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Biblical, liturgical and classical allusions in The Merchant of Venice

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Title:
Biblical, liturgical and classical allusions in The Merchant of Venice
Creator:
Cosgrove, Mark Francis, 1930-
Publication Date:
Copyright Date:
1970
Language:
English
Physical Description:
ii, 209 leaves. : ill. ; 28 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Allusion ( jstor )
Bible ( jstor )
Death ( jstor )
Fathers ( jstor )
Jewish peoples ( jstor )
Liturgy ( jstor )
Merchants ( jstor )
Prayer ( jstor )
Theater ( jstor )
Usury ( jstor )
Dissertations, Academic -- English -- UF
English thesis Ph. D
Liturgies ( lcsh )
City of Venice ( local )
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis -- University of Florida.
Bibliography:
Bibliography: leaves 156-160.
Additional Physical Form:
Also available on World Wide Web
General Note:
Manuscript copy.
General Note:
Vita.

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University of Florida
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University of Florida
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Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
021889563 ( AlephBibNum )
13410635 ( OCLC )
ACX9385 ( NOTIS )

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BIBLICAL, LITURGICAL, AND CLASSICAL ALLUSIONS

IN THE MERCHANT OF VENICE















By
REV. MARK F. COSGROVE, O. S. B.













A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY












UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1970

























































UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


3 1262 08552 8700










TABLE OF CONTENTS


INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

CHAPTER

I SHYLOCK'S USE OF THE BIBLE AND THE MOTIF OF BONDAGE . 13

The Problem of Usury in England . . . . . .. 13
The Biblical "good man" and the Usurer. . . . ... 16
Sufficiency and Prodigality . . . . . .. .. 21
Friendship with Gentiles. . . . . . . . ... 26
Our Sacred Nation and the Fawning Publican. . . .. 36
"The devil can cite Scripture for his purpose". ... .43
"Abram" . . . . . . . . . . . .. 54

II RESOLUTION AND LITURGY. . . . . . . . ... 57

Troilus, Cressid, and the Problem of Trusting People. . 57
The Liturgy in Sixteenth-Century England. . . . . 70
The "Exultet": Sacrificial Love Leads to Life . . .. 80
Jessica as "Tesbe Babilonie, Martiris" . . . .. 98
Dido or Ariadne? Error or Adaptation?. . . . ... 106
Dido, Ariadne, and the Willow . .......... . 128
Medea: Rejuvenation and Moonlight Magic. . . . ... 134
Jessica's Unthrift Love and the Pattern of Quarreling . 147

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . .... . . . . 156

APPENDICES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. . . . . . . . . . . .. 209








INTRODUCTION


This dissertation studies the function of Biblical and liturgical

allusions in The Merchant of Venice. It also studies the function of

classical allusions to the extent that they are integral parts of the

Lihl. 1 1 lJ !iL.'- pattern being studied. When necessary, it exam-

L-,:-: ,. ':- ; '- ,:. -'' occasionally attempts to solve some of the prob-

i,.- :i rL. L;..;: .:'..'irship. Usually, it differs from this previous

i.bh.L::' .... i, V.... :;" on the whole of The Merchant and by examining

chc '~.~ i. :. sii 'L .. al allusions as structurally integral elemei'ts

,' ; :.. : ,. .

Ac. L'.i- I.- i. brief survey of related approaches will help to

...ii .. :- :.. .-. i' .-s, rrmehocs, and goals of my sLudy. It will also

- ,:h -; . :;. o ':., .o The Merchant through Biblical and liturgical

ill..: i-. *. :r":' Siiilar to aed dependent on previous scholarship but

.:;l ... :j -,; .-:i :..-; i.a to a full understanding of The Merchant.

i-r.:.J r i': li.:.. approaches have not always studied the function

orf S',- ;:...:. .-' .Li.cal allusions in their dramatic context. In the

ir. -. :-. .' ...: icl-ccially, critics tended to see Biblical allusions

1.I l.. i ~ : .- o'r-,-.ata, or as evidence that Shakespeare was a "sincere

t.-:li .; i.- or "in the doctrines taught therein," or as e-i-

i-,ce ..: :'.. ~ -;'. was either a Catholic, a conformist, or a Puritan.



i-: 1 _." .-s, The Bible in Shakespeagre (Winona Lake, Indiana,
0 .3. F f- .-,,.lar points of view see also Charles Wordsworth,
S,. .': : -: and Use of che Bible (London, 1864) and John Henry
S" Cr... are" s a-nd "T'he Od -fth" (New York, 1946).










Thomas Carter, for example, correctly observed that some of Shakespeare's

Biblical allusions can be traced to the Geneva version of the Bible, but

from this fact he also concluded that both John Shakespeare and William

Shakespeare were Puritan recusants.

Recent Biblical approaches, however, do examine Biblical allusions

as integral parts of the play in which they occur. Some of these approaches

are similar to mine, and I am indebted to them, for frequently I continue

where they have left off. Richmond Noble's Shakespeare's Biblical Knowl-

edge and Use of the Book of Common Prayer contains the most exhaustive

survey of Biblical and liturgical allusions in the plays of Shakespeare.3

And although he does not analyze the allusions nor show how they fit into

the context of the plays, his list does suggest that they are part of a

coherent pattern. Another work which focuses on coherent patterns, al-

though it does not deal specifically with The Merchant, is that of John

Hankins who traces "Shakespeare's habit of recalling the same image from

several sources," one of the most frequent of which is "the Bible, par-

ticularly Psalms, Proverbs, and the Book of Job."4 Again, my approach to

The Merchant is similar to that of J. A. Bryant who shows from twelve plays

how Shakespeare's kncwiedge cf the Bible "worked in his art." He concludes

that consciouslyy or unconsciously, Shakespeare was a genuine typologist



2Thomas Carter, C'-.' : P. r i -, ,. :..;F; .r: L'..:.-J..i l:'
and Sha.kesgeare and Hol -c. :.., ;* .r - v : ,. U : d (L:. :r, l?'. '

3Richmond Noble, snakesonar' s Biblic' ;, 1.... .1i
Book of Co_ on Pravper (London, 1935).

4j oh3n E skin Hii61 : ._ .' : -,
Kansas, 1933), pp. 16-17.










in his use of Scriptural allusions and analogy," one who regarded Scrip-

tural stories, persons, and images as "incorporating meaning rather than

pointing to it," and who used Biblical allusions because "They extend the

depth of the play itself; they do not merely point to the depths outside

the play."5 Although Hankins and Bryant analyze the function of Biblical

1 ii,, .-.-. ,- .. i .: i.: -h. :. d .' -r p i L.:a The Merchant.

; ~.L i .' :' r is ": I. L 0 c,:,i i rCS method of

jd l:n E L :; .: .. : -L, c -:. :f ':, [ : L i -es Sims's

r -i i': ..-- ', 1 ] .r -- ,L .. : J -, A gain ,

,-,, .. t r. ,' J) ' ; r i. .. r -.-s does not

d.-.l Ei h I.-: ; -i :! tuL. ':;L! "- i ii l c f .J r: :.. : jIses" from the

e. I ariL r Jr -,r. L I :i' L 1 .t t. .l. -.' 'r rom two or

ci-ii.. : .:.ir. L f:L.. L ,. .:- h -i i.-:, i : agedies of

S: I.: -,.r 1 cui ,. r,:- : i i',: .. a: chat of Sins.

S -- .r : f L ci .-.,:- r i anc a:n es,

I i, :r, I C 1 r (r: iV ic .'. r i : from Eliza-





C.C_ ef' .1 c1r 1t I -t on,

: .:' : : i : :hL minds
: lt.' J -. : c i :':'



,;'~~1--1. [ l i,:., ,. ; ,: ... ,, T .' -_-, -..' -: then, is



-' . '.i j H-. .. L . . aspectss of
-- : - ; '- 1 ': : . r : -i yzes "the


1-- [" "' -' '. i .ow ad










similar to recent studies, but I focus on a single play and attempt a cc..

prehensive analysis of Biblical and liturgical allusions.

My approach differs fundamentally from many of the allegorical,

mythic, and ritualistic approaches to The Merchant that became popular in

the twenties. These approaches make use of Biblical and liturgical ele-

ments in their analyses, but they often claim to see more of a coherent

pattern than their evidence and the play will support. Moreover, allegor:

often tends to oversimplify The Merchant by making abstractions of the

characters, picturing the conflict as simple good versus absolute evil,

and presenting the denoueamnt as a perfectly harmonious resolution.

In his allegorical approach, for example, John D. Rea finds that

many features of the trial scene in The M.erchant (Shylock's villainous

prosecution, his being associated with the devil, his scales, and his ab-

ject departure at the end of che play) are "merely a re-dramatization of

the Medieval Processus Belial,with Shylock substituted for the devil,

Portia for the Virgin Mary, and the passive Antonio playing the role of

mankind." Similarly, Nevill Coghill sees the trial scene of The Merch?:

as directly influenced by the medieval allegory, the "Parliament of HeavE.

in which justice and mercy (two of the four daughters of Gcd) argue over

the fate of mankind after his fall.8 Again, Sir Israel Gollancz sees TI'

Merchant as an extension of the allegorical tradition which dramatizes

Scriptural stories. Such an approach to The Merchant, however, tends :



John D. Rea, "Shylock and the Processus Belial," 'Ic 1~_-. .
Ouarterly, VIIi (1929), 311.

8Nevill Coghill, "The Basis of Shakespearean Comedy _i.- "i
Studies, III (London, 1950), 1-23. See also Hope Travers, "i : CIL
Daughters of God," PVrlA, XL (1923), 44-82.








point to deeper meaning outside the play rather than within the play it-

self. Gollancz claims that "The starting point of the legend of Shylock"

is "some early monkish" homily which blended the two texts: "Greater love

hath no man than this, that a man should lay down his life for his friend"

and "Christ also loved the Church and gave Himself for it."9

My approach to the Biblical and liturgical elements in The Merchant

is at variance with these approaches since I do not consider The Merchant

an allegory nor the Biblical and liturgical allusions as functioning parts

of an allegory. Admittedly, however, the allegorical approach does have

a great diversity of methods, directions, interests, and critics; and at

times I have found these allegorical interpretations both interesting and

provocaEivc.l1

In my study of the Biblical and liturgical allusions in The Merchant

I rA'.". :ri.J c.-. ii-L i.n examination of Scriptural and liturgical allusions

to. c'IL:r [C.L' i .r' .:- -,:. the liturgy anl the Bible. This means that I have

Lcr-: -::.i -:i. ....- 1 I. J m".,y impcirtant secondary sources for Biblical and

1LC.L1,: 1 iui i. .hakespeare's audience, for example, was familiar

u.h :.:'.. ..~,.. -i. s, names, phrases, themes, and images of the Bible

n.:,- ,i 1, dci :'L, f ,,LI cheir private reading and public church services



ir ir.1 il G.:I! ncz, Ailegorv and Mysticism in Shakespeare (London,
Lull), V.t 9, 1?.

AL. t.ic-c :,.rJ 0-- rough investigation of allegory in The Merchant
i ~c tha f L lb A .. Le3walski, "Biblical Allusion and Allegory in The
'e-C .,L C f.._ .: ._ skespeare Quarterly, XIII (1962), 327-343. Her
a ~l.1.: ,:f :,': : .nr, i- between Shylock and Antonio, their use of Bibli-
,:1 ~11l. i.. :,-. -3. ry, their representation of the Jewish and Chris-
ciLn :i-..u._-,.L -.: rl ilnylock's "forced conversion" are all enlightening.
E.. i >: r.Lt f.~.1 c...-L he demonstrates the existence of "consistent and
ur.-.i: c .1 :'. 1. :.' ;.. -: L meanings" in Th, Merchant.









but also indirectly from cycle plays, moralities, and mysteries .which es-
11
tablished a tradition for the use of Biblical allusions in drama. I

have also excluded other important secondary sources for Shakespeare's

Biblical allusions such as the plays of Shakespeare's contemporaries and

the didactic and poetic literature of the period.

For the most pare, these secondary sources have received much crit-

ical attention; but a relatively unacknowledged secondary source, which

merits further study, is the English proverb. Morris Tilley's A Diction-

ary of Proverbs adequately demonstrates that English proverbs were a rich

secondary source for Biblical allusions in Shakespearean drama. The fol-

lowing are some convincing examples which "especially attracted Shakes-

peare and other Elizabethans." 2 Tn The Merchant Antonio comments: "The

Devil can cite Scripture for his purpose."13 This is an allusion to the

Biblical passage:

Then the devils . sayeth unto him, If thou be the sonne
of God, cast thy selfe done: for it is written, that he
shall give his angels charge over thee, and with their handes
they shall lift thee up least at any time thou dash thy foote
against a stone.14


11Recently, Bernard Spivack has shoin how: the "hybrid" plays be-
tween 1520 and 1535 influenced Shakespeare's villains. These plays com-
bined allegorical elements from the moralities, narrative elements from
the Bible, and tbe r.atic interpretations from the homiletic tradition. ll
of which Spivack sees reflected in Shakespeare's villains. See :,
and the Allegory of Evil (New York, 1958), especially pp. 255-269.

12aMorris Tilley, A Dictionary of Proverbs (Ann Arbor. 1950). "Fore-
word," p. vii. Tilley adds that "The Bible natural: i. .- ei a -Cr.:
influence on English [proverbs] than any other forei.r.. ...' 1- i, i;r.e.
we can call a book foreign that was read in every hci. _h.: 1."

13The Arden Edition of the Works nf William R -.-. ,:., _"' Thl --
chant of Venice, ed. John Russell Brown (London, 1955), i.L_.'. .'.
subsecuenrt references to The 1 chantt are from thtE r '.i:-, ri I 'ci.'
otherai se.
14The 3isoos' ..ible (London, 15S5), Matthewr :.i,- ,. fu.l1









Another English proverb based on a Biblical allusion is "The Devil can

transform himself into an angel of light" which comes from:

For such false apostles are deceitful workers, transformed
into the Apostles of Christ. And no mervaile: for Satan
bimo-lfe ic trnnsfo-ed into an angell of light.
(II Cor. 11:13-14)

'lii: i ,,:l.i :.r i i .'.: .Lc. ch Shakespeare:

[: 'i:' *:'1 ::' -i.'c : .3: she is worse, she is the devil's
,i1 ii .. he .-..c:h c :- "God damn me," that's as much
A: c. =- "'',..:' -ii:, light wench." It is written,
Lei., ij'- r E" ,- i i i ;. ;:,- gels of light.
(Comedy of Errors IV.iii.51-4)

EItL ,': 'c'.'il. ::.:.r.. :. c pcpt, resembling spirits of light.
(Love's Labours Lost IV.iii.254)

1.,..!TL: 'TI. spirit that I have seen
1. [.b rF-.. J.: il *r,-' devil hath power

(Har iet II.ii.227-9 )

1-... DU: inity of hell!
it..r. dJ ..'- .ii ;.ie r t.ackest sins put on
Th:1k d-:-ic,''.r r c f t :c with heavenly shows
A- I d.. ,:.
(Othello II. iii .341-4)

CI-- 1 c- r. ict-h ? ..:i- I-l not looked into English proverbs, the

c: l:e l. r:i '-'h. *-.:-:,.' contemporaries for their use of Scriptural

iand liur..: 1 L. r,i, secondary sources constitute a solid tra-

d ti.:, r..:.c ,.~ I .iii i c:. ?LY Shakespeare and his audience. And, of

cOL:,r El ch-: *..r -..:'i. 1 *.h Elizabethans encountered an allusion, the


d.i :,cu.:i- . -i,-V . -': '.-i:ir of the Bible, see Richmond Noble,
-' .''- -__'_ L :. -. : 9-12, and Chapter V, "Which
r -[c L.." ; gas 58-69. Noble's conclusion is that
i,,ir.: i. L, c:,- r. : :' L:i umulative effect" (p. 64) suggests that
Sha'.: i :. :-' i e.: Li -.:. Llble for The Merchant. Thus, all Bibli-
c:;! q:.:.-iac c'-,1 .:'i ci r; ion will be taken from the Bishops'
*r.;hl -i~~: cii~ru ci:r.









more certain its meaning became and the more effective the allusion be-

came in the context of the play.

The effectiveness of any allusion depends on the familiarity of

the audience with the allusion. And since most of the Biblical allusions

in The Merchant can be found in both the Bible and the liturgy, it is nmy

practice to acknowledge both sources. For it was especially by partici-

pating in the liturgy of the Church of England, that is, in the official,

public worship conducted daily in parish churches and cathedrals through-

out England, that Elizabethans became familiar with a wide range of Bib-

lical narratives, names, themes, and traditional interpretations. Eliza-

bethans were required by law to attend the liturgy on all Sdndays and

major feast days throughout the year. Moreover, since this liturgy was

made up primarily from, Scriptural passages, and since the Anglican liturgy

was continuously being revised, the scope of Old and New Testament pas-

sages with which the average Elizabethan was familiar was continuously

expanding. Thus, the more frequently a name, image, story, or theme was

encountered by an Elizabethan, the more certain and emphatic the allusion

in the play became.

As I mentioned in the first paragraph, I have found it necessary

to dedicate a section of this dissertation to an analysis of classical

allusions because they were woven inseparably into the Biblical and

liturgical pattern. Although these classical allusions have been dis-

cussed at great length during the last four hundred ye.,r .- no'.

enough for me merely to report what classical scholars h:". ~ .~ C:r-.

For example, in the fifth act Lorenzo's allusion to DiJ.:. i; j=.-i:. ,::--

sidered an erroneous allusion to Ariadne:









In such a night
Stood Dido with a willow in her hand
Upon the wild sea banks, and waft her love
To come again to Carthage.
(V.i.9-12)

But the liturgical context sheds a new light on this classical problem.

In the context of the liturgical motif of deliverance from bondage and

in the context of the ensuing lovers' quarrel, this "error" can be seen

as a functional and integral part of the play.

This dissertation, then, attempts to explain the functional role

of allusions in The Merchant. That is, it attempts to see various themes

:.',id m.*rif r-f c- .h- rl-.' .-.- ch appear in the allusions. It attempts to

;i th:'.: i' J i. .. L :':;.i parts of the play itself and not as simple

OLitr.;.-:[.i .. .'.ri., ..i; ;1 v it finds tnat these Biblical and liturgi-

;-1i "L..'.- .- .::.r.- i-,. .-i1' '- of the play by illustrating and suggesting

v.le- ; i)r :i..l. L [I.,' I-L.,' :. L tLe audience regarding various themes and

&SOcif: f .. : !ii.,,.: fr- iJship, love, marriage, filial obedience,

tr,:' I.: = ,: ~r. ; r.[ i*: thrift, usury, justice, mercy, death, re-

di.,rc' ir i L a-s.' re--Lrrection.

; a:.*; t.- i aLt:u I r- ri:.i.if of bondage and its resolution in The

:1 l-.A t -.L .:u -,r-..r L.. ;i s have tried to find a governing idea or

in;. 1- i: ...ul ,- :.., understanding The Mrchant,15 I do not feel

c :;ir- 1. ,h : .ir ,l: ia or image. There arc many ideas, motifs,

.Ar.J. i.--;: ..- i' 11.. h. :0.: of which is the bond image or the motif

'of !.- '-I F, -.r ,.':ing or a casual reading of The Merchant

'.:. -, ,L i r:i. -.,- s of Sbylock's sadistically "merry" bond



;;!-.n i' :.. I;F! .jicusses this approach to Thc Merchant in
i. ; i.' .c" C : -' Edition, pp. xlix-lviii.










and the cruel financial bondage he ties to impose on his creditors, for

Shylock's bond is central to The Merchant. Added to this, however, are

many other patterns of bondage, of being willingly or unwillingly bound

and obligated to another. For example, there is the bond of marriage

which unites Portia and Bassanio as well as Lorenzo and Jessica. There

are the bonds of filial love, obedience, and respect which supposedly

unite Portia to her dead father, Jessica to Shylock, and Launcelot to his

father. There are the bonds of civil law which Shylock righteously de-

mands and the obligations of mercy which Portia solicits. There is the

open rejection of any bond of friendship or trust between the Christians

of Venice and the Jewish Shylock and the open witness to the bond of love

and trust: between the Christian Lorenzo and the Jewish Jessica. In

general, there is a form of willing bondage which demands thac a friend

or lover run a risk, make a sacrifice, and even endure death, and there

is a form of cruel bondage that demands an unwilling death.

In act one Shylock introduces this pattern of bondage and its re-
16
lated forms, clothing it in Scriptural and liturgical allusions. For

him these allusions become a tool for justifying his practice of usury

and his cash system cf values. He uses the Bible to discredit the "good"

Antonio, to justify taking advantage of the "prodigal" Christians, to

claim God's approval of his thrift, and to proclaim himself a chosen

descendent of Abram and a rbr-r :f r : r tir. --L:E 1.. 1 .



16"From the point .:'- .."- ..j* i..ir ':. i .,.c : i..- : :.: -cr..:
Richmond Noble, The Merc i .: "rh.: I .-T: .. -c .:.f i .,- ; i. ..
for in it Shakespeare a .'.: -'-. r . : -. I ,_,- i .. i ; : r E :.1-
closely in his delinent : r. 1: A. Tr, :- I t W -,. L '.rn a,'.
Jacob he Eiay be said to '-*'.. *.- th- L. :'-. : t, ,u -' 1: r: *J O
North in other plays" (f .i :.-' r '. ..1: '.'..,:'S:.:. p i' -)









presenting himself favorably and the Christians unfavorably, Shylock

selects, distorts, and disputes, using names, passages, images, and

themes coming mostly from the Old Testament.17

In chapter one of this dissertation, then, we will examine the

patterns of bondage which Shylock introduces and defends through Scrip-

ti.-.,i allusions. In chapter two we will examine the patterns of libera-

tion, redemption, and resolution. We will see how Lorenzo and Jessica,

Jewess and Christian, use Biblical and liturgical allusions much as Shy-

lock and the antagonistic Christians do in act one. We will see how, in

a moonlit garden at Belmont, merrily engaging in a lovers' quarrel, they

recall the earlier cruel and unwilling bondage of Venice and Shylock,

celebrate liberation fiom bondage, and contract new bonds of love and

trust.

In the pursuit of my studies and in the writing of this disserta-

tion, I have become personally and professionally indebted to many people.

Among the teachers -who have taken a personal interest in me and my educa-

tion are especially Professor T. Walter Herbert and Professor Thomas R.

Preston. Among the members of my supervisory committee, I acknowledge

my debt of gratitude to Professor Ants Oras and Professor Richard Hiers.



17enry Morley sees the central conflict of The Merchant in An-
tonio's standing between "the two principles cf justice and mercy, of the
Old Testa,.:ert and the Now, as Shakespeare read them" (En1glish Writers
[London, 1G93], Vol. X, "Shakespeare and His Time: Under Elizabeth," pp.
243-4). Barbara Lewalski sees in The Merchant a Biblical "confrontation"
between the Old Testament Law which "leads only to death and destruction"
and a New Testament faith, love, and mercy which not only discredits the
Law b.:t. constitutes "the fulfillment of the Law and covers all defects"
("'r I lical Allusions and Allegory in The Mercchant of Venice," Shakespeare
I.-.rbs v- XIII [1952], 341, 343).











I am forever grateful for the financial assistance, continuous encuur

ment, personal sacrifices, and generous prayers of my confreres, the

monks of Saint Leo Abbey, Florida, my dear parents, Frank and Margaret

Cosgrove, and the many friends and relatives who have "prayed and en-

couraged me through." In particular, it is a pleasure to acknowledge

the personal interest, the beneficial criticism, and the persistent ec--

couragemcnt of Professor T. Walter Herbert who guided my dissertation

from start to finish.







CHAPTER I

iSMY'1 :.'[ Lli6 OF THE BIBLE AND THE MOTIF OF BONDAGE


The. Problem of Usury in England


Ini tI: Llr-c act of The Merchant, Scriptural allusions abound,

m,:.cl: i- Lhi, lO:Ll defense of usury. But Shylock is not the only one

vlw. uI.:s c~; ..c.i co defend his own position. The Christians of Venice

u', S : r ipcur. .iirst Shylock--much as the sixteenth-century Elizabethans

diJ ir thrLr t;u-...Ints for and against usury. Just as Shylock defends

hiF pri iccc:: .f r -y, and later the "justice" of his bond, on Old Tes-

tameirc vr-.rid, d .. -:he Christians of Venice reject usury and defend mercy

.:. ~.\''; iL' -a.c ,.ounds. And although this Scriptural dialectic is

Ia dt i riE. . of a formal Renaissance debate, it is a manner of

ar.rz q41: ;r r- x i. ar co Elizabethans who associated it with what they

.::, 1 .i:-: ,: C.;. -i ry moral problems of the day.

Ui.':Q', f:.t che Elizabethan audience, was not a remote problem of

Vc.~LIL -1: JC',ilh usurers but an immediate problem of Englishmen and

Cgi.:'; u,:, r:. ..;s E. C. Pettet notes, from 1580 to 1600, some of the

mi.z)L r @i.! :.::l._ of England were heavily indebted to merciless credi-

tcrz i-:.d :...t d. becoming more so:

i ''. 1.. i idMney owed L6,000, the Earl of Essex 122,000,
c'. _. i..i :lof Norfolk E6,000 L7,000, the Earl of Huntingdon
S2 :',i'4.0: Lihe Earl of Leicester L59,000, lord Sandys 13,100,
SF. iili .ighby L21,000, and Sir Percival Willoughby
i-, ''.". C'O..ers who were heavily in debt included the Earl
of i.::: Lord Thomas Howard, the Earl of Rutland, Lord Vaux
.: c !'-:...'-n. Lord Scrope, and Shakespeare's own patron, the
Ln-r of ..JLhanrpton, who at one time had surrendered his










estates to creditors, and 'scarce knows what course to
take to live.'l

Moreover, the usurers who advanced these large sums of money were not

Jews but thriving English tradesmen, merchants, and scriveners (like

Milton's father), who frequently obtained land and estates as security.

As Jacob Cardozo demonstrates in his comprehensive study of the contem-

porary Jew in Elizabethan drama, those few Jews who did live in London

were Baptized, conforming Christians.2

The use of Scripcure in pamphlets and sermons defending and con-

demning usury also familiarized Elizabethans with both the practice of

usury in Englann and the Scriptural defense of it. In 1572, for example,

Thorias Wilson complains not about Jewish usurers or Venetians but about

the immediate and crying problem, the iniquity of English usurers and the

interest they charged:

I do not know anyeplace in christendome, so much subject
to thys foule synne of usurie, as the whole real. of Eng-
lande ys at thys present, and hathe bene of late years.
For men of wealth are nowe wholy geeven every where all
together to idlenes, to gett their gai[a with ease, and to
lyve by lending. .... But these men do not live in any
vocation, but being the divers kno.wne apprentices in earth,
and bound to doe, as hee would have them: seeks when they
are dead to servo hym in hell, as I take it. For god say-
eth by hys prophete David, that be shall never dwell in hys
tabernacle, that hathe put out hys oeny for usury.3


1
E. C. Pettet, 'The Merchant of Venice and the Problem of Usury,"
Essa.sanad Stud.!les, XXXI (1945), 20.

2Jacob Lopes Cardozo, T7k- r.: r .- L -.:I._* Di .:
(Amrsterdam, 1925). Cardozo concludes that "Jews were not present in
Elizabechan and early Stewart England" (p. 330).

3Thomas Wilson, Discourbs Ujppon Usurcry 1572 (University p.L:t:.-
film, Ann Arbor, 1949), reel 403, Intrcductory Epistle, p. iiii.









The sixteenth century witnessed a continuous flow of treatises and ser-

mons which cited Old and New Testament -eachings about usury: N. Sanders's

Brief Treatise of Usurie (1558), Sir Thomas Wilson's A Discourse Uppon

Usuirip (1572), Phillippus Caesar's A General Discourse Against the Dann-

ab].: ._.:c of .l':..:r- (1578), Henry Smith's Examination of Usury (1591),

The Death of Usury,or the Distrace of Usurers (1594), M. Mosse's The

A.i.rt i.irr,..nt ,.i :, c.ci:. of Usurie (1595), and T. Bell's Speculation

,.K Li ,,* ( *''. .')

Al. ch,: i n Fl r Ltchan, then, might never encounter a Jew, much

I-: J ..iil *:iur.:, h. as well prepared to associate Shylock with an

Old T-tei,. '. aidr-.. .f siury. And when Shylock uses the Biblical story

Ji.e,;,:5. d Ljb:i L to J-f nJ usury (I.iii.66-91), when he invokes "heaven'

L[. i,: .i.-, A : iI'..i :-,', and when he calls for law and justice in the

frl i i -, ur:.: ..:I cural passages and arguments familiar to an

Eliz--.L. .L.i: n ...d..l o .'.:-hn Draper suggests that in his defense of usury

sh, l':1 i .. rc.. i> ll .'i:; r:ho kind of spacious argument which "To the

Eli;: : .r ir n ii di-t .-;auistry,"4

In "IE-. -.r..:, cl,,;i. and against this background, Shylock the

J bC, :-,-ut. L ..] .-.~.-,'.1 i: ch young aristocrat in need of a loan are

,i.: ~:.::. ,: e ;J F;L- ,li-cans. And the Scriptural allusions which they

:I.ll, c.:. c ,.L .1-r- ;- ar similar to those found in the many treatises

ar.! zcr,..-i daii- 'ith c[he controversy over usury.





j.:- U;. .rjp-.. ",iEury in The Merchant of Venice," Modern
1 '1-:.L.: '.'.' Ti 'itb-.' 44 .









The Biblical "good man" and the Usurer


A detailed analysis, now, of Act I will demonstrate how Christian

and Jew marshal Biblical allusions in their arguments over usury, theft,

justice, mercy, thrift, ownership, and God's providential blessings and

approval. In the first appearance of Shylock, Bassanio asks Shylcck for

a loan of three thousand ducats. Shylock's initial replies are clipped

and business-like. But when Bassanio tells him that "Antonio shall be

bound" for the three thousand ducats (I.iii.4), Shylock answers ambigu-

ously that "Antonio is a good man" (I.iii.ll), meaning that he is finan-

cially sound and therefore a good risk for a loan. Apparently, however,

the word eood also suggests an evaluation that is unrelated to the busi-

ness at hand, for Bassanio is irmr.diately indignant and he challenges

Shylock: "Have you heard any imputation to the contrary?" Shylock

answers with a subtle combination of Biblical and business-like language:

No, no, no, no, no: my meaning in saying he is a good man,
is to have you understand me that he is sufficient,--yet
his means are in supposition: he hath an argosy bound to Tri-
polls, another to the Indies, I understand moreover upon the
Rialto, he hath a third at Mexico, a fourth for England, and
other ventures he hath squand'red abroad,--but ships are but
boards, sailors but men, there be land-rats, and water-rats,
water-thieves, and land-thieves, (I mean pirates), and then
there is the peril of waters, winds, and rocks: the man is
notwithstanding sufficient,--three thousand ducats,--I think
I may take his bond.
(I.iii.13-24)

Although Shylock admits here that Antonio is a "good i.-r, i

quickly shifting thoughts and images suggest more than a mer. t..n-i-n

like evaluation. His key words--good, sufficient, -: ',ir i.i. .L,-'.

abroad, and perils of waters winds and rocks--all evoke B:.i i

passages and themes which suggest that his values stand in cr ,:.l ir .r.









to those of Bassanio and Antonio. By means of these Shylock suggests

that the "good" Antonio is merely a wealthy, prodigal merchant whose

mean are providentially in jeopardy. Thus, Shylock's word good is open

to several interpretations.

;.y Il'.:!: 1 L..L' !. uin~.illing to accept the common estimation of

Antorn: "lr :-:..- ..'.r.AtAr.. the honest Antonio"5 who, in contrast with

hi[ : .:.;r, .:.-l Ci'ajL1J -i ut. LC uncalculating, self-sacrificing, and willing

to f-P hiri-..:- f ;.ir,-:.lt Al aL the disposal of his friend:

11 rut.- i-. m:r 'r. r,,y extremist means
Lit all il.:c!.'d L:. 'our occasions.
(I.i.138-9)

To_. a I:.-."; :-'. iz 51. :.:.'. :ees it, Antonio's generosity and willing-

. L. l- rd [.'cre c i. .:._ :n need has been a personal affront to him,

0a tl1-..:.., raica. .:. : -:,ial barrier, a financially damaging inter-

f.rn- .:, anj th.: .i L: c;ju.'- of his hatred. In his first aside, Shylock

refLr:r c thLe hrtr .. :.; "ti ancient grudge I bear him" (I.iii.42). And

later, h.rn i n, n.:o ei's-7 to be ambiguous, Shylock shouts:

Gj'-.l 1:. .:. l-.: ir ,--:ell not me of mercy--
Trii; -- .- f :-.! [1 li C lent out money gratis.
(III.iii.1-2)

. j ..:[ 1.:;l1. Ar [r:..: deiLS that the conflict is irremediable:

H. .-,.:. CE 111 i I. reason well I know;
I oft .: l '.-r :' L -'r: ".is forfeitures
:'.r,, Li-jL I az c.i-cS made moan to me,

(1II.iii.21-4)

Ant-:. i.: i ] n:t a ''-:.-" :in tn Shylock's eyes, because Shylock has a



Sili L. :i-r.; .,:. Laudatory: "that the good Antonio, the
h-:-n.: ct .'.-. ,:i;-.-0 l.' : i; I I-~ a ticie good :-* ..' t.- :.e... nis name com-
pa-.','" (ii. ;.. 1'-1i. L-. -., also refers -: ..::-.' a "'r, good friend"
<:J 3 1 .i 1)











different system of values. As E. C. Pettet demonstrates, Shylock is

trying to replace the old-world, aristocratic, self-sacrificing "ideal-

ized relationships of friendship and mutual service" with a "cash-nexus"

system of evaluating what is "good."6

The Biblical overtones of Shylock's first speech constitute a

rather subtle argument urged against a fairly stable background of six-

teenth-century Scriptural teachings on usury. For example, the second

alphabetical table of Biblical themes appended to the Geneva Bible, 1583,

lists eighteen Biblical citations "Against Usury." Repeatedly in these

citations, the good man is the man who does not exact interest on loans

but rather lends freely to his brother in need. Psalm 15, which was read

on the fourth day of each montl by those Elizabethan.3s who attended morn-

ing prayers, asks nho will be worthy to enter the Lord's sanctuary


6E. C. Pettet, "''The Mlerchant of Venice and the Problem of Usury,"
Essays and Studies, XXXI, ]945, 29. Pettct notes that:
For a long time pamphl-ts and books denouncing moneylending
flowed on from the press, the r.ost important being Wilson's
Discourse upon iury, first published in 1572. Another attack,
worthy of note since it came out in 1595, only a year before
the probable date of The Merchant of Venice, was Miles Nosse's
Arraign!ent_ and Conviction of Use'ry, which, so the Stationers'
Company Register declared, contained 'p'toof that it [usury] is
manifestly forblidden by the Word of Cod, and 7undry' re=5-c~
alle -.: c i : ju ... .-. : i. 1h c.: .. .-J . D
cause. u. 11. Id I.-L r- r ir:L ** .:- C r h ri. i -
peci -ll ;..: .. :' 1 L .- ., : .. _h i c .:,: J r i:E L.. i: r. j
that : j. : ..,- ,' r L 'i" ', i l
According to In -. r -. : r .'" '.r.' : tr
hath now gorr.- : :r f, [ i ic
down nobili '' ,- ..r. : l-- .- p. ': ". .r .c i. :
is the hero .., . '. -: : : : l.r .I :_1
he fights f':.L ,_: ...: .: .:. : c,-' L,_ : -' :.' i- A. L. 'I C'L.



S Lo it'.'- - ... .- -. : . .i
Set Forth i-.'. r ,.., -









(verse one), and then answers:

Hee that giveth not his money upon usurie: nor taketh
reward against the innocent.
(Ps. 15:6)

Another Biblical aspect of the "good" man is that God will repay

him for lending without interest. Thus, Psalm 112, which was read on

the twenty-third day of each month at morning prayers and also at evening

prayers on Easter Sunday, pictures the good man being blessed by God

with "Riches and plenteousnes" not because he is self-sufficient but be-

cause he is merciful and lends to the needy:

Riches and plenteousnes shal be in his house: and his
righteousness endureth for ever. . he is mercifully,
and loving, and righteous. A good man is merciful and
lendeth.
(Psalm 112:3-5)

The Geneva Bible glosses lender with the note: "Hee sheweth what is

fruit of mercy: to land freely and not for gained, and so to measure his

doings, that he may be able to helpe where necde requireth." Thus, good,

sufficient, and usury are all words which are associated--either positive-

1: or ingatively--with the providence of God.

TI-a "good" man according to Scripture also lends what is "suffi-

c~r.-'' f..- :h; n,: ds of his brethren. Deuteronomy, chapter fifteen,


fI'iii i iatinge Clay (Cambridge, 1347), p. 311. Subsequently I will
Ltf.. cr. this edition as the Praver Book (1559). Psalm fifteen is one
of ch- first Scriptural passages used by Elizabethans in their arguments
ia.inirc -.c "i ...L : of usurie." Thomas Wilson writes in his intro-
duc.r .... L4 l: cF.i ,od sayeth by hys prophet David, that he shall
nvc-r .. i. :,- r r,.l-cirnacle that hathe put out hys mony for usury,"
r~_.--...:..- i.-....1 -.L 1572, p. iiii. And Thomas Bell quotes verses
S.r-.i 2 :'- ~~l.i-page inscription for his Soeculation of Usury,
15%'" i-, .;i -r .i r..f : ms, Ann Arbor, 1951), reel 451.

QC" --.... :al. -, !iriu. ," Praver_ Book (1559), pp. 311, 316.










assigned for evening prayers each year on February 28,10 is explicit:

If one of thy brethren among you be poore, within any of
thy gates, in the lande which the Lorde thy God giveth
thee: thou shalt not harden thine heart, nor shut to thine
hande from thy poor brother: But thou shalt open thine
hand unto him, and lend him sufficient for his needed which
he hath. Beware that there be not a wicked thought in thine
heart that . it grieveth thee to looke on thy poote
brother, and gives him nought, and he then crime unto the
Lorde against thee, and it be sinne unto thee. Thou shalt
give him, and let it net grieve thine heart to give unto him.
(Deut. 15:7-10)

Here, the antithesis of the "good" man is the hard-hearted man who lacks

compassion and exacts interest from the needy. The Biblical image be-

longs to a recurrent pattern in the Pentateuch which describes Pharoah

as the cruel master who held the Israelites in bondage (Exodus 1:32,

7:13, 7:14, 7:22, 8:15, 8:19). At the beginning of the trial scene,

Antonio uses this san image to describe Shylock's lack of compassion:

You may as well do any thing most hard
As seek to soften that--than which what's harder?--
His Jewish heart'.
(IV.i.78-80)

The Bible, then,pictures the good man as the man who is not hard hearted,

but lends freely what is sufficient for his brother's need. If he does

this the good man will be favored with "riches and plenteousness."

Scripture also insists that the "good" man should not seek the

reward for being good although the Lord promises a reward. ITis Scrip-

tural passage, listed under "Usury" in the concordance appended to the

Geneva Bible. 1533, and used on the fourth Sunday after Trinity as the

Gospel, reads:1


10n
"The N1;c, Calendar, 1561," appended to the second e_ _:-.,
Prayer Book (1559), p. 445.

11The Prayer Book (1559), p. 112.









-.'c Ic .* '... ':.-::: doe good and lend, hoping
f : i I ..:.. ,'i. : .l b :ri.. '/our reward shal be much, and
.. '. i "- :..:; ,.: the Highest, because him self
S:- L:-.. j. i *' .... :h-~ iikinde and the evil. Be ye
Lh'. r f. -, :.: ..I1 -:i; 1i your father is merciful.
.i,: n.: 1n ., .. :';l''i ,..o be judged. eondemne not, &
.:.. :: t-. -.r,.. forgive, and you shal be forgiven.
.'.. ,! [I.il-: I..; tL. L iven to you.
(Luke 6:33-8)


I', i 'i"; 3. 1.4 Prodigality


.' ", c,: .-' .'r r....i,.. . i c.. type of man who is willing to "ooe g

.i:., i.:.. t. :..j:i, : [: ,'..ci,..l ct'.:eby," Shylock is unwilling to look upon

I.-,, i :,: ...! -.. L i..[tLi:. sense. For Shylock has replaced the

Pil-l- 1. L, -. :.:.-. F.1 j*...'-; :. g usury with an economical value system: .

H. i L _., .. r,.. i i rC .,*-.c.;1 lio is "gocd" in the vey restricted

*.:-. i:. .f L: :,- :',- ,: "- ,'fici:nt" (I.iii.15), for Antonio has aS.-

A ',,-" [. i .: .- Indies . Mexico . [and] Englar.' .

.t i: .. I -.. .'L i-' :. C rbat his Christian competitor is mor.a Ly

g: :. r ....c h I-,. r: C- from Gcd.

.A.*..,"- -i .:..-,:- '::cording to Shylock, is perilous and "j



--. :; -r L., .,., - ~ilors but men, there be land-
.. *-i[ -.. :rer-chieves, and land-thieves,
i( -..i. .'.C -"', :-r. c,-n there is the peril of waters,
. i- *.:: L;. -..- is not withstanding sufficient.

rl .1 :'-r.: ]-.:. .. L,. :;u.ficiency and to the perils of mnerch.-nt

c.' LL. .i'.: c '. St. Paul's Se'cond Letter tu the Corin-

r'-i : C -.-. ... .J ac evening prayers on February eight and
12
i..- ,:: h: -'. 1'. fr : n. L-. fth Sunday after Trinity," expli s :


S '-- i: . r, 1: .-.," PrZye Book (1559), p. 445 and "Th-
.Y i .: :..-, ." _. 1: ) p 149.










Not that we are sufficient of our selves, to think any
thing, as of our selves: but our sufficiencie is of God.13

Chapter eleven, which Elizabethans listened to every Sexagesima Sunday,14

reads:

In journeying often, in perils of waters, in perils of rob-
bers, in perils of mine own nation, in perils among the
heathen, in perils in the citie, in perils in the wilder-
nesse, in perils in the sea, in perils among false brethren.
(II Cor. 11:26)

Thus, only after Shylock has revaluated this "good" Antonio, judged his

sufficiency against a background of Biblical allusions, and concluded

that his present sufficiency does not come from God but is "in supposi-

tion" and therefore subject to the perilous circumstances and likely mis-

haps swayedd and fashioned by the hand of heaven,"'5 is he willing to ven-

ture: "I think I may take his bond" (I.iii.24). If Antonio's sufficiency

is supposed to come from Cod, reasons Shylock, then God will provide for

his sufficiency.

It is Shylock's belief, however, that heaven will favor him with

Antonio's forfeiture, for this Christian is not his brother in need but

the prodigal brother, "the fool that lent out money gratis.",.6 As



3Bishops' Bible, 2 Cor. 3:15. The Prayer Bnok (1559) gives the
following translation for the twelfth Sunday after Tririt ".-i tl a.
we are sufficient of ourselves to think any thing, as :.. ;.r~il'..; buL
if we be able unto anything, the sama cometh of God," p. 1 9.

14"The Epistle" for Sexagesina Sunday, Prayer .i.:i '-, i.p.
94-95.

15Sixty lires later Antonio rejects Shylock's j..-. : Li :. .:
usury on the grounds chat it is not a godly venturee" "i. 'd -d f --- d
by the hand of heaven" (I.iii.86-90).

