the motivational

concepts) are coercive in nature, conditioning resulting in forced

compliance is likely to occur. The desired action will be performed in

the immediate situation but will not be learned as a new behavioral





85

response to be carried out in similar situations in the future. If the

motivational concepts) are not strongly accepted by the audience,

normally no type of conditioning will occur. If the motivational

concepts) orient the receivers toward an action not similar to that

called For in the proposition,the audience is likely to be persuasively

conditioned to an action the rhetor had not desired. A proper under-

standing of these conditions should make it clear in a given situation

whether or not true persuasion is likely to be effected.














CHAPTER IV


THE MANIPULATION OF 'SIGNIFICANT SYMBOLS' TO CONVEY AND
SHAPE MOTIVATIONAL CONCEPTS



Chapters II and III provided an overall explication of the new

theory of persuasion from which ne, critical standards are to be

derived. Motivational concepts to be conditioned to the rhetorical

proposition are the most important single component of this persuasion

theory. It is necessary to explore selected Functioning aspects of

these motivational concepts further in Chapters IV and V. Chapter IV

stresses the role of effective symbol manipulation to convey as

motivational concepts the exact ideas needed to condition receivers

toward the action-orientation called for in the rhetorical proposition.

Chapter V deals with a special category of motivational concept --

entities which aid in building or refuting social 'Yystification."

Since social 'mystification" is involved in any case of class or

rank conflict this is an extremely important and complicated category

of motivational concept.

Several of the more significant overall strategies for effective

symbol manipulation to induce in receivers the desired action will be

the main subject of this chapter. These strategics are elucidated

through two speech examples, but first the types of symbols to be

considered are defined, and the role of these symbols in perception

and cognition is explored.






87

Duncan and Burke use the term, "significant symbols," to describe

the signs which make communication possible and which convey and shape

persuasive messages. According to these symbolic interactionists,

"significant symbols" are words whose meanings are shared by members

of a given social group. For instance, the English vocabulary is the

source of "significant symbols" for American society or subsets of it.

The author contends that for the purpose of rhetorical criticism,

discussion of "significant symbols" might be focused more narrowly.

Rhetorical messages are concerned most frequently with political, social,

or legal issues. Rhetors disputing within one of these areas generally

base their strategy on an attack or defense of components which

determine a given social structure. These components are characteristics

of a total society or of institutions within it, and they stand out

most sharply in the midst of rhetorical debates over concrete issues.

Richard Hofstadter, prominent American historian, interprets the

Scopes Trial as a crucial debate over whether or not American society

would be dominated by the rural setting, traditionally-based values

and ways of doing, or if it would be dominated by the urban setting,

scientific inquiry, and a general spirit of secularism.2 Words

designating components such as those just discussed are the "significant



Hugh Dalziel Duncan, CommenLcationanld_th S__ ial_ rder (Ned York:
Bedminster Press, 1962), pp. 92-96. In rhetorical efforts as well as
in other types of communication it is the patterning together of a
combination of "significant symbols" which is important, but the term
needs to be defined in terms of the single entity.

2Richard Hofstadter, Anti-Intel1jecalim in American Life (New
York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1963), pp. 125-30.





88

symbols" manipulated to maintain or change a social structure. Additional

symbols which function in affecting the social order are words which de-

signate the character, role,and privileges (or lack of them) imputed

to social groups.

For instance, in the controversy which ensued over the recalling

of General Douglas MacArthur by President Harry S. Truman in 1951some argued

that "civilian control" of military affairs was a necessary part of the

checks and balances system of government; no special interests or

biased viewpoints could distort military and foreign policy. The'

pro-MacArthur forces countered that "civilian control" was in actuality a

"muzzling of the mil itary," a refusal to consider the viewpoint of

those with the training and first-hand observation making them the most

qualified to decide military policy.3

Various studies in social stratification indicate that these.

institutional-societal components and the character, role, and

privileges of social groups are the basis of a society's structure,

hence, they are the factors which affect both upward and doarnvard

mobility.

Although Duncan uses the term "significant symbols" exclusively

in reference to words, the concept can justifiably be extended to non-

verbal symbols. For instance, human beings can comprise a "significant

symbol." Racial integration places Negroes in social scenes where



john Gerber, Douglas Ehninger, and Carroll Arnold, The Speaker'sL Reur
Bok (Chicago: Scott,Foresman, 1966), pp. 150-55.

Reinhard Bendix and Seymour Martin Lipsett, eds., ass Statuis
and _Pf.e (New York: The Free Press, 1966), pp. 111-81.





89

previously they had not been welcome. As their organized presence in

these scenes becomes more frequent and publicized, civil rights

leaders hope that white people will be persuaded that it is appropriate

for Negroes to be there.

One may find it difficult to see hew "significant symbols" are

used to maintain or change the social order, if one thinks of words as

merely vehicles to convey thought and experience. Duncan, Burke,

other symbolic interactionists, and the general semanticists stress

that one should be more aware of hoe symbols affect one's view of

reality and one's behavior. The general characterization of these

effects which follows is also supported by leading theorists of

public opinion and mass communications. The characterization is

corroborated further by the general psychiatric vier of human communi-
.5
cation.

It is difficult for one to know reality fully and directly. On

the basis of reports by others, the individual develops conceptions of

phases of reality he has not experienced directly. These reports are

conveyed through symbols which stand in an analogical relationship to

the objects described, so the report conveys only a part of the

original objects. Nevertheless, these symbolic characterizations of



5David Berlo, Ji Process of Communication (New York: Holt,
Rinehart and Winston, 1960), pp. 288-300; Stuart Chase, The Tyranny
of Words (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1938), pp. 30-49; Wendell
Johnson, People in Quandaries (New York: Harper Brothers, 1946), pp.
112-72; Walter Lippmann, Public Opinion (New York: Harcourt, Brace and
Co., 1922), pp. 20-55; Jurgen Ruesch, DisLtredBComun icat ion (New York:
Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1960), pp. 22-23;Carl R. Rogers, On
Becoming a Person: A TherapisLl's Vi/i of Psychotherapy (Boston: Houghton
Mifflin, 1961), pp. 125-55.
The concept of words in analogical relationship might become
clearer if one considers word meaning defined as "delegated efficacy"





90

given objects become for individuals their total understanding of these

objects. One also converts his first-hand experiences into symbols

before storing them in his memory; later one often acts in terms of

his symbolic recordings rather than in terms of the first-hand reality.

Thus, symbols do significantly influence one's thinking as well as

one's actions and one's characterizations of these matters, whether or

not the symbols arc an accurate mirror of reality. In fact, the

preceding discussion illustrates that symbols shape perception, thought,

and resulting action rather than merely conveying what is perceived

and thought about. McLuhan states that the medium conveying a message

shapes it so influentially that one could say the medium is the message.

One could observe specifically that themedium of words to a great extent

becomes the message rather than the mere conveyer of a message outside

the words. The truth of this assertation can be seen through



by I. A. Richards, Iheb Ebilosphy ofRhetoi- (Ney York: Oxford Univ-
ersity Press, 1965), pp. 32 and 34.

. meaning is delegated efficacy, that description
applies above all to the meaning of words, whose
virtue is to be substitutes exerting the pcers of
what is not there. They do this as other signs do
it, though in a more complex fashion through their
contexts. !n these contexts one item -- typically
a word -- takes over the duties of parts which can
then be omitted frcm the recurrence. When this
abridgement happens what the sign or word -- the
item with these delegated powers -- means is the
missing part of the context.

john H. Sloan, "Understanding McLuhan," pe.ch Teacher,
XVIII (March, 1968), 143.







consideration of the shades of meaning of various synonyms as they

orient the receiver to distinctly different actions.

For instance, a clerk wishes to express to a customer the idea

that a certain dress is not expensive. One might consider several

roughly equivalent words that can be used to express three similar

ideas. Each word conveys a different connotation; so whichever is

chosen will result in a different reaction from the customer. If the

clerk says, "The dress is inexpensive," the customer will be somewhat

favorably oriented toward it (provided that reasonable expenditure is

a concern of the customer). If the clerk says, "The dress is a

bargain," the economy-minded individual would be even more positively

oriented toward it. However, if the clerk said, "The dress is cheap,"

this would connote low quality and would negatively orient the customer.

Truly the form of the medium, in this case, words, is as well as

onve ys the message.

The example of the dress sale is a trivial one, but it illustrates

the use of symbols with the most suitable connotation to move receivers

toward the desired area of action. On a grander scale, legislators,

social reformers, and moralists carefully phrase their proposals with

word connotations which aid in building motivational concepts highly

acceptable within the group composing the audience. This is why an

American war is euphemistically termed "a great crusade," or an

attempt "to make the world safe for democracy." The words designating

social, professional, and ethnic groups have a number of positive and

negative connotations associated with them. A rhetor seeking more

rights or powers for a given group would try to emphasize the positive







92

connotations and minimize or refute the negative ones imputed to the

group. A persuader attacking the rights or powers of a group would use

the reverse process. Within one speech a persuader may simultaneously

tear do.on an opposing group and build up his own.

This discussion is not meant to imply that only symbol manipulations

are used to build up or tear down social groups, or to build other

types of motivational concepts. It is a major contention of this

chapter that the specific phrasing of an argument contributes signifi-

cantly to the perceived meaning of that argument. The symbol manipula-

tions in adequately developed messages, however, are supplemented with

argument-content. The argument-content would be object-evidence

which, though partly shaped by the symbols conveying it, could be

cross-checked against real objects in the environment. (Ingersoll's

address discussed later in this chapter is an example of failure to

develop the object-evidence aspect.) The argument-content as well

as its phrasing would be used in building "nystifications" to support

groups already in power or in attacking mystificationss" to win privil-

eges for the less favored groups. These uses of "mystification" are

explored in Chapter V.

An address by Frederick Douglass is analyzed in detail in

Chapter V. Douglass used a double-edged approach. He refuted

negative connotations attached to the term Negro, such as the associa-

tion that Negroes are not men, as other individuals are men. The

desired result was that Douglass' receivers would regard the Negro on

a more humanitarian level in the future. Simultaneously, Douglass

attached to the names of groups opposing Negro freedom such negative






93

connotations as, "disloyal to the Declaration of Independence," "non-

humanitarian," and "false to Christianity." Douglass hoped that as

a result of this negative associational conditioning his audience

would cease supporting pro-slavery individuals and groups.

Roosevelt also used a double-edged approach in his First Inaugural.

Roosevelt used several strategies of symbol manipulation to accomplish

three subordinate purposes to support his proposition: "Accept my new

economic recovery program." These symbol strategies will be analyzed

in detail. The three subordinate purposes will also be analyzed and

evaluated. This attention to purpose will serve two major functions.

It will enable a more structured and fully-detailed ass-essment; it will

also permit an illustration of the ethical dimension of criticism

facilitated by this new critical theory.

Black suggests that the rhetorical critic evaluate the message

to be appraised in terms of all conscious purposes which can be inferred

from evidence in or related to the discourse. Black also recommends

that the critic evaluate both the pragmatic and ethical soundness of

the speaker's purposes in regard to the situation to which the message

is a response. In other words, one should judge the purposes in terms

of what would seem to be their immediate effects on the situation. One

should also assess hao well the long-range needs of society would be met

by the purposes the rhetor chose to stress, and how society might be

affected in the long-run by the tactics used by the rhetor. For instance

did the rhetor fail to serve a purpose pertinent to the rhetorical issue



Edwin Black, Bh etoriscal L.__ric.ism (New York: Macmillan Co., 1965),
pp. 77-78.






94

and vital to the social well being? Would any interpretations made by

the rhetor be likely to cause his receivers to make inappropriate or

unrealistic responses in similar future occasions? (An example of the

latter would be a faulty causal analysis of the problem which might

lead receivers to fail to solve a similar problem in the future.)

In the early 1930's America as well as most of the world had

sunk into a terrible economic depression. The function of the inaugural

was to win acceptance from the majority of the American people for

proposed government regulations and programs to aid national economic

recovery. This program included provisions to boost agricultural price

supports and end farm mortgage foreclosures. Excessive stock specula-

tion and other questionable business practices would be regulated.

An extensive public works program was proposed as a major tactic to

counter massive unemployment. Also there would be a brief bank

holiday during which a variety of banking practices as well as the

general soundness of the currency would be scrutinized.9

This proposed program would assign to government powers which it

had never had before. Some of these proposals were regarded by the

more conservative-minded as contrary to the "rugged individualism"

Americans believed in. These proposals also seemed contrary to the

Jeffersonian idea that the best government is tiht which governs

least.10 Consequently, Roosevelt had to accomplish three subordinate



9Davis Newton Lott, ed., Th 2_e sPrsi deSpu a.k (New York: Holt,
Rinehart and Winston, 1965), p. 232.

1Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., "The Rise of Federal Relief," in The
Thirties: A Time to Reme mbr, ed. by Don Congdon (New York: Simon and
Schuster, 1962), pp. 152-53.




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PAGE 1

THE DEVELOPMENT AND APPLICATION OF A NEO-BURKEIAN FRAMEWORK FOR RHETORICAL CRITICISM By VALERIE LOIS SCHNEIDER A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1969 U. OF F. UBRARY

PAGE 2

Copyright by Valerie Lois Schneider 1969 U. OF F. LIBRARY

PAGE 3

to my father Ralph J. Schneider who took much interest in the progress of this study and assisted in collecting research materials for Chapter Vl but did not live to see the completion of this dissertation. U. OF F. UBRARY

PAGE 4

ACKNa/LEDGEMENTS The author Is indebted to her supervisory canmittee for their assistance in the preparation of this dissertation. She thanks C. Franklin Karns for his close sci-utiny of the rougli draft and his incisive criticisms v/hich did much to improve the quality of the final manuscript. She is grateful to G, Paul Hoore for his v;arm encouragement and helpful suggestions during the progress of the research. She wishes to express appreciation to Charles Robblns for his enthusiastic response to the study and for the stimulating discussions with him which aided her in sliarpening Interpretations crucial to the theory developed in the dissertation. She tlianks Leland L. Zimmerman for his helpful coopei-ation during the completion stage of tiie study. The author Is particularly grateful to the chairman of her cQTimittee, Donald E. Williams, for his meticulous super" vision of tiie research and writing. His penetrating coniments regarding the critical theory occasioned much amplifying and reorganizing of theoretical canponents. His suggestions pertaining to sample criticisms presented In the study were also especially valuable. Professor Williams' stimulating seminar in rhetorical criticism did much to motivate the author to attanpt the development of a ne.v critical theory. The author also thanks members of tiie coniiiilttoe for ideas and information presented In courses under their supervision which gave

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Iier a suitable background for the development of this dissertation. Other professors whose courses contributed significantly to background for this study are Lloyd F. Bitzer, Winston Brembeck, Dennis Day, Frederick Haberman, Daniel Kubat, Ted J. McLaughlin, Melvin H. Miller, and Freder ick W i 1 1 iams.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNCV/LEDGEMENTS iv CHAPTER I. WHY A NEW THEORY IS NEEDED AND WHAT IT WILL CONTAIN 1 II. A DETAILED EXPLOl^TlON OF THE PSYCHOLOGY OF PERSUASION, 1,9 Ml. A MODEL OF SUCCESSFUL PERSUASION WITH ASSOC lATI ONAL CONDITIONING THE CHIEF STRATEGY.,... 52 IV. THE MNIPULATION OF 'SIGNIFICANT SYMBOLS' TO CONVEY AND SHAPE MOTIVATIONAL CONCEPTS.. 86 V. SOCIAL 'MYSTIFICATION' AND ITS COUNTERS AS THEY AFFECT THE PERSUASIVE PROCESS.... 112 VI. A STUDY OF THE RHETORIC OF THE MILWAUKEE OPEN HOUSING ADVOCATES ,.. ]h] VII. CONCLUSION. , 182 BIBLIOGRAPHY,,. , , 19^

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CHAPTER I WHY A NEW THEORY IS NEEDED AND WHAT IT WILL CONTAIN Before entering Into a discussion of the flavjs in the contemporary theory and practice of rhetorical criticism, several basic definitions need to be estabi ished. In the field of public address xh^iojllQ usually refers to discourse formulated primarily for a persuasive purpose; and that is the meaning of the term as used in this dissertation. Sane theorists in public address reserve the term Jiheioni^ for spoken persuasive messages. Others 2 . . include both spoken and printed persuasive messages. !n this dissertation all forms of persuasive messages -spoken, written, and non-verbal are regarded as significant examples of rhetor ic which the critic should be prepared to evaluate. Even messages formulated primarily for an informative or entertainment purpose which are concerned with persuasion as a subordinate purpose, sliould be of interest to the rhetorical critic. However, a given message is defined as rhetorical, informative or entertaining on the basis of the conmunica tor's dominant concern. A major exception is the definition of persuasion by Bryant which includes both suasory and informative discourse. p. 6. "Edwin Black, Rhet oric icism (New York: Macmillan Co., 1965),

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Since rhe tor ic has been defined as any type of message in which persuasion is the dominant concern, it seems necessary also to deTine tiie term persuas ion . P ersuas ion is an attempt to modify the overt belnavior, or the attitudes or the beliefs of the person or persons to whom the discourse is directed. Rhetor or persuader, refers to one who makes such an attempt, Harold Harding, a critic of public addresses, defines criticism, whether of applied rhetoric or of other humanistic forms, in this manner : a disinterested endeavor to learn and propagate the best that is kno.»;n and thought in the v;or1d. ^ If the critic is to praiiote high standards and values In public discourse hev.'ill have to judge the purposes of the rhetor as well as the rhetor's techniques. Hcvvever, Edwin Black charges that gener" ally the critic's sole consideration is whetlier or not the speaker accomplished his ava-;ed purpose. The autiior's consideration of all the critical articles published in I967 in five major speech journals supported Black's charge. Rhetorical critics generally fail to ask the Brembeck and Havel 1 also define persuasion in terms of the attempt to influence In £e.L--,!ias inf\; A Means pf Social Control (Engl wood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hal 1, 1952), p. 2k. Harold Harding, "Tlie College Student as a Critic," (from an abridgement of a speech delivered at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, July 23, 1952) prepared by Prof. Melvin Miller for Speech Composition Class at University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, October, 1 964, p. 5. ^Black, pp. 76-77. The 1967 volumes surveyed were Qu arterly Journal of Speech , Speech Monographs, Southern Speech Journal, Ce nt raJ State? Speech

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question \jhich Black says ought to be the most important aspect of rhetorical criticism "Hav well did the persuader's purpose serve the welfare of his audience? In B ji n 1o r i c a 1 Critic. Lsjn Black expands upon this ethical dimension oF criticism by describing the critic as opposed to the scientist in terms of these three characteristics -(a) He studies humanistic products, (b) He evaluates as well as perceives, and (c) He, unlike the scientist, seeks to be a social force. These same three characteristics of criticism are particularly underscored in Harding's definition of criticism. Because of the nature of criticism, t!ie rhetorical critic is not doing his job when he makes the goals of the rhetor the ground oT appraisal of the rhetor's techniques, without evaluating the rhetorical 4iuj:pofL£. Albert J. Crofts makes a similar observation in his classic essay, "The Functions ... ,,8 of Rhetorical Criticism." This failure to evaluate the purpose as well as J;^ciiQJ_au.el of the persuader is frequently excused on the ground that it would involve ethical judgements relative to the individual critic's value-system. Hence, the Inclusion of such an evaluation would make the criticism unobjective and unscientific. (Supposedly a judgement of this nature Journal , and Wp stern Speech . The only critic to evaluate the rhetor's purposes was Robert W. Smith, "David Lloyd George's L Imehouse Address ," JlgJltraJ. ^'-^l-es Speech Journal, XV II 1 (August, 196?), 169-76.. ^Black, pp. 15-30. Albert J. Crofts, "Tiie Functions of Rhetorical Criticism," inlhs P rovi n ce of Rhetoric , ed. by Joseph Sciiwartz and John A. Rycenga (Ne/J York: Ronald Press, 1965), pp. ^10-13.

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k could not be verified vnth data about the message, audience^and larger society.) Nevertheless, explicit or implicit in almost every persuasive proposition is the contention, This solution is the best for the audience in the given circumstances, or, This attitude is the most helpful for this audience in the given circumstances, or. This belief is the truest one according to current kno.Jledge on the subject. Since the conveying of a solution, attitude, or belief, carrying one of the above implicit propositions is the usual substance of a persuasive speech, it is not only a function of ethics but also of logic for the listener to test the truth of this implied contention. Tlie receiver may test on the basis of whatever outside evidence relating to the contention he is avjare of or is able to discover. The layman who is a critical listener tends to do this kind of testing before lie votes for or against a candidate, an allocation of money, a referendum issue; or before he decides to adopt an attitude or belief or support some social reform measure. Can less be expected of the professional critic who is supposed to educate and guide the layman in doing a better job of evaluating and reacting to discourses? Even the writer of one of the standard discussions on social movements suggests hav generalized evaluatictis of the goals of social movements can be made and implies tliat it would be useful for the social scientist to make these evaluations. Hans Toch states that if the movement is mainly concerned with a practical plan, the social scientist can judge on the basis of the setting of the movement and its relation to the overall society, whether or not its practical plan is feasible

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and will in the long run benefit its members without significantly harming any other area of that society. If the movement has mainly cathartic goals, one must ask a further question -Is an obsession with this cathartic goal preventing the group from pursuing constructive goals which would be attainable? If the answer Is yes, then such a purpose would be rated negatively. lla-;ever, if a practical solution is so unattainable that cathcTti c rel ease is the most that can be accomplished at the time, then the cathartic goal of the group would be evaluated as a good and useful one.^ In a similar manner the rhetorical critic can evaluate the purpose of the persuader. It is more likely that the rhetorical critic will be encouraged to criticize on the level of purpose If he has access to a ne-v framework for rhetorical cr i t Icism which includes new findings from the social sciences facilitating such a level of criticism. An individual critic might also make ethical assessments which cannot be defended with empirical evidence fran the social sciences. This Individual dimension of ethical criticism could not be provided for In any critical framG/Jork serving as a guide for critics of varying philosophical backgrounds. However, it Is perfectly cons Istent w I th the framavork to be developed here for the individual critic to add this dimension. The Important consideration in doing this is that the critic be aware of when he Is making this kind of ethical assessment in order that he may point out and distinguish it from other parts of his criticism. ^Hans Toch, Jjijg^oclii] Psychology— QJ Bobbs-Merrlll and Co., 1S65), pp. 232-'ll.. 'gpi ents (Mew York;

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As a matter of fact, the great Swedish sociologist Gunnar Myrdal stresses that the critic, scientist, or social scientist cannot help making such judgements, but that he should write these explicitly into his work. The reader may judge ho^ personal values may or may not affect other areas of the writer's analysis. Myrdal 's argument is so interesting, so unusual, and so pertinent to our field that his argument shall be quoted here in its entirety: Biases in research are much deeper~seated than in tlie formulation of avavedly practical conclusions. They are not valuations attached to research but rather they permeate research. They are the unfortunate results of concealed valuations that insinuate themselves into research in all stages, from Its planning to its final presentation. The valuations will, when driven underground, hinder observation and inference from becoming truly objective. This can be avoided only by making the valuations explicit. There is no other device for excluding biases in social sciences than to face the valuations and to Introduce them as explicitly stated, specific and sufficiently concretized value premises. If this is done, it will be possible to determine in a rational way, and openly to account for the direction of theoretical research. It will further be possible to cleanse the sclent if ic workshop from concealed but ever resurgent, distorting valuations. Practical conclusions may thus be reached by rational inferences from the data and the value pranises. Only in this way docs social engineering as an advanced branch of social research became a rational discipline under full scientific control. 10 Concern with an ethical dimension of criticism is not the only reason why significant social science findings should be incorporated into the framework to guide rhetorical criticSo Another of these Gunnar Myrdal, Aji_/\j)ie.rl.c.0.1_JIil£iimi, Vol. II: Ih.e_il Structure (New York: McGraw-Hill Co., 196'0, PP. 10'+3-^l^.

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7 reasons becomes apparent if one considers Black's definition of cr i t icism: Criticism is a discipline that through the investigation and appraisal of the activities and products of man, seeks as its end tiie understanding of man himself J' Since rhetorical discourse is a humanistic concern, significant findings regarding human sociology and psychology should aid the critic in doing the most thorough and accurate Job. The addition of relevant findings fran these two fields would aid the critic both in formulating appropriate criteria for judging discourses and in giving the most accurate answers to ho.-' well the discourse meets these criteria. An important established principle from the field of mass media will be given here as an example. This in'portant principle is that of the "two-step flow of caiiinunicat ion." The essence of this principle is that individuals are not directly influenced by messages conveyed on mass media such as radio, television, or newspapers. Persons that the individual knws and respects, at least In regard to their knavledge of the topic being considered, must state opinions similiar to those the individual has heard on the mass media befoi e the individual will be significantly influenced by the message. These influencing persons 12 • • are kna-/n as "opinion leaders." This principle can enable the critic to make better interpretations of persuasive events where mass media areutilized. With the principle in mind the critic can frame this critical yardsLicI;, the answer to it being a significant part of his ^^Black, p. y. 1 o David K, Berlo, Th*" Prnress of Cnmrnun i cat ion (Na-/ York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 19bO), np. 25-35.

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total critical appraisal "Did the persuader consider and adequately provide for tlic factor of the intenned iate "opinion leader's" influence? Thonssen and Baird, the writers of the chief authoritative guide to rhetorical criticism, indicated the need for incorporation of social science findings in the introductory portion of their book ijiee^h. Cr i ti cism : Speeches occur in social settings. Consequently their interpretation and criticism must stem from a knowledge of the forces and conditions operative in the social situation at the particular time.'^ Even though Thonssen and Baird recognized such a need they did almost nothing to incorporate socio-psychol og ical findings into their guide for critics. Basically they simplified and restated key elements of Aristotle's rhetoric, particularly those dealing with the four classical canons of style, delivery, arrangement, and invention. Tliey also discussed the three major types of proof -" ethical, logical, and emotional. These topics provided rather set guidelines for tiic critical act. This type of criticism has been termed "Neo"Ar is totel ian" by Black. He maintains that most practicing critics follav the "Meo" Aristotel iaH' pattern. The author's survey of 196? critical articles shaved that "Neo-Ar is totel ian" cr i t ic ism v/as the doniinant mode. 1 ' ^Lester Thonssen and A. Craig Baird, Sjie^dl -Xr.J.t i-C.l.s.DL(Ne^/ York: Ronald Press, IS^o) , p, 9o Black, pp. 35~^iO. The only articles which were not"Neo" Aristotel iaW'were James R. Andre^/s, "Piety and Pragmatism: Rhetorical Aspects of the Early British Peace MoveiTient," 5.p.e.ech Honogrciphs., XXXIV (November, 196"/), ^^23-36 and James R. Andrews, "The Rhetoric of a Lobbyist: Benjamin Franklin in England, 1 765"! 775," i^nXxaJ—SlaLf.?S peech J ournal , XV i I I (November, 1967), 261-67. Both articles sha.-ved a woeful ignorance of the dynamics of long range campaigns. The

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The major reason, undoubted! y, is that there Is no fully developed critical framework serving as an alternate to the "Mco-Ar istotel ian." Black is the only other critical theorist who has attempted a book^length discussion of critical methodology. Even so, his critical system is not fully developed. He has devoted over half the book to a refutation of tlie "Meo~Ar is totel ian" system and has introduced several provocative but disconnected and only briefly developed suggestions for the rhetorical critic. Virginia Holland and Leland Griffin in published articles have also made attempts at alternate critical frames of reference, building their nev; formulations largely on the v/ork of Kenneth Burke. But they too have failed to develop coherent, detailed systems. Griffin's main contribution is an analysis of stages of mass campaigns, and Holland's contribution is an analysis of verbal clues to the rhetor's persuasive strategy. Both contributions are analytical rather than evaluative tools. The features vyhich characterize the average sample of "Nco" Aristotelian" criticism might be explored further here. characterization to follo/v of "Nco-Ar is totel ian" criticism is based partly on Black's discussion, partly en a study of Thonssen and Baird's Speech C riticism , partly on general readings of critical articles' and discussions in the Rhetorical Criticism Seminar at the University of Florida, taught by Prof. Donald E. Williams, September"December , 1966. See Virginia Holland, "Rhetorical Criticism: A Durkeian Method," ay.aj-Lg.rJ46--Iou rnaJL_QiLS.pa.Q,cJl, XXXIX (December, 1953), ^^i^t'SO and Leland M. Griffin, "The Rhetorical Structure of the Ne^ Left Movement," HuLartcrly Journ.^1 of Speech, I (April, 196^0, 124-35.

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10 The "Neo-Ar istotel Ian" critic usually begins by determining the purpose of the rhetor v-jho is the object of study. The critic usually judges on the basis of histoi-ic results how successful tlie rhetor \ias in working tcvard his purpose. In addition, specific techniques are assessed in terms of v/hether they added to or detracted from the desired overall effect. Generally, the ethics or inherent v^/orth of the rhetor's purpose is not judged. The specific techniques of tlie rhetor are generally discussed under the headings of the four classical canons of rhetoric ~~ arrangement, style, delivery, and invention. The analysis and evaluation of arrangement is usually confined to deciding hav many majoi' parts the discourse contains, judging v/hetlier each part is adequately developed, and assessing the overall colnerence of the discourse. Analysis and evaluation of the rhetor's style usually centers upon judging its clarity, appropriateness, and ornamental qualities. Frequently, the contributions of the speaker's style to his overall ethos are also considered. Delivery is analyzed and evaluated In terms of the speaker's overall bearing and in terms of the vigor and appropriateness of gestures and vocal qualities. in analyzing invention the "Mco-Ar is totel ian" critic generally determines the relative amounts of ethical, logical, and emotional proof, giving the highest rating to those discourses based mainly on logical pioof. Critics of the "Neo-Ar is totel ian" mode of criticism feel tliat its greatest weaknesses are the factors that the rhetorical critic of contemporary persuas ive d iscourses ought to consider but which are not provided for in this traditional framework. For instance, the "MeoAr istotel Ian" framev/ork docs not provide for analysis and assessment of

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11 nev communicative forms which are sanetimes instruments of persuasion as significant as the persuasive speeches and essays vjhich it does 1 6 deal with. Examples of some of these nevi CQumunicat ive forms of persuasion are economic boycotts, marches, sifins, lay-ins, and petitions. These nev/ forms for the effecting oF persuasion are featured prominently in current civi 1 "r ights , antiiMar, and student protest campaigns. This shift in forms of persuasive communication utilized most extensively in contemporary mass campaigns was discussed at the 1968 S.A.A, convention by Robert Scott and Donald K. Smith, speaking on "The Rhetoric of Confrontation." The word "confrontation" is being used currently to describe a set of behaviors that implements dissent in circumstances that once might have given rise to discourse clearly rhetorical. Whereas sit-ins, demonstrations, marches, and even physical conflict are scarcely the stuff of conventional debate, we are forced to consider the potentialities of these activities as means of persuas ion. ' The "Neo-Aristotel ian" framework also fails to provide guidelines for discussion of multiple channels. Frequently multiple channels convey the same message to different audiences simultaneously or at differing intervals. Lack of guidelines for analysis of multiple communication channels, non-verbal forms of persuasion, and pertinent Wayne E. Brockriede, "Tavards a Contenporary Ar is totel ian Theory of Rhetor ic," 0uiijLc.£Lci;^QurjiaX.^f_54ieech, LX I II (February, 1966), 35. Robert L. Scott and Donald K, Smith, "The Rhetoric of Confrontation," in /ibjtracts (Speech Association of America 5'tth Annual Meeting, Chicago, Illinois, December 27-30,J968), p. 6.

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12 principlcG of mass movement dynamics weakens Lhe rhetorical critic's ability to evaluate the rhetoric of mass movements. The effect of this lack of guidance can be seen in specimens of contemporary criticism. In 1967, James R. Andrews did a critical study of the Eighteenth Century British pacifist movement. He compared the first stage of this movement unfavorably with the third because more tangible goals were 1 R reached in this third and final stage. The scholar o? mass movements realizes that the earliest stage is normally concerned with gaining 19 attention and recruiting members; other concrete goals cannot be attained until a later stage. Hence, Andravs' lack of Icna-zledge of mass movement dynamics led him to use inappropriate criteria in judging the various stages of the movement. It is interesting to note that Andrews vias the sole published critic in 1967 to even attempt a canprehensive study oF a mass campaign. Many contemporary critics base their judgement of discourses mainly on the soundness of the logic of the persuader's preiiises without considering the soundness of the speaker's psychology in relating tiiese points of logic to his audience. The'Neo-Ar is totel iari' bias to'.vard logical proof has probably contributed in large measure to this v^eak" ness in rhetorical theory and criticism discussed by Richard B. Gregg: For a realistic picture of argument we need to superimpose a psychological framev\/ork over the 1 o James R, Andrews, "The Ethos of Pacifism: The Problem of Image in the Early British Peace Movement," Qnnriprly .I nnrnal of Speech , LI I 1 (February, 1967), 32. Eric Hoffer, The True Bel I ever (New York: New American Library, 1951), pp. 120-25.

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13 logical structure of disputation. In other v/ords, we must consider auditor or audience reaction to argument or if you v/ i 1 1 , the rhetoric of argument. We need to understand not only why arguments should or should not be accepted (the logic of argument) but why in fact they are or are not accepted (the rhetoric of argument) . An example of this problem is the 1967 study, "Presumption and Burden of Proof in vyhately's Speech on the Jewish Civil Disabilities Repeal Bill," by Floyd Douglas Anderson and i-lerwyn Hayes, published • r L > ?1 in i43.e.e.cJi. M o nog raph s. This article Is interesting in that the critics take one of V/hately's theoretical formulations from his Elements o f Rhetoric and she,-/ ho.-; the rhetorical theorist actually applied the concept in one of his parliamentary speeches. The rhetorical concept illustrated was this --l/lTately held that a restriction, such as disal laying Je.-nsh participation In British political life, unless clearly necessary to the self-defense of the society, would enjoy no presumption of truth, even though it represented the status quo. This tenet from The E leme n ts of Rh etoric was also the central proposition of Whately's speech. To bolster it, he cited evidence to shav that the restriction against Jews had never been proven necessary to British self-defense. After d Iscuss ing Whatel y 's use of this rhetorical premise, the authors pose this question -Is the hypothesis itself and, hence, the approach relied on In the 20 Richard B. Gregg, "The Rhetoric of Evidence," Uostern Speech . XXX 1 (Summer, 196?), 139. 21 Floyd Douglas Anderson and Memyn Hayes, "Presumption and Burden of Proof in Whately's SpcCch on the Jcvish Civil Disabilities Repeal Bill," 3peech Monggjiajalis., XXXIV (June, 1967), I33-36.

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]'4 parliamentary speech, good? Their judgment is that the concept is sound and that the speech was a good one even though V/hately's v i e/v didn't prevail in the vote afterward^ They base their conclusion on the fact that fifteen years later in the 1 8'48 parliamentary debates on the same issue, Whately's s()eecli was reprinted by the forces favoring the repeal of Jewish disabilities. Moreover, they cite the fact that Robert Peel utilized V/hately's line of argument. Peel's speech v/as considered decisive in vnnning enough votes for repeal. Perhaps the authors were more concerned with analysis of V/liatelyis theoretical concept and the ramifications of its practical application than they were with total critical assessment of the speech. Yet as they assessed the soundness of the technique in this given speech s i tuat ion, they raised other issues they became obligated to answer. The most obvious question in the mind of the reader is -Why was Peel' so much more successful with a speech based on the same central argument? Had some historical happenings made the mood of Peel's audience different? If so, this should be e;
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15 Thcv/ritcrs of three 196? critical studies of speeches by Stokely Carmichael might have profited fro'ii specific guidelines for evaluating factors of humor and cathartic appeal as they affect the psychology of persuasion. All three critics gave interesting impressionistic reactions 22 to the single speech each hod heard. Each critic pointed out that Carmichael succeeded in amusing and entertaining his aud ience v; i th his ironic humor. If Lhese critics had been better acquainted v/i th the communicative value of ironic humor in aiding the audience to consider the issue v/ith less rigidity, they could have judged this technique on a fuller and more significant level than mei-ely labeling it "entertaining," For instance, Dencil Taylor, dismissed CaiTiiichael 's arguments as "shallo/; and emotional." Ha/ever emotional reactions such as amusement or cathartic release often help to reestablish communication within upset Individuals or between alienated groups and, thus, prepare them eventually to see the logic of argumentative constructions. A number of problems in contemporary critical theory and practice have been discussed. A most significant problem if one considers the ultimate purpose of criticism in aiding man toward greater selfunderstanding and tward promotion of the highest values is the general lack of an ethical dimension of criticism. The critic tends to concentrate 22 Pat Jefferson, "The Magnificent Barbarian at Nashvil 1e." Southern Jli'JJinsl, XXXIII (Winter, I967), 77-87; Elizabeth Flory Phifer and Dencil R. Taylor, "Carmichael in Tallahassee." Sout hern Snench Jmirn^^ l XXXIII (Winter, 1967), 88-9 2. . 23 See especially Hugh Duncan, Coinmunicat ion and thp Snrta]_njQH^ (Mew York: Bedminster Press, 1962), pp, 393-^11; DominickA. Barbara, "Listening with the Inner Ear," j:aili:^J_S.tate5 Speech Journal, XI (Winter, i960), 95-98.

PAGE 22

16 on assessing the techniques of the rhetor without making value judgements of the rhetors' purposes. Also he frequently judges the techniques solely as to whether or not they are effective, regardless of social and ethical problems which might arise from the use of certain techniques. Even the analysis and assessment of rhetorical techniques is not as complete and accurate as it ought to be. The currently available critical framework does not instruct critics regarding non-verbal aspects of persuasion such as the "direct-action" techniques. Also, the critic is not guided in considering multiple audiences receiving the persuasive message through multiple communication channels. Hence, criticism of the rhetoric of mass campaigns is relatively rare, and when such an assessment is attempted it is likely to be incomplete. In addition, many principles from sociology and psychology which relate significantly to persuasive communications have been formulated in recent years but have not been added to the framework guiding rhetorical critics. The addition of these principles would enable the critic to begin solving the problems of current research cited here. This addition v/ould also aid the critic in formulating the best criteria to apply to rhetorical discourses and would provide him with tlie fullest evidence in ccmparing the discourse to the criteria formulated for judging it. The author does not maintain that the nBri critical f ramework w 1 1 1 solve all problems. On many occasions poor critical studies are done because the critic is unperceptive or is careless In his work. The author is merely making tlie modest claim that critics, whiither poor,

PAGE 23

17 average, or good, v;ould gain helpTul ideas from another fully-developed critical theory v;hich attempts to discuss factors significant to persuasive situations which the "rieo-Ar istotcl ian" framework does not provide for. Consequently, the concern in this dissertation is to develop a new frame.jork for rhetorical criticism to exist alongside or as a supplement to the "Neo-Ar istotel ian" framavork. This frame/.'ork is grounded in significant principles from sociology and psychology which add to the understanding and assessment of persuasive discourses. Moreover, attention to the non-verbal factors of persuasion, attention to significant components of mass campaigns, and attention to assessing the ethical dimension of the rlietor's purpose and tactics, in so far as these latter assessments can be supported by ejnpirical evidence, are stressed in the neiv framework. in addition, several samples of applied cr i t i c ism w i 1 1 be presented in order to aid the critic in recognizing specific critical applications that may be made of the principles discussed in the dissertation. There is need to explain the method of selecting and synthesizing into a coherent new framev;ork, the most significant sociological and psychological principles. The author folla-/ed the advice of Bc-rlo, Nichols, and Brockriede, and the example of Griffin and Holland, by beginning the search for a 24 2k See Brockriede, p. 35 and Marie Hochmuth Nichols, Lectures o n Rhetoric and Criticism (Baton Rouge, Louisiana: Louisiana State Unlv" ers Ity. Press, 1263), p. 106.

PAGE 24

18 new critical theory witli a study of Kenneth Butke. Tiie author also relied heavily on a study of Hugh Duncan who has made a s iirpi i i i ed 23 restatement of Burke's key rhetorical concents. The author Cigreod with the persuasion and criticisni theorists cited that Burke has provided many perceptive insights about the persuasive process v;hich would be of aid to both t'ie rhetor and the rhetorical critic. The rutlior, similar to Burke, becarae convinced that identification is the subs tance of successful persuasioiu I1a-.'cver, Burke does not give a detailed explication of hew the identification process operates. The autiior concluded after a survey of many socio" logical and psychological theories that an exploration of associat ional conditioning and related factors of learning theory were what was needed to provide a detailed anatoi,iy of the ident i f ica t ioii process necessary to successful instances of persuasion. l.'hile this merger of identifications associ at ional conditioning, and related learninc concepts is the core of the theory, several other significant factors have been added. Linguistic symbols are the main means of activating assoc iat ional conditioning: hence, this topic is explored extensively. Another addition is a discussion of psychological blocks to accurate audience perception of elements of the message. Factors of social interaction which add to or hinder perception of the persuasive message are also discussed. Hugh Duncan, Cotiipiunica t ion an d The Soclcl Order (New Yoric: Eedminister Press, 1962); Kenneth Burke, /L^8Jl£li2r_LQ_i'>i_fiQj.i^ii:S (Cleveland: World Publishing Co., 1962); Kenneth Burke, A_il)::5iarLiar,-.Q£ Motives (Cleveland: World Publishing Co., 1962).

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CHAPTER I I A DETAILED EXPLORATION OF THE PSYCHOLOGY OF PERSUASION In this chapter a detailed outline is presented of the psychology of persuasion. This may seem to be an odd topic to explore extensively in the opening theoretical chapter of a dissertation which explicates a ne.v theory of rhetorical criticism. It would seem that the main components of a theory of rhetorical criticism would be the criteria to be applied in evaluating a rhetorical discourse to determine its overall merit. Criteria are defined as standards of excellence against v-jhich any rhetorical discourse can be tested. Consequently, these criteria are prescriptive statements indicating the best overall strategies and specific tactics wli i ch ought to be employed within given types of persuasive situations. To derive these prescriptive statements the critic must first ascertain the crucial factors contributing to successful instances of persuasion. As these crucial Factors are isolated, critical standards of rhetorical excellence can be inferred. Critical standards of excellence are ideals which few If any discourses meet fully but v-;hich provide for comparative judgciuent of a given discourse's v;orth. If critical standards were based on what is generally accoiiipl ished rather than on what are the highest possible accomplishments (v/hich can be

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20 inferi"ed fran intensive study of attitude fonnation) critics would be measuring mediocrity rather than excellence. Persuaders, moreover, would not learn to improve their art. The remainder of this cliapter contains discussion of the process factors necessary to making an attempt at persuasion a success. The author regards any conscious attempt through verbal or non~verbal means by a source to modify the overt behavior, the attitudes, or the beliefs of a person or persons as an instance of persuasion and, hence, of interest to tlie rhetorical critic. Vyhat are termed "necessary process factors" may not be found in every attempt at persuasion, but they would be found in every succes sfu l att empt. Since the ultimate purpose of this dissertation is the development of critical standards, the process steps necessary to any successful endeavor in attitude formation or attitude modification are what is pertinent. These process factors apply to persuasive messages in any form of publication "speeches, printed messages, non"verbal message forms, or a combination of these. The process is discussed in terms of tliree major subdivisions -perception, judgment, and action. In a successful instance of persuasion, the audience is aided to perceive the main elements of the message in the way the rhetor intended them to be per'ceived. After accurate perception of the main elements, tiie audience is encouraged to make a judgment tcvjaid the rhetorical proposition similar to the judgment the persuader desires. The elements of perception and judgment will occur simultaneously in certain parts of the message. For purposes of analysis, havever, perception and judgment are seen as discrete parts of tiie persuasive

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21 process. The perception of major message caiiponents Lends to set the direction of judgment, hence, serious discrepancies between intended and actual perception may prevent persuasive success even before the judgment phase is reached. Perc e pt ion can be defined as the reception of information stimuli and the comprehension of these elements through categorization and labeling. JiLdgoifinl. refers to connections betvyeen motivational (appeals) concepts and the rhetorical propos i t ion, incl ud ing the final inferences f for overt action proceeding from these connections. ' A judgment of some type generally is made by receivers, but it may be opposite to the one the rhetor desires. On other occasions, too few pertinent items of information are presented to enable structur" ing to/vard any judgment regarding the proposition. This problem is illustrated in the student speech to be discussed in Chapter ill. The final stage in the psychological process of persuasion is the acting out of the proposition by the receiver. If, ho.'/ever, the receiver's perceptions and/or judgments were in disagreement vnth the rhetor's intention, the tliird stage may never occur; the audience may not act in any way related to the proposition. On the other hand, they may act in a manner contrary to it. An action step congruent v^ith the rhetor's intention is almost assured if the audience perceives and judges in the manner desired by the rlietor. If success is achieved in regard to the perception and judgmctit pliases, t!ie only probable reasons See discussion of perception in Ronald H. Forgus, (New York: McGrawH i 1 1 , 1966), p. 2.. , -ception

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22 that the aud ience woul d fail to act v/ould be due to the rhetor's failure to describe specific actions or his call for an action that the audience was Incapable of giving. These two probleiis Indicate poor audience 2 analysis and are treated adequately in standard persuasion texts. Hence, the remainder of this discussion shall be centered upon considerations which the rhetor should make in aiding his receivers to perceive and to judge In a manner leading to the desired action. This manner of presentation may seem appropriate to the exposition of a rhetorical rather than a critical theory. Actually It Is appropriate to both. In making his assessments, the rhetorical critic should simulate the process of choosing which is discussed here frcmi the viewpoint of the rhetor. In other words, the best of the possible strategic choices open to the rhetor are equivalent to the standards of excellence for judging the persuasive message. A number of elanents presented in this theory are found In traditional discussions of rhetoric. The traditional treatment of sane of these is, however, imprecise. A major contribution of this critical theory is to cite aiiplrical support for v/hat have been ccxmon sense notions of traditional rhetoricians. In so doing, fuller detailing and further implications of given concepts will be developed. The concepts discussed will be in tei-rel a ted more carefully Into an overall vici/V of the persuasive process than lias been the case previously. The discussion to folio,'; also shifts the relative emphasis of certain ^See especially Wayne Minnick, Jiie_ALtL-Qf PQr?^9? loa (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1957), pp. 32-33.

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23 components of persuasion. For instance, traditional critics have stressed the forma] logic of argument more than any other element. Traditionalists have related argument to audience predispositions, but generally formal logic has been scrut ini ;'-ed more than the audience's psychological perceptions of the logical tlireads of tiic message. One might get tlie best general orientation to the theory of successful persuasion upon which this now critical theory is based by considering the follcvnng quotation from an article by 0. H. Mo.vrer, an eminent leader in the field of st imul us~response learning psychology. Mowrer comments on a statement by Carpenter which is consistent with his avn theory on the matter: In a recent paper by Carpenter entitled "A Theoretical Orientation for instructional Film Research," we find brief reference to the rel easor~organizer hypothesis, which is that the signals, signs, and symbols of sound motion pictures function principally as releasors and organizers of meanings and responses in human subjects. The releasing function of signs is said to be both dependent (or interdependent) • on the activated brain processes (engrams) of the experiencing subjects. Thus, it may be reasoned that the functions of signals, signs, and symbols do not transmit meanings; they release meaning when and only v^;hen the subjects respond. The characteristics of these responses relate closely to personal life history differences. The releasor concept of signs and symbols must be supplemented by the related organizer concept. Previously learned "engrams" may be modified by nav stimulation and even nei^; related elements may be imprinted, Ne-v relationships may be sha'/n and old responses modified by film mediated stimulation. Tlie results are conceived to consist principally of 3 Ricliard B. Gregg, "The Rhetoric of F.vidcnce," Western Speech, XXX! (Sum,mer, 1967), 180-88.

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2k the reorganizaL ion of previously learned neural -organ ic patterns which intervene between film stimulation and the subsequent actions or reactions of the individual. The notion that signs release or arouse meanings in rather than bear them to another individual as stated by Carpender is identical with the position taken in the present analysis."^ The notion of rhetoric presented here is quite different from that generally entertained by the persuasion theorist. In particular the psychological processes which explain why general persuasive strategies succeed or fail are detailed. Several of these psychological elements can be inferred fran the previous quotation and explored furtlier. Most crucial is tlic releasor aspect of the persuasive process. Mowrer's discussion indicates that the persuasive process is completed within the individual. Indeed the persuasive message must set Forth conditions to facilitate the receiver's persuading himself. Ma.vrer delineates the physiologicalpsychol og ical connections within the brain and central nervous systan which facilitate this self-persuasive process. Due to previous experience the receiver has "activated brain patterns," engrams, which cause him to react in certain set ways in situations which 5 trigger the given "activated brain pattern." For instance, John Smith responds with an offer to lielp any time one of his neighbors is in distress. A rlietor whovyishod to have John Smith (and perhaps others like him in a larger audience) help 4 0. H. Mavrer, "The Psychologist Looks at Language," in JJiman ed. by Arthur Staats (No.-; Yoi'k: Holt, Rinehart and Winston Inc., 1S64), p. 181. ^IbJd., pp. 187-88.

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25 sane neighbors in the canniunity vjould merely have to paint a clear verbal picture of the situation. Smitli's "activated brain pattern" concerning the previously learned response of aid to the stimulus, distressed neighbor, would connect within his neurological system, and John Smith would either perform an overt action of giving help or at least would resolve to do so in the near future. If the rhetor's goal were to solicit money for aid to a foreign country and his audience consisted of people like John Smith, he might stimulate a nev or slightly modified response by building on one already fol laved as an "activated brain pattern." In this case the rhetor would sho/v the audience that the foreign activity was concerned with giving relief to suffering international neighbors. This appeal could lead to tlie desired action of getting contributions. In this case a na-i stimulus, a problan situation in a foreign country, has been conditioned to a previously established response of aid to distressed neighbors. Both tlie pure "activated brain pattern" and the nev pattern conditioned upon the old activations are made possible because of the engrains (traces of synapse connections of previous stimulusresponse bonds left in the brain). The preceding description of self-persuasion as it occurs in the neurological system is all that will be discussed on that subject, since little is I
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26 observes is the stimuli which reach the other person and the latter's reactions; the rest is subject to conjecture. Consequently, the rlicLorical tlicorist and the rhetorical critic should derive principles by focusing attention on those types and combinations oF stimuli thatv/ill lead to mediating responses within receivers causing than to act in the desired manner. The m ediating mechanisms are the engram connections and related parts of the brain and central nervous systaii. It is arrangaiients of linguistic symbols v^hich activate these mediating mechanisms. A mediatin g response is the repertoire or part of a repertoire of behavior elicited by linguistic symbols which have stimulated an "activated brain pattern" or a response derivative of an "activated brain pattern," An understanding of ha-j linguistic symbols stimulate mediating responses might be provided by considering and canmcnting on this statement regarding symbol conditioning by Charles Osgood, a foremost world authority on med iat ional "psychology. Words represent things because they produce seme replica of the actual behavior tcward those things. This is the crucial identification, the mechanism that ties signs to particular stimulus-objects and not to others. Stating the proposition formally, we may say; a pattern of stimulation which is not the object is a sign of the object if it evokes in an organism a mediating reaction this (a) being some fractional part of the total behavior elicited by the object and (b) producing distinctive selfstimulation that mediates responses which would not Jurgen Ruesch and Gregory Bateson, Communication: T li e Social Matri x of Psychiatry (New York: V/. W. Norton and Co., 1S51), p. 26.

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27 occur vnthout the previous stimulation of nonobject and object patterns of stimulation. Osgood's discussion is of the process by which individual v;ords acquire meaning. The sel f ~s t imul a t ion mediating process, havever, is the same one used in connecting motivational concepts (motivational appeals) to rhetorical propositions to give the proposition a nev; meaning. The self-stimulation mediating responses triggered by previous associations refers to responses due directly to "activated brain reactions" or to reactions derivative oP them through generalization, discrimination, or further associative conditioning. These conditions are consistent v;ith general kno./l edge regarding cognition as exemplified in this remark by Ooob: When a thorough investigation reveals no actual prior contact (between stimulus and response) some process of generalization or discrimination must have occurred since all behavior has antecedents." Arthur Staats explains that language conditioned in the manner discussed by Osgood can in turn be applied in further operant conditioning procedures to generate ne^ patterns of learning, including 9 modifications of attitudes. These connected levels of conditioning V'j i 1 1 be tracea here. The first two levels are attained by all learners oF a given language; the Charles E. Osgood, "The Mediation Hypothesis," in Staats, ed. , p. 173. Leonard Doob, "The Behavior of Attitudes," i b i d „ , p. 297. 9 Arthur W. Staats, "A Case in and Stragegy for the Extension Learning Principles to Problems of Human Behavior," ibid. , p. 137.

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28 persuader has to make use of Lhem tlirough skillful language selection in the phrasing of his message. First one learns the meaning of separate word symbols by associating each to related clusters of action. Osgood explains that human beings think of objects and word symbols for them in terms of related actions. For instance, [lammer means to an indi~ vidual the striking action he can perform witli the impleinent. This association of act ion"mcan ing with individual v/ords is transferred also to phrases, clauses, and sentences. Reaching the third level, the strategy of the persuader might be phrased as an attempt to take a nav subject (the rhetorical proposition) and connect it v/ith predicates (motivational concepts) already accepted by the audience. Ma^/rer has explained ha-; the sentence can be used as this type of conditioning device. (\7hat can be said of sentences can be applied to any other unit of complete thought as has been demonstrated by I. A. Richards.)' ' The sentence preeminently a conditioning device and that its chief effect is to produce new association, new learning, just as any other paired presentation of stimuli may do. This position is congruent vn th the traditional notion that predication is the essence of language and may indicate, perhaps more precisely than purely linguistic research has done, the basic nature of this phenomenon. Perhaps the most generally accepted criterion as to whether a sentence has or has not done its work is this: if as a result of hearing or reading a sentence, an individual's behavior on some future occasion, with respect to same person, Charles E. Osgood, "The Med iat ion Hypotlies is," .UlLd.. , p. 17'^. I. A. Richards, The Philosophy of Rheto ric (New York: Oxford University Press, 1965), pp. ^'/"SO.

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29 thing or event not present when the sentence occurred is different from what it otherwise had been, then that sentence may be said to have been understood and to have functioned effectively. if, for example, John tells Charles in the absence of Tom, that Tom is a thief and if when Charles subsequently encounters Tom, he reacts ta-/ard him with distrust and apprehension, [persuasive] communication has clearly taken pi ace. ' ^ One can see how tliis process takes place in a lengthy message by considering an aspect of Roosevelt's First Inaugural. (This address is discussed in detail in Chapter IV,) Roosevelt's subject (proposition) was "Accept my new economic recovery program." He connected this with several predicates (motivational concepts) as his basic argumentative strategy. For instance, one line of connection was "Accept my new econaiiic recovery program because it is consistent with 'essential danocracy' and other accepted Ameri can values." Supposedly, the auditor's previously learned act ion"pattern toward entities democratic and American would be transferred to the recovery program. Another conditioning pattern (or line of argument) v/as "Accept my new economic recovery program because 1 am a charismatic leader." A third conditioning pattern v-jas "Accept my new economic recovery program because it vn 1 1 undo the damage created by careless and unscrupulous businessmen." Within the speccli symbol manipulations and supporting details v/ere used to build up the three motivational concepts ~factors of 'essential democracy,' businessmen as scapegoats, and Roosevelt as a ciiarismatic leader. The latter two were coiiplicated 1? 0. H. na.-;rer, "The Psychologist Looks at Language," in Staats, ed., pp. 180-82.

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30 as charisma had to be associaied witli Roosevelt and scapegoating v/ith businessmen, then the tvjo concepts vjcre associated v/ith the proposition. The essence of successful persuasion is to connect one's proposition with predicates (motivational concepts) v/liich (1) are needs, beliefs, attitudes, or general courses of action already strongly accepted by the audience, and (2) are concepts that move the audience to./ard action"areas similar to the action tiie rlietor is trying to induce toward the proposition. In the inaugural address, the prior action" orientations toward the motivational concepts were tliose of strong acceptance ('essential democracy'); complete trust and obedience (charismatic leadership); and avoidance of anything connected with the scapegoat, businessmen. This last action-area was valuable because the recovery program involved a turning away from sane previously revered free enterprise practices, (3) The motivational concept . should be onev/hich can be plausibly connected with the proposition. The conditioning (or identification) of motivational concepts already accepted by the audience to the proposition might be canpared with a traditional Aristotelian concept. The mot i vat ional conccpt(s) would be major premises believed by the audience. The connections between these motivational concepts and the proposition would be the minor premise. If the receiver truly sees tlie connection he is selfpersuaded and vn 1 1 make a favorable judgment to^iovd the proposition. V/hen sel f-persuas ion has occurred tiie argumentative strategy has functioned as an enthymeme in the sense that the receiver v/ould comprehend for himself tlie conclusion of the message (proposition) proceeding from the lines of argument, even if the proposition vver-e

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31 left unstated. Factors of learning theory which facilitate the receiver's making of the crucial connection are discussed in detail i n Cliapter ill. The preceding discussion of conditioning steps has provided an outline of the organizer part of the rel easor-organi zer theory of persuasion as discussed by Mcwrer. Ha-Jrer stated that the releasor aspect concerns setting Torth conditions so the desired attitudinal meanings will be released within receivers. The setting forth of favorable conditions has to do with aiding the receiver ta^^ard favorable perception (especially favorable labeling) of major message elements, such as, the motivational concepts, tlie proposition, and the connecting link bctv^yeen these tv/o entitles. In particular the motivational concepts need to be labeled in a manner that will win the audience's acceptance and will orient them to an area of action similar to the one called for in the proposition. The desired action v-^/ould be an acceptance or avoidance response to a definite entity. This conditioned response may be the initiation of approach to an entity previously ignored or rejected, or it may be renevjal of approach to an entity. Similarly the response could be one of avoidance regarding an object previously approached, or it could be a resolve to avoid an entity previously not acted toward at all. Pother ingham refers to these four major directions of action respectively as iidpptlon, . C Ontin ua .t.i.C>n,. d iscontinuance , and deterrence . Speeches cited in this study for the purpose of sample criticisms illustrate all 1 3 Wallace C. Pother ingham. Perspectives on Persuasion (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1966), p. 33.

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32 four act ioii-orientat ions. Adoption was called for in the pronosition of Franklin Roosevelt's First Inauguial -"Accept my no.-i economic recovery program." Cont inuat io n was the desired response to John Glenn's proposition — "Support this worthwhile space program." Patrick Henry sought discontinuance in the proposition of his "Give me Liberty or Give me Death AddressL' He said, in effect, "Cease to negotiate with Britain," The student speaker whose proposition was "Do not depend on religion," was calling for .cLi.sC-Ont in.uan.c.fi or deter rencg., depending on the prior practices of individual audience members. Doob speaks synonymously with Mo.vrer when he characterizes attitude formation as consisting of perception and associat ional learning. Staats also speaks synonymously when he explains that attitude formation is based upon categories (perceived entities) which are primed or activated through conditioning processes. Motivational concepts, previously learned beliefs, opinions, felt needs, or character ist i c ways of acting, can be conditioned to propositions calling for various types of judgment as Doob indicates in the foil an no observation: Under varying cond i t ions w i th in the individual, a given attitude can mediate a repertoire of overt responses. A favorable attitude tct-vard a social institution, fot example, can mediate innumerable responses connected with v;hat is ,g considered to be the welfare of that institution. 1^ Leonard Doob, "The Behavior of Attitudes," In Staats, ed. , p. 299. 1 5 Arthur W. Staats, "Verbal Mechanisms in Purpose and Set," in Staats, ed., p. 219. Doob, p. 298.

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33 Bruner, Goodncw, and Austin also support this line of thought in discussing the relative nature oT categor izat ion. The objects of the environment provide the cues on which our groupings may be based, but they provide cues that could serve for many groupings other than the ones v;e make. V/e select and utilize certain cues rather than others. '7 The overall rel easor~organ i zer concept of persuasion has been defined and explicated, but a fuller understanding of the process steps, perception and judgment, need to be attained. This discussion will fill In the details of the rel easor-aspect. Judgment tavard the proposition Is the sum total of the label ings made of motivational concepts and the resultant labeling of the proposition to which they are connected. Since perception of these major message elements consistent with the perceptions the persuader desired tends to facilitate judge" ment in the direction desired, the main anpl if I catory discussion needed is a further exploration of perception. Although perception Includes the three major elements of reception, categorization, and labeling, only reception and labeling will be discussed explicitly, A part of labeling Is the categorization of message elements. Indeed many cognition theorists would state that labeling is subordinate to categorization and is chiefly an expression of ho.v these elements v^;ere categorized. In this study the viewpoint is taken that the manner in v\/hich objects arc labeled Is the main determinant of their categorization. The main reason for folla'/ing this interpretation is an understanding that the only way human beings 17 Jerome S. Bruner, Jacqueline Goodnov-/, and George Austin, A St gdy (Noa; York: Science Editions, 1965), p, 232,

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3^ can think aboul; features of their environment and form opinions of them is through the use of symbols to name and interrelate objects; in other words, only through labeling can objects be understood and reasoned about. Even the cognition theorists, Bruner, Goodncw and Austin, who stress the primacy of categorization make statements which seem in reality to support the primacy of labeling: The stimulus similarity that serves as a basis for grouping is a selected or abstracted similarity. There is an act of rendering similar by a coding operation rather than a forcing of equivalence on the organism by the nature of stimulation. Virtually all cognitive activity involves and is dependent on the process of categorizing. Mure critical still, the act of categorizing derives from man's capacity to infer from sign to signifi" catejS Further support for the primacy of labeling is given by symbolic interact ionists, such as, Duncan and Burke, who state that an indivi" 19 dual has to name a thing before he can act toward it. In addition, various psychological studies report that individuals have d i f f i cul ty perceiving objects for which they do not have names. The critical role of labeling in perception and cognition is especial 1 y wel 1 -stated in some of the psychiatric literature, such as in the fol laving observation by Dollard and Miller: The neurotic is a person who is in need of a stock of sentences that will match the events going on within and vnthout him. The new sentences JiuLd, , p. 8 and p. mC. ^^Hugh Dalziel Duncan, Cnmmunicat ion and the S ocial Q jldar (Nav York: Bedminister Press, 1962), p, hh.

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35 make possible an immense foci 1 i tat ion of higher mental processes. With their aid he can discriminate and generalize more accurately; he can motivate himself for remote tasks; he can produce hope and caution within himself and aid himself in being logical, reasonable and planful. By 1 abel ing a formerly unlabeled emotional response he can represent this response in reasoning. It acquires a voice within the individual. The unknown response does not appear as a surprising element in a plan vs/hich had disregarded it. Occasions for action can be „q forseen and judged in advance as to suitability. The debate regarding labeling versus categorization as the primary cognitive operation mirrors in microcosm the debate over the Whorf-Sapir hypothesis. The linguists, V/horf and Sapir, maintained that the vocabulary and grammatical structure of a society determined its members' perceptions of reality and, consequently, the type of culture developed by them. Critics of this hypothesis have maintained that vocabulary and grammar are mainly siiapcd by a society's perceptions of reality and by Its cultural needs. The author favors a position close to that of V/horf and Sapir. The author bel I eves, moreover, that the Vyhorf-Sapir hypothesis of language shaping one's perception of objects Is more applicable to the reception of persuasive messages than it might be to other situations, A formal definition of labeling and a more precise description of its role In persuasion v; 1 1 1 support the foregoing observation. The labeling process proceeds as an inner dialogue of the self in perceiving objects, events, or other stimuli Vvihich serve as points of 20 John Dollard and Ncal E. Miller, Pers onality and Psychotherapy (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1930), p. 281.

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36 inFonnatlon in a communicative message. Labe l in g response refers to the giving of a name to the stimulus being perceived at the moment. Although labeling refers chiefly to the assigning of verbal names to objects, the label includes an orientation to a definite area of action which is the receiver's response to the stimulus of the labeling words and the entities (beyond tlie immediate object) of which the label ings are signs. Fishbein further supports and elucidates this discussion oF labeling responses. The subject tends to read, or to repeat himself, the stimulus toward which he is attending; he makes a "labeling response," Once the individual has learned the concept, havever, he may learn new associations to it. Host learning occurs after the object Is labeled, so attitudes are functions of the individual's belief (labeling about the attitude obj ecO.. ' In many situations the individual is presented first with an object, event, or situation and proceeds to label it. In the persuasive setting, the receiver is presented first with the persuader's labeling of motivational concepts and of the rhetorical proposition rather than being presented v;ith these as actual entities. The receiver does decide for himself whether to accept or reject the persuader's label ings. Ho-vcver, because he must begin his thought regarding these entities with labels given him by someone else he is more likely to see objects suggested by the given labels than to validate the labels by reference to related aspects not suggested by them. Especially is this likely to happen if the persuader makes his various 9] " Martin fishbein, Kejldjjigg. -JR A-tl;-LLyilg.J[Jbiiai'-y--ai (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 196?), pp. 393-9^.

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37 label ings and the connections betv/een them convincing (through adequate detailing, logical connections, ethical proof, and the various perception factors yet to be discussed in this chapter). The rhetor's biased label ings are apt to be most convincing in situations v^here the receiver knows little about the rhetorical issue. In that case the receiver may make little or no attempt to validate the rhetor's labeling through reference to outside kno.vledge of the objects represented by the 1 abel ing. Such a situation was pointed out recently by Roger Egeberg, nominee for the post of Assistant Secretary of Health. He decried cliches which he felt were manipulated by representatives of the American Medical Association to frighten citizens into opposing further medical reforms without really understanding the issues involved. In particular, he attacked "socialization" as a word that electrifies everyone and "compulsory" as a v;ord that makes everybody's "hair stand on end." His concluding remark was, "My job in V/ashington will be to help get people thinking in terms of facts rather than in terms 22 of these cl iciies." If the labeling of motivational concepts leads to a labeling of the proposition that suggests a range of action acceptable to the receiver, he w i 1 1 make a judgment of acceptance ta;ard the proposition. In his validation of the rhetor's labeling of motivational concepts pointing ta/ard a particular labeling of the proposition the receiver 22 "Egeberg Claims Medical Field is Shattered," St. Petersburg Times , July 5, 1969, sec. A, p. 9.

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38 may derive a prepositional statement suggesting an unacceptable range of response. In that case his judgment will be one oF rejection. There are occasions v/hen the rhetor presents motivational concepts in terms of sparse or confusing details. In that case the receiver normally cannot validate the labeling of either the motivational concepts or the propos i t ion, and he will make no judgment regarding the proposition. Since labeling Is so dependent upon and intimately connected with other phases of perception, a generalized discussion folla»;s of areas In v/hicli perception may break davn. The major portion of this discussion refers to lilndrances to full and accurate reception of all crucial aspects of the message. It is difficult, ho.vever, to pinpoint some of these factors as mainly a failure in reception, or in labeling (Including categorization) or a cQiibinatlon of them. In particular It is difficult to determ ine whether psychological blocks within a receiver hindermainly reception or labeling. All that is really Important Is to realize that these perceptual factors are a genera] hindrance to successful persuasion. The pervasiveness of perception as the audience comprehends points of information pertinent to the rhetorical proposition, and as they begin to judge their reaction to the proposition is Illustrated In tills observation: In the accumulating experimental literature on perception and especially on judgment, there are recurrences that can be utilized In the study of attitude and attitude change, . . how we see and hear things, hav we discriminate and compare things are not represented by cold carbon copies of the stimulus, regardless of the occasion. For one thing, the ways in v^/hich we perceive and judge are determined . , . within the context in which they are found concurrently and in time sequence. But this is not all . . . factors pertaining to the

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39 individual, his background, his ego concerns, his attitude, his organic states at the time — have to be considered as well, relative to the stimulus conditions. These considerations apply to all psychological processes, whether they involve perceiving things, judging things, learning about things, or thinking about events. ^3 In the "old rhetoric" there was much concern about which side of an issue has presumption in its favor and which has the burden of proof in overccxning these presumpt ions„ Recently Gary Cronkhite suggested a broadening of the burden of proof concept. Cronkhite stated that the rhetor bear in mind that he who asserts must prove whatever is necessary to his assertat ions. Because accurate perception is so vital the rhetor should realize that the burden is on him to anticipate and to provide for any instances in which the receiver might have difficulty perceiving elements of the discourse accurately. The concept of "noise" can be used to discuss factors responsible for a failure to transmit inte.ided perceptions intact to auditors. The term was coined by Richards to refer to any interference with the 25 full and accurate transmission of a message. The most obvious interferences are physiological and technical "noises." If the audience is overly tired or overneated or the speaker's voice is not loud enough, much of the detail to be perceived 23 Carolyn V/. Sherif, Muzafer Sherif, and Roger E. Nebergal 1 , Attitude and Attitude Chanoo: T he Social Judgement Invol vement Api (Philadelphia: 'w. B. Saunders Co., 1965), p. 223. 2k Gary Lynn Cronkhite, "The Locus of Presumption," Central St ates Journal, XVII (November, 1966), 270-76. ^^1. A. Richards, ^q Chicago Press, 1955), p. 23, j mepts (Chicago: University of

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will either be distorted or not canmunicated at all. There may also be a motivational "noise" in Lhat the audience fails to perceive the speaker's topic as relevant Lo them. This frequently happens wlien a speech student talks to a college audience on medicars or social security. On other occasions the problem really should concern the audience in that they are capable of helping to solve it, but tliey have little desire to beccrne involved. In this case the usual reaction is to physically or mentally tune out the persuader and his message. An example is the lady who mumbled that her minister had spoken again on civil rights. V/hen asked v;hat he had said about it, her reply was, "Oh, 1 don't kno.-;, 1 turned off my hearing aid." Oilier people in that audience probably tuned out by wool "gatiier ing or by filling their minds with the thought that ministers shouldn't deal with social probl ems. Discussion of the latter example leads beyond motivational "noise" to "noise" due to conflict of attitude between the persuader and his audience. In both cases receivers are likely to respond by applying selective attention or by distorting the content of messages that are attended to. Sometimes the riictor vj i 1 1 induce an apathetic or hostile audience to attend to his message by initially arousing tension or fear, MarLln Luther King and Arthur \Jasko.i (prominent strategist For various peace and civil«rights campaigns) conceived a tens ion~arousal use of "direct" action" techniques. They specified that a major purpose of demonstrations, economic boycotts, and related non-verbal protest measures is to make the previously comfortable status quo so uncom fortabl e that attention

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h] of the general public tc/zard solving social injustices becomes the path of least resistance. This strategic approach corresponds to what Fotheringham discusses as the use of non-verbal tactics for the purpose of agitation. He also discusses the use of non-verbal techniques to convey a definite persuasive meaning, termed the 'feven t"message," "The event-message" is to be distinguished from agitation. The goals of the latter sre to arouse feeling, to unstructure the environment of those for v/hom it is planned and in general to heighten motivation. Persuasion and with it the "event-message" implies the establishment of a particular viav or meaning or feelings to.»/ard a particular object as a m.eans of bringing about a definite action-goal. Agitation generally precedes persuasion and is a preparation for it.27 Althc gh such an agitation step seems needed in many situations, the nature and severity of tactics to achieve it should be chosen carefully. Tfie famous Yale studies in persuasion indicate that extreme fear~arousal often has a "boomerang effect": The auditors develop a hatred for the corimun icator and are likely to do the opposite of what he advocates," To know the direction and intensity of audience attitudes which might lend themselves to a climate of apathy or a distortion of per" ception, the rhetor must engage in audience analysis. Audience analysis is an important part of traditional rhetoric and most 26 Martin Luther King, V/hy We Can ' t Wait (Mo,v York: New American Library, 196^), pp. 8'+-9'4; Raymond Murphy, ed. , Proble m s and Prrjspects of the Neg ro Mov e ment (Belmont, California: Wadsworth Publishing Co,, 1966), p. 377. 27 Pother ingham, "p. 71. Carl Hovland, Irving Janis, and Harold Kelly, Communication and Persuasion (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1953), p. 189.