T16ihe i rJi- III.iii.2. When Shylock calls r..:-.r :. '.., h:
would very likely stir up in an Elizabethan audience ''-. .--.- .:,-: t crE'.
following New Testansr.cn words of Jesus:
YT '- -.. hoard that it was said unto them of :.1d ['-
Ir.:-j '- il not b-il. whosoever kiileth shall be -.n _-':ct








FicI,.,,:.,d i I b ..[- .. '- pa 1 .- :. .,: p-r '- i :al : who received

hi irnj i L r. : r.r :b'o' J, : r.' s u n t J i- i. 1 C c us'IS living "is

the ,,r.:.r ,I: ..' 0I ... c ,:. -, F l of rI i C.:. : i. the plays.'17

ih.c :l ..i.i i 1. (1 ..: ; r: .:..J ch I p : .' "iri- rcodigall sonn'."

a f.: l .:


a l c. r'1 i rh- L, ,..' l: F.rtL ..r. of the
itb. ai.c: c l-. c :. in. b l.n ;I -[, J I, d I .id.- unto
LIch, I, li.i j .,d n:i c -a-., u.' :. .:. r, the
yr'..' i:.r...- lh d -:_ t.id 1 Ll f. h- 1 h LV, n e.r, he
,.:...t A ,:.jL .' irr f rr : rL e r ... :1,:2 wasted
r. i i c'r. f. cr r .in' o.. ,. i F:..
S l .. 1 3 1 )

TIi F:- 'V ]- C ..I [.C .-'JL .1 L;- .-. L i:. :u- ii i.':e background c

7I .- I .:.- ai c- I. i -. i., i A l -' tc i 'the first t n,.

h. !1: .- i... .. [ _r ,,'. :

I :..'r d .:. I. I c : ; J ,
T .- : r .. :--L..r ,. l'.- l. l',. uli T o .'
I ,',t It ,"n f.:.l i. -, ,- fr i Ls c L -._,
[.*r 1 c n .- f j[.:n
It- : J I 11 *. C :. J--; .C,-. -.' g. rl .
I..:. r ; ,. : -, ,.
( 1 . . _- i .. .



of jul :'.: .. 2..: I -.: :" : : h .:.. =..-: is
.0r. '.-. '. : '. .... ., danger
of ju -, .:nr : .i u .' .,; : c,
.: l-, i [ in L :f :. .- L. : ..:. o ever
I- L hn hi.., : -1, '1 t-: ir J.n..-1 I 1l L .
(I, c. : 1- 2 ,
I t.hL F -' .: J Z' Cl-.. : I r : : : '. n .' i tcer Trjinity
( L .:_'I. 1 i .* . 1 . -,: ..i r .' ._* ', the diff rerap -
b .i :. : .; ', : J :' i r ti r .i F . u' -" .'L Lur' g be-ween 3b
setr cI f LA: I-. ., Q .:. . ., .ve beard" th-
chla ,. ': ,.. L r '.i..'.l : .' .' 1" I say" th it f':
Chri;[ : : t, c: .. :r .- 1 forbiderM .
I i r .Vi i- Shylock a '.,..


I ..,..,. l ,::. ,: _' .1 a .: ., p 277 .









Here Shylock's tone of reprobation is unmistakable as he contrasts his

own thrifty concern for his keys and for his house with the riotous liv-

ing of the "prodigal Christians.," who, as he sees it, flatter him by in-

viting him to supper in hopes of getting good terms for their loan. Shy-

lock adds that he does not want even the sound of the riotous, feasting,

prodigal "Christian fools" to violate his "sober house" by entering

through his "house's ears":

What are there masques? Hear you me, Jessica,
Lock up my doors, and when you hear the drum
And the vile squealing of the wry-neck's fife
Clamber not you up to the casenr;cts then
Nor thrust your head into the public street
To gaze on Christian fools with varnish'd faces:
But stop my house's ears, I mean mny casements,
Let not the sound of shal1cw fopp'ry enter
My sober house.
(II.v.28-36)

For Shylock lending money gratis is equivalent to prodigality.

When Salcrio asks, "tell us, do you hear whether Antonio have had any

loss at sea or no?". Shylock answers by alluding to the parable of the

prodigal son:

There I have another bad match, a bankrupt, a prodigal,
who dare scarce show his head on the Rialto, a beggar
that was us'd to come so smug upon the mart: let him
look to his bond. he was wont to call me usurer,
let him look to his bond! he was wont to lend money
for a Christian cur'sy, let him look to his bond!
(III.i.39-44)

Clearly, here, Shylock's implication is that Antonio is a "prodigal" and

a "bankrupt" because he lends for "Christian cur'sy" (courtesy, g.r..::-

ity, friendship, and charity), and that he the usurer is thrifty.

Bassanio is a self-acknowledged example of a prodigal. For ir

coming to Antonio he is willing to shot another arrow over the h:.-i L':

find the one ha has already lost even while acknowledging:








'Tis not unknown to you Antonio
How much I have disabled mine estate,

Wherein my time (something too prodigal)
Hath left me gag'd.
(I.i.122-3, 129-130)

Antonio also is intentionally prodigal with his love, for he is willing

to "be rack'd even to the uttermost" (I.ii.181) for his prodigal "kins-

man" (I.i.57). And again, the revelers find themselves without their

masque simply because they are too careless to make adequate prepara-

tions:

Lor. Nay, we will slink away in supper-time
Disguise us at my lodging, and return
All in an hour.
Gra. We have not made good preparation.
Sal. We have not spoke us yet of torch-bearers,--
Sol. 'Tis vile unless it may be quaintly ordered:
And better in my mind not undertook.
(II.iv. 1-7)

Even in his first description of Antonio's mercantile resources,

Shylock alludes to Antonio's prodigality: "other ventures he hath

squand'red abroad." Here the words squand'red abroad have been rightly
18
but inadequately &lossed as "scattered" and "dispersed."8 For Shake-

speare's only other use of squander is in opposition to wisdom and thrift.

In As You Like Tt Jaques, envious of the wise fool's freedom and impunity

"1.: tl)w on whom I please," tells Duke Senior:

Invest me in my motley; give me leave
To speak my mind, and I will through and through
Cleanse the foul body of the infected world.
(AYLI LI.vii.58-60)



18See A New Varioriru Edition of Shakespeare: The Merchant of
_. c:^, ed. Horace Howard Furness (Philadelphia, 1888), p. 35n. In the
icLIr I will refer to this edition as the Furness Variorum.


1J









According to Jacques,

The wise man's folly is anatomized
Even by the squandering glances of the fool.
(AYLI II.vii.56-57)

Thus, claims Jacques, if those claiming to be wise do not gather up the

valuable corrections of the wise fool, their lack of thrift is worse than

that of the fool who then squanders his glances anatomizing the folly of

the seeming wise man. In view of this usage and Shylock's two specific

allusions to the parable of the prodigal, then, squ.nd'red abroad is a

disparaging description of Antonio's hazardous sufficiency.

Thus, in Shylock's view, Bassanio, Antonio, and the Christians of

Venice are prodigals and not brothers-in-need to whom the Old Testament

obliges him to lend freely. And, as he sees it, the sufficiency of

these prodigals is perilous not only because "there be . water-thieves,

and land thieves" but because they are satisfied with uncalculating cour-

tesy, spend-thrift rioting, and haphazard planning. Shylock fully ex-

pects heaven to bless him with the forfeited bond of these prodigals.


Friendship with Gentiles


Critics have long recognized love and friendship as important

motifs in The Merchant. 1 Antonio comes to the assistance .:.f his d.l.A

friend Bassanio, insisting that even his life is not too m.-:h : .:cr i-

fice for a friend (I.i.138 and II.ii.314-320). And when P.:a:. ;-:i

Bassanio if it is his "dear friend that is thus in trouble"' (III i ?'i

Bassanio answers:


19
See the "Introduction" to the irls',.._ .:".-. pp. :.1!.-:-L.'








ilh. i-..a r..:c frie-r?. c; .: Eh: .ir 1 st man,
lh'i h,- L--: i-' It rJ ui. .r* Il spirit
in T..: n : rc j '. i, ii .:'m
T h ia n i -t '. r r' '[. .: .: : r s
Thir, r ar I.I L J. L j i il. i ii i L l .
SIII. ii.291-5)

E,.-,:n P.:C-cia, L,.i[*r t *'l' I :'L : E; Chi- marriage bed, shows deference

to c ,. r,.:,l i. t .:n l : : r f r. l ', 1

[. fi:. r i I i, 1 -. d 1 -:ri .: r
SEhall W1.- : i 1ir chrol- -i is ar i-:.'s fault
Firi., :. g -. c' o E.:- i.urch,. ar.j ,:all me wife,
A;,,,, 1.1...i, :' : '-, .- c :- .:..,r fr ien d :
:r -r r r !! :, 1: b" Por r '. side
U ih i .... ..
I III.ii.300-5)

Or,- i.:t :-L il- r in.. l ,. i:.t however, is the conflict between

I-rJinn : r.:'.:" -r:L. : : l ..i .' : Ir.j ..' .irg money for interest to strangers.

E .:. r. ..- 1. t.r. r. I r .r : -. n ryman, Tubal:


Of .11 I -r ..' :" r..i c : 1. .. of that?
Ti.k .. :. ....- i Lh :. ;L r iEr '..
Villa Fu C.-. -'- n'-.
,I.iii.50-3)

.' L 1I,[..-': i.L ir : r, li i: c I i Jng freely tc the Cthiisti.ns of

V r :, if.:- 1- .; 0 :L ,a :-': r' -- :1'. .nds. Indignantly he recognizes

h ,: L L a. cr ,ir.:', : l r, iA J 1 : -ish usurer amid hostile credi-





,'- r ,: cc ur -,' .: cni : .deo-Christian confIict over
uiur ..J. '.' .: ; Ni :; 'r c c -r :conflict between Jew and Chris-
-.An i chl-i. ,Fc..'-I. L- -.. 1- J I 1ii :.rical causes wnich were eco-
ro;' : 1 t -.f .: L 1 r r.. '.h r.t l owsky writes:
TI L- i'. i ';i-.:. i '- .i_ ,- usury reflects the simple
.*,::. :... i -. r i :i.ul .r :. .: 1Ly where loans were needed
C: r....'-i L'..: r. li f ~i ments of distress (e.g.
Ii lo, :ir,: *:. c: : -. -lopmu ent of a roney economy,
I::-..-: cr- ri- L.r.,',, '. .I : :..L rohibitions became eco-
r.0--i:L :' -t :. L. i, -i ...:rt.' morally irre .1 "r.c. Unable
c:. i.S' aL L j .a.: 1. 1 ii i..hibition, Jewish practice









Signior Antonio, many a time and oft
In the Rialto you have rated me
About my moneys and my usances:

Well then, it now appears you need my help! .
'Shylock, we would have moneys,' you say so:
You that did void your rheum upon my beard,
And foot me as you spurn a stranger cur
Over your threshold.
(I.iii.101-3, 109-13)

Nor do Antonio and Bassanio look upon Shylock as a friend but as a stranger

and an enemy who exacts interest without mercy. Bassanio admits to Portia:

"I have engaged myself to a dear friend, Engaged my friend to his mere

enemy" (III.ii.260-61). And Antonio demands that Shylock lend the three

thousand ducats "to thine enemy," "for when did friendship take A breed

fcr barren metal of his friend?" (I.iii.128-30)

Again, this distinction in The Marchgnt between leading to friends
21
and lending to strangers has a Biblical basis. For both Jewish law21 and

the Old Testament make such a distinction between lending to aliens and

lending to countrymen. The lesson from Deuteronomy thich was assigned for

morning prayers on March 23,22 reads:


evolved--against long resistance--the legal fiction known as
better iska by which a loan is contracted in the form of a
partnership. Although this procedure is considered legitimate
for business transactions and investments, loans to a fellow
man in need should be free of interest (Gemilut Hesed). The
Catholic Church in the Middle Ages enforced a similar prohibi-
tion between Christians, and hence the Jews, being outside
Christian society and its laws, when debarred from other oc-
cupations, were often forced into the role of moneylenders
and usurers.
The Encyclopcdia of the Jewish Relglion, ed. R, J. Zwi Werblowsky (New
York, 1965), p. 394.
21Herbert Loewe notes that according to .-r.. r, 2. '-'-
usury or neshek "is prohibited between Jew i'.' 7-.. L c ril': '-.! : '- '1 :i
by a Jew to a foreigner." But according tc L .-3c .o:..:.h -r.r
and interest (tarbi. and rmarbit) "are forbiL ..:-, .:. '.: u:i .1: 1.0 .".
A Rabbinic Anthology (New York, 1960), p. 45U.
22Index & Calendarium," Prayer Book (155' 3 ?.









Thou shalt not hurt thy brother by usurie of money, nor
by usurie of corne, nor by usurie of any thing that he
may be hurt withall. Unto a stranger thou nayest lend
upon usurie, but not unto thy brother: that the Lord
thy God may blesse thee in all that thou settest thine
hand to, in the land whither thou goest to possesse it.
(Deut. 23:19-20)

The Bishops' Bible observes that this double standard existed for Jews in

the Old Testament because they had not yet become kind-hearted and open

to disinterested generosity: "Because they were a hard hearted people,
93
therefore was this libertie given them for a time."23

In his conversation with Bassanio in The Merchant, Shylock has

1; t. - . -'::'lr *:. i-;,l which indicate that the "good Antonio"

i: n:L I',iL tr.n: u a :fci:t who is ruining him and his business, a

pr.:.I .:1 : ... I.:. : .: nlt..r- . squand'red abroad," and a gentile

h. ~. "'.fI i:i .r. .J:.. n .L i: L". as God's providential reward but is in

[ r 1 --_ ':-.,: .: :__c .." r :in I:., however, seems to be impressed with

orl i l :,. f:.- r. .,f -h ,I.: ". . the man is notwithstanding

: ffL "-.; t- c.rt - -.' ., 1 .i. :c: ,c--I think I may take his bond" (I. iii.

3--). : E..'-:.i ;-- p .i c:r.:, feeling gracious--invites Shylock to

mil's r,.: f1 .1 :r .: .r-. c r fi.r l.ie loan tonight, "If it please you to

dine ici j-" i. i..;, i Il. -c however, answers with a tirade of Bib-

1 it K ,:. .: or . ,;:,. :

o, ::, -r..ll :-.r r.: -t of the habitation which your
[ '-' ch r !. r- .c :u-ared the devil into: I will buy
*I .:-, :.-: i tr- ': talk with you, walk with you,
arj o f'! -.I i will not eat with you, drink with



..-: c- n, i ,_:.. .,' ":. : .

'1. 1._ ''-.. F. i:l !., this may be an aside, for as Dover
i! L ,:.n r:L.:. i .'I.. ':.- !:: the Jew to reveal his hate openly at










/Here, Shylock's Biblical diction is again indicative of his religious,

racial, and social contempt for Bassanio, Antonio, and the Christians

of Venice. Even his non-Biblical diction is indicative of his scorn,

for pork is represented not as a roasted pig or as food but as a thing,

a "habitation" suitable for the devil to live in.

According to the Mosaic law and Talmudic tradition, the Lord

directed Israelites to dissociate themselves from gentiles socially so

that they would not be influenced by the idolatrous and unclean prac-

tices of foreigners. Chapter twenty of Leviticus, read at evening

prayers on February 11,25 commands the Israelites:

Ye shall not wake in the maners of this nation,
Which I cast out before you: for they committed
all these things, and therefore I abhore them . .
And therefore shall ye put difference between
cleane beasts and uncleane. . Therefore shall
ye be holy unto me: for I the Lorde am holy, and have
severed you from other nations, that ye should be mine.
(Lev. 20:23-26)

Shylock's reference to pork is based on an explicit dietary prohibition

in Deuteronomy, read at evening prayers on March fourth:2

Thou shalt eate no manner of abomination . .
And also the swine, though he divideth the hoofe,
yet he cheweth not cud, therefore is ha uncleane
unto you: ye shall not eate of che flesh of such.
(Deut. 14:3,8)


this stage," The Works of Shakcseare, ed. Arthur Ouiller-Couch and
John Dover Wilson (Cambridge, England, 1953). Subsequently, I refer
to this adirion as the N.C.S. Shylock, however, has already given
Bassanio many subtle indications of his contempt, and later in. cl;
same scene his hatred is undisguised when he talks to Anto-,i. i
I.iii.101-124.

25"The New Christian Calendar, 1561," Prayer Look (155l'i.p..-3.

26rayeri Booc (1559), p. 48.









Thus, Shylock recognizes the invitation to dine with Antonio as an in-

plicit invitation to disregard the traditional Jewish law regarding

pork. The Elizabethan audience would also recognize the Biblical over-

tones of Shylock's contempt and would be familiar with this prohibition

of pork because of their readings from the Old Testament and the litur-

gy of the Prayer Book.

Besides his indignation about the dietary law, Shylock also shows

contempt in his reference to the pork which Jesus "conjured the devil

into." The Biblical passage that Shylock here alludes to is recorded

in all three synoptic Gospels: Matthew, 8:28-34; Mark, 5:1-17; and

Luke, 8:26-37. Elizabethans would be familiar with the Matthean ac-

.:.r.c -ir:.c ,' ::.. r--; puLli-.! to them on the fourth Sunday after the

Epi n in -ra...r L **:.1 ; in of this Gospel reads:

j ..lr. l,: .:i: : -.r-,. t.- Lie other side into the country of
Lh-: '.r- .. ..re i[. with hir .ii. possessed of devils,
ir.ili ~ .- *:'L :.' t .. ;i.-ves, and were out of measure fierce,
:. Lha .: r :.. i._ri. : :. y that way. And behold, they cried
i.: ,,U ..: 0 j j1j, Ecr.... Son of God, what have we to do with
Lt:..: re cE-:' :.:--: hicler to torment us before the time?
L. .. Lh-te i .:a.. '.. off from them a herd of swine,
fL: ii-. I.. d.: .J ': sought him, saying: If thou cast
,: ,"' '. a,.' ."-, r 1.1 :. ;-': into the herd of swine. And he said
ur.'::. L'-- '. '. iu .s'j: nThen went they out, and departed
i.L.: L 1.,j ,.f . And behold, the whole herd of swine
*. ,:.tt rr I h.~d!'- E C:-:. the sea, and perished in the


r.p -:nLl'.', 1; :.:r.;i. : i'is casting of the devil into the swine

j t'- a;r-:L Pr,:-phL : -.:i acknowledgment of the traditional pro-

hinici-LrI r.. L pcorL. ';r i te is contemptuous because Christians

ear. Ll-.. C : ..:-i ..L -.. rCie r : c-n "prophet" despised when he "conjured


9 2.









the devil into" it. As Shylock sees it, Bassanio and the Christians

acknowledge neither the Old Testament prohibition, a Jew's traditional

contempt for swine, the contempt Jesus had for pork, nor the fact that

their "prophet" was a Jew.

Although the word prophet is not generally a derogatory word when

used in reference to Jesus,28 Shylock seems to be suggesting that Jesus

is merely one of the many prophets who happened to be a conjurer of

devils. Moreover, for him, this prophet is not "my" or "our" prophet

but "your" prophet. He is neither a major prophet like Isaiah, Jeremiah,

or Ezekiel, nor a minor prophet like Amos, iecah, Habakkuk, or Malachi,

but an unnamed "Nazarite." The distinction between Nazarite and Naza-

rene29 would not indicate Shylock's contempt since Jesus is erlled a

"Nazarite" in all of the English translations before the King James ver-

sion in 1611.30 But Shylock's contemptuous use of the word is accurate,



28Thus, Jesus refers to himself as a prophet: "And when he came
into his owne country, he taught them in their Synagogue. . And they
were offended in him. But Jesus said unto them, A Prophet is not without
honour, save in his owne country" (Matthew 13:57).

29Furness notes that "The use of this word instead of Nazarene is
at first sight puzzling. . Samson was a Nazarite, and is always cor-
rectly so called by Milton in his Samson Agonistes. And John the Baptist
was a Nazarite. Shylock must have known perfectly well that the Prophet
who conjured the devil into the swine was not a Nazarite, but a Nazaraee"
(Furness Variorum, 36n). By Nazarite Shylock means a person from Naza-
reth. But the primary meaning of Nazarite in the Old Testament (Amos
2:11; Judges 13:3, 7; 16:17; Numbers 6:1-27; 1 Maccabees 3:49-53) is that
of one consecrated to God by spec 'il .:-: r.. *drLr.l -.- i.-:. ':* i .- -c -
hair uncut, to avoid contact with rte .j.:.d, ..: r. ,:. .:iL [ ..i. r.i.:.: -:.
See Dictionary of the Bible, ed. Jan.n: H .,in- s. r:. '- b., -.e i:L. C
Grant and H. H. Rowley (aNw York, 196I?) p. r9.i

30The phrase, "He shall be c-ll- 1; ': i.. ( 2 2 3 :, -
pears in Tyndale's version (1534), ; i: i .:.-li.j i '! :' ., .-. ,i.- '
(1537), Tavernar's (1539), Cranmer'i i-53 '. ti- -__ 1 :' ,.-..:
the Geneva Bible (1587),and the I ..i 1.- __. : : ::i. i *:, .
Furness Varicrum, 36n.







for simply being an inhabitant of the insignificant town of Nazareth

carries Biblical overtones of contempt. The clearest example of this is

in the Gospel according to St. John:

Philip findeth Nathanael, and saith unto him, ;We have
found him of home Moses in the lawe and the Prophets
did write, Jesus of Nazareth the sonne of Joseph. And
Nathanael said unto him, Can there any good thing come
out of Nazareth? Philip saith unto him, Come and see.
(John 1:45-6)




th.2 Ir L. ; ch : ",J.':-' i '' t -.:- ",c.:.-. ::.-.- Crc-. C I ..- i: --1..- ," ',il!

"I n .rdb. l: t side l .. chL-.ir .: 'l t .. t. .i b .

h r,,_ hI .: L -n i r .: r .,, i h l ." '

i,,i r, 1 .- '. I,.-i. -a,- "I ,ill r L .: E "E : hC l i. ir k h ,C.u, r*.

p , ..LCI .L," (I tl i .3'., hi .. ",- .1.1 t. t ;' : C,:. rL [E i ', i_-cIr c : --

tr-~c ~t r .d_ l. tur dal c :. 'li : 1 ?.::- Ic I:. -ht.: h- ;' . . ..'

c.-, c -.: -=c t L n 5t I-. .:.. '- 2 Ec-J l.. 1 3 "i l ,;.- i -,. "I'l

it -. fr'.c.r, c -.. Jrd ,-..l <1 i ..1-. -'.'1, *'.I: hr ;'c '1. Ch, f t C -:. h.- [i-. I-



t ..i. c.r.r, .-. S h:. I..,-r i.i : .I.. .~_ L n .-' i"

S C.- :I i- :- '.-:_2 1i,. t', .- h : 1..i i--,L I- : ti i 3, .i -i







.1 r- r -. ._r r l r -.. C-.* I'.E cr L c, - I r ,
' -, ,L. .: i :.'. .-.- r' [, L r:.r -, ,7 :-- ) L. ,'.-- : If [ ".'t i-:'
pr. L. i .- : -h'L " -_r 1F, :- ..r r C \L: ,, - 7.-L -


p ',-i >- .: r -,di -. .'i."-1 .r- rC.r : ,., i. :tl - r E '- .




r a ^_ ..; >_,_ *5









again at evening prayers on the seventeenth day of February,3 reads as

follows:

When the Lord thy God shall bring thee into the lande
whither thou goest to possess it, and hath cast out many
nations before thee . make no covenant with them, nor
have any compassion on them. Thou shalt make no marriages
with them. . Ye shall overthrow their altars, and
break done their pillars, and cut done their groves,
and burne their graven images with fire. For thou art an
holy people unto the Lord thy God: the Lorde thy God hath
chosen thee to be a special people unto himself, above all
nations that are upon the earth.
(Deuteionomy 7:1-7)

Originally, this law of separation from gentiles (Hukkat Ha-Hoyin)33

extended to the seven Canaanite nations; but as the Jews dispersed to

other nations, Rabbinic interpretations extended the ban to include all

non-Jewish peoples and their morally "unclean" practices.

The Talmudic interpretation of the Old Testament is filled with

prohibitions against unclepn foods, and in some cases the law was so

stringent that eating with gentiles was forbidden even when it did not

infringe on the dietary laws. For example, the Mishna, Abodah Zarah ex-

plains simply "That the cooked foods of heathens are prohibited" by Deu-

teronomy 2:28:



32"The New Calendar, 1561," Prayer Book (1559), pp. 437, 445.

33"Statute of the Gentile." See "Gentiles" in The Encyclopedia
of the Jewish Religion, ed. R. J. Zwi Werblowsky, p. 155; and "Assimila-
tion," p. 46. The Talmudic tract Avodah Zarah (on idol worship) in the
Mishnah order of Nezikin specifically regulates the religious, social,
and commercial intercourse between Jews and heathens. But as Werblowsky
notes: "many authorities classified Christianity as idolatry (because
of its doctrines of the incarnation and the eucharist, and its use of
images)," (p. 198). Even the Hebrew word for nation, which designated
any nation in the Bible including Israel, eventually "came to mean the
non-Jewish nations in general and finally a member of any such nation,
i.e., the non-Jew" (p. 162).








R. Hiyya b. Abba said in the name of R. Johanan: Scripture
states, Thou shalt sell me food for money that I may eat
and give me water for money that I may drink. A comparison
is to be drawn with water--as only water which has undergone
no change [is permitted to Jews] so also must the food have
undergone no change [at the hand of heathens] . .
R. Assi said in the name of Rab: Small fish when salted
[by heathens] do not come within [the law of what is prohibited].
. If, however, a heathen made them into a pie of fish-hash
it is prohibited. This is obvious' . .
1.. L-r.:i.. iiJ 11 l: -. -c .:.f i I : If a heathen set fire
c.:* ui-. i .. .r..-:. r : ...J, .11! Cli f[r. .:i..c- 1 1...custs found in the
ur: L Tar-.J r .i : :h i .- ji :c. i- this to be understood?
S L [Lh. EcruL r. n i" ci .rLji l. b.Eause he could not dis-
tin ',,i h btc. .-:r Ch ;i c ,- ;iij ur i ..r :[.ecies, and the incident
:CLLL211. h .-i-l n-d iil li h .L,-,i 1 -

Drinl i-. i ir.: I't r.rL i. r- cr' forbidden because wine

j-.,i c.loi:.c i- .. :.L.L..! i i[ ci i.l..l -cr. r i .il3s of heathens. The

j 3 i. ,_.j r.; i.J. :

C-:,-' rj. L.. ,. :.' ,~j,.cc [cl..- i,:. L- tion of] wine?--
f':4-.-: L- .tLL.-. -. ...' FI1:-. c -, :: r _.Lur 1 verse which says,
i;h.:. ,'.J it ch.- fjr :, hiLt i j.-L t ; ,L andr drank the wine
:f cr.lr ir -:.-i .. r i 1 .L'-,' 3 .:... .-s [heathens' sacri-
f i i f.rL.'i '-r .-E :e it L i .- c. fit, so also their wine
i- .:.r L.dJ- ~_ c -" o

Vb'>: r L.bl 1 LIi; I flJ Z rJi.J ,:,.-

'.: ri-; i.~e : L,: i .i.r L0-C ,. E'-.- .c i'[ine] and idolatrous
i LI-l. 3 Lr r -i.:.it i C : L.. I j b.t ., r.forced against par-
L. l .ik if :.i.: .pr-: ,: .1 1., Cf r,- l ( ,=ein nesekh); when the
ori ; i;:. r.. :.:-.- [.ii c.iL .:..:.:le~. cI l- "'- ibition w-as maintained
-.T .i -. r:i. c.rd.it c.:. pt' r- :., -. iality--leading to
Lrt ii .crr ti ---L c... .. .= Ir. 1 r.c' ,_n 36

li~ .i LI. r..J L .:.i" Kh 1 ..!.' tn j ',r ..t r i .._ ng a Christian and Shy-

lo l'.'. .:: r f -.J i i.. h.r. i r L ",i': d-i. hteri 0 my ducats'"



3 'T F I 1... .- :.u. .. '. L i' i. Epstein (London, 1935),
A'L-!.:. .- 'b -' -.. I .'-.. 11: ..-,. ees in brackets are those
,: rf -, 'F - 1 d ',r :. r .

3 i. L :2. 1. -,. _i.-.-- .'_"L. r *'b, p. 147.

'-1. Er-.. Ci:c 1. J3l -:'. I_ l p. 403.










(II.viii.15), are more understandable, then, in the light of the Old

Testament and Talmudic prohibitions and safeguards against marrying

gentiles. Moreover, the Pentateuch, in the name of God, explicitly re-

inforces these prohibitions with material rewards and punishments. The

Book of Joshua, read at evening prayers on the first Sunday after Trin-

ity,37 explains:

Behold, I have decided unto you by lot, these nations
that remain, to be an inheritance for your tribes .
Be ye therefore of good courage, that ye keep & do all
that is written in the booke of the lawe of Moses, that
ye bowe not aside therefrom, to the right hand, nor to
the left. Neither companies with these nations, that is,
with them that are left with you, neither make mention of
the name of their goddes, nor cause to sweare by them,
neither serve them, nor howe your selves unto them ..
Els, if ye goe back. . and shal meke marriages with them,
and goe in unto them. and they to you: Be ye sure that the
Lorde your God will no more cast out all these nations from
before you: but they shal be snares and trapped unto you,
and scourges in your sides, and tr.oties in your eyes, until
ye perish.
(Joshua 23:4, 6-7, 12-13)

Shylock's apprehensions about pork, eating and drinking with gentiles,

praying with them, and marrying a gentile are, then, supported by Tal-

mudic tradition; but they are also thoughts that an audience of Chris-

tians would recognize and associate with a Jew because of their readings

from the Old Testament.


Our Sacred Nation and the Fawning Publican


Shylock's contempt for Christians is also based on his beli,

that God favors him as a chosen descendent of a sacred nation, wbhel -

Antonio resembles a fawning publican. 1hnen Shylock is about to I;.-c



3"Tihe New Calendar, 1561," Prayer Book (1559), p. 314.








Antonio on the stage for the first time, his true feelings about Antonio

are undisguised as he addresses the audience in an aside:

How like a fawning publican he looks'.
I hate him for he is a Christian:
But more, for that in low simplicity
He lends out money gratis, and brings down
The rate of usance here with us in Venice.
If I can catch him once upon the hip,
I will feed fat the ancient grudge I bear him.
He hates our sacred nation, and he rails
(Even there where merchants most do congregate)
On me, my bargains, and my well-won thrift,
Which he calls interest: cursed be my tribe
If I forgive him.
(I.iii.35-47)

AS .',, c1.' !.:cl-' 1i,'ir reflects a highly emotional montage of scrip-

cirs! rli :,-*, L'.:L:|. .nd economic images and allusions. Economi-

*.. a1,I. cI' l: la rli-c Antonio has been destroying his market by

I-.-,~*ii. ri.:-r. "nc:t" L ,r'J bringing down the "rate of usarce." He has

AlL c..r, I l .. ., LI.: -rospective clients by berating his "bargains"

ar, .'-11-.:--..d "rIhit-fc" Li, the Rialto. The Scriptural, religious, and

ca.:'l :-pcc .f hL Li'-': aside are inade up of the following words and

'phLaiU -.v .' ':', I hate him ._ a Christian, low simg_1icitv,

:..._d f.t. -.r.:'_., ,,. our sacred nation, thrift, and cursed be my

r i t. .- ; f T f '- -

i're.- Sr ,'i i:- .-c. co "our sacred nation" he is alluding to his

:pci! : i..1r-i :. ,:... r:'. Ldential blessings and to the Old Testament

" :.*,..!tr," cr pr-:.-.i:, :'v.n to Abraham and his descendants. In the

Li'.l LII. I :1 i.L .: *:-Iled a holy people because God singled out

.It rh:.m a:- th :ch- : i .ny nations" (Genesis 17:4). 1eo promised to

u'_ l-hIi'. ,"' i .- ,.d ._ id .. numeiorcus and powerful:

I i .L-r I'..- r,-, seede as the starres of heaven,
ar., -". ib.: :-r,' -..'. i is upon the sea side, and rhy









seede shall possess the gates of his enemies.
(Genesis 22:17)

And he will give them the land of the Canaanite nations for their in-

heritance:

Behold, I have divided unto you by lot, these nations
that remain, to be an inheritance for your tribes.
(Joshua 23:4)

Although scripture promises only the land of Canaan, "Jee'ish theology

had explained this promise as containing an assurance of God that his

elect people would have world dominion in the Ilessianic end-time."38

Thus, in the fourth chapter of the Epistle to the Romans, Saint Paul

refers to "the promise" given to "our father Abraham" "that he should be

the heire of the world" (Romans 4:12-13).

Shylock, ho'evel, looks upon the promise as his claim to material

blessings to be received in this life, in Venice, and through his business

of usury. For when he thinks of his tribe and his sacred nation, he im-

mediately thinks of his rate of usance and the ancient grudge he bears

for one who rails on his bargains and well won thrift. Here Shylock is

making the kind of logical connection that is often done in Old Testament

descriptions of the traffic between Jew and Gentile. Much of his hope

for material blessings and financial success is epitomized by Deuteronomy,
39
read at evening prayers on February twenty-eighth:3

For the Lorde thy God hath blessed thee, as he hath
promised thee, and thou shalt lend unto many nations,
but thou thy selfe shalt not borowe: and thou shalt
reigne over many nations, and they shall not reigne o 'r
thee.
(Deut. 15:6)


eA Theological Word Book of the Bible. ed. Alan RichC'i.l ii,: d
York, 1955), p. 177.

9"The New Calendar, 1561," PraverBook (1559), p. 445.









Shylock's references to "our sacred nation," "my tribe," "Father

Abram" (I.iii.156), and "this Jacob from our holy Abram" (I.iii.67),

then, imply his personal ambition and his tribal expectations of success

over Antonio and the Christians. Domination over Antonio is the fulfill-

-rnr of the promise given to "Father Abram" and "our sacred nation":

. thou shalt lend unto many nations . thou shalt reigne over

many nations, and they shall not reigne over thee." Shylock expects

material blessings from God through usury.

l,,! .:.,: . ..: L; .'.- .:.ri i "1.:.. :- r.. 1i ..:.ty" is the deceitful

rUI: .:.f "fe .0 ubl'i.:j," L.I.:. V: i c r; .:.rjl ;, trying to ruin him,

K -is bu- c-, ar-, -i. :-' L;. d r,. ;,:.- In "1.-'i, simplicity" Antonio

i.E- tl *.--.if ;:' :.r r!I C .cl.*r I; i r C ..L 11. :ind readily accept his

I.:5~c [- ; l tcl L h ...j r ,-.- J:- h, :.j .. -rd loves them. But ac-

cu.ll :I n c.ri, .' "i:... i --. -: c'- ." :i di. s'' i J hatred, claims Shylock,

f,:r "i.m Fat I :c -i J .-i; c:r." =- j ,.il. .i :.r-.. ,oratis in order to bring

,,., -i Ulr. r.,r. ,-i ,, ',- it -r i. :- ..

S r icri: '' -. i. Li.J ;, L. 1-.' "fawning publican" with



f., f.1r :..-i 1. F-u, -:_ ': :-r. . 17 27n and 38n; also,
I-' ," Ick. ,'.._. l: l l . : .: CC L E- ,
*ed Lu i'- "fi.- i:" -c I 'rers nicht den
!, ;' d .- .L i 'i .c L '. iet. Eine Demuthi-
4..,-i 7 .u-' c'.u .r. v: .;. l c. ,i, i .:rt der sich an
rr 7 .- l -i d .., .3 L tu e : Gott sei mir
~' '' H c n .' T i ._ ; E ~ r' c .. begreift Shylock--
.i j r . u c- rh. :-- LL . '. .n diesel Standpunkte
c, ; c r. r I .: c I .:.,: -,.. '. rs e bettelnde Zaol ner

(lir L ,1 1 '-l- c "fr'-.i'. F b! i.': r, hbumi'les himself be-
,:. r..:.c .. i. Ni-.c;.: 1.: .'. : .:.-n the Mosaic law
ic..:- I c .' u-: -.J .- 'c e d .: ,-trition before God.
i.:i. di i- .. i :-f i- c.. ;1 Ir.- -.i fawning on God and
b. '" ..r. r r. : ." i ..>r", r .-, .: t ,-, lock .]
'4 II' I it L









the parable of the Pharisee and the Publican because the publican humbled

himself:

And the Publicane standing a farre off, would not lift
up his eyes to heaven: but smote upon his breast, saying,
God be mercifully to me a sinner.
(Luke 18:13)

It is true that Elizabethans were familiar with this parable since it was

read as the Gospel for the eleventh Sunday after Trinity.41 But the

whole purpose of this parable is to show that the repentant publican is

justified, while the scribes and pharisees who "trusted in themselves

. and despised others" were not justified. Jesus concludes by prais-

ing the humbled publican:

I tel you, this man departed hore to his house justified
rather then the other: for every one that exalteth him
selfe shalbe brought lowe: and he that humbleth him selfe,
shalbe exalted. (Luke 18:14)

Since Shylock looks upon Antonio as a prodigal, he would be will-

ing to call him a sinner, but he would hardly be willing to associate

Antonio with the humbled mar who "shalbe exalted." On the contrary,

Shylock repeatedly demands his rights and expects himself to be exalted

not only before man but before Gcd:

What judgment shall I dread doing no wrong?
(IV.i.89)

My deeds upon my head! (IV.i.202)

I'll have my bond, speak not against my bond . .
The duke shall grant me justice.
(III.iii.4, 8)

A Daniel come to judgment: yea a Daniel!
0 wise young judge how I do honour thee!
(IV.i.219-20)


41Prayer Book (1559), p. 148.








Other critics 4 have explained publican in its primary sense as

a tax collector during the Roman occupation of Israel. According to

Biblical scholars, the Jewish contempt for a publican in the New Testa-

ment is "partly due to his being a servant of the hated Roman government"

and partly due to his representing a system which was "a direct incen-

tive to dishonesty," especially in a neglected and ill-governed

"63
province." In this sense, then, Shylock would be calling Antonrio a

"publican" because, like the hated tax collectors who robbed the Jews of

their lawful gains during Roman occupation, Antonio also is a hated gen-

tile trying to rob him of his "well-won thrift."

hi i :..l.[l-ci -n .- p. '- Li,.: in is plausible because it reflects Shy-

!i :I..': f- t i.-ir,. cL-....d .ii .' his antagonism toward the gentiles. But

i[ .J..- i.-. --E:...-... : .:t chc f'a cr hat Shylock calls Antonio a "fawning"

piL ii.:, ri c:rE Lhili I.. :[- t.1 presentative of a foreign government.

Il:rl.. r, i :I- T, *i,.i <-1- 'Ait is s clear, for in the plays of Shakespeare

i : 1;- : : .riL. J Lich I. : cringing, smiling submission and usu-

all \I c-l a dJl -.e ,i Lr; i ircentions of deceit. Some examples from

r,: ;rl: cj r l-:.. LiCLriC- about the same time as The Merchant are:




"C1 i-.:- (ai ,:,L -,TT m .,li nIon of The Merchant, 1883) suggests that
Shil- c, o l- 1,. -" JL "I' .: P.blicani, or farmers of taxes, under the
r.ji, ,.'... l-,-ri:L C' cL. ,:,i : C ,- :the Roman tax collectors "were much more
I 1::1, o' .3j l. i J i- r, :. -lence than servility" (Furness Variorum,
p. ''r.,. I.. i .11 r ;.,, -.,E'cst. that this "primary sense of publican
:li ir f'.ir '.-.cL': i:,-l.l beg a favour as one unused to it"


D C'- ri- C T1., ed. James Hastings (London, 1902). p.
I?2. ihl rr.-.1 1 r :c''. ti _At "In one particular yea- the provic-
i; :- .i" .'.E-: 'j r, .. :.- .I: three times over" (A Dictionary of
[Ihe .:ii.- 1J .'.. : h. r. Ir ,; i- ised by Frederick C. Grant and H. H.
-'1 '. ._ ,.










0 Buckingham, take heed of yonder dog!
Look, when he fawns, he bites.
(Rjchard III I.iii.290-1)

Yet, spaniel-like the more she spurns my love,
The more it grows, and fawneth on her still.
('wwo Gentlemen IV.ii.14-5)

Go, base intruder' overweening slave!
Bestow thy fawning smiles on equal mates.
(Two Gentlemen III.i.157-8)

. and wilt thou, pupil-like,
Take thy correction mildly, kiss the rod,
And fawn on rage with base humility?
(Richard II V.i.31-3)

This fawning greyhound then did proffer me.
(I henryy TV I.iii.252)

I am your spaniel; and, Demetrius,
The more you beat me, I will fawn on you.
( _D II.i.204-5)

If thou dost bend and pray and fawn for him,
I spurn thee like a cur.
iCaesar III.i.45)

You showed your teeth like apes, and fawn'd like hounds.
(Caesar V.i.44)

In comparing Antonio to a "fawning publican," it would seem that

Shylock is alluding to a New Testament type and using words that have

specific connotations of contempt familiar to Elizabetha.-. '.-*.: r':: ch.

Bible and heard it in the liturgy daily. A publican in t.h,. i.. 1]:H :

ment is a man who was regarded with contempt by all the .cr L.: thbr.-

sees, and upright Jews. The Gospel for the third Sunda, -;'f. :ri.,.it

in the Prayer Book (1559) reads:

Then resorted unto him all the Publicans and sinr-. i, f.:
to hear him. And the Pharisees and Scribes murmtc.1. -
ing: He receiveth sinners, and eateth with them.
(Luke 15:1)

Thro-:: .ur. '.:,. ...spels the word ub~l icrn is : ,.cl I c.- :.l Jd i .ch









heathen, sinner, and harlot--words of the deepest contempt:

. let him bee unto thee as an heathen man and a
publicane. (Matt. 18:17)

. behold, many publicares also and sinners came,
and sate down with Jesus and his disciples.
(Matt. 9:10; also Luke 5:30,
Mark 2:15)

Behold a man gluttonous, and a wine bibber, and a
friend unto Publicanes and sinners.
(Matt. 11:19; also Luke 7:34)

Jesus said . the Publicanes and the harlots go into
the kingdom of God before you.
(Matt. 21:31)

. the publicanes and harlots believed him.
(Matt. 21:32)

AS -, lock sees him, then, Antonio is "fawning" because, like the

cur r.-.L Ill "kiss, the rod and fawn on rage with base humility," Antonio

h:.. i.J-r- d" his money abroad and throughout Venice on prodigals like

hir-'ilf ni -.o:w cones bankrupt, begging money, and trying to ingratiate

hi,..; i-l' ; r- wealthy and powerful enemy. And Shylock calls Antonio a

"rL.ubtl i.:" tl:ause he sees him as one with the contemptible sinners and

b: rr!~ : o*f che New Testament who--now smiling and fawning before this

cl.:-r, d -;. .:r-ent of "our holy Abram"--would yet rob him and "our sacred

ntc..-n" ..-I clb.ir well-won thrift.


"Tt.i devil can cite Scripture for his purpose"


L :r irionio, usury is not thrift but theft; a man does not steal

tr?:m ;. ifLt*.d. Angrily Antonio tells Shylock:

If c i:u wilt lend this money, lend it not
A: c.. chy friends, for when did friendship take
.. b.:.-ij for barren metal of his friend?
Eii: ;1 d it rather to thine enemy,










Who if he break, thou may'st with better face
Exact the penalty.
(I.iii.127-32)

From the first, Antonio makes his opposition clear by alluding to Aris-

totle's argument against usury:

Shylock, albeit I neither lend nor borrow
By taking nor giving of excess,
Yet to supply the ripe wants of my friend
I'll break that custom.44

Antonio's reference to taking and giving "excess" of money con-

stitutes one of the principal arguments against usury in the Renaissance,

comes ultimately from Aristotle, and can be found in nearly every Eliza-

bethan sermon and pamphlet against usury. For, next to the Bible and the

Church Fathers; the authority of Aristotle was so highly esteemed that

his proof from reason was one of the first to be quoted. In 1578, for

example, Phillippus Caesar writes that usury is "ill increase, because

Usurers make that to fructifie which is fruitles, which by the witness

of Ethnikes is contrarie to nature." The whole passage has overtones of

the exchange between Antonio and Shylock:

Now consider how great is the blindenesse, or rather the
madness of men in these dotyng daies of this woride, that
to a thyng fruitless, barren, without seede, without life,
will ascribe generation: and contrary too nature and common
sense, will make that to engender which being without



4The Merchant I.iii.56-9. Aristotle contends that "There are
two sorts of wealth getting. .. The most hated sort, and with the
greatest reason, is usury, which makes a gain out of money itself, and
not from the natural object of it. For money was intended ::. .,; Fd
in exchange, but not to increase at interest. And this ter., .wc.:ar,
which means the birth of money from money, is applied to thi trw:j- :r.
of money because the offspring resembles the parent. Wharef'ii' :.7 all
modes of getting health h this is the most unnatural" (Aristocle., r- r
Books of the Western World, "Politics," trans. by Benjamin j:I,Lr.r
[Chicago, 1952j, 1258b, 1-7).









by no waie can increase. And therefore Aristotle in Ethnike;
and without all knowledge of Christianity, for this cause
dooeth pronounce Usurie to bee a thing detestable, and to be
abhorred. His words are these: "By good reason hath Usurie
come into the hatred of man, because money is only reaped, and
is not referred to the exchange of thynges, for which cause
it was first invented. For contrarie to the course of nature,
Usurie doeth augment and increase money, from which it is so
called.45

Ac. 1.i .lr,. ,_ c. -: r .-iu n c, ci-r.. u :;ury is immoral because it takes "ex-

.Gei '01 In.:.l :i ,.- m n.. fL'.: r..m :.i.ey which is contrary to the law of

nr'c, tal a Ir'L.:-, c f,..Li,.:J .l, C.-id. Money cannot "breed" or "fructi-



snr. -.:I'., hI. i .:. iL ; '.11 c..:nfident about the righteousness of

hi- l ., i.3, jn. : C, .i: r.; Lp.:. ail.'ntage" (I.iii.65), anticipates suc-

c:. : iii .:..-i[i r.-.ii ... cih- ricj.:-w l Christians, and defends usury by

Sc iCUir ,L .,...- :'r I'.r Lu. y Ls not theft but thrift. When An-

trnir :.l- -' : LI ..',r. c c-1- argument against usury, "I neither

ien.l ni,.L ... :''r i .' e il.iiii .- : i Lng of excess," Shylock--first mus-

i-g i r. ;-li, : .i.in l i)i. cja.:ir schooling his errant pupil in the

ir.L j u ,.z i... :I- _. ... f: ca .L-. ft 1 Ii tzason--appeals to Scripture:

Sh,. I:C cl-,:jlir. : '.., ..L. iou neither lend nor borrow
LI;.cr, J' U .- .,3 : .
Ai. i Jdo never use it.
51-.. l. i- Jf;, . ,'J tzh uncle Laban's sheep,--
(I.iii.64-6)

j..- Lil..' :r pl. i-' .' twitting Laban is a fitting climax

rc: .: f..f- c ;L ..u'.i.li r .- i views on usury, theft, deceit, owner-

shi;., ?cr.:-., C..l' bi h -,: .c- it, foreigners, and revenge. Jacob



"ti I ,I..f ,..: C. : C. --r-tl Discourse A.ainst the Damnable Sect
..- U.iur_ ... !:. i'.,i.LL. r l.r:.rfilms, Ann Arbor, 1950), reel. 13, pp.
5,-t'.










is Shylock's exemplar, and Psalm 146, read at evening prayers on the

thirtieth day of each month,46 speaks accurately for his feelings at this

point: "Blessed is he unto whom the God of Jacob is an ayde."

In the Bible Jacob is not merely the descendent of Abraham and

Isaac, he is also the "supplanter,"47 or trickster, who robbed his first-

born twin brother of his birthright and thereby received the blessings

promised to Abraham and his seed. Shylock gleefully prefaces his story

by calling Antonio's attention to Jacob's theft of ilr` paternal bleasing:

When Jacob graz'd his uncle Laban's sheep,--
This Jacob from our holy Abram was
(As his wise mother wrought in his behalf)
The third possessor: Ay, he was the third.
(I.iii .66-9)

Shylock is referring to Chapte-s twenty-five and twen'y-seven of the Book

of Genesis.

Even Jacob's name is symbolic of his ambition to supplant the

prodigal Esau. According to Genesis, Chapter twenty-five, read at morn-

ing prayers each year on January fourteenth,48 Jacob's ambition is first

suggested by the fact that he was born with "his hand holding Essau by

the heele, and his name was called Jacob."49 Rebecca is told:

And the Lorde said unto her, There are two imaner of
people in thy womb, and two nations shalbe devided out
of thy bowels: and the one nation shalbe mightier than
the other: and the elder shalbe servant unto the :'u,-.:
(Genesis 25:23)


46"Index & Calendarium," Praver Book ('..'.r Ai.

47"The First Table" appended to the '5- ...'i : t.- -.i 31 A .L -.1..
"Jaakob" means "a supplas.ter, or deceiver."

48,"Index & Calcndarium, P.rayer .ok (1."*) L7.

Genesis 25:26. Esau later exclaims, "7 -c. : h ;-i'.
Jacob? for he hath undermined me nowe two ti: .-" ;. .: i-:3.:J.









The same chapter gives another example of Jacob's ambition and his readi-

ness to take advantage of his brother when he swindles Esau into selling

his birthright for some "pottage":

. and Easau came from the field, and was faint. And
Esau said to Jacob, feede me, I pray thee, with that same
red pottage: for I am faint. . And Jacob sayd, Sell me
this day thy byrthright. Esau said, Loe, I am at the point
to die, and what profit shall this byrthright doe me? Jacob
answered, sweare to me then this day. And he sware to him,
.nJ -.-,1 Ii: b L;ir -l': unto Jacob.
(Genesis 25:29-33)

h, Ic.:.h!.': ct, ,..: Ji'.:atb his Biblical exemplar is fitting, for he

5i 1 ; ; C:.p-,-, C ; |-,., L ,. .TI -

In cEi- .: i f 'ir.:-ri:, the next example of Jacob's ambition and

*.:un i.ir i cel'.- :. ch'L '- ,: .k notes with admiration. With the assis-

cjn;-: r, "'i- ,- ._ ,: ~.. r," Jicob deceives his blind father on his death-

b._d, ;,T- .o b-. F.i, .r:,ci.tLs Isaac:s blessing for the first born, and

crLu: b..:...i "T '.: cii.- F,::-.:-ssor : Ay, he was the third." Chapter twenty-

.:.-:r, .:f tC. :-i, r.: .. i~c m.'.raing prayers each year on the fifteenth of

-Jar :al', i cI flell.-- 1- riccount:

.nrJ I:'<.: i' I.J I-n .-.i t thou my sonne Esau? And he said,
it,: -.. Tile, .i .j he, Bring me, and let me eaten of my
':n[--: "-.-,i .i, C.L i._ soule may blessed thee. And hee brought
him. .r, ,-. ;r.- .r ie brought him wine also, and he dranke.
And '.i t:ch.: 1i s. said unto him, come neere, and kisse me,
,r, '-n,,i. .'. ". inc unto him, and kissed him: and he
-)l- : ,ir ..'.i. :.f his raiment, and blessed him, and said,
:.c, cr.l :-l f ri' -.on is as the smell of a field which the
L.:-. -.ac, t.-:. ',:j. C:od give thee of the dewe of heaven, and
of vl-, i.-cr-, ;- .f ch-- earth, and plentie of corn and wine.
P-::,;vlC t. h. s::* -ri'.:s, and nations bowe to thee: be Lorde
cvo:r c!.' b.. rchIr i..! thy mothers children stoupe with rever-
.-,: u-c, Ch, .-,r-:d be he that curseth thee, and blessed
be i-. cl.I, c t le ti-, r ee. .
(Genesis 27:24-28)


" e'< .L *:-.,..ar.. ," Prayer Book (1559), p. 317.










In the Book of Genesis, Jacob's deceit and theft of the first

born's inheritance is always referred to as his obtaining the paternal

blessing: "I pray thee, sit and eate of my venison, that thy soule may

bless me" (Genesis 27:19; also see 27:10, 13, 27, 30, 32, 33, and 35).

But Shylock's emphatic substitution of the word possessor for the Bibli-

cal word blessing suggests his hierarchy of values, for he evaluates

blessings only by the material wealth that he can possess. As Shylock

sees and emulates him, then, Jacob is the Biblical type for the shrewd

and deceitful man who takes advantage of the ignorant and thrives on

gulls, prodigals, and impoverished aristocrats.

After his prefacing remark about Jacob's being a "possessor,"

Shylock develops the story of Jacob's outwitting his uncle Laban. This

story is particularly appropriate as a Biblical defense of Shylock's prac-

tice of usury and of his secret intentions toward Antonio. According to

Genesis Jacob had finally met an equal competitor in Laban. Laban de-

ceived him into marrying Lesh before Rachel, and he tricked him into

working fourteen years without wages. But Jacob takes his revenge by

bargaining to work an additional seven years, during which time he changed

the fleece of the lambs born of his uncle's "fulsome ewes." Genesis,

read at morning prayers each year on the seventeenth of January,1 gives

the following account of Jacob using his skill in breeding sheep to take

advantage of Laban:

And he said, what shall I then give thee? And Jacob
answered, Thou shalt give mee nothing at all: if thou
wilt doe this thing for mea, then will 1 turne again,
feede thy sheepe, and keep then.


5"Index & Calend-ari;m," Trayjer Boo!k (1559), p. 317.
_j









I will go about all thy flockes this day, separate from
them all the cattel that are spotted and of divers colours:
and all the black among the sheepe, and the parties and the
spotted among the kiddes, the same shalbe my reward.
So shall my righteousnesse answer for me in time to come:
for it shall come for my reward before thy face. And every-
one that is not specked and party amongst the gates, and
black amongst the sheepe, let it be counted theft in me.
And Laban said, Goe to, would God it might be according to
thy saying.
Therefore he took out the same day the hee goates that were
ringstraked, and of diverse colours, and all the shee goates
that were spotted and coloured, and al that had white in them,
and all the black amongst the sheepe, and put them in the
ke-ping of his sonnes ..
Jacob took rods of greene popular, hasell, and chessenut
rrees, and pulled white strakes in them, and made the white
appeare in the roddes,
And put the roddes which he had pilled, before the sheepe,
in the gutters and watering troughes when the sheepe caue to
drinke, that they should conceive when they came to drink.
And the Sheepe conceived before the rods, and brought foorth
limbes ringstraked, spotted, and parties.
And Jacob did separate these lambs, and turned the faces of
tle sheepe, which were in the flocke of Laban, toward these
-ngstraked, and all manner of black: and so put his owne
fl.ockes by themselves, and puc them not with Laban's cattell.
And in every conceiving time of the stronger cattel, Jacob
layde the rods before the eyes of the cattell in the gutters,
lamely that they conceive before the rods.
But when the cattell were feeble he put them not in: and so
che feebler were Labans and the stronger Jacobs.
And the man increased exceedingly, and had much cattell, and
c.ayde servants, and men servants, and camels and asses.
And he heard the words of Laban's sonnes, saying Jacob bath
taken away all that was our fathers, and of our fathers goods
hith hee gotten all his glorie.
And Jacob behelde the ccuntenance of Laban, and beholde, it
;iLs not towards him as it was wont to be.
And the Lorde sayde unto Jacob, turne again into the lande
of thy fathers, and to thy kindred and I will be with thee.
(Genesis 30:31-43, 31:1-3)

Alth:.I_-1 this passage is lengthy, it is important to see it in full.

Fror Sl. lock, like Jacob, intends to come to an agreement with Antonio

3r,.' i:. 'jmonstrate his righteousness; "I would be friends with you, and

h '. .'-.. love," says Shylock (i.iii.134). Moreover, Shylock sees this


Liblic.l story as the precedent and defense of usury.









Shyleck argues that Jacob was blessed by God because he used his

skill in sheep breeding to take advantage of Laban. First, there is the

agreement in which Jacob and Laban,

were compromised
That all the eanlings which were streak'd and pied
Should fall as Jacob's hire.
(I.iii.73-5)

Then "The Skilful shepherd" (I.iii.79) sets out, not to take interest--

"No, not take interest, not as you would say Directly interest" (I.iii.

71-2)--but to exact occult compensation, or "recompense of iniurie" as

the note in the Bishops' Bible calls it.52 Nor is this theft, argues

Shylock, for Jacob is "The skilful shepherd" who knew how and when to

put the "certain wands" before the conceiving ewes. And just as he, Shy-

lock, uses his skill with money "Upon advantage" (I.iii.65), so did Jacob,

to his own advantage, use his skill and superior knowledge of sheep breed-

ing to change the fleece of the lambs. Thus, neither his own skill at

taking interest nor the "venture" of this "skilful shepherd" should be

called theft. They are thrift, concludes Shylock:

This was a way to thrive, and he was blest:
And thrift is blessing if men steal it not.
(I.iii.84-5)

At this point, however, Antonio objects. The generation of sheep

is a natural process and therefore lies in God's power. Admittedly, Jacob

is not a thief. But he is not a thief for the reasons that Shylock has

presented, for Shylock has not given the complete Biblical explanation.

As the gloss in the Bishops' Bible notes,

It is not lawfull by fraud to sceke recompense of


52
The Bishope' Bible, gloss to Genesis 30:37, "Jacob took r.' "









iniurie: therefore Moses sheweth afterward that God
thus instructed Jacob.53

Thas, Antonio contends that,

This was a venture sir that Jacob serv'd for,
L, li ri ,-L.c r. ;H' ,L ji. ..ci rc: bring to pass
ur. .. 'j inr,.j -i l-,,.i,,'d 5 the hand of heaven.
(I.iii.86-8)

Th ,e FitLlcl -.L:: iL chal c r. c: is alluding to comes only a fev verses

iftet Sh,.:..:i:' : ,p *= In ch.t passage Jacob tells the angry sons of



Tlh, L:r-vi h,. L:,!-:r rch, f.chers cattel and given
t..-.- c: .. (Genesis 31:9).

Tlh'u. iru..: .a,r.c:n. i'.rJ c-he -losses to the Bishckgs' Bible repeatedly

p.C' _ic ..:icE),' r.h "..t-.c" Jacob was not his doing but was "sway'd

a. j,, fi h .-.. 'd I:', :hi- I. ri. .:f l- a "en."
3L. ) cjEn."

1Ikr-c -r. ,r : -c *i-~c.:, 'hylock's gold and silver do not increase

b [E n'cu-il r i--:iric :. rc;l.;-i ro animals, sc why has Shylock introduced

inCE L0. hr dJ.L :: i:r :.i clr;Ji, And borrowing "Upon advantage" a Bibli-

<:1 3Lcr., bL: u[ J c*.. inJ h o-rkings of Divine Providence?

iji; cihi .ri.~rc J r..,l.. interest good?
Or i( ',:ur .i lJ 3-. j i --r ewes and rams?


Sh. K i.:.;' -i- : 'I c r.nc-.c : ..: I make it breed as fast" (I.iii.91).



SLih.: LL-L T-_-1:i :1.-: to Genesis 30:37.

,i0,,* .-.' r j. 1...': i, s to his dying father and his theft of
C Ci]- p.L . a t :-.:. r t Lr.h- ,_ht, the Bishops' Bible says that "This
b_ ill JE. Il r l.;: 3 ii.- J'..:ob with Isaac considered by itself, is
bl.-.c:..:rc h -' b if ic c r,.i.rr. to the will of God and the setting
f rC' -c -i: a.cti -, : i .:.'n ir,.dable" (gloss to Genesis 27:19).
'' ecl .' : _l ir.-. c:-. elo.:. reads, "We must not so much behold the
r.-.u EirdJc :., -IL., a i t.' i- dence of God,who would by such weak-
ni -: : -- ,-ii .I. ::i;.- d.c lji .d" (Genesis 27:26).









Beneath this reply is Shylock's subtle rhetorical argument: who am I

to say that God blesses the ewes and rams of "The skilful shepherd" but

not "my moneys and my usances" (I.iii.103) when both show equal increase?

Here Shylock gives expression to one of the fundamental differences be-

tween him and Antonio. For Shylock, increase and thrift are the only

signs of God's blessing and God's approval.55 While for Antonio, who

ultimately thrives and increases, it is giving and receiving out of love

and friendship that are worthy of God's blessing and God's approval.

Antonio answers Shylock with a Biblical allusion adapted ad personal:

Mark you this Bassanic,
The devil can cite Scripture for his purpose,--
An evil soul producing holy witness
Is like a villain with a smiling check,
A goodly apple rotten at the heart.
0 what a goodly outside falsehood hath'
(I.iii.92-7)

Like the devil who quoted Psalm 9i and tempted Jesus with Scrip-

tural arguments to cast himself from the pinnacle of the temple, Shylcck

is "an evil soul producing witness" in support of "falsehood.' In the


55This doctrine, among other things, has led some critics to a
consideration of Shylock as a Puritan or as one of the many aliens living
in London, "French and Dutch refugees, who, strong Huguenots, lived under
the influence of the Old Testament" (Andrew Tretiak, "The Merchant of
Venice and the 'Alien' Question," Review of English Studies, V [1929],
404). Paul Siegel speaks of these Puritans:
Like the Old Testament Jews, they thought of themselves as an
elect, a chosen people, and looked upon the Anglican Church as
idolatrous. They in turn were regarded as a minority of for-
eigners, who had imported their religion from Geneva and
adopted a strange attire and strange manners. Such similari-
ties made it possible for Shakespeare to suggest that Jewish
money-lenders and Puritan usurers were kindred spirits in their
villainy and in their comical grotesqueness.
(Paul N. Siegel, "Shylock the Puritan," Columbia University Forum, V
[Fall, 1962], 15). Thcmas Wilson calls these Puritans "dissembling gos-
pellers" because they often defended usury from Biblical texts: "and
touching this sin of usury none do more openly offend in this behalf than
do these counterfeit professors of this pure religion" (ADiscourse Upao
ULurve, 1572).









second temptation of Jesus inthe desert, read as the Gospel for the

liturgy of the first Sunday in Lent,56 Saint Matthew tells how,

Then the devil taketh him up into the holy citie,
and setteth him on a pinacle of the holy temple, And
sayeth unto him, If thou be the sonue of God, cast
thyself done: For it is written, that he shall give
his angels charge over thee, and with their hands they
shal lift thee up, lest at any time thou dash thy foote
against a stone. Jesus sayde unto him, It is written
a l T,..:.u halrE -iiL E-mpt the Lord thy God.
(Matt. 4:5-7)

E.:.:. L..: s j fai!:if'r .:.f Scripture, Shylock first defends him-

Lf b b.-r :'Lr .'.riC.:.io jr.J hen, feigning friendship, agrees to con-

tii:c "trrrt.' b...n"' (I.iii 1'.9). Nevertheless, Shylock has made it very

cl.:-: *.: c'.- a 'isj ;* L..L 'ju'L as Jacob tricked Laban out of his ewes

aJ !-.*i.: L- th L.: b.:1 wings, so will he, Shylock contends, get

tlhI :Lt._r :' .': c .:, .. .ich .: Lord's approval. And if Antonio objects

L.: l:.1.-.: : ."t. r [L- .'-; .'r.d li. "well-won thrift, which he calls interest"

(I.L.L.-:'). Ll-. i' :..1 'ill contractt a merry bond out of friendship--

lil. ja.;':[.t, .ichU c i : -- .., let the "hand of heaven" bless him with his

c,:..[ i t- 'ci r.n ,i : :.r u-.-" .c After all,

h. . h .i:irds, sailors but men, there be
la ij-r;c .., -.ac.:r-tacs, water-thieves, and land-thieves,
( i.i-, ;: r cA.::,i a~d Llhen there is the peril of waters,

(I.iii.15-23)











56. 98.
F L1 1 :I I I I- 5 ) 98.


j j












Characteristic of Shylock's twisting of Scripture to fit his be-

liefs is his use of the form Abram for Abraham. Although I have not

been able to locate any critical comments on Shylock's use of this form,

it would seem to be a significant indication of his convictions and in-

tentions. For in Shakespeare's other plays the form used is Abraham:

Sweet peace conduct his sweet soul to the boscm
Of good old Abrahami
(Rjchard II IV.i..03-A)

The sons of Edward sleep in Abroham's bosom.
(Richard I IV i.iii.38)

And in Henry V, Mrs. Quickly gives her version of Abraham's bosom:

Nay, sure, he's Ino in hell: he's in Arthur's
Bosom, if ever man went to Arthur's boscm.
(If.iii.9-10)

In The Merchant, however, the form is always Abram:

This Jacob from our holy Abram was.
(I.iii.67)

O father Abram, what these Christians are!
(I.iii.156)

The distinction between these two forms of the same name is ex-

plained in Genesis:

It is I, behold, my convenanr is with thee, and thou
shalt be a father of many nations. Neither shall thy
name anymore bee called Abram, but thy name shalbe called
Abraham: for a father of many nations have I made thee.
(Genesis 17:4-5)

As the Bishops' Bible notes here, "The changing of his name is a _iail of

Gods promise."57 And as Saint Paul notes, the "promise" to be j u,,..r,:c


Sishops' Bible (1585), gloss re Genesis 17:5.








"as the starres of the heaven and as the sand which is upon the sea side"

was given to "Abrahai" because of his faith that God, not Abraham, would

bring all to pass.58 It is the Lord who says:

I will multiple thy seede as the stares of heaven,
and as the sand which is upon the sea side, and thy
seede shall possess the gates of his enemies.
(Genesis 22:17)

7Th F.Li.b- L'. L. b., *..'~'.n:r. i on these lines, emphasizes the distinc-

Li.:- b.. C.n i.c :'3 P 'L. V:-thir:'i freely and man's merit: "God giveth his

fr.; bcer.ilt~ hr nir, :.'f r-. id, to provoke men to godliness: not for

Lh,- .T _rir r-.f Lh, .' .

ilhr .-;.t.:.u TI~.. '..r.ihr..-. then,when Shylock calls Abraham "Abram,"

h. i ifi),: L..l hi; uri 1 linri -ss to acknowledge that faith in Provi-

dJir.n: hiL:. ct-rh L lEs! chin ,-> of name symbolizes. He recognizes and

c..n,:I U. lf.:,.. 4- *:t i-, i Ljo..L:ed blessings, but he does not rely on God

foir -r -L !if!li;l .c r r f e his sufficiency. He relies on his cwn cal-

c i_.. I. : : i : i ii. 1',. il-i .-r, thrift ."

It, .: r 0,L :-f ~.- : :l.:nt, then, Shylock introduces the audience

[: LI." -.: icr. 1 c.:.i'.iit':: .. E l: f lay--a longstanding antagonism between

ir.-:lf _U-J .,nri~.c-. b c'.i-. -,; willing bonds of loving friendship and

the uin .1i ) 11; .!'- f 11 ,,:. i cus and vindictive usury. With Biblical

jliu; i.:. ,~ ,:r.fn 2 i-i' L ,i:ntv.:-usness, claiming to be especially chosen

b. c.:. -d .t Ci .- .-t.r to whom the promise was made. And he

clli; L'i. I.- : ih :ili L.- 'l l: .- ..l -nd rewarded like Jacob for his skill in








S .: ..r. ; .




56




breeding money. For since he does not offend against the law ("What

judgment shall I dread, doing no wrong?" IV.i.89), he will be blessed

with wealth, power, and success over the prodigal Christians of Venice.








CHAPTER II

RESOLUTION AND LITURGY


In the first twenty-two lines of the concluding act of The Mer-

chant, beneath the surface of a playful lovers' quarrel clothed in clas-

sical and liturgical allusions, with memories of love, deception, loss,

death, redemption, resurrection, and union, Lorenzo and Jessica offer a

beautiful but paradoxical resolution of The Merchant of Venice. In keep-

ing with the antogonistic movement initiated in Act One by Shylock and

Antonio, this resolution takes the form of a quarrel. But this time the

quarrel is a mock quarrel arising not from deceit, hate, and the bond of

usury but from the feeling of being freed from bondage and from the ac-

cipl..n-.: .:l' the bonds of love with its demands for sacrifice, suffering,

nr ..':: i. in this chapter 1 will trace the Biblical, liturgical, and

.: 1a '.i : .llusions of the opening lovers' quarrel and show how Lorenzo

ai-J J;.---.:a offerr this paradoxical resolution to the theme of bondage in

h-..- '.:.-h-ic by accepting the new bonds.


Ti r:'-s, Cressid, and the Problem of Trusting People


Th- fifth act of The Merchant of Venice sounds a note of joy, love,

an, .ii.;,ui'lV harmonious resolution quite different from the earlier op-

pr, :,l.'_,,: i .if Venice which its "want-wit sadness" (I.i.6), its frivolous

"uiAcl ,.id i- aghter" (I.i.80), its insidiously "merry bond" (1.iii.168),

and ic r,.icL!ess demand for justice voiced by Shylock: "I stand here

fi.' 1:." I .,.142). This final act presents Belmont as a refuge from

b':r'-i'. -.1 I land of plenty dropping "manna in the way / Of starved









people" (V.i.294-5). It pictures Lorenzo and Jessica sitting in the

idyllic garden at Belmont talking of love while the moon shines but "a

little paler" than the day (V.i.125). It opens with Lorenzo speaking:

The moon shines bright. In such a night as this,
When the sweet wind did gently kiss the trees,
And they did make no noise, in such a night
Troilus methinks mounted the Trojan walls,
And sigh'd his soul toward the Giecian tents
Where Cressid lay that night.
(V.i.1-6)

In these lines Lorenzo sets the basic antiphonal pattern for the

lovers' quarrel between himself and Jessica, a quarrel which typifies the

allusive harmony and the paradoxical resolution of Act Five. Both lovers

follow a patterned response, answering each other antiphonally with the

phrase, "In such a night. . ." Both assume an attitude of playful cele-

bration for the releases from unwilling bondage and for the acceptance of

the bonds of love. Both seek classical allusion after classical allusion

with the moon for a setting. Both try to answer the charges of the other

with a counter attack. And both lovers hide the relevant issues behind

an allusion until the disguise becomes so thin that Lorenzo finally breaks

out with a gentle and playfully ironic direct attack:

In such a night
Did Jessica steal from the wealthy Jew,
And with an unthrift love did run from Venice
As far as Belaont.
(V.i.14-17)

Not only did Jessica "steal" away, puns Lorenzo, but she also "did

steal" two bags of ducats (II.viii,18), a diamond valued at "`no :rouJi jn

ducats (III.i.77), and a turquoise ring which Leah gave Shylocl [.

bachelor (III.i.111). Moreover, she demonstrates "an u-t! :rfc 1c. :" b:

discontinuing her life as the daughter of "the wealthy Jew," b: r-.rn:









her father's turquoise ring "for a monkey" (III.i.109), and by spending

in "Genoa . one night forscore ducats" (III.i.98-9).

Although Lorenzc's first statement in thelovers' quarrel is

clothed with pleasant associations, beneath the surface of his images

and poetry, Lorenzo is playfully questioning Jessica's trustworthiness.

As critics generally recognize,1 the source for Lorenzo's allusion to

TL.:-i l- ii ChaJ.:-! TrI.-'l ll. : *JA Cc -: .-; nrd it is from Chaucer that

n.u':h .:.f ch ci'"ii .:,. L::r:tr,: '[ Lin.: CCi:Ti'1 Troilus and Criseyde reads

a4 f: l.:. :

And C .' i; r -: i-t, ; h i ;.l'. c J.:. .:.ne,
H-: .-..:.._ c L r *c i -l: I I': '.'-. t .I. : .l1. ,
HAn .: c l ch: I' i : t. .: t '. b c [.: t 1: .1.:3


1Jp..: El I 11- ft. -I ;. uild- aI-: i..a lkE ,
A ..J c i. C CI-i.i :-:- 1-e *.:;lde
A, J r. r... i-. h c h : ..,r.: t- !ell e:
''Lo, v.'.:rd. n-- *:-i. iL li:. fic. c
Or -1 i: ....:r. i cli. i [Ch Le :i. :
And c'. rr- : c:I-:.-i h :I iA rT Ll-.- : :c. soote,
TnaE ,r_ r;-.. : ul 1 f :lE L d.:-LIh f- b *:: te.2

Tl-- ci l' :f Cri aI-': : .': io: i.hi L: . c : r..: to six stanzas, is cap-

cu -:J b', L,:.i-..r_:. i-r : ii 1 . L.:.L-' .: j.:. r.his by selecting all the

t,:i.: li.a.e- : ai "r.,''c'' u-nd. r a "bri hc.: r-:.,-ie," all his "sorwe he to

clh. Dr.. ,.i- C-l- '' Fa !i .. I..._- ui-..-. r l "r 1. l. i" overlooking the Grecian

"E[ C C- .:" J ;L.- L .h:d Co: "-* :r Cl I L .: s. .r.e" for his "soul."

0 r c... i L i.', h: : 'i-t l. : .: a T r the idyllic garden of Bel-



I F ; : .r .J F:-. .f :'. I 1 :. i _r,.'. i Edmund Malone
(L-iJ:r., !;1 .-.i E. t i T. ; -u: C t cefr .,ld Ea. the Malone
Sha'.:: r 3 I'.. :rh h...- '... illustrations of the Life,
:tfi.. := -. i ic f -, : .. L.: .J :., 1845), T, 312; Furness
'i t''i '- ,r'. :- .- ['L : .t 'r ,' *'J [ i 'r'

--T' [ : f ei Ci ed. F. N. Robinson
IL;.:.:: -., 19'. I :, .l.' i--, :. .-.'-:.- Unless noted otherwise,
a ll u : L ,:.-, . l L r ,-, l-Ch L r .










mont, Lorenzo is recalling the pleasant images. But he is also unavoid-

ably recalling the submerged, pertinent, unpleasant facts about Troilus

and Cressid. Once beyond the "Trojan walls," Cressid accepted a new

lover in the "Grecian tents / Where Cressid lay that night." Moreover,

the whole war between the Greeks and the Trojans took its inspiration

from that kind of love which in Shakespeare's Troilus and Cressida
r13
Ulysses calls "appetite, an universal wolf."

Thus, despite the beauty of the poetry and the harmony of the

garden at Belmont, Lorenzo's allusion to Troilus has ironic undertones--

not only in the light of Shakespeare's Chaucerian source but also in the

light of his own version written about six years later. For even while

Troilus was sighing out his soul for his beloved Cressid "In such a

night . When the sweet wind did gently kiss the trees," she was be-

ing unfaithful. In Shakespeare's version the later anguish of Troilus is

memorable: "0 false Cressid! False, false, false!" cries Troilus. "O

beauty' where is thy faith?" "If beauty have a soul, this is not she"

(V.ii.178, 167, 138). Lorenzo's allusion to Troilus is then playfully

appropriate. For although he has no grounds for questioning Jessica's

fidelity in conjugal love, he does have grounds for questioning her

fidelity in parental love, obedience, and justice.

Lorenzc's allusion also recalls the danger of trusting anyone,

for throughout The Merchant agreements, contracts, and bonds of trust



Shakespeare, Troilus and Cressida, I.iii.121. Vergil i. 1'h&z .
develops this idea and argues that Troilus and Cressida views lif ch, ut.l
an Augustinian ethics in which "Love at sight must rest upon r. ij
therefore appetite; and it must be a triumph of passion in de'"sr.. of
reason, a sin." Shakespeare's Use of Learnin (San Marino, Call: nis,
1953), p. 211.








have been lightly regarded or intentionally deceptive from the start.

Repeatedly, someone puts his faith in someone or something only to be

disappointed. Antonio puts his faith in Bassanio by entrusting his

money to him even though Bassanio is a self-acknowledged bad risk.

Bassanio has never paid his debts to Antonio, and this time his debt

nearly costs Antonio his life.

Also, in contracting the loan with Shylock, Antonio puts his

faith in his ships which are to return "with thrice three times the

value of this bond" a month before the bond expires (I.iii.153-5). But

Antonio's ships do not return on time. Again, when Shylock protests:

"I would be friends with you, and have your love . and take no doit

/ Of usance for my moneys" (I.iii.134, 6, 7), Antonio accepts his word:

"Content in faith, I'll seal to such a bond, And say there is much kind-

ness in the Jew" (I.iii.148-9). Even when Antonio hears about the

pound of flesh and hears Bassanio's warning, "1 like not fair terms in a

viill-,i's mind" (I.iii.175), he accepts Shylock's "fair terms" and "merry

bo.d-." (i.iii.169) and tells Bassanio: "The Hebrew will turn Christian,

I- ..ir:'; kind" (I.iii.174). But Shylock's "merry bond" turns out to be

a raurd-r.:.L.- plot against the life of his competitor and, according to

J-s: ia, a plot with premeditated malice:

ihen I was with him, I have heard him swear
To Tubal and to Chus, his countrymen,
That he would rather have Antonio's flesh
Thaln twenty times the value of the sum
That he did owe him.
(III.ii.283-7)

l'gain, when Shylock tells Jessica, "There are my keys .

Jor i.:.. my girl, Look to my house" (II.v.12, 15-6), he puts his faith

in hi- daughter, only to have her run off with his money and family










jewels. Even Portia's obedience to her father's will is in question if
4
we suppose she gave Bassanic a clue in his choice of the right casket.

And then Portia and Nerissa entrust their rings to their husbands as a

sign of marital fidelity. But these husbands give away their rings at

the first pressing instance. Thus, in the lovers' quarrel between Lor-

enzo and Jessica the playful consideration of Jessica's fidelity belongs

to an extensive series.

As critics generally view her, Jessica is hardly an example of

loyalty, integrity, or mature love. At her worst, according to Sir

Arthur Qiiller-Couch,

Jessica is bad and disloyal, unfilial, a thief; frivolous,
greedy, without any more conscience than a cat and without
even a cat's redeeming love of home. Quite without heart,
or worse than an animal instinct--pilfering to be carnal--
she betrays her father to be a light-of-lucre carefully
weighted with her sire's ducats.5


4Henry N. Hudson observes: "This song is very artfully conceived
and carries something enigmatical or riddle-like in its face, as if on
purpose to suggest or hint darkly the way to the right choice. . The
riddle evidently has some effect in starting Bassanio on the right track,
by causing him to distrust such shows as catch the fancy or the eye"
(Shakespeare's Merchant of Venice, ed. Henry N. Hudson [Boston, 1879],
p. 88n). Richmond Noble explains further that the song warns Bassanio
to "beware of that which is pleasing to the sight, for it has no sub-
stance and at best its superficial glory is transient. for almost
without waiting for the last strains of the song to fade away, he
[Bassanio] observes very abruptly,
So may the outward shows be least themselves;
The world is still deceiv'd with ornament.
A comment clearly enough inspired by the song" (SQhaespeare's Use of
So ._ [Oxford, 1923], p. 45). And Austin K. Gray notes thac "ihi: .r.;
is an Echo Song" in which the final rhymes "bred," "head," "ni.uriLh..,,"
and "fed" rhyme with "lead." Thus, "after the soloist's iijur. ..
'Reply, reply!'. . The song dying away on the sound Led, Bassari,:
takes the hint" ("The Song in The Meichant of Venice," M-N, 1927, X:II,
458-9).

.N.C.S., p. xx.








H. B. Charlton and T. M. Parrott look upon Jessica as a minx who causes

Shylock to harden his heart against Antonio and the Christians of Venice.6

She "is clearly a girl whose revolt will strike to her father's heart.

She flippantly desecrates all that Shylock holds sacred,"

These critics, however, disregard the whole dramatic statement,

for Lorenzo and all the Christians of Venice and Belmont sympathize with

Jessica and look upon her as a beautiful young girl who has escaped the

bondage of a miserly, devilish, old father and now embraces the obliga-

tions of Christianity and married love. As John Russell Brown demonstrates,

Jessica claims the sympathy of the Elizabethan audience not only because

-:h- "cl.. ,:!-z.,i', ,: ., old im,-n who escapes from'duress," but also

b-....- '- "' : '." --r t'L-t.t. I. Llizabethan and classical comedies" are

"c.l fic r.c- E-: crh d :.:--. :f ci --r children."8 As in Romeo and Juliet

nrd A Hid jr.*r Ir' r'L --, .'e-n it comes to a choice between marriage

for I:- .id ir'- i: i i .:,: d'.- ,l:e to one's parents, sympathy usually

f-r:. cl- h ,,i."i ii.. r.:j-ul .-c -'i who elope. Moreover, the audience

WiL ril cril..r Ci. c j :,;'.: chl-.ft is very similar to the occult compensa-

cEi,. i [1-i Si.-. -ipp .: ...-.i Li- his story of Jacob and Laban. Besides,

th . i; rih -- .:: .L.. *:vi .l*. i:. che bride bringing her own dowry.




'bi,:-.:'i-.. i:t.. F r',-:.cc. fh-kespearcan Comedy (New York, 1962), p.


H .-.,' c~ h. IL.., Shakespearian Comedy (New York, 1938),
p 15'-.

5EL. Lti'" bhi .i-r. .- on Anthony Munday's Zalauto (1530) and
I.ic: fl ,.. ~: ..-; r_-i .r.l- Novella (c. 1500), two possible sources
-r .. .- : ,--- : I ,-. L: 1L. of these romances, a prodigal daughter
,a.l-..- .iff -..ci, -.,-.': 1 f:c'- '. money, and yet all is condoned. Arden
cdij l l ., "i ,, l:,,: .,. '. .. ::'l










The Merchant. then, glosses over Jessica's disloyalty, disobedi-

ence, theft, and apostacy. In fact, the citizens of Venice, who clas-

sify better as Elizabethans than as Venetians, see Jessica's elopement

not only as an escape from bondage but as an actual triumph over the

Jewish misbelieverr, cut-throat dog" (I.ii.106). ;Wen Shylock cries

for law and justice after discovering Jessica's elopement and theft, the

Christians of Venice rejoice in her liberation and in Shylock's misfor-

tune. Salanio is exubscant in telling his friends about Shylock:

I never heard a passion so confused,
So strange, outrageous, and so variable,
As the dog Jew did utter in the streets:
'1My daughter' Oh, my ducats'. Oh, my daughter!
Fled with a Christian! Oh, my Christian ducats'.
Justice! The law! My ducats, and my daughter!
(II.viii.12-17)

Here all Salanio's sympathy is for Jessica. For by the standards of

Salanio and his friends, Jessica is not abandoning the faith but rather

escaping the limitations of Judaism and choosing the higher loyalties of

Christianity and married love. He no longer sees her as an infidel but

as one of the Faithful.

This introduces one of the significant complications of the total

dramatic action, tamely Jessica's conversion to Christianity; for The

Merchant presents Jessica's apostacy as a conversion. Also, by her con-

version Jessica solicits the sympathy of the Christian audience and im-

plies that she is worthy of trust. Early in the play Jessica speaks about

the "strife" of feeling as a daughter and thinking as a Christian:

Alack, what heinous sin is it in me
To be ashamed to be my father's child!
But though I am a daughter to his blood
I am not to his manners: 0 Lorenzo,
If thou keep promise I shall end this strife,
Become a Christian and thy loving wife!
(II.iii.16-21)









Here the issues in conflict are love and loyalty to her father versus

love of Lorenzo and loyalty to her religious ideas. Jessica wants to

1.n.- .,nd n Aj.irc Shylock because he is her father, and yet she cannot be

." ":child ''"tc his manners" because she judges them according to the

c3ndJ.:d. helh.J by the Christians of Venice. Shylock's ethics are in

confl ict cth the Christian community which Jessica accepts.

BuL ., -ica's trustworthiness is not merely a question of reject-

ir i 5.l.':I.' bannersrs," for the ethical manners of the Christians of

V.:ici' L r- jut'c as questionable and harsh as Shylock's. But by becoming

. Chri.ciail. ci implications are that Jessica is becoming one of the

fIichiful arcd therefore more trustworthy than an infidel. One element

of ch- ( tL l conflictt of The Merchant and of Jessica's "strife" is the

(Chr-tin- -, ii Lf salvation. For according to the Christians in The

li.rch-irL, .c- o .re infidels and Christians are the Faithful. Thus,

Gr ciancr cr.niic. Shylock by calling him an infidel: "Now infidel I have

y.-u u c.r : tii[" (IV.i.330). And he refers to Jessica in the same termi-

nr:lng. : '"Lut .ho comes here? Lorenzo and his infidel'" (III.ii.217).

L:'un-:l:.t C.b.:- similarly teases Jessica when he addresses her: "most

b -'i.. L I c.-, most sweet Jews" (II.iii.10-11). Launcelot continues,

rd inr hi, '. -i ish way alludes to the serious Renaissance view on the

iJ .hic. b-ar .cn natural paternity and the regeneration of grace:

Y\:, cruly, for look you, the sins of the father are to be
1iiJ up:.- the children, therefore (1 promise you), I fear
.cu --I ..as always plain with you, and so no'; I speak my
ric :icn of the matter: therefore be o' good cheer,for
crul. i think you :.* J.!.. 'd.
(III.v. 1-5)

Th.er-: a j, :.;itrnI.:, :, i anr,.- cL parodying the role of a theologian,

-hicl', ,li;- L,.r- ,cu cL.I.I'Lc b_ ~:' ad because your fath-r i? 3 nagan,










an infidel, one of the unredeemed.

In speaking his "agitation of the matter," Launcelot bolsters

his pseudo argument with two allusions to the liturgy. ". . the sins

of the father are to be laid upon the children" is a passage from the

Ten Commandments which is read aloud at every Comimunion Service in the

Book of Common Prayer: ". . for I the Lord thy God am a jealous God,

and visit the sin of the fathers upon the children unto the third and

.iii. generation." In the context of the Ten Commandments this con-

demnation refers to the worship of false gods. Launcelot, then, is im-

plying that Shylock worships a false god and that Jessica will be in-

cluded in his damnaticn.

A second passage which is more relevant to the anti-semitism of

Launcelot's pose is a Gospel passage read on the Sunday before Easter.

In this passage the Jews absolve Pilate of responsibility for the cru-

cifixion and call down upon themselves and their children the blood of

Christ:

Pilate said unto them: what shall I do then with Jesus,
Which is called Christ? They all said unto him: Let him
be crucified. The deputy said: what evil hath he done?
But they cried more saying: Let him be crucified. When
Pilate saw that he could prevail nothing, but that more
business was made, he took water, and washed his hands
before the people, saying, I am innocent of the blood of this
just person, see ye. Then answered all the people, and said,
His blood be on us and on cur children.10



Prayer Book (1559), p. 181. As Richmoad Ncble obE-:r.*-, ",I.
Biblical version reads 'sins'" (Shakesneare's Biblical Knco ... l.:).

10Praye Book (1559),p. 106, iro', ilacc. 2/1:22-;5. L-ce-:, OhEb
Portia exhorts Shylock to have mercy, Shylock alludes to th.. :i;>g1.
saying, "My deeds upon my head" (IV.i.202).









Thus when Launcelot offers his theologized "agitation" of the doctrine

of salvation for Jews, he offers only damnation for the daughter of Shy-

lock, a descendant of the crucifiers. And Jessica derisively concludes:

"there's no mercy for me in heaven, because I am a Jew's daughter"

(III.v.28-30).

In answering Launcelot, Jessica responds with the same kind of

theologizing that condemns her, and she likewise bolsters her argument

with Biblical and liturgical allusions. According to the scriptures,

the liturgy, and the Christian tradition, argues Jessica, there is only

one solution available, she must become a Christian. The Good Friday

liturgy suggests this view, for on this day the liturgy has a series of

solemn orations for the conversion cf heretics, schismetics, Jews, and

pagans. The Prayer Book reads:

Merciful God, who hast made all men, and hatest nothing
that thou hast made, nor wouldest the death of a sinner,
but rather that he should be converted and live: have mercy
upon all Jews, Turks, Infidels, and Heretics, and take from
them all ignorance, hardness of heart, and contempt of thy
:.rd. And so fetch them home, blessed Lord, to thy flock,
th it they may be saved among the remnant of the true Isreal-
icrs, and be made one fold under one shepherd Jesus Christ
c..or Lord.11



EPrayer Book (1559), p. 119. This Good Friday oration in the
Fi_.r _.ok was modeled on the Good Friday orations of the Latin liturgy.
Ir-: Pr *:: Book eliminates the adjective in the phrase perfidiois Jews
,,j ..r.:.-s the Jews with the Turks, infidels, and heretics in a single
*:.'c:.-, The availability and influence of the Latin liturgy will be
di;.-u:-;d in the following chapter. The oration for Jews on Good Fri-
dy! i Ei-e Latin liturgy reads:
Orermus et pro perfidis Judaesi ut Deon et Dominus
noster auferat velamen de cordibus eoru'_ ut et ipi
anoscant Jesum Christur Dominum nostrum.