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hi suggestions to be offered regarding it are not novel, but nav kna-vledge about reference groups may aid tlio rhetor. Most audiences that persuaders deal with are sizeable and heterogeneous. The persuader may infer major attitudinal predispositions of the audience by finding wliat reference groups they belong to, such as, political, social, occupational, or religious categories. Osgood makes a succinct explanation regarding tlie soundness of this approach: The analogue for a cognitive element for an individual is what we may call a cultural meaning (stereotype, public image, etc.) for a group, , . . It is characteristic of cohesive groups as Newcomb has shavn, for inter" personal cammunicat ion to produce increased uni" formity of opinion and attitude. Mass comm nications have this function for the larger groupings of individuals in mass society. . , , Many of the applications of the semantic" differential in the study of images of political personalities and issues, of commercial institutions r-ind products, . . . have dealt witli cultural meanings based on reasonably representative groups of people. The degree of conformity on issues (of reference group members) is often striking. Ninety to 100 percent of subjects frequently choosing the same side if not the same I ntens i ty. -^ The occasion for the rhetorical message and/or the nature of the sponsoring group usually indicate at least one important reference group membership. Knc.vledge of one or two of tliese enables the persuader to infer other attitudes and reference groups they are likely to be associated vyith. Psychological studies have shown that within a given reference group, a whole constellation of attitudes ^°Fishbein, p. /f35.

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^^3 30 occur together. Perhaps the best synthesis of types which might guide the rhetor or riietorical critic is Adorno's discussion of the authoritarian versus democratic personality (including implications 3 1 regarding a third in-between category). For instance, if a rhetor were to address an American Legion group which stresses [patriotism and loyalty he would hypothesize that this group tends to have an authoritarian outlook. He would infer that his legion audience is politically conservative, respects established institutions, and is critical of those questioning these institutions. He would further assess that the Leglonaires favor conventional morality and family life. In particular, Lcgionaires would react against anything associated with "hippies," leftists, or protest daiions trators including the vocabulary, clothing styles, etc., characterizing these groups. Members of tlie American Legion as well as other authoritarian types are much aware of class and rank d ist inct ioiis and approve of consciously stressing them. An individual addressing this group should never adopt the "chummy" manner which might be favorably received by a college audience. Even if the speaker were a social equal to the Legion audience, his function as a speaker places him momentarily at a higher rank, the expectations of vvhlch he should meet. If at the same time the speaker vierc much younger or of Icwer military rank than most of his audience, he should show the proper deference tcv^ard them In these respects. The rule of "looking ^°.Lb-Ui. , p. ^t36. 31 Theodore Adorno, 5t a.l. , The Author i tar i sn Personality (New York: Wiley and Sons, 1S)6A), pp. 31-^6 and 3S0-467.

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and acting the part," respecting one's rank whether it be that of superior, inferior, or equal applies in almost all cases. Itv/ould apply more strongly than usual with authoritarian-oriented people, but would be toned do/^n considerably when facing a "nev/-left" group. This sample audience analysis is necessarily brief and merely suggestive. It is the duty of the persuader or critic to make a thorough study of reference groups he may be dealing with rather than looking for a synopsis of reference groups in tiiis dissertation, Duncan discusses at length the matter of proper courtship mode between superior and inferior or between equals. Duncan's basic formula is that one petitions superiors, commands inferiors, and 32 convinces equals, Havever, in a society or group which is basically democratic as are most American societal groups, one would also convince superiors and inferiors. Yet one'sstyle of convincing a superior would be deferent ial, and requests would probably be indirect. One's style of convincing an inferior would be more authoritative and direct, and one might include indirect reminders of one's po/;er (see discussion of 'ifiyst if icat ionf' in Chapter V) . One reason student protest movements are largely unsuccessful in reaching concrete goals is that their leaders attempt to deal v/ith university superiors in brash and 33 commanding rather than deferential tones. Such a style angers the administrator personally and makes him fear a weakening of the hierarchical 32 "Duncan, p, 3'^0. 33 J. W. Anderson, "Rebellion Follows Pattern, Usually Fails,' Milwauke e Journal , July 17, 1968, sec, B. , p, 1.

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^5 arrangement v^hich upholds the university structure. The result is that the administrator refuses the student request and/or does not stay around long enough to hear it, even though lie might agree that the request itself is just and reasonable. Similar flaws which cause audiences to fail to attend at all or to form distorted perceptions can be seen in the characteristic style of extreme anti'war agitators. These people frequently proceed in a manner V'jhich offends the sense of propriety, decency, or morality of the general public. Hence, the public tunes out reception of these protest messages. For instance, pouring blood vials over draft"center records, stealing the records, burning down R.O.T.C, installations, and burning draft-cards are not attention-steps which favorably dispose the American people to listen. The successful persuader must understand and appeal to an audience's sense of propriety and soc ial interact ion to secure full and accurate reception of his message. In addition certain audience groups may have strong psychological tensions which must be allayed before members can properly receive and react to the rhetor's message. An example of people likely to have extreme psychological tensions are cultural or racial minorities. Light is shed on wliy they might have special psychological problems in this observation made by Duncan: 'V/e are anxious to coinmun icate well with real audiences because their responses become our responses to ourselves." Dominant social groups must interact favorably witli an individual if he is to form an adequate 3 4 Duncan, p. 283.

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Li6 s el f "concept. Because oP the rejections minority members often experience, their self-concepts have a large canponent oF self-hate 35 and aggression. These feelings are especially activated when such individuals face situations (including speeches) concerned v/i th racial or social interactions, A persuader speaking on one of these themes to such a group should try to alleviate the probable tension of selfhate and aggression felt by his receivers. This necessity is stressed in this additional observation by Duncan: Thus, if the dream is the guardian of sleep, art is the guardian of social order. V/hen society supplies us with no or few benign ways to express our frustrations, we turn to crime, violence, rage, or hysteria. In these forms of communication we try to say to others something they cannot, or will not, let us say in other ways. The [psychiatric] analyst permits, indeed coaches us to every kind of hostile expression, for he kno/js that only when hate is expressed can it be understood. He styles himself as an audience of a certain kind, and we play out our hate before him. As the hidden and secret hate of the patient gushes forth, the physician opens wide the gates. . . .3° Translating this vicvj to rhetorical concerns, the disccurse creates for the maiient the society the receiver is in. If this temporary society calls forth psychological taisions, they need to be exorcized psychoanal yt ical 1 y before the receiver can perceive and react to the discourse. This is analogical to the inability of disturbed individuals to perceive and act effectively in the larger society until psychological problems are f acoJ and removed, as is discussed by Bandura 35 John Milton Yinger and George Eaton Simpson, Rac ial and (No.v York: Harper Brothers, 1958). ^^Duncan, pp. 7-82-83.

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47 in the following rcnark: Most theories of psychotlierapy are based on the assumption that the patient has a repertoire of previously learned positive habits available to him, but that these adaptive patterns are inhibited or blocked by competing responses motivated by anxiety or guilt. The goal of therapy then is to reduce the severity of the internal inhibitory controls, thus, allo.-nng the healthy patterns of behavior to emerge. 37 The hated elements of oneself must be purged before one under this type of tension can concentrate on constructive activity. Scape" goating is frequently used to exorcize aggression against oneself. The individual or group projects its avn hated flav/s on to another object and then symbolically (or in actuality) destroys it. One can also exorcize one's hated characteristics by joking about oneself or about O Q an object on which the bad traits have been projected. The manner in which humorous catharsis mitigates self "hatred is explained by a neo"Freudian psychologist in these terms; In the humorous attitude the superego relates itself to the ego like a good parent to a child: lenient, understanding, forgiving, kind. V/it utilizes infantile pleasure in order to release aggressive tendencies; in humor, the saving of emotion reactivates a joyful narcissistic state during which the superego treats the ego with kindliness and not vnth the usual sternness. 39 37 Albert Bandura, "Psychotherapy as a Learning Process," in Stoats, ed., p. ^78. . . Duncan, pp. 1 25-31. 39 Martin Grotjahn, Beyond Laughter (Ne^ York: McGraw-Hill, 1957), p. 11.

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^8 Minority groups are not the only ones who may require tragic or humorous catharsis to alleviate psychological tensions which interfere with the ability to concentrate, Vyhcnever a significant portion of the audience has intense feelings of fear, aggression, self-hate, or guilt; the rhetor should provide early in his message for an appropriate tension-release. Any group temporarily undergoing an upsetting experience may be in need of psychological axorcizing. Obscenity is v/idely used in coaments by military men to relieve psychological tensions due to the radically different environment and value system soldiers , 40 frequently must face. In Chapter iV, tlierewill be a description of the use of symbolic scapegoating to aid members of American society during the depression. Americans during this period had to overcome feelings of fear and aggression which had prevented constructive and unified action. The tragic catharsis created by Roosevelt involved not self-hate but external hatred against the business classes. Such external hatred can also be purged through either a tragic or a humorous catharsis. Hatred features of the other group are exaggerated and then either satirized or killed symbolically. Insight into the working of satiric catharsis against an enemy is given in this observation. Note also that this method would improve an individual 's sel f-caniiiunicat ion because aggression would be spent vnthout at the same time creating guilt: Aggressive wit gives us a nev way of admitting dangerous aggression to our consciousness but it has to be done in cleverly disguised form. The ko Duncan, pp. 3^5-50.

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first person, the one who mokes the joke or perceives the idea, attacks the second person, the butt of the joke. ... In order to test whether the work of disguising the aggressive tendency was successful, the first person has to tell his witticism to a third person. The one who has conceived the joke cannot himself laugh because he is too close to the original aggression and the feeling of guilt about it. The third person, to whom the witticism is told is only a listener and judges only the disguise of the underlying aggression. When the third person to whom the joke is told, reacts with laughter, the first person who had originally conceived the wi tt icism, may join him in the laughter with relief: the disguise , has succeeded. Hostile jokes lift repressions and open up otherwise inaccessible sources of pi easure. [but especially it opens Internal and external communication].^' The foregoing discussion indicates that generally persuasion is effected during the labeling stage. The persuader's strategy is to induce the receiver to label the proposition In a manner he can respond to favorably. After labeling almost nothing short of force v-jould change the direction of the ensuing result of the persuasive effort. The tactic of force would achieve forced coiipl iance rather than persuasion. Persuasion has been defined in this study not merely as out\-jard action in accordance w It h the proposition, but as also an inner mediatlonal response of acceptance (self-persuasion). If enough is known about both the audience and the persuasive message, the critic can infer the probability of sel f-persu3S ion taking place. By anticipating the factors of psychological pei-ception discussed here and by use of v-jord symbols carefully chosen to convey motivational -^1 Grotjahn, p. 35.

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50 concepts wel 1 ~se1 ected In respect to the audience, the rhetor Is likely to secure favorable labeling of propositions toz/ard which the receivers might initially have been unfavorably disposed. This approach also supposes a gradual lead into a co n trovers i al proposition rather than blatantly announcing It early in the message. A generally loose structuring of the message and generation of strong ethos also aid favorable acceptance of a controversial proposition. Although what has been developed here is a "labeling theory" of persuasion, it in no v-jay implies a return to sophism. To use word choices and examples the audience can understand and show logical connections between these and the proposition should require a finding of true unities between these components. If the audience Is critical, it will demand realistic connections between motivational concepts and the proposition. This means that verifiable evidence of connection as vjel 1 as seeming connection through favorable symbol usage should be offered (this distinction is discussed in Cliapter ill In reference to an address by Robert Ingersoll). In the next chapter the process of associat lonal condi t loning w i 1 1 be defined and explored In greater depth. Aspects of conditioning to be given particular attention are the nature and function of motivational concepts. Additional factors of learning tiieory which significantly affect persuasive conditioning will also be detailed. kl C ontrovers lal is defined here as an issue on v/hich many of the audience are likely to disagree in 1 1 ial ] y w I th the rhetor's proposition. Slierif, Sherif, and Nebergall, p. 172 and p. 18/.

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51 Chapter IV amplifies that v;Iiich is a major instrument for the development of motivational concepts and is tlie major instrument for conveying them. The chapter is an in~depth exploration of verbal symbols as they ave used to sho/; the linkage betv/een motivational concepts and the proposition. Chapter V is concerned with miscellaneous factors of social Inter" action which may hinder or facilitate t!ie persuasive process. Chief of tiiese factors is social mystification v;hich is often used to promote privileges for certain social groups whi 1 e w i thhol ding than from others. Techniques to counter these social 'iliys t if i cat ionsi' are frequently .ised in either individual discourses or in massive campaigns concerned with winning greater social or political pcjer for a given group. The development of or the countering of "mystifications" constitutes a special case of developing or countering motivational concepts. Hence, Chapter V, like Cliapter iV, is chiefly an expansion of a major topic developed in Chapters II and Ifl , which contain the heart of the theory.

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CHAPTER I I I A MODEL OF SUCCESSFUL PERSUASION WITH ASSOC lAT I ONAL CONDITIONING THE CHIEF STPJ\TEGY The previous chapter contained a generalized discussion of the overall theory of successful persuasion upon wliich is based the new critical tlieory presented in this dissertation. This chapter amplifies the associat ional conditioning process, which outlines the basic strategy to be employed by tiie rhetor. Associat ional conditioii" ing is proffered as being equivalent to Burke's concept of identi" ficaticn, but as a more precise explication of the mechanics involved in identifying major message appeals with the persuasive proposition. Hence, identification and related Burkeian concepts are explicated in the early part of the chapter; then, a merger ol" identification with associat ional conditioning is effected. There is also discussion of related factors of learning theory v;hich facilitate the conditioning process. Motivational concepts are the specific elanents to be conditioned to the proposition, hence, much of the discussion of conditioning centers upon these concepts. Exemplification of adequate or inadequate use of motivational concepts is explored in selected speech examples. In the latter part of the chapter there Is also explication of the special types of motivational concepts utilized in mass campaigns. Miscellaneous considerations in carrying out long-range 52

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53 campaigns are also discussed as these, considerations have a bearing on hav the total message of the campaign, especially the lines of cond i ~ tioning upon which the campaign is built, are 1 ikely to be perceived. It is common in persuasion textbooks to speak of the efficacy of establishing common ground between the persucder and his audience. For instance, the persuader is advised to demonstrate that some features of his background, or experience, of certain of his values or beliefs are similar to those of his receivers. Through these types of common ground the persuader will enhance his ethos, thus increasing audience receptivity in listening to the persuader's arguments leading to his proposition. Some v-vr iters of persuasion texts explore the concept of common ground In a further direction. They suggest that the persuader can do the best job of winning acceptance for his proposition 2 if it can be connected with felt needs or prior beliefs of the audience." In this latter sense, canmon ground is closely related to the develop" ment of topoi (lines of argument) as discussed by Aristotle, Cicero, and Quintilian, although the discussion of motives providing common ground is greatly extended in modern persuasion v/ritings. Currently there is much interest in Kenneth Burke's concept of identification, but the author's observation has been that much of the discussion regarding Burke's concept is carried on by people who Winston Brcmbeck and V/ i I 1 i am S. Havel 1, Pers uasion: A Means of S.QCiol CojdIlqI (Englcwood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1952). pp. 17^-/5. 2 Robert T. 01 iver. The Psychology of Persu asive Spee ch (Nav York: Longmans, Green, and Co., 19^2), pp. 255~87; James A. Winans, Pub! ic Speaking (Ne/ York: Century Co., 1322), pp. 260-6^.

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have not read his works. They try to inTer the meaning of Bui-kcian Identification from their understanding of v/hat the term i dent if icat ion signifies in general usage. These discussants generally infer that identification is equivalent to canmon ground in one or both of the senses just discussed, Burke's concept of identification does include both of these factors, but goes beyond them, as it is the core concept 3 in his overall theory of persuasion. Since there is currently much interest in Burke, along ivith a lack of accurate knowledge of his Lhought, his basic v i e.v of identification will be discussed briefly. There is an additional reason for this discussion. Sane of Burke's other persuasion concepts as stated by him or as restated by Hugh Duncan are cited elsewhere in this dissertation. These additional concepts will be clear if one understands his view of identification. The survey of rhetorical theorists' views on canmon ground or identification is included because the main subject of Lhis chapter, associat iona 1 conditioning, can be thought of as persuasion through a psychological identification process. This process is activated by motivational concepts conveyed through verbal symbols and is completed as engram connections are made in the brain. Associational conditioning is tlie core of the persuasion theory presented in this dissertation just as identification is the core of Burke's persuasion theory. Indeed Burke's discussion of tJ-e various facets of identification is cons istent w i th the conditioning theory presented here. Kenneth Buri
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55 Both Burke and his chief restate.-, Hugh Duncan, make perceptive generalizations regarding ident if iQt^^ ion, but they do not follO'V through by discussing the specific mechanics of identification as they facili" tate persuas ion w i th in receivers. The discussion later in this chapter regarding associat ional conditioning provides such an under" standing of the specific mechanics involved. Before defining Burkclan identification, one needs to consider Burke's definition of rhetoric and to understand hov-/ he interrelates rhetoric and identification. It [rhetoric] is rooted in an essential function of language itself, a function that is wholly realistic, and is continually born anew, the use of language as a symbolic means of inducing cooperation In beings that by nature respond to symbols, ^ The purpose of rhetoric is to induce the degree of cooperation among Individuals enabling them to act together. The manner of Inducing cooperation is to shcM the individuals concerned ways in which they already identify in ccoimon. One specifically accompl isiies this by demonstrating to individuals that they share properties such as common experiences, values or attitudes. Cotnmon experiences are the sources of the most meaningful level of identification. Since values and attitudes have much to do with determining action in concrete situations, ccT.monality In regard to either of these indicates a potential for ccxTimon experiences, tlence, commonality in respect to value or attitude ^I bid ,, p. 567. ^Ibid., p. 5^^-k5.

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56 provides for a satisfactory though v/eaker level of identifica. 6 t ion. Stated a bit d i f Fereiitl y, rhe t oric is the inducing of oneness and cooperation by proclaiming tliat some level of identification already exists. Identification and its opposite, division, actually occur together. For one need not scrutinize the concept of identifi" cation very sharply to see implied in it at every turn, its ironic counterpart, division.' Identification is affirmed with earnestness precisely because there is division. Identification is compensatory to division. if men were not apart from one another, there would be no need for the rhetorician to proclaim their unity," An excellent example of Burke's analysis is provided in the follanng excerpt from a sermon by William Temple, former Archbishop of Canterbury. Let us never forget that though the purpose of our meeting is to consider the causes of our divisions, yet what makes possible our meeting is our unity. We could not seek union if we did not already possess unity. Those who have nothing in common do not deplore their estrangement. It is because we are one in allegiance to one Lord that we seek and hope for the v-vay of manifesting that unity in our vyitncss to Him before the world," Sanetimes in a rhetorical event division against one person or group is deliberately induced in order to achieve identification among all those except the individual or group being excluded, (See in ^Ibid., pp, 5^7-^8. ^Ibid,, p. 5^7. ^.IJiLd,, p, '}'-iS. 9 / William Temple, ReJigJ.Qus Experience, n,p.d, .o. thcr F .ssays (London: James Clarke, 1958) , p. 157. Burke, p, 569.

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57 Chapter IV discussion of a scapegoat role for businessmen in Roosevelt's First Inaugural as exemplification of this phcncinenon,) Burke states that the "old i-hetoric" utilized tlie concept of identification mainly in terms of lines of argument v;hich had common appeal for audiences. The "old rhetoric" also gave some concern to stylistic phrasing whicli would bring tliese topgi most clearly in line with audience predispositions regarding the subject under question. Burke has no quarrel with these particular uses of identification, but he feels the concept should be broadened and extended in a number of areas. Our treatment in terms of identification is decidedly n t meant as a substitute for the sound traditional approach. Rather as we try to shav, it is but an accessory to the standard 1 ore. ' ^ Burke uses the term identification in three distinct though inter" related capacities. Regarding the first capacity, i dent if icat ion is the generating principle of tactics to achieve persuasion. The number of specific identification tactics available to the rhetor is countless. Delineating factors of a given situation v; i 1 1 make the choice of certain modes of identification more appropriate than others. Burke has grouped identification tactics into three general categories. The i^irst of these is used to seek an uncritical indent i f icat ion. The rhetor presents a line of identification supposedly as fact, but in a manner which discourages interpretation. The example Burke gives is that of '^iJuii. , pp. 580-81. '^IkM. , p. 522.

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58 implying that a person with a particular uniform is a qualified representative of that occupation. The second category is concerned with analogical associations between various fields; this category allavs for interpretation as well as mere statement of fact. For example, a university administrator facing students hostile to an acceptance of his authority might point out vjays in which they accept the principle of authority In fraternities, sororities, and athletic teams. The third category is concerned with identifications between concepts in terms of a similar ideological principle; this third level 13 allo./s for evaluation as well as presenting fact and interpretation. An example is a major argument used in the Nineteenth Century by promotors of American Imperialism, They reminded their audience that the expansion of America's western frontier had been good for the nation. To this premise they added a stated interpretation that imperialist expansion in the Pacific and in the Caribbean was merely a special case of western expansion. V/ithin the completed process of persuasion, two additional facets of identification are operative. One of these is kncv;n to rhetoricians as a part of audience analysis. It is known to social scientists as role-taking. The successful persuader must identify with (internalize) his audience to gauge ho.-/ tlicy might react to various persuasive 1^ tactics and phrasings of them that he considers using. Finally ^llbld. , pp. 658-59. ^\hXd., pp. 560-61.

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59 Burke discusses self-Identification (self-persuasion) as it pertains to the receiver of the persuasive discourse: To act upon himself persuasively, he must resort to images and ideas that are formative. If he does not somehow act to tell himself (as his o.vn audience) what the various brands of rhetoricians have told him, his persuasion is not complete. Only those voices from without are effect ive which can speak in the language of a voice w i thin. '-^ It might be helpful to define s el fi dent i f icat ion or sel f" persuas Ion in this manner: the receiver must perceive on his o.vn the conclusion of the chain of reasoning set forth In the speech. If the receiver cannot see for himself the conclusion which equals the rhetorical proposition preceeding fran the argumentative strategy, he Is not persuaded. A merger Is made In the next section of this chapter of Burke's three facets of identification: generating principle of persuasive tactics, role-taking, and self-persuasion, with a model of the persuasive process developed by Gary Cronkhlte. Cronkhlte's persuasion model is consistent vnth Burke's conception of Identification. In addition, Cronkhlte delineates more concretely than Burke the viciv of persuasion as an identification process. A close study of Burke yields theoretical perceptions fitting Cronkhlte's model, but which were not actually realized in It. The merger of these tv/o vlavpolnts yields helpful Insights to guide the analysis and evaluation of rhetorical efforts, Cronkhlte defines the persuasion process as one of Identification: A persuasive communication can on a simplified level be viewed as an attempt to induce the 15 Ibid., p. 563.

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60 audience to perceive a relationship between tvio concepts in order that audience attitudes ta/ard the one will transfer to the other.'" Cronkhite defines tlie two types of concepts and amplifies the process of interrelating them: One of these concepts is one toward which the audience has not formed attitudes, or if formed, attitudes which the speaker considers capable of being altered. In deliberative speaking this concept is the plan of action proposed by the speaker; in forensic speaking It Is the conviction or acquittal of the defendant; in epidelctic speaking it is the person or thing praised or f blamed. We shall refer to this concept, as tiie i"object concept," In that it is the object tavard which persuasion is directed. The other of tlie tvjo concepts Is one toward which the audience has preformed attitudes which the speaker expects to remain relatively stable. This concept may be viewed as a goal to be achieved or avoided, and, thus, it has motivational properti es -which are either Inherent or acquired through its relationships with concepts which do have motivational properties. We will .^ refer to this concept as the "motivational," In short, tiie speaker induces the audience to cooperate in accepting or carrying out his proposition by associating It with beliefs, attitudes, needs, or courses of action which the audience already adheres to. These motivational concepts arc entities toward which the audience has previously established aiiotional feelings of approach or avoidance. The perceived connections between these motivational concepts and the rlietorical proposition are the logical Gary Lynn Cronkhite, "Logic, Emotion, and the Paradigm of Persuasion," nuj^j:j:_e.rly. Journal of Spee':h, L (February, 1964), 15.

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61 1 R proofs of the discourse. Crcnkhitc underscores that there are an infinite number of possible motivational concepts (sources of identification) available to the rhetor. In discussing the relationship between tlie proposition or object concept and the motivational concepts, Crcnkhite makes an additional observation, defining the persuasive process as one of associat ional conditioning. Following this line of thought, he holds that it is justifiable for rhetoricians to utilize principles from learning theory to supplement their notions regarding the persuasive process. ' Motivational concepts are unconditioned stimuli v.'hich automatically call forth a predictable response in auditors of a rhetorical message. The rhetor seeks to connect these so strongly with his proposition that auditors vn 1 1 be conditioned to make a similar response to the proposition as they make to the motivational concepts. -Generally the closer the identifi" cation between the two concepts the greater will be the similarity of response to the fwo orders of concepts-motivational and object. Cronkhite adds that several factors which facilitate learning intervene to determine hav close a connection 'will be made (in the mind of the receiver) between previous action toward the motivational concept and possible action tci;ard the conditioning stimuli, the rhetorical proposition. The strengtli oF the intervening learning factors will determine the potential strength of conmitment that 21 receivers cculd develop toward the rhetor's proposition. '^iJ2ld. , p. 16. '^U?l.d. , pp. 16-18. ^"°Lbld. , pp. 13-16. ^^l^id. , p. 13.

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62 The intervening factors likely to have an effect are motivation, 2? generalization, contiguity, reinforcement, and summation. Each of these lierms v/ill be defined formally. Relating these learning factors to the persuasive situation, mo t i vat ion refers to the audience's interest in the rhetorical topic. G eneral izat ion refers to the degree of analogous connection betv;een the motivational concept(s) and the rhetorical proposition. Contigu ity refers to the degree of temporal relation of the mot ivat ional concept(s) to the rhetorical proposition. Reinforcemen t refers to the connection of rev;ards with the acting out of the rhetorical proposition. Sometimes it also involves the connection of punishment with behavior which is the obverse of the proposition; these are, hcwever, more properly termed ext i net ions . Summa tion refers to repetition of the main lines of argument connecting motivational concepts to the proposition. Operational definitions of the learning factors are presented by discussing a speech concerned with the problem of stuttering. The speai
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63 helping tlic stutterer. The reinforcanent stressed secondarily v/as that one would not v-yant to be responsible for helping to create a stutterer or helping to make the stutterer's problem worse. Generalization of tlie cause of the problem was begun by giving a detailed example of a store clerk who was very rude to tv/o custcaiiers vyho v/ere stutterers. Since listeners v^ere urged to avoid being a cause of the problem, the causes were the major motivational concepts of the speech. Summation (repetition of the main line of argument) was provided by making this statement at the conclusion of the detailed example. I I'm sure that none of us here has or ever will treat a stutterer in such a rude and callous manner. Nevertheless through ignorance we might help to cause or worsen a condition of stuttering unless we remember as a listening relative, friend, teacher, or business associate these suggestions: (1) Don't become anxious or scolding about a child's difficulty with a few v>fords or letters from time to time. (2) Don't try to help an adult stutterer with words. (3) Look directly at the stutterer and try to sha-/ no anxiety about his grapple for words. (4) Don't in any other way call attention to the stutterer's condition. Contiguity (temporal connection) was satisfactory in that the college students in the audience either were fulfilling sane of the listening roles discussed already or soon would be. As a result of the foregoing discussion of assoc iat ional conditioning, a number of suggested points for rlu;torical analysis and evaluation emerge. 1. Internalizing the audience. Did the rhetor fail to internalize the audience in any respects pertinent to th-.^ situation, such 23 Dana Duncan, "You and the Stutterer," (presented in a University of Florida Speech Class), December, 1967.

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as, social -economic, political, ethical, or pragmatic orienta" t ions. II. Motivation and the Rhe torical propositio n. (A) Did the rhetor speak to a felt need of the audience? (b) Did he at least succeed in making it a felt need in the course of his speech? (C) V/as the specific proposition (object concept) clarified and consistently adhered to in the message? (D) Did the proposition call For a response which could be carried out by those in the audience, and/or v;ere serious barriers to audience action minimized? Ml. £a,clnLs .. ,Qf JiaJiLtiSj:.ceiigjLb N ec e.ss Q r.y-J:a-SiiCiLes^ul_CxmdLiLLQnlD3.. (A) Reinforcement: were the rG\/ards of foliating the propostion wellestablished and appealing? (B) If appropriate, were punishments of continuing behavior contrary to the proposition strongly stressed and logically connected with the obverse of the proposition? (C) Generalization and contiguity: was the probability of analogical connection (considering both appropriateness and t ime-rel atedness) between the proposition and the key motivational concepts sufficiently established? (D) Were sufficient amplification and appropriate language choices used to heighten probability and strength of these analogical connections? (E) Summation: was conditioning established through several examples conveying a similar line of identification? (Particularly if each example had a better appeal than others for certain audience segments.) (F) V/ere summary, repetition, and parallel structures used to integrate effectively the several examples pointing to the desired association with the rhetorical proposition? A short speech will be analyzed and evaluated in terms of the above anal yt ical -eval uat ive jioints to enable a fuller understanding of them.

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65 The speech to be assessed was presented by a student of public speaking at the University of Florida, in October, 1966. A verbatim cq^y of the speech is not available. What is reproduced here is a faithful representation of the organi zati on, argumentat ive s trategy, and major forms of supporting material. What is missing are a few of the amplifying details, and the accurate, canplete symbol izat ion itself.^^ The text reproduced here is adequate to the purpose of making a generalized analysis and evaluation in terms of the aspects of conditioning discussed in Lhis chapter. If the concerns to be discussed in Chapter IV regarding symbol manipulations were to be' added, a word for word manuscript would be required. This particular speech was selected for several reasons. It Is desirable to test and to illustrate the "new criticism" with samples given by rhetors speaking under varying circumstances to divergent persuasive purposes. The speech also illustrates certain persuasive problems which are wel 1 -d iagnosed with reference to the criteria discussed in this chapter. Finally remedies to the major strateg i c weaknesses can be seen by considering passages from an address by Robert Ingersoll supporting the same proposition. The student speech, dealing with the issue of dependence on religion, was delivered to a class of twenty-two beginning public speaking students. Three members of the class were Roman Catholic, about one-third were of J&vish background and the remainder were Protestant. 1 The researcher was the instructor for this cour-^e and heard the entire speech. Students in this class reacLed with verbal comments and assessments on the day the speech v/as given. Two subsequent classes evaluated the speech in terms of the partial manuscript presented here as a part of their midterm exam.

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66 Currently our society is experiencing a decline in religious values. I can cite a number of examples to show that people are less concerned with religion than they were a few years ago. For instance, in the last ten years the total percentage of the population vjhich are church members has declined five percent. Also a national survey has sha^/n that people currently read the Bible only about half as much as they d i d 20 years ago. Another finding of the same survey has shown that ^lO percent of those interviewed could not name the authors of the four gospels. Another instance of this religious decline is the fact that the Catholic Church is changing some of its ritual, particularly the use of Latin, and is also changing some of its views on birth control. A final proof of the decline is the development of a radical movement in theology called the "God is dead" Tlieol ogy. In large part scientific and philosophical developments explain this decline in religious values which our society is experiencing. For instance, religious values began to decline somewhat a hundred years ago after Darwin's theory of evolution was elaborated. Herbert Spencer's "social Darwinism" also had a negative effect. Further astronodiical and geological theories added their negative effect. in addition there was the pragmatist philosophy of James and Dewey, and last but not least the psychological theory of Freud. In addition, the lack of closeness of American families and the lack of religious instruction in the public schools are causes, I guess in the Future v-;e w i 1 1 have to depend on ourselves instead of on spiritual values. The proposition of this speech is -"in the future depend on yourselves, not on religion." The Lerm XiiLLglPH was never defined, and concrete areas in which one might apply sol T-dependcnce were never discussed. The end result was that the proposition was too hazy and general i;:ed to channel effective audience energy In any direction, yet the audience had given the appearance of strong

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67 interest when the speaker announced his topic. The type of personal decision and application called for in the proposition was of a nature that the aud ience waild have been capable of producing. Ho/vever, it would iiave been a response involving an act of will over a long period of time. This means that the rewards of depending on one's self would Ivive to have been portrayed as appealing and highly probable results on this course of action. A stressing of punishments (negative or unpleasant effects) resulting fran continued dependence on religion would also have been helpful to the most persuasive case. But the speaker failed to develop either the punishments of depending on religion or the rmards of depending on one's self. The speaker's main line of argument was to state in several different ways that people were already dependent on themselves rather than on religion. He did not give his listeners reasons why they ought to have accepted this condition. He gave no reinforcement for follwing the prescribed behavior, yet the view of persuasion as a form of learning indicates that reinforcement is a crucial phase of the persuasion process. In addition, when the speaker summarized his proposition at the conclusion of the speech he seemed ambivalent. One wondered if he agreed with this course of action himself or had after accepting it as fact, stoically concluded that w hat is must !?p. h^<^x. The speaker's contention that a lack of dependence on religion is the current condition was not established in a convincing manner. The audience indicated that they considered only the discussion of the 25 In addition psychological studios of youth shav that an important part of their search for identity is an exploration of what they will think and do regarding religion. See especially C. G. Jung, The . Und is covered S^lf (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1958), pp. 58-70

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68 "God is dead" tlieology as strong proof of this contention. They felt that changes in tlie Catholic Church have little or no connection v/ i th the decline of dependence on religion. The item regarding a changed Catholic position on birth control was not even factually true. The statistics on the decline of church attendance and on decreased reading of the Bible v/ere considered as partially establishing the contention. Most listeners did not feel that these institutional aspects equaled the whole of religiosity or of religious dependence. The statement regarding I
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69 structured analysis, and learning concepts provide authoritative criteria for the assessments made. The main line of argument in the foregoing speech was -"Accept a lack of dependence on religion because this situation already is established fact." Unless the audience were driven by the desire for conformity for conformity's sake, this line of reasoning contained no motivational concept at all. Every so often the critic will encounter a persuasive message which is really not associated with any motivational concepts. This situation is especially likely to occur in speeclies concerned w ith upholding a tradition such as. orthodox religion, conventional sexual morality, patriotism, or the authority of institutional leaders. For instance In May, 1963, a member of the state of Florida Board of Regents attempted to defend the proposition, "Final authority for decisions Is given to the Board of Regents regarding all matters of policy referred to this body." Excerpts are cited from a written report of the address In order that its lack of motivational concepts can be discussed. The purpose of the speech, as announced in the public notices was tliat of explaining hav the Board of Regents worked, its administrative relationship to the University of Florida and the State Board of Education, and its role in the educational system. . . . The students came to discuss issues, expecially CQiipulsory ROTC; several statements made by some of the students indicated that they mistrusted authority in general. One forecast a wave of student revolt if demands were not met. . . . The students seamed to have difficulty understanding (the speakers) lines of reasoning, perhaps because of their lack of acquaintance with an administrative situation.