;r 7.. Li---










Jessica, then, who knows that Launcelot is twitting her, answers: "I

shall be saved by my husband: he hath made me a Christian" (III.v.17-8).

Jessica is here alluding to two well-known scriptural passages.

The first appears in the Prayer Book in the ceremony for marriage: "For

this cause shall a man leave father and mother, and shall be joined unto

his wife, and they two shall be one flesh."12 This passage, from St.

Paul's Letter to the Ephesians (5:31), explains the lines in the Book

of Genesis (2:24), expressing the Jewish and Christian tradition that

the bond of loyalty between husband and wife takes preference over the

bond of loyalty between child and parent. The second scriptural passage

which Jessica musters to her cause answers Launcelot's views on justifi-

cation: "I shall be saved by my husband" (III.v.17). Jessica is alluding

to St. Paul's statement that "the unbeleeving wife is sanctified by the

husbande."l3 Thus, she argues, the faith of the unbelieving spouse (her

own) in a mixed marriage is supplied by the faith of the believing spouse

(Lorenzo's).


veritatis tuae luce. cuae Christus est a suis tenebris
eruantur.

[Let us also pray for the perfidious Jews, that the
Lord our God may tear away the veil from their hearts
so that they also may acknowledge our Lord Jesus Christ.

[Almighty and everlasting God, you do not refuse your
mercy to even the perfidious Jews. Hear the prayers which
we offer for the blindness of that people so that they r'i
acknowledge the light of your truth, which is Christ, and
be delivered from their darkness.]
Salisbury Missal, 1516, University Microfilms (Ann Arbor, 1948), : -;
482, "In Die Veneris Sancta." All English translations are mine

13
l2Prayer Book Q55), p. 223.

13Richmond Noble notes this Biblical allusion and gives c'.i-
version of I Cor. 7:14 from the Bishops' Bible as the version use1 b"
Shakespeare. Shakespeare's Biblical Knowledge, p. 166.









Consequently, when Jessica says she is going to "end this strife"

by becoming Lorenzo's "loving wife," she claims that the important thing

is not that she is abandoning her father but that she is following the

"ill of CMd 30 it if made knownn in the Old Testament, the New Testament,

S,,,i cri-I l: gicl ,: i.:r;on.. of marriage in the Prayer Book. In this way,

ci , J.-: :; 1 in- Lr,- : r i l- .: hy of the Venetians, solicits the sympathy

'of tl-,i '.C i;ic i ,uJi. n:.i :r-d claims to be worthy of trust. And when

L,.:.rL-. [ilci:r 1, il. !..: co Troilus in the lovers' quarrel, he is

itL.n...: L Ltjiiri. .i i-c' : -out the unpleasant, questionable aspects

of h.: ir. : ii. c .n-:- --at r.doning her Jewish heritage--faith, father,

:iJ i.',Ci'.: "--eloIcF.,I r,4 i.ing, and converting to Christianity.

-.h.tl- F. tLL rn COf ch.: Lorenzo-Jessica dialogue which sheds sig-

ni I'iL.: it li.-; .:o ,ii c.:-La:l dramatic action is the phrase "In such a

nL- hL," .hi:h i..',:c.: r r che beginning of each of the antiphonally re-

cc.J ll1..t-'co-. Cr iric: h., e always found this phrase appropriate for

th, i.-cc:t'l ;--cin;: a,-i Ij Ilic atmosphere of Belmont. They have also

r.uL.J ich. L ml:-~ ;: I: :or.Lemporaries thought so too since at least

C-.,, -:f Lh ni -, fit t:. it ..'.tc:-te it in a similar love scene in Wily Be-

._.....'" .-.d :lth:j.g-:i riics have not recognized it as a liturgical


Ii' .; : ..i 'er.en in 1601, imitated The Merchant in the
f,.l .l ..lo n .,-. :r :
S.:.h;.- h: I-.'-w the twinckling Starres do hide their
b:L E --.-ed shine
; h i 3 :Iii.'J clheir luster so is stain'd,
i L-.li,'-: L-'t-cio.a: eyes that shine more bright,
i:r. .. ,ni- ... = carres do in a winters night:
ir. i-. I ri .:'hL 1 .J Paris win his love.
L-la Ir, -:.- a night, Aeneas proved unkind.
-_., .. In *...ch a night did Troilus court his deare.
L-ia5. In r;u-i a night, fair Phyllis was betraid.
h:.-:. I L iove as t'- : :- : .- T r : '11.


U Y









allusion, this phrase does appear in the "Exultet," a liturgical hymn

for the vigil of Easter. The context of this hymn is quite similar to

the context in The Merchant. and so it adds another level of meaning to

the lovers' quarrel and reinforces some of the themes and motifs of the

whole play. In the garden of Belmont, just as Lorenzo and Jessica make

use of classical events which took place at night in the light of the

moon, so do they make use of liturgical phrases, images, and motifs

which have overtones of events from Jewish and Christian salvation his-

tory which occurred in the light of the moon on such a night as this.

Before examining che relationship of the Easter ligil to The Merchant,

however, it will be necessary to examine the history of the liturgy and

in particular the availability of the "Exultet" and the Easter vigil

service of the Roman liturgy in Reformation England.


The Liturgy in Sixteenth-Century England


Although Shakespeare was more familiar with the Prayer Book and

the official liturgy of the Church of England, he also seems to have

been familiar with the Easter vigil "Exultet" and the Rorian Liturgy. In

the sixteenth century the avowed policy of both the Church of Rome and

the Tudor kings and councillors was to bring about ritual urn-f..-U-icy

everywhere. The Preface to the first cditi).u :f ir. Fr.-:.: 5 ...:. (il' )

stated:

Lelia. And I as constant as C-rr'.:,r..
Sophos. Then let us solace, jr-nu n ir.... J~li '
And sweet inbricings spend the livc-1-:L.i. r-* r
And whilst love mounts her on her m:,i-.:t i.,;,,
Let Descant run on Musicks silver i.-cn,;
__-I.% L L,:J, ed. W. W. Gr,: ,i .,, 1 ) '.. Fr..i hi C C. t r c
dating of this play see Bal 1 12 "'il i L_:1," :E u-.'i tr.
Philology, xix (1922), 206-: .,








And where heretofore there hath been great diversity
in saying and singing in churches within this realm:
some following Salisbury use, some Herford use, some
the use from Bangor, some of York, and some of Lincoln:
Now from henceforth, all the whole realm shall have but
one use.15

In accordance with this, Edward VI issued an injunction in 1549 abolish-

ina all Catholic "antiphoners, missiles, grayles, processionalles, mannu-

cll-., 1-.. ndc. [, pc,:: portasses, jornalles, and ordinalles after the

--e f *.r tu.-.. LI.:. 11_, Yorke, or any other private use, and all other

t..;r.. .f r."e." differing from the Prayer Book.16 Before this injunc-

tion e .' b'.-.:-h[ ~,~h.i been free, according to the jus liturgicim (church

l;.* f..r itLur'p i:l uL-), to establish his own rites and ceremonies in

h-i Ji. c --. aftt' cL-1cialting his chapter. But with Edward's injunction

thLL j _u: li r. LA:u.r. -3 limited at least in theory.

II. li .EL : r.-wevel, the bishops often continued to exercise

tO.ci iuL_ Lutri, -,i cven up to 1604 when the Puritan bishops and clergy

of Lii~.-.ltr. C- ii,'i totest against a parliamentary attempt to enforce

riLI.l- u i ,forC.ri These ministers felt that the revisers had not purged

CeIL.u-h Fm-i- jLLC,- Is from the Prayer Book, and they took the following

"b..:irt~i-r.":

.e ;re :.:rswaded that both the Booke of Common
P.i :*. [d cr,. other books to be subscribed by this
CJrn,:n (.. f J..i-., yet in some respects we reverently es-
Lti) cL ;.i ,[r.- in them sondry things which are not
:r. .i 1 t- t contrary to the word of God.17


Ir- iT .-. iti.rgies, A.D. 1549 and 1552, ed. Joseph Ketley (Cam-
brid i.-..:. i1. The word use designates the liturgical practices
c '-.r, -L .o : ,oce-s,- or archdiocese.

'I .Er, GE i-i William John Hardy, Documents Illustrative of
Etn li.- h C:u .:h li t- i .i-, (London, 1921), p. 358.

17;r L .:-,...t of that book. . ," 1605, University Micro-
fil. -; (Arnn ti- :-.. !'."-'), reel 843, "Exception I," p. 2.










Many Catholic and Anglican clergymen, however, felt that too much had

been omitted from the Prayer Book, and they were concerned with the

practical problems that arose when something desirable was missing from

the Prayer Bock and not expressly abrogated. In such cases they turned

to tradition and the customary usage prior to the Reformation. G. W. O.

Addleshaw notes that the book called the "ceremonial" in particular

"was based primarily on the age-long customary ceremonial usages of the
S18
Church, much of it not mentioned in the Prayer Book.18 This use of

the ancient liturgies was thought preferable to having no ceremony or to

creating a new one. Thus, in practice, the actual liturgical customs of

the day were often much wider than those defined in the Prayer Book.

The "Exultet" from the Easter vigil service is one of those Roman

ceremonies which was, according to Archbishop Thomas Cranmer, "devised

b. men's fantasies," and tended to "idolatry and superstition."9 At

first the reformers of the liturgy did not specifically condemn rhe

Easter vigil liturgy but simply excluded it from the first edition of

the Prayer Book. Subsequent editions (1552, 1559, 1561), however, those

that would be affecting Shakespeare, took a stronger stand and included

Edward VI's "Act for the Uniformity of Common Prayer" which required all

to use only those rites contained in the Prayer Book.

But again it is clear that the clergy continued to use various

elements of the old liturgy, including the Easter vigil service, because

the list of liturgical items called abuses and checked annually by the


18G. W. 0. Addleshaw, The High Church TraditionA Stud in the
Liturgical Thought of the Seventeenth Century (London, 1941), p. 149.
1 9
Thomas Cranmer, Miscellaneous Writings and Letters, ed. John
Edmund Cox (Cambridge, 1846), p. 490.








bishops always included the Easter vigil service. Cranmer's "Articles

to be Inquired of in the Diocese of Canterbury" reads:

Iten, Whether they upon Easter-even last past hallowed
the font, fire, or paschal, or had any paschal set up,
or burning in their churches.20

And Nicholas Ridley, during his first year as bishop, inquired in all

the churches of London, "whether any useth . the font of Easter-even,

fire on paschal, or whether there was any sepulcre on Good Friday."21

But not even episcopal visitation was able to bring about uni-

formity. Since the official policy was inconsistent, the resistance of

Catholics was encouraged when Mary burned the Prayer Book, and the re-

sistance of Protestants was encouraged when Elizabeth burned the Missal.

As a result, the actual liturgical practice became a matter of conscience,

or consistency, and therefore less subject to official scrutiny. A. F.

Poll3rd crnj cturrT that "Often the same priest read the Anglican sewv-

i.. in 1,blt c. ~:cii h.- law and then said Mass in secret to satisfy

hir c.:. : --.:. .' ..rl n i L,: John Jewel of Salisbury, setting out in

1559 .:ni I "'n -J : r.:jblE,,:. commission for the establishment of re-

i.,..:.- cl.r.:.cr l, F :j .: -hn..i:n,, Gloucester, Bristol, Bath, Wells,

E' r ., C.:-.:';~'=i D.- r tr. :i S'jlisbury," complains:

Th tihr-A..f;, ra.r-t [,-ijr abandon the pope, whom they have
0 ...lc,'in IJ.1 .r .l b.f.:'. are willing to submit to every-
thinr,. i.:,, h;.-if-,L ch-t they do so for the sake of re-
lici-..n, :. f i; .:tL che.. t-r.e none; but for the sake of



Sr1 r ,,.- II-, l .1 .:. Writjing p. 158.

DIL.-. : ..l. .rl: ed. Henry Christmas (Cambridge, 1841),
p. 5 1

:l'.l~F r ir- F.: llj'.J, Political History, 1547-1603 (London,










consistency, which the miserable knaves now choose to
call their conscience. Now that religion is everywhere
changed, the mass-priests absent themselves altogether
from public worship.23

It was under these conditions, then, that the Roman liturgy continued

to be available for those who wished to remain Catholics. And there is

always the possibility that Shakespeare encountered the Roman liturgy

and the Easter vigil liturgy when his Company was on tour during the

plague.

In the 1580's and 1590's the use of the Roman liturgy was tanta-

mount to treason and in 1585 the mere presence of a priest on English

soil constituted a capital offence. In 1593 Queen Elizabeth issued an

injunction against

. sundry wicked and seditious persons, who, terming
themselves Catholics, and being indeed spies and intel-
ligencers . under a false pretext of religion and
conscience, do secretly wander and shift from place to
place within this realm to corrupt and seduce her majesty's
subjects.24

The Roman liturgy at this time was, then, so dangerous and secret that

evidence for its use is meager and consists of searches made for priests

and their mass books, fines imposed for recusancy, charges of conspiracy,

and trials. By the end of Elizabeth's reign nearly two hundred priests

had been executed and nearly twice this number had died in prison.25

Nevertheless, in 1596 William Holt S. J. claimed that there were between


23
23John Jewel to Peter Martyr, dated London, Aug. 1, 1559, Zurich
Letters, I (1558-79), cd. Hastings Robinson (Cambridge, 1842), No. 16,
p. 39.
24
*Gee, Documents Illustrative of Engilsh Church History, p. 499.

25H. Mutschmann and K. Wentecsdorf, ',' .:.- iri:: 'e i l c' ici.:_-,
(New York, 1952), p. 15.








forty and fifty of the old Marian clergy still active in England.26

Besides the general practice of Catholics and priests, which

would have made the Catholic liturgy available in Reformation England,

there is evidence that within Shakespeare's family and his circle of ac-

quaintances there were Catholic recusants.27 And their use of the liturgy

was a possible source for Shakespeare's acquaintance with both the

liturgical text and with the Easter vigil service.

Sh:I'-epesre' mother, Mary Arden, his father-in-law, Edward Arden,

s;'. itf r f .jiu ii:' -h r h'1 : cousin-in-law, John Somerville, and the

C -,h':o!. pr- F c ..-', -i.i Hall. :re all publicly arrEgned as Catholics

c.rp rin1, '; n.: cI. Il.'' 1-.f the Queen. On October 25, 1583, Arden's

-.:,n--ila.-:'. j:.hn .:ir'..l, :et off from Park Hall for London proclaim-

in 2cl.'.i rr. i ,' chiac I: '.. going to assassinate Queen Elizabeth for

ppr-;i'.,; C ci.: t : ?F.:. ille was apprehended and the Ardens of Park

H-.li i .: i ..f. -t*Jr. ;ic. i ember Edward Arden, his wife, Somerville,

-j L.. f-ri..:-:: hi hh Halt .-:ci arraigned on charges of conspiracy. Evi-

dc;, h.:": r .: di'i.:i.lc to establish as Thomas Wilkes, Clerk of

ch.- F _.r. (.:-n ,Lil. ;,--:ici ;n his letter to Sir Pr-,.::3 Walsingham,

-,* t .. ar., ,: r' t ,:

Lnl. .: ,, '- n i ,.: ,ierville, Arden, Hall the priest,
;,:.;n.r l! ife ar~ :-,is sister to speak directly to
clo E;,';.: .,: ,il.,h .:-u desire to have discovered, it will
nrt L. ,-.-;; ..l f'.:L UL here to find out more than is al-



-'2.:.-,J h, C :i I. i.:er, Elizabeth I and the Religious Settle-
r- r. f :. .i I ouit ':.0), p. 129.

E.. I-l['.: l--.i i-.' -i .ussion of Catholics and Catholic sympa-
[i-L.r- -. r : *. :-..r. f: L... ly and circle of friends. Shakespeare and
Ca ti cl.- '::n p :. -.,










ready found, for the papists in this country greatly do
work upon the advantage of clearing their houses of all
show of suspicion.28

By December, however, all were found guilty of high treason and con-

demned to death. Incidents such as this forcefully suggest why recus-

ants valued secrecy and left little evidence of their liturgical prac-

tices for historians.

Another person who was under suspicion of being a Catholic and

who had a great influence on Shakespeare is Henry Wriothesley, third

Earl of Southampton (1573-1624). Southampton was the patron of an am-

bitious and admiring young Shakespeare. When the second Earl of South-

ampton died in 1581, the Countess of Southampton wrote Leicester explain-

ing that it was not her fault that her eight-year-old sor refused to

attend the PrayerBook services; it ,,as the late second Earl who taught

him that. The Countess writes in October:

That my little son refused to hear service is not my
fault that hath not seen him almost this two years.
I trust your lordship esteems me to have some more dis-
cretion than to forbid him that which his few years can
not judge of. Truly, my lord, if myself had kept him, he
should in this house have come to it as my lord, my father,
and all his doch. I pray your lordship let her Majesty
understand this much from me, to put her out of doubt I was
not guilty of that folly.29

In spite of her explanation, however, the Acts of the Privy Council for

December 20, 1581, notes that the Southampton house was searched for

evidence of Catholic services:

A letter unto Mr. Recorder of London by the which he is
required to resorte unto the Earle of Southampton's howse


8Quoted by Mutschmann, Shakespeare and Catholicism, p. 52.

29Quoted by A. L. Rowse, Shakespeare's Southamoton (New York,
1965), pp. 44-45.









in Holborne, and there to make search for the appre-
hending of one William Spencer . and, furder, he
is required to search the said howso for books, letters
and ornaments for Massinge.30

Although Southampton came from a Catholic family and was brought up

Catholic, his sympathies gradually inclined to Protestantism, and it

Ta -.:. ._*u-:, ii, t:. *. :.rl if t,:.:.rial or-anization, Sir Edwin Sandys,

i..i,' .i ,-.-i L : i 'l, 1l c,:n. lJ f.,',':i r l..J '-. iiTi .-

Alh..uLi-h ic i .JiicJlt E c f'inrJ p.:r-iiive external evidence of

Sh L. ir.: t:'- .:'u-in :.r,:: .iL -h chi: L Lth..ik: liturgy, an examination of

ir.c-rri al I; id- ': 1 Tr.r:.r-: t - -jir.. F .t, lchough many of Shakespeare's

a Ilu ao- i ii L. CL h- urt. 3a, t,' I-:. '1 r.h2 Prayer Book, some of them

l narni, b- fu .:.u J r, atr :. chl-: _F. '-.- :t... -:'itions (1549, 1552, 1559,

15- b Lt r i '. -._.i- r Licurr : : tb...:.:. For example,32 Launce-

il.:.' ur -. r--r_-_' a II ,' ,',,, r, c' i =[-.-r as a pun on approach, or in

cti- c..cie..:c if L=ur:.: ic4ip / :. F'h..ock the Jew it can be taken

a i llu.;I:..' c i i::;-d FLir:!a, "Fe; l :, :i. of the Latin Rite (eli-

mIr.teJ fior.i -,: F :.i- t. Ai-, F: i.i's image of mercy dropping

-d.-.n It'.. g- .t! e t ,iir, n '. \: I. -." t,. ir. -'-: found in the "Rorate Caeli"

of ti. F,:o r. lIu ,.

Fri.,- rcl-,i. b.if r -c..ritjl :ur' .:. is clear, then, that texts

,_f c'-u C.~r:.-i: )i ur g.cri ~. ji.-.ib! jich-..gh they were often searched

our a :! d: r .:- . : -ffi -:r- f Pri..', C:u cil. It is also clear



3 .cc .:f c,'-. P: Co.-.nr ,i f -lainj, A. D., 1581-1582, ed.
J.:hir, r ---- L L i .i -:'i, ii '...h .L.: ." ,_,.; .

3L i.:-..r,..o .. ':ar,,:a .Lrr.h.' 'London, 1917), MXI, 1059.

3 'L .r I..- ',-i:..; l ': .i -:.: i:ed in detail.









that the Easter vigil service was one of the more popular ceremonies

of the ancient liturgy and was not easily suppressed by episcopal visi-

tation. It is also clear that within Shakespeare's family and circle of

acquaintances there were Catholics who may have celebrated the Easter

vigil when he was present. And in particular, since the "Exultet" does

not exist in the Prayer Book, the likelihood is strong that sometime be-

fore he wrote his allusion to the "Exultet" in The Merchant, Shakespeare

witnessed the Easter vigil service. This service--one of the most beau-

tiful, musical, thematic, symbolic, and impressionistic ceremonies of the

ancient liturgy--was very likely to make a deep impression on anyone who

had an eye open for dramatic and esthetic expression.

Occasionally, references to the Easter vigil liturgy can be found

in non-episcopal and unofficial literature of the period. One of these

references, which actually sounds like an eyewitness description, is that

of Barnabe Googe in The Popish Kingdom, a translation of Thomas Naogeorgus.

Writing in 1570 Earnabe Googe, a devout Puritan, was impressed (although

rather negatively) with the ceremonies of the Easter vigil and published

the following description of the "idolatrous and heathenlike" liturgy

practiced in his day.Although his account is a fierce denunciation of

Roman ceremonies, it gives an excellent, detailed picture of the dramatic

setting of the Easter vigil service of the sixteenth century. Barnabe

Googe writes:

In Eastereve the fire all, is qucncht in every place
And fresh again from out the flint, is fetcht with solemn grace:

A taper great, the paschall name, with musicke then they blesse,
And franckensence herein they price, for greater holinesse:
This burneth night and day ss signe, of Christ that conquerde
hell,









As if so be this foolish toye, suffiseth this to tell.
Then doth the Bishop or the Priest, the water halow straight,
That for their baptism is reserve:
With wondrous pompe and furniture, amid the Church they go,
With candles, crosses, banners, Chrisme, and oyle appointed the:
lii,, tir"- -t:.E[ c.r f.:c they march, and on the saints doe

T1i,, 'ill ait I.crh ci.:, stand, and straight the Priest begins
ei chall1
A.d thrl-i ri- c- t dorch he touche, and crosses thereon make,
Hee [ii;. aid I: -t.L-oui -.rdes he speaks, to make the devill


In ::;.ie F!.-, i- l.ir ir.Ces and shows, & Pageants fayre are

il-h-i I'un Jr : :.t .: L :.1- .a-: kers brave, in strange attire arayd,
h'. t.hrt.: ct ';l-*i. ci t.ie doe meet, the sepulcre to see,
An', j.:.:-r .'LL, t.i- :c -.ifcly runners, before him there to bee.
7r- r cLi-.i_ ,r.: JOn- ..iih gestures such and with so pleasant

IT~t .c '.in Lt-r2 ri.. *.-' that live, would laugh to see the


E i ',lv-. G.:,:_.-' J ;... i i .:.i f Lt-.e Easter vigil with the cycle plays sug-

g.:c-: ao.:...c i' rt'e rin 1cr .I- .i[.-ularity and availability of this cere-

s,..-,o,. Th, Eaii- r '. :. L-- ; arks the end of the penitential season

,:.f i er.L :J io L Li rr'i. l lliy known as the day on which solemn serv-

ai -- i, ,I ; [;, i zl - r," .z .: .t : .1.

CG:...:-' macwi i -ri*-r..i.:n of the fire at night, the "paschall"

c i-,j_.:, and.j l-e "[r'u.i :I-" n:.L. u: that part of the ceremony which

ShTl.e :atl.L: :,...- i:. h:-.': '-.i mind when he created the setting for

:,:c rfi. : Th: ll. ..b:'r s.. A, C-.:4ee notes, the liturgical ceremony begins

w-,-.n ci... l1. r. j.: "- u..-'cc;i-, e:'.'ry place," and all is darkness except

the c.rnjl. lihr 'iIr.' i.- "fiC:.:. *.or che flint" (a liturgical symbol of



I.:. Fr il-. bi. a. .:, T.h..mas Naogeorgus, "Englyshed by Earnabe
GC.:.. -. ;i.'." i .::r- :-iLT : Hope (London, 1880), pp. 52-53.









Christ as the light who "shines in the darkness, and the darkness has

not overcome it" (John 1:5). On returning to Belmont Portia exclaims:

That light we see is burning in my hall:
How far that little candle throws his beams'
So shines a gcod deed in a naughty world.
(V. i.89-9.)


The "Exultet": Sacrificial Love Leads to Life


From the beginning of the Easter vigil ceremony, the nighttime

and musical settings, the images of candle and moon, the symbolic flicker

of light, and the theme of sacrificial love are parallel with the garden

scene at Belmont. According to the Salisbury Processional,34 after the

lighting of the "new fire" and the Easter candle, the people form a pro-

cession and follow the Easter candle into the darkened church while

singing the following hymn:

Inventor rutili dux bone luminis,
u.i certis vecibus temor.n dividis,
Merso sole Chaos ingruit horridum,
Lumen redde tuis Christe fidelibus.3


34In choosing the Sarum (or Salisbury) use for my study, I hav~
considered the availability and the distinctive features of the three
main uses: Sarum, York, and Hereford. The Sarum use was followed in
London and in South England including Southampton. This is the lit.rgical
use that Shakespeare would be most likely to encounter during his early
career after he left Stratford and sought the patronage of the Earl of
Southampton. The liturgical use of the Stratford area is called the
Herefore use which would also be the use of the Arden family at Wilmcote
near Stratford. If Shakespeare encountered the Easter vigil liturgy where.
his Company was on tour of the North during the plague, it would have
been the York use. The verbal text of the Easter vigil is the same in
these three uses. The rubrics and ceremonial directives are slightly
different according to the local church customs and facilities. And th-
musical notation has the same basic melodic line but in varying degt..-.
of ornateness. The Salisbury Processional, 1544, is of the Sarumn
and is comparatively ornate.

35Salisbury Processional, 1544 (University Microfilms, Ann i!'.
1948). reel 482, folio lxxxvi, Appendix I, p. 167. Subsequent quce":-








[Good Creator and master of the golden light,
You divided the seasons into precise periods;
Now as the sun sets, hideous chaos threatens us,
Restore light to your faithful ones, 0 Christ.]

After thick the congregation standS in the darkened church with only

tV.: _it.:r C:rl- i r.-..i ai..i .:cens to the deacon sing the climactic

"L':.-til.r" .c .,r.- 'Ir: ;. i....[ -L ain primarily that of light:



,l- --n
HIni r -'" 'j,. r pC u
(TII i L.. n r- .:f h itich it is written:




It .- -Sd._.. 1 .,,-.,- .l: ,-
;- t -' L L-- F.2 LI






11 o I d -ciis 'eis.
"II r_ r. c .-il t- L!,ined by my rejoicing.")
(fo. xci, 180)

In -ubh;.erc li.-.; cl-, incr.-icLtory motif repeats seven times that on

ru- ri ii. : [i iF J.-i '. I . Christian salvation history took place.

'ihu.. Lt- i li i.i, .. Jl.-- and moon that constitute the setting for

Lt h-. i .:-; '.r a t. i- ..

C:;r t.c.- ..icr cr.,- .i.,r imageryy is the fact that the Easter

.iil : ~,r.e .:'-:. !i~our'.::. : I .r :Tony which always takes place at night

in le i-.', .:t f cr.- f.l ....:.. f:'r according to the Prayer Book, "Easter

iA.i:., .:ihii -: r.: ':pr.d, : always the first Sunday after the Full


i.l ,. f.- crn- : ti.:,', :..rC' L': paginal citations will refer to Appen-
dix J V.'1 3 i ,- r..' :r.-: r -f tii L:- ter vigil service is given.









Moon"36 of the vernal equinox. Nighttime, mcon, candle, song, and the

symbolic restoration of light, then, constitute the basic setting for

the Easter vigil.

The garden scene at Belmont also has the same tone and setting

that is found in the "Exultet." Against a background of candle light

(V.i.90, 92, 220), moonlight (V,i.1,54,92,109,142), and music (V.i.

53, 55, 68, 69, 76, 82, 83, 97, 106) Lorenzo and Jessica reminisce that

she "did run from Venice As far as Belmont" (V.i.16-7) and escaped the

"hell" (II.iii.2) of Shylock's house.

Against this background, then, identical with the opening scene

of act five of The Merchant, the deacon introduces the first theme that

is parallel with one of the themes of The Merchant:



-TT
.*.-- ;--- -.'4.1^- ---- *--p-,:_---- .n

Haec nox est, in qua prium padres
(This is the night in which you led our




&____--____ ~-- e-
nostros filios Israel eductos de Aegypto
forefathers, the children of Israel, out of




_--- 0------ D---

Trubrum mare sicco vestiao transire fccisti.
Egypt through the Red Sea with dry feet.)
(fo. xc, 178)


36
"Calendar Rules," Prayer Book (1559), p. 16.




0j


i'h.- "L i'.' '.:c" l .r : E i C .o .-: Biblical account of the night on

i ic .;: i . i. : . : .:l ft .-i ci.: Londage of Egypt:

It i i,-i i ci. -b .:.tb-i .ed unto the Lorde, in the
v11ii.0, ,i.: tiu i-tr chr.l- Cu: of the land of Egypt: This
ii trha ,, i-. ,: o r. 1..:.d., which all the children of
IsL; ,.l r.uic '.r.:pi chrcu c:ut their generations.37
(Exodus 12:42)

Elizbi lIt. hn i',. f.t.'i-1L iit this event because they also heard it as

t!i, i -c .:L i':'u-i '-:-:.- [-::..' at morning prayers on Easter in the

lirur::' .f t-.- Fr_ _-: [ .

It -h:.ul.. t, n.:t .I ',..r.. ciat the fifth act of The Merchant is not

S -ll :c. ..' re.J-:lic :..i Ec'l .:....2.-lu; motif or on the various motifs and

i,-ii.-r :.f [cli "I:..i.y" L. ." T... "Exultet" does, however, contain Biblical

n-!d lir.uL,:.1 ... cif-. ci ,;,' ; nd images which explain some of the pat-

c:L '- a. -.1.d ii h- il-,il I,- a ini present ti.em in a light which is not

lI.. i: f.: c [ '. l-.*'. ,,.1 One of these patterns is the bondage-

:..!-" -c 'Li'. .,.:,:rLi ri g c. t, ?ook of Exodus, God delivered his chosen

fi:'i i: .:. i ,-,~i.1 e fr:.r ri.e: tendege of wealthy, powerful, and cruel

EL. pt, i,''r .:1.:- l e., :- t ch. - r.i,. gh the Red Sea and the desert, dropped

r:inr ir. ci, ", ; c 'r i.n [.r:ile, and brought them into the promised

[.,-5-. J .

H.- : c -i-. -L... '. .,-.. . f '.'..nice in The Merchant and of Egypt in

ch.. O!Il TI.cS--,:rt i n i.L: .:.; i : 1;son; the similarity between Belmont and

thl- p:. : .j c .- .I i -; comparison. According to the Book of

CG[,-:-tir ('C ,.: i r. L Cr: -r. ir :hough fifty), God used the wealth and

r i..u .r E- c-: co -: .' o. b r ..J his twelve sons, the tribe of Israel.


3;
S E:':. i'! .. . 37.









But according to the Book of Exodus (chapters one through twelve) Egypt

became the land of bondage, cruel masters, flesh pots, and golden calves.38

For Elizabethans the city of Venice apparently evoked much of the same

emotional response as a Babylon of Egypt did for the Jews. Thus, Thomas

Coryate saw Venice as the "incomparable city," the "rich diadem and most

flourishing garland of Christendom."39 But Thomas Nashe felt that the

Italian city had an unambiguous corrupting influence over the English

traveler:

From thence he brings the art of atheism, the art of epi-
curizing, the art of whoring, the art of poisoning, the
art of sodimitry. The cnly probable good thing they have
to keep us from utterly condemning it is that it maketh a
man an excellent courtier, a curious carpet knight; which
is, by interpretation, a fine close lecher, a glorious
hypocrite. It is now a privy note amongst the better sort
of men, when they would set a singular mark or brand on a
notorious villain, to say he hath been in Italy.40

In The Merchant Venice is also ambivalent. It is the city of

wealthy merchants, ready loans, gay dinners, evening masques, la.. and

order. But it is also the place of bondage, usury, debt, inhospitable

dinners, forgotten masques, deceitful business deals, and cruel laws.



38At the foot of Mt. Sinai, the Israelites molded a calf with the
golden earrings they had pilfered from the Egyptians and then worshipped
it saying, "These be thy gods, O Israel, which brought thee out of the
land of Egypt" (Exodus 32:4). From this incident and especially from I
Kings 12:28-9), where Jeroboam returns from Egypt and sets up bulls for
worship, "It has generally been supposed that the Israelites borrowed
calf-worship from the Egyptians" (The Schaff-Herzo EncyclopedLa of
Religious Knowlede, ed. Samuel M. Jackson [New York, 1908], II, 345).

3Thomas Coryate, Corvat's Crudities, 1611 edition (New Y.[rl.
1905), II, 427.

40Thomas Nashe, Selected Writings, The Unfortunate T.avelter ..
Stanley Wells (Cambridge, Mass., 1965), p. 259.








Belmont, on the other hand, stands in contrast with these harsh reali-

ties of the city. It is a promised land of.resolution and harmony fol-

lowing a journey of turbulence and discord. At Belmont all are rejoic-

ing in Antonio's escape from the cruel bond of Shylock. And all the

main characters except Shylock are grateful for their blessings--"manna"

dropped "in the way of starving people" (V.i.293-4).

When Lorenzo exclaims,

Fair ladies, you drop manna in the way
Of starved people
(V.i.294-5)

he recalls the themes of exodus, suffering, trial, death, and new life.

(A'. c.'Ci.-. '- ..:E-l m cI.:. -.'; c lady, you have given me life and living,"

..i':.i. i u c ;, !i ch- r me.) Lorenzo is alluding to that memo-

rabl: ..:'.cii r. c...1* .J F:...l..: ..I.en God miraculously preserved his chosen

IF-o '. i. L,,: c .l .:...rc :r.fc. ci -;IL escape from the bondage of Egypt and

b.;f.r. th.i ,:,nci i -.:* ci p .: iiised land. Exodus reads:

I;.r.: cl,. c i; li.:-, :f j r.-~ sayde unto them, Would to God
.. ha.l- d, id tL c i-: I-..- d .:f the Lorde in the Land of Egypt,
h--.e : .e t3L-: ~L i.-h- Ii r pots, and when we did eate bread
our b-lliii c. f.ill: Cfi,. .' have brought us out into this
'ld.rn. c... I ill c .i -hole multitude with hunger.
b. i-il. r, u c.:n cle .,:i.u-Ji in the wilderness there lay a small
ru...)- ch.ii,. i -.iall ia the hoare frost on the ground. And
ii,..i, ci..: I-,1 .. i i .:f i -r el saw it, they said every one to
..Vi i.L;.;i-..-t Ic i r .-.r.' . This is the bread which the
L:. -:le: hI3 iv n- c .:u c: :ate. .. and so they did eate
lj-i.r.I ur.cil th,. .:a.7: i.too the borders of the land of Chanaan.
(16:3, 14, 15, 35)

EliZat-hEnh r0.i: il..: fimiie-t with this passage read at morning

pri:.r -r ror r r' f.,.rct. rt r.he liturgy of the Prayer Book.41

ih: :::u..du mr.:.:ct L h.:- erchant constitutes one of the basic



IF't :.lI: (i" ,'f-* '), P, 45 .









movements of the play. Antonio, Bassanio, Jessica, Lorenzo, and Launce-

lot Gobbo all move away from a type of bondage associated with Venice

and with Shylock and move toward a type of deliverance and resolution

found at Belmont. And we have already seen in the previous section that

Jessica and the Venetians look upon her conversion to Christianity as a

type of exodus from the bonds of infidelity and Judaism.

Associated with the motifs of bondage and exodus and parallel with

another theme in The Merchant is the death motif in the "Exultet." Sing-

ing the "Exultet," the deacon repeats the melodic Haec nox est:




__ ,-__-____ ~
.__ .... .. ,- .. ....- ..-.
Haec noi: est
(This is the night




in ua destructis vinculis mortis
in which Christ destroyed the bonds of






.-__ --
Christus ab inferis victor ascendit.
death and came forth a victor from hell.)2


This passage unites three themes: the bondage of death, the power of

sacrificial love, and the triumph of Christ over death. Since all men


42
4Folio xc, Appendix I, p. 178. In Medieval Latin the word ir-
ferus is the word for hell; see i.-d_ T : 1- tit.'- T "*icIo "".-u:. id.
J. F. Niermeyer (Leiden, Netherlaj,.:,i ). 1. r F.i ..- F r.LE
1585, the verse "ex i-nfaeno inferK :: ." i. r -'..-,';.1 i r ar.; l.ac.
"from the lowest part of hell" (Psalm 86:13).




01


die, death holds all in bondage. But the debt which brings about this

bondage, according to St. Paul and the Christian tradition, is paid

when Christ dies. For by his sacrificial love, Christ pays all men's

debt; and by his resurrection--when he comes forth "ab inferis victor,"

a victor from hell--Christ releases men and breaks the bonds of death.

!lI.rt ..~.i, Cilr,.rc' J .:r ficial love brings new life, for all bap-

c'..:d t.._ l....~~ Lfir fit': T. iChrist's triumphant resurrection when they

i. hi .j-ah -.-d r:t JLL -:cion in their lives. St. Paul writes:

kn.:.i .: .rn. Ll-h:c ll .- which have been baptized into
J_.-:-u Chrli.. hi'. bL-:_ baptized into his death. We
i- t~iu~.-:J ch':i ic' r niL by baptism into his death, that
11k:'.1',. i- ChriL '. a t. ised up from the dead by the
L:.:,r f h, fL-r:..;: ...:r, so, we also should walke in
r. .i--:.-: -if !if: F...c r" we be grafted together by the
1:1.-r-, -. FL hi i: cl'.,-: yven so shall we bee partakers
0, [ E,',, E .. i t Li -L i.
(Rora. 6:3-5)

Ih-: ii:. Te ::.--rc J.r .:iF tL.n ..*f resurrection and liberation from the

t.:....:a.: .:.f J; .- i.: ch- -:c.,..d Scriptural reading for morning prayers on

E-ir-. i; t .. li. u .:.f :he FL r Book.43

Th.-e ic Hi- f.:t .-ai h .:.,rdage, sacrificial love, resurrection, and

ii-O .I r.._. chi.:.- .. -ic a--c ...f The Merchant. In fact, one of the basic

tl',-, f ii !-.L:i.-r., iL ; th-i. illingness to die for love brings new

litf-. Thu,. ;', .:cl-.'. p:u-i d ..f flesh which is vindictive and deadly

fi ;.i.-i.c l. id- ~L I.i. *.T. d.-ath; while Antonio's willingness to die

tf. -ii. ftjird .: i ,r fc,: al love which leads both him and his friend

Lc: r.-. litf. I:h _r l:i2.. .... on as Antonio does toward an experience

of Li' lI rr.I -t i 1 ...ve and new life.


"..-i :.. 15'. .. 437. And as we saw earlier, chapter six-
rc.. ,f E odju- '2., i. d: i :. the liberation of God's chosen people from
i-,. t.-n r L .iij L. iL c-.. rIist lesson for morning prayers on Easter.









In Act One Portia tells Nerissa that she is bound by the last

will and testament of a dead father:

0 me, the word "choose"'. I may neither
Choose who I would, nor refuse who I dis-
like, so is the will of a living daughter
curb'd by the will of a dead father.
(I.ii.22-5)

In a sense, here death holds Portia's power to love in bondage until

Bassanio releases her to a new life by choosing the right casket.

In Act Two Morocco experiences a form of bondage unto death and

without resurrection when he chooses the golden casket. In choosing

gold, his love is not "as wise as bold" (Il.vii.70), and so the casket

he opens is tomb-like:

0 hell' what have we here?
A carrion Death, within whose empty eye
There is a written scroll,--I'11 read the writing.
All that glisters is not gold,
Often have you heard tnat told--
Many a man, his life hath sold
But my outside to behold,--
Gilded tombs do worms infold.
(II.vii.62-9)

Here Morocco discovers not love but hell and death; for, guided by ap-

pearances, he thinks to "thrive" (II.vii.60) by choosing gold, and so he

judges by the glisteringg" outside and finds but "worms" within. Love

then for Morocco is "Cold indeed and labour lost" (II.vii.74). And

since those suitors who "fail / Of the right casket" are "enjoined by

oath" never "to woo a maid in way of marriage" (II.ix.9-13), Morocco is

bound till death without love.

It is important here to note the contrasts between rhi li.:J "-,n

gold caskets and how they run parallel with the themes of .-.' ., .:-

ficial love, and resurrection found in the "Exultet." '.- ...: 1,








it is Bassanio's choice of the lead casket, a symbol of death and losing

one's life, which brings him and Portia to new life and love. Thus,

Bassanio's choice is similar to the central theme celebrated at Easter

time in the "Exultet": the willingness to lose one's life for love is

the choice that, paradoxically, gives life. At the Last Supper Jesus

reminded his disciples: "This is my commandement, that ye love together,

as I have loved you. Greater love hath no man then this that a man

bestowe his life for his friends" (John 15:12-13).

In contrast, however, when Morocco, the Moor, is confronted with

the same paradoxic choice he chooses gold and consequently a "Gilded

tmbL." For Morocco's value system is similar to Shylock's. Just as

Shil-l.::. evaluates himself and Antonio by the gold standard, namely, by

the i...earances of sufficiency, so Morocco in trying to win Portia's love

j..,:- by the gold standard:

A golden mind stoops not to shows of dross.
(II.vii.20)

They have in England
A coin that bears the figure of an angel
Stam'd in gold, but that's insculp'd upon:
But here an angel in a golden bed
Lies all within. Deliver me the key:
Here do I choose, and thrive I as I may.
(II.vii.55-50)

The death-resurrection motif enters into Act Three when Antonio

*.;,.= himself as a debtor who has forfeited his life and is bound to die

at t.h hands of Shylock. Antonio writes to Bassanio:

Sweet Bassanio, my ships have all miscarried,
my creditors grew cruel, my estate is very low,
my bond to the Jew is forfeit and (since in paying
it, it is impossible I should live), all debts
are clear'd b-t-cr, ni you n 1T, if I might but see
you at my d...L'-: ii:.Ei i LI-' 1 J.ng, use your pleasure,
--if your i. _. ic.: ;.. L:uc..:' you to come, let
not my letter. (III.ii.314-20)










Here Antonio makes it clear that he is willing to accept death "since in

paying" Bassanio's debt, says Antonio, "it is impossible I should live."

But he is willing to accept this death only out of love for his friend,

and he confronts Bassanio with the willing obligation of a similar love:

"if your love do not persuade you to come, let not my letter." In ac-

cepting Antonio's love Bassanio must be generous, for he must acknowledge

that his friend is willing to die for him. And Bassanio does return a

similar willingness to sacrifice himself for his friend:

Antonio, I am married to a wife
Which is as dear to me as life itself.
But life itself, my wife, and all the world
Are not with me esteem'd above thy life.
I would lose all, ay sacrifice them all
Here to this devil, to deliver you.
(IV.i.278-83)

Apparently both Antonio and Bassanio evaluate their love by the same

paradoxic standards celebrated in the "Exultet" and on Easter. Because

they are willing to die for love they expect to triumph over the bondage

of Shylock's deadly hate.