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70 The speaker's main point . . . might be paraphrased as follavs: in the educational structure as it new stands, the Board of Regents is given the authority for final decisions on all matters of policy referred to it. It reaches its decisions only after due deliberation and consideration of all the evidence. Authority must rest sanavhere (this statement which so antagonized the students must be to a lavjyer an everyday working principle) "that is someone must hold the responsibility for making a final decision, otherwise there can be no organized execution of any plan. Parts of these arguments especially his repeated use of the word author! ty seemed to antagonize the attitudes of the students, and to increase the "semantic noise" resulting from the difference in background and position between the speaker and the students. The speaker's arguments were largely ineffective in influencing the students to whom he spoke, due in a large part to their prejudice and his positi of authority. He exacerbated this situation by talking in legalistic terms and by using such a te as aut hor i ty whi ch has bad connotations for some of the students. 2o This speech can be characterized as one in which the main supports for tlie proposition seemed to be restatements of the proposition and formal definitions of the term author ity. The persuasion model developed in this chapter points to the conclusion that restatements of the proposition and formal definitions of its chief terms are weak proofs which cannot carry Llie burden of argument. Neither of tliese types of proof provide concrete, detailed (not i vat ional concepts which make associat ional conditioning and, hence, persuasion possible. Moreover, since the audience is yet to be persuaded to accept the on rm 26 Douglas V/ing, "Report of a Persuasive Speech," (unpublished speech critique, May, 1968), pp. 1 -'4.

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71 proposition, proofs derivative of it could not be motivational concepts already accepted by the audience. The regent should have presented either operational definitions of authority already accepted by the audience or analogies relating to authorities acceptable to students in other situations. Then his speech would have been based on definite motivational concepts accepted by the audience, plausibly related to his proposition, and orienting the audience to/vard the area of action called for in the propos it ion. f The main arguments of religious speakers frequently lack con~ nections with true motivational concepts. For instance, the evangelist may argue "Believe in Christianity because it is true" or "Believe in Christianity because you ought to believe it" or "Believe in Christianity because God cQiimands you to believe." All three of these are cases of using as an argument, a definition of a key propos it ional term, citing an attribute of the proposition in the viev of the believer. Instead the evangelist should use an idea having audience acceptance that can be related convincingly to the proposition. The even more frequent argument "Believe in Christianity because the Bible says such and such," is a similar example oP circular reasoning. A non~bel lever in Christianity normally does not accept the Bible or any of its parts as a motivational concept. The Bible can only be used as a motivational concept for persons who believe in some critical aspects of Christianity to persuade than to accept additional beliefs or modify forms of behavior. Several examples have been presented of messages lacking reinforcement to induce auditors to act out tlie persuader's proposition because

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72 motivational concepts were absent or very weak. In a lecture titled "The Truth" Robert Ingcrsoll dealt with a proposition equivalent to the one advocated in the student speech discussed earlier. There are some significant flaws in Ingersoll's persuasive case, but he develops more definite motivational concepts to reinforce his proposition than the student speaker did. For that reason it should be helpful to make a brief analysis and assessment of Ingersoll's address. Only the aspects of reinforcement and ext inct ion vn 1 1 be discussed in a detail ed manner. The follanng is the proposition of ingersoll"s speech "The Truth." Man will find that nature is the only revelation and that he, by his own efforts, must learn to read the stories told by star and cloud, by rock and soil, by sea and stream, by rain and fire, by plant and flower, by life in all its various forms, and all the things and forces of the world. When he reads these stories, these records, he will know that man must rely on himself — that the supernatural does not exist and that man must be the province of man. '^' Ingersoll conceives of the rci-/ards of eschcvnng dependency on religion as broad and universal. He also states that the desired action is necessary to human progress, and equates this action with free thought, free vnll and free action -the most prized values of an Anglo-Saxon culture. By these means man will overcome many of the obstructions of nature. He will cure or avoid many diseases. He will lessen pain. He will ^^C. P. Farrell, ed. , ixtflersnll 's Works, (New York: Ingersoll Publishers Inc., 1900), Vol. .IV, p. 79.

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73 lengthen, enobl e and enrich life. In every direction he will increase his po^jer. He will satisfy his wants, gratify his tastes. He will put roof and raiment, food and fuel, home and happiness within the reach of all. He will destroy the serpents of fear, the monsters of superstition. He w i 11 become intelligent, and free, honest and serene . . . human beings will have each other instead of gods, men will do right not for the sake of reward in sane oO Other world, but for the sake of happiness here. "^^ Toward the end of this passage ingersoll has begun to list sane of the punishments of Lhe obverse of his proposition. These are further discussed by contrasting them with tlie rewards of sel f "dependency of thought and action. It does not ask man to cringe or crawl. It does not desire the "worship of the ignorant or the progress and praises of the frightened. It says to every human being. Think for yourself, enjoy the freedan of a god and have the goodness and courage to express your honest thought. " Contrast is used again in the next passage. Superstition is the serpent that crawls and hisses in every Eden and fastens its poisonous fangs in the hearts of men. It is the deadliest foe of the human race. Superstition is a beggar -robber, a tyrant. Science is a benefactor. Superstition sheds blood. Science sheds 1 ight.^ Revard-punishment identifications of this type are developed abundantly throughout the speech. These identifications with freedom are motivational concepts which would have strong appeal with a general American audience of any time period. A close inspection reveals ha-yever, that these motivational concepts have little or no substantive content. In essence they are little more than a series of ^^U2id. , . , . . ^^IhM., pp. 78-79. 30 ^ Ibid,, p, 100.

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7^ positive and negative nanie~cal I ings, A major contention in Chapter IV Is that stylistic phrasings in thoiisolves becanc a part of rhetorical proof. Nevertheless, v^;hile tiie most excellent speakers choose their words carefully to add support to their ideas, they offer objectively verifiable evidence, Ingersoll offers this level of proof less often than he could. it is clear v/hat types of evidence he should provide in greater abundance from the few tliat he docs produce. For Instance, In one place he cites persecution, war, and suppression of scientific 3 1 inquiry as bad results of the status quo. But he does not detail these or even name specific incidents In these categories. .Neither does he establish that they are recent events or that they are a result of religious dependence per se rather than a narrov-zMiinded application of it. (These are examples of failure to establish strong motivational probabi 1 Ity w ith respect to tiie factors of contiguity and generalization.) One passage which supports Ingersoll 's line of thought quite well Is a melange of specific statements from the Bible with interpretations by Ingersoll In Ironic placement with the statements. It [the church] claims to have preached peace because Its founder said, "I came not to bring peace but a sv/ord." it claims to have preserved the family because its founder offered a hundred-fold here and life everlasting to those who would desert v-/ifc and chl 1 dren. So It claims to iiave taught the brotherhood of man and that the gospel Is for all the world because Christ said to ttie v/oman of Samaria that he came only to the lost sheep of the house of ^^JJl.U.. , pp. 93-9.4.

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75 Israel, and declared that it was not meet to take the bread of children and cast it unto dogs. In the name of Christ, wlio threatened eternal revenge, it has preached forgiveness. 32 Further evidences of this nature might have been offered in the speech to provide summation. Ingersoll did a much better job than the student speaker because he provided reinforcement for the desired response to the proposition at the same time inducing extinction of behavior contrary to the desired response. Ingersoll failed to do an excellent job vnth this proposition because in most instances reinforcanent and extinction were supported with insufficient evidence. There was, moreover, insufficient detailing of the evidences that were presented. Also there v;as an over~dependence on name-calling of an exaggerated quality. This flaw is likely to have vjeakened the speaker's overall credibility with a number of his listeners. The theoretical model of persuasion developed in Chapter W and exanded in this one has been discussed primarily in reference to one persuader and his face-to-face audience. The conditioning principles developed v/ould apply also to mass campaigns. Havever, in the expanded setting of the mass campaign; slogans, images of leaders, associations of the group being promoted with other societal groups, as well as a generalized ideology are the usual motivational concepts. In a campaign or movement for social reform, motivational concepts of this nature are used to induce favorable acceptance of the proposition "~ "Grant group x ^^IbJA,, pp. 96-97.

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76 greater equality or privilege in such and such an area." In a presidential campaign seme of tlie major motivational concepts are features of the party platform, campaign slogans, endorsements by famous personalities, and by major interest groups, endorsements by major nev-js media, campaign pranises of the candidate, and tlie general personality image conveyed by the candidate and t)y his family and associates. These concepts are associated with the proposition -" "Vote for candidate x." Factors which could distort the total campaign message or at least obscure major lines of conditioning are considered here. The mass campaign would be complicated with multiple communication channels and with multiple audiences vjhich frequently do not meet the persuader face-to"face. The critic would have to consider at least a tv;o~step persuasion channel any time that messages are conveyed through the mass media such as radio, television, or nc^vspapers. The reason Is that people are not generally influenced directly by messages conveyed through the mass media. Individuals the receiver knavs personally and respects at least in regard to kncwledge of the topic being considered must state opinions similar to those conveyed through a mass communication channel, before the receiver will be significantly influenced. These influencing individuals are kna'/n as "opinion 3 7 leaders." Frequently, the critic of mass campaigns v-n 1 1 be concerned with the question — Did the persuader frame his discourses adequately considering the factor of the Intermediate "opinion leaders" on the mass media audience? ^^Berlo, pp. 25-35.

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77 Generally in mass campaigns the first step is to win over an audience, such as, community guardia ns (perhaps labor or business leaders, or politicians) so that in turn they will function as "opinion leaders" to their g.eneral pub lics (members). Mass media messages in that case probably should be geared to these leaders more than to the general public. Draft protests, on the other hand, are geared tov«;innIng members of the general public as "opinion leaders" so the public will pressure the community guardians for change. If a persuasive message is conveyed through several media it is likely to become altered or distorted In the process. The alteration could work either to the rhetor's advantage or disadvantage. For instance, Richard Rovere In his biography of Senator Joseph McCarthy explains hav McCarthy retained a suitable ethos vnth the general public. McCarthy seemed rational to the public because the synopses of his speeches reported in nevyspapers appeared more coherent in structure and less irrational in content than his original messages. On the other hand, several speech critics conclude that the excerpts quoted frcim Stokely Carmichael's speeches have made him appear to be a fanatic; whereas, he does not convey that impression to those v;ho have 35 heard the complete addresses. 34 Richard Rovere, Senator Joe McC arthy i^ie^-J York: World Publishing Co., 1959), pp. 136-38. 35 Pat Jefferson, "The Magn i f Iclent Barbarian at Nashville," Southern SpcecJl-JiULLiJial, XXXIII (winter, 1967), 77-87; Elizabeth Flory Phlfer, "Carmichael in Tallahassee," Southern Sp e> 2ch Journa l, XXXI II (Winter, 1967), 88-90.

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78 In addition to looking for possible alterations in persuasive messages because of conveyance through more than one media, the critic should try to ascertain whether or not the rhetor consciously provided for or utilized such changes. For instance, Samuel Adams, the great agitator of the American revolution, had his addresses for state occasions published as pamphlets, Kna"ving they would reach the greatest number of people in this form, he molded the discourses to the printed rather than the spoken medium. In addition Adams v^rote a number of speeches for others and was vogue about the authorship of sane of his printed messages. The apparent reason for these actions was that greater persuasive Impact would be achieved by making it appear that the same message was being prcnioted by a number of different people. It is hoped that the discussion of motivational concepts adapted to mass campaigns, and conveyed to multiple audiences through multiple communication channels vn 1 1 be helpful. Several additional features of mass campaigns should be considered by the critic who is going to deal vnth this form of persuasive event. These features do not relate directly to the subject of this chapter, the conditioning process. Ho.vever, if the critic docs not understand these features, he is likely to frame inappropriate criteria in assessing both the overall goals of the campaign and in assessing the motivational concepts and lines of conditioning used to acliieve these goals. •3C Valerie Schneider, "Samuel Adams: One Who Made a Revolution," (unpublished seminar paper, June, 196?), p|'. 3"9.

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79 The critic should take into account the fact that rhetorical campaigns which are part of a mass movement pass through several stages, generally three in number. The first stage normally is concerned vnth getting attention for the issue being disputed and recruiting members to tlie cause. During the first stage, the protest generated is quite radical as are most of the people who join the movement. Later more moderate people are recruited, and they gradually succeed In taking over leadership. In the third stage the movanent frequently is transformed into an institutionalized group headed by capable administrators. If the critic realizes the nature and cumulative effect of these movement stages, he can better gauge within each stage whether or not the best available means of persuasion were used. Me can also judge whether or not the soundest persuasive goals were sought. It would also be helpful for the critic to realize that a mass campaign has two predominant functions — strengthening membership (group maintenance) and specific task accomplishment. For instance, the task might concern getting a referendum questioning United States involvement in Vietnam on the ballot. Or the task might be persuading citizens, political representatives, and civic leaders to use their influence to get an open housing law passed. The critic would want to judge whether or not the amount of rhetoric devoted to each of these functions (membership and task accomplishment) was proportional to how much each should have been stressed under the given circumstances. 37, Eric Hoffer, .ULe_ra1.2_J-C.LLey.ex (New York: N&v American Library, 1951), pp. 119-25; Richard Hofstadter, Ihfi_AoLCL_Qf_R£fi2ail (New York: Alfred^A. Knopf, 1955), pp. 1^8-73; Christopher Lasch, The Ng.v " Diir_L£.a (New York: Borzpi Books, 1965), pp. 33-39.

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80 Before this chapter is concluded a postscript regarding motivational concepts should be added. There has been no attempt to list specific motivational concepts and rank them hierarchically according to their persuasive efficacy, although this is the approach taken in many theoretical v;orks on persuasion. The discussion of associat ional conditioning and related factors of learning psyclnology as well as observations on the role of perception In persuasive endeavors gives a general map of persuasive motivation. The viewpoint permeating tliis study is that the theorist need not, indeed cannot go further than such a general map. In a given situation the nature of tfie audience and the rhetorical proposition determine what possible motivational concepts can be used and the relative efficacy of each possible one. It Is the job of the persuader or critic after thorough audience analysis to determine what specific motivational appeals are best. Ho.vever, a feA/ general judgments regarding types of motivational concepts have been made. It was explained that restatements of the rhetorical proposition and formal definitions of terms of the proposition are vicak proofs (Tliey really are only clarifying devices.) which cannot carry the main burden of argument In a speech. in Chapter V transcendent principles will be discussed; motivational concepts derived frOfH the transcendent principle of the group being addressed are generally the strongest ones ava i 1 abl e. Motivational concepts based on physical force as well as those based on non"physIcal coercive appeal generally do not lead to persuasion as conceived In this study. Persuasion Is presented here as a learning of na^/ attitudes and n&.'J actions (derived fran the attitudes) ta«yard a given proposition. Force or coercive appeals often lead In a given

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81 instance to cutv/ard ccxnpl iance to the action called Tor in the proposition. The response of those forced to canply represents conditioning to the applied force or to the threat; it is not a conditioning toward the proposition itself. The test of whether true persuasion has taken place is this: If the receiver will continue over a period of time without reinforcement or interference from anyone the area of behavior called for in the proposition in a variety of applicable situations, he has truly been persuaded, < If an individual conforms to the desired action of the persuader because a gun is being held over him, his response represents conditioning to the motivational concept, preservation of life. The latter concept is not in turn conditioned to the proposition as it would be in an instance of true persuasion. For instance, if Vietnamese villagers in the pacification program ai-e forced at gun point to aid the South ' V ietnamese war effort and to accept ideological stateiTients favorable to the regime of Thieu and Khe, their response indicates conditioning to the stimuli of self-preservation. They are not also being conditioned to really believe in the actions they must perform or in the statements they must agree with. it is unlikely that most of the villagers vn 1 1 continue these actions after American troops leave. In the case just cited the motivational concept is connected with getting the desired action, but it is not in turn connected with the proposition. The conditions for a suitable motivational concept are not only that it possess the desired action-orientation, and be previously accepted by the audience, but also that it be capable of a logical, intrinsic connect ion v/i th tlie proposition. This third component is what generally'

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82 , is missing in tlie use of coercive motivational appeals. In effect, conditioning witli coercive appeals leads to tliis label ing of the situation "~ "In this instance perform the desired action or else." In a true example of persuasion the labeling would be -" "Perform tlie desired action na-j and henceforth because the action makes sense." A hypothetical situation involving non-physical coercion is discussed to clarify furtlier the distinction betvyeen compliance and persuasion. A group of young peopl e who tiave attitudes neutral or favorable regarding the use of marijuana are presented by society.vnth the proposition, "Do not use marijuana." The main motivational concept supporting tliis proposition is a law threatening severe penalties to anyone convicted of using marijuana. Most individuals in this grciip will canply with the law because they are conditioned to motivational concepts such as concern for social approval, fear of jail sentences, or of paying heavy fines, or even reverence for law. But these individuals are not being conditioned to an acceptance of the proposition itself. They would be persuaded in regard to the proposition itself only if a connecting link is made explaining reasons why use of marijuana is bad for the individual v;ho experiments with it. Therefore, it is likely that many would try marijuana if the lav; is removed; if they feel they can break the lav v-nthout detection, or if they heccma members of a different society where there are no penalties against marijuana consumption. Better motivational concepts to attach to the proposition would be demonstrated connections between marijuana usage and the irritation of various physical and/or mental disorders; or proof that reckless actions are performed by those under the influence of marijuana. if these motivational concepts arc used, it is likely many

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83 in the grcup would be persuaded to avoid the use of marijuana for the rest of their lives whether or not there were laws against its usage. One should not conclude, ho.vever, that all negative conditioning patterns or all motivational concepts based on fear would lead to compliance rather than persuasion. For instance, an individual may disappi'ove of racial intermarriage; miscegenation functions for him as a motivational concept producing reactions of avoidance, fear, and disgust. Probably he has either reasoned for himself or has learned as of result of communications from others to associate his fear of miscegenation with school integration and integration in housing and public accomodations, believing integration in these areas would Increase the number of racial Intermarriages. There seems to him to be a plausible connection between integration in these areas and the motivational concept v;hich conditions him to f ear~avoidance responses. Hence, without further Influence or reinforcement, he will react in the predictable manner of opposing integration in a variety of situations. He has been truly persuaded to believe In the proposition, "Avoid integration." The distinction between compliance and persuasion has been made because generally a ccminunicator needs to modify his receivers' behavior over a period of time, and campl lance w i 1 1 not achieve this aim. There are, hcv;ever, soiie situations in whicii im.nediate canpl lance is all that is necessary. In that case the critic should point out that true persuasion was not achieved, but also that it was not necessary; tlie ccmmunicac ion was a success from the standpoint and need of the coiimiunlcator, although the ethics of the coercive appeal

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84 v/ould probably receive a lav rating. An example is a senator who needs to garner one more vote to have his vie.«/ on a proposed bill prevail. He may coerce another senator into providing the needed vote by threatening non~support on another voting issue. The other senator complies with the desired action. But the coerced senator is not persuaded to approve of the essence of the bill he is voting for and lacking further inf 1 uence woul d fail to support bills of a similar nature. Yet in this instance the other senator has received all he desired or needed to achieve. The chief concern of this cliapter has been the associat ional conditioning process. The proper selection of motivational concepts does much to determine whether or not the attempted conditioning will lead to persuasion. The three conditions for proper selection are these: (1) the motivational concept(s) should be already strongly accepted by the audience, (2) the concept (s) should orient the receivers to/vard the action-orientation the I'hetor desires transferred to the proposition, and (3) the concept (s) should lend themselves to the making of logical, intrinsic connections with the proposition. If all three of these selection factors are properly utilized, if the concept (s) are strongly connected with the proposition, and if miscellaneous perceptual factors are provided for, it is highly likely that persuasion in the desired direction will take place. When all these conditions are met e;
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85 response to be carried out In similar situations in the future. If the motivational concept(s) are not strongly accepted by the audience, normally no type of conditioning will occur. If the motivational concept (s) orient the receivers tavord an action not similar to that called for in the propos i t ion, the audience is likely to be persuasively conditioned to an action the rhetor had not desired. A proper under" standing of these coiiditions should make it clear in a given situation whether or not true persuasion is likely to be effected. t I

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CHAPTER IV TI-IE MANIPULATION OF 'SIGNIFICANT SYMBOLS' TO CONVEY AND SHAPE MOTIVATIOMAL CONCEPTS Chapters II and III provided an overall explication of the new theory of persuasion franvjhich new critical standards are to be derived. Motivational concepts to be conditioned to the rhetorical proposition are the most important single component of this persuasion theory. It is necessary to explore selected functioning aspects of these liiotivational concepts further in Chapters IV and V. Chapter IV stresses the role of effective symbol manipulation to convey as motivational concepts the exact ideas needed to condition receivers ta';ard the action-orientation called for in the rhetorical proposition. Chapter V deals with a special category of motivational concept -entities which aid in building or refuting social 'I'nys t i f i cat ion." Since social 'liiyst i f icat ion" is involved in any case of class or rank conflict this is an extremely important and canplicated category of motivational concept. Several of the more significant overall strategies for effective symbol manipulation to induce in receivers the desired action will be the main subject of this chapter. These strategies are elucidated through two speech examples, but first the types of symbols to be considered are defined, and the role of these symbols in perception and cognition is explored. 86

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87 Duncan and Burke use tlie term, "significant symbols," to describe the signs which make communication possible and v/hich convey and shape persuasive messages. According to these symbolic interactionis ts, "signil'icant symbols" are words whose meanings are shared by members of a given social group. For instance, the English vocabulary is the source of "significant symbols" for American society or subsets of it. The author contends tliat for the purpose of rhetorical criticism, discussion of "significant symbols" might be focused more narro.vly. Rhetorical messages are concerned most f requentl y v; Ith political, social, or legal issues. Rhetors disputing within one of these areas generally base their strategy on an attack or defense of components v/hich determine a given social structure. These components are charactei-is tics of a total society or of institutions within it, and they stand out most sharply in the midst of rhetorical debates over concrete issues. Richard Hofstadter, praninent American historian, interprets the Scopes Trial as a crucial debate over whether or not American society would be dominated by the rural setting, traditionally-based values and ways of doing, or if it v/ould be daninated by the urban setting, . . 2 scientific inquiry, and a general spirit of secularism. V/ords designating canponents such as those just discussed are the "significant Hugh Dalziel Duncan, Communica tion and th e Social Order (Nav York: Bedminster Press, 1962), pp. 92-96. In rhetorical efforts as well as in other types of ccxnmunicat ion it is the patterning together of a canbination of "significant symbol s" wh ich is important, but the term needs to be defined in terms of the single entity. 2 Richard Hofstadter, Ant i-Jnt ell ectu al ism in Amp-rir.a n I ifn (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1963), pp. 125-30.

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88 symbols" manipulated to maintain or change a social structure. Additional symbols vvhlch function in affecting the social order are v-vords which designate the character, role, and privileges (or lack of thcin) Imputed to social groups. For instance. In tlie controversy which ensued over the recalling of General Douglas MacArthur by President Harry S. Truman in 195\some argued that "civilian control" of military affairs v/as a necessary part of the cliecks and balances system of government; no special Interests or biased viewpoints could distort military and foreign policy. The' pro~MacArthur forces countered that "civilian control" v;as In actuality a "muzzling of the military," a refusal to consider the viewpoint of those with the training and first"hand observation making them the most 3 qualified to dec ide mi 1 i tary policy. Various studies in social stratification Indicate that these, ins t itut ional -societal components and the character, role, and privileges of social groups are the basis of a society's structure, hence, they are the factors which affect both upward and do//nward h mobi 1 I ty. Although Duncan uses the term "significant symbols" exclusively in reference to words, the concept can justifiably be extended to nonverbal symbols. For instance, human beings can caiiprise a "significant symbol." Racial integration places Negroes in social scenes where John Gerber , Douglas Ehninger, and Carroll Arnold, The Speaker's Resource j Book (Chicago: Scott, Foresman, 1966), pp. 150*55. Reinhard Bendix and Seymour Martin Lipsett, eds., CI ass, and Po,ver (New York: The Free Press, 1966), pp. 111-81.

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89 previously they had not been v^jelcoiiie. As their organised presence in these scenes bccoiiies more frequent and publicized, civil rights leaders hope that white people will be persuaded that it is appropriate for Negroes to be there. One may find it difficult to see hew "significant symbols" are used to maintain or change the social order, if one thinks of v;ords as merely veliicles to convey thought and experience. Duncan, Burke, other symbolic interact ion ists , and the general semanticists stress that one should be more aware of ho.v symbols affect one's view of reality and one's behavior. The general characterization of these effects which follows is also supported by leading theorists of public opinion and mass canmunicat ions. The characterization is corroborated further by the general psychiatric viav of human communJcat ion. it is difficult for one to kna.v reality fully and directly. On the basis of reports by others, the individual develops conceptions of phases of reality he has not experienced directly. These reports are conveyed through symbols which stand in an analogical relationship to tiie objects described, so tlie report conveys only a part of the original objects. Nevertheless, these symbolic characterizations of David Barlo, Th e Process of Communicat ion (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, I960), pp. 288-3OO; Stuart Chase, UieJT^ranny of Words (Nav York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1938), pp. 30-^9; Wendell Jolmson, Peo pi e in Q uandaries (Neiv York: Harper Brothers, 19^), pp. 112-72; Walter Lippmann, Publ .i.c Opin.ion (Nev York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1922), pp. 20-55; Jurgen Ruesch, .Disturbed Comp iunicat io n (Neiv York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, I960), pp. 22-23;Carl R. Rogers, Qn Becrming a Perso n : A Th erapist's Vie w of Psychotherapy (Boston: Houghton Miffl in, 1961) , pp. 125-55. 6 The concept of words in analogical relationship might becaiie clearer if one considers word meaning defined as "delegated efficacy"

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90 given objects becane for individuals their total understanding of these objects. One also converts his first-hand experiences into symbols before storing them in his memory; later one often acts in terms of his symbolic recordings rather than in terms oF the first-hand reality. Thus, symbols do significantly influence one's thinking as well as one's actions and one's characterizations of these mat ters , vjhether or not the symbols are an accurate miri-or of reality. in fact, t!ie preceding discussion illustrates that symbols shape perception, thought, and resulting action rather than merely conveying V'/hat is perceived and thought about. McLuhan states that the medium conveying a message shapes it so inf 1 uent ial 1 y that one could say the medium is the message. One could observe specifically that the med ium of v/ords to a great extent becomes the message rather than the mere conveyer of a message outside the words. The truth of this assertation can be seen through by I. A. Richards, The Philosophy of Rhetoric (New York: Oxford University Press, 1965), pp. 32 and 3^. . , . meaning is delegated efficacy, that description applies above all to the meaning of words, whose virtue is to be substitutes exerting the powers of what is not there. They do this as other signs do it, though in a more complex fashion through their contexts. In these contexts one item — typically a word -takes over the duties of parts whicli can then be omitted fran the recurrence. When this abridgement happens what the sign or word -the item with these delegated pavers ~means is the missing part of the context. John H. Sloan, "Understanding McLuhan," Spepsch Teacher^ XVI II (March, 1963), ]k3.

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91 consideration of tlic sliacles of meaning of various synonyms as they orient the receiver to distinctly different actions. For instance, a cl erk v^Jishes to express to a customer the idea that a certain dress is not expensive. One might consider several roughly equivalent v/ords that can be used to express three similar ideas. Each word conveys a different connotation; so whichever is chosen will result in a different reaction from the customer. IF the clerk says, "The dress is inexpensive," the customer will be sanavhat favorably oriented toward it (provided that reasonable expenditure is a concern of the customer). IF the clerk says, "The dress is a bargain," the econanyminded individual would be even more positively oriented tabard it. However, if the clerk said, "The dress is cheap," this would connote lew quality and would negatively orient the customer. Truly the form of the medium, in this case, words, is. as well as conveys the message. The example of the dress sale is a trivial one, but it illustrates the use of symbols v^nti^ the most suitable connotation to move receivers tOA'ard the desired area of action. On a grander scale, legislators, social reformers, and moralists carefully phrase their proposals v^jith word connotations wliich aid in building motivational concepts highly acceptable v/ithin the group canposing the audience. This Is why an American v;ar is euphanis t ical 1 y termed "a great crusade," or an attempt "to make the world safe for democracy." The words designating social, professional, and ethnic groups have a number of positive and negative connotations' associated v/ith them. A rhetor seeking more rights or pavers for a given group v;ould try to emphasize the positive

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92 connotations and minimize or rufute the negative ones imputed to the group, A persuader attacking the rights or pa-;ers of a group would use the reverse process. Within one speech a persuader may simultaneously tear dovn an opposing group and build up his avn. This discussion is not meant to imply that only symbol manipulations are used to build up or tear dovm social groups, or to build other types of motivational concepts. It is a major contention of this chapter that the specific plirasing of an argument contributes signifi" cantly to the perceived meaning of that argument. The symbol manipulations in adequately developed messages, hcvever, are supplemented with argument-content. The argument-content would be object-evidence which, though partly shaped by the symbols conveying It, could be cross-checked against real objects in the environment. (Ingersoll's address discussed later in this chapter is an example of failure to develop the object-evidence aspect,) The argument-content as well as its plirasing would be used in building "mystifications" to support groups already in paver or in attacking "mystifications" to win privileges for the less favored groups. These uses of "mystification" are explored in Chapter V. An address by Frederick Douglass is analyzed in detail in Chapter \l , Douglass used a double-edged approach. He refuted negative connotations attached to the term Negro, such as the associa" tion that Negroes are not men, as other individuals are men. The desired result vjas tliat Douglass' receivers would regard the Negro on a more humanitarian level in the future. Simultaneously, Douglass attached to the names of groups opposing Negro freedom such negative

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93 connotations as, "disloyal to the Declaration of independence," "nonhumanitarian," and "false to Christianity," Douglass hoped that as a result of this negative associ at ional conditioning his audience would cease supporting pro-slavery individuals and groups. Roosevelt also used a double-edged approach in his First Inaugurdl. Roosevelt used several strategies of symbol manipulation to accomplish three subordinate purposes to support his proposition: "Accept my nev economic recovery program." These symbol strategies will be analyzed in detail. The three subordinate purposes will also be analyzed and evaluated. This attention to purpose will serve two major functions. It will enable a more structured and fully-detailed assessment; it will also permit an illustration of the ethical dimension of criticism facilitated by this na-/ critical theory. Black suggests that the rhetorical critic evaluate the message to be appraised in terms of all conscious purposes which can be inferred from evidence in or related to the discourse. Black also recommends that the critic evaluate both the pragmatic and ethical soundness of the speaker's purposes in regard to the situation to which the message g is a response. in other words, one should judge the purposes in terms of what would seem to be their immediate effects on the situation. One should also assess hav well the long-range needs of society would be met by the purposes the rhetor chose to stress, and how society might be affected in the long-run by the tactics used by the rhetor. For instance did the rhetor fail to serve a purpose pertinent to the rhetorical issue Edwin Black, Rhetorica l Criti cism (New York: Macmillan Co., 1965), pp. 77-78.

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and vital to the social well being? V/ould any interpretations made by the rhetor be likely to cause his receivers to make inappropriate or unrealistic responses in similar future occasions? (An example of the latter would be a faulty causal analysis of the problem which might lead receivers to fail to solve a similar problem in the future.) In the early 1930's America as well as most of the world had sunk into a tei'rible econanic depression. The function of the inaugural was to vnn acceptance frGii the majority of the American people for proposed government regulations and programs to aid national economic recovery. This program included provisions to boost agricultural price supports and end farm mortgage foreclosures. Excessive stock speculation and other questionable business practices would be regulated. An extensive public v;orks program v/as proposed as a major tactic to counter massive unemployment. Also there would be a brief bank holiday during which a variety of banking practices as well as the . . 9 general soundness of the currency would be scrutinized. This proposed program would assign to government po.-jers v/hich it had never had before. Some of these proposals were regarded by the more conservative-minded as contrary to the "rugged individualism" Americans believed in. These proposals also seemed contrary to the Jefferscnian idea that the best government is tiint which governs least. Consequently, Roosevelt had to accomplish three subordinate Davis Ne,7ton Lott, ed. , The Presidents Speak (New York: Holt, Rinehart andV/inston, 1S65), p. 232. Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., "The Rise of Federal Relief," in The Thir ties: A Time to Remembe r, ed. by Don Congdon (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1962), pp. 152-53.

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9.5 purposes before asking directly For support of his program. First, Roosevelt needed to discredit businessmen and their practices strongly enough to justify unprecedented government interference in the private enterprise system. He also needed to establish strong confidence in his leadership, and he needed to demonstrate a continuity between his program and previous American tradition. Roosevelt discredited businessmen by charging that the negligence of the business commun i ty was the chief cause of the depression: Yet our distress conies fran no failure of substance, | We are stricken by no plague of locusts, . . . Plenty is at our doorsteps, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their cwn stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.'' Tlie following tactic served a psychological purpose as well as the expedient one of justifying exceptional government po.'Jers. Roosevelt created a scapegoat role for businessmen. He proceeded to purge the society symbolically of this undesirable element "" bi'siness. Duncan holds that in a period of extreme tension and strained communication, scapegoating is a technique that releases tension, re-establishes 1 2 communication, and unifies the people. Techniques of humor or irony would accomplish the same psychological purposes andv/ould also encourage critical questioning of the situation, whereas, tragic '^Lott, p. 232. ^ ^Duncan, pp. 127-28 and p. 20U.

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S)6 scapegoatlng does not involve i ntel lectual izing. Humor techniques, however, do not lend themselves to trie seriousness cind the formality of the inaugural situation. Therefore, Roosevelt made use of tlie best tension-release technique allowable in tlie situation. Many people blarned the businessmen already, so the symbolic purging of them was a vent for tensions that might otherwise have been physically directed at businessmen in the form of violent riots. Nevertheless, many historians and economists vjould feel that Roosevelt's causal analysis was overly simplistic. He ignored factors of the world economy and the conversion from a war econany at home and abroad that 14 were underlying causes of the depression, along with speculative business practices. Leaving the first two factors out of the analysis of the situation was effective regarding the major purpose of this immediate speech. This failure to make a more real istic analysis, nevertheless, could condition Americans to overlook crucial economy factors in the future when a full analysis could lead to prevention of an econanic depression or recession. Whether or not the speech actually does contribute to this ill effect it had a strong potential to do so; this must be judged a major flaw on both practical and ethical grounds. While portraying the businessman as a scapegoat, Roosevelt created an aura of charismatic leadership around himself. He seemed to compare himself with Christ in some of his Biblical allusions. Action directed Duncan, pp. '^[06~l6. Irving Fisher, Boans and Dep r ess ions {Hckj York: Adelphi Co., 1932), pp. 71-85.