According to Antonio the bonds of love are the only debt to be

contracted by Christians. Thus he rejects usury and wants Bassanic to be

present and witness the willingness of his sacrifice. Antonio tells

Bassanio:

Repent but you that you shall lose your friend
And he repents not that he pays your debt.
For if the Jew do cut but deep enough,
I'll pay it instantly with all my heart.
(IV.i.274-7)

Although Bassanio's monetary debt is going to cost Antonio his lif,

Antonio does not want to be obligated to die for money but for love ad

friendship. Antonio is suggesting, then, that love's bond is grear:i








than death and more binding than Shylock's hate and money--an idea that

runs parallel with the First Epistle of Saint Peter. Speaking of the

love of Christ which brought new life into the world, St. Peter says that

Christ paid mankind's debt not with money but with his blood:

For as much as ye know, how that ye were not redeemed
with corruptible things, as silver and gold, from
your vayne conversation, which ye received by the
tradition of the fathers: But with the precious blood
of Christ.
(I Peter 1:18-19)

Act Five particularly contains examples of the death-bondage-

sacrificial love motif. In the ring quarrels, the true love of Bassanio

for Portia and Gratiano for Nerissa is supposed to bind them till death.

Nerissa reminds Gratiano:

You swore to me when I did give it you,
That you would wear it till your hour of death.
(V.i.152-3)

Again, it is sacrificial love that binds till death and gives new life,

for the ring is symbolic of Portia's willing gift of herself:

Ihis: house, these servants, and this same myself
Art yours,--my lord's'--I give them with this ring
iJl.-.:h when you part from, lose, or give away,
Lec it presage the ruin of your love.
(III.ii.170-3)

.~'1' in Act Five Lorenzo and Jessica focus on love, death, and

ti:.-oi' in each of their classical allusions. "In such a night," Troilus,

Tiniie Llrdo, and Medea transcended the bondage of death out of love.

Thi.- c ilassical allusions will be discussed in detail later.)

Sh.kespeare, of course, did not have to go to the "Exultet" for

thi i :j. :f death's bond being broken by sacrificial love since the idea

L; .! Ln-;orporated in Christian literature and is current in much of

['- lLr.ri:cal and religious thought of Elizabethan England. Neverthe-









less, in The Merchant, as in the "Exultet," self-sacrificing love tri-

umphs over the bondage of hate and death. Moreover, this theme occurs

in a similar setting in both The Merchant and the "Exultet." For in Act

Five when Lorenzo and Jessica notice "How sweet the moonlight sleeps

upon the bank" and how the "sounds of music Creep in our ears," they

recall that "In such a night" as this the bonds of death were broken

by love. Troilus, Thisbe, Dido, Medea, Antonio, and Jessica, all in

various ways, were triumphant martyrs for love.44

Another theme of the "Exultet," which is parallel to the justice

theme in The Merchant, is that of the Jews robbing the Egyptians of their

jewels before they left Egypt. In the "Exultet" the deacon sings about

the night on which this took place,





B -- ,p 1___ ,- _,_____-__-_ -_ --_ _____.._-_ -
__M1 Q, jL;z4s_
O beata nox, quae expoliavit Aegyptios,
(0 happy night, which despoiled the Egyptians






ditavit Hebraeos.
and enriched the Jews.) (fo. xcii, 182)


The "Exultet" is referring here to Jewish history as it is rec,:rjed in

the Book of Exodus:


4Later I discuss Chaucer's classification of Thisbe, [i3.:., 3r,
Medea as mar yvrs for love in the 1...- -i of 3.:-J ii- :r.. the r.:...;-,'z .-J
source for Shakespeare's classical allusions in V.i.7-14.








And they borrowed of the Egyptians jewels of silver,
and jewels of golde, and rayment. And the Lorde
gave the people favour in the light of the
Egyptians, so that they granted such things as
they required: and they robbed the Egyptians.45

There seems to be no question here about the justice of the Je.s

despoiling the Egyptians. For the "Exultat" celebrates the event; and

the Book of Exodus proclaims that the Jews are to thank the Lord annu-

ally:

It is a night to be observed unto the Lorde, in the
which hee brought them out of the Land of Egypt:
this is that night of the Lorde, which all the children
of Israel must keepe throughout their generations.
(Exodus 12:42)

l'.l-c' ,r, .,: =.. .:rli..er, in the Old Testament the Jews are God's



F.: c'i,:'i ~ L 1,oily people unto the Lorde thy God:
[lie 1.-rd- ct-, C.:j hath chosen thee to be a special
.:.ile uicr hl_,-:..lif, above all nations that are upon

(Deut. 7:6)

Ar.d -, c.i.- c bi._ jd a.ith the Lord's assistance and providence. 7r

iJ.-: c h L.:.J *.'-: :Luc' che Egyptians with plagues ard delivered his

cl-...- r --:. ;1: I i-, i- -- .ghty hand:

tic.u.i i',0 Lorde loved you . therefore hath
chr .-r.'. tr.:'.,:' you out through a mighty hand, and
.. 1i-.r:Jr ,d .. Ou of the house of bondage, from the hand
:f PhF ria .r.- : f Egypt.
(Deut. 7:8)

.n,-i cE-: Libl :rid the liturgy were authoritative sanctions fo-

iCltill ; -, i-in r [ .i .i.iance, this despoiling of the Egyptians sheds


:. 12::.-: According to the "New Calendar" in the Praver
L.-.' r ,L i) chl-.;. of Exodus is the first lesson for morning
pr.., ; ,. cr. 1 morning prayers, in Cramner's revision of the
IcL,.:- .- c.-i. -1..:_ of the Easter vigil service.










significant light on Shylock's taking interest from Christians and Jes-

sica's despoiling Shylock when she fled from Venice. There are already

enough overtones of the exodus in The Merchant to justify considering

The Merchant in terms of it.

Although it is Shylock who considers himself one of the Lord's

chosen people with a right to take interest from the Christians, it is

Jessica turned Christian who actually despoils Shylock and seems to

share the same approval that Exodus attributes to the chosen people when

they "robbed" the Egyptians. For although Shylock considers himself as

one of the Lord's chosen people, he seems to be the only one in The Mer-

chant who does so.

When Shylock thinks of himself in this way he usually introduces

an element of tension between himself as a Jew and others as Christians.

As we saw in chapter one, he refers to his "tribe," "our sacred nation,"

and the "ancient grudge" he bears against the despised Gentiles while he

meditates revenge against Antonio: "I hate him for he is a Christian"

(I.iii.37). Also, Shylock's opinion of himself as one of the Lord's

chosen people is based on a careful distinction between thrift, theft,

advantage, and prodigality. Shylock specifically rejects theft, but

with Biblical quotations he defends his right to occult compensation and

taking advantage of those who are prodigal. For him usury is thrift not

theft:

This was a way to thrive, and he [Jacobi was blest:
And thrift is blessing if men steal it not.
(I.iii.84-5)

However, thrift does not thrive; theft does, risk does, prodigal-

ity does, and sacrificial love does. If Shylock is correct in thinking








that increase is a sign of God's blessing to his chosen people, then

it is the Christians--generous with love and prodigal with money--who

are blessed. Moreover, just as Jacob tricked Laban out of his ewes and

lambs with what Shylock considers the Lord's blessing when he fled his

uncle's domination, and just as the Jews despoiled the Egyptians of their

silver and jewels when the Lord "brought them out of the land of Egypt

with great power, and with a mightie hand" (Exodus 32:11), so Jessica

runs from her father taking his ducats and jewels.

Thul. 19..:0 ': ar,i, ,_nt that increase be recognized as a sign of

GodJ' pr.. .i1 n i a -ir ironically becomes a sign of contradiction.

F:r AriL:.rTiL. J:-..: i-t b i.'.: L.: pay even the principal on his loan (IV.i.

332-5) tE..L 1_ cJl- -,,c .._I :.ne half of Shylock's wealth (IV.i.366)

uhi.:t, ;,, t'~-- '"'r. J:-. c. r.:nder it Upon [Shylock's] death unto the

g.rLiL -1,." L,:.ri' : .: (TV.L 31'-80). And lorenzo and Jessica become bene-

f .i;-'i" ,_ 5i. h l.h .: '.ill: "a gift . of all he dies possess'd/

liu-.: h -- L,:. ir.:-:. ac nd hi; daughter" (IV.i.384-6). To use the words

o.E r:lc.:t --"hl i .' a.i: I ..: co thrive, and . they were] blest" (I.

i,; ..-.). i:..r.:.'er. ch.- ":'.na of heaven" which brings about the loss of

Ar i.: j-.- !3 : L'.,- enough for him to forfeit his bond to Shy-

IL-C.e' =i :-L.r,- i: :rip;. Shakespeare, then, permits us to watch

n-:r Lt.. "h'rh .. -: 1-. .,;" Lit Jessica and the Christians of Venice despoil

Sh. '.c:... in .:.r.Lrr i, che paradoxical Christian choice of death

:hi.: li: .1: c.-. itfi:, I::'-, chooses increase and profit through the

l -C 1 .e, c,... c: c :.fr it .:.:.-.etitor but actually finds a type of death:

",Cc-,. rl:e r,., Il. :r.-.i ,.',:.- do take the means whereby I live (IV.i.

372'-373).









Another parallel between the "Exultet" and The Merchant is the

escape from bondage through Baptism. Although Shylock considers him-

self one of the Lord's chosen people, a descendent of the promise, and

an heir to the promised land, Jessica and the Venetians feel that she

is one of the new elect when she escapes from the hell of Shylock's house

and becomes a Christian. For Jessica and the Venetians, the old covenant

promise and election are replaced by the new covenant.

The liturgy also reflects this idea when it prays that the Jews

be converted and so become the truly chosen Israelites:

And so fetch them home, blessed Lord, to thy flock, that,
they may be saved among the remnant of the true Israel-
ites, and be made one fold under one shepherd Jesus Christ
our Lord.46

The "Exultet" in the Roman liturgy explains further that baptism is the

New Testament equivalent to liberation from bondage, passage through the

Red Sea, and initiation into the communion of saints--the Christian term

for Shylock's "sacred nation." The text of the "Exultet" reads:

Haec nox est, quae hodie per universum mundum in christum
credentes, a vitiis saeculi segregatos et caligine oecca-
torum, reddit gratiae, sociat sanctitati.

[This is the night which returns to grace those throughout
the whole world now believing in Christ, and unites those
separated from worldly vices and the darkness of sin to
the communion of saints.]
(fo. xc, 177-178)

Lorenzo's version of this doctrine of Gcd's chosen people re-

flects his own prejudice and that of his Venetian friends. Speaking to

Gratiano, Lorenzo explains that Jessica,


46Prayer Book (1559), Collect for Good Friday, p. 119.









hath directed
How I shall take her from her father's house,
What gold and jewels she is furnish'd with
What page's suit she hath in readiness,--
If e'er the Jew her father come to heaven,
It will be for his gentle daughter's sake,
And never dare misfortune cross her foot,
Unless she do it under this excuse,
That she is issue to a faithless Jew.
(II.iv.29-37)

L: r :.a' p ....n ,:.,, EcEr.L!e ("ch; iords were not completely distinguished

inr -11 'ic., :i cL- cir- 1') -- significant here because, as he sees it,

J.-v;c-=' L -c;.-.~t, M ":, r.cl." i: the only claim Shylock can make to

"c' j c'. i.,i'.'en". n.-le b.: tL -', g "issue to a faithless Jew" is the only

":.ic.-" i.jiltable ri:. '.'iiircnne Ito] cross her foot." Lorenzo liter-

all ,:i lii... C.:J' - r. ':.'-. :.C' ':hristians with a vengeance.

Lic.:, the j.: .'u .:r. .:,'ntile leads to another image from Exodus.

P.:LL'. r[l-ledidgr ir ., i:,. .-.:.. d to strict justice, tells Shylock: "We

.a!l ..-.>..:c i ,-cl.. ir.:',.r je.'" (IV.i.34). But when Shylock insists

ch. : ,nj L-F. .. .:--...uCe' cl, letter of the law, Antonio laments:
/
ic.: ,., .: I .. 11 jor. cIhing most hard
i ;. cc fc: cl--.--chan which what's hardar?--
J. u; 'i-- ;. 4, '.
(IV.i.78-80)

Th- Irn:, : -. i1 :I-.:.t ..L ..dus. For Pharao was punished with ten

i,.::ir i.. [,. -'ie: ArnJ ifi' ll .Jespoiled by the chosen people because he

"hdit,,i nri: l-i.c~,c" (EL -J.J. 1 '2; the phrase is used as a Biblical motif,

. f:c --*:r;-.l -:13, 7.1-, ..22, 8:15, and 8:19). For the Venetians

thi iL-.--niE.cif :. :,i Jf l, -.- 1. i* complete; he is not a member of the

ct.::'-, ";cred iCi.:cr," buc 3 hard-hearted Pharao holding Christians



'.t.JS.:. ciC -' Gratiano makes the same pun later:
"i;... (b: n., h-.:..-j, i :;. r. l.., r, I no Jew" (1I.vii.53).




Full Text

PAGE 1

BIBLICAL. LITURGICAL. AND CLASSICAL ALLUSIONS IN THE MERCHANT OF VENICE By REV. MARK F. COSGROVE, O. S. B. A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THB DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHaOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1970

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UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 3 1262 08552 8700

PAGE 3

TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER I SHYLOCK'S USE OF THE BIBLE AND THE MOTIF OF BONDAGE ... 13 The Problem of Usury in England 13 The Biblical "good man" and the Usurer 16 Sufficiency and Prodigality ' 21 Friendship with Gentiles 26 Our Sacred Nation and the Farming Publican 36 "The devil can cite Scripture for his purpose" 43 "Abram" 54 II RESOLUTION AM) LITURGY 57 Troilus, Cressid, and the Problem of Trusting People. . . 57 The Liturgy in Sixteenth-Century England 70 The " Exultet " : Sacrificial Love Leads to Life 80 Jessica as " Tesbe Babilonie, Martiris " 98 Dido or Ariadne? Error or Adaptation? 106 Dido, Ariadne, and the Willow 128 Medea: Rejuvenation and Moonlight Magic 134 Jessica's Unthrift Love and the Pattern of Quarreling . . 147 BIBLIOGRAPHY 156 APPENDICES 161 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 209

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INTRODUCTION This dissertation studies the function of Biblical and liturgical allusions in The rlerch.^.ut of Venice--. It also studies the function of classical allusions to the extent that they are integral parts of the Biblical and liturgical pattc?rn being studied. UTien necessary, it examines, makes use of, and occasionally attempts to solve some of the problems of previous scholarship. Usually, in differs from this previous scholarship by focusing en the v;hole of The Merchant and by examining the Biblical and liturgiral allusions as structurally integral eie,-,ieat3 of the play. At this point a brief survey of related approaches will help to define the scope, limits, ir:eLhrds, and goals o"^ my si-udy. It will also show that my approach to The Merchant through Biblical and liturgical allusions is not only sinilar to a^-id dependent on previous scholarship but also needed and essential to a full understanding of The Merchant. Previous Biblical approaches have not alv;ays studied the function of Shahespeare' 3 Biblical allusions in their dramatic conte;-;t. In the nineteenth century, especially, critics tended to see Biblical allusions in the plays as ornamental, or as evidence that Shakespeare was a "sincere believer in the Bible'' or "in tlie doctrines taught therein," or as evidence thac Shakesneare was either a Catholic, a conformist, or a Puritan. William Burgess, The^ .Bibl£_ijT._ Shal^s^^^ (IJinona Lake, Indiana, 1903), p. ix. For similar points of view see also Charles Wordsworth, Shakespeare's Knowled&:e_a_nd^ Use of the Bible (London, 1864) and John Hepry Fe~(^^7"The'jhak^tSjl^ ^^^'^ '^°^^--l'^-'6).

PAGE 5

Thomas Carter, for example, correctly observed that some of Shakospeare' s Biblical alliusions can be traced to the Geneva version of the Bible, but from this fact he also concluded that both John Shakespeare and William 2 Shakespeare v;ere Puritan recusants. Recent Biblical approaches, hovjevcr, do examine Biblical allusions as integral parts of t\^e pl^y in vhich they occur. Some of these approaches are similar to mine, and I am indebted to the'ii, for frequently I continue where they have left off. Richmond Noble's Shakes peare 's Bi blical Knowl edge and Use of th e Book of Coprmon P raye r contains the most exhaustive survey of Biblical ;-uid liturgical allusions in the plays of Shakespeare.And although he does not analyze the allusions nor shov; how they fit into the context of the plays, his list does suggest that they are part of a coherent pattern. Aaotb.er v;ork which focuses on coherent patterns, although it does not deal iipecif ica lly v/ith The Merchant, is that of John Hankins who traces "Shakespeare ' j habit of recalling the same image from several sources," one cf the most frequent of which is "the Bible, particularly Psalms, Fiov'erbs, and the Book of Job.""^ Again, my approach to The He rchar.t is similar to that of J. A. Bryant who shows from twelve plays how Shakespeare's knowledge cf the Bible "worked in his art." He concludes that "conscicusly or unconsciously, Shakespeare was a genuine typologist 2 Tho.aas Carter, Shakespeare, Puritan and F.ecu5g.nt (London, 1S97), and Shakespea re a nd Koly S cri pt ure, with the Versi o n He Used (London, 1905) Richffiond Mobie , Shakes pear e' s Biblical Know ledge and U se o f the Book of_Cp-"ja3n Pi-ay^r (London, 1935). John Eiskine Hi'nklni, Sri^^;^^viC3^-2L?-.X!SL^J.-~£-Jii'-S.^I.y. (Lawrence, Kansas, 1553), pp. 16-17.

PAGE 6

in his use of Scriptural allrsions and analogy," one who regarded Scriptural stories, persons, and images as "incorporating meaning, rather than pointing to it," and who used Biblical allusions because "They extend the depth of the play itself; they do not inei-ely point to the depths outside the play." Although Hankins and Bryant analy:;c the function of Biblical allusions in Shakespeare, they do not deal specifically with Th-O. Merchant . A Biblical approach tliat is most similar to mine in its method of demonstrating Shakespeare's dramatic uses of Scripture is James Sims's Dra matic Uses _o f _Bib__l_i_ c_a J Allu siorsin M arlowe and Shaker.peare . Aga i n , however, my study differs in scope from t'-'.at of Sims, for Sims dees not deal with plays as a whole but with "a saiapling of dramatic uses" from tVie early and minor dramatists, from two plays of Marlcwj, and from two or three selections from ea.ch of tlie ccrpedies, histories, and tragedies of Shakespeare. The goal of my scudy, box-.'cver, is the same as that of Sin's. By focusing on Shakespeare's use of Biblical them.es, stories, and names, I intend to illustrate from The Mer chan t, as Sims illustrates from Eli^abethan dramatists, the multitcde of ways these dramatists found to ada depth and breadth to the effectiveness of their characterization, dialogue, foreshadowing, irony, and to the total working out of theme by depending on knowledge already in the minds of the audience." My Biblical and liturgical approach to The Merchant of Venice, then, is -' J . A. Bryant, Jr., Iii2.?j7i.:£t.aj_,s _View,_^ome__Chr^ Shjk_es2ea£e_|_s_J'_l_a;.s_ (Lexington, 1961), pp. 16-17. Bryant analyzes "the essential Christianity" of T_ha_J^_rchcait on pages 33-51. ^James Siws, PjaEi-'-tic^Uij.'-^ of Eiblical^ Allusions in^Marlowo and Shakes poaLe (Gainesville. 1966), p. 77.

PAGE 7

similar to recent studies, but I focus on a single play and attempt a cc:r. prehensive analysis of Biblical and liturgical allusions. My approach differs fundamentally from many of the allegorical, mythic, and ritualistic approaches to The Merchant that becam:; popular in the twenties. These approaches make use of Biblical and liturgical elements in their analyses, but they ofcen claim to see m.ore of a cohftrent pattern than their evidence and the play will support. Moreover, allegor; often tends to oversimplify The Merchant by making abstractions of the characters, picturing th.p. conflict as simple good versus absolut-t! evil, and presenting the denoueuent as a perfectly harmonious resolution. In his allegorical approach, for example, John D. Rea finds that many features of the trial scene in T'ne Mercha nt (Shyiock's villainous prosecution, his being associated wifh the devil, his scales, and his ab-ject departure at the end of the play) are "merely a re-dramatization of I the Medieval Processus Ee]ial,vith Shylock substituted for the devil, Portia for the Virgin Mary, and the passive Antonio playing the roJe c£ mankind." Similarly, Nevill Coghill sees the trial scene of The Mcrchar : as directly iuLiurnced by the medieval allegory, the "Parliauicnt of KcavL/ in which justice and mercy (tv.'0 of the four daughters of God) argue over the fate of mankind after his fail. Again, Sir Israel Gollancz sees The Merchant as an extension of the allegorical tradition v?hich dramatizes Scriptural stories. Such an approach to The Merchant, however, tends to John D. Rea, "Shylock and the Processus Belial," Ph ilological Ouajrterly, VIII (l'J29), 311. Kevill Coghill, "The Basis of Shakespearean Comedy," Essays and Studies , III (London, 1950), 1-23. See also Hope Travers, "The Four Daughters of God," PMIA, XL (ly23), ^4-82.

PAGE 8

point to deeper meaning outside the play rather than within the play itself. Gollancz claims that "The starting point of the legend of Shylcck" is "some early monkish" homily v;hich blended the tv70 texts: "Greater love hath no man than this, that a m.an should lay dov:n his life for his friend" and "Christ also Icved che Church and gave Hiraself for it."" Fy approach to the Biblical and liturgical elements in The Merchant is at variance with these approaches since I do not consider Th e Mer chant an allegory nor the Biblical and liturgical allusions as fiuictioning pa?-ts of an allegory. Admittedl}', however, the allegorical approach does have a great diversity of m.ethods, directions, interests, and critics; and at times I have found these allegorical interpretations both interesting and 10 provocative. In my study of the Biblical and liturgical allusions in The Merchant I have tried to limit m.y examination cf Scriptural and liturgical allusions to their primary source, the liturgy and the Bible. This means that I have necessarily excluded many iinpcitcrit secondary sources for Biblical and liturgical allusions. Shakespeare's audience, for example, was familiar with narratives, parables, names, phrases, themes, and images of the Bible not only directly from their private reading and public church services g Sir Israel Gollancz, Allegory and M ysticism i n Shakespeare (London, 1931), pp. 19, 17. A recent and thorough investigation of allegory in The Merchant is that of Barbora K. Levalski, "Biblical Allusion and Allegory in Th_e Merchant of Venice/' Shakes p ea r e Quarterly, XIII (1962), 327-343. Her analysis cf the conflict between Shy lock and Antonio, their use of Biblical allusions and imagery, their representation of the Jewish and Christian communities, and Shylock's "forced conversion" are all enlightening. Eut I do not feel that she demonstrates the existence of "consistent and unmistakable allegorical meanings" in Th'S Merchant .

PAGE 9

but also iiidi^rectly from cycle plays, moralities, and mysteries v.-hich established a tradition for the use of Biblical allusions in drama. I have also excluded otlier important secondary sources for Shakespeare's Biblical allusions such as the plays of Shakespeare's contemporaries and the didactic and poetic literature of the period. For the most pare, these secondary sources have received much critical attention; but a relatively unacknov/ledged secondary source, which mtrits further study, is the English proverb. Morris Tilley's A Diction ary of Pr ove rbs adequately demonstrates that English proverbs vjere a rich secondary source for Biblical allusions in Shakespearean drama. The following are some convincing examples which "especially attracted Shakespcare and other EliLabethans ." " In The_ Merchant Antonio comments: "The Devil can cite Scripture for his purpose."-'-^ This is an allusion to the Biblical passage: Then the devil 1 . . . sayeth unco him. If thou be the sonne of God, cast thy selfe dovme : for it is v/ritten, that he shall give his angels charge over thee, and with their haades they shall lift thee up least at any time thou dash thy foote against a stone, l^*'•'Recently, Ber-nard Spivack has shown ho\.' the "hybrid" plays between 1520 and 15S5 influenced Shakespeare's villains. These plays combined allegorical elements from the moralities, narrative elements from the Bible, and the.r.atic interpretations from the homiletic tradition, all of which Spivack sees reflected in Shakespeare's villains. See S hakespeare and the Allegory, of Ev:.l (New York, 1958), especially pp. 255-269. '^Morris Tille>, A Dictionary of P roverbs (Ann Arbor, 1950), "Foreword," p. vii. Tilley adds that "The Bible naturally exercised a stronger influence on English [prcverbs] than any other foreign work, if, indeed, ve can call a book foreign that was read in every household." ^^xhe Arden Edition of J:he Works of W ill iam ShakesDeare_,__Tha_Merchant of Venice, ed, John Russell Brown (London, 1955), i.iii.93. All subsequent references to The !I;-jv chant are from th'Ls edition unless noted otherwise . 1-'! 'The Bishops' Bible (London, 1585), Matthevj 4:5-5. For a full

PAGE 10

Another English proverb based on a Biblical allusion is "The Devil can transform himself into an angel of light" vhich comes from: For such false apostles are deceitful workers, transformed into the Apostles of Christ. And no mervaile: for Satan himself e is transformed into an angell of light. (II Cor. 11:13-14) This allusion is a favorite with Shakespeare: Dromio of Syracuse: Nay, she is vjorse, she is the devil's dam . . . the wenches say "God damn me," tb.at ' s as much as to say, "God make me a light wench." It is written, they appear to men like angels of light. (Comedy of E rr or_s_ IV . i i i . 5 1-4 ) Eiroii: Devils soonest tempt, resembling spirits of light. (Love's Labo urs Los t IV . i i i . 2 54 ) Hamlet: The spirit that I have seen May be the devil: and the devil hath power To assuifie a pleasing shape. (Raml et II. ii. 227-9) lago: Divinity of hell'. When devils will their blackest sins put on They do suggest at first with heavenly shows As I do now. (O_thello II . iii . 3^' 1-4 ) Clearly, then, although I have not looked into English proverbs, the cycle plays, nor Shakespeare's contemporaries for their use of Scriptural and liturgical allusions, these secondary sources constitute a solid tradition that was familiar to both Shakespeare and his audience. Aad, of course, the more frequently the Elizabethans encountered an allusion, the discussion of Shakespeare's version of the Bible, see Richmond Noble, Shakespeare ' s Biblical. .Kngwle_dge, pages 9-12, and Chapter V, "V.^hich Version did Shakespeare Use?" pages 58-59. Noble's conclusion is that "evidence tending to a certain cumulative effect" (? . 54) suggests that Shakespeare used the Bishops' Bible for The Merchant . Thus, all Biblical quotations in this dissertation v;ill bo taken froin the Bishops' Bible unless otherwise noted.

PAGE 11

more certain its meaning became and the more effective the allusion becarae in the context of the play. The effectiveness of any allusion depends on the familiarity of the audience v/ith the allusion. And since Dost of the Biblical allusions in The Merchant can be found in both r.lic Bible and the liturgy, it is niy practice to acknov/lcdge both sources. For it was especially by participating in the liturgy cf the Church of England, that is, in the official, public worship conducted daily in parish churches and cathedrals throughout England, that Elizabethans became familiar with a wide range of BiblicaJ. narratives, names, themes, and traditional intevpretacions . Elizabethans were required by lav/ to attend the liturgy on all Sundays and major feast days throughout the year. Moreover, since this liturgy was luade up prin-arily from Scriptural passages, and since the Anglican liturg> was continuously being revised, the scopa cf Old and New Testament passages v;ith which the average Elizabethan was familiar was continuously expanding. Thus, the more frequently a name, image, story, or theme v/as encountered by an Elizabethan, the more certain and emphatic the allusion in the play became. As I mentioned in the first paragraph, I have found it necessary to dedicate a section of this dissertation to an analysis of clas?icai allusions because they were woven inseparably into the Biblical and liturgical pattern. Although these classical allusions have been discussed at great length during the last four hundred years, it was not enough, for ma merely to report v/hat classical scholars have written. For example, in the fifth act Lorenzo's allusion to Dido is usually considered an erroneous allusion to Ariadne:

PAGE 12

In such a night Stood Dido with a willow in her hand Upon the wild sea banks, and V7aft her love To come again to Carthage. (V.i.9-12) Eut the liturgical context sheds a new light on this classical problem. In the context of the liturgical motif of deliverance from bondage and in the context of the ensuing lovers' quarrel, this "error" can be seen as a functional and integral part of the play. This dissei-tation, then, attempts to explain the functional role of allusions in The Merc han t . That is, it attempts to see various themes and motifs of the play as they appear in the allusions. It attempts to see these allusions as integral parts of the play itself and not as simple orr.amentatton. . And, generally, it fiiids tnat thcsa Biblical and liturgical allusions extend the depth of the play by illustrating and suggesting values already in the niads of the audience regarding various themes and motifs of The. Merchant : frieiidship, love, marriage, filial obedience, trust, love, elopement, theft, thrift, usury, justice, mercy, death, redemption, sacrifice, and resurrection. Now a word about the raolif of bondage and its resolution in The Merchant . Alth.ough some critics have tried to find a governing idea or image v/hich would be a key to understanding T he Merchan t, T do not feel that there is such a single idea or image. Tliere arc many ideas, m.otifs, and images in The Merchant, one of which, is the bond image or the motif of bondage. Even a single viewing or a casual reading of The Merchant evokes an apprehensive at/areness of Shylock's sadistically "m.erry" bond "'john Russell Brown discusses this approach to Thc_TV^rxhan_t in his "Introduction" to the Arde n Edition, pp. xlix-lviil.

PAGE 13

10 and the cruel financial bondage he tries to impose on his creditors, for Shylock's bond is central to The Mercha nt. Added to this, ho\7evc:r, arc many other patterns of bondage, of being willingly or unwillingly bound and obligated to another. For example, there is the bund of marriage which unites Portia and Bassanio as well as Lorenzo and Jessica. There are the bonds of filial love, obedience, and respect which supposedly unite Portia to her dead father, Jessica to Shylock, and Launcelct to his father. There are the bonds of civil law which Shy]ock righteously demands and the obligations of mercy which Portia solicits. There is the open rejection of any bond of friendship or trust between the Ch7:istians of Venice and the Jewish Shylock and the open v^itness to tlie bond of love and trust bet.vce-a the Christian Lorenzo and the Jewish' Jassica. In general, there is a form of willing bondage which dcraands than a friend or lover run a risk, make a sacrifice, and even endure death, and there is a form of cruel bondage that demands an unwilling death. In act one Shy]ock introduces this pattern of bondage and its related forms, clothing it in Scriptural and liturgical allusions. For him these allusions become a tool for justifying his practice of usury and his cash system of values. He uses the Bible to discredit the "good" Antonio, to justify taking advantage of the "prodigal" Christians, to claim Gcd's approval of his thrift, and to proclaim himself a chosen descendent of Abraiii and a member of a sacred nation. Consistently, 1 z: "From the po:. nt oi view of Scriptural quotation3." observes Richmond Noble, T]Te_ M^rcha_nt is "the niost important of ail the piay^s, for in it Shakespeare affords evidence of having studied the Bible closely in his delineation of Shylock. In the deal between Laban and Jacob he nay be said to have used the Bible as he used Holinshed or North in other plays" (Sha kespeare's Bibli ca l Knowled;je, p. 161).

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11 presenting himself favorably and the ChiJistians unfavorably, Shylocic selects, distorts, and disputes, using names, passages, images, and themes coming mostly from the Old Testaiaent. In chapter one of this dissertation, then, we vrf.ll examine the patterns of bondage \vhich Shylock introduces and defends through Scriptural allusions. In ch">pter two vje v/ill examine the patterns of liberation, redemption, and resolution. We will see how Lorenzo and Jessica, Jewess and Christian, use Biblical and liturgical allusions much as Shylock and the antagonistic Christians do in act one. We v/ill see how, in a moonlit garden at Belnont, merrily engaging in a lovers' quarrel, they recall the earlier cruel and unv/illing bondage of Venice and Shylock, celebrate liberation from bondage, and contra':t new bonds of iovc and trust . In the pursuit of my studies and in the '/^/riting of this dissertation, I hiive become personally and professionally indebted to many people Among the teachers x;ho have taken a personal interest in me and my education are especially Professor T. Walter Herbert and Professor Thomas R. Preston. Among the mem.bers of my super>/isory committee, I acknowledge my debt of gratitude to Professor Ants Oras and Professor Richard Kiers. Henry Korley sees the central conflict of The Merchant in Antonio's standing between "the tv70 principles cf justice and mercy, of the Old Testament and the New, as Shakespeare read them" (Ej»gl^is^h_Writ er s__ [London, 1893], Vol. X, "Shakespeare and His Time: Under Elizabeth," pp. 243-4) . Barbara Lewalski sees in The Merch ant a Biblical "confrontation" between the Old Testament Law which "leads only to death and destruction" and a New Testament faith, love, and mercy which not only discredits the Law bat constitutes "the fulfillment of the La-.? and covers all defects" ("Biblical Allusions and Allegory in The Mercha nt of Venice ," Shakespeare Quarterly, XIII [1352], 341, 343).

PAGE 15

I am forever grateful for the financial assistance, continuous encourag. nicnt, personal sacrifices, and gcn,;rous prayers of my confreres, the monks of Saint Lee Abbey, Florida, my dear parents, Frank and Margaret Cosgrove, and the nany friends and relatives v;ho have "prayed and encouraged me through." In particular, it is a pleasure to ackao\;lenge the personal interest, the b'^neficial criticism, and the persistent eacouragemoat of Professor T. Walter Herbert who guided ray dissertation from start to finish.

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CHAPTER I SHYLOCK'S USE OF THE BIBLE AInD THE MOTIF OF BONDAGE The Problem of Usury in England In the first act cf The Merchan t, Scriptural allusions abound, mostly in Shylock's defense of usury. But Shylock is not the only one who uses Scripture to defend his own position. The Christians of Venice use Scripture a.gainst Shylock — much as the sixteenth-century Elizabethans did in their arguments for and against usury. Just as Shylock defends his practice of usury, and later the "justice" of his bond, on Old Testament grounds, so tlie Christians of Venice reject usury and defend mercy on Nev Testament grounds. And rlthough this Scriptural dialectic is hardly in r.he man.ner of a forraal Renaissance debate, it is a manner of arguing quite familiar lo Elizabethans who associated it with what they considered the primary {noral ptoblcnis of the day. Usury, for the Elizabethan audience, was not ?. remote problem of Venetians and Jewish usurers but an immediate problem of Englishmen and English usucers. As E. C. Pettet notes, from 158C to 1600, sorvof the most notable people of England were lieavily indebted to m.ercilers creditors and v/ere daily becoming more so: Sir Philip Sidney owed 16,000, the Earl of Essex I>22,000, the Duke of Norfolk ii&,000 t7,000, the Earl of Huntingdon t20,C00, the Earl of Leicester t59,000. Lord Sandys t3,100. Sir F. Willoughby L?.1,000, and Sir Percival willoughby L8,000. Ouhers who v/ere heavily in debt included the Earl of Sussex, Lord Thomas Howard, the Earl of Rutland, Lord Vaux of HarrowJen, Lord Scrope, and Shakespeare's o\m patron, the Earl of Scuthavi'.pton. who at one time had surrendered his 13

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14 estates to creditors, and 'scarce knows whs-t course to take to live. ' ^ Moreover, the usurers vlio advanced these large suras of money were not Jews but thriving English tradesmen, merchants, and scriveners (like Milton's fatlicr), v.'ho frequently obtained land and estates as security. As Jacob Cardozo deiaoiiEtrates in his comprehensive study of the contemporary Jew in Elizabethan drama, those fev; Jews who did live in London 2 were Baptized, conforming Cliristians. The use of Scripcure in pamphlets and sermons defending and condeimiing usury also familiarized Elizabethans with both the practice of usury in England and the Scriptural defense of it. In Ibll, for example, Thonas Wilson couiplains not about Jsv.'ish usurers or Venetians but about the inrnediate and crying problem, the iniquity of English usurers and the interest they charged: I do not knowe anyeplaee in chr istendoma, so muche subject to thys foule synne of usurie, as the whole realm?, of Englande ys at thys present, and hathe bene of late ycares . For men of wealth are nowe wholy geeven every wneare all together to idlexies, to gett their gaine with ease, and to lyve by lending. . . . But these men do not live in any vocation, but being the divels knowne a.ppreritice3 in earth, and bound to doe, as hee would have them: seeks when the.y are dead to serv^i hym in hell, as I take it. For god sayeth by hys prophete David, that he shall ricver dwell in h.ys tabernacle, that hathe put out hys nony for usury. ^ "E. C. Pcttet, ''Th e M erchan t of V enice and the Problem of Usury," E.s_s^vs_aTid^StiuUes, IIXXI (1945)", *20. Jacob Lope.s Cardozo, The Contem porary Jew ir ElisabeLhait Drama (Amsterdam, 1925). Cardozo concludes that "Jews were not present in ElizabeLhan and early Stewart En'^land" (p. 330). ^Thomas Uilscn, A Dlscourbe Uppon Usurye, 3 572 (University Microfilm., Ann Arbor, 1949), reel 403, Introductory Epistle, p. iiii.

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The sixteenth century witnessed a continuous flow of treatises and sermons v/hich cited Old and New Testaiaent teachings about usury: N. Sanders's Briefe Tre atise of Usurie (1558), Sir Thomas Wilson's A Discourse Uppon Usurie (1572), Phillippus Caesar's A General P iscou rse Ag ainst the Pamnable Sect of Usurers (1578), Henry Smith's Exam ination of Usury (1591), The Death of U sury , or the Dis trace of Usurers (1594), M. Mosse's Th e Arraignment a nd C onvi ction of Usurie. (1595). and T. Bell's Speculation of Usury (1596). Although an Elizabethan, then, might never encounter a Je\%", much less a Jewish usurer, he V7as well prepared to associate Shylock with an Old Testament defense of usury. And when Shylock uses the Biblical story Jacob and Laban to defend usury (I . iii .66-91), when he invokes "heaven"' in his defense (IV. i. 224), and when he calls for law and justice in the final scene, he uses Scriptural passages and arguments familiar to an Elizabethan audience. John Draper suggests that in his defense of usury Shylock is actually using the kind of specio-.is argument which "To che Elizabethan was mordant casuistry," In this sense, then, and against this background, Shylock the Jewish usurer and Antonio the young aristocrat in need of a loan are easily recognized Elizabethans. And the Scriptural allusions which they rally to their defense are similar to those found in the m^r.y treatises and sermons dealing wdth the controversy over usury. 4 John W. Draper, "Usury in The Merchant of Venice," Modern. Phiiolo_gv, XXXiil (1935), 44.

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16 The Biblical "good man" and the Usuirer A detailed analysis, no^;, of Act I will demonstrate hov7 Christian and Jew marshal Biblical allusions in their arguments over usury, theft, justice, mercy, thrift, ovTnership, and God's providential blessings and approval. In the first appearance of Shylock, Bassanio asks Shylcck for a loan of three thousand ducats. Shylock' s initial replies are clipped and business-like. But when Bassanio tells him that "Antonio shall be bound" for the three thousand ducats (I.iii.4), Shylock ansv;ers an^biguously that "Antonio is a good man" (I.iii.ll), meaning that he is financially sound and therefore a good risk for a lofin. Apparently, hov;ever, the word £^qod also suggests an evaluation that is unrelated to the business at hand, for Bassanio is immediately indignant and he challenges Shylock: "Have you heard any imputation to the contrary?" Shylock answers with a subtle combination of Biblical and business-like language: No, no, no, no, no: my meaning in saying he is a good man, is to have you understand me that he is sufficient, --yet his means are in supposition; he hath an argosy bound to Tripolis, another to the Indies, I understand moreover upon the Rialto, he hath a third at Mexico, a fourth for England, and other ventures he hath squand'red abroad, --but ships are but boards, sailors but men, there be land-rats, and water-rats, vjater-thieves, and land-thieves, (I mean pirates), and then there is the peril of waters, winds, and rocks: the man is notwithstanding sufficient, --three thousand ducats,--! think I may take hi? bond. (I.iii.l3-2A) Although Shylcck admits here that Antonio is a "good man," his quickly shifting thoughts and images suggest more than a mere businesslike evaluation. His key vjord3-~^_od, sufficient, h-^ hath squand'red a_broad, and per?' Is of V7a ter s, winds, and rocks--all evoke Biblical passages and themes whach suggest that his value:s stand in opposition

PAGE 20

to those of Baspanio and Antonio. By means of these Shylock suggests that the "good" Antonio is merely a wealthy, prodigal merchant v/nose nieans are providenLialiy in jeopardy. Thus, Shylock' s word good is open to several interpretations. Shylock is totally unwilling to accept the common estimation of Antonio as "the good Antonio, the honest Antonio"-" who, in contrast with his o\m calculated usury, is uncalculating, self-sacrificing, and vjilling to put himself immediately at the disposal of his friend: My purse, my person, my extremest means Lie all unlocked to your occasions. (I. i. 138-9) For a long time, as Shylock sees it, Antonio's generosity and willingness to lend money to those in need has been a personal affront to him, a religious, racial, and social barrier, a financially damaging interference, and the chief cause of his hatred. In his first aside, Shylock refers to this hatred as "the ancient grudge I bear him" (I.iii.42). And later, when he has no reason to be ambiguous, Shylock shouts: Gaoler lock to him, --tell not me of mercyThis is the fool that lent out money gratis. (III.iii.1-2) And hopelessly, Antonio admits that the conflict is irremediable: He seeks m.y life, his reason well I know; I oft deliver'd from his forfeitures Many that have at times made moan to me. Therefore he hates me. OlI.iii.21-4) Antonio is not a "good" man in Shylock' s eyes, because Shylock has a Salaiio is extremely laudatory: "that the good Antonio, the honest Antonio ;--0 that I had a ticia good enough to keep his name company" (III. i. 12-14). Bassanio also refers to A:^.tonio as "my good friend" (III. ii. 232).

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18 different system of values. As E. C. Pettet demonstrates, Shylock is trying to replace the old-v.'orld, aristocratic, self-sacrificing "idealized relationships of friendship and mutual service" with a "cash-nexus" system of evaluating what is "good." The Biblical overtones of Shyloclc's first speech constitute a rather subtle argument urged against a fairly stable backgrour'.d of sixteenth-century Scriptural tCichings on usury. For example, the second alphabetical tabid of Eiblica] themes appended to the Geneva B ible , 1583, lists eighteen Biblical citations "Against Usury." Repeatedly in these citations, the good man is the man who docs not exact interest on loans but rather lends freely to bis brot"-er in need. Psalm 13, which was read on the fourth day of each ruori.th by those Elj zabetlian 3 who attended mcrning prayers, asks \^h'i will be worthy to enter the Lord's sanctuary ^E. C. Pettet, ";i1ie_ 2Ier chant of Venice and the Problem of Usury," _Es£ays and Studies, XjsXI, ]9'+5, 29'. Pettet notes that : For a long time pamphlets and books denouncing moneylending flovjed on from the press, the most important being Wilson's Discourse upon Usury, first published in 1572, Another attack, worthy of note since it came cut in 1595, only a year before the probable date of The _Mer chant o f V enice, was Miles Nosse's Arraifiunuy.t and_ Conviction of Usery, whichj so the Stationers' Company Register declared, conta.ined 'proof that it [usury] is manifestly forbidden by the Word of God, and sundry reasons alleged vhy it is justly aiid v/orthily condemned. . . . Divers causes why usury should not be practised of a Christian, especially net of an Englishman, though it could not be proved that it is not simply forbidden in the Scriptures'" (pp. 21-2). According to Wilson (Discourse upon Usurye, 1572) , "Hardness of heart hath nov; gotten place" av.d usury "defaceth chivalries, [and] beateth doTjn nobility" (quoted b^r Pettet, p. 19). Pettet concludes that "Antonio is the hero of The _Nej\chant of Venice because, through suffering and peril, he fights for the cause of disinterested generosity" (p. 27). 'Gen^.?;^_jL;ibl_e, 1583, "llie Second Alphabet of . . , uordes." g Litur^ica 1 S;:r"'/ices . _lji.V:jLn: oJ._es _and _0c cas ional _ Forms of Frayer Set F orth in the Reip.i of f^ueen Eli.'z.abeth, "Index &, Calendar ium, " ed.

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19 (verse one), and then answers: Hee that giveth not his money upon usurie: nor taketh reward against the iruiocent. (Ps. 15:6) Another Biblical aspect of the "good" man is that God will repay him for lending without interest. Thus, Psalru 112, which was read on the twentythird day of each month at morning prayers and also at evening prayers on Easter Sunday, pictures the good man being blessed by God with "Riches and plenteousnes" not because he is self-sufficient but because he is merciful and lends to the needy: Riches and plenteousnes shal be in his house: and his righteousnes endureth for ever. . . . he is mercifull, and loving, and righteous. A good man is merciful and lendeth. (Psalm 112:3-5) The Geneva Eible glosses lendeth with the note: "Hee sheweth what is fruit of mercy: to lend freely and not for gaine, and so to measure his doings, that he m.ay be able to helpe where nacde requireta." Thus, ^oci£, sufficient, and usury are all words which are assoc iated--eithcr positively or negatively--with the providence of God. The "good" man according to Scripture also lends what is "sufficient" for the needs of his brethren. Deuteronomy, chapter fifteen, William Kea tinge Clay (Cambridge, 1347), p. 311. Subsequently I will refer to this edition as the Prayei.J^ok (1559) . Psalm fifteen is one of the first Scriptural passages used by Elizabethans in their arguments against the "foula synne of usurie." Thomas VTilson writes in his introductory epistle; "For god sayeth by hys prophete David, that he shall never dwell in hys tabernacle that hathe put out hys mony for usury," _A_Di scour se Upppn Usurye, 1572, p. iiii. And Thomas Bell quotes verses one ?rnd six "as the title-page inscription for his Sca£ulj._^ti,cn_of_JJsLn;X' 1596 (University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, 1951), reel 451. ^"Index L Calendar iura, " Prayer__3ook. (1559), pp. 311, 316.

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20 1 C assigned for evening pra^/ers sacli year on February 28, is explicit: If one of thy brethren among you be poore, within any of thy gates, in the lande v;hich the Lorde thy God giveth thee: thou shalt not harden thine heart, nor shut to thine hande froiT thy poore brother: But thou shalt open thine hand unto him, and lend hira sufficient for his neede which he hath. Beware that there be not a wicked thought in thine heart that ... it grieveth thee to looke on thy poote brother, and givest him nought, and he then crie urto the Lorde against thee, and it he. sinne unto thee. Thou shalt give him, and let it not grieve thine heart to give unto him. (Deut. 15:7-10) Here, the antithcois of the "good" man :.s the bard-heartod man who lacks compassion and exacts interest from the needy. The Biblical image belongs to a recurrent pattern in the Penirateuch which describes Pharoah as the cruel master who held the Israelites in bondage (Exodus 1:32, 7:13, 7:14, 7:22, 8:15, 8:lil). At the beginning of the trial scene, Antonio uses this sam? image to describe Shylock'i; lack of compassion: You may as well do any thing most hard As seek to soften that--than which what's harder?-His Jewish heart'. (rv.i. 78-80) The Bible, then, pictures the good man as the man who is not hard hearted, but lends freely what is sufficient for his brother's need. If he does this the good man will be favored v.ith "riches and plenteousness ." Scripture also insists that the "good" man should not seek the reward for being good although the Lord promises a revjard. Tnis Scriptural passage, listed uucer "Usury" in the concordance appended to the Geneva Bible, 1583, and used on the fourth Sunday after Trinity as the Go?pel, reaas: "Tne Kev; Calendar, 1561," appended to the second edition, Fj.S:yjiL-M.9-9h (1559), p. 445. ^^Ihe Prayer Book (15 59), p. 142.

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But love ye yC'ur enCiOies : doe good and lend, hoping for nothing thereby, and your reward shal be much, and you shal be the sonncs of the Highest, because hiw self is beneficial upon the unkinde and the evil. Be ye therefore merciful as also your father is merciful. Judge not, & yoii shal not be judged, condemne not, & you shal not be condemned, forgive, and you shal be forgiven, Give, and there shal be given to you. (Luke 6:33-8) Sufficiency and Prodigality Even though Antonio is the type of man who is willing to "aoe gOv. and lend, hoping for nothing thereby," Shylcck is unwilling to look upoi him as a good m'ln in the Biblical sense. For Shylcck has replaced the Biblical value system for judging usury with an economical value syster He is -..'illiiig to adroit that Antonio is "gocd" in the ve.y restricted sense of being financially "sufficient" (I.iii.l5), for Antonio has argosies bound to "Tripojis . . . Indies . . . Mexico . . . [and] England But he is not vrilling to ad?.:it that his Christian competitor is morally good or that hi? sufficiency' is from Gcd. Antonio's sufficiency, according to Shylock, is perilous and "; supposition" (I.iii.l5), for, ships a.re bat boards, sailors but nien, there be landrats, and water-rats, water-th-ieves, and landthieves, (I moan pirates), and chen there is the peril of waters, winds, and rocks: the man is not withstanding sufficient. Shylock' s references here to sufficiency and to the perils of meichant ships are Biblical allusions to St. Paul's Second Letter tu che Corinthians. Chapter three, read at evening prayers on Febn-ary eight and 12 agaii\ as the Epistle for the twelfth Sunday after Trinity, cxpl'-iins: "•^•"The Mew Calendar, 1561," Prayer Book (1559), p. -V.o and '-The .xiix Sunday," Prayer Book (1559), p. 149.

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22 Not that we are sufficient cf our selves, to think any thing, as of our selves: but our sufficiencie is of God. Chapter eleven, which Elizabethans listened to every Sexagesima Sunday, "* reads : In journeying often, in perils of waters, in perils of robbers, in perils of mine own nation, in perils among the heathen, in perils in the citie, in perils in the V7ildernesse, in perils in the sea, in perils among false brethren. (II Cor. 11:26) Thus, only after Shylock has revaluateo this "good" Antonio, judged his sufficiency against a background of Biblical allusions, and concluded that his present sufficiency does not come from God but is "in supposition" and therefore subject to the perilous circumstances and likely mishaps "sway'd and fashion'd by the hand of heaven,"^ is he willing to venture: "I think I m.ay take his bond" (I.iii.24). If Antonio's sufficiency is supposed to come from God, reasont^ Shylock, then God v;ill provide for his sufficiency. It is Shy leek's belief, hov.-ever, that heaven will favor hini \
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Richmond Noble observes, the parable of the prodigal son who i^eceived his inheritance, Xi'ent abroad, and squandered it in riotous living "is the most frequently mentioned Parable of the Gospels in the plays.'' The Bishops ' Bible (1585) records this parable of "The pxodigall sonn." as follows : A certain man bad two sonnes : And the yonger of l;hcm said to his father, father, give moe the portion of the substance that to me belongeth. And he devided unto them his living. And not many dayes after, when the yonger sonne had gathered all that he had together, he tooke his jourroy into a farre countrey, and there v-'asted his substance with riotous living. (Luke 15:11-13) This parable of the prodigal is continuously in the background o; The Mercha nt . Twice Shylock specifically refers to it. The first t;r;. he tells Jessica contemptuously: I ambid forth to supper Jessica, There are my keys:--but v.'herefore should I go? I am not bid for love, they flatter me, B\it yet I'll go in hate, to feed upon The prodigal Christian. Jessica my girl. Look to my house. (II. v. 1116) of judgment. But I say unto you: that whc so ever is angry V7ith his brother (unadvi.sedly) shall be in danger of judgment. And who so ever say unto his brother, Racha, shall be in danger of a cousel. But who so ever saith, Thou fool, shall be in danger of hell fire. (Matt. 5:21-2) This passage, read as che Gospel for the sixth Sunday after Trinity (^ Pra yer Book [1559], p. 144), is readily associated with the differenbetween a Jew and a Christian. For Jesus is 'distinguishing berween r,' servance of the law and observance of the spirit. "Ys have beard" tr.. the act of murder is forbidden (in Exodus 20:13). "But I say" thit f' Christians even, the desire to kil?. cr call someone fool is forbidden. In Ti"'°. ^?i-l£b?i'" ' ^course, the Ch7:istian? actually hate Shylock a-3 'w as he hates tliem. 'Ri.chmond Noble, Shakesp eare's Biblical K-nowled.ge, p. 277.

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24 Here Shylock's tone of reprobation is unmistakable as he contrasts his ovm thrifty concern for his keys ?nd for his house with the riotous living of the "prodigal Christian;.," who, as he sees it, flatter him by inviting him to supper in hopes of getting good terms for their loan. Shylock adds th£ t he does not want even the sound of the riotous, feasting, prodigal "Christian fools" to violate his "sober house" by entering through his "house's ears": What are there masques? Hear you me, Jessica, Lock up my doors, and when you hear the drum And the vile squealing of the wry-neck's fife Clamber not you up to che casements then Nor thrust your head into the public street To gaze on Christian fools with varnisli'd faces: But stop my house's ears, I mean niy casements, Let not che sound of slialicw fopp'ry enter My sober house, (11, v. 28-36) For Shylock lending money gratis is equivalent to prodigality. When Salerio asks, "tell us, do you hear whether Antonio have had any loss at sea or no?". Shylock ansv/ers by alluding to the parable of the prodigal son: There I have another bad match, a bankrupt, a prodigal, who dare scarce show his head on the Rialto, a beggar that was us'd to come so smug upon the mart: let him look to his bond I he was v;ont to call me usurer, let him look to his bond', he was wont to lend money for a Christian cur'sy, let him look to his bond! (III.i.39-A4) Clearly, here, Shylock's implication is that Antcnio is a "prodigal" and a "bankrupt" because he lends for "Christian cur'sy" (courtesy, generosity, friendship, and charity), and that he the usurer is thrifty. Bassanio is a self -acknov.'lcdgcd exaniple of a prodigal. For in coming to Antonio he is \7illing to sh>-'ot another arrow over the house to find the one he has already lost even while ackno'w-l edging:

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'Tis noL unknovm to you Antonio How much I have disabled mine estate, Wherein my time (something too prodigal) Hat?i left me gag'd. (I. i. 122-3, 129-130) Antonio also is intentionally prodigal with his love, for he is ^^7illing to "be rack'd even to the uttermost" (I.ii.181) for his prodigal "kinsman" (I.i.57). And again, the revelers find themselves v;ithout their masque simply because they are too careless to make adequate preparations : Lor, Nay, we will slink away in supper-time Disguise us at my lodging, and return All in an hour . Gra. We have not m.ade good preparation. Sal. We have not spoke us yet of torch-bearer s, -Sol. 'Tis vile unless it may be quaintly ordered. And better in my mind not undertook. (n.iv.1-7) Even in his first description of Antonio's mercantile resources, Shylock alludes to Antonio's prodigality: "other ventures he hath squand'red abroad." Here the words s guand ' red abr cad have been rightly 18 but inadequately g,lossed as "scattered" and "dispersed."' For Shakespeare's only other use of sjquandc_r is in opposition to v.'isdora and thrift. I'^ As You Like It Jaques, envious of the wise foci's frec'dom and impunity "To blow on X;7hom I please," telis Duke Senior: Invest me in my motley; give me leave To speak my mind, and I will through and through Cleanse Che foul body of che infected world. (AYLI rj..vii.58-60) 18 See A Kexj Variorui:i Ed ition of Shakespeare; The Merchant of Venice, ed . Horace Hov/ard Turness (Philadelphia, 1888), p. 35n. In the future I will refer to this edition as the Furness Variorum.

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26 According to Jacques, The wise man's foil}' is anatomised Even by the squandering glances of tlie fool. (AY1.I II. vii. 56-57) Thus, claims Jacques, if those claiming to be wise do noc gather up the valuable corrections of the \7ise fool, their lack of thrift is worse than that of the fool v/no tlien squanders his glances anatomizing the folly of the seeming wise man. In viev; of this usage and Shylock's two specific allusions to the parable of the prodigal, then, squ^.nd'red abroad is a disparaging description of Antonio's hazardous sufficiency. Thus, in Shylock's viev;, Bassanio, Antonio, and the Christians of Venice are prodigal':? and not brothers -in-nced to whom the Old Testa-.aent obliges him to lend freely. And, as he sees it, the sufficiency of these prodigals is perilous not onl> because "there be . . . water-thieves, and land thieves" but because they are s.itisfied with uncalculating courtesy, spend-thiift rioting, and haphazard planning. Shylock fully expects heaven to bless him x;ich the forfeited bond of these prodigals. Friendship with Gentiles Critics have long recognii:ed love ard friendship as important 1 Q motifs in Tue Merchant . ' Antonio comes to the assistance of his dear friend Bassanio, insisting that even his life is not too mjch tc sacrifice for a friend (I.i.l38 and III .ii .314-320) . And when Portia asks Bassanio if it is his "dear friend that is thus in trouble?" (Ill .ii . 290), Bassanio answers: i9 See the ''Introduction" to the Arden Edition, pp. xlv-xlix.

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27 Itie dearest friend to me, the kindest man. The best-conditioned and unwearied spirit In doing co^irtesies: and one in whom The ancient Roman honour more appears Than any tb.at draws breath in Italy. (III. ii. 291-5) Even Portia, by temporarily foregoing the marriage bed, shows deference to the noble bonds of friendship: Before a friend of this description Shall lose a hair through Bassanio's fault First, go with me to church, and call m.e wife. And then away to Venice to your friend: For never shall you lie by Portia's side Wi th an unqu ie t soul. (Ill, ii. 300-5) One aspect of the. friendship motif, however, is the conflict between lending mon^^' gratis to friends and lending nioney for interest to strangers. Even Shylock borrows freely frcjm his couu.ry-iian. Tubal: I cannot in.';t.antly raise up the groso Of full three thousand ducatf: V.l.at of that? Tubal a wealthy Hebrew of my tribe Will furnish me. (I.iii.50-5) But Shylock is net in the practice of lending freely to the Christir-.ns of Venice for be does not accept tneiTi. as friends. Indignantly he recognizes hiiuself in the traditional role of a Jewish usurer amid hostile creditors, a stranger spurned by gentiles: 90 -In an historical survey of the Judeo-Christian conflict over usury, R.J. Werblowsky si^ggests that the conflict between Jex7 and Christian in the F.enaissance may have had historical causes which were economically beneficial to both races. Werblowsky writes: The biblical prohibition against usury reflects the simple econor.iy of an agricultural society where loans were needed to provide immediate relief in moments of distress (e.g. failure of crops). 'vJith. the devclopiaent of a money economy, indxistry and trade, the ancient prohibitions becarae economically obsolete and (in part) morall}/' irrelevant. Unable to disregard a plain biblical prohibition, JewisVi practice

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?-S Signior Antonio, many a time and oft In the Rial to you have rated me About my moneys and my usances: ". Well then, it vow appears you need my help I . . . 'Shylock, we would have moneys,' you say so: You that did void your rheum upon my beard. And foot me as jrou spurn a stranger cur O/er your threshold. (I.iii.101-3, 109-13) Nor do Antonio and Bassanio look upon Shylock as a friend but as a stranger and an enemy who exacts interest without mercy. Eassanio admits to Portia: "I have engaged myself to a dear friend. Engaged my friend to his mere enemy" (III. ii. 260-61) . And Antonio demands that Shylock lend the three thousand ducats "to thnie enemy," "for when did friendship take A breed for barren metal of his friend?" (I. iii. 128-30) Again, this diGtinction in The F.archrnt between leading to friends 21 and lending to stranger^^ has a Biblical basis. For both Jewish law and the Old Testament make sucl a distinction betv.'een lending to aliens and lending to countr^rmen. The lesson from Deuteronomy ^;hich was assigned for morning prayers on March 23, reads: evo]ved--again3t long resistance-the legal fiction knoxm as better iska by ^^7hich a loan is contracted in the form of a partnership. Although this procedure is considered legitimate for business transactions and investments, loans to a fellow man in need should be free of interest (C-emilut Hesed). The Catholic Church in the Middle Ages enforced a sijnilar prohibition between Christians, and hence the Jevjs , being outside Christian society and its laws, V7hen debarred from other occupations, were often forced into the role of moneylenders and usurers. T he En cyclopedia of the Je wish Religjion, ed . R. J. Zvri Werblowsky (New York, 1965),' p. 394. 21 Herbert Loewe notes that according to Deuteronomy 23:19-20, usury or nashek "is prohibited between Jew and Jew, but allowed to be used by a Jev7 to a foreign.ir." But according to lovi.ticus 25:36-7, both usury and interest (tarbir -in:, marbit) "are forbidden to be used by Jev; to Jew." A Rabbinic An tholo,-;y (New York, 1360), p. 450. ^"""Index & Calendarium," Prayer Book (1559), p. 318.

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29 Thou slialt not hurt thy brother by usurie of money, nor by usurie of corne, nor by usurie of any thing that he may be hurt withall. Unto a stranger thou mayest lend upon usurie, but not unto thy brother: that the Lord thy God may b]csse thee in all that thou settest thine hand to, in the land v.hither thou goest to possesse it. (Deut. 23:19-20) The Bishops' Bible observes that this double standard existed for Jews in the Old Testament because they had not yet become kind-hearted and open to disinterested generosity: "Because they were a hard hearted people, 93 therefore was this libertie given them for a time."" In his conversation vjith Eassanio in Trie Merch ant, Shy lock has already given a number of signals which indicate that the "good Antonio" is not his friend but a competitor who is ruining him and his business, a prodigal who has many "ventures . . . squand'red abroad," and a gentile whose "suf f icien-:y" does not come as God's providential reward but is in perilous ''suppcsitior.. " Bassanio, novrever, seems to be :.mpressed with only the last few words of Shylock: ". . . the man is notwithstanding sufficient-three thousand ducats,--! think I may take his bond" (I.iii. 23--4) . Thus Bassanio--apparently feeling gracious-invites Shylock to make the final arrangements for the loan tonight, "If it please you to dine with us" (I.iii.2S). Shylock, however, answers with a tirade of Biblically oriented abuse: Yes, to smell pork, to eat of the habitation which your prophet the Kaaarite conjured the devil into: I will buy with you, sell with you, talk v/ith you, walk with you, and so followins: But I will not eat with you, drink v/ith you, nor pray xvitn you.^"^ ^^Gioss to Deuteronomy 23:20. 24 I.iii. 29-33. Possibly, this may be an aoice, for as Dover Wilson notes, "It v;0uld be unlike the Jew to reveal his hate openly al

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30 HerOj Sliy]ock's Bibli.cal diction is again indicative of his re;.igiouSj racial, and social contempt for Bassanio, Antonio, and the Christians of Venice. Even his non-Biblical diction is indicative of his scorn, for pork is represented not as a roasted pig or as food but as a thing, a "habitation" suitable for the devil to live in. According to the Mosaic la\7 and Talmudic tradition, the Lord directed Israelites to dissociate themselves from gentiles socially so that they v/ould not be influenced by the idolatrous and unclean practices of foreigners. Chapter twenty of Leviticus, read at evening prayers on February 11, commands the Israelites: Ye shall not walke in the uaners of this nation, VJhich I cast out before you: for they committed all these things, and therefore I abhore them. , . . And therefore shall ye put difference belwsene cleane beasts and uncleane. . , . Therefore shall ye be holy unio me: for I the Lorde am holy, and have severed you from other nations, that ye should be mine. (Lev. 20:23-26) Shylock's reference to pork is based on an explicit dietary prohibition in Deuteronomy, read at evening prayers on March fourth: ^ Tliou shalt eate no manner of abom.ination. . . . And also the swine, though he divideth the hoofe, yet he chewetb not cud, therefore is ha uncleane unto you: ye shall not eate of the flesh of such. ;(Deut. 14:3,8) this stage," Ihe Wo rks of Shakespeare, ed. Arthur Ouiller-Ccuch and John Dover Wilson (Cambridge, England, 1953). Subsequently, I refer to this edition as the N.C.S . Shylock, hov/evcr, has already given Bassanio m.any subtle indications of his contempt, and later in this saiae scene his hatred is undisguised when he talks to Antonio in I. iii. 101-12^'^, 25 "ITie Kew Cnri.-,tii:,n Calend-:-.r, 1561," Prayer Look (1559) ,p.445. "'^Pray-etr Book (1559), p. 43.

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Thus, Shy lock recognizes the invitation to dine v/ith Antonio as an Laplicit invitation to disregard the traditional Jewish law regarding pork. The Elizabetlian audience would also recognize the Biblical overtones of Shylock's contempt and would be familiar v/ith this prohibition of pork because of their readings from the Old Testament and the liturgy of the Prayer Bo ok. Besides his indignation about the dietary law. Shy lock also sho\»s contempt in his reference to the pork which Jesus "conjured the devil into." The Biblical passage that Shy lock here alludes to is recorded in all three synoptic Gospels: Matthew, 8:28-34; Mark, 5:1-17: and Luke, 8:26-37. Elizabethans would be familiar V7ith the Matthean account since it was read publicly to them on the fourth Sunday after the Epiphany. The Prayer Book version of this Gospel reads: And when he was come to the other side into the coantry of the Gergesites, there met vjith him .ii. possessed of devils, which came out of the graves, and were out of measure fierce, so that no m.an might go by that way. And behold, they cried out saying: Jesu, thou Son of God, V7hat have we to do with thee? art thou come hither to toruient us before the time? And there was a good way off from them a herd of swine, feeding. So the devils besought hiiu, saying: If thou cast us out, suffer us to go into the herd of swine. And he said unto them: Go your ways. Then went they out, and departed into the herd of swine. And behold, the v/hole herd of swine was carried headlong into the sea, and perished in the waters. '-Apparently, Shylock considers this casting of the devil into the swine as the Naz.'.rite Prophet's tacit acknowledgment of the traditional prohibition against pork. And so he is contemptuous because Christians eat the food v/hich even their o'.m "prophet" despised when he "conjured 97 Prayer Book (1559), p. 92.

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32 the devil inCo" it".. A? Shylock sees it, Bassanio and the Christians acknowledge neither tlie Old Testament prohibition, a Jew's traditional contempt for swine, the contempt Jesus had for pork, nor the fact that their "prophet" was a Jew. Although the word prophet is not generally a derogatory word when used in reference to Jesus, 28 Shylock seems to be suggesting that Jesus is merely one of the many prophets who happened to be a conjurer of devils. Moreover, for him, this prophet is not "my" or "our" prophet but "your" prophet. He is neither a major prophet like Isaiah, Jerei.iiah, or Ezekiel, nor a minor prophet like Amos, Micah, Habakkuk, or Malachi, but an unnamed "Nazarite." The distinction between Na^ar^ite and Naza29 rene would not indicate Shylock' s contempt since Jesu.? is called a "Nazarite" in all of the English translations before the King James vcrsion in 1611. But Shylock' s contemptuous use of the wore! is accurate, 28 Thus, Jesus refers to himself as a prophet: "And when he came into his owne countrey, he taught them in their Synagogue. . . . And they were offended in him. But Jesus said unto them, A Prophet is not without honour, save in his owne countrey" (Matthev.' 13:57). 29 Furncss notes that "The use of this word instead of Eazarene is at first sight puzzling. . . . San'son was a Maz£/,rite, and is always correctly so called by Milton in his S amson A gonistes . And John the Baptist was a Nazarite. Shylock must have known perfectly v?ell that the Prophet who conjured the devil into the swine was not a Nazarite, but a Nazarcne" (Fum es s V arioruai ; 36n) . By Naza rite Shylock means a person from Nazareth. But the primary meaning of N azarite in the Old Testament (Amos 2:11; Judges 13:5, 7; 16:17; Numbers 6:1-27; 1 Maccabees 3:49-53) is that of one consecrated to God by special vows to drink no wine, to leave the hair uncut, to avoid contact with the dead, and to eat no unclean foods. See Dictionary of the Bible , ed . James Hastings, revised by Frederick C. Grant and' H. H. pCowley (New York, 1963), p. 691. "^She phrase, "He shall be called a Nazarite" QAazt . 2:23), appears in Tyndale's version (1534), Mylcs Coverdale's (1534), l
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for simply being an inhabitanl: of the insignif icanc tovm of Nazareth carries Biblical overtones of contempt. The clearest example of this is in the Gospel according to St. John: Philip findeth Nathanael, and saith unto him. We have founde him of v.'home Moses in the lawe and the Prophets did \^7rite, Jesus of Nazareth the sonne of Joseph. And Nathanael said unto him, Can there any good thing come out of Nazareth? Philip saith unto him, Come and see. (John l:45--6) The Biblical concordance appended to the Gen eva Bible, 1583, also notes that it was the "devill" who "confesseth Christ to be oL" Nazaret," while "The inhabitants regarded not their Prophete Jesus, but would have cast 31 him headlong from their hill." Wnen Shylock says "I will not eat with you, drink XJith you, nor pray with you" (X .iii .32-33) , he is alluding not only to the dietary law regarding pork but also to the traditional Kosaic lav which forLids Jews to associate v^ith gentiles. He eventually says, "I'll go in hate, to feed upon the prodigal" (II .v. 14-5), but here in the first act, he makes I a distinction between his vdllingness to do business, i.e. to "buy . . . sell . . . ta-lk . . . and walk" (I. iii. 31) with the Christians and his unwillingness to socialize, that is, to eat, drink, and pray with them. The Biblical passage from Deuteronomy (7:2-4) is one of of the key passages w;:ich Rabbinic literature traditionally cites to demonstrate the barriers that Israelites should erect in order to prevent socializing which could lead to intermarriage with gentiles and to Idolatry. This passage, re:id at evening pravers on the fourth Sunday after Easter and -'•"Geneva Bible, 1583, "The Second Alphabet" under the word Nazareth.

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34 agi\in at evening prayers on the seventeenth day of February,-'^ reads as follows : Wlien the Lord thy God shall bring thee into the lande whither thou goest to posses se it, and hath cast out many nations before thee . . . make no covenant with them, nor have any compassion on them. Thou shalt make no marriages with them. ... Ye shall overthrowe their altars, and breake do\me tlieir pillars, and cut do^Tue their groves, and burne their graven images with fire. For thou art an holy people unto the Lord thy God: the Lorde thy God hath chosen thee to be a speciall people unto himselfe, above all nations that are upon the earth. (Deuteronomy 7:1-7) 33 Originally, this law of separation from gentiles (Hukkat HaHoyyim) extended to the seven Canaanite nations; but as the Jews dispersed to other nations, Rabbinic interpretations extended the ban to include all non-Jewish peoples and their morally "unclean" practices. The Talmudic interpretation of the Old Testament is filled with prohibitions against uriclern foods, and in some cases the law \-i?s so stringent that eating with gentiles was forbidden even when it did not infringe on the dietary laws. For example, the Mishaa, Abodah Zarah explains simply "That the cooked foods of heathens are prohibited" by Deuteronomy 2:28: ^' ^^"The New Calendar, 1561," Praye r Book (15.59), pp. 437, 445. "Statute of the Gentile." See "Gentiles" in The Evic vc lop ed J.a o f t lic Jev7ish Religion, ed . R. J. Zwi Werblowsky, p. 155; and "Assimilation," p. 46. The Talmudic tract Avo dah Zar ab. (on idol vjorship) in the Mishnah order of Nezikin specifically regulates the religious, social, and ccmm.ercial intercourse between Jews and heathens. But as Werblov;sky notes: "many authorities classified Christianity as idolatry (because of its doctrines of the incarnation and tlie eucharist, and its use of images)," (p. 193). Even the Hebrew "w-ord for nation, which designated any nation in the Bible including Israel, eventually "came to mean the non-Jewish nations in general and finally a member of any such nation, i.e., the non-Jew" (p. 162).

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R. Hiyya b. Abba said in the name of R.. Johanan; Scripture states, Thou shali : sell me food for moi.'ey i^bat I_ rn?.'^/__eat_j and ^ivc me wa ter fo r money that I rik .y drink. A comparison is to be drawn with water--as only V7ater V7hich has undergone no change [is permitted to Jevi/s] so also must the food have undergone no change [at the hand of heathens] .... R. Assi said in the name of Rab : Small fish when salted [by heathens] do not come within [the law of v.'hat is prohibited] . . . If, however , a heathen made them into a pie of fish-hash it is prohibited. This is obvious! . . . R. Berona said in the name of Rab: If a heathen set fire to uncleared ground, all the [roasted] locusts found in the uncleared ground are prohibited. Eov; is this to be understood? . . . [the true reason was] certainly because he could not distinguish between the clean and unclean species, and the incident actually happened wit:h a heathen.-'^ Drinking wine with gentiles was strictly forbidden because wine was closely associated with the idolatrous rituals of heathens. The Talmud reads : Gemara . Whence do we deduce [tl^e prohibition of] wins?-Rabbah b. Abbuha said: From the scriptural verse which says, V7ho did e at the fat of their sacrifices, and dra nk the_ v?:" ne of their dri nko lferingg (Deuv. . 32:38); as [heathens'] sacrifice is forbidden as to deriving any benefit, so also their wine is forbidden. 35 Werblowsky comments on this Talmudic tradition: As a result of the ancient link between V7[ine] and idolatrous ritual, a strict prohibition has been enforced against partaking of w[ine] prepared by Gentiles (y^i^.._ne.iekh ) ; when the original reason became obsolete the prohibition was maintained (^setam yeinam) in order to prevent conviviality-'-leadiii^ to intermarriage--bei;ween Jews and gentiles .-^'^ Thus, the indignity of Shylock's daughter marrying a Christian and Shylock's confused anguish when he utters, "Ky daughter'. my ducats'." The Ba bylonian Talmud, ed. Babbi Br . I , Epstein (London, 1935), Abodah Zarah, 37b and 38a, pp. 183-5. The phrases in brackets are those of the Talmud editor . ^^rne Babylonian Talmud, Abodah Zarah, 29b, p. 147. Th e Encyclop edia of the Jewish Religicn, p. 403.

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36 (II .viii . 15), are more understandable, then, in the light cf the Old Testament and Talmudic prohibitions and safeguards against marrying gentiles. Moreover, the Pentateuch, in the name of God, explicitly reinforces these prohi.bitions with material rewards and punishm.ents . The Book of Joshua, read at evening prayers on the first Sunday after Trin..37 1 . ity, explains: Behold, I have devided unto you by lot, these nations that remaine, to be an inheritance for your tribes. . . . Be ye therefore of good courage, that ye keepe & do all that is written in the booke of the lawe of Moses, that ye bowc not aside therefroni, to the right hand, nor to the left. Neither companie with these nations, that is, with them that are left with you, neither make mention cf the name of their goddes, nor cause to svreare by them, neither serve them, nor bowe your S'?lves unto them. . . . Els, if ye goe backe. . . and shal ni?ke marriages with them, and goe in unto them, end they to you: Be ye sure that the Lorde your Cod will no more cast out all these nations from before you: but they shal be snares and trappes unto you, and scourges in your sides, and troines in your eyes, untill ye perish. (Joshua 23:4, 6-7, 12-13) Shy lock's apprehensions about pork, eatjug and drinking v;ith gcnriles, praying with them, and marrying a gentile are, then, supported by Talmudic tradition; but they are also thoughts that an audience o." Christians would recognize and associate with a Jew because of their readings from the Old Testament. Our Sacred Nation and the Fawning Publican Shylock's contempt for Christians is also based on his belief that God favors him as a chosen descendent of a sacred nation, whereas Antonio resembles a farming publican. V.'hen Shylock is about to m.eet ^^"The New Calfiidar, 1561," Prayer Book (1559), p. 314,

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37 Antonio on the stage for the first time, his true feelings about Antonio are undisguised as he addresses the audience in an aside: How like a fa\vming publican he looks'. I hate hin for he is a Christian: But more, for that in lov; simplicity He lends out money gratis, and brings dov-m The rate of usance here v;ith us in Venice, j If I can catch him once upon the hip, I V7i.ll feed fat the ancient grudge I bear him. ', He hates our sacred nation, and he rails ^ (Even there wliere merchants most do congregate) On me, my bargains, and my v7ell-v;on thrift, Wliich he calls interest: cursed be my tribe If I forgive him'. (I.iii.35-47) Again, Shy lock's language reflects a highly emotional montage of scriptural, religious, racial, and economic images and allusions. Econonically, Shylock claims that Antonio has been destroying hi:; market by lending money "gratis" and bringing dovm che "rate of usarce." He has also been taking av/ay his prospective clients by berating his "bargains" and well-earned "thrift" in the Rialto. The Scriptural, religious, and racial aspects of Shylock' s aside are made up of the following words and phrases : fawnin g publican, T ha te him . . . a Chri stian, Jj^w._si_mpli_citrv, feed fat the^ a ncie nt trudge, our sacred nation, thrift, and c ursed be my tribe if I for^'^ive him . When Shylock refers to "our sacred nation" he is alluding to his special claim on God's providentiaJ blessings and to the Old Testament "covenant," or promise, given to Abraham and his descendents. In the Bible the Israelites are called a holy people because Gou singled out Abraham as the "father of many nations" (Genesis 17:4). Kci promised to make him and his descendents numerous and powerful: I will multiplie thy secde as the starres of heaven, and as the sand which is upon the sea side, and cl;y

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3S seede shall possess the gates of his enemies, (Genesis 22:17) And he v/ill give them the land of the Canaanite nations for their inheritance : Behold, 1 have devided unto you by lot, these nations that remai.nc, to be an inheritance for your tribes. (Joshua 23:4) Although scripture promises only the land of Canaan, "Jev.'ish theology had explained this prOiHise as containing an assurance of God that his 38 elect people viould have world dominion in the Messianic end-time." Thus, in the fourth chapter of the Epistle to the Romans, Saint Paul refers to "the proraise" given to "our fathar Abraham" "that he should be the heire of the vorld" (Romans 4:12-13). Shylock, ho';evei, looks upon the premise as his claim to material blessings to be received in this life, in Venice, and through his business of usury. For ivhcn he thiukc of hir. tribe and his sacreo nation, he immediately thinks of his rate of usance and the ancient grudge he bears for one who rails on bis bargains and well won thrift. Here Sh.ylock is making the kind of logical connection that is often done in Old Testa.T.en.t descriptions of the traffic between Jew and Gentile. Much of his hope for material blessings and financial success is epitomized by Deuteronomy, 39 read at evening prayers on February t\7enty-eighth : For the Lorde thy God hath blessed thee, as he hatli prom.ised thee, and thou shalt lend unto many nations, but thou thy selfe shalt not borowe: and thou sha].t r eigne over many nations, and they shall not r eigne over thee. (Deut. 15:6) ''A Theolo3;ical Wor d Book of the Bible, ed. Alan Richardson (New York, 1935), p. 177. 39, The New Calendar, 1561," Prayer Book (1559), p. 445.

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39 Shylock's references to "our sacred nation," "my tribe," "Father Abram" (I.iii.l55), and "this Jacob from our liol.y Abram" (I.iii.67), then, iB^.ply his perbonal ambition and his tribal expectations of success over Antonio and the Christians. Domination over Antonio is the fulfillment of the promise given to "Father Abram" and "our sacred nation": " . . thou shalt lend unto many nations . . . thou shalt reigne over many nations, and they shall not reigne over thee." Shylock expects material blessings from God through usury. As Shylock sees it, Antonio's "low simplicity" is the deceitful ruse of a "favming publican" who is intentionally trying to ruin him, his business, and his "sacred nation." In "low simplicity" Antonio feigns co'-apassion so that ethers will gratefully and readily accept his loans thinking that he understands their needs and loves them. But actually, Antonio's "lo\.' simplicity" is a disguised hatred, claims Shylock, for "Ke hates our sacred nation" and lends money gratis in order to bring down the rate of usance "here with us in Venice." Some critics'^''^ have identified Shylock's "fatming publican" with See, for example. Fumes s Variorum, pp. 37n and 3Sn; also, Dover Wilson, liiC^,J_-. Karl Elze notes that, bei Lucas IS, 10-1 4 da s "farming" d es Zollner s nich t den Flenschen, sondern Got.t_3£gen_uber__S£a£t_f ijj.det_._ Eine Demuthigung unu Zerk nirschung vo r Goct, v±e sie dort der sich a n dTe~Brus't' sen 1 agend e Zo 1 In cr mit dem A usru fe: Gott s ei mir S under ~gna dig' \ T rT d" e n Tag legt, kenn t un c be grei ft Shylock — ja'der MosaiTIaos. u berhaupt---nicht . . . . Von diesem Standpunkte aus l^tT'der vor~Gott kriechende und urn Gnade bette lnde Zollner Shyiock zuwider. TlrTLuke'TsTiO-lA the "favming" publican humbles himself before God, not man. Neither Shylock nor even the Mosaic law itself can understand such hum.ility aiid contrition before God. . . . From this point of viex^/ the publican fawTiing on God and begging for mercy was very repugnant to Shylock.] Karl Elze, Shakesn ear e^ Jp.hr buch , XI (1876), 275.

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40 the parable of the Pharisee and the Publican because the publican humbled himself: And the Publicane standing a farre off, woulde not. lift up his eyes to heaven: but smote upon his breast, saying, God be mercifull to me a sinner. (Luke 18:13) It is true that Elizabethans were familiar with this parable since it was read as the Gospel for the eleventh Sunday after TriniLy. -' But the whole purpose of this parable is to show that the repentant publican is justified, while the scribes and pharisees who "trusted in themselves . . . and despised others" were not justified. Jesus concludes by praising the humbled publican: I tel you, this man departed honie to his house justified rather then the other: for every on>^ that exalteth him selfe shalbe brought lowe : and he that humbleth him selfe, shalbe exalted. (Luke 18:14) Since Shylock looks upon Antor.io as a prodigal, he would be willing to call him a sinner, but he would hardly be willing to associate Antonio with the humbled man who "shalbe exalted." On the contrary, Shylock repeatedly demands his rights and expects himself to be exalted not only before man but before God: \Jhat judgment shall I dread doing no wrong? (IV.i.89) My deeds upon my head! (IV.i.?02) I'll have my bond, speak not against my bond . . . The duke shall grant me justice. (III.iii.4, 8) A Daniel coir.e to judgment: yea a Daniel I wise young judge how I do honour thee I (IV. i. 219-20) ^^Pray_er Book (1559), p. 148.

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41 Other critics have explained p ublica n in its primary sense as a tax collector during the Roman occupation of Israel. According to Biblical scholars, the Jewish contempt for a publican in the New Testament is "partly due to his being a servant of the liated Roiaan government" and partly due to his representing a system V7hich was "a direct incentive to dishonesty," especially in a neglected and ill-governed 43 province." In this sense, then, Shylock would be calling Antonio a "publican" because, like the hated tax collectors who robbed the Jev.'s of their lawful gains during Roman occupation, Antonio also is a hated gentile trying to rob him of his "well-won thrift." This explanation of pub lie an is plausible because it reflects Shylock's fear of being robbed and his antagonism toward the gentiles. But it does not account for the fact that Shylock calls Antonio a "fawning" publican rather than a powerful representative of a foreign government. Moreover, the moaning of fawnin>^ is clear, for in che plays of Shakespeare it is always associated with base, cringing, smiling submission and usually vjith a dog image and with intentions of deceit. Some examples from the early plays are those written about the same tim.e as The Merchan t are; Clarendon (Variorum edition of The Merchant, 1883) suggests that Shylock might have in mind "The Publicani, or farmers of caxes, under the Roman government" but notes that the Roman tax collectors "were much more likely to creat the Jews with insolence than servility" (F urne ss Vari oru m, p. 37n). John Russell Bro^-rn suggest.=? that this "primsry sense of publican may be correct, for Antonio would beg a favoiir as one unused to it" (ArJen_Edition, p . 23n) . A Dictionary^ of the Bible , ed . James Hastings (London, 1902), p. 172. The revised editor notes that "In one particular yea-r the provincials of Asia had to pay the taxes three times over" (A Di ction ary of the_ Bible, ed . James Hastings, revised by Frederick C. Grant and H. H. Rowley [New York, l9o2-], p. 824).

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42 Buckingham, take heed of yonder dogl Look, wlien he fawns, he bites. (Richard IIT I . i i i . 2 9 01 ) Yet, spaniel-like the more she spurns my love. The more it groves, and fa\.meth on her still. (IVo Gentlemen IV . i i . 145 ) Go, base intruder', overweening slave'. Bestow thy fawning smiles on equal mates. (T wo Gentleme n III.i.l57-S) . . . and wilt thou, pupillike, Take thy correction mildly, kiss the rod. And fawTi on rage with base humility? (Ric hard II V.i.31-3) This fawning greyhound then did proffer mc'. (I Henry IV I.iii.252) 1 am you?' spaniel; and, Demetrius, The more you beat me, I will fawn on ycu . (MiO 11. i. 204-5) If thou dost bend and pray and fawn for him, I spurn thee like a cur. (Caesar III . i . 45 ) You show'd your teeth like apes, and fawn'd like hounds. (Caesar V.i.44) In comparing Antonio to a "fawning publican," it would seem that Shylock is alluding to a New Testament type and using words that have specific connotations of contempt familiar to Elizabethans who read the Bible and heard it in the liturgy daily. A publican in the New Testament is a man who was regarded with couteir.pt by all the Scribes, Pharisees, and upright Jews. The Gospel for the th.ird Sunday after Trinity in the Pr ayer Book (1559) reads : Then resorted unto him all the Publicans and sinners, for to hear him. And the Pharisees and Scribes murmured, saying: He receiveth sinners, and eateth with them. (Luke 15:1) Throughout the Gospels the v;ord puj^lican is habitually coupled with

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43 heathen , si nner , and h-ir_lo_t-wor d s of the deepest contempt: . . . let him bee unto thee as an heathen man and a publicane. (Matt. 18:17) . . . beh.old, many publicanes also and sinners came, and sate dovme with Jesus and his disciples. (Matt. 9:10; also Luke 5:30, Mark 2:15) Behold a man gluttonous, and a wine bibber, and a friende unto Publicanes and sinners. (Matt. 11:19; also Luke 7:34) Jesus said . . . the Publicanes and the harlots go into the kingdome of God before you. (Matt. 21:31) . . . the publicanes and harlots beleeved him. (Matt. 21:32) As Shylock sees him, then, Antonio is "favming" because, like the cur that will "kis;. the rod and fawn on rage with base humility, " Antonic has "squandered" his money abroad and throughout Venice on prodigals like himself and nov7 comes bankrupt, begging money, and trying to ingratiate himself with a wealthy and pox^erful enemy. And Shylock call.s Antonio a "publican" because he sees him as one with the contemptible sinners and harlots of the New Testctment who-now smiling and fawning before this chosen descendeut of "our holy Abram"--would yet rob him and "our sacred nation" of their well-won thrift. "The devil can cite Scripture for his purpose" For Antonio, usury is not thrift but theft; a man does not steal from his friend. Angrily Antonio tells Shylock: If thou wilt lend this money, lend it not As to thy friends, for when did friendship take A breed for barren metal of his friend? But lend it rather to thine enemy.

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44 \Tno if he break, thou may'st with better face Exact the penalty. (l.iii. 127-32) From the first, Antonio makes his opposition clear by alluding to Aristotle's argument against usury: Shylock, albeit I neither lend nor borrow By taking nor giving of excess. Yet to supply the ripe wants of my friend I'll break that custom/^^ Antonio's reference to taking and giving "excess" of money constitutes one of the principal arguments against usury in the Renaissance, comes ultimately from Aristotle, and can be found in nearly every Elizabethan sermon and pamphlet against usury. For, next to the Bible and the Church Fathers, the authoricy of Aristor.le was so highly esteemed that his proof from reason was one of the first to be quoted . In 1578, for example, Phillippus Caetar writes that usury is "ill encrease, because Usurers make that to fructifie vjhiche is fruitles, which by the witnes of Fthnikes is contrarie to nature." Ihe whole passage has overtones of the exchange between Antonio and Shylock: Now consider how greate is the blindenesse, or rather the madnesse of men in these dotyng dales of this woride, that to a thyng fruitlesse, barren, without seede, without life, will ascribe generation: and contrary too n>^.ture and common sense, will make thf.t to engender vhich being without 44 The Merchant I .i ii .56-9 . Aristotle contends that "There are two sorts of wealth getting. . . . The most hated sort, and with the greatest reason, is usury, which makes a gain out of money itself, and not from the natural object of it. For money was intended to be used in exchange, but not to increase at interest. And this term interest, vhich means the birth of money from money, is applied to tlie breeding of money because the offspring resembles the parent. Wherefore of all modes of getting v;ealch this is the mosc unnati-ral" (Aristotle, Great Books of t he Western World, "Politics," trans, by Benjamin Jovjett [Chicago, 1952fr'l258b", 1-7) .