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97 to.varc] a Christ figure vjould probably be transferred to Roosevelt, an aid in building a mot iv i tat lonal concept of complete trust in Roosevelt's charismatic leadership. The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may new restore that temple to the ancient truths. . .these dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men. Through this program we address ourselves to putting our cwn national house in oi'der.'^ Roosevelt needed to create confidence in his leadership, so that the public vjould accept his radical new program and his plea for emergency powers. The charismatic image was not the only way to do this, but 'twas an effect ive way, and it also matched the cerejnonial mood of the inaugural. Although a display of great financial understanding and administrative skill could serve the same purpose it would not have blended in easily with the ceremonial mood of the speech. Such a display might even have made Roosevelt seem too similar to the hated businessman. He chose the most convincing approach to building confidence in his leadership within the confines of the speech atmosphere which was partially created through the rheLorical choices he had already made. Black points out in KiiatPXlcalCjl 'lI :. i c i s m that earlier choices of the rhetor may cancel out certain tactics for the future and make still other tactics mandatory. In regard to building confidence in his Icadersliip, one other major tactic should be discussed. Roosevelt was always careful to ^\ott, p. 232. ^^Black, p, 164.

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98 say 'V;e" when speaking of actions Lo be takoT, and he asked for the aid of the audience meiibers. He even developed an analogy between the problans to be attacked and the state of war. He v;as a general leading the American nation as an army to attack these problans: With this pledge taken 1 assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upori our ccmmon p r ob 1 ans , ' ' An immediate result of this strategy was a justification of exceptional powers for the president, as Roosevelt himself clearly indicated in the following comment: 1 shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -broad executive power to wage a vyar against the emergency, as great as the po/Jer that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.'o This tactic yielded psychological value as well. Duncan points out that v/hen a society is mobilized against a limited, clear"cut object, i.e., an enemy during wartime, they feel greater unity and 1 9 will work together more productively. By symbolically turning the depression into a battle, Roosevelt has produced a "moral equivalent of war," There was a third subordinate purpose necessary to winning audience acceptance of Roosevelt's sv/ceping recovery program. This purpose was to convince the American people that the new programs 'would be consistent with the past values of the nation. Roosevelt maintained ^\ott, p. 23^, JJlLd. 19 Duncan, pp. 276-/8 and 372.

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99 that he was preservinq the ideals of the Constitution but v;as shifting slightly the enpliasis of someprerogat ives granted to the federal governiVient, such as assigning a prominent dimension of activity in socio-econanic affairs, Roosevelt also stressed that his program and views were a part of our "modified democracy." The following passage illustrates his method: Our Constitution is so simple and practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary need by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of > essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern v/orld has produced. ... We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of the national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; . , , we do not distrust the future of essential democracy. 20 Roosevelt eulogized the past greatness and past values of America to demonstrate that he and his proposals should be associated with these, and that he would not propose anything inconsistent with the cherished guidelines. Throughout the speech Roosevelt associated his program with the pioneer spirit, the values of effort, efficiency, practicality, and achievement, the Puritan ethical values, the increasing of material comforts, and the respected goal of equality of opportunity. These concepts ccfnprise most of the list of major American values compiled by Redding and Steele in an article in V/esterp $peec h„~ Hence, 20 Lott, pp. 233-3^. 21 Edward D. Steele and W. Charles Redding, "The American Value System: Premises for Persuasion," Western Speec h, XXVI (Spring, 1962), 83-91.

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100 these items were most appropriate as parts of a line of major motivational concept development. The receivers' act ions toward these items were actions Roosevelt wished transferred to his proposition. Roosevelt's purposes were in keeping v\;ith the rhetorical demands of the situaLion. In general they seemed in the best long range interests of society. There was one notable exception to this "•" Roosevelt's uarrai causal analysis of the depression. The proposition ~"Accept my sweeping new econanic recovery program" "" seemed adequately supported through the three subordinate purposes which in turn were effected vnth the aid of the three major motivational concepts of the speech. Careful language selection Is alvjays important in the adequate development of motivational concepts. In the First Inaugural Roosevelt skillfully manipulated significant symbols to Induce attitudes facilitating a major change In the social order. Negative connotations viere associated with the concept, bus inessmen, in a manner which encouraged the American people to label them scapegoats for the Ills of the depression. Positive connotations Indicating a charismatic quality vyere associated with Roosevelt, This two"edged connotatlve approach was conveyed through religious terminology and references to Biblical events which Implied analogies useful to the speaker's purpose. In addition Roosevelt associated his plan with the American 'transcendent principle"of equality by referring to his plan 22 . . as fulfilling "essential democracy," Tliese tliree areas of associatio were used to build the three major motivational concepts upon which the 77 Lott, p. 234.

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101 speech rests. When caiibined vnth the rhetorical proposition they form the following lines of argument with their implied areas of action; the first major line of argument was "Accept my new econanic recovery program because it will undo the damage created by careless and unscrupulous businessmen." This argument prepared the audience for a turning away from some previously revered Free enterprise practices. The second major line of argument was "Accept my nev; econanic recovery program because I am a charismatic leader." This argument would encourage the audience to approach both Roosevelt and his program v/ith canplete trust. The third major line of argument was "Accept my new economic recovery program because it is cons is tent w ith 'essential democracy' and other revered American values." This last argument would encourage the audience to transfer to the recovery program previously learned action patterns of eager acceptance of entities particularly distinctive of American culture^ The contention that the critical system developed In this dissertation leads to a more precise and perceptive analysis will be supported by comparing the discussion of Roosevelt's First Inaugural in this chapter with a more traditional analysis by Braden and Brandenburg. Braden and Brandenburg's analysis ofRoosevelt's speaking is carried on in a generalized manner. After citing a particular speech characteristic, they fail to show the specific functioning of the characteristic. A qualification should be stated that Braden and Brandenburg considered several speeches in addition to the First Inaugural and were seeking conclusions referring to all of these. Nevertheless, when they refer specifically to

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102 Roosevelt's -uSe of religious allusion In the First Inaugural this is all they conclude: Frequently, he quoted or paraphrased some biblical expression in order to make his meaning more impressive. in his First Inaugural Address he spoke as follavs: "The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civi 1 izat ion. "23 The scapegoating and the establishment of a charismatic aura developed through this and related religious allusions have escaped their critical ear. When Braden and Brandenburg do discuss language utilization in more specific terms, it is to point out such trivia as this: "Seventy percent of his words in the First inaugural fall within the 500 most commonly used words of the Thorndike list." The building of an aura of charisma and the portrayal of one's self as a general leading a battle against the nation's economic ills are interesting specific examples of the force of ethos which the rhetorical critic should isolate and assess. Braden and Brandenburg characterize Roosevelt's ethical proof in this gem of generality: The conclusion is inescapable that Franklin Roosevelt used ethical proof frequently and skillfully throughout his addresses. The occasions and the audiences he faced frequently demanded such proof. Usually the President was highly successful not only in meeting the demands of the situation, but also in furthering the acceptance of his ideas. He fulfilled the rhetorician's requirement of ethical proof for his character vjas made a cause of persuasion in his speeches. ^5 23 Ernest Brandenburg and V/aldo Braden, "Franklin Roosevelt" in A History and Cr j lici siiLjaf-^rn.g r J.Qan-fj>L b1 jg A.d d .r.g.s^ , Marie Kathryn Hochinuth, ed. (New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1955), Vol. II. I, p. 513. ^^AMA,, p. 505. ^^iMil., p. 494.

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103 The discussion of the First Inaugural coveced in depth two techniques of manipulating "significant symbols" as a major aid in building motivational concepts to convey the major lines of persuasive argument. The first technique was that of sel ect ing words in phrasing the motivational concept which lead receivers directly to an acceptance of the desired area of action to.jard the proposition, Roosevelt's use of the term "essential democracy" In discussing his neM program was a prime example of tills tactic of symbol manipulation. The second technique illustrated was tliat of modifying the connotations commonly conveyed in the name for a given group, plan, value, or belief, so thai, audience actions tcviard that entity would be modified. The major Illustration of this was the attaching of fear, condemnation, and avoidance connotations to the term bus inessma n. Both of these techniques of symbol manipulation are wellillustrated in the speeches of Robert ingersoll. In fact both techniques were used simultaneously in Ingersoll 's most frequent strategy to attack God-oriented religion v/hile pranoting a scientificallybased 'Religion of humanity" All the terms usually associated with religion, such as truth, goodness , 1 ight, were attributed to Ingersoll 's "religion of iiLimanlty" and to its chief tool of discovering and confirming knowledge -the empirical method. The opposites or negations, darkness , untruth, v/ere used in referring to theological religion and the clergy. More specifically the strategy was that of selecting 26 See Richard Weaver, The Ethics, .o f Rhe toric (Chicago: Henry Rcgncry Co., 1965), pp. 222-27. Weaver would categorize positivelyvalued ultimate terms such as trut h, g oodn ess, and 1 ight as "godterms" in contrast with their negatively-valued opposites, d arkness , untruth ,

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]0k vyorcJs v-/liich conveyed motivational concepts likely to condition receivers tcv;ard avoidance of traditional religion and acceptance of Ingersoll's "religion of humanity," A further result of this strategy was that the connotations of the basic entities being compared, trad itional religiort and religion of h uma nity were modified. Another viay of stating the strategy is to say receivers were encouraged to re"label these entities in order that they might act tcward the entities in the manner desired by Ingersol 1 . Ingersoll's method is illustrated in two excerpts from his ! lecture, "The Truth." On every hand they [orthodox clergy] sow the seeds of superstition. They paralyze the minds and pollute the imaginations of children. They fill their hearts with fear. By their teachings, thousands become insane. V/ith them, hypocrisy is respectable and candor infamous. They enslave the minds of men,27 Intelligence [scientific learning] is the only light. It enables us to keep the highway, to void the obstructions and to take advantage of the forces of nature. it is the only lever capable of raising man" kind. To develop the brain is to civilize the v>/orld. Intelligence reaves the heavens of winged and fright" ful monsters, drives ghosts and brings fiends from the darkness and floods v/ith light the dungeons of fear. 28 In "The Truth," Ingersol 1 used another tactic of manipulating "significant symbols." This tactic was quite cc.-.ipl Icated as it etc., which he labels "devil terms." Either to relieve tension or to achieve a persuasive effect, a communicator might invert the usual applications of these terms as Ingersoll has done in "The Truth." 27 C. P. Farrell, ed,, Inger sol 1 's Wo rks, (New York; Ingersoll Publishers Inc., 1900), Vol. IV, pp. 93-100. 28 'jJiLd.. , p. 108.

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105 involved creating or at Icnst vivifying a motivational concept vyhicli could be used later in the address to convey the major line of argument. The use of positive connotations in reference to science and empiricism previously discussed constituted the preparatory stage. Through this prepatory stage, ingersoll tried to change the basis of the American transcendent principle of equality. (The nature and function of transcendent principles is detailed in Chapter V.) Religious premises and tlieir translation into documents, such as, the Declaration I of Independence and the Constitution, have been viQ'Ved commonly as the 'source of the American belief in equality. Ingersoll maintained, on the contrary, that science was the source of the humanitarian belief in equality. 1 t was scientific findings rather than religious-political exhortations which would translate these humanitarian vIe\/3 into acLuallties. Through this transference process, Ingersoll tried to establish science and entities related to it as the highest order of motivational concept. Utilizing manipulations o? '^od' and 'devi 1" terms , Ingersoll had attempted to undermine the moral value of traditional religion, Ingersoll next proceeded to attack tlie claim of traditional religion to hold priority on revealed truths. In achieving the latter, Ingersoll's first step was to re~name religion. Rather than calling it trad it ional , con ventional , theological or Inst i tut ional religion to distinguish It frcin his "religion of ?9 Merle Curti, The Gro,7th of American Thought (No.v York: Harper Brothers, 1951), pp. 69~78 and 383"89. Curti cites French enlightenment philosophy as an additional significant influence on American political documents.

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106 humanity" or iperely calling it J n.e.pJ_Qgy., he termed it "the science of 30 tlieology." It v;as helpful to Ingcrsoll's argumentative strategy to put religion in the category oF science. In trying to change his audience's attitude ta./ard organized religion, Ingersoll recognized this problem of logic -lack of concrete evidence for a given theo" logical doctrine does not necessarily prove it untrue. Consequently, Ingersoll tried to avoid a direct rebuttal of major theological doctrines. He took this indirect approach ~~ he reasoned that religion is not based on the approach to true kna/ledge, therefore, religion as a whole and its separate doctrines are untrue. Mora specifically, his steps In reason Ing were these: (1) The sciences are acknowledged areas of certainty and truth, (2) The scientific method Is that of Investigation, experimentation, and reason, but religious premises are not based on any of these, and (3) Religion Is based on revelation and on authority stataiients which are tiie opposite of tlie scientific method; therefore, religion must be false. Another \^ay of looking at the symbol manipulation just discussed is to say that by re-naming religion, Ingersoll shifted the burden of proof in the religion versus science debate. Ingersoll stated in effect as his major prejnise -the only conclusive proofs and bits of knavledge man h;is gai-nered have related to the natural sciences, so this branch of study lias set the precedent for arriving at truth. Any field which claims to have kno.vledge of truths shall be classified as a science, and the tests of the established sciences shall be applied ^^Farrell, pp. 35-95.

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107 to it, Tlie scientific method had been upheld in this address and in previous utterances by ingcrsoll as the highest order oF motivational concept. As such, and since it was presented as applicable to the topic under discussion, the scientific method, became the crucial status (turning point issue) of the debate. The creation of a new higher order motivational concept as status of the case would seem to be the strategy employed in any case where the burden of proof is shifted. if the rhetor also succeeds in strongly connecting his proposition with the status, based on a higher order motivational concept than any other motivational concepts being promoted in the debate, he achieves v-zhat 31 Black terms "argumentative synthesis." The tactic of changing the name of a person, group, plan, or ideology will be considered In a different respect. Frequently, this tactic is used to promote the betterment of a social group. I7hen used in this manner, name-changing generally is an example of "symbolic boasting," a topic which is discussed in detail in Chapter V. "Symbolic boasting" may be viaved not only as a persuasive tactic but also as an important clue to the specific goals to which the persuader aspires. "Symbolic boasting" Is defined as an imitating of the language, dress, mannerisms, or names of tliose already in the class or role to which one aspires. Generally tlie name-change form of "symbolic boasting" Involves significant persuasive address to the self as v;ell as to external audiences wiilch shall be Illustrated shortly. ^'siack, pp. 155-60.

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An example of the name-change strategy to better a group's position is the attempt by minority groups to get derogatory terms such as, "nigger," "dago," and "kike" removed from dictionaries and literary v;orks. The Negro is especial 1 y concerned vyith realizing this. Many in that group regard even the term, Negro, as dei-ogatory because it has been in use during the time black men have been denied their civil rights. Nav that Negroes are determined to realize these rights, tiiey 32 prefer to be called by a ne.'J name such as "black" or "Afro-American." They must at least be called the "new Negro" to indicate that they should be treated by white society as a group engaged in "social passage." Negroes also engage in these name-changes to persuade themselves that they are worthy of "social passage." Various studies of the American Negro sho/J that he is burdened vnth feelings of selfhate and a ]o/j self-concept vyhich must be overcome before Negroes as a 33 group can mobilize to win a new position in the social structure. In the past only individual Negroes attempted "social passage," in doing so they tried to deny their racial identity. Their "symbolic boasting" consisted of trying to whiten their skin and unkink their hair, and, in general to try "to pass for white." Nence physical imitations of wiiites were their main technique of "symbolic boasting" in contrast witii the linguistic "symbolic bo>istIng" in terms of black pride currently in vogue. 32 . . Charles E. Silberman, Cr is.is Random House, I96/4), pp. 112-13. (Ne// York; 33 IbJiio, pp. 11 '4-22. 3^ ibid„, pp. 100-10.

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109 ' Anotlier major technique of manipulating "signiricant symbols" to effect social change was cited earlier "the use of people to comprise a significant symbol. Pother ingham refers to this tactic as the creating of an event-message. He describes and exemplifies the event-message in the follov-nng manner, A significant type of sign-message is the eventmessage. Such a message involves the intentional contrivance of an event to arouse a particular meaning beyond itself in observers or on those to whom it is reported. It is a tacit message, one that is unspoken, unexpressed in any conventional code. Demonstrations, picketing, and rallies | often fall in this category. As part of the integration campaign, Negroes on Easter Sunday, 1963, sought entrance to all-ivhite churches in Birmingham, Alabama. To the extent to which this event was created to arouse a particular meaning and affect behavior, it was a message. If it was used to arouse the meaning that white people violate the Christian principles they profess even in their churches, then It was an event-message. ^-' Similarly, civil rights groups and organizations concerned w Ith greater equality for women publicize members who are engaged in professions tliey have not formerly been In or who hold political or administrative posts. In this case the implied message is that tiiose formerly excluded have the right and capability to fill these positions. There is seme evidence to support the efficacy of these tactics. Attitude studies sho-v thatv^hlte people involved In Integrated housing or integrated education for several years significantly modified their attitudes in favor of integration In these situations. Probably 3S Wallace C. Pother ingham, Pcrspec Allyn and Bacon, inc., 1966), p. 70. (Boston; ^ Minority Group s; Scgrcgat ion, and _lrLiLC-gr,a-tlQJl, papers presented at the National Conference of Social Work, (New York: Columbia University

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110 several factors v;ere atvjork in effecLing tliis chanye. One v;ould be that as groups v/ho have had little contact get acquainted, their attitudes tavard one anotiier generally become more favorable. Another factor v/hich probably contributed to the change of attitude is a principle of cognitive dissonance theory. Cognitive dissonance theory states that an individual cannot bear awareness of a discrepancy between two beliefs that he holds at the same time. Nor can he bear a discrepancy between a belief versus an action contrary to it or a discrepancy between a belief and apparent contrasting reality. If one felt strong disapproval toward integrated housing yet had to participate in it or viff/J it going on, one would experience dissonance and would seek to relieve this feeling. One might try to eliminate Integrated housing or remove oneself from the situation. Another option (which frequently is the only viable one) is to convince oneself that the issue of integrated housing is unimportant or even that one positively approves of it. Thus, one might undergo a process of sel f-persuas i in which the idea of Negroes in previously all"white schools or residential districts becomes an acceptable idea. This no.vly accepted idea becomes a ne.v motivational concept which can later be utilized in winning acceptance for rhetorical propositions urging further gains for the Negro. Press, 1955), pp. 102-03; J. V/. Brehm and A. R. Cohen, £2ip.Laiia.t_laDS in Co gnitive Dissonance (New York: V/iley and Sons, 1962), pp. 272-81. O "7 Leon Festinger, Jho Tl^eory oF Cog nii-Jve Di s sonance (Evans ton, Illinois: Ro.v, Peterson and Co., 1957)> PP. 1~31. ion

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Ill The discussion by Duncan, Burke, and by those in other fields supporting their conception oF symbol usage In human inLeraction, broadens one's understanding of language use in general. it also deepens immeasurably one's understanding of language as it functions persuasively. Vihen both of these understandings of language are developed by the rhetorical critic, he can deal thoroughly with even the most unusual symbolic manipulations as was illustrated in several examples presented in this chapter. A systematic understanding of symbol manipulation as the main veiiicle for presenting motivational concepts and cond i t ioning them totlie propos i t ion enables a coherent synthesis in v;hich each persuasive tactic of the rhetor is related to an overall symbol strategy. Through the inclusion of the symbolic interactionist viewpoint on style, tlie frame.vork for rhetorical criticism is closely related to the work of psycliiatr ists and general semanticists. In the future the critic has the option of borrowing from these fields concepts which v; i 1 1 shed further light on the psychology of interaction between symbol selection as effected by the encoder and as acting on decoders.

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CHAPTER V SOCIAL 'MYSTIFICATI ON' AMD ITS COUNTERS AS THEY AFFECT THE PERSUASIVE PROCESS In Chapter 11 tliere vyos brief reference to the need to consider the propriety of interactions between (social and professional) superiors, inferiors, or equals as reflected in the stylistic structui'ing of persuasive messages. In tliis chapter the content of persuasive efforts as affected by social interactions will be stressed. The attempt to persuade is frequently a response to felt unsatisfactory interactions vnthin or betv/ecn social groups. In such a situation the persuader is likely to be concerned vjlth re-distributing rights, privileges, and functions granted to sane manbers of society and v/Ithheld from otiiers. At least the persuader seeks to establish pleasantcr feelings and communication betv-;een the privileged versus the more restricted. Therefore, tlie concepts discussed in this chapter would apply to many tliough not to all persuasive situations. Generally canmun icat Ion has broken dov-jn because tiie more privileged class has applied "mys t i F icat ion" to an excessive degree. The term, myst i f icat ion, needs carcFul definition here in order that its usage throughout the chapter in three distinct senses will be clear. First there is " myst if icat ion " as a dynamic process to uphold social order. This general state is achieved through tvio major componentSo Chief of 112

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113 these is pointed stress on social differences and tlie wielding of poMer by tiiose at the top of the hicrarcliy; "over-mystification" occurs when this aspect is sLressed so much that canmunicat ion within the social system is noticeably strained. The second component of "mystification" which balances the power aspect is a stress on the "mystic communion" of all those in the hierarchy as they relate in coinmon to a transcendent principl e which is served through the hierarchical arrangement. The i 1 1 -effects of "over mystification" can generally be lessened by accenting more strongly this "mystic communion." A second definition nf 'iliy st if icat io ri' is the use of specific tactics to achieve the dynamic process. These tactics are referred to as 'ibvsjj." ii.caJJLQil!i' or 'ik^Ji-L£ilLioii' tactics. Third, these tactics relate to the construction of motivational concepts favorable to upholding or attacking a social order. Hence, there is reference to 'liiy st if icat lons ." as motivational concepts to be utilized or refuted. "Mystification" may be applied so excessively that only mechanical, ritualistic responses are carried on w i th no true interpersonal ccmmunication taking place. In that case the first need is to restore communication. If social reform is desired, the second concern is to use argument to refute "mystifications," restricting privileges or freedoms to certain individuals or groups. These "mystifications" are a special category of motivational concept whicii tlie persuader needs to refute in order to prcfliote his proposition. The building and especially the refuting of "mystifications," as a special category of motivational concept is the unifying theme and chief concern of this chapter. The building of these mot i vat ional concepts is treated only tangentally

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]]h here because it was a major concern in Chapter IV, i.e„, Roosevelt's creation for himself of an aura of charismatic leadership. Also one can infer fron the discussion regarding refutations of motivational concepts further suggestions for the building of these concepts in furthering the "mystification" process. Several factors of the social liierarchy and social interaction must be defined and elucidated as a basis for understanding the material to be presented regarding "mystification." This elucidation is based largely on Hugh Duncan's discussion of these factors, v.'hich are presented in a similar manner chough in less detail in standard works dealing vjith the social psychology of human institutions. Then tactics for the countering of "mystification" are discussed. The countering of "mystification" can be used to merely establish communication or to effect changes in the rights and power of social groups. Duncan believes it is important to note that there is always a hierarchy in society as a whole and in subsets oF it, such as, clubs, organ ii'.at ions , or institutions. The social hierarchy is based on a principle of excl us iveness ~~ certain tasks or beliefs are valued more highly than others within society. The highest ranks are given to the people v;ho come closest to serving or exemplifying whatever is most highly valued in a given society. The item most highly valued can be Reinhard Bendix and Seymour Martin Lipset, eds., Clas s, Sta tus and Po.ver: Soci al Stratification in Co m para tive Perspective (New York: The Free Press, 1966), pp. 1 ~86 and 97"190. A qualification is that Marx and a modern sociol og ist, Mel vin Tumin, bel i eve that at sane future date hierarchical inequality can be eliminated. Hcwevcr, comparative studies of even the caiimunist countries show that nowhere has this objective been achieved in even the slightest degree.

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115 stated abstractly as the transcendent principle of that society or societal group. The ranking of people according to class or professional status is functional. in other words, the condition of hierarchy is necessai-y to get done the work of a given society. Since the differential ranks all serve a higher value, all are logically related. Usually a social system allcws for mobility; in most situations an 2 individual can move up or do.»/n the hierarchy. Duncan terms the event of moving from one rank to another "the kill" meaning, that the principle behind the old role or rank is . . 3 changed to a principle fitting the new position. The total process of making such a change is termed "social passage." ' Canmon examples of ne-J role taking are birth, marriage, and death. Rank changes refer to change in vocational status or change in social class membership, "Social passage" can be analyzed in terms of three stages -isolation, transition, and incorporation. For instance, courtship preceding marriage is a period of relative isolation from others; engaganent is the transition period, and the marriage ceremony incorporates the couple into a ne-v role, Duncan's concept of changing d'ki I 1 inc/') pr incipl es inappropriate to a new role would occur in the transition stage. During engagenent an individual would psychologically condition himself ta^/ard na^; principles regarding family responsibilities, privacy, and managanent of money. ^Hugh Dalziel Duncan, £ei]DiUJli
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116 A person who has moved into a ne.v role or Is trying to do so Frequently adopts a new name or title. Other members of society will tend to act to/;ard the person in a manner which is appropriate to his new name. The technique o? name changing is a form of "symbolic boasting." Other tactics of "symbolic boasting" are to imitate the language, dress, or mannerisms of those already in the role aspired to. Consideration of these tactics can aid the rhetorical critic in ascertaining the less obvious aims of groups involved in mass campaigns, Social inequality is inherent in the hierarchical arrangement underlying all societies. Ordinarily members of a hierarchy are not disturbed by rank differential. The reason is that the members of a given society accept a transcendent pr incipl e wh ich unites them in serving a common purpose. The transcendent principle of a club, organization, or institution can be defined as the object i f i cat ion of liie group's major task accomplishment. For instance, instilling patriotism is the transcendent principle of the American Legion. Tiie transcendent principle of a nation-society is a generalized value such as equality before the law, the transcendent principle of American •7 society. If the rhetorical critic wishes to find the transcendent ^JJlid.. , p. 112. ^Ibid. , p. 279. According to Duncan, pp. 35^-68, this is the transcendent principle. According to Richard Weaver, Th e Ethics of Rhetoric (Ciiicago: Henry Regrer/ Co., 1965), pp. 214-16, Progress along with its method, science, and its chief characteristic, moderni ty, is the transcendent principle of our society. My observation has been that social reformers and politicians use ec|u,al ity as tiieir ultimate term. Speakers in many other areas ii<;e progress and its characteristics as the transcendent principle.

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117 principle of a given group or society he can make a content analysis of representative speeches and documents to find the group's ultimate (most revered) terms, Tliese ultimate terms would indicate the transcendent principle of the group. (An excellent discussion of o ultimate terms is given in The Ethics o.f Rhe toric by Richai'd Vyeaver.) Since the transcendent principle is that which unites people who are different in many respects, connections with the transcendent principle can be the basis of the most paverful motivational concepts, Duncan delineates usage of the transcendent principle in the fol laving two remarks : The final power of authority is in the ability of rulers to mystify us through appeals to some great transcendent principle of social order. 9 It is not the difference in rank between superior and inferior which disturbs a social system, but the inability (for whatever reason) to canmunicate in terms of a canmon transcendent principle of social order. ''-' One factor which can cause dissatisfaction with the hierarchy is lack of CQiimunicat ion between social classes. The other factor is the feeling on the part of a class that it is excluded from the transcendent principle of its society. Usually the two conditions will occur or at least will seem to occur at the same time. If any groups are truly excluded from the transcendent principle they will lack a point of common reference fraii wliich to communicate. if cor.mun icat ion has broken Weaver, pp. 21 I "32. g Duncan, p. 285. '^iJiM., p. 279.

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118 do.'/n between major groups, at least those of lower status will feel they are e;
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119 and the relations between classes consist of ritual responses rather than interpersonal caiimun icat ion. V/hon canniun icat Ion has been thwarted due to the development of excess "mystification," three main courses of action are open "" declaration of "hierarchical psychosis," use of "play" tactics to increase interpersonal canmun icat ion, or use of argument to expose 'i^iysL if Icat ions'.' The nature of each of these approaches and the situations in which each is likely to occur will be discussed in detail and illustrated with sample speeches, , In a situation of blocked caiimun icat Ion, members of a group might declare that "mystification" is so complete and the stubbornness of the other side is so thorough that the state of "hierarchical psychosis" has been reached. "Hierarchical psychosis" Is a state In which a lower status group believes no doubting, questioning, or restructuring of the social order is to be al laved. The low status group would add that the only course of action left to us is antI"Social or violent 12 action. Tliis strategy would most likely be found in messages advocating revolutionary social change or advocating Indulgence In crime or vice. An example would be a message encouraging people to use marijuana or psychedelic drugs. Those advocating racial riots would also follcw this strategy. The discussion of "hierarchical psychosis" can be further illuminated by considering Patrick Henry's famous "Give me Liberty or Give me Death" appeal to the Virginia House of Burgesses. The argument of '^JUlLd.. , pp. 13 2-3 '4.

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120 Henry's speech is a declaration tiiat the state of "hierarchical psychosis" has been reached; American representatives are unable to get a coni~ municative response from Britain. V/e have petitioned; we have reiiionstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned v/ith contempt from the foot of the throne. In vain, after these things may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation.'^ Henry adds that the only course of action left to the colonies is "an appeal to arms and to the God of hosts," He charges it is Britain rather than America that is initiating conflict, for the only communication Britain has given lately are provisions for viar — Let us not deceive ourselves sir. These are the implements' of war and subjugation; the last arguments to v/hich kings resort. i ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to Force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possibl e motive for i t?l 5 Henry believes Americans are excluded from three transcendent principles pertaining to three distinct situations which converge in the speech. The discussion of communicative attempts by the colonists and the manner in which they were spurned indicates one "" the transcendent principle of courteous reception to diplaiiatic appeals. This terminology suggests a second exclusion -" "Implements of war 1 "^ ^George Hlbbitt, ed. , The D( Dolphin Press,, 1965) , p. 153. i eches (Ngv York: 1^ Jiiid. , p. 153. 15

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121 and subjugation," "bind and rivet upon us chains," "our chains are forged," and "their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston." Americans are also excluded frcm the elementary freedoms towliich British citizens are entitled. The third exclusion concerns America as a Christian nation. Henry reminds his audience that it is their highest transcendent duty to God that they remain a free people, resisting despotic rulers. (Tlie belief that this vias a high duty vias a frequent theme of Puritan sermons.) The third exclusion is made explicit in one particular paragraph. The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my CAwn part I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; c.id in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedaii of the debate, it is only in this v/ay that we can hope to arrive at truth and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty tabards the majesty of heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings. ' ° The last sentence of the preceding quotation marks the third exclusion as the most transcendent of the three. An additional clue that this religious principle is transcendent over the others is the use of religious terminology as the dominant style of the address. Examples of this dominant style are these -"I have but one lamp by '^JLiud, , pp. 152-5^f. This interpretation was discussed in the course. Great Debates, taught by Prof. Donald Williams at the University of Florida, October. 1966. ^^IhJLd., p. 152.

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1 22 which my feet are guided"; "it will prove a snare to your feet'" and, 19 "Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed by a kiss," Attempts to remedy "over-mystification" are better for the people involved than are attempts to proclaim a situation of "hierarchical psychosis." The latter prevents further communication and can culminate in violence. After the violence is spent, communication may be re-established but only with great difficulty. A more constructive manner of countering li'iyst if icat Ion" Is this: One might try to initiate more closeness of Interaction across class lines so that "mystification" would be lessened. This Is the usual function of parties, parades, and holiday celebrations. These events provide a condition in vjhich those who are normally unequal can participate in an equal manner and, as a result, can coiimunicate more 20 easily on an Interpersonal level. This nav ease of communication carries over Into "business situations." A major reason for business, oPfice, or departmental parties Is to stimulate Interpersonal communications which in turn will keep the hierarchical order smoothly functioning for quite awhile after. Consequently, addresses given at functions of this type would contain techniques to proclaim greater social solidarity, unity, or similarity of all groups members in sane major respect. An example of this approach is found In John Glenn's address to a joint session of Congress shortly after his '^Hlbbitt, pp. 152-5^. 20 Duncan, pp. 328"3'+o

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123 orbital space flirjht on January 20, 1962. Ostensibly the speech was a factual report to Congress and to the American people. Since this was the first American orbital space flight, the speech celebrating it vyas also part of a national patriotic holiday. This second aspect is the one Glenn chose to stress in his short speech. Throughout the 21 address Glenn referred to "our efforts," 'Ve are no/7," etc., to stress canmunity participation in the flight and cornmuni ty importance of the event, A paragraph which brought out the national identification of the speaker with all his American listeners v-7as the follo//ing: (note that Glenn described a "mystic communion" between himself and his listeners) This has been a great experience for all of us present and for all Americans, of course I am certainly glad to see that our pride in our country and its accomplishments is not a thing of the past. I still get a hard-to-def ine feeling inside when the flag goes by — and i knew that all of you do, too. Today as we rode up Pennsylvania Avenue from the White House and saw the tremendous outpouring of feel Ing on the part of so many thousands of our people I got this same feeling all over again. Let us hope that none of us ever loses it.'^^ This paragraph underscores the contribution of the nation's workers from diverse fields to the great canmunity project: There are many more people, of course, involved in our flight in Friendship 7; many more things involved, as v;el 1 as people. There was the vision of Congress that established this national program of space exploration. Beyond that many thousands of people were involved, civilian contractors, and many sub" contractors in many different fields; many elements -^ civilian, civil service, and military, all blending their efforts toward a common goal. 23 ^'llibbitt, pp. 98-101. Ibid ., pp. 98-99. ^^Ibid., p. 99.

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Glenn seems deliberately vague and general about these contributions to the space program; this vagueness allavs any listener v;ho desires it to imagine that in sane unknavn way his work has contributed to the success of Friendship 7's launching. Usually national celebrations like the one Glenn's speech exemplified serve as general ized preventatives against too much "mystification" in our society rather than as remedies for already established "over" mystification." Havever, one specific point of tmsion the speech helped to rel ieve was frustration and national enibarrassment over Russia's earlier space successes. Russian successes had strained communication between segments of the American public and certain educational and 2k governmental agencies. Glenn's reference to the many contributions of common people must have given psychological satisfaction to those who felt helpless and insignificant in a large impersonal society. Glenn rose well to tiie nature of the speech situation. Undoubtedly he deepened his audiences' appreciation of the occasion's signifi" cance beyond what they had initially perceived; he also alleviated the dcxninant psychological tensions of the time part i cul ar 1 y wel 1 . John Glenn's address illustrates the use of ceremonial rhetoric mainly to prevent the development of "over-mystification," and also to counter excess "mystification" vjhich may have already existed. The cerejTionial occasion is one type of "play" which may be used to counter excess "mystification" to establish communication. "Play" is the cond i t ion w i th in the social hierarchy opposite to "mystification," One 2k Hans W. Gatzke, The Pres ent in Perspective (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1962), pp. 188-97.

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125 might see this cariparison between "mystification" and "play" by considering an analogy with a well kno-vn drama concept. "Mystification" is a process oF stressing differences in rank and ability betv/een classes; in this respect "mystification" is the process of creating aesthetic distance between classes. The result is that the po/jer of those in authority will cause the others in the hierarchy to follc.v readily tlieir subordinate role just as aesthetic distance in the theatre is used to make the activities of the actors more real and potent with the audience through the strong differentiation of spectators versus action on the stage. Aesthetic distance can becane so extreme that its artificiality is noticeable. Then the audience feels unable to empathize w i th the players and their actions. When aesthetic distance has become too extreme, techniques such as staging theatre-in-the-round and providing for the movement of actors into the audience, are relied on to reverse tlie effect of prevailing aesthetic distance. These tactics create, in effect, an aesthetic closeness. Duncan's concept of "play" is roughly equivalent to the reversal of aesthetic distance. In "play," symbols of class-differential are weakened and the "mystic communion" of all individuals within a transcendent principle is stressed, resulting in closer communications between classes. Certain settings lend themselves quite well to "pi aV techniques. Highly formal situations adapt easily to ceremonial types of "play" (ritual, ccre
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126 the harsh realities of a social problem or the clash of legislative debate do not lend themselves to the use of "play" techniques as the dcdiinant strategy of countering "mystifications." Argurnent to expose "mystifications" is the main means of counter In these latter situations. Sometimes "play" techniques in the form of satire, jokes, or audience participation are used early in the argumentative address. These attenuated forms of "play" serve as a bridge in smoothing canmuni cat ion betvveen alienated groups. Ha-^ever; social problem discussions or legislative debates are generally concerned v-vith more than the re"establ ishment of canmuni cat ion and cooperation between alieniated groups. The tv/o situations are generally marked by a concern with making redistributions of social or political privilege. The arguments used to expose "mystifications" hindering the social or political progress of a group may be expressed in a speech, essay, work of literature, a joke, an advertising circular, or in conversation. The strategy of argument might be that of traditional logic such as argument from tradition, definition, or similitude, A mode of argument peculiarly fitted to the circumstances might be developed. For instance, during a debate over whether or not to have gun licensing, one participant made the poin;. that acquisition of guns cannot be controlled in viev of the fact that by spending one hour one can make 25 a rifle out of simple household materials. Since exposure of excess "mystification" through argument is an important persuasive step toward effecting social reform, this third 25 Milwa u kee Jou rnal , August 2, 1968, p. k.

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127 method of countering excess "mystification" is the one of most interest to the critic of persuasive discourses. A complete speech will be analyzed and evaluated here in order to shav the use of various types of argument to expose "over-mystifications." The speech chosen for analysis was delivered by Frederick Douglass, a freed slave and praninent spokesman for Negro rights. In this address he v^;as concerned with countering "mystifications" used to keep the Negro in slavery. The speech was presented on July 5, 1852, at Corinthian Hall, in Rochester, Nav York. The purpose of the speech was to commemorate the Fourth of July. Specific details regarding the audience and the group sponsoring the address are not available. I t was reported that Douglass spoke frequently in Corinthian Hall, usually under sponsorship of the Rocliester Anti-Slavery Society. It was also reported that "The lectures were wel 1 -attended and they contributed to the growth of anti-slavery sentiment in the canmunity." The only clue to the impact of this particular speech is this quotation fro;n the archives of the Rochester Historical Society, Volume XLV -"An address such as this might have resulted in the mobbing of Douglass had it been delivered in many cities. It was, of course, denounced by many Rochester i ans whom it shocked. "^'^ Presumably, fw of the audience members could have been members of the anti-slavery society, since Douglass addresses them as though they 26 Phi I ip S. Foner, Fre e p. 127, jLS^ (Na-/ York: Citadel Press, 196^0 , 27. Houston Peterson, hJlxsJ^XK^)0^_s^-,j:hs^QyiS.^l3_^t2-ll.^^JiiSi^^hs^ (New York: Simon and Schuster, 195'4), p. ^182.

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128 have done nothing to advance the rights of oppressed people. Possibly the speech was sponsored by a church group. Dougl ass strong! y ciiastises the churches for not doing more; also, his one concrete suggestion regarding ho.-/ to begin reform is directed to agencies of the church. The master strategy of the July Fifth Address is this — first Douglass stresses the guarantee of liberty to all Americans stated in the Declaration of Independence, then he argues that Negroes are men. if the audience accepts his arguments they are led to the enthymematic conclusion that they must grant the Negro liberty. According to comments by Chestnut, one of Douglass' biographers, this was Douglass' Strategy in most of his pre-Civil War speeches. Benjamin Quarles, Douglass' most famous biographer, says Douglass generally spoke on the same central theme, changing one speech from another only in externals 29 necessary to fit the occasion or setting. A general description of Douglass' bearing and manner of presentation should be helpful to the fullest understanding of the speech situation. This descr ipt ion was given of Douglass in 1852, the year Douglass delivered the speech currently being considered: Facing the audience, he sha'/ed no signs of nervousness -he had a talent for calking fluently. For the space of a fav moments, havever, he said nothing, as if to satisfy those among the two thousand spectators who might wish to size him up as a physical specimen. Broad-shouldered, six feet tall and in the 28 Charles Chestnut, Frederick Dou glass (Boston: Small, Maynard and Co., 1899), p. no. This would not be true of his speeches to recruit black soldiers for the Union. 29 Benjamin Quarles, "Abolition's Different Drummer," in Jhc An t I" SI a very Vang uard, ed. by Martin Dubernian (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965), p. 125.

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1 29 prime of manhood, he could bear scrutiny. His skin was bronze -colored and his mass of black hair was nearly separated on the left. His eyes were deep-set and steady. But at the moment they were less expressive than his well "formed nose that now, as he prepared to say his first word, inhaled deeply, almost critically, as though the air might oFfer to nonwhites an inferior oxygen if V ig i I ance were relaxed^ The speakers' sentences had no.v gained momentum. Those who v\;ere listening to him for the first time became aware of a voice that employed every degree of light and shade; a rich baritone, giving emotional vitality to every v-7ord.30 A statemen t v/as made in the previous quotation that Douglass never suffered stagefright. Oddly, at the beginning of his Fifth of July Speech, Douglass speaks of nervousness. It is of a different nature -nervousness in speaking before people separated from him, a Negro, by 31 vast social distance, Duncan refers to social separation resulting from excess "mys t i ("Icat ion" as the major pathology of society. Duncan adds that social separation causes emban^assment and guilt to all 3 2 social classes involved in it. Different ways of underscoring the vast social separation of Negro and White comprise the theme of Douglass' speech. In the first one-third of the address Douglass discusses the specific purpose of this occasion -celebration of Independence Day. This discussion bolsters Douglass' proposition regarding liberty for the Negro. He reminds his audience that the founding fathers denied the ^°IbLd. , pp. 123-2A 31 Fr eder i ck Doug 1 ass , The Life and Wri ti ngs of Fre derick Douglass , cd. by Philip S. Foner (New York: International Publishers, 1950), Vol. II, p. 102. 32 Duncan, p. 308.

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130 infallibility o? government and upheld tlie riglit to revolt against 33 unjust ]av;s. He also declares that the equal itarian idea permeating the Declaration of Independence is the transcendent principle of American society and should be always follaved, no matter hcv; difficult The principles contained in that instrument are saving principles. Stand by those principles, be true to them on all occasions in all places, against all foes, and at vjhatever cost 34 Douglas then returns to his central theme, stressing the social sin of racial separation in this major transitional comment. 1 am not included vnthin the pale of this glorious anniversary. Your high independence only reveals the immeasurable distance betvjeen us . . . Do you mean citizens to mock me, by asl
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131 his constructive and refutatlve motivational concepts. There are also a number of appeals to American self-interest, Douglass lias v/Isely made a variety of appeals in the hope of moving individuals of the aud ience v/ho may be predaninantl y humanitarian, or patriotic, or rel igious -minded, or expediency oriented. The first four topical appeals are ones that loyal Americans can hardly disagree v/ith, especially during an Independence Day celebration. Good citizens could only attempt to disagree with Douglass' logic in connecting these motivational concepts to the Negroes' plea for liberty. Douglass realizes that some of his auditors vn 1 1 try to argue in their o-vn minds that the Negro is a special case to whom the usual democratic and religious principles do not apply. These ideas of the Negro as a special case are defense mechanisms in the form of motivational concepts which Douglass must refute. Another way of putting the matter is to say Douglass must induce his audience to label the object, Negro, in a manner more favorable to his rhetorical goal. Consequently he says, "Must 1 undertake to prove that tlie slave is a man?" Douglass proceeds to shew that the Negro is accountable to the lav; for crimes, -}0 and that he is taught to v/orship God-acts reserved only for man. The fact that the speaker of this intelligent disccurse is a Negro is an even stronger proof. The latter fact is not mentioned by Douglass, but it must have been uppermost in the minds of his audience. Quarles reports that consciousness of this factor was a slgnlFIcant part of Douglass' overall persuasive strategy. Douglass wrote an autobiography ^^I b i d ., p. 190.

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132 and printed a weekly n&ispaper pritnarily to expose the "mystification" 39 that Negroes are sub~human. Evidence oF this nature v^ould not be refuted easily even in the mind of a bigot. The next and related argument is framed as a question "" "Would you have me argue that man is entitled to liberty?" This argument has been answered by the Independence Day occasion itself. The two preceding arguments conpleto tlie major cnthymcme discussed previously. Next follo.vs a "pseudo"'quest ion" v;hich is really a pathetic argument: What am I to argue that it is wrong to make men [ brutes, to rob them of liberty ... to beat tliem ' with sticks, to burn their flesh, hunt them with dogs? ^^ Douglas denies the need to argue and denies the fact that he is presenting arguments as he makes his next statejnent. The enotional response he desires from his listeners is underscored as well: at a time like this, scorching Irony, not con" vincing argument Is needed. . . . The feeling of the nation must be roused. The propriety of the nation must be startled. The hypocrisy of the nation must be exposed; and its crimes against God and man must be proclaimed and denounced. Duncan argues that scorciiing irony is an argument; In fact, he declares It the most rational look at society men are ever exposed to: Thus, all canedy is highly moral, but it is the morality of reason in society. It seeks to unmask vices by confronting ends or ideals with means or practice, the final transcendence in cc»nedy is society Itself, people who In love and liate try to resolve d i ff erences.^3 39 ^0 Quarles, p. I30, Douglass, Life and V/rlt inns, p. 191 ^^^IbJLcL^, p. 191. '^iLbJjd. , p. 192. 43 ^Duncan, p. 390.

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133 The precise manner In v;hicli humor aids in unmasking vices becomes more apparent if one considers Bussards ' definition of hav humor works on the receiver, "Officially humor is the mental capacity for perceiving or expressing absurdities." V.'hat better instrument could Douglass have chosen to expose the absurdity of slavery on a holiday dedicated to the liberty of all men? V/hat better instrument could Douglass have used to cut through the major "mystifications" supporting slavery than to say this: "Do you kna-; what is a sv;ine-drover then I'll show you a man~drover [the slave trader]." These ironic phrasings are follo.ved by gory descriptions of .the maltreatment of slaves. Douglass also cites national inconsistencies of v;hich the foil an ng is an example: You are all on fire at the mention of liberty for France or Ireland; but are as an iceberg at the i^ thought of liberty for the enslaved American, , . . Yet as he presents these varied arguments, Douglass three times denies either the use or the need of argument to support his cause. Could Douglass fail to rcalii^e that pathos and irony are forms of arguments? This is not the most reasonable interpretation. Other actions by Douglass sho.-; his profound awareness of persuasive tactics. The persuasive purpose Douglass fulfilled through thei/riting of auto" biographies and the publishing of a weekly newspaper have been noted previously. Regarding the content of Douglass' first autobiography, Quarles says, "Perhaps the most striking quality of the narrative is Paul Bussard, ed. , The C^ York: Hawthorne Books, I960), p. II. ^5, rea sury of V/it and Hunio r (New Douglass, L ife and Wr i tings , p. 1^3.. i|6 JMd., p. 200.

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13^ Douglass' ability to mingle incident v/ith arginnent." Quarles also reports that in 1850, Douglass said he v;as ready "to employ the terse 48 rhetoric of the ballot boxo" In viev/ of these facts it is difficult to believe that Douglas was unaware that he was arguing in' this speech. Douglass gives a clue to his behavior when he makes his third denial of argument. He says it would appear ridiculous to divide, subdivide, and partition components as though of a debatable proposi" tion. Douglass wishes to underscore that the right of the Negro to freedom is absolute and inherent, guaranteed by the transcendent principle of equality contained both in the Bible and in the Declaration of Independence, To help his audience vie^v the question as one of absolute moral right, he needed to create verbally the proper scene. It was sound strategy to deny the use of argumentation since the traditional view of argument would be an attempt to establish probability. Douglass denounces the American churches for doing little to eliminate slavery in contrast with the British churches which were the major agency for effecting change in that nation. His viev is that if the religious press, pulpit, Sunday schools, church conferences, and Bible societies all would speak out, the institution of slavery could be toppled. (This i^ Douglass' one appeal for concrete action.) Zt7 Frederick Douglass, Jiarx_at.iv e .of. th e . IJJLe.-O.f. f.r.ecJaiLLc k Dc ugi.a. s .s.: An Amer ican Sl ave (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, I960), p. xvii. 48 kS JJu-d.. , p. ix. Douglass. Life and l/ritings , p. 193. ^°lbid., n. 198.

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135 There is a burden of proof upon a speaker to discuss any factor whicli might be considered a significant barrier to carrying out the rhetorical proposition. In the l850's, many Anier leans felt that the Constitution guaranteed the perpetuation of slavery as an institution. Douglass maintained that there was no definite pro-slavery proposi" tion in the Constitution, and he cited several prominent 1 a/yers who believed this. This argument vias satisfactory but tliinly detailed. Douglass also said that individual citizens were entitled to make private interpretations of the Constitution and persuade others to support modified applications. The problem with this argument v;as that one would also have to conclude that the slave-holders continue to be granted their private interpretation of the Constitution. The arguments in this address based on religious and constitutional considerations are characteristic of Douglass' speaking between I85I and 185s, but they represent significant modifications of his earlier attitude ta-/ard church and Constitution. At first Douglass concurred with William Lloyd Garrison V'Jho denounced the church and discounted it as a possible ally. Douglass later came to view the church as more anti-slavery in its learnings than any other influential institution, 52 and decided to court its aid. Earlier Douglass iiad also concurred with Garrison in terming the Constitution, "A covenant with death and an agreaiient with the Devil." Douglass later hypothesized that a better tactic would be to associate the Cons t i tut ion w i th his proposition. Douglass promoted an interpretation 51 Ibid ., pp. 201-02. 52 Foner , iS5.^p. ]kS.

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136 regarding slavery that was not evident in the document itself, but 53 that could not be proven inconsistent with it. Taking these modified positions regarding church and Constitution vyas persuasively sound. Douglass was more successful in promoting abolition than Garrison who ten years later had to adopt these positions himself. Moreover, Duncan explains that continual debunking of major societal institutions has a psychologically disasterous effect. People either completely ignore the rhetor who takes sucli an approach, or they listen and becaiie demoralized, often expressing their denoraliza55 tion by the commission of anti"social acts. llie truth of this analysis of debunking seems borne out by the effect radical supporters of the anti~\/ietnam cause frequently have on their receivers, \7hile disenchantment with the war is v-; idespread, the moderate middle class American receiver of these appeals generally turns away in disgust from anti"v;ar marchers and draft card burners. These extreme debunkers not only oppose the v;ar but also attack the chief leaders of the nation as liars and criminals and charge that the major institutions of society are hopelessly corrupt. Among those whom the protesters do convince, such as the "hippies," there is v-^idespread dope addiction. Douglass did a skillful job of arguing that the Negro must be freed. He countered well the "mystifications" of his day which v/ore used to perpetuate the institution of slavery. Passionate both in phrasing and in presentation of his case, Douglass praised the principles behind ^^Itlj^. , pp. \kO-k},. ^ ^Ib id., p. 153. 55 Duncan, p. 390.

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137 major American institutions, criticizing only the specific application oF these principles to the American Negro. The discussion of debunking has sha-/n that this was the most psychologically sound approach to take. Douglass' heavy use of ironic humor to get people to see the issue more clearly through the eye of reason instead of through unreasoning prejudice v^as also most appropriate. This excerpt fran a study of humor aids In seeing why: Thus, one who wishes to cultivate his sense of humor must learn that there are times at least when he must free himself fran dignity, restraint and prejudice. ... A joke is seen through the intellect as well as felt as a sensation; we see the point of a joke before we feel that it is funny. 5" Most Important, Douglass' enthymeme which comprised the master strategy of his Fifth of July address is supported by the test of time. A recent newspaper article outlines this strategy as the one which has been the main tactic of the civil rights struggle. The authors describe It as quite successful In the past and certain to be more successful in the future. The authors also cite the ethical value of Douglass' efforts for the whole of American society not just for the anti"slavery cause: But the Negro must raiiember before succumbing to the preachments of black racists, that the fundamental decency of Americans is, as it has been in the past, his greatest ally. Americans' conmi tment to danocracy is his real pa/er. The conscience-prodding ideals of the Declaration of Independence are his real weapon. ^ Max J. Herzberg and Leon Mones, Humor of Ame rica (Nev York: Appleton-Century Co., 19^5), pp. 2-3.

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138 Growing numbers of white Americans are coming to realize that those ideals must become reality to "The last American," the Negro, or they can be no reality to America. 57 This newspaper commentary seems to be another way of saying that if one's argumentative case is strongly connected to the transcendent principle of one's society as one's main motivational concept, one will be persuasively effective in Lhe long run. Despite Douglass' generally skillful handling of the address, two negative criticisms have been made. First Douglass did not explain his countering of the Constitutional issue in a clear or well documented manner. Also, Douglass failed to outline concrete steps which his audience m'jht have taken to initiate the abolition of slavery. He could have detailed specific activities to be undertaken by particular pressure groups that were represented in his audience. The last part of this chapter was concerned v/ith an analysis and evaluation of an oration by Frederick Douglass, The speech contained a variety of persuasive tactics. Some of these tactics v/ere ones which a traditional critic using the 'Neo-Ar is totel iari' framev\;ork is aware of. Hence, referral to an enthymeme, the citing of topoi, and discussion of pathetic proofs all sounded quite traditional. A number of other factors pertinent to Douglass' speech are likely to be oyer" looked or at least not fully pursued in a trad i t ionai ly"based criticism, Duncan's discussion of humor supplemented with corroborative writings on the subject enabled a richer understanding of irony as Don Oakley and JohiLane, "All Men or None," H i Iwouk ee Journal , August 2, 1968, p. 2.

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139 it functioned in Douglass' address. These wr i tings on humor also provided a gauge for judging the overall appropriateness of each technique of irony. Explication of the transcendent principle enabled one to understand vihy Douglass denied the use of argument, and to judge the efficacy of such a technique. In addition an understanding of debunking provided a yardstick to judge the appropriateness of Douglass' strategy oF attacking application of the transcendent principle to Negroes while pouring lavish praise on the principle itself. Knowledge of the transcendent principle as it functions in communications between social groups indicated that the particular enthymeme Douglass used to carry the bui'den of his argument was the best kind a social reformer could utilise. Earlier in the chapter several other considerations useful to the rhetorical critic were explored. The critic can use his knowledge of "symbolic boasting" to analyze the motives and goals of persuaders when these are not obvious. The critic can study appropriate documents for "ultimate terms" as part of his audience analysis, if he wishes to evaluate the appeals made by canpeting persuaders to a given group. The critic should find useful an understanding of social 'mystification" and the three major strategies used to counter it. The critic was sha'^n types of rlietorical situations where each of the three strategies predani nates and he was shown representative tactics within each strategy. Although the stress in this ciiapter was on the countering of sociaT'iiiyst i rications',' the critic can make inferences from the discussion of the process used in deliberately building social 'hiys t i f i cat ionl' in addition, examples of building social "mys t if icat ion" were illustrated

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previously in Chapter IV. Roosevelt used social "tnyst i f icat ion" when he created for lilinself an aura of charisiraand also when he presented himself as an exemplar oF concern for "essential democracy."

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CHAPTER V A STUDY OF THE RHETORIC OF THE MILV/AUKEE OPEN HOUSING ADVOCATES In developing the last three theoretical chapters several speeches were briefly analyzed and assessed in terms of principles developed in a given chapter. The purpose of these brief instances of criticism was two-fold -" to test the applicability of the principles discussed and to illustrate to the critic their precise application. The concern of this chapter is to aid in the completion of this twofold purpose. The previous sample criticisms were limited in that each concerned a single message conveyed through the speech medium. It v/as felt, therefore, that a persuasive event consisting of a whole series of messages which were saiietimes spoken, sometimes written, and more frequently conveyed non-verbal ly would be helpful as a final test and illustration of critical principles developed in the dissertation. Criticism to be applied here will necessarily be more extensive than previous ones since a wliole chapter is being devoted to the purpose, and since the persuasive event itself -the Milv/aukee open housing campaign is more complicated than a single message event. Much of this extensive discussion is devoted to tracing the history of the campaign. More critical principles developed in the study will apply to the 1^1

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1^2 campaign than v/ere involved in each of the other sample criticisms, but all of the principles are not illustrated in the campaign or in any one single instance of persuasion. Therefore, the whol e series of criticisms presented in the dissertation must be considered together to see the total pattern of criteria resulting from the nc/J critical framework. Since a greater number of critical principles will apply to the campaign and since they have been developed gradually through the preceding four chapters it seems necessary at this point to present a synopsis of the overall persuasion theory fran which the criteria are inferred. The most crucial coTiponent in the overall persuasion theory and the unifying element to which all other phases of the tlieory relate is the motivational concept. The term motiva tional cop.cep.t. conveys the same general idea as the traditional terms motivational appeal or p ersuasive appeal . The ne.v term, motivational concep t, borraved fran Cronkhite, is used in order to focus more attention on this coiiponent and also to indicate that the cciiiponent signified by the new term is handled more precisely than in traditional theory and criticism. In the r\e.j theory a description is offered of the precise process by which motivational concepts are used to facilitate acceptance of the proposition in question. This process description is presented as a general formula vjhich holds true for every instance of successful persuasion whettier it is a one message or Compaign type of event and whether or not the form of publication of tiie iiiessage(s) is spoken, written, non~verbal, or a combination of these. The precise process is one of associat ional conditioning to the proposition of properly

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143 selected motivational concepts. Properly selected motivational concepts consist of values, beliefs, needs, or courses of action already accepted by those to be persuaded and which orient them to.vard the type of action desired tavard the proposition. In addition, the mot i vat ional concept must be one which can be plausibly connected with the proposition as having a true intrinsic relation to it. A brief compar ison wi th a traditional rhetorical concept permits an underscoring of this last condition, intrinsic connection. The motivational concepts are conclusions or thought configurations existing as major premises in the minds of the audience members. The connecting link between the concept(s) used and the proposition must be a minor premise statement to indicate that the issue wi th wh ich the proposition is concerned is a special case or application of the motivational concept. if these situational caiiponents are met through the selection of appropriate motivational concepts, and if they are strongly connected with the proposition through skillful use of learning factors such as contiguity and generalization, it is likely that receivers will be persuaded. If only the first two conditions of appropr iate mot i vat ional concept selection are applied, either no conditioning will take place, or there will be conditioning resulting in forced compliance rather than in persuasion. Forced compliance occurs v/hen the third condition is violated in that the motivational concept is a coercive appeal which could be applied in various unrelated situations to achieve the same ouLv/ard effects, but which has no intrinsic connection with tiie proposition. Those forced to canply will do so only in the immediate situation. On the contrary, those truly persuaded have learned a nc.v behavioral

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response v/hich they will continue to act out over a period of time in a variety oF similar situations. Tliey will behave in this stable, predictable manner because they have been self -persuaded; they have fol laved in their own minds the minor pranise linking the rhetorical issue to previously accepted major premises. Hence, the action area toward v;hich receivers were previously oriented regarding the given motivational concept(s) is transferred or conditioned to t!ie proposition itself. A more precise analysis of the various facets v;hich facilitate or prevent persuasive conditioning considers in detail three basic stages in the persuasion process — perception, judgment, and action. Beyond chosing appropriate motivational concepts, the rhetor must v/ord them in a manner that will allow ideological perception of exactly the desired action orientation. Miscellaneous psychological blocks to accurate perception of the overall persuasive message or of conponent parts, such as the motivational concepts or the links connecting these concepts to the proposition, must be anticipated and provided for. Common perceptual barriers could be lack of Interest In the rhetorical issue, a general state of anxiety in receivers precluding thought processes that would occur otherwise, or a prejudicial view of the topic, causing receivers to fail to listen open-mindedl y to a no,v vievpolnt. As a subcategory of the latter problem, receivers may believe in certain motivational concepts v^hich must be refuted before the receivers can objectively consider the subject. Many of the motivational concepts of this nature could be described specifically as stereotypes or psychological defense mechanisms.

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l'+5 If these percepticn factors are adequately provided For in conveying suitable lines of conditioning, it is likely that receivers v-/ i 1 1 label the proposition in terms of thought configurations suggesting an action tavard which they are strongly oriented. Hence, receivers will make a favorable judgment of the proposition and should act it out, barring significant hindrances to the carrying out of the desired action or a failure to receive specific directions as to ho.v to Initiate and carry through a course of action. This chapter is concerned with a generalized analysis and evaluation of the persuasive efforts of the Milwaukee open housing advocates. For the purpose of a canprehens ive study, this campaign is a topic v;hich should be the focus of an entire dissertation. A briefer treatment Is offered here not as a finished work of criticism but as a helpful vehicle to elucidate aspects of the critical theory not tested in earlier sample cr i t icisms, espec ia 1 1 y the theory's application to persuasive events which are predaninantl y non~verbal<, In this study, there is a consideration of events occurring betvyeen August 28, 1967, when formal protest marches commenced and April 30, 1968, when the Milwaukee City Council passed a city ordinance slightly stronger than the federal 1 rw passed by Congress on April 11th of that year. Most Milwaukee residents regard this as the time period constituting an official, organized campaign. In actuality, it is difficult to pinpoint the beginning and closing dates of significant agitation on the subject of open housing. On May 17, 1966, Mrs. Vel Phillips, the only Negro manber of the City "Strong Housing Law Approved by Aldermen," Milwaukee Journal , May 1, 1968, p. 1.

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1^6 Council proposed to that body adoption of a city open housing ordinance. Even after the law was passed on April 30, 1968, there v/as unpublicized agitation at private council subcommittee meetings and, on January 21, 1969, Mrs. Phillips, with the assistance of ]ike"mir.ded people, v;on 2 passage of an open housing law witii absolutely no restrictions. In addition, both the N.A.A.C.P. youth council and various neighborhood organizations in the ghetto are sponsoring self~help projects such as rehabilitating parolees, tutoring ghetto children, and educating v;hite 3 neighborhood groups about conditions in the slums. The Youth Council has also been demonstrating against various Milwaukee businesses v^hich k are discriminatory in hiring Negroes. These projects are a direct out" growth of the housing campaign even tliough it has officially ended. Considerable time will be spent tracing the history of tlie open housing campaign. V^eaved into this historical tracing will be preliminary evaluations of campaign goals and tactics in terms of the critical theoi-y developed in the last four chapters of this dissertation, Before a full scale campaign was launched, Mrs. Vel Phillips, proposed at four different times a city open housing ordinance in the Milwaukee City Council. Mrs, Phillips, elected in 1956, is the only wanan on the City Council and until April, 1963, v/as also the only Negro member. She has a lav/ degree and is tlie wife of a Milwaukee "Exemptions on Housing Voted Out," M ilwaukee Journal , January 22, 1969, sec. 2, p. 3. ^"Civil Rights Drive," Milw aukee Journal, July 31, 1968, p. 12. JJlid. ; "Boycotts," illlw^i4i<,£e_Siail, August 10, 1968, pp. 1-2. Borden's Dairy, Al 1 en"Bradl ey, and Cutler-Hammer were three Finns demonstrated against.

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1^^7 attorney. The four dates on which Mrs. Phillips proposed a city open housing ord inance were May 17, 1S66, July 12, 1966, October 12, 1966, and March 21, 1967. On each of these occasions, eighteen councilmen voted against the ordinance, while Mrs, Phillips was its sole sup6 porter. After the fourth unsuccessful attanpt to move the City Council to action, Mrs. Phillips received organized support for the launching of the campaign which was to focus national attention on Milwaukee. Mrs. Pliil lips' actions, which had been pi'ompted by restiveness In the Negro caninunity, generated there an even stronger clamor for passage of an open housing law. Ho/Jcver, these Inner-core residents needed leadership in channeling their feelings of restiveness and their desire to protest conditions they felt were unfair. In mId-1967, a white Roman Catholic priest. Father James GroppI, began organizing the N.A.A.C.P, Youth Council and other interested blacks and whites into protest groups to urge adoption of a city open housing law. Father Groppi had begun serving in 1965 as a priest in the predaninanti y Negro St. Boniface Catliolic Parish. This experience apparently alerted him to the need for protest of living conditions in the ghetto. One of Father GroppI 's fello/J priests has also offered the explanation that Father Groppi, who is thirty-eight and of Italian background, gra-; up during a period when there was much discrimination against Italian-Americans. Letter from Vel Phillips, Milv/aukcc, Wisconsin, January 5, 1968. "Strong Housing \.3.'i Approved by Aldermen," Milwaukee Journal , May 1, 1968, p. 1.

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\k8 1 Hence, he has identified cl osel y v/ i th tlie da-Jntroddcn Negro. In 1966 Father Groppi began leading rallies at \vhich ho made brief statements in support of open housing and other projects to end discriminatory practices; during this period there v/ere no organized marches. Then in late July, 1967, there were several days of rioting in which the National Guard was called out and police sealed off the inner core area q of Milwaukee, The entire city was also under a 9:00 P.M. curfe.v. Shortly after the riots. Father Groppi and the Youth Council vcvjed that they intended to Iiold nightly protest marches until the Council would pass a city housing ordinance. The first day of marching, August 28, 1967, consisted of a foray fran St, Boniface Church to q Milwaukee's souths ide ending in Kosciusko Park. This area was chosen because not one Negro family has been able to integrate into it. The area is populated mainly by Pol ish"Amer leans. In Milwaukee, as In other areas of the nation, persons of Immigrant background tend to be less sympathetic to the civil rights movement than the general population. A number of the Southsiders replied to the marchers v/Ith insults and rocks. The fol laving day after tlie Iiavoc caused by the march to the Souths Ide, Mayor Maier issued a proclamation forbidding further night-time marches, Hcvever, that evening, Father Groppi led a march tavard city hall In order to ask the Mayor why he did not give "l/TMJ-TV na/scast," Milwaukee, Vyisconsln, July 10, 1967. 'Civil Right Drive," lai, July 31, 1963, p. 12. 'March to Souths ide," M ilwaukee Journal , August 29, 1968, p. I. 10 "Civil Rights Drive," MMw laj., July 31, 1968, p, 1.

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149 the marchers police protection rather than ordering them to desist Fran their activities. Father Groppi vias arrested for ignoring the proclamation and for resisting arrest," He was later convicted of the second charge, fined five hundred dollars, and placed on two years' probation. A federal court ruled the Mayor's proclamation unconstitutional in that it violated the right of peaceful assembly; consequently, no one who 1 2 had marched in violation of it could be convicted. Although the court decision came months later, the Mayor rescinded his proclamation the next day when legal advisors informed him that his action probably was unconstitutional. The marches continued nightly for 200 consecutive days.'^ Generally, 150 to 300 people participated in each of the demonstrations. The marchers received the police protection they had requested at a cost to the city of over $20,000 per day beyond usual police expenditures. This added cost factor was then capitalized upon as a motivational concept by the open housing advocates. A consideration of certain facts shavs why protests were centered on the lack of a city open housing law. Milwaukee has about 90,000 Negro residents. Seven out of eight of these, or about 79,000 are renters,'^ and it was renters who suffered most from discriminatory practices as most of them fell within the 66 percent of cases not ""Groppi Arrested," JiiJHgmkge Journal, August 30, 1968, p. 1. '''"".Jury Decides Groppi Resisted Arrest," iililwaukeg slourpa]., February 10, 1968, p. 1. ^ ^"Marches FnH/' Milwaiikep, Journal. March 17, 1968, p. 3. Vel Phillips, an address given to Milwaukee City Council, Milwaukee, V/isconsin, September, 19, 1968, p. 3. ''Open Housing Concern," Milwaukee Star ^ Novanber 25, 1967, p. 2,

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150 covered In the V'^eak W iscons in state open housing Is.-/. For Instance, ant i~d iscr iminat Ion laws did not apply to avner~occupied apartment buildings and duplexes with four or fe/er units, and o.;ner~occupied rooiiing houses with four or fa-/er renters. The ]a<^i did not apply to c^/ner"occupied dwellings on lots no larger tlian sixty feet by 120 feet vyith four or faver family units. The lav also did not apply to o.vner" 1 6 occupied family dwellings. Because housing discrimination had forced Milwaukee Negroes to seek housing in a small area, landlords were not required through competition to charge a reasonable amount. The result was that most Milwaukee Negroes who have annual incanes between $3,000 and $5,000 a year are forced to pay as high rent as the white residents of Milwaukee's most fashionable suburbs. It is facts such as these which supplied the core of motive paver to tlie open housing campaign, though the leadership of Father Groppi, the Youth Council Caiimandos, Mrs. Phillips, and visiting celebrities, such as Dick Gregory (who spent two montlis in Milwaukee) were needed to generate concrete programs of protest. The commandos were twenty youths v;ho served as the governing body of the Youth Council. As the housing campaign developed there was an impasse between the Mayor and those favoring his position versus the advocates of an immediate housing ordinance stronger than the state law previously discussed. There were, of course, many white people opposed to further "Many Homes Exempt In City Housing Law," Milwauke e Journal , Decanber 13, 1967, p. 2. James Groppi, "Open Housing: The Fight in the Streets," Jlunun i$t,, XXVIII (July-August, 1968), 3.

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151 open housing concessions because of racial prejudice or perhaps more frequently because of fear that their property values would decrease. The Mayor's position, on the other hand, was a comproin Ise between an Immediate new law versus no na^y law. His motivation was practical and economic. The Mayor felt that the city should not enact an ordinance until lialf of Mllv/aukee's suburbs, sixteen out of thirtytwo, had enacted a similar lew. His contention was that otherwise many of the vjhite people In the city would flock to the suburbs and Milwaukee's tax base would dwindle just when much more money v/ould be needed for 1 o core projects as well as to meet other needs of the city. The Mayor added that this mass exodus would lead to a more segregated society 19 than was the case previously. Father GroppI and Mrs. Phillips challenged both the validity of this prediction and the sincerity of the Mayor in making it. They felt he was dodging the housing Issue for political reasons and was 20 using the tax threat as an excuse. Some political considerations may have been involved because the Mayor knev that the Issue v/ould be postponed for c]uite a while if the city did not take action until sixteen suburbs had passed a housing ordinance. However, it is warranted to assume that the Mayor was sincere regarding his basic line of argu" ment because long before the housing campaign, he had becaiie so concerned 18 Henry Maier, "Statement on Open Housing Ordinance," address to Milwaukee City Council, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, October 16, 1967, pp. 3-9. 19 I bid . , pp. 2-3. 20 "Maier Likened to Pontius Pilate," Mi U-voukee Journal , October 8, 1967, p. 2.