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45 by no waie can encrease. And therefore Aristotle in Ethnike; and without all knov7ledge of Christianity, for this cause dooeth pronounce Usurie to bee a thing detestable, and to be abhorred. His wordes are these: "By good reason hath Usurie come into the hatred of man, because money is only reaped, and is not referred to the exchaunge of thynges, for whiche cause it was first invented. For contrarie to the course of nature, Usurie doeth augment and increase money, from whiche it is so called. ^5 According to this argument, then, usury is immoral because it takes "excess" or increase of money from money which is contrary to the lavj of natural generation established by God. Money cannot "breed" or "fructifie." Shylock, however, is fully confident about the righteousness of his lending and borrowing "Upon advantage" (i.iii.65), anticipates success and dominion over the prodigal Christians, and defends usury by Scriptural argument. For him usury is not theft but thrift. When Antonio alludes to the Aristotelian argument against usury, "I neither lend nor borrow / By taking nor giving of excess," Shylock--f irst musing and then speaking like a teacher schooling his errant pupil in the inadequacies of proofs taken from r eason---appea.ls to Scripture: Shy. Me thoughts you said, you neither lend nor borrow Upon advantage . Ant. I do never use it. Shy. When Jacob graz 'd his uncle Laban's sheep, -(I .iii .64-6) Shylock' s version of Jacob outv/itting Laban is a fitting climax to Act One, for it exemplifies his views on usury, theft, deceit, oxmership, justice, God's blessing, thrift, foreigners, and revenge. Jacob 45 Phil lip pus Caesar, A General Discourse Against the D amna ble Se ct of Us ure rs, 1578 (University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, 1950), ree]. 413, pp. 5v-6'.

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4S is Shylock's exemplar, ard Fsalm 146, read at evening prayers on the thirtieth day of each month, " speaks accurately for his feelings at t'tiis point: "Blessed is he unto whom the God of Jacob is an ayce." In the Bible Jacob is not merely the descendent of Abrahara and Isaac, he is also the "r.upplanter , " *' or trickster, who robbed his firstborn twin brother of his birthright and thereby received the blessings promised to Abraham and his seed. Shylock gleefully prefaces his story by calling Antonio's attention to Jacob's thefr of tho paternal biesr.ing: When Jacob graz'd his uncle Laban's sheep,-This Jacob from our holy Abram was (As his wise mother wrought in bis behalf) The third possessor: Ay, he was thu third. (I.iii .66-9) Shylock is referring to Chapters twenty-five ano twcn;_y-seven of the Book of Genesis . Even Jacob's name is symbolic of his ambition to supplanr. the prodigal Esau. According to Genesis, Chapter twentyfive, read at morning prayers each year on January fourteenth,'^" Jacob's ambition is first suggested by the fact that he vais born v:ith "his hand holding Essau by 49 the heele, and his name was called Jacob." Rebecca is told: And the Lorde saide unto her. There are tv;o m.aner of people in thy womb, and two nations shalbe dsvided cut of thy bowels: and the one nation shalbe mightier than the other: and the elder shalbe servant unto the younger. (Genesis 25:23) 46. Index & Calendarium," Praver^ Book (1559), p. 311. '^'^"The First Table" appended to the Geueya Bible (15S3) notis that "Jaakob" means "a supplaater, or deceiver." ^^'Index 6c Calcadariun, " ?IiXf-L.P:i%.':i (-559), p. 317. Genesis 25:26. Esau later exclaims, "Is not he rightly name J Jacob? for he hath undermined me nowe tv70 times" (Genesis 27:36),

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47 The same chapter gives another eManiple of Jacob's ambition and his re.-^.diness to take advantage of his brother wh.en he sv.'indles Esau into selling his birthright for some "pottage": . . . and Easau came from th.e fielde, and was faint. And Esau said to Jacob, feede me, I pray thee, v/ith that same red pottage: for I am faint. . . . And Jacob sayd. Sell me this day thy byrthright. Esau said, Loe, I am at the point to die, and what profite shall this byrthright doe m.e? Jacob answered, svjeare to me then this day. And he swarc to hira, and sold his byrthright unto Jacob. (Genesis 25:29-33) Shylock's choice of vTacob as his Biblical exemplar is fitting, for he also expects supremacy. In the Book of Genesis, the next example of Jacob's ambition and cunning is the one that Shylock notes with admiration. With the assistance of "his wise mother," Jacob decGi\es his blind father on his deathbed, claims to be Esau, obtains Isaac's blessing for the first born, and thus becomes "The third possessor: Ay, he was the third." Chapter twentyseven of Genesis, read at morning prayers each year on the fifteenth of 50 January, gives the following account: And Isaac asked hiiri. Art thou m.y sonne Esau? And he said, That I am. Then saide he. Bring me, and let me eate of my sones venison, that my soule may blesse thee. And hee brought him, and he ate: and hee brought hira wine also, and he dranke. And his father, Isaac said unto him, come neere, and kisse me, my sonne. And he vent unto him, and kissed him: and he smelled the savour of his raiment, and blessed him, and saide. See, the smell of my son is as the smell of a field which the Lord hath blessed. God give thee of the dewe of heaven, and of the fatness of the earth, and plcntie of corn and wine. People be thy servantes, and nations bowe to thee: be Lorde over thy brethren, and thy mothers children stoupe xvith reverence unto thee: cursed be he that curseth thee, and blessed bo he that blesseth thee. (Genesis 27:24-28) 50 "Index & Calendarium," Prayer Book (1559;, p. 317

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48 In the Book of Genesis, Jacob's deceit and theft of the first born's inheritance is always referred to as his obtaining the paccrnal blessing: "X pray thee, sit and eate of my venison, that thy soule may bless me" (Genesis 27:19; also see 27:10, 13, 27, 30, 32, 33, and 35). But Shylock's emphatic substitution of the x-;ord possessor for the BiMical vrord blessing suggests his hierarchy of values, for he evaluates blessings only by the material wealth that he can possess. As Siiylock sees and emulates him, then, Jacob is the Biblical type for the shrewd and deceitful man v7ho takes advantage of the ignorant and thrives on gulls, prodigals, and impoverished aristocrats. After his prefacing remark about Jacob's being a "possessor," Shylock develops the story of Jacob's out\7ittiug his uncle Laban. This story is particularly appropriate as a Biblical defense of Shylock's piflr • ticc of usury and of b.is secret intOiitLons toward Antonio. According to Genesis Jacob had finally met an equal competitor in Laban. Laban deceived him into marrying Lc?h before Rachel, and he tricked him into working fourteen years without wages. But Jacob takes his revenge by bargaining to v;ork an additional seven years, during which time he changed the fleece of the lambs born of his uncle's "fulsome ev7es," Genesis, read at morning prayers each year on the seventeenth of January^ gives the following account of Jacob using his skill in breeding sheep to take advantage of Labaa : And he saide, what shall I chen give thee? And Jacob answered. Thou shalt give mee nothing at all: if thou wilt doe this thing for mee. then will 1 turne againe, feede thy sheepe, and keep them. ^^ "Index e-c Caleadariu.-n," J.r^_er_Book (1559), p. 317.

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49 I will go about all thy flockes this day, separate from them all the cattel that are spotted and of divers colours: and all the black amoung the sheepe. and the partie and the spotted among the kiddes, the same shalbe my reward. So shall my righteousnesse answere for me in time to come: for it shall come for my rev7ard before thy face. And everyone that is not specked and party amongst the goates, and blacke amongst the sheepe, let it be counted theft in me. And Laban said, Goe to, would God it might be according to thy saying. Therefore he took out the same day the hce goates that were ringstrakcd, and of diverse colours, and all the shee goates that were spotted and coloured, and al that had white in them, and all the black amongst the sheepe, and put them in the keeping of his sonnes . . . . Jacob took rods of greene popular, hasell, and chessenut trees, and pilled white strakes in them, and made the white appeare in the roddes, And put the roddes which he had pilied, before the sheepe, in the gutters and watering troughes when the sheepe came co drinke, that they should conceive when they came, to drinka. And the Sheepe conceived before the rods, and brought foorth lambes rings traked, spotted; and partie. And Jacob did separate these lambs, and turned the faces of the sheepe, which were in the flocke of Laban, tov.'ard these ringstraked, and all m.anner of blacke: and so put his owne flockes by themselves, and puc them not with Laban' s cattell. And in every conceiving time of the stronger cattel, Jacob layde the rods before the eyes of the cattell in the gutters, namely that they conceive before the rods. But when the cattell v;o.re feeble he put them not in: and so the feebler were Labans and the stronger Jacobs. And the man iiicreascd exceedingly, and had much cattell, and mayde servants, and men servants, and camels and asse:;. And he heard the wordes of Laban' s sonnes, saying Jacob hath taken av/ay all that was our fathers, and of our fathers goods hath hec gotten all his glorie. And Jacob behelde the cGu;itenance of Laban, and beholde, it was not towards him as it was wont to be. And the Lorde sayde unto Jacob, turne againe into the lande of thy fathers, and to thy kindred and I will be with thee. (Genesis 30:31-43, 31:1-3) Although this passage is lengthy, it is important to see it in full. For Shylock, liVce Jacob, intends to come to an agreement ^.'ith Antonio and so demoascrats his righteousness: "I would be frierids with you, and have your love," says Shylock (I .iii . 13^^!) • Moreover, Shylock sees this Biblical story as the precedent and defense of usury.

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50 Shylcck argues tliat Jacob v;as blessed by God because he used his skill in sheep breeding to take advantage of Laban. First, there is the agreement in which Jacob and I.aban, wer e c ompr omi s ' d That all the eanlings which were stresk'd and pied Should fall as Jacob's hire. (I.iii.73-5) Then "The Skilful shepherd" (I.iii.79) sets out, not to take interest-"No, not take interest, not as you would say Directly int'rest" (I.iii. 71-2)--but to exact occult corr.peusation, or "recompense of iuiurie" as the note in the Bishops' Bible calls it. Nor is this theft, argues Shylock, for Jacob is "The skilful shepherd" x;ho kncv; how and when to put the "certain wands" before the conceiving ewes. And just as he, Shylock, uses his skill with money "Upon advantage" (I.iii. 05), so did Jacob, to his owr advantage, use his sk:ill and superior knowledge of sheep breeding to change thie fleece cf the lambs. j.'hus, neither his owri skill at taking interest nor the "venture" of this "skilful shepherd" should be called theft. They arc thrift, concludes Shylock: This was a way to thrive, and he was blest: And Lhrift is blessing if men steal it not. (I.iii. 84-5) At this point, however, Antonio objects. The generation of sheep is a natural process and therefore lies in God's power. Admittedly, Jacob is not a thief. But be is not a thief for the reasons that Shylock has presented, for Shylock has not given the complete Biblical explanation. As the gloss in the Bish ops ' B ible notes. It is not lawfull by fraude to sceke recompense of 52 The Bishop;:' Bible, gloss to Genesis 30:37, "Jacob took rods."

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51 iniurie: therefore Moses sheweth afterwarde that God thus instructed Jacob. ^-^ Thus, Antonio contends that, This was a venture sir that Jacob serv'd for, A thing not in his pox>7er to bring to pass But sv;ay'd and fashion 'd by the hand of heaven. (I.iii.86-8) The Biblical passage that Antonio is alluding to comes only a feu verses after Shylock's passage. In this passage Jacob tells the angry sons of Laban : The Lorde has taken thy fathers cattel and given them to me. (Genesis 31:9) Thus, argues Antonio (and as the glosses to the Bishops' Bible repeatedly point out), this "venture" of Jacob was not his doing but was "sway'd and fashion' d by the hand of heaven." Moreover, argues Antonio, Shylock's gold and silver do not increase by the natural generation proper to animals, sc why has Shylock introduced into uheir discussion of lending and borrowing "Upon advantage" a Biblical story about Jacob and the workings of Divine Providence? Was this inserted to make interest good? Or is your go].d and silver ewes and rams? (I.iii.89-90) Shylock replies: "I cannot tell, I make it breed as fast" (I.iii.91). S3 ' The Bishops' Bible, gloss to Genesis 30:3/. 54 Coiimienting on Jacob's lies to his dying father and his theft of the paternal blessing and birthright, the Bis hops '^ Bible says that "This subtill dealing of Rebecca and Jacob with Isaac considered by itself, is blameworthy: but if it be referred to the will of God and the setting foorth of his decree, it is commendable" (gloss to Genesis 27:19). Several verses later, the gloss reads, "We must not so much beholde the outwarde doings here, as the providence of God, who would by such weaknesses have his election declared" (Genesis 27:26).

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52 Beneath this reply is Shylock's subtle rhetorical argument: who am I to say that God blessec the ev;es and rams of "'The skilful shepherd" but not "my moneys and ray usances" (I.iii.l03) vhen both shov; equal increase? Here Shylock gives expression to one of the fundamental differences between him and Antonio. For Shylock, increase and thrift are the only signs of God's blessing and God's approval. While for Antonio, who ultimately thrives and increases, it is giving and receiving out of love and friendship that are worthy of God's blessing and God's approval, Antonio answers Shylock witli a Biblical allusion adapted a_d persona m: Mark you this Bassanlc, The devil can cite Scripture for his purpose, -An evil soul producing holy witness Is like a villain with a smiling check, A goodly apple rotten at the heart. what a goodly outside falsehood hath'. (I.lii.92-7) Like the devil who quoted Psaln 9i and te:::pted Jesus with Scriptural arguments to cast himself from the pinnacle of the temple, Shylcck is "an evil soul producing witness" in support of "falsehood."' In the ^^This doctrine, among other things, has led som.e critics to a consideration of Shylock as a Puritan or as one of the many aliens living in London, "French and Dutch refugees, who, strong Huguenots, lived under the influence of the Old Testament" (Andrew; Tretiak, "The Merchant of Venice and the 'Alien' Question," Reyiav of Engli sh S tud ies, V [1929], 404). Paul Siegel speaks of these Puritans: Like the Old Testamant Jev/s, they thought of themselves as an elect, a chosen people, and looked upon the Anglican Church as idolatrous. They in turn were regarded as a minority of foreigners, who had imported their religion from Geneva and adopted a strange attire and strange manners. Such similarities made it possible for Shakespeare to suggest that Jewish money-lenders and Puritan usurers; were kindred spirits in their villainy and in their comical grotesqueness . (Paul N. Siegel, "Shylock the Puritan," Columbia Uni vers ity Forum, V [Fall, 1962], 15). Thomas Wilson calls these Puritans "dissembling gospellers" because they often defended usury from Biblical texts: "and touching this sin of usury none do more openly offend in this behalf th?n do these counterfeit professors of this pure religion" (A Discourse U ppon Usurye, 1572).

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second temptation of Jesus in the desert, read as the Gospel for the liturgy of the first Sunday in Lent, Saint MatLheu tells hov, Then the devil taketh him up into the holy citie, and setteth him on a pinacle of the holy temple, And sayeth unto him. If thou be the sonue of God, cast thyself downe: For it is written, that he shall give his angels charge over thea, and V7irh their handes they shal lift thee up, lest at any time thou dash thy foote against a stone. Jesus sayde unto him.. It is written againe, Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God. (Matt. 4:5-7) Expor-ed as a falsifier of Scripture, Shylock first defends himself by berating Antonio and then, feigning friendship, agrees to contract a "merry bond" (I.iii.l69). Nevertheless, Shylock has made it very clear to the audience that just as Jacob tricked ^'aban out of his ewes and lambs with the Lord's blessings, so v;ill he, Shylock contends, get the better of Antonio with the Lord's approval. And if Antonio objects to Shylock' s "bargains" and his "well-wcu thrift, which he calls interest" (I.iii.4.5), then Shylock will contract a m.erry bond out of f riendsliip-like Jacob, without pay--and let the "hand of heaven" bless him with his competitor's misfortunes at sea. After all, . . . ships are but boards, sailors but men, there be land-rats, and water-rats, water-thieves, and land-thieves, (I mean pirates), and then there is the peril of waters, winds, and rocks. (I.iii.15-23) 56 Prater _Book (1559), p. 98

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54 "Abrani" Characteristic of Shylock's twisting of Scriuturn to fit his beliefs is his use of the form Abram for Abra ham. Although I have not been able to locate any critical comments on Shylock's use of this form, it would seem to be a significant indication of his convictions and intentions. P'or in Shakespeare's other plays the form used is Abraham: Sweet peace conduct his sweet soul to the boscm Of good old Abraham'. (Richard II IV . i . 103 A ) The sons of Edward sleep in Abraham's bosom. • (Richard III IV . i i i. . 3 8 ) And in Henry V, Mrs. Quzckly gives her version of Abraham's boson: Nay, sure, he's iioc in hell: he's in Arthur's Bosom, if ever man went to Arthur's boscm. (Ii.iii.9-10) In The Merchan t, hov.'sver, the form is alvjays Abram : This Jacob from our holy Abra.m v;as . (I.iii.67) father Abram, what these Christians are! (I.iii.l56) The distinction between these two forms of the same narae is explained in Genesis : It is I, behold, my convenanc is with thee, and thou shalt be a father of many nations. Neither shall thy name anymore bee called Abram, but thy name shalbe called Abraham: for a father of many nations have I made thee. (Genesis 17:4~5) As the Bishops' Mble notes here, "The changing of his name is a seale of Gods promise." And as Saint Paul notes, th.e "promise" to be as numerous Bishop s' B ible (1585), gloss to Genesis 17:5.

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55 "as the sLarres of the heaven and as the sand which is upon the sea side" was given to "Abrahau" because of his faith that God, not Abraham, would bring all to pass. ° It is the Lord vjho says: I will multipli.e thy secdc as the staires of heaven, and as the sand which is upon the sea side, and thy seede shall possess the gates of his enemies. (Genesis 22:17) The Bishojj£_'_Bib_le, by comni.enting on these lines, emphasizes the distinction between God's power v7orking freely and man's merit: "God giveth his free benefites the name of reward, to provoke men to godliness: not for 59 the meritc of the worke." Throughout The Merchan t, then, when Shylock calls Abraham "Abram, " he is reflecting his unwillingness to acknowledge that faith in Providence which the Biblical change of name symbolizes. He recognizes and anticipates obtaining the promised blessings, but he does not rely on God for their fulfillment nor for his sufficiency. He relies on his cvm calculations, skill, and "'well-won thrift." In Act One of The Kor chant, then, Shylock introduces the audience to the central conflict of the play--a longstanding antagonism between him.sclf and Antonio, betv/een the willing bonds of loving friendship and the unwilling bondage of ambitious and vindictive usury. With Biblical allusions he defends his righteousness, claim.ing to be especially chosen by God as a descendsnt of Abram to whom the promise was made. And he claims that he will be blessed and rewarded like Jacob for his skill in ^\omans 4:12-13. 59 Gloss to Genesis 22:17

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56 breeding money. For since he does not offend against the law ("Wliat judgment shall I dread, doing no wrong?" IV.i.89), he will be blessed V7ith wealth, power, and success over the prodigal Christians of Venice, \,

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CHAPTER II RESOLUTION AND LITURGY In the first twenty-two lines of the concluding act of The Merchant , beneath the surface of a playful lovers' quarrel clothed in classical and liturgical allusions, with memories of love, dece;:tion, loss, death, redemption, resurrection, and union, Lorenzo and Jessica offer a beautiful but paradoxical resolution of The Merchan t of Venice . In keeping V7ith the antogonistic movement initiated in Act One by Shylock and Antonio, this resolution takes the form of a quarrel. But this time tb.e quarrel is a mock quarrel arising not from deceit, hate, and the bond of usury but from the feeling of being freed from, bondage and from the acceptance of the bonds of love "./ith its demands for sacrifice, suffering, and death. In this chapter I will trace the Biblical, liturgical, and classical allusions of the opening lovers' quarrel and show how Lorenzo and Jessica offer this paradoxical resolution to the theme of bondage in The Merchant by accepting the new bonds. Troilus, Cressid, and the Problem of Trusting People The fifth act of The Merchant of Venic e sounds a noue of joy, love, and seemingly harmonious resolution quite different from the earlier oppressiveness of Venice wich its "v/ant-wit sadness" (X.i.6), its frivolous "mirth and laughter" (I.i.80), its insidiously "merry bond" (I.i1i.l68), and its merciless demand for justice voiced by Shylock: "I stand here for law" (IV. i. 142). This final act presents Belmont as a refuge from bondage and a land of plenty dropping "m.anna in the v;ay / Of starved 57

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58 people" (V.i. 294-5). It pictures Lorenzo and Jessica sitting in the idyllic garden at Belmont talking of love v.liile the moon shines but "a little paler" than the day (V.i. 125). It opens with Lorenzo speaking: The moon shines bright. In such a night as this. When the sweet wind did gently kiss the trees, And they did make no noise, in such a night Troilus methinks mounted the Trojan walls. And sigh'd his soul toward the Giecian tents Where Cressid lay that night. (V.i. 1-6) In these lines Lorenzo sets the basic antiphonal pattern for the lovers' quarrel bet\;een himself and Jessica, a quarrel which typifies the allusive harmony and the paradoxical resolution of Act Five. Both lovers follow a patterned response, ansv;ering each other antiphonally with the phrase, "In such a night. . . ." Beth assume an attitude of playful celebration for the releases from, unwilling bondage and for the acceptance of the bonds of love. Both seek clas?ical c'liusion after classical allusion with the moon for a setting. Both try to answer the charges of the ether with a counter attack. And both lovers hide the relevant issue? behind an allusion until the disguise becomes so thin that Lorenzo finally breaks out with a gentle and playfully ironic direct attack: In such a night Did Jessica steal from the wealthy Jew, And v/ith an unthrift love did run from Venice As far as Belrnont. (V.i. 14-17) Not only did Jessica "steal" away, puns Lorenzo, but she also "did steal" two bags of ducats (II .vii i, 18) , a diaiacnd valued at "two thousand ducats (III. i. 77), and a turquoise ring which Leah gave Shylock as a bachelor (III. 1.111). Moreover, she demonstrates "an unthrift love" by discontinuing her life as the daughter of "the v/ealthy Jew," by trading

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5S her father's turquoise ring "for a monkey" (III. i. 109), and by spending in "Genoa . . . one night forscore ducats" (III . i .98-9) . Although Lorenzo's first statement in the lovers' quarrel is clothed with pleasant associations, beneath the surface of his images and poetry, Lorenzo is playfully questioning Jessica's trustworthiness. As critics generally recognize, the source for Lorenzo's allusion to Troilus is Chaucer's Troilus and Criseyd c; and it is from Chaucer that much of the charm of Lorenzo's lines comes. Troilus and Crisey de reads as follows: And every nyght, as was his wone to doone, He stood the brighte moone to byholde. And al his sorwe he to the moonc tolde. Upon the walles fastc ek wolde he walke. And en the Grekis oost he wolde sc. And to hyraself right thus he wolde talke: "Lo, yonder is myn owene lady free, Or ellis yonder, ther the tentes be. And thennes corr.eth this air that is so soote. That in my soule I fele it doth me bocte.2 The charm of Chaucer's version, which extends to six stanzas, is captured by Lorenzo in six lines. Lorenzo does this by selecting all the basic images: at "nyght" under a "brighte moone," all his "sorwe he to the moone tolde" as he walked upon the "walles" overlooking the Grecian "tentes" and breathed the "air that is so soote" for his "soul." Ostensibly, as he sits v/ith Jessica in the idyllic garden of BelThe Plays and Poem s of William Shak espeare, ed . Edmund Malone (London, 1790), note to V.i.4 (subsequently referred teas the Malone Shakespeare) . Sec also Joseph Hunter, New Illustrations of the Life , Stu dies ^ an.i Writings o f Shake?peare (London, 1845), X, 312; Furncss Variorum : and Brcivu, Arden edition. T>ie Complete Works of Geoffrey Ch aucer , ed . F. N. Robinson (Bootcn,~'l9'33), Book V, lines 647--9, 566-72. Unless noted otherwise, all quotations will be from this edition.

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60 mont, Lorenzo is recalling the pleasant images. But he is also unavoidably recalling the submerged, pertinent, unpleasant facts about Troilus and Cressid. Once beyond the "Trojan walls," Cressid accepted a new lover in the "Grecian tents / ^•Jhere Cressid lay that niglit." Moreover, the whole war between the Greeks and the Trojans took its inspiration from that kind of love which in Shakespeare's Troilus and Cressida 3 Ulysses calls 'appetite, an universal vjolf ." Thus, despite the beauty of the poetry and the harmony of the garden at Belmont, Lorenzo's allusion to Troilus has ironic undertones — not only in the light of Shakespeare's Chaucerian source but also in the light of his ovm version vnritten about six years later. For even w'.iile Troiluf was sighing out his soul for his beloved Cressid "In such a night . . . When the s\7eet wind did gently kiss the trees," she was being unfaithful. In Shakespeare's version the later anguish of Troilus is memorable: "0 false Cressid'. False, false, false'." cries Troilus. "0 beauty', where is thy faith?" "If beauty have a soul, this is not she" (V.ii.l78, 167, 138). Lorenzo's allusion to Troilus is then playfully appropriate. For although he has no grounds for questioning Jessica's fidelity in conjugal love, he does have grounds for questioning her fidelity in parental love, obedience, and justice. Lorenzo's allusion also recalls the danger of trusting anyone, for throughout The Mer chant agreements, contracts, and bonds of trust 3 Shakespeare, Tro ilu s and Cre ssida, I.iii.l21. Vergil K. VJhitaker develops this idea and argues that Troilus a nd Cre s sida views life through an Augustinian ethics in which "Love at sight must rest upon sense and therefore appetite; and it must be a triumph of passion in defiance of reason, a sin." Shakespeare's Use of L earning , (San Marino, California, 1953), p. 211.

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61 have been lightly regarded or intentionally deceptive from the start. Repeatedly, someone puts his faith in someone or something only to be disappointed. Antonio puts his faith in Bassanio by entrusting his money to him even though Bassanio is a self -acknowledged bad risk. Bassanio has never paid his debts to Antonio, and this time his debt nearly costs Antonio his life. Also, in contracting the loan with Shylock, Antonio puts his faith in his ships which are to return "with thrice three times the value of this bond" a ironth before the bond expires (I .iii . 153-5) . But Antonio's ships do not return on tim>3. Again, when Shylock protests: "I would be friends with you, and have your love . . . and take no doit / Of usance for my moneys" (I.iii.l3A, 6, 7), Antonio accepts his word; "Content in faith, I'll seal to sucli a bond, And say there is much kindness in the Jew" (T .iii . 148-9) . Even when Antonio hears about the pound of flesh and hears Bassanio 's warning, "I like not fair terms in a villain's mind" (I. iii. 175), he accepts Shylock' s "fair terms" and "merry bond" (I. iii. 169) and tells Bassanio; "The Hebrew will turn Christian, he grows kind" (I. iii. 174). But Shylock' s "merry bond" turns out to be a murderous plot against the life of his competitor and, according to Jessica, a plot with premeditated malice: When I was with him, I have heard him swear To Tubal and to Chus, his countrymen. That he vjould rather have Antonio's flesh Thau twenty times the value of the sum That he did owe him. (III. ii. 283-7) Again, when Shylock tells Jessica, "There are n.y keys . . . Jessica my girl, Look to my house" (II. v. 12, 15-6), he puts his faith in his daughter, only to have her run off with his money and family

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62 jewels. Even Portia's obedience to her father's will is in question if 4 we suppose she gave Bassanic a clue in his choice cf the right casket. And then Portia and Nerissa entrust their rings to their husbands as a sign of marital fidelity. But these husbands give av7ay their rings at the first pressing instance. Thus, in the lovers' quarrel between Lorenzo and Jessica the playful consideration of Jessica's fidelity belongs to an exten.'^ive series. As critics generally view her, Jessica is hardly an example of loyalty, integrity, or mature love. At her worst, according to Sir Arthur Quiller-Couch, Jessica is bad and disloyal, unfilial, a thief; frivolous, greedy, without any more conscience than a cat and without even a cat's redeeming love of home. Quite without heart, or worse than an animal instinct--pilf ering to be carnal-she betrays her father to be a light-cflucre carefully weighted v/ith her sire's ducats.^ Henry N. Hudson observes: "This song is very artfully conceived and carries something enigmatical or riddlelike in its face, as if on purpose to suggest or hint darkly the way to che right choice. . . . The riddle evidently has some effect in starting Bassanio on the right track, by causing him to distrust such shows as catch the fancy or the eye" (Sh akespear e' s Merchant o f Venic e, ed . Henry N. Hudson [Boston, 1879], p. 58n). Richmond Noble explains further that the song warns Bassanio to "beware of that which is pleasing to the sight, for it has no substance and at best its superficial glory is transient. . . . for almost without waiting for the last strains of the song to fade away, he [Bassanio] observes very abruptly. So may the outward shows be least theraselves; The world is still deceiv'd with ornament. A coruiTient clearly enough inspired by the song" (Shak espeare's Use of Spiicr^ [Oxford, 1923], p. 45). And Austin K. Gray notes that "This song is an Echo Song" in which the final rhymes "bred," "head," "nourished," and "fed" rhyme with "lead." Thus, "after the soloist's injunction 'Reply, reply'.'. . . The song dying away on the sound Led , Bassanio takes the hint" ("The Song in The Merchant of Venice, "_ Kr.N, 1927, XLII, 45S--9). " M . C . S . , p . XX .

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H. B. Charlton and T. M. Parrott look upon Jessica as a minx vjho causes Shylock to harden his heart against Antonio and the Christians of Venice. She "is clearly a girl whose revolt will strike to her father's heart. She flippantly desecrates all that Shylock holds sacred." These critics, however, disregard the whole draraatic statement, for Lorenzo and all the Christians of Venice and Belmont sympathize with Jessica and look upon her as a beautiful young girl who has escaped the bondage of a miserly, devilish, old father and now embraces the obligations of Christianity and married love. As John R.ussell Bro\jn. demonstrates. Jessica claims the sympathy of the Elizabethan audience not only because she is "the daughter of an old man who escapes from duress," but also because "the miserly fathers in Elizabethan and classical comedies" are "only fit to be the dupes of their children." As in Romeo and Juliet and A Mid s ummer Hi^ht ' s Drea m when it co.nes to o choice between marriage for love and m.arriage iu obedience to one's parents, sympathy usually favors the young impetuous lovers who elope. Moreover, the audience will remem.ber that Jessica's theft is very similar to the occult compensation that Shylock approved of in his story of Jacob and Laban. Besides, there is the accepted custom of the bride bringing her own dowry. Thomas Marc Parrott, Shakespearean Comedy (New York, 1962), p. 138. Henry Buckley Charlton, S hakespearian Com. edy (New York, 1938), p. 158. Q Erovm bases his argument on Anthony Munday's Zala uto (1580) and Masuccio di Salerno's fourteenth Novella (c . 1500), two possible sources for Jessica's escapade. In both of these romances, a prodigal daughter makes off with a miserly father's money, and yet all is condoned. Ardeu edition, "Introduction," p. xli .

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64 The Merchant , then, glosses over Jessica's disloyalty, disobedience, theft, and apostacy. In fact, the citizens of Venice, who classify better as Elizabethans than as Venetians, see Jessica's elopement not only as an escape from bondage but as an actual triumph over the Jewish "misbeliever, cut-throat dog" (I.iii.l06). ^Tien Shylock cries for law and justice after discovering Jessica's elopement and theft, the Christians of Venice rejoice in her liberation and in Shylock' s misfortune. Salanio is exuberant in telling his friends about Shylock: I never heard a passion so confused, So strange, outrageous, and so variable. As the dog Jcxv did utter in the streets: "My daughter'. Oh, my ducats'. Oh, my daughter'. Fled with a Christian'. Oh, my Christian ducats'. Justice'. The !!av;'. My ducats, and my daughter'. (Il.viii. 12-17) Here all Salanio' s sympathy is for Jessica. For by the standards of Salanio and his friends, Jessica is not. abandoning the faith but rather escaping the liraitations of Judaism and choosing the higher loyalties of Christianity and married love. Ke no longer sees her as an infidel but as one of the Faithful. This introduces one of the significant complications of the total dramatic action, namely Jessica's conversion to Christianity; for The Merchant presents Jessica's apostacy as a conversion. Also, by her conversion Jessica solicits the sympathy cf the Christian audience and implies that she is worthy of trust. Early in the play Jessica speaks about the "strife" of feeling as a daughter and thinking as a Christian: Alack, what heinous sin is it in me To be ashamed to be my father's child'. But though I am a daughter to his blood I am not to his manners: Lorenzo, If thou keep promise I shall end this strife, Become a Christian and thy loving wife'. (II. iii. 16-21)

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65 Here the issues in conflict are love and loyalty to her lather versus love of Lorenzo and loyalty to her religious ideas. Jessica wants to love and admire Shylock because he is her father, and yet she cannot be a "child" "to his manners" because she judges them according to the standards held by the Christians of Venice. Shylock' s ethics are in conflict with the Christian coiriaunity which Jessica accepts. But Jessica's trustv;orthincss is not merely a question of rejecting Shylock' s "mannerSj" for the ethical manners of the Christians of Venice are just as questionable and harsh as Shylock' s. But by becoming a Christian the implications are that Jessica is becoming one of the faithful and is therefore more trustworthy than an infidel. 0ns element of the total conflict of The Merchant and of Jessica's "strife" is the Christian view of salvarion. For accordingto the Christians in The M erchan t, Jews are infidels and ChristiafS are the Faithful. Thus, Gratiano taunts Shylock by calling him an infidel: "Now infidel I have you on the hip" (JV.i.330). And he refers to Jessica in the same terminology: "But who comes hers? Lorenzo and his infidel!" (Ill . ii . 217) . Launcelot Gobo similarly teases Jessica v.'hen he addresses her: "most beautiful pagan, most sweet Jew'." (II .iii . 10-11) . Launcelot continues, and in his clownish way alludes to the serious Renaissance view on the dichotomy between natural paternity and the regeneration of grace: Yes, truly, for look you, the sins of the father arc to be laid upon the children, therefore (I promise you), I fear you,--I was alv.'ays plain with you, and so now I speak my agitation of the matter: therefore be o' good cheer, for truly I think you are damii'd. (Ill .V. 1-5) Tncre is a doctrine, says Launcelot parodying the role of a theolcgianj which claims that you cannot be saved because your father is a pagan.

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65 an infidel, one of the unredeemed. In speaking his "agitation of the ir'attcr," L^uncelot bolsters his pseudo argument V7ith tv.'O allusions to the liturgy. "... the sins of the father are to be laid upon the children" is a passage from, the Ten Coinmandmsnts which is read aloud at every Communion Service in the Book of Common Prayer : "... for I the Lord thy God am a jealous God, and visit the sin of the fathers upon the children unto the third and •iiii. generation." In the context of the Ten Commandments this condemnation refers to the worship of false gods. Launcelot, then, is implying that Shylock worships a false god and that Jessica will be included in his dannaticii. A second passage which is more relevant to the anti-somitis:a of Launcelot' s pose is a Gospel passage read on the Sunday before Easter. In this passage the Jevjs absolve Pilate of responsibility for the crucifixion and call do\m upon themselves and their children the blood of Christ : Pilate said unto them: what shall I do then with Jesus, Which is called Christ? They all said unto him: Let him be crucified. The deputy said: what evil hath he done? But they cried more saying: Let him be crucified. ^iJhen Pilate saw that he could prevail nothing, but that more business was made, he took v/ater, and washed his hands before the people, saying, I am innocent of the blood of this just person, see ye. Then answered all the people, and said. His blood be on us and on cur children.^^ 9 Prayer Book (1559), p. 181. As Richmond Ncble observes, "Wo Biblical version reads 'sins'" (Shakespeare's Biblica l Knowledge , p. 155) Prayer Book (1559), p. 106; from Matt. 27:22-25. Later, when Portia exhorts Shylock to have mercy, Shylock alludes to this passage, saying, "My deeds upon my head" (IV. i. 202).

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67 Thus when Launcelot offers his theologized "agitation" of the doctrine of salvation for Jews, he offers only damnation for the daughter of Shylock, a descendant of the crucifiers. And Jessica derisively concludes; "there's no mercy for me in heaven, because I am a Jew's daughter" (III .V. 28-30). In answering Launcelot, Jessica responds with the same kind of theologizing that condemns her, and she likev/ise bolsters her argument with Biblical and liturgical allusions. According to the scriptures, the liturgy, and the Christian tradition, argues Jessica, there is only one solution available, she must become a Christian. The Good Friday liturgy suggests this view, for on this day the liturgy has a series of solemn orations for the conversion of hereLicL-_. schisiivtics, Jews, and pagans. The Pra yer Book reads: Merciful God, who hast made all men, and hatest nothing that thou hast made, nor v.'ouldest the death of a sinner, but rather that he should be converted and live: have mercy upon all Jews, Turks, Infidels, and Heretics, and take from them all ignorance, hardness of hearc, and contempt of thy word. And so fetch them home, blessed Lord, to thy flock, that they may be saved among the remnant of the true Isrcalites, and be made one fold under one shepherd Jesus Christ our Lor d. 11Prayer Book (1559), p. 119. This Good Friday oration in the Prayer Book v;as modeled on the Good Friday orations of the Latin liturgy The Prayer Book eliminates the adjective in the phrase perfidio us Jew s and groups the Jews with the Turks, infidels, and heretics in a single oration. The availability and influence of the Latin liturgy v.'ill be discussed in the following chapter. The oration for Jewo on Good Friday in the Latin liturgy reads: Or emus et pr o perfidis Judaei s; ut Dou3 et Dominu s noster auf er^t velamen de cordibus corum, u t et ipsi ag nosca nt Jesuia Christuni Doraiaum nos Lrum . SiDJiijiPJ:.?. iL?_^QM'.i£.Si^)i£-Ii?Ji§ j__£y.k _§tiaui_ Ji'-daicain perfidia.ni a tua miserjcordia non rapellis; exaudi prec es ^ n ostras, quas pr o il lius populj obcaacatione def erim.us., ut agnita

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68 Jessica, then, who knows that Launcelot is twitting her, ansv;ers: "I shall be saved by my husband: he hath made me a Christian" (III .v . 17-8) . Jessica is here alluding to two well-known scriptural passages. The first appears in the Prayer Book in the ceremony for marriage: "For this cause shall a man leave father and mother, and shall be joined unto 12 his wife, and they two shall be one flesh." This passage, from St. Paul's Letter to the Ephesians (5:31), explains the lines in the Book of Genesis (2:24), expressing the Jewish and Christian tradition that the bond of loyalty between husband and wife takes preference over the bond of loyalty between child and parent . The second scriptural passage which Jessica musters to her cause answc;rs Launcelot 's viev/s on justification: "I shall be saved by my husband" (III. v. 17). Jessica is alluding to St. Paul's statement that "the unbeleeving wife is sanctified by the 13 husbande." Thus, she argues, the faith of the unbelieving spoL'.se (her own) in a mixed marriage is supplied by the fa.ith of the believing spouse (Lorenzo' s) . yeri tatis tuae lu ce, quae Christus est, a suis te nebri s eruantur . [Let us also pray for the perfidious Jews, that the Lord our God may tear away the veil from their hearts so that they also may acknowledge our Lord Jesus Christ. [Almighty and everlasting God, you do not refuse your mercy to even the perfidious Jews. Hear the prayers v-'hich we offer for the blindness of that people so that they may acknov/ledge the light of your truth, which is Christ, and be delivered from their darkness.] Salisbur y T-i.issa_l , 1515, University Microfilms (Ann Arbor, 1948), reel 482, "In Die Veneris Sancta." All English translations are mine. """^IfiiPXl^oiS (1559), p. 223. 13 Richmond Noble notes this Biblical allusion and gives this version of I Cor. 7:14 from the Bishops ' Piblo as the version used by Shakespeare.. Shakespeare's Biblic a l Kno wledge, p. 166.

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Consequently, when Jessica says she is going to "end this strife" by becoming Lorenzo's "loving wife," she claims chat the important thing is not that she is abandoning her father but that she is follovjing the will of God as it is made known in the Old Testament, the New Testament, and the liturgical ceremony of marriage in the Frayer Book. In this vjay, then, Jessica wins the syrapathy of the Venetians, solicits the s>mpathy of the Christian audience, and claims to be worthy of trust. And when Lorenzo pleasantly alludes to Troilus in the lovers' quarrel, he is ironically teasing Jessica about the unpleasant, questionable aspects of her trustworthiness--abandoning her Jewish heritage--f aith, father, and manners"--eloping, marrying, and converting to Christianity. Another pattern of the Lorenzo-Jessica dialogue which sheds significant light on the total dramatic action is the phrase "In such a night," which occurs at the beginning o:: each of the antiphonally recited allusions. Critics have always found this phrase appropriate for the peaceful setting and idyllic atmosphere of Belmont. They have also noted that Shakespeare's contemporaries thought so too since at least one of them saw fit to imitate it in a similar love scene in W ily B eguiled. '•^ And although critics have not recognized it as a liturgical Wil y , B eguiled, written in 1601, imitated The Mer chant in the following lines : Sophos. See how the twinckling Starres do hide their borrowed shine As halfe asham'd their luster so is stain 'd. By Leila's beautious eyes that -nine more bright, Then twinkling Starres do in a winters night: In such a night did Paris Xizin his love. Lelia. In such a night, Aeneas prov'd unkind. Sophos. In such a night did Troilus court his deare. Lelia. In such a night, faire Phyllis was betraid. Sophos. lie prove as true as ever Troilus was.

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70 allusion, this plirase does appear in the "Exultet," a liturgical hymn for the vigil of Easter. The context of this hymn is quite similar to the context in The Merchant , and so it adds another ].evel of meaning to the loverrs' quarrel and reinforces some of the themes and motifs of the whole play. In the garden of Belmont, just as Lorcn?,o and Jessica make use of c]assical events which took place at night in the light of the moon, so do they make use of liturgical phrases, images, and motifs which have overtones of events from Jewish and Christian salvation history which occurred in the light of the moon on such a night as this. Before examining the relationship of the Easter \igil to The Merc hant, however, it will be necessary to examine the history of the liturgy and in particular the availability of tlie "Exultet" and the Easter vigil service of the P.oman liturgy in Reformation England. The Liturgy in Sixteenth-Century England Although Shal-.espoare tvas more familiar v/ith the Prayer Boo k and the official liturgy of the Church of England, he also seems to have been familiar with the Easter vigil "Exultet" and the Roraan Liturgy. In the sixteenth century the avowed policy of both the Church of Rome and the Tudor kings and councillors was to bring about ritual uniformity evervv.'here. The Preface to che first edition of the Prayer Book (1549) stated : Lelia. And I as constant as Penelope. Sophos. Then let us solace, and in loves delight And sweet inbracings spend the live-long night. And whilst lo^-'a mounts her on her wanton wings, Let Descant run on Masicks silver strings. Wily Beguiled, ed . W. W. Greg (London, 1912), p. 64-65. For the Correct dating of this play see Baldv;in Maxwell, "Wily Bep/jiled," S tudi es in Philolo gy, xix (1922), 2C6--237.