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152 about city finances that he was investigating the possibility of levying a tax on suburban residents who earn their income in the city. It seems that in the last few years, most of the Mayor's written and spoken messages, v/hatever their official purpose, have been dominated by the 21 theme, "How can vje raise more tax money?" The Mayor based his prediction of a mass exodus mainly upon the fact that between 1957 and 1367, 25 percent of Milwaukee residents moved 22 to the suburbs. He also pointed out that he based his estimate on supporting statements by the National Executive Council of the AFL-CIO, The Milwaukee Association of Canmerce, Senator Paul Douglas, Chairman of the President's Commission on Urban Problems, and Robert Weaver, First 23 Negro member of the President's Cabinet. Since the Mayor made these statements, the Kerner Report on civil disorders had predicted such a mass exodus in urban centers all over the nation unless a productive level of interracial understanding and harmony vjas realized. Consequently, it does seem that Father Groppi and Mrs. Phillips were overly harsh in assessing the Mayor's motivations, and that tlieir response was an avoidance of what could v;ell be an unpleasant reality. At the same time the Mayor should have been less 21, 'Effects on Housing Agitation," M ilwaukee Jou rnal.. October 26, 1967, p. 3. 22 Henry Maier, "Statement on Open Housing Ordinance," address to Milwaukee City Council, Milwaukee, V/isconsin, October 16, 1967, p. 9. ^^JMd.. , pp. 6-13. . 2k EiijKHllL_Qf.-J±LCi_NajLiiZ)alJldALLS.QJl^ Otto Kerner, Chairman (Ne^.' York: Bantam l3ooks, 1968), pp. 473-82.

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153 raater ial ist ic and more d i pi ciiat ic in his approach. V^hc he did refer to the likelihood of greater segregation as a result of an iniiiiediate housing 1 a^/, it sounded like an afterthought rather than a main theme. Yet it would havebeen a better theme for city-wide unification than any others he used. It seemed a general characteristic of the open housing campaign that the spoken stat&iients of leading principals indicated failure to capitalize on useful elements that were brought up only tangentally. In other instances, the principal figures (Groppi, Phillips, the Mayor) acted in a manner positively self-destructive to their cause. The Mayor detracted from his image when he repeatedly lost his temper during the campaign and referred to Father Groppi as "that 25 damned 1 iar." Mrs. Phillips missed opportunities to develop strong themes; she only listed them in her attempts to persuade the manbers of the City Council, An example is the point raised earlier regarding the exorbitantly high rent Milwaukee Negroes have had to pay. This situation suggests that Milvs/aukee taxpayers are contributing large sums of money for welfare in order t!iat dishonest landlords can reap a profit. Detailed exposure of items of this nature would be likely to persuade both the City Council and the general public of the desirability of action. The high rent issue as well as otlicr problems and expenses Incurred by the city as the result of discriminatory housing practices should have been detailed rather than merely listed. Motivational 25 "Maier on Groppi," Mi Iwaul li?l, July 6, 1968, p, k.

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154 concepts are not clearly perceived by receivers unless they are detailed through amplification and are made specific through careful symbol manip" ul at ion. Father Groppi also tended to list rather than detail and support arguments of the nature just discussed. In addition neither he nor Mrs. Phillips gave a detailed verbal picture of unpleasant conditions in the ghetto. Fatlier Groppi built his speeches on a direct refutative attack of prejudiced people and on brief repetitive statanents of v;hat he demanded rather than on a full constructive case oF what v;as necessary and why it should be granted. Perhaps one reason tliat Father Groppi and Mrs. Phillips gave brief, undetailed addresses and rated speaking relatively unimportant in their array of tactics is that tliey felt the needs for change and arguments in support of them had been sufficiently established through the civil rights movement in general. Father Groppi has said on several occasions, "Our remarks are brief, vje convey our message by marching." In a letter to the researcher, Mrs. Phillips stated tiiat she considered marches, boycotts, and other economic pressures of primary persuasive 27 utility in the Milwaukee campaign. Another observation should be made here which might explain the limited repertoire of arguments by Father Groppi and by Mrs. Phillips. It seems that they regarded altruistic appeals and appeals for greater 26 James Groppi, address at a rally held at St, Boniface Catholic Church, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, September 13, 1967. 27 Letter fran Vel Phillips, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, January 5, 1963.

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155 understanding of the Black man's plight as ineffectual vjith their Milwaukee audience. Hence, they spoke mainly in terms of ecoiionic selfinterest and in terms of threats of disorder and had publicity to the city. Father Groppi's appeals throughout the campaign were of this nature. Mrs. Phillips stressed undetailed altruistic appeals before the official campaign commenced and also in the earlier stages of it. Later, she tended to stress eccnanic sel f-inLeres t and developing inconvenience to the city. In addition to the $20,000 a day expense for marcher protection, several other economic pressures were used. The housing advocates urged all of their supporters to cease buying Schlitz beer. This tactic was successful in that bre^/ery officials became favorable to the housing campaign and had one of their public relations men, Ben Barkin, speak with civic and business officials in the Milwaukee area to gain 29 further support for passage of an open housing lav\'. In addition, when M i Ivjaukee was being considered for another National League baseball team, Mrs. Phillips vjrote officials of the ten current ball clubs informing them that until more equitable housing laws were passed in Mi Iv/aukee, Negro citizens v;ould boycott a major league team located 30 there. Several convention groups which had considered having Mil" 31 waukee as their host city selected other locations. 28 29 "Voice of the Citizen," Milwauke e Star, September 23, 1967, p. 'K "Barkin Speaks Out on City," M ilwaukee Star , November 25, 19^7, p. 1 30 p. 2. "Baseball Clubs Get Warning," ULlwai rpal , November 13,1967, 31,, 'Hotel Letter Tells Group City is Safe," MJlw; October 10, I967, p. 3.

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156 Another major cconanic tactic was "Black Christmas." Milwaukee Negroes were urged by Father Groppi and the Youth Council to abstain fran purchasing Christmas presents and decorations or at least to buy them only fran Negro merchants. Apparently most Negroes caiiplied with the directive not to buy at all, although some complained that the Youth 32 Council Commandos used threats and forceful measures to gain compliance. Undoubtedly this boycott made a noticeable dent in davntcwn Milwaukee 33 Christmas business, and it is a fact that eventually many Milwaukee businessmen became more favorable to passage of a housing law. Hdvever, it seems to ha/e Ireen Negro businessmen who suffered real disaster fran the 34 Christmas boycott; a boycott of only v;hite merchants would have been a far more telling tactic. Boycotts and similar economic pressures have been standard tactics in prolonged civil rights campaigns since tlie success of the 1955 bus 35 boycott in Montgomery, Alabama directed by Martin Luther King, Jr. King felt tiiat v;hile economic pressures did get sane quick results, permanent persuasive success depended upon convincing most people to approve of civil rights goals for moral and altruistic reasons. King felt this v/ould be accaiipl i shed by associating the civil rights campaigners ^ "Black Scrooge," llllueJilefi.JiejiLLnpJ-, Decanber 19, 1967, p. 12; "Inner Core Shrouds Glitter of Christmas," and "Arson Attempts Made at Two Decorated Homes," Milwaukee Journa l , December 19, 196"/, p. 2k. ^^"Rlark Srrnnge," Mi1ws:iukee Sentinel, December 19, 1967, p. 12. "Negro Merchants Lose Plea on Yule Boycott," Milwaukee Journal , December 17,1967, p. 3. ^Martin Luther King, Jr., Strjde Inward Freedom (Nav York: Harper and Rav, 1964), pp. 53-71; Martin Luther King, Jr., WJiy Wg Cgn'J: WqJt (New York: New American Library, 1964), pp. 78-0O.

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157 and their goals v/ith already accepted American cultural values such as equality before tlie law, humanitarian treatment, the right of peace" ful assaiibly, and (particularly in the religious sphere) the idea of creative suffering. in addition to the utility of these as moti" vational concepts, strong association of the civil rights campaigners with these concepts would mean that the campaigners must be accepted as "in"group" Americans. Those who continued to treat the campaigners as an "out~group" undeserving of basic American rights would experience strong feelings of guilt. Hopefully they would relieve these guilt feelings by acceding to the civil rights advocates' requests. King's famous "non~viol ence" stress was a part of the guilt" creation strategy. He pointed out that as long as the Negro acted peacefully and with dignity hev/ould succeed gradually in putting himself in the "In"group" category of mainstream America in the minds of his American white audience and would eventually move ta-jard accomplishment of his goals, Hcwever, to become violent v-vould be to undo past and projected civil rights gains. Violent Negro actions would give the resisting white an escape; it would give him a defense mechanism 37 for ignoring Negro pleas for equality. The resisting white could then categorize the civil rights advocates as lawless, subversive, or even as communistic. Hence, these Negroes would be unAmcrican and as manbers of such an "out"group" not entitled to fair, equal, or humane treatment. The social -psychol og ical study of defense mechanisms. 3 / King, Why We Can't Wait , pp. 92-95. ^'^King, Whv We Can't V/ail, pp. 36-/1O.

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158 particularly in the realm of utilizing "in"group" and "out"group" cl ass i ricat ions, supports Dr. King's analysis as being most slira/d and 5 o accurate. There is one other major facet of King's strategy which should be considered for the purpose of caiiparison with the Milv/aukee open liousing campaign. In his addresses, King stressed the value of a full extension of equal rights not only to the Negro but to all other denied Americans, as well, in other v/ords, lie stressed that the civil rights struggle is the struggle to fulfill American ideals; therefore, it will unify and strengthen American society and enoble all who work 39 tc/;ard its fulfillment. Through tlnis tactic, the resistant white audience is presented w i th a pos i t ive mot ivat lonal concept, intr ins ical I y connected V'jith the propos 1 1 ion, prov iding the reinforcement of benefits to them for favoring the desired course of action. This tactic also creates a "moral equivalent of war" concept of action which should be highly satisfying and productive of a cooperative attitude. The creating of a "moral equivalent of viav" was discussed in Chapter !V in regard to Roosevelt's First Inaugural. King also felt that his guilt-creation strategy would be facilitated if he could win Influential civic and religious leaders to his cause early in the campaign. The discussion in Chapter ill of the role of "opinion leaders" in winning the general public or a set of general publics to causes promoted by mass persuasion techniques supports the efficacy of this tactic. •3 O Hans Toch, The S oci al Psyc Jobbs -Merrill Co., 1965), pp. ^6-57. y /ement s (New York: 3 ZiO ^ King, Stride Tavard Freedon, pp. 83-88. U.-.J^. , pp. 175-86.

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139 Since King's strategy has been Illuminated and supported as a sound one, it can be used as a canparative yardstick in looking at the housing advocates' approach in canparable areas. The use of civic, business, and particularly religious figures as "opinion leaders" was realized to a considerable extent in the Milwaukee campaign. During the middle and later phases the ranks of the nightly marchers were swelled v/ith Catholic nuns and priests and representatives of the Protestant clergy. On October 26,196?, a statement v/as published in the Mi Iwaukee Journal supporting the goal of a city open housing ordinance and critical of the Mayor's position of inaction until an ordinance should be enacted by half of Milwaukee's suburbs. The prominent Milv;aukee area clergymen who signed it were: Catholic Archbishop W i 1 1 iam Cousins, Rabbi Dudl cy Weinberg, Episcopal Bishop Donald Hal lock, Methodist Bishop Ralph .J. Alton, Rev. Theodore Matson, President of the Wisconsin-Upper Michigan Synod of the Lutheran Church of America, Rev. V/illiam Longbrake, Chief Executive of the Wisconsin Presbyterian Synod, Rev. Chris Lawson, Executive Minister of the Wisconsin Baptist State Convention, Rev. Roy Al bersworth. Presiding Minister of the Southeast Wisconsin Association of the United Church of Christ, and Rev. Myron Sustinson, President of Southern Wisconsin h] District of the American Lutheran Church. In addition, most of the signers of the statement of support also subscribed to a "Friend of the Court Brief," supporting the American Civil Liberties Union, which sought to have declared unconstitutional an "Needed Nav Clerics Insist," Milwaukee Sentinel , October 26, 1967, p. 2.

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160 attempt to provide a referendum to be held in the April, 1968, Milwaukee hi city election. The referendum was a counter"tact ic of opponents of an open housing law. It stated that, "The Milwaukee Canmon Council shall not enact any ordinance which in any manner restricts the right of owners to sell, lease, or rent private property." This referendum was approved by council maiibers as a voting issue on November 29, because by November h, 27,'^f73 signatures had been affixed to a petition requesting such a referendum. This was 2,612 signatures above what was required by law. Hcv/ever, on March k, 1968, Federal Judge Robert Tehan ruled the referendum unconstitutional. The group v;hich solicited signatures was the Milwaukee Citizen's ^3 Civic Voice. The referendum was the main means of counLer~protest used by the Civic Voice Group. Hcvever, they also conducted several counter"marches in which they vjere joined by "Operation Crescent," a Chicago property a-vner's association. The Civic Voice group was headed by Father Russell Witon, Chaplain of St. Alphonsus Hospital in Port Washington, about 20 miles nortli of Milv;aukee, and Philip Johnson, a hk real estate salesman. The proposed referendum was not the only noticeable counter to the housing advocates. Many Catholics and Lutherans v;ere c^uite incensed with the official policies of their churches in supporting the liousing "Clergymen Fight Ballot on Housing," Milwaukee Jom nal , January 10, 1968, p, 2. ^3 "Petitions May Bring Housing Bias Vote," Milw .~t November 5, 1967, p. 1. hk "Southsiders Picket V/rong Home/' MiU\>aukee Journal j December 7, 1967, p, 3.

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161 campaign. These two denominations canpose approximately two-tliirds of the church affiliated population of Milwaukee, A number of priests especially from the Polish souths ide and suburban areas, were adamant in their condannat ions of Father Groppi. The most notable of these was Father Laurence Brey, pastor of St. Rita's Church in V/est All is. In a letter to the AlUwaukgt? -Journal, Father Brey went so far as to state that Father Groppi and his followers were advocating "a question" able and pink social gospel," A great number of Milwaukee Catholics exerted pressure upon i' Archbishop V/illiam Cousins to speak out in condemnation of Father Groppi 's activities or at least to transfer him to another area. The Archbishop made several announcements refusing to condemn or remove Father Groppi. Mavcver, the Archbishop had a rhetorical problem in that his supposedly clearcut statements in support of Father Groppi sounded vague and ambivalent. Perhaps this ambival ence was due to tension' rather than lack of whole-hearted endorsement for on June 27, 1968, the Archbishop made this remark: Father Groppi was the main factor in making the people of Milwaukee realize that theirs is a conservative, prejudiced city. Jim Groppi has done more than any combination of groups and his was a single-handed housing victory in Milwaukee. That man is doing the job that I don't have the guts to. The Archbishop did add, however, tfiat he felt Father Groppi was lacking in public relations finesse and that he did not always approve ^5. Religious Survey," iiiiwiIiilNSi2_^lQUai3l, June I, 1968, p. 16. Letters to the Ed i tor ," iiLlvtaiitLae.J.QUI-JLa_L, October 25, 1967, p. 1 2.

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162 of Father Groppi's tactics. Then In his typically ambivalent phrasing, the Archbishop added, "We can see the problem that lies behind the man. Let us not apologize for vihat vie are doing, but let us find better ways of doing it," Many Catholics who were disappointed that the Archbishop did not accede to their demands decided to protest further by w i thiiolding financial contributions to the Church, A report published in the Milwaukee Journal on June 20, 1968, indicated that in 1968, Milwaukee Catholics contributed $188,228 less than they had in 1967 to the Archbishop's Charities and Development Fund, An even more revealing statistic was that only 112,000 out of a possible total of 190,000 Catholic income receivers in the archdiocese contributed. There was quite noticeable dissention over the housing issue among Lutherans also. A number of Lutheran pastors wrote a letter published in the Milwaukee Journal critical of their church's official position in support of an open housing lav;, A group of Lutheran laymen went so far as to send letters to the City Council, the state Attorney General, and the Federal Bureau of Internal Revenue, stating that their church should lose its tax exempt status since it was . . 50 engaging in political activities. ^7 "Cousins Hails Groppi's Stand," Milwaukee Journal, July 27, 1968, p. 6. 48 "Catholic Fund Takes a Big Drop," Milwaukee Journal , June 20, 1968, p. 7. "V/ill Perish by the Sword," Milwaukee Journa l, February 17, 1968, p. 12, "Urge City to Tax Churches in Politics," li i,lvjaj Lks.g_J.OU r.nai, December 19, 1967, p. 7.

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163 The various counter-protests indicate sizeable and highly vocal opposition during the campaign. Perhaps the counter-protests viere also indicative of twinges of guilt as several civic, business, and religious leaders sided with the housing advocates, if the open housing advocates could have continued and nurtured more strongly this feel ing, they might have broken davn the defense mechanisms of their opponents. Then, in order to eliminate feelings of cognitive dissonance, defined and discussed in Chapter IV, the opponents v^ould have been more willing to change their attitude on open housing. Havever, Father Groppi, Mrs, Phillips, and their folla»/ers generally failed to capitalize on possible germinal feelings of guilt, relying instead on self-interest and threat appeals. In fact. Father Groppi 's approach would actually be useful to those searching for defense mechanisms to mitigate feelings of guilt. It is true he did make some attempts at generating feelings of guilt by trying to create the image of his follo/zers as Christ-like martyrs, and indicting those opposed to the campaign as "Pharisees." But Father Groppi 's frequent espousal of violence made the preceding images seem less convincing. The fol laving are samples of Father Groppi 's statements on violence. On November 31, 1967, speaking at the First Congregational Church in Madison, Wisconsin, Father Groppi said that he was willing to discuss the effectiveness of violence as a tactic but would refuse to condemn it on moral grounds. James Groppi, address at a rally held at St, Boniface Catholic Church, Milwaukee, V/isconsin, September 13, 1967.

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164 He further added, "The young black man who is Frustrated and angry by [5_Lc] the political structure -and who picked up a brick and 52 attacked a gyp merchant — that man is a freedom fighter," Father Groppi made similar remarks In an address at the University of Illinois on April 2, 1968, as these excerpts show: "1 do not see ha-v we can avoid further violence in the nation this summer." "Morally and ethically I have no problems whatsoever," [about justifying violence]. He added in referring to H, Rap Bro/Jn's comment that violence was as American as cherry pie, "I have no quarrel with that at all. It's the truth." In the same address. Father Groppi charged that Milwaukee was run like a police state. He said of Mayor Maier, "The only man who 53 can beat Mayor Maier is [former Alabama] Governor George Wal 1 ace." These latter statements shcv/ Father Groppi 's tendency to intensify "out-groupings" and polarizations of opposing attitudes instead of trying to find points of Identification v;hlch would unify dissident groups. A furtlier comparison can be made between Martin Lutlier King's overall strategy and the Milwaukee campaign. Father Groppi 's manner of making a rigid separation between the iiouslng martyrs and the "Pharisees," who seemed to be everyone not actively working In support r o James Groppi, address given, at First Congregational Church, Madison, Wisconsin, November 31, 1967. James Groppi, address given at University of Illinois, Chicago, 111 Inois, April 2, 1968.

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165 of the campaign, and his condoning of violence tcv/ard the "Pharisees," was opposed to the helpful technique of portraying tlio demonstrators as working in actuality for the betterment of society in general. In otiier words, King's approach was geared to blurring "out"group" distinctions and the achieving of identification on a noN level, v;hile Father Groppi tended to create sharper "in-group," "out-group" d ichotom i es. Despite the failure of the campaign leaders to use sane of the best available means of persuasion, they kept the eyes of the city and even of the nation focused on the issue througli the daily rallies and marches, and the various economic pressures cited. For the fifth time on September 19, 1967, Mrs. Vel Phillips proposed that a city open housing ordinance stronger than the state law be adopted. She cited the $20,000 a day cost of extra police and the nation-wide bad publicity received by the city as major reasons for the Councilmen to act pranptly. The response of the Council was to deliberate for months over her proposal, until they prepared to vote on December 13, 1967. In voting, the Council had a choice of voting for Mrs, Phillips's all-inclusive housing law, the Mayor's proposal which was a copy of Mrs. Phillips', except that it would not go into effect until also ratified by sixteen suburbs, and a compromise bill by Alderman Clarence Miller which was a carbon copy of the state law. It was Alderman Miller's bill which became law by a thirteen to six vote of the council. Mrs. Phillips Vel Phillips, address given to Milwaukee City Council, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, September 19, 1968, p. 3,

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166 voted against the Miller proposal. Commentators on both sides said that the ne--; ordinance had really settled nothing. its only improvement over the state law, covering only a third of all housing cases, was that the city rather than tiie state would enforce it, and supposedly 56 this would bring quicker action. Father Groppi and the Youth Council considered the Council action as meaning almost total defeat for their cause, and they kept up the rallies and marches as usual. Months later, heartened by the passage of a federal open housing law covering close to eighty percent of all housing, Mrs. Phillips proposed another all-inclusive law for Milwaukee in a Council meeting on April 12, 1968. Though Mrs. Phillips began by asking for an allinclusive lav, she expected passage of nothing stronger than a restatement of the new federal law. Consequently, it was a surprise to her and tlie other campaigners when the Council voted twelve to seven in favor of a law stronger than the federal one in two respects. The city law was to take immediate effect v^/hile most passages of the federal lav v/ould not be applied until 1970. in the city law also, discrimination in housing of three or more units was prohibi tedjwhereas, in the federal law only housing of four or more units was covered. The only other exception to both tlie Milv^aukee and federal lav related to sales of single family dwellings handled by the owners themselves. Two factors of special interest in the voting were that four of Milwaukee's six 55, "Limited Housing Law Approved by Council," Milwaukee Journal , December 13, 1967, p. 1. Lb. id.. 57 ^'"80 March on Nortliside," Mi IwaukQe -Journa],, December 13, 1967, p. 1 "Strong Housing Law Approved by Aldermen," Milwaukee •Journal. ^ May 1, 1968, p. 1.

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167 souths Ide Aldermen voted for the ordinance and all seven of Mi lv;aul
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168 fact that now there was a strong federal law anyvjay must have been other major reasons for the changed voting pattern of the Council, There was also a great deal of personal rhetoric in the Form of plione calls, letters, and visits from constituents to the Council members. Alderman Mark Ryan commented in this manner: In my four years as an assanblyman and four years as an alderman, I've never had anywhere near as many communications on an Issue as on this. To say there's quite a bit of pressure is an understatement, Ryan added that he had received more correspondence on open housing than on all the other legislation he has voted on in the last eight years. Alderman Martin Schreiber, president of tlie Council until April, made similar caiiments. Alderman Rod Lanser reported a large volume of calls, many of them abusive, since becoming chairman, of the council's judiciary subcommittee, (Schrieber and Lanser favored a housing ] a^j and Ryan did not.) Members of the Council who served on the judiciary subcommittee which studied different types of housing laws tended to shift their attitudes toward favor of a strong law. Miller, Schreiber, and Lanser changed from non-supporters to strong supporters after serving on the special canmittee, Mrs, Phillips was a member of this committee all during the campaign, so perhaps her rhetorical appeals there were more fully developed than her messages to the full Council. These Judiciary "Housing Bias Struggle Opens Eyes of Citizens," Mi 1w?uk^fi-J.0'.irnal., DecoTiber 20, 1967, p. 2.

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169 subccmrnittee meetings were secret, so like the rlietoric of the jury rooin, what went on there will remain a mystery. In summary of the liistorical and rhetorical events of the Milv/aukee campaign, it appeared that a substantial victory was won by the open housing advocates on April 30, 1968. This victory was quite a surprise even to the leaders of the campaign, and it is difficult to ascertain the precise reasons for this success although some probable ones have been offered. Ho/v much rank"and"f i 1 e public opinion had actually changed by April 30, is undetermined. Havever, the critical theory applied to the campaign is based on the assumption that outvyard measures of message effect are not needed to validate assessments based on the criteria contained tlierein. A precise measure of public opinion as the campaign began is undetermined, and that does present a problem in making definitive assessments. There are, havever, several indicators that the Milwaukee audience was largely hostile to the idea of open housing. There was v/idespread vocal opposition to a housing law, and the formation of various groups attempting to counter the housing advocates also indicated staunch opposition, Milwaukee's souths ide had been totally segregated and Milv/aukee's suburbs with two Negi'oes per 67 100 people \-jere the most segregated in the world. With that general understanding of the audience in mind, the nev; critical framev^ork can be used in tenatively assessing to what extent the housing advocates used the best available means of persuasion, (Various individual facets 67 Groppi, H u mcinist, p. 3.

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170 of the campaign have been assessed earlier in the chapter. In tliis concluding section the major criteria of the new theory will be applied in assessing the total campaign.) The immediate goal of the campaigners was to win passage of a city open housing law with as few restrictions as possible. To make this goal effective over a period of time, the campaigners would need to persuade most of their audience to believe in open housing. These receivers would then support the law rather than trying to find loopholes; they would treat blacks decently when they might become neighbors in a formerly all"vjliite area. Generally tlie whole population of Milwaukee was treated as the audience in this campaign, and the foregoing discussion indicates why this was necessary. At times, however, the Milwaukee City Council was treated as a special aud ience v; i thin the larger one with some tactics specifically aimed at this subgroup. In addition, the general public v;as encouraged to send messages to the Council to try to influence them. Tactics specifically geared to the Council have been discussed and assessed previously. In this concluding section the assessment will be based on the city'wide audience as it was the one necessary to long range success of the rhetorical goal. In effect, what the critic is saying here is that considering the real goal, the probable effect of the campaign on the city"widc audience is what is significant. What a small subgroup of that audience did in the immediate context under specialized pressures is not the significant measure of the campaign's degree of success. With tiie goal and audience of the Milwaukee campaign clarified, the nav critical framework regarding Factors necessary to successful

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171 persuasion, especially as relating to mass canpaigns, will be applied to make final assessments of the campaign. It should be pointed out that although in the Milwaukee campaign a series of messages were conveyed through a variety of canmunlcat ion channels; these produce a CQiipos i te message consisting of the proposition and its supporting motivational concepts. After the critic has studied the campaign he can reconstruct this composite message and make it the focus of his assessments. If there are any serious barriers to perception of tlie overall campaign message, these must be provided for before anything else can be accaiipl ished. in Milwaukee as elsewhere where the issue of open housing has been raised, there was widespread fear that as open housing would become established, and neighborhoods integrated, the real estate values of many white property avners would decrease significantly. Such a fear would likely indispose a receiver from concentrating on any message favorable to open housing. Therefore, early in the campaign, the open housing advocates should have concentrated on refuting this motivational concept harmful to their cause. As it was, they did not concern themselves v;ith it at any point in the campaign. Even those who were unafraid because they did not believe property values would decrease, or because they themselves were not property avncrs or because they placed ackno/vl edged property values in a position of preference laver than other values, v^ould not become actively concerned over the Issue unless they v;ere sha-vn that such concern would be of value to them. For some individuals, the Inducetient of sympathy for ghetto dwellers who they could cid would be enough to motivate their concern.

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172 For oLhers, self-interest appeals such as ways the na-; housing pattern would actually strengthen the caiimunity or fatten their pocket books, v/ould be necessary. The efficacious development of both sel f -interes t and altruistic appeals would be best as it v/ould motivate concern from people of divergent value orientations. Early in the campaign, Mrs. Phillips made attempts to connect the housing campaign intrinsically with both these major lines of argument, but soon she abandoned these lines of development in Favor of threat appeals not intrinsically related to the housing issue. Even when appealing to these better soLU'ces for motivation, she did not detail them sufficiently to be effective. Other open housing advocates seemed oblivious to the need for generating audience motivation. Instead their approach seeined to be, "Listen to v;hat v^/e say and be concerned merely because we say so, or because we are going to revolt if you do not listen." Hence, early in the campaign, many listeners failed to attend to the message because they had not been motivated to be concerned. Closely related to the two major perceptual flaws not adequately provided for was a third probl em,wh ich developed later as the campaign progressed. Those who did not v/ant to listen to the housing advocate's message either due to fear or apathy, but v/ho realized that progressively louder agitation on the issue was taking place, v;ould probably seek defense mechanisms. These defenses vjould provide than an excuse for tuning out the campaigners and their ideas. Sane of the campaigners actually aided tliese resistors in finding such defense mechanisms. Father Groppi 's frequent espousal of violence made it easy to categorize the campaigners as an "oufgroup" oF criminals and subversives, undeserving

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173 of fair, humane treatment. Several of the tv;enty coTiniandos who headed the N.A.A.C.P. Youth Council became engaged in illegal activities. Two oF them were convicted of theft charges, another was arrested in a barroom brawl, and still another shot a fifteen year old Negro boy at the Youth Council Freedom House. On another occasion, stolen goods were found in the Youth Council Freedon House. Still another barrier to Full and favorable perception of the campaigners overall message and/or its chief canponents was created because oF the threat nature of the chief motivational concepts used. This barrier v-^ill be elaborated further after motivational concept selection and usage are assessed. The three criteria for suitable motivational concept usage are these: (l) The audience should be strongly conditioned to the concept, (2) The concept should orient receivers to/;ard the sam.e action area which the rhetor wishes transferred to the rhetorical proposition, and (3) The concept (s) should be intrinsically connected to the proposition so that self-persuasion and, hence, true, behavioral change, will occur. The major motivational concepts developed were fear of economic loss due to consumer boycotts and cancelled conventions, fear of bad publicity to the city, concern over high cost to the city for added police protection for marchers, fear of continued tension and lack of harmony in the city due to protest agitation, ard the threat that M i Iwaukee wou 1 d lose its chance for another baseball team. In addition, endorsements had been elicited from the leaders of 68 "Civil Rights Drive," Milwauke e Jo urnal , July 31, 1968, p. 1,

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major religious groups as vvel 1 as from some civic officals for the passage of an open housing law. All of these except motivational connections with religious reference group and with civic leaders are coercive appeals. These threat appeals meet the first two criteria; they do move receivers tavard a previously conditioned action of conformity or acceptance. in fact when applied, they lead to an acceptance of any issue because the receiver's response is only a conditioning to tlie threat stimulus. This motivational concept (the threat) is not in turn conditioned to the proposition supporting open housing; these threats could not be so conditioned. There is no logical generalization of connection between threats and an acceptance of open housing. Hence, receivers would not really internalize the idea of acceptance of open housing and related reforms as acceptable forms of behavior. Previous analysis of the full implication of the proposition shavs, however, that true persuasion rather than forced compl iance v/as needed. There were mot ivat ional appeals available thatv^ould likely have provided a true intrinsic connection for persuasive cond i t ion ing, but they were overlooked or v;ere cited but not developed. The campaigners might have developed positive appeals to sympathetic understanding. Giving vivid, deta i 1 ed descriptions of life in the ghetto and conducting tours of the glietto as was done after tlie official campaign could have been aids in building motivational concepts of this nature. Symbol manipulations of a broad nature could also hdve aided In developing this type of motivational concept. The campaigners did attempt symbol manipulation in respect to one of the major terms used In the campaign. They made a significant first step tckiard the building of a motivational

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175 concept of justice by terming their goal fair housing rather than referring to open hous ing as did those having a neutral or only si ightly interested position for or against the issue. Vehement opponents tried to counter this symbol manipulation by complaining about the attempt to get a law passed establishing fo rced h o using . Through detailing of ghetto conditions and the plight of its dwellers the terms cLLeiJjQ and Milwaukee Negroes might have been re~labeled in a manner encouraging more definite and favorable action tabard these entities. The avoidance of scandal and the early initiation of constructive projects such as tutoring and bi-racial study groups would have permitted more favorable labeling of the N „A,A„C , P. Youth _£gUILG.iJ-. Additional motivational concepts with the potential for Intrinsic connection v\/ith the -propos 1 1 ion can be cited. The campaigners might have developed a motivational concept based on the thane of identification betv/een black and white by shaving that the extension of freedom of one part of society strengthens the whol e society. intrinsic appeals to economic sel f "interest could have been used instead of creating artificial economic pressures such as boycotts, which can have a "boomerang effect." The advocates might have shavn graphically ha.j ranoval of housing discrimination and other inequalities would reduce wel fare and crime costs to a degree that would be felt by each taxpaying citizen and would enable the city to provide other benefits to all its residents. These positive lines of conditioning would also lead to a more accurate perception of the advocate's entire array of rhetorical appeals and tactics, since audience members who are angry or fearful do not perceive what is communicated in the V'vay the persuader intended, even if they are induced to listen to the message.

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176 If the foregoing types of motivational concepts meeting all three criteria had been selected, strongly connected to the proposition, and presented in a manner to encourage accurate perception, the aud lence vjould be likely to have undergone self-persuasion. Receivers vjould have made this type of labeling response, "I should support open liousing as it is truly the best course of action in the long run." This labeling included a favorable judgment tcvard the proposition, so the receiver would act out the proposition. Without further reinforcement the receiver so sel f "persuaded v\/ould internalize and continue to support this proposition over a period of time. Moreover, he v\;ould support the spirit as well as tlie letter of it. Because the motivational concepts selected did not lend themselves to intrinsic connections effecting self-persuasion, the most frequent receiver label ings would have approximated these, "Resist open housing as long as possible," or "l/hen positively forced I will observe the letter of the 1 a-j on open housing, otherwise I will ignore or resist it, and will certainly opposed related civil riglvts reforms." The following observation by psychologist, Albert Bandura, amplifies why tlie motivational appeals and resultant labeling induced in the Milwaukee campaign would not lead most receivers to internalize a new attitude toward open housing. Although Bandura is referring specifically to psychiatric patients, they are ones who have reached the stage of caiimun icat ion vv/ith the psychiatrist; hence, their reactions to reinforcement and extinction are comparable to those of "normal" people; it is merely the areas of action to be modified which are different. Although punishment may lead to the rapid disappearance of socially disapproved behavior, its effects are far

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177 more conplex. If a person is punished for sane socially disapproved habit, the impulse to perform the act becomes through its association w ith punishment, a stimulus for anxiety. This anxiety then motivates competing responses which, if sufficiently strong prevent the occurrence of, or inhibit the disapproved behavior. Inhibited responses may not, haN/ever, thereby lose their strength and may reappear in situations where the threat of punishment is weakero Several other factors point to the futility of punishment as a means of correcting many antisocial patterns. The threat of punishment is very likely to elicit conformity. Indeed the patient may obligingly do whatever he is told to do in order to avoid further difficulties. This does not mean, ha\/ever, that he has acquired a set of sanctions that will be of service to him once he is outside the treatment situation. In fact, rather than leading to the development of internal controls, such methods are likely only to increase the patient's reliance on external restraints. Moreover, under these conditions, the majority of patients will develop the attitude that they will do only what they are told to do and then only half-heartedly and that they vi\]] do as they please once they are free fron supervision. In add it ion 'pun ishment may serve only to intensify hostility and other negative motivations and, thus, may further instigate the antisocial person to display the very behaviors that the punishment was intended to bring under control . 69 The preceding quotation sums up quite succinctly what was wrong with the motivational concepts and lines of conditioning in the campaign. On the basis of such f 1 avjs in respect to these two crucial entities in the process of successful persuasion, receivers could not have been conditioned to internalize the long range behavior called for in the proposition. This is the main reason v;hy the critic assesses the formal campaign as a failure despite passage of three open housing lows. The 6P 'Albert Bandura, "Psychotherapy as a Learning Process," in iiuiliail Learning 5t ijdiQ.S-J.xteMijiaJIoadJllQi.u'jif i Prin c i ples tCLiLomp.l.gA BehayLor: , ed. by Arthur Staats (New York: Holt, Rinehort and Winston, Inc., 196^), p. 480-81.

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178 best utilization of varied communication channels and'bpinlon leaders" was also not achieved. As earlier discussion indicated, the campaign message and supporting motivational concepts were predominantly conveyed through non~verbal means of publication, chiefly varieties of "di recfact ion" techniques. Fotheringham has cited two distinct uses for "d 1 recfact Ion" in long range persuasive efforts. First, "direct" action" can be used to generate tension and create In receivers a willingness to attend to folla;-up messages in the hope that the messages will indicate to then v/ays of ending the tension. This usage normally is applied in the early, attention-getting stage of the campaign. Second, these techniques can be used to convey definite messages, normally the proposition and supporting motivational concepts. The open housing advocates used "direct-action" primarily to create tension. At least their techniques were generally perceived as tension tactics. Perhaps more event-messages were intended than were actually received. If the non"verbal events had been interpreted more frequently and in a more expanded manner through follav-up messages conveyed through either speeches or the print media more frequent and more effective event"messages may have emerged. This over-emphasis on the ron-verbal is characteristic of most contemporary campaigns and is perhaps a flaw In most of them. A good way to follcw up event-messages through another communication channel, and to reach more people on a level tliat might facilitate selfpersuasion, would be fuller use of "opinion leaders." Various civic and religious leaders were induced to give their support to the open-housing campaign; those so induced gave sweeping endorsancnts in statements to

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1 79 the press or in navspaper advertisements. Tliese "opinion leaders" might also have directed study or discussion groups v^;ith mciiibers of the reference groups they represented. Througli fuller discussion and debate of the issue, motivational concepts more conducive to true persuasion could have been isolated and promoted by these "opinion leaders," Also as the result of a great number of small discussion groups, many other M i Iwaukeeans would becane sel f "persuaded and could in turn becQiie new "opinion leaders" v;ho might influence friends, neighbors, and relatives not exposed to any formal study group. As the formal campaign ended there v-yere some attanpts to form bi~ racial study groups and tours of the ghetto. It is unfortunate that these projects were not started early in the formal campaign. The attent ion~gett ing phase of marches and rallies vnthout constructive follo.v-up projects and significant ut 11 i zat ion of other conmunlcatlon media lasted too long. In fact tiiis stage caiiprised almost the entire campaign. The second stage of developing more moderate concrete programs, which should be the chief stage of a campaign, v;as barely developed until the end when it merged with the third stage in which the campaigners began forming into an institutional group to carry on a variety of related projects. If the third stage continues to develop projects reaching significant numbers of people, perhaps a great many Mi Ivjaukeeans can be sel f -persuaded to Internalize attitudes favorable to open housing and related reforms. The formal campaign, hcv/ever, was not carried on in a manner suitable to this persuasive goal. An additional factor may aid in the self-persuasion of more Mi Iwaukeeans now that the formal campaign has ended. Because many

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1 80 residents are forced to comply with a law they do not inwardly accept, they vn 1 1 experience cognitive dissonance. Seme of these will deal with their inner tension by actively seeking information and motivational concepts facilitating sel f -persuas Ion in the direction of internalized acceptance of open housing. But the campaign itself could have facilitated tliis internalization directly. Moreover, people iiighly alienated by the campaign would resist acceptance of open Iiousing as their strategy For dealing v/ith cognitive dissonance. The formal campaign must be assessed as not well "handled in respect to its full, long range goals. As it stands now, the campaign benefited Milwaukee Negroes in ways other than the major ones the campaigners had intended. Undoubtedly, the campaign participation gave Milwaukee Negroes a means of tension release and a sense of community participation. Perhaps the unusually peaceful reaction to the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. in contrast with the reaction in other cities of comparable size and racial unrest, sliav/tliat this was a value realized by the campaign. The continued efforts of the Youth Council in promoting related projects will undoubtedly benefit the city in the long run, yet these activities may never have been attempted if there had been no campaign. Still it would have been better if the major goals of the open housing advocates could have been realized during the actual campaign through more suitable motivational concepts, better handling of perceptual blocks, more use of verbal communications, and fuller use of 'bpinion leaders." This critic believes that the value of applying the critical theory with the added dimensions suggested here, to the Milwaukee open iious ing

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131 campaign was four'Fold. The overall assessment that the goal of true persuasion was not reached despite passage of three housing laws is undoubtedly different from the assessment that would be made by traditional critics who tend to judge the immediate out\'^ard attainment of major desired effects as indicative of successful persuasion. The na-J theory also enabled a better structuring of the criticism with assessment of the conditioning of motivational concepts as the unifying feature of the overall evaluation. Moreover, factors peculiar to mass campaigns such as campaign stages, mul t i""channel s , "opinion leaders," and use of non-verbal tactics v;ere treated. Another striking feature was the full e;
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CHAPTER VI I CONCLUS ION The purpose of this study has been to develop a framewoi-k for rhetorical cr i t icism vjhich can serve as a supplement or an alternate to the "Neo-Ar istotel ian" mode dominating critical efforts heretofore. The latter mode has served rhetors and critics vjel 1 for over 2500 years, and seme of the insights it offers regarding forms of logical argument and regarding reacting listeners' psychology of emotions are far superior to the treatment of these topics in modern v^orks. The best criticism, though, in any time, will be produced by the most thorough and creative critics, quite apart from the particular critical systems they employ. Nevertheless, s ince Ar is totl e wrote the Rhetoric , a number of significant principles, particularly in tlie academic areas of sociology and psychology have been formulated v/hich shed new light on what is involved in the effecting of persuasion as well as what should be considered in generating discriminating appraisal of rhetorical efforts. A revised critical system based on the more significant of these principles can further guide rhetorical critics in a material way as they analyze and evaluate attempts to persuade. The expanded framev-jork developed in this study posits assoc iat ional conditioning as the core of the rhetorical process in every persuasive event. Neither the "Neo-Ar is totel ian" nor any other framework for 182

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1 83 explicating or assessing persuasive efforts posits associat ional conditioning or any other such single factor as required for the success of any persuasive attempt. Components figuring prominently in this frame.vork, such as symbol manipulations, motivational concepts, learning factors, and perceptual considerations, are components which have appeared in other theories to guide rhetors and/or critics of rhetorical efforts. The particular patterning of these canponents, ho.-yever, and the resulting relative stress accorded sane of them culminates in a rhetorical theory significantly modified in respect to its sources of derivation. Being an eclectic theory validated in terms of the most current research in attitude formation, the modified rhetorical theory provides a sharper and more authoritative guide to the core principles universal to all instances of successful persuasion, than has been the case previously. Stemming from the expanded rhetorical theory is a more serviceable critical fram&vork. The statement that the patterning of elements has produced both a significantly modified persuasion theory and an expanded critical theory should be amplified. To accomplish the main task of this study, development of an improved critical framevjork, two subordinate tasks had to be undertaken. Tlie goal of the rhetorical critic is to assess to what degree a given instance of persuasive attempt reflects the standards of rhetorical excellence. In order to make such an assessment, the critic must possess in his a-,'n mind a clear sense of what does constitute rhetorical excellence. Hence, the first task subordinate -Len.C.e. is defined as the making of the best choices of purpose and of strategy and tactics for achieving the purpose, considering the possible alternatives open to the rhetor in the given

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184 to development of an improved critical theory was the delineation of a theory featuring caiiponents necessary to the effecting of persuasion. After these factors viere Isolated and patterned, in order to define the process for achieving persuasion, the criteria constituting persuasive excellence could be inferred. The components of the per" suasion theory were isolated after considering at length factors required for the formation or modification oF attitudes; these had been hypothesized by social scientists and tested for accuracy by them in numerous carefully controlled contemporary experiments. These caiiponents therefore, represent the thinking of kna/ledgeable scholars regarding attitude formation. Havever, to provide a further test of the relevance of these components and especially to test and illustrate the usage of the caiiponents when criteria derivative of them are applied in rhetorical criticism, several sample criticisms were presented. This testing activity, subordinate to development of the critical framavork, vyas carried out most extensively in the analysis and evaluation of the Milwaukee open housing caoipaign occurring between August, 1967, and April, 1968. A whole chapter was devoted to the campaign since it was a most caiiplex persuasive event, covering a time span of eight months and employing a variety of coTimun icat ion channels for conveyance of the basic campaign message. In addition to this, several speeches were assessed. These pertained to a variety of issues; they also represented situation. If the critic understands the general process involved in all successful attempts to persuade, he can assess to what degree a given rhetor met these universal requirements and to what extent he implemented these requirements by selecting the best of the possible tactics available In the given situation.

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185 a variety of historical periods and events dating from the "Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death Address" of Patrick Henry in 1775, to the speech delivered to Congress by John Glenn after his orbital space flight in 1962. The criteria of the expanded theory were found applicable regard" less of the complexity of the persuasive event and regardless of v/iiether the message was conveyed primarily through speech, or print, or a non~ verbal mode of communication, or any combination of these. Special criteria for dealing vnth multiple canmun Icat ion channels and long range campaigns have been incorporated as part of the rhetorical and critical theories presented in this dissertation. These criteria were utilized in assessing the Milwaukee open housing campaign but were not applicable to the single speech events assessed. The major parts of this framework relate logically to and confirm the major components of the "Neo-Ar istoteljan" system. Hence, this framework can be vicvjed as an extension of the traditional framework, especially since vienng it as an extension would be most understandable and helpful to most practicing critics who incorporate "Neo~Ar istotel ian" precepts significantly or wholly Into their method. Major elements of this critical theory will be compared with related ones in the "Neo" Ar istotel ian" framavork. This ccnparlson will serve both to outline the resulting critical tlieory and to underscore ways in which it expands or supplements criteria canprising the "Neo-Ar is totel ian" system. The concept which represents the key canponent of the expanded rhetorical theory fran which the Improved criteria are derived is that of associat ional conditioning of appropriately selected motivational

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186 concepts to the rhetorical proposition, so that actions previously performed wi 1 1 be transferred or conditioned to the proposition. Motivational concepts include previously accepted beliefs, attitudes, needs, or areas of action t->pifying the audience; these are equivalent to the motivational appeals of the traditional "Meo-Ar is totel ian" framev^;or!<. Statements linking the motivational concept vnth the rhetorical proposition yield thought units approximating lines of argument found in the traditional system. In traditional theory, a limited number of lines of argument are listed and some are ranked as generally more effective than others. The theory presented here is based on the via-J that the number of possible motivational concepts is limitless and that the choice of the best ones varies from situation to situation "the nature of audience monbers ' previous experiences and the nature of the pioposition itself determine which out of an infinite number of motivational concepts would be the best ones to use. Hence, the sources for lines of argument are broadened immeasureabl y. In this expanded framavork, other features of the message such as symbol usage, perceptual considerations, and learning factors are considered in order to gauge ha-J successful the overall attempt to condition is likely to be or has been in a given situation. Hence, all major components relate to the conditioning process. This inter" relationship makes the modified frame.-/ork more tightly structured and more process-centered than the "Neo-Ar istotel ian" ai.-'proach inv;hich lines of argument are considered merely as one topic of importance to persuasion and only loosely connected with other considerations relating

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187 to the persuasive act. The more tightly organized critical framework should provide for better structured critical assessments. The f inner sense of process common to all instances of persuasion provides authori" tative criteria for assessing in a given situation vjhat possible means of persuasion could have been selected, and assessing which of tliese would have been best whether or not they were the means actually used. This dimension of cr i t icism v;as incorporated to a considerable extent in the criticism of the Milwaul
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188 as logically related lo the proposition, no conditioning will take place. Ha/ever, there is one exception in which seemingly inappropriate motivational concepts do r'esult in conditioning. These are cases in which coercive appeals are employed which are sufficiently threatening to the audience to move them to perform the action desired by the persuader? In this case, hcwever, the receiver are conditioned to the coercive appeal, not to the proposition itself. In other words, they are forced to ccrnply rather than being persuaded. Persuasion is a true internalization of belief in the proposition and can be termed, sel f ~ persuas ion , i.e., the behavioral response called for In the proposition will be applied by the receiver over a period of time to a variety of similor stimuli without further reinforcement fro-ii other communicators. Traditional theorists do not make a precise distinction betv/een persuasion and forced cci^ipl iance; it would be difficult for these "Neo-Ar istotel I ans" to do so because their persuasion franie^;ork does not stress the viewpoint 3 that persuasion is essentially the learning of a ne^; behavioral response. Lven the meeting of the three criteria for appropriate motivational coticept selection does not insure that conditioning leading to persuasion will occur. In addition to meeting the third criterion, choosing motivational concepts amenable to intrinsic, logical connect Ion w ith Two contemporary wri ters of persuasion texts, Bettinghaus and Pother ingham, do make a distinction between persuasion and compliance but do not detail it extensively. Bettinghaus' distinction seems especially close to the one made in this study. He says that persuasion involves cognitive change, whereas, compliance does not. See Erwin P. Bettinghaus, Persuasi ve Communi c ation (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., I968), p. 14. and Wallace C. Pother ingham, Ferspect ives on Persuasion (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1966), pp. ^6-^7.

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189 the proposition, the connection must in fact be made. And it must be made in a manner which is perceived by the receiver as logical. Factors of learning theory and symbol manipulation must be carefully utilized in making the connection clear and plausible to the audience. Finally, overall barriers to perception of the message, especially of tlie motivational concepts and their connections with the proposition, must be anticipated and provided for, if persuasion is to take place. In the traditional system there is much stress regarding the burden of argumentative proof upon a rhetor who promotes a view or course of action other than the status quo. The frame./ork discussed herein extends the burden of proof concept beyond consideration merely of logical disputation. It stresses Instead that there is a burden upon the rhetor to anticipate and provide for anything necessary to the successful presentation of his proposition. A successful conditioning process was previously discussed as a major area of consideration necessary to success. Accurate perception of message elements Is the second main area of consideration. Within perception there are two subcategories, physiological and psychological blocks to perception. The traditional framework does place sane stress upon physiological barriers to accurate message perception. The latter comprise an undeniably important consideration. However, the theory developed in this study details psychological barriers in a manner which adds significantly to the criteria for suitable message perception. Tv\/o major concerns v/ithin the area of psychological perception will be detailed here. Audience members may be blocked in tlielr overall perception of the rhetorical message because of extreme emotional

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190 tension. Those likely to be under such tension are persons facing a radical nav environment or who regard tlieiiisel ves always marginal members of the larger society due to minority group mombersliip. Others wlio have experienced severe shock or disappointment may be in a similar state of feeling intense fear, guilt, aggression, or self-hate. These receivers are especially likely to become overv;helmed by such feelings if the given rhetorical Issue reminds thetn of their source of frustration, as a speech on racial relations delivered to a Negro audience is likely to do. Featured here is a discussion of appropriate tensionrelease tactics which can be used to provide catharsis (release of emotional tensions) for disturbed audience members so they can be freed to attend to the message. The rlietor provides for tension-release by employing the scapegoating of either a tragic or a humorous object (generally a human being) to purge the disturbing emotions felt by' his audience. He projects the hated flaws of the receivers thanselves or of the group or Individual the audience hates on to the scapegoat object; then he destroys this object symbolically. There is much concern in traditional theory witli the refutation of views held by the aud I ence wh ich oppose the rhetor's purpose. The rhetor, havever, may have difficulty In analyzing which ideas need to be refuted. Applying to refutatlve effort the concepts of the extended theory, one can see that among the entitles vjhich would need to be refuted would be motivational concepts strongly accepted by the audience, perceived by them as closely related to the proposition, but orienting the audience tavard an action or belief other tlian the one the rhetor desires the receivers to accept.. V'/Ith this more precise guideline, it

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191 becomes easier for the critic to assess v/hat motivational concepts the rhetor ought to refute. The major avenues tlirough whicli refutation could be accomplished also become clear ~~ attack the veracity of the motivational concept itself, demonstrate that the motivational concept does not really apply to the rhetorical issue, or convince the audience that a different type of action should be taken regarding the motivational concept. In regard to making clear, convincing connections between the motivational concepts of the message and the proposition, three major areas from which criteria are derived should be reviewed. There has always been a realization in traditional rhetor ical -cri tical theory that motivational appeals should be concrete and wel 1 "deta i 1 ed. An understanding of the conditioning process explains why these traditional suggestions are sound ones. Unless receivers have a clear conception of the motivational concepts, they have no starting base from which to be conditioned to the proposition. Moreover, one can see why proofs such as formal definitions of prepositional terms or repetitions of the proposition are ineffectual; as motivational concepts and therefore, should be used sparingly only as clarifying devices, they are not motivational concepts apart from the proposition, already accepted by receivers, which can be conditioned to induce acceptance of the proposition. The word symbols selected to phrase motivational concepts and lines of argument are also crucial in determining whether the connecting link to provide conditioning comes across clearly and plausibly to receivers. There wasa fairly strong realization in traditional theory of the importance of language selection, so the stylistic qualities of

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192 cldrlLy, appropriateness, and ornament v^ere emphasized. Ho./cver, matters of style warrant the assigning of expanded importance by recognizing that word symbols not only convey but add to the content of the motivational concepts and the links connecting them with the proposition. With this understanding, the critic can become more sensitive in analyzing and assessing complex overall linguistic strateg ies. There has always been a general awareness in traditional critical theory that motivational appeals should be truly analogical in their proposed connection to the propos i t ional issue. There was also a-;are~ ness that events comprising appeals should be reasonably related in chronological time to the prepositional issue, and that major con~ nections should be repeated enough to make these connections clear and to impress than upon the receivers. Incorporation in the extended rhetorical critical framework of the learning factors, generalization, contiguity, and summation, provides precise explanation of v/hy these criteria are sound. If the critic becomes av-jare of all the major learning factors applicable to analysis of persuasion and incorporates them as part of his critical methodology, he is more likely to merge all of these factors in his analyses and assessments. Though logically connected with the "Meo-Ar istotel ian" system, the critical framework developed in this dissertation sharpens and expands the criteria that can be used in assessing rhetorical efforts, A theory, ha-zever, can never be regarded as totally and absolutely finished. As new knowledge aiierges, additioi-6 to or modifications of the existing theory should be made. Likely sources for the modification

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193 or expansion of the tlieory projected here would be additional knowledge from semant ic ists about symbol manipulations, From learning theorists about factors which further facilitate the learning process, of which persusion is a specialized category, from psychologists regarding the effect of labeling or sel f "verbal izat ion by individuals, insofar as this experience affects their behavior, and from sociologists regarding features of reference group behavior which could improve the quality of audience analysis.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Adorno, Theodore; Frenkel "Brunswick, Else; Levinson, D.J.; and Sanford, R. N. The A. uthor Itar ian Personality . New York: V/iley and Sons, 1964. Anderson, Floyd Douglas, and Hayes, Merwyn. "Presumption and Burden of Proof in Whately's Speech on the Jewish Civil Disabilities Repeal Bill ," Speech Monographs , XXXIV (June, 1967), 133-36. Anderson, J. W. "Rebellion Follo.vs Pattern, Usually Fails," Hilv-'aukee Jou rnal . July 17, 1368, sec. B. , p. 1. Andrc^ys, James R. "Piety and Pragmatism: Rhetorical Aspects of the Early British Peace Movement," Sp ee ch Mon og raph s, XXXIV (November, 196?) , ^23-36. . "The Ethos of Pacifism: The Problon of Image in the Early British Peace Movement," Pqarterly J ournal of Speech , LIN (February, 1967), ?-8-33. . "The Rhetoric of a Lobbyist: Benjamin Franklin in England, 175^-177^," Central States Speech J ournal. XVIII (November, 1967), 261-67. "Arson Attempts Made at Two Decorated Homes," Hilwaqkee Journal , December 19, 1967, p. 2h. Bandura, Albert. "Psychotherapy as a Learning Process," Huma n Learning Studies E xtending Conditioning Principles to Comp lex Behavior . Edited by Arthur Staats. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1964. Barbara, DominickA. "L is ten ing w i th the Inner Ear," C entral States Speech Journal . XI (Winter, I960), 95-98. "Barkin Speaks Out on City," Milwa ukee Star , November 25, 1967, p. 1. "Baseball Clubs Get Warning," Mi lwau kee Journal , November 13, 1967, p. 2. Bendix, Rcinhard, and Lipsett, Seymour Martin, eds. Class, Status and Paver : Social Stratification in C omparative Perspective . Nev York: Free Press, 1966 . Berlo, David K. The Process q f .Corn rnun icat io n. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1260. 194

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95 Bettinghaus, Erwin P. Pex?uas.bie_ and Winston, Inc., 1968. :ation . New York: Holt, Rinehart Black, Edwin. Rhptor'C-^1 Criticism. New York: Macmillan Co., 1965. ''Black Scrooge,'' llJJiiaLiJie£_ieDjJjiei, December 19, 196?, p. 12. "Rnyrntts/' Milwaukee Star. August 10, 1968, pp. 1-2. Brandenburg, Ernest, and Braden, Waldo. "Franklin Roosevel t." A History and Criticism o f American Piibl ic Add ress. Edited by Marie Kathryn Hochmuth. 3 vols. Nav York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1955, 111. Brehm, J. W. , and Cohen, A. R. Explorations in Cognitive Dissonance . New York: Wiley and Sons, 1962, Brembeck, Winston and Hc^^el 1 , William S. Persuasion: A Means of Social. Control,. EnglG'/ood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1952. Brockriede, Wayne E. "Towards a Contemporary Aristotelian Theory of Rhetoric," Quar terly Journal of Speech , LXlil (February, 1966), 3^-^0. Bruner, Jerome S. ; Goodncw, Jacqueline; and Austin, George. A Study of Thinking . New York: Science Editions, 1965. Burke, Kenneth. A Grammar of Motives . Cleveland: World Publishing Co., 1962. . A Rhetoric of Motives . Cleveland: World Publishing Co., 1962. Bussard, Paul , ed. The Catholic Treasury of Wit and Humor . New York: Hawthorne Books, I960. "Catholic Fund Takes a Big Drop," Milwaukee Journal , June 20, 1968, p. 7. Chase, Stuart. The Tyra nny of Words . New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1938. Chestnut, Charles, Frederick Douglass . Boston: Small, Maynard and Co., 1899. "Civil Rights Drive." Milwaukee Journal , July 31, 1968, p. 12. "Clergymen Fight Ballot en Housing',' Milwaukee Journal , January 10, 1968, p. 2. "Cousins Hails Groppi's Stand," Milwaukee Journa l, July 27, 1968, p. 6. Crofts, Albert J. "The Functions of Rhetorical Criticism." The Province of Rhetoric. Edited by Joseph Schwartz and John A. Rycenga. New York: Ronald Press, 1965.

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196 Cronkhite, Gary Lyrm. "ilic Locus of Presumption," Central States Speech Journal , XV i I (November, 1966), 27O-76. ., "Logic, Emotion, and the Paradigm of Persuasion," Quarterly .Jounna) of Speech, L (February, 1964), 13~l8. Curti, Merle. The Gra\'th of American Thought . H&.-J York: Harper Brothers, 1951. Day, Dennis G. "Learning and Communication Theory," Centr a l Stales Speech Journal, XV (May, 1964), 84-89. Dollard, John, and Miller, Neal E. Personalit y and Psychotherapy . NgYork: McGraw Hill , 1950. Doob, Leonard. "The Behavior of Attitudes." Human Lear n ing Studies Extending Conditioning Principles to Complex Behavior . Edited by Arthur Staats. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, inc., 1964. Douglass, Frederick. The L ife an d V/ritings of Fr ederick D ouglass . Edited by Philip S. Foner. 2 vols. Mew York: International Publishers, 1950, il. . Narrati ve of the Life of Frederick Douglass: An America n SI ove. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, I960. Duncan, Hugh Dalziel. Cornmun ica t ion and the Social Order . New York: Bedminster Press, 1962. "Effects on Housing Agitation," Milwaukee Journal , October 26, 1967, p. 3. "Egeberg Claims Medical Field is Shattered," St. Pet ersburg Times , July 5, 1969, sec. A. , p. 9. "80 March on Norths ide," Mi Iwaukee Journal , December 13, 1967, p. 1. "Elections to Center on Housing Battle," Milwaukee Journa l, November30, 1967, p. 6. "Exerript ions on Housing Voted Out," M i Iwauk ee Journa l , January 22, 1969, sec. 2, p. 3. Farrell, C. P., ed. I ngersol 1 's Works . 12 vols. New York: Ingersoll Publ ishers Inc. , 1900, IV. Festinger, Leon. T he Theory o f Cognit iv e Dissonanc e. Evanston, Illinois: Rav, Peterson and Co., 1957. Fishbein, Martin. Readings in Attitude Theory and Measurement . Ne\\' York: John Wiley and Sons, I967.

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197 Fisher, Irving, ^nnnis ^nri Oppress ions„ New York: Adelphi Co., 1932. "Foes Ask Full Housing l^M ," Milwaukee Journal . Hay 21, 1968, p. 1. Foner, Philip S. f\-e c\p.r\c.k Douglass. Hc\-j York: Citadel Press, 196^. Forgus, Ronald H. Perception . Mew York: McGraw-Hill, 1966. Pother ingham, V^allace C. Perspecti ves on Persuasion. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Inc. , 1 565. Gatzke, Hans \1 . Ijie. pre sent in Perspective . Chicago: Rand McNally, 1962. Gerber, John; Elininger, Douglas; and Arnold, Carroll. .1 hc Speaker's. Resource Book . Chicago: Scott, Foresman, 1966. Gregg, Richard B. "The Rhetoric of Evidence," W estern Speec h. XXXI (Summer, 1967), 1 80-89. Griffin, Leland M. "The Rhetorical Structure of the New Left Movement," Quarterly Journal of Speech . 1 (April, 196^), 124-35. 'Groppl Arrested," Milwau kee Jour nal, August 30, 1968, p. 1. Groppi, James. "Open Housing: The Fight in the Streets ," Humanist , XXV I! I (July-August, 1968), 2-k. Grotjahn, Martin. Beyond Laught er. Ne\'j York: McGrawH i 1 1 , 1957. Harding, Harold. "The College Student as a Critic," From an abridgement of a speech delivered at University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, July 23, 1952. Prepared by Prof. Melvin Miller for Speech Composition Class at University of W iscons in--Mi Iwaukee, October, 196'k (Mimeographed) Herzberg, Max J., and Hones, Leon. Humor of America . New York: Appleton " Century Co., 19^5. Hibbett, George, ed. The Dolphin Book of Sp eeches. New York: Dolphin Press, 1965. Hoffer, Eric. The True Bel iever . Ne,v York: New American Library, 1951. Hofstadter, Richard. The Age of Reform . He.-i York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1955. Ant i~! ntel 1 actual ism in American Life . New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1963. Holland, Virginia. "Rhetorical Criticism: A Burkeian Method." Quarterly Jo urnal of Sp eech, XXXIX (December, 1953), V+i+-50.

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1S3 "Housing Bias Struggle Opens Eyes of Citizens," Milwaukee Journal , December 20, 1967, p. 2. Hovland, Carl; Janis, Irving; and Kelly, Harold. Canm u n icat ion and Persuas ion . New Haven: Yale University Press, 1953. "Hotel Letter Tells Group City is SaFe," Milwaukee Journal , October 10, 1967, p. 3. "Inner Core Shrouds Glitter of Christmas," M ilwaukee Jour nal., December 19, 1967, p. 2h. Jefferson, Pat. "The Magni f icient Barbarian at Mashvil le," Southern Speech Journ al. XXXIII (Winter, 1967), 77-87. Johnson, Wendell. Peopl e in Quandaries . New York: Harper Brothers, 19^f6. Jung, C. G. The Und iscovered Self. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1958. "Jury Decides Groppi Resisted Arrest," M ilwaukee Journal , February 10, 1968, p. 1. King, Martin Luther, Jr. Stride Ta-jard Freedom. Nev York: Harper and Rav, 196^. . W hy We Can' t Wai t . Ue.'J York: New American Library, 196^. Lasch, Christopher. The New Radica l ism in America . New York: Borzpi Books, 1965. "Letters to the Editor," Milwaukee Journa l, October 25, 1967, p. 12. "Limited Housing Law Approved by Council," Milwaukee Journal , December 13, 1967, p. 1. Lippmann, V/al ter. P nbl ic O pinion. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1922. Lott, Davis NevJton. The Presidents Speak. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965. "Maier Likened to Pontius Pilate," Milwaukee Journal , October 8, 1967, p. 2. "Maier on Groppi," M i Iwaukce Jo urnal , July 6, 1968, p. h. "Many Homes Exempt in City Housing Law," Mi Iwaukee Journal . December 13, 1967, p. 2. "March to Souths ide," Milw aukee Journal, August 29, 1968, p. 1.

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199 "Marches End," n'lwavikee Jcurna] , March 17, 1968, p. 3. tLLbiauJiae_^.QUiinal, August 2, 1968, p, k. Mlnnick, Wayne. The Art of Persuasi on. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1957. Minority Grou ps: Se grega tion anH Integration . Papers presented at the National Conference on Social Work, New York: Columbia University Press, 1955. Mowrer, 0. H. "The Psychologist Looks at Language." Hun i an Learning S tudies Extending Con ditioning Principles to Complex Behavior . Edited by Arthur Staats. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 196^. Murphy, Raymond, ed. Problems an d Pros pec ts of th e Negro Movement . Belmont, California: Wadsworth Publishing Co., 1966. Myrdal, Gunnar. An Ame ri can Dil emm a. 2 vols. The Negro Social Structure . McGraw-Hill , 196't, I i. "Needed Ha-i Clerics Insist," Mi Iwaukee Sentinel . October 26, 1967, p. 2. "Negro Merchants Lose Plea on Yule Boycott," Mi Iwaukee Journal , December 17, 1967, p. 3. Nichols, Marie Hochmuth. Lectures on Rhetoric and Criticis m. Baton Rouge, Louisiana: Louisiana State University Press, 1963. Oakley, Don, and Lane, John. "All Men or None," M i jwauk ee Journal , August 2, 1968, p. 2. Oliver, Robert T. Th e Psycholo g y of Persuasive S peech^ Nav York: LongiTians, Green andCo. , 19^2. "Open Housing Concern," Milwaukee Star , November 25, 1967, p. 2. Osgood, Charles E. "The Mediation Hypothesis." Human Learning Studies Extending Gondii ion ing Principles t o Co npl ex Behavior . Edited by Arthur Staats. New York: HolL, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 196't. Peterson, Houston. A. Treasur y of the World's Great Speeches . New York: Simon and Schuster, 195^. "Petitions May firing Housing Bias Vote," Milwaukee Journal , November 5, 1967, p. 1. Phifcr, Elizabeth Flory, and Taylor, Dencil R. "Carmichael in Tallahassee,' " " "jeech Journal , XXXIII (Winter, 1967), 88-92.

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200 Quarles, Benjamin. "Abolition's Different Drummer," T he Ant i ~$1 a v ery Vangu^i rd. Edited by Martin Duberman. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965. Quarterly J o urnal of Speech , Vol. LI I I, 1967o "Religious Survey," Milwaukee J o urnal , June 1, 1968, p. 16. Report of the National Advisory Co T.mission on Civil Disorders . Otto Kerner, Chairman. New York: Bantam Books, 1968. Richards, I. A. The Philosophy of Rhetoric . New York: Oxford University Press, 1965. . Speculative Instruments . Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1955. Rogers, Carl R. On Becoming a Person: A Therapist's View of Psycho ~ therapy . Boston: Houghton Mifflin, I96I. Revere, Richard. S enator Joe McCarthy . New York: V/orld Publishing Co., 1959. Ruesch, Jurgen, and Bateson, Gregory. Communicati o n: The S ocial Matr i;^ of Psychiatry . New York: W. W. Norton and Co., 1951. Ruesch, Jurgen. Disturbed Copimunicat ion . New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, I960. Schlesinger, Arthur, Jr. "The Rise of Federal Relief." Th e Th ir t ies : A Time to Remember . Edited by Don Congdon. New York: Simon and Schuster, 196 2. Scott, Robert L., and Smith, Donald K. "The Rhetoric of Confrontation," Abst racts , Speech Association of America 5^th Annual Meeting, Chicago, Illinois, December 27"30, 1968, p. 6. Sherif, Carolyn W. ; Sherif, Muzafer; and Nebergall, Roger E. Att i tude and Attitude Change: The Social Judgment Involvement Approac h. Philadelphia: W. B. Saunders Co., 1965. Silberman, Charles E. Crisis in Black and White . New York: Random House, 196^. Sloan, John H. "Understanding McLuhan," Speech Teacher , XV I 1 I (March, 1968), litO-ifit. Smith, Robert V/. "David Lloyd George's Limehouse Address," Central States Speech Journol , XVIII (August, 1967), I69-76. Southern Speech Journal , Vols. XXX 11 XXXIII, Winter, 1967 Summer, 19d7.

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201 "Souths iders Picket Wrong Heme," Milwauk ee JoMrnal. December 7, 196?, p. 3. Speech Mo no graphs , Vol. XXXIV, 1967. S peech Teacher , Vol XVI, 1967. Staats, Arthur W. "A Case in and Strategy for the Extension of Learning Principles to Problems of Human Behavior," Human Learning Studies Fxtending Conditioning Princi ples to Complex Behavior . Edited by Arthur W. Staats. Nevj York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 196^. , . "Verbal Mechanisms in Purpose and Set," Human Learni n g Studies . Extending Conditioning Principles to Com plex Behavior . Edited by Arthur W. Staats. Nav York: Holt, Rinehart and Winstpn, Inc., 1964. Steele, Ed'/ard D. , and Redding, W. Charles. "The American Value System: Premises for Persuasion," Western Spe ech, XXVI (Spring, 1962), 83-91. "Strong Housing Law Approved by Aldermen," Mi Iwaukee Journal , May 1, 1968, p. 1. Temple, William. ReJ ig ious E> Clarke, 1958. London: James Thonssen, Lester and Baird, A. Craig. S peech Crit icism. Nev York: Ronald Press, 19^8. Toch, Hans. The S ocial Psy cholo gy of Social Movements . Ne// York: Bobbs-Merril 1 and Co., 1965. "Urge City to Tax Churches in Politics," Milwaukee Journal , December 19, 1967, p. 7. "Voice of the Citizen," Milwaukee Star , September 23, 1967, p. ^. V/eaver, Richard. The Ethics of Rhetoric . Chicago: Henry Regnery Co., 1965. Western Speech , Vol. XXXI, 1967. "Will Perish by the Sword," Milwaukee Journal , February 17, 1968, p. 12. Winans, James A. Publ ic S peaking . Nev York: Century Co., 1922.. Yinger, John Milton and Simpson, George Eaton. R acial and Cultural Minorities: An Analysis of Prejudice and Discri m ination . New York: Harper Brothers, 1958.

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Valerie Lois Schneider was born February 12, 19'+1, at Chicago, Illinois. In May, 1959, she v;as graduated fran Burlington High School at Burlington, V/isconsin. In May, 1963, she received the degree of Bachelor of Arts with majors in English and History fran Carroll College at Waukesha, IVisconsin. During the ]963"64 school year she taught English and History and directed Forensics and Drama at Montello High School at Montello, V/lsconsin. In 196^ she enrolled in the Graduate School of the University of Wisconsin and received the degree of Master of Arts in Speech (Communications and Public Address) in January, 1966. For the remainder of that year she was an Instructor in the Department of Speech at Wisconsin State University " Stevens Point. From September, 1966, until the present time she has pursued her vjork to.\/ard the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Florida. She was a half-time instructor in the Department of Speech until June, 1968. She was an instructor in the Department of Speech at the University of Nebraska Omaha from February to May, 1969. Valerie Lois Schneider is a member of the Speech Association of Amer ica.

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This dissertation was prepared under the direction of the chairman of the candidate's supervisory coinmittee and has been approved by all members of that canmittee. It was submitted to the Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate Council, and was approved as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. August 1969 Dean, Graduate School Supervisory Committee Cha i rman ^if J, H /r re.

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rE