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And where lieietofore there hath been great diversity in saying and singing in churches within this realm: some following Salisbury use, some Herford use, some the use from Bangor, some of York, and some of Lincoln: Now from henceforth, all the whole realm shall have but one use. 15 In accordance with this, Edward VI issued an injunction in 15''4 9 abolishing all Catholic "antiphoners, missales, grayles, processionalles, manuelles, legendes, pies, portasses, jornalles, and ordinalles after the use of S arum , Lincolae , Yorke, or any other private use, and all other 1 f\ bokes of service" differing from the Prayer Book . Before this injunction every bishop had been free, according to the jus liturffic um (church law for liturgical use), to establish his own rites and ceremonies in his diocese after consulting his chapter. But with Edward's injunction this jus lit urgicum was limited at least in thecry. In practice, however, the bishops often continued to exercise their jus l iturgic um even up to 1504 when the Puritan bishops and clergy of Lincoln signed a protest against a parliamentary attempt to enforce ritual uniformity. These ministers felt that the revisers had not purged enough Roman accretions from the Pra yer Book , and they took the following "Exception" : . . . we are perswaded that both the Booke of Common prayer and the other bookes to be subscribed by this Canon (of which yet in some respects we reverently esteem) containe in them sondry things which are not agreeable but contrary to the word of God.-*-' ^^The Two Liturgie s, A. P. 1549 and 1552, ed . Joseph Ketley (Cambridge, 1844), p. 19. The word u_se designates the liturgical practices peculiar to a diocese or archdiocese, ^^Henry Gee and William John Hardy, DocuF^n ts__I I^jsnaj; i^ Engl ish Chu rch Hi s tory (London, 1921), p. 358. •"^"An abridgment of that booke. . . ," 1605, University Microfilms (Ann Arbor, 1952), real 843, ''E:-;ception I," p. 2.

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72 Many Catholi.c and Anglican clergymen, hovever, felt that too much had been omitted from the Prayer Boo k, and they were concerned with the practical problems that arose when something desirable was missing from the Prayer Bo ck and not expressly abrogated. In such cases thoy turned to tradition and the customary usage prior to the Reformation. G. W. 0. Addleshaw notes that the book called the "ceremonial" in particular "was based primarily on the age-long customary ceremonial usages of the TO Church, much of it not mentioned in the Prayer Book ." This use of the ancient liturgies was thought preferable to having no ceremony or to creating a new one. Thus, in practice, the actual liturgical customs of the day vjere often much wider than those defined in the Prayer Boo k. The "Exultet" from the Easter vigil service is one of those PvOman ceremonies V7hich was, according to Archbishop Thomas Cranmer, "devi?ed b> men's fantasies," and tended to "idolatry and superstition." At first the reforincrs of the liturgy did not specifically condemn the Easter vigil liturgy but simply excluded it from the first edition of the Prayer B ook . Subsequent editions (1552, 1559, 1561), however, those that would be affecting Shakespeare, took a stronger stand and included Edward VI' s "Act for the Uniformity of Conimon Prayer" which required all to use only those rites contained in the Prayer Boo k. But again it is clear that the clergy continued to use various elements cf the old liturgy, including the Eascer vigil service, because the list of liturgica] items called abuses and checked annually by the }^G. W. 0. Addleshaw, The Hi gh Chu rch Tradition^ A Stud y in the Liturg ical Thou ghc of t he S eve nteenth Century (London, 1941), p. 149. 1 9 Thomas Cranjner, I-Iiscellansou s Writi ngs and Letters, ed . John Edmund Cox (Cambridge, 1S4&), p. 490.

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bishops always included the Easter vigil service. Cranmer's "Articles to be Inquired of in the Diocese of Canterbury" reads: I ten, ^fhether they upon Easter-even last past hallowed the font, fire, or paschal, or^had any paschal set up, or burning in tlieir churches,' 20 And Nicholas Ridley, during his first year as bishop, inquired in all the churches of London, "whether any useth . . . the font of Easter-even, 21 fire on paschal, or whether there was any scpulcre on Good Friday." But not even episcopal visitation v;as able to bring about uniformity. Since the official policy v/as iriconsistent, the resistance of Catholics was encouraged v/hen Mary burned the P rayer Book, and the resistance of Protestants was encouraged when Elizabeth burned the Missal . As a result, the actual liturgical practice becarae a matter of conscience, or consistency, and therefore less subject to official scrutiny. A. F. Pollard conjectures that "Often the same priest read the Anglican service in public to satisfy the law and then said Mass in secret to satisfy his conscience." And Bisiiop John Jewel of Salisbury, setting out m 1559 on a "long and troublesome commission for the establishment of religion, through Reading Abingdon, Gloucester, Bristol, Bath, Wells, Exeter, Cornvjall, Dorset, and Salisbury," com.p Jains: The bishops, rather than abandon the pope, whom they have so often abjured before, are willing to submit to everything. Not, however, that they do so for the sake of religion, of which they have none; but for the sake of p. 532, 20 Cranraer, Misc el lan e ous Wr itings, p. 158. 9 1 Nicholas Ridley, W orks , ed . Henry Christmas (Cambridge, 1841), ^^Alan Faraday Pollard, Political History, 1547-1603 (London, 1929), p. 280.

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74 consistency, which the miserable knaves now choose to call their con science . Now that religion is every\v'here changed, the mass-priests absent themselves altogether from public worship. ^3 It was under these conditions, then, that the Roman liturgy continued to be available for those who wished to remain Catholics. And there is always the possibility that Shakespeare encountered the Roman liturgy and the Easter vigil liturgy v;hen his Company was on tour during the plague , In the 1580' s and 1590' s the use of the Roman liturgy was tantamount to treason and in 1585 the m.ere presence of a priest on English soil constituted a capital offence. In 1593 Quean Elizabeth issued an injunction against . , . sundry wicked and seditious persons, who, terming them.selves Catholics, and being indeed spies and intelligencers . . . under a false pretext of religion and conscience, do secretly wander and shift from place to place within this realm to corrupt and seduce her majesty's subjects .24 Tlie Roman liturgy at this tin^e was, then, so dangerous and secret that evidence for its use is meager and consists of searches made for priests and their mass books, fines imposed for recusancy, charges of conspiracy, and trials. By the end of Elizabeth's reign nearly tv70 hundred priests 25 had been executed and nearly twice this number had died in prison. Nevertheless, in 1595 William Holt S. J. claimed that there were between 23 John Jewel to Peter Martyr, dated London, Aug. 1, 1559, Zurich Le_tt_crs_, I (1558-79), ed . Hastings Robinson (Cambridge, 1842), No. 16, p. 39'. •Gee, Document s Il lustra tiv e of Engl ish Chu rch Hist ory, p. 499. 25 H. Mutschmann and K. Wentecsdorf, Shake spe a re and Catholicism (New York, 1952), p. 15.

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96 forty and fifty of the old Marian clergy still active in England. Besides the general practice of Catholics and priests, which would have made the Catholic liturgy &veA.lahle in Reformation England, there is evidence that within Shakespeare's family and his circle of acquaintances there were Catholic recusants.^' And their use of the liturgy was a possible source for Shakespeare's acquaintance with both the liturgical text and with the Easter vigil service. Shakespeare's mother, Mary Arden, his father-in-law, Edward Arden, Sheriff of Warwickshire, his cousinInlav;, John Somcrville, and the Catholic pricsc, Hugh Hall, were all publicly arraigned as Catholics conspiring against the life of the Queen. On October 25, 1583, Arden' s son-in-law, John Som.erville, set off from Park Hall for London proclaiming along the way that he was going to assassinate Queen Elir^abeth for oppressing Catholics. Somerville was apprehended and the Ardens cf Park Hall were implicated. In November Edward Arden, his wife, Somerville, and the priest Hugh Hall were arraigned on charges cf conspiracy. Evidence, however, was difficult to establish as Thomas Wilkes, Clerk of the Privy Council, suggests in his letter to Sir Francis Walsingham, Secretary of State: Unless you can make Scmcrville, Arden, Hall the priest, Somerville' 3 wife and his sister to speak directly to those things which you desire to have discovered, it will not be possible for us here to find out more than is al?6 Quoted by Carl S. Meyer, Elizabeth I and t he R eligious Settlement of 15 59 (Saint Louis, 1960), p. 129. 27 .See Mutschmann's discussion of Catholics and Catholic sympathizers in Shakespeare's faiuily and circle of friends. Shakespea re and Catho licism, pp. 35-205.

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76 ready found, for the papists in this country greatly do work upon the advantage of clearing their houses of all sliow of suspicion. 28 By December, hcvjcver, all v;ere found guilty of high treason and couderaned to death. Incidents such as this forcefully suggest why recusants valued secrecy and left little evidence of their liturgical practices for historians. Another person who was under suspicion of being a Catholic and who had a great influence on Shakespeare is Henry Wriothecley, third Earl of Southampton (1573-1624). Southampton was the patron of an ambitious and admiring young Shakespeare. When the second Earl of Southampton died in 1581, the Countess of Southampton wrote Leicester explaining that it was not her fault that her eight-year-old son refused to attend the Prayer Rook services; it was the late second Earl who taught him that. The Countess writes in Octc-ber : That my little son refused to hear service is not my fault that hath rot seen him olr'.ost thi.*^ two years. I trust your lordship esteems me to have some more discretion than to forbid hiir. that which his fe;; years can not judge of. Truly, my lord, if myself had kept him, he should in this house have com.e to it as my lord, my father, and all his doth. I pray your lordship let her Majesty understand this much from me, to pat her out of doubt I was not guilty of that folly. 29 In spite of her explanation, however, the Acts of the Pri vy Council for December 20, 1581, notes that the Southampton house was searched for evidence of Catholic s3rvices: A letter unto Mr. Recorder of London by the v^7hich he is required to resorte unto the Earle of Southampton's howse Z8 Quoted by Mutschmann, Shakespeare and^ Ca tholicism, p, 52. 'Quoted by A. L. Rovse, Shakespeare' s Sou thampcon (New York, 1965), pp. 44-45,

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77 in Kolborne, and there to make scarche for the apprehending of one William Spencer . . . and, furder, he is required to searche the said Viowse for bookes, letters and ornamentes for Massinge.-^^ Although Southampton ca^ne frorr. a Catholic family and was brought up Catholic, his sympathies gradually inclined to Protestantism, and it was his colleague in the vjork of colonial organization. Sir Edwin Sandys, 31 who claimed finally to have converted him. Although it is difficult to find positi.ve external evidence of Shakespeare's acquaintance with the Catholic liturgy, an examination of internal evidence is more rewarding. For, although many of Shakespeare's allusions to the liturgy can be traced to the Praver Book , some of them cannot be found in any of the Prayer Book editions (1549, 1552, 1559, 1561), but only in the r>.orcan liturgical books. Foi example, ^ Launcelot's pun on rep roach (II,v,20) can be taken as a pun on approach, or in the context of Launcelot's antipathy for Shylock the Jew it can be taken as an allusion to the Good Friday "Reproaches" of the Latin Rite (eliminated from the Prayer Book ) . Also, Portia's image of m.ercy dropping down like gentle rain from heaven is an image found in the "Ro rate Caeli " of the Roman liturgy. From this brief historical survey it is clear, then, that texts of the Catholic liturgy were available although they were often searched out and destroyed by officers of the Privy Council. It is also clear 30 Acts of the Privy Council of England, A. D., 158115S2, ed , John Roche Dasent (London, 1896), p. 298. ^Dictionary of Natio nal B i ograp hy (London, 1917), ILXI, 1059. 32 Later these examples will be discussed in detail.

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78 that the Easter vigil service was one of the more popular ceremonies of the ancient liturgy and was not easily suppressed by episcopal visitation. It is also clear that v/ithin Shakespeare's family and circle of acquaintances there v;ere Catholics who inay have celebrated the Easter vigil when he was present. And in particular, since the "Exultet" does not exist in the Prayer Book , the likelihood is strong that sometime before he wrote his allusion to the "Exultet" in The Merchan t , Shakespeare witnessed the Easter vigil service. This service--one of the most beautiful, musical, thematic, symbolic, and impressionistic ceremonies of the ancient liturgy-was very likely to make a deep impression on anyone who had an eye open for dramatic and esthetic expression. Occasionally, references to the Easter vigil liturgy can be found in non-episcopal and unofficial literature of the period. One of these references, which actually sounds like au eyewitness description, is that of Barnabe Googe: in The P opis h Kin>,dom, a translation of Thomas Naogeorgus Writing in 1570 Earnabe Googe, a devout Puritan, was impressed (although rather negatively) with the ceremonies of the Easter vigil and published the follov7ing description of the "idolatrous and hcathenlike" liturgy practiced in his day. Although his account is a fierce denunciation of Roman ceremonies, it gives an excellent, detailed picture of the dramatic setting of the Easter vigil service of the sixteenth century. Barnabe Googe vrrites : — ^ In Eastereve the fire all, is quencht in every place And fresh againc from out the flint, is fetcht with solemne grace: A taper great, the paschall namde, with musicke then they blesse. And f ranckensence herein they pricke, for greater holinesse: This burnetb night and day as signe, of Christ that conquerde hell,

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79 As if so be this foolish toye, suffiseth this to tell. Then doth the Bishop or the Priest, the water halow straight, That for their baptisme is reservdc: With wondrous pompe and furniture, amid the Church they go, With candles, crosses, banners. Chrisms, and oylc appoynted tho : Nine times about the font they marche, and on the saintet; doe call, Then still at length they standc, and straight the Priest begins withall. And thrise the water doth he touche, and crosses thereon make, . Here bigge and barbrous wordes he speakes, to make the devill quake : In some place solemn sightes and shov/es, & Pageants fayre are playd, When sundrie sortes of maskers brave, in straungc attire arayd. As where the Maries three doe meete, the sepulcre to see, And John with Peter swiftly runnes, before him there to bee. These things are done with jestures such and with so pleasaunt game. That even the gravest men that live, woulde laugh to see the same.-'-* Barnabe Googe's association of the Easter vigil with the cycle plays suggests another reason for the popularity and availability of this ceremony. The Easter vigii service marks the end of the penitential season of Lent and so it is traditionally knovra as the day on which soletrm services and festivities are resumed. Googe's initial description cf the fire at night, the "paschall" candle, and the "musicke" make up that part of the ceremony which Shakespeare seems to have had in mind when he created the setting for act five of The Merchant . As Googe notes, the liturgical ceremony begins when the lights are "queue th in every place," and all is darkness except the candle light kindled "from out the flint" (a liturgical symbol of 33 The Popish Kinp.dome, Thomas Naogeorgus, "Englyshed by Earnabe Googe, 1570," ed . Robert Charles Hope (London, 1880), pp. 52-53.

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80 Christ as the light who "shines in the darkness, and the darkness has not overcome it" (John 1:5). On returning to Belrr.out Portia exclaims : That light we see is burning in my hall: How far that little candle throv7s his b3ams'. So shines a good deed in a naughty world. (V.i.89-91) The " Exultet" ; Sacrificial Love Leads to Life From the beginning of the Easter vigil ceremony, the nighttime and ruusical settings, the images of candle and moon, the symbolic flicker of light, and the then.e of sacrificial love are parallel v;ith the garden scene at Belmont, According to the Salifburv Pro cessional , ^^ after the lighting of the "new fire" and the Easter candle, the people form a precession and follow the Easter candle into the darkened church while singing the follov7ing hymn: Inven tor rutili dux bene l uminis , fii.i i cert is vecibu s ten:por a dividis , Merso sole Chaos ingr uit h o rridum . Lumen redde tuis Christe fidelibus. In choosing the Sarum (or Salisbury) use for my study, I have considered the availability and the distinctive features of the three main uses: Sarum, York, and Hereford. The Sarum use was followed in London and in South England including Southampton. This is the liturgical use that Shakespeare would be most likely to encounter during his early career after he left Stratford and sought the patronage of the Earl of Southampton. The liturgical use of the Stratford area is called the Herefore use which would also be the use of the Arden family at Wilmcote near Stratford. If Shakespeare encountered the Easter vigil liturgy when his Company was on tour of the North during the plague, it would have been the York use. The verbal text of the Easter vigil is the same in these three uses. The rubrics and ceremonial directives are slightly different according to the local church customs and facilities. And the musical notation has the same basic melodic line but in varying degrees of ornateness. The Sali sbury Process ional, 1544, is of the Sarujn use and is comparatively ornate. 35 Salisb ur y Pro ces signal , 1544 (University Microf ilr.is, Ann Arbor, 1948), reel 482, folio l>rxxvi. Appendix I, p. 167' Subsequent quotations

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81 [Good Creator and master uf the golden light. You divided the seasons into precise periods; Now as the sun sets, hideous chaos threatens us. Restore light to your faithful ones, Christ.] After this the congregation stands in the darkened church with only the Easter Candle lighted and listens to the deacon sing the cl.imactic " Exulte t" hymn. The imagery is again primarily that of light: fc^teS5teSF==i?=^^2fe3=3: TWIIS^-^g=fz 10X ut d ies^ i lluminabit ur^ ^et __nox "The night shall be illumined like day," and illu minatio n ea in deTiciis me is . "My night shall be illuniined by my rejoicing.") (fo. xci, 180) In subsequent lines the introductory motif repeats seven times that on such a night as this Jewish and Christian salvation history took place. Thus, it is the light, candles, and moon that constitute the setting for these memorable nights. Connected with this light Imagery is the fact that the Easter vigil is the only liturgical ceremony which always talces place at night in the light of che full moon. For according to the Prayer Book, "Easte: Day, on which the rest depend, is al\;ays the first Sunday after the Full will be from this edition and the paginal citations will refer to Appendix y. v.'here a photostat of the Easter vigil service is given.

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82 Moon"" of the vernal equinox. Nighttime, mcon, candle, song, and the symbolic restoration of light, then, constitute the basic setting for the Easter vigil. The garden scene at Belmont also has the same tone and setting that is found in the " Exultet ." Against a background of candle light CV.i.90, 92, 220), moonlight (V, i . 1, 54, 92, 109, 142) , and music (V . i . 53, 55, 68, 69, 76, 82, 83, 97, 106) Lorenzo and Jessica reminisce that she "did run from Venice As far as Belmont" (V.i.16-7) and escaped the "hell" (II.iii.2) of Shylock's house. Against this background, then, identical with the opening scene of act five of The Mer chant , the deacon introduces the first theme that is parallel with one of the themes of The Merchant ; -M^ Haec nox est , in qua pr imum pa t res (This is the night in which you led our >t ir ^=: r-ostros filios Isra el eductos de Aegyptc forefathers, the children of Israel, out of rubrum mare sicc o ve sti gio transire fccisti. Egypt through the ?ved Sea with dry feet.) (fo. xc, 178) 36 "Calendar Rules," Prayer Book (1559), p. 16,

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The "Exul'cet" here refers to the Biblical account of the night on which the Jev7S escaped from the bonriage of Egypt: It is a night to be observed unto the Lorde, in the which hee brought them out of the land of Egypt: This is that night of the Lorde, which all the children of Israel must keepe throughout their generations .37 (Exodus 12:^1 2) Elizabethans were familiar with this event because they also heard it as the first Scriptural lesson read at morning prayers ca Easter in the liturgy of the Pr ayer Book . It should be noted here that the fifth act of The Mercha nt is not an allegory modeled on the exodus motif or on the various motifs and imagery of the "Exultet^." The "Exult et" does, however, contain Biblical and liturgical motifs, themes, and images vhich explain soir.s of the patterns already in The Merchan c and present trem in a light v."'hich is not always sufficiently acknov/ledged . One of these patterns is the bondag2exodus m.otif . According to the Book of Exodus, God delivered his chosen people on such a night from the bondage of wealthy, powerful, and cruel Egypt, marvelously led them through the Red Sea and the desert, dropped manna in the way of starving people, and brought them into the prom.ised land . Here the ambivalence of Venice in The Merchant and of Egypt in the Old Testament invites comparison; the similarity between Belmont and the promised land also invites comparison. According to the Book of Genesis (chapters thirty-nine through fifty), God used the wealth and grain of Egypt to sa\^e Jacob and his twelve sons, the tribe of Israel. 37 Prayer Book (1559), p. 437,

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84 But according to the Book of Exodus (chapters one through twelve) Egypt became the land of bondage, cruel masters, flesh pots, and golden calves. For Elizabethans the city of Venice apparently evoked much of the same emotional response as a Babylon of Egypt did for the Jews. Thus, Thomas Coryate saw Venice as the "incomparable city," the "rich diadem and most flourishing garland of Christendom."-^" But Thomas Nashe felc that the Italian city had an unambiguous corrupting irfluence over the English traveler : From thence he brings the art of atheism, the art of epicurizing, the art of v/horing, the art of poisoning, the art of sodimitry. The only probable good thing they have to keep us from utterly conderrining it is that it maketh a man an excellent courtier, a curious carpet knight; which is, by interpretation, a fine close lecher, a glorious hypocrite. It is now a privy note amongst the better sort of men, when they v7ould set a singular mark or brand on a notorious villain, to say he hath Leon in Italy. '^O ^^ Th e Me r chant Venice is also ::i.ibivalent . It is the city of wealthy merchants, ready loans, gay dinners, eveaing masques, law and order. But it is also the place of bondage, usury, debt, inhospitable. dinners, forgotten masques, deceitful business deals, and cruel lav/s . 38 At the foot of Mt. Sinai, the Israelites molded a calf with the golden earrings they had pilfered from the Egyptians and then worshipped it saying, "These be thy gods, Israel, which brought thee out of the land of Egypt" (Exodus 32:4). From this incident and especially from I Kings 12:23-9), where Jeroboam returns from Egypt and sets up bulls for worship, "It has generally been supposed that the Israelites borrowed calf-worship from the Egyptians" (The Schaf fHer zog En c yclo pedia^ of Rel igious K nowledge, ed. Samuel M. Jackson [New York, 1908], II, 345). 39 Thomas Coryate, C^or ya t ' s Cr ud iti.es, 1611 edition (New York, 1905), II, 427. ^^Thomas Nashe, Selected Writ ings, The Unfortunate Tra veller , ed. Stanley Wells (Cambridg", Mass., 1965), p. 259.

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Belmont, ou the other hand, stands in contrast with these harsh realities of the city. It is a promised land of resolution and harmony follov7ing a journey of turbulence and discord. At Belmont all are rejoicing in Antonio's escape from the cruel bond of Shyloek. And all the main characters except Shyloek are grateful for their blessings--"manna" dropped "in the way of starving people" (V.i. 293-4). When Lorenzo exclaims, Fair ladies, you drop manna in the way Of starved people (V.i. 294-5) he recalls the themes of exodus, suffering, trial, death, and new life. (Antonio's exclamation, "Sweet lady, you have given me life and living," V.i. 286, is substantially the same.) Lorenzo is alluding to that memorable event recorded in Exodus when God miraculously preserved his chosen people in the desert after thiir escape from the bondage of Egypt and before their entry into the promised land. Exodus reads: And the children of Israel sayde unto them. Would to God we had dyed by the hand of the Lorde in the Land of Egypt, when we sate by uhe flesh pots, and when we did eate bread our bellies full: for ye have brought us out into this wildernes to kill this whole multitude with hunger. . .. behold, upon the ground in the wilderness there lay a small round thing, as small as the hoare frost on the ground. And when the children of Israel sav; it, they said every one to his neighbor, It is Manna, . . . This is the bread which the Lorde hach given you to eate. . . . and so they did eate Manna, until they came into the borders of the land of Chanaan. (16:3, 14, 15, 35) Elizabethans were also familiar with this passage read at morning prayers on February fourth in the liturgy of the Prayer Book. ^ The exodus motif in The Merchant constitutes one of the basic ^ ^Praye r Book (1559), p. 445,

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86 movements of the play. Antcnio, Fassanio^ Jessica, Lorenzo, and Launcelot Gobbo all move av/ay from a type of bondage associated with Venice and with Shj'lock and move tov;ard a type of deliverance and rei^olution found at Belmont. And v/e have already seen in the previous section that Jessica and the Venetians look upon her conversion to Christianity as a type of exodus from the bonds of infidelity and Judaism. Associated with the n.otifs of bondage and exodus and parallel with another theme in The Merchant is the death motif in the "Exu ltet . " Singing the " Exu ltet, " the deacon repeats the melodic Haec nox est ; :>. Haec ^ nox_ est "(This is t)!e night -v«^ i n qua destructi s vinculis mortis in which Christ destroyed the bonds of fc=:?^r:==C34:^ Christuq ab inferis victor ascen dit. death and came forth a victor from hell.) This passage unites three themes: the bondage of death, the power of sacrificial love, and the triumph of Christ over death. Since all m.en 42 Folio xc. Appendix I, p. 178. In Medieval Latin the word in ferus is the word for hell; see Mediae T.atinitatis L exicon Mi. nus, ed. J. F. Nierriieyer (Leiden, Netherlands, 1958). In trie Bishops' Bible , 1585, the verse "ex inf
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die, death holds all in bondage. But the debt which brings about this bondage, according to St. Paul and the Christian tradition, is paid when Christ dies. For by his sacrifici.al love, Christ pays all men's debt; and by his resurrection--whon he comes forth " ab inferis victor ," a victor from hell--Christ releases men and breaks the bonds of death. Moreover, Christ's sacrificial love brings new life, for all baptized believers benefit from Christ's triumphant resurrection when they imitate his death and resurrection in their lives. St. Paul writes: Know ye not, that all we which have been baptized into Jesus Christ, have been baptized into his death. We are buried then with him by baptism into his death, that likewise as Christ was raised up from the dead by the glory of the father: even so, we also should walke in ne^vnesse of life. For if we be grafted together by the likeness of his death: even so shall we bee partakers of the resurrection. (Ron,. 6:3-5) This Nev7 Testament description of resurrection aiid liberation from the bondage of death is the second Scriptural reading for morning prayers on Easter in the liturgy of the Prayer Book.^-^ These motifs of death bondage, sacrificial love, resurrection, and new life run through every act of The Mer chant . In fact, one of the basic themes of The Merchant is that willingness to die for love brings newlife. Thus, Shylock's pound of flesh which is vindictive and deadly figuratively leads to his outi death; while Antonio's willingness to die for his friend is a sacrificial love whic'u leads both him and his friend to new life. Others, also, move on as Antonio does toward an experience of willing, free, sacrificial love and nev; life. ^-Prayer Book (1559), p. 437.And as xve sav/ earlier, chapter sixteen of Exodus, which describes the liberation of God's chosen people from the bondage of Egypt, is the first lesson for morning prayers on Easter.

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an In Act One Portia tells Nerissa that she is bound by the last will and testament of a dead father: me, the word "choose"'. I may neither Choose who I would, nor refuse who I dislike, so is the will of a livin;; daughter curb'd by the will of a dead father. (I.ii.22-5) In a sense, here death holds Portia's power to love in bondage until Bassanio releases her to a new life by choosing the right casket. In Act Two Morocco experiences a form of bondage unto death and without resurrection when he chooses the golden casket. In choosing gold, his love is not "as v;ise as bold" (II.vii.70), and so the casket he opens is tomblike: hell', what have we here? A carrion Death, within whose empty eye There is a written scroll, --I' 11 read the vrriting. All that glisters is not gold. Often have you heard tnat told-Many e. man, his life hath sold But ny outside to behold, -Gilded tombs do worms infold. (II.vii.62-9) Here Morocco discovers not love but hell and death; for, guided by appearances, he thinks to "thrive" (II.vii.60) by choosing gold, and so he judges by the "glistering" outside and finds but "worms" within. Love then for Morocco is "Cold indeed cind labour lost" (II.vii.74). And since those suitors who "fail / Of the right casket" are "enjoined by oath" never "to woo a maid in way of marriage" (II . ix. 9-13), Morocco is bound till death without love. It is important here to note the contrasts between the lead and gold caskets and hov; they run parallel with the themes of death, sacrificial love, and resurrection found in the "Exu ltet ." Paradoxically,

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89 it is Bassanio's choice of the lead casket, a symbol of death and losing one's life, which brings him and Portia to nev" life and love. Thus, Bassanio'3 choice is similar to the central theme celebrated at Easter time in the "Exult et" ; the willingness to lose one's life for love is the choice that, paradoxically, gives life. At the Last Supper Jesus reminded his disciples: "This is my commandement, that ye love together, as I have loved you. Greater love hath no man then this that a man bestowe his life for his friendes" (John 15:12-13). In contrast, however, when Morocco, the Moor, is confronted with the same paradoxic choice he chooses gold and consequently a "Gilded tomb." For Morocco's value system is sinilar to Shylock's. Just as Shylock evaluates himself and Antonio by the gold standard, namely, by the appearances of sufficiency, so Morocco in trying to v.'in Portia's love judges by the gold standard: A golden mind stoops not to shows of dross. (II. .vii.20) They have in England A coin that bears the figure of an angel Stam'd in gold, but that's insculp'd upon: But here an angel in a golden bed Lies all within. Deliver nie the key: Here do I chioose. and thrive I as I may. (II. vii. 55-50) The death-resurrection motif enters into Act Three when Antonio sees himself as a debtor who has forfeited his life and is bound to die at the hands of Shylock. Antonio writes to Bassanio: Sweet Bassanio, my ships have all miscarried, my creditors grow cruel, my estate is very low, my bond to the Jaw is forfeit and (since in paying it, it is impossible I should live), all debts are clear 'd between you and I, if I might but see you at my death: notwithstanding, use your plea.sure, -"if your love do not persuade you to come, let not my letter. (Ill . ii .31'i-2C)

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90 Here Antonio Diakcs it clear that he is willing to accept; death "since ir. paying" Bassanio's debt, says Antcnio, "it is impossible I should live." But he is willing to accept this death only out of love for his friend, and he confronts Bassanio with the willing obligation of a similar love: "if your love do not persuade you to come, let not my letter." In accepting Antonio's love Bassanio must be generous, for he must acknowledge that his friend is v/illing to die for him. And Bassanio does return a similar willingness to sacrifice himself for his friend: Antonio, I am married to a wife Wliich is as dear to me as life itself. But life itself, my wife, and all the world Are not v/ith me esteem' d above thy life. I would lose all, ay sacrifice them all Here to this devrl, to deliver you. (IV. i. 278-83) Apparently both Antcnio ^.nd Bassanio evaluate their love by the same paradoxic standards celebrated in the "Exaltet " and on Easter. Because they are willing to die for love they expect to triumph over the bondage of Shylock's deadly hate. According to Antonio the bonds of love are the only debt to be contracted by Christians. Thus he rejects usury and wants Bassanio to be present and witness the willingness of his sacrifice. Antonio tells Bassanio : Repent but you that you shall lose your friend And he repents not that he pays your debt. For if the Jew do cut but deep enough, I'll pay it instantly with all ny heart. (IV. i .274-7) Although Bassanio's monetary debt is going to cost Antonio his life, Antonio does not want to be obliga.ted to die for money but for love and friendship. Antonio is suggesting, then, that love's bond is greater

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than death and more bi.nding than Shylock' s hate and ir.oney--an idea that runs parallel with the First Epistle of Saint Peter. Speaking of the love of Christ which brought new life into the world, St. Peter says that Christ paid mankind's debt not i-ilth money but with his blood: For as much as ye know, how that ye were not redeemed with corruptible things, as silver and gold, from your vayne conversation, which ye received by the ' tradition of the fathers: But with the precious blood of Christ. (I Peter 1:18-19) Act Five particularly contains examples of the dcath-bondagesacrificiai Icve motif. In the ring quarrels, the true love of Bassanio for Portia and Gratiano for Nerissa is supposed to bind them till death. Nerissa reminds Gratiano: You swore to me ;\fhen I did give it you. That you would wear it till your hour of death. (V.i. 152-3) Again, it is sacrificial love that binds till death and gives new life, for the ring is symbolic of Portia's vjilling gift of herself: This house, these servants, and this same m.yself Are yours, --my lord's'. ~-I give them with this ring Which when you part from, lose, or give away. Let it presage the ruin of your love. (III. ii. 170-3) Also in Act Five Lorenzo and Jessica focus on love, death, and bondage in each of their classical allusions. "In such a night," Troilus, Thisbe, Dido, and Medea transcended the bondage of death out of love. (These classical allusions will be discussed in detail later.) Shakespeare, of course^ did not have to go to the "Exultet" for the idea of death's bond being broken by sacrificial love since the idea is well incorporated in Christian literature and is current in much of the liturgical and religious thoi.ight of Elizabethan England. Meverthe-

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92 less, in T he Merchant , as in the "Exultet ," self-sacrificing love triumphs over the bondage of hate and death. Moreover, this theme occurs in a similar setting in both T he Merchant and the "Exultet." For in Act Five when Lorenzo and Jessica notice "How s\.'eet the moonlight sleeps upon the bank" and ho,^7 the "sounds of music Creep in our ears," they recall that "In such a niglit" as this the bonds of death were broken by love. Troilus, Thisbe, Dido, Medea, Antonio, and Jessica, all in various ways, were triumphant martyrs for lo^'c.^^ Another theme of the " Exultet ," which is parallel to the justice theme in The Merchant , is that of the Jews robbing the Egyptians of their jewels before they left Egypt. In the " Exultet " the deacon sings about the night on which this took place. E=5!?^^'a^k:i:5£zSfS2i^'^ bea t a nox, quae ex poliavit Aegyptios , (0 happy night, which despoiled the Egyptians l^+ajL^^^-ppW' tJL^p, r-r^^ij-Q-( ditavit Hebraeos , and enriched the Jews.) (fo. xcii, 182) The " Exulte t" is referring here to Jewish history as it is recorded in the Book of Exodus : Later I disciiss Chaucer's classification of Thisbe, Dido, and Medea as mari:yrs for love in the Legend o f Go od Uoraen, the recognized source for Shakespeare's classica.1 allusions inV.i.7-14.

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And they borrov;ed of the Egyptians jewels of silver, and jewels of golds, and rayment . And the Lorde gave the people, favour in the light of the Egyptians, so that they graunted such thinges as they required: and they robbed the Egyptians .'^^ There seems to be no question here about the justice of the Jews despoiling the Egyptians. For the "Ex ulta t" celebrates the event; and the Book of Exodus proclaims that the Jews are to thauk the Lord annually: It is a night to be observed unto the Lorde, in the which hee brought them out of the Land of Egypt: this is that night of the Lorde, which all the children of Israel must keepe throughouc their generations. (Exodus 12:42) Moreover, as we saw earlier, in the Old Testament the Jews are God's chosen people: For thou art an holy people unto the Lorde thy God: the Lorde thy God hath chosen thee to be a special people unto himself, above all nations that are upon the earth. (Deut, 7:6) And so they are blessed with the Lord's as y is Lance and providence. In was the Lord who struck the Egyptians with plagues and delivered his chosen people with his mighty hand: , . . because the Lorde loved you . . . therefore hath the Lorde brought you out through a mighty hand, and delivered you out of the house of bondage, from the hand of Pharao king of Egypt. (Deut. 7:8) Since the Bible and the liturgy v;ere authoritative sanctions foChristians in the Renaissance, this despoiling of the Egyptians sheds ^^Exodus 12:35--6. According to the "New Calendar" in the Prayer Eook (1559), this chapter of Exodus is the first lesson for morning prayers en Easter, These morning prayers, in Cranmei's revision of the liturgy, take the place of the Easter vigil service.

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94 significant light on Shy lock's taking interest from Christians and Jessica's despoiling Shylock \;hen she fled from Venice. There are already enough overtones of the exoduG in The Merchant to justify considering The M ercha nt in terms of it . Although it is Shylock who considers himself one of the Lord's chosen people with a right to take interest from the Christians, it is Jessica turned Christian who actually despoils Shylock and seeins to share the same approval that Exodus attributej to the chosen people when they "robbed" the EgypLians. For although Shylock considers himself as one of the Lord's chosen people, he seems to b^ the only one in The Mer chant v^7ho does so . When Shylock thinks of himself in this way he usually incroduces an element of tension between himself as a Jew and others as Christians. As we saw in chapter one. he refers to his "tribe," "our sacred nation," and the "ancient grudge" he bears against the despised Gentiles while he meditates revenge against Antonio: "I hate him for he is a Christian" (I.iii.37). Also, Shylock' s opinion of himself as one of the Lord's chosen people is based on a careful distinction between thrift, theft, advantage, and prodigality. Shylock specifically rejects theft, but with Biblical quotations he defends his right to occult compensation and taking advantage of those who are prodigal. For him usury is thrift not theft: This was a way to thrive, and he [Jacob! was blest: And thrift is blessing if men steal it not. (I.iii.S4-5) However, thrift does not thrive; theft does, risk does, prodigality does, and sacrificial love does. If Shylock is correct in thinking

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that increase is a sign of God's blessing to his chosen people, then it is the Christians--generous with love and prodigal with money-who are blessed. Moreover, just as Jacob tricked Laban out of his ewes and lambs with what Shylock considers the Lord's blessing when he fled his uncle's domination, and just as the Jews despoiled the Egyptians of their silver and jewels when the Lord "brought them out of the land of Egypt with great power, and with a mightie hand" (Exodus 32:11), so Jessica runs from her father taking his ducats and jewels. Thus, Shylock' s argu-.v-ent that increase be recognized as a sign of God's approval and blessing ironically becomes a sign of contradiction. For Antonio does not have to pay even the principal on his loan (IV. i. 332-5) but receives instead one half of Shylock' s wealth (T.V.i.365) which he keeps "in use, to render it Upon [Shylock' s] death unto the gentleman," Lorenzo (IV . i .379-80) . And Lorenzo and Jessica become beneficiaries to Shylock' s will: "a gift ... of all he dies possess' d/ Unto his son Lorenzo and his daughter" (IV .i .384-6) . To use the words of Shylock--"This was a way to thrive, and . . . [they were] blest" (I. iii.84). Moreover, the "hand of heaven" which brings about the los.s of Antonio's argosies just long enough for him to forfeit his bond to Shylock also returns his ships. Shakespeare, then, permits us to watch not the "hand of heaven" but Jessica and the Christians of Venice despoil Shylock. In contrast with the paradoxical Christian choice of death which leads to life, Shylock chooses increase and profit through the legal destruction of his coiTipetitor but actually finds a type of death: "you take my life / V.Tnen you do take the tieans Xvhcreby I live (IV. i. 372-373).

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96 Another parallel betv;een the " Exultet " and The Merchant is the escape from bondage through Baptism. Although Shylock considers himself one of the Lord's chosen people, a desccndent of the promise, and an heir to the promised land, Jessica and the Venetians feel that she is one of the new elect when she escapes from the hell of Shylock' s house and becomes a Christian. For Jessica and the Venetians, the old covenant promise and election are replaced by the nevj covenant. The liturgy also reflects this idea V7hen it prays that the Je'.;s be converted and so become the truly chosen Israelites: And so fetch them home, blessed Lord, to thy fleck, that, they may be saved among the remnant of the true Israelites, and^be made one fold under one shepherd Jesus Christ our Lord , 46 The "E xultet " in the Roman liturgy explains further that baptism is the New Testament equivalent to liberation from bondage, passage through the Red Sea, and initiation into the ccmnunion cf saints--the Christian term for Shylock' s "sacred nation." The text of the " Exult et" reads: H aec nox es t, quae hod i e per universum mund um. in christu m credentes, a vi t iis s a eculi segrega tos et c aligine p ecca tor u m, reddit gratiae, sociat sanctitati . [This is the night which returns to grace those throughout the whole world now believing in Christ, and unites those separated from worldly vices and the darkness of sin to the communion of saints.] (fo. xc, 177-178) Lorenzo's version of this doctrine of Gcd's chosen people reflects his own prejudice and that of his Venetian friends. Speaking to Gratiano, Lorenrro explains that Jessica, ^^ Pra yer Book (1559), Collect for Good Friday, p. 119.

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97 hath directed How I shall take her from her father's house, What gold and jewels she is furnish 'd with What page's suit she hath in readiness, -If e'er the Jew her father coma to heaven, It will be for his gentle daughter's sake, And never dare misfortune cross her foot. Unless she do it under this excuse. That she is issue to a faithless Jew. (II. iv. 29-37) Lorenzo's pun on gentile ("the words were not completely distinguished in spelling at this time"^') is significant here because, as he sees it, Jessica.' s becoming a "gentle" is the only claim Shylock can make to "come to heaven"; while her being "issue, to a faithless Jet?" is the only "excuse" available for "misfortune [to] cross her fooc." Lorenzo literally claims God's approval of Christians v;itb a vengeance. Later, the sam.e pun on gentile leads to another image from Exodus. Portia, pleading mercy as opposed to strict justice, tells Shylock: "VJe all expect a gentle ans'.;er Jew'." (Iv'.i.34). But when SViylock insists that his bond be executed to t?ie letter of the law, Antonio laments : You may as well do any thing most hard As seek to soften that-than wliich what's harder ?-Kis Jewish heart'. (IV. i. 78-80) The image, again, is that of Exodus. For Pharao was punished with ten successive plagues and finally despoiled by the chosen people because he "hardened his heart" (Exodus 1:32; the phrase is used as a Biblical motif, see, for example, 7:13, 7:14, 7:22, 8:15, and 8:19). For the Venetians the identification of Shylock is cor.iplete; he is not a member of the chosen, "sacred nation," but a hard-hearted Pharao holding Christians 47 Arden edition, p. 49. Gratiano m.akes the same pun later: "Now (by my hood) a gentle, and no Je.-i" (ll.vii.Sl).

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98 like Antonio, Launcelot, and Jessica in bondage and \;ho, like Laban and Pharao, deserves to be despoiled. In the fifth act of The Merchant , then, the phrase In such a ni ght gives many indications of being modeled on the same phrase in the Easter vigil "Exult et ." In both the " Exultet" and the garden scene at Belmont there is a nighttime setting with moonlight, song, and candle. In both there is an atm.osphere of meditative joy and quiet celebration. There is a sense of being delivered from bondage. And in both there is an extended consideration of the standard Christian paradox: willingness to lose one's life is the condition for finding it. In his reference to Troilus and Cresfid, Lorenzo initiates this consideration. Jessica as " Tesbe Babilonie, Martiris " By alluding to Troilvs and Cressid in the lovers' quarrel of Act Five, Lorenp^o playfully suggests that Jessica's love m.ight not be as untroubled and trustvrorthy as the lovely, idyllic, moonlit setting of Belmont might suggest. In response to this Jessica clothes her allusion to Thisbe in equally delicate and beautiful poetry: In such a night Did Thisbe fearfully o'er trip the dew. And saw the lion's shadow ere him.self, And ran dismayed away. (V.i.6-9) Following the lead of Lorenzo, Jessica associates the brightness of the moon with another classical example of young IovciTS, Pyramus and Thisbe. But her use of such v;ords as fearfully , o' ertrip, shadow, d isma yed, and ran av7ay indicate a shift in tone. Instead of the pleasant imagery which Lorenzo uses with irony, Jessica uses imagery which suggests fear and

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99 apprehension, for she wants to create the impression that she is like Thisbe — alone and waiting for her tardy lover with no one to protect her, Jessica's allusion is also more pertinent and relevant to her situation since it recalls elopement, parental conflict, mortal danger, and love until death. Jessica is suggesting that although Troilus had little to do with Cressid's going over to the enemy camp, Pyramus had much to do with Thisbe' s problems with her father and with her running away from home, and Lorenzo, in turn, had also had much to do with Jessica's theft and running from home. Besides, Lorenzo is the one who is not trustworthy for he came late for their tryst, as Salerio observed earlier : Gra. This is the penthouse under which Lorenzo Desired us to make stand. Sal. His hour is almost past. Gra. And it is marvel he out-dwells his hours. For lovers ever run before the clock. Sal. ten times faster Venus' pigeons fly To seal love's bonds new-made, than they are wont To keep obliged faith unf orf eitedl Here comes Lorenzo. . . . Lor. Sweet friends, your patience for my long abode (Not I but my affairs have made you wait). (Il.vi. 1-7, 20-22) Perhaps the implications of Jessica's response will be more obvious if we see her allusion in the light of its source, vdiich most editors and critics feel was Chaucer's Legend of Good Women (796-812). Joseph Hunter was the first to note that for Jessica's allusion "Shakespeare was also indebted to Chaucer; that, in fact, the old folio of Chaucer was lying open before him when he wrote this dialogue, and that there he found Thisbe, Dido, and Medea, as well as Troilus. It is at least certain that Thisbe, Dido, and Medea do occur together in Chaucer's Legend of Good Women , which in the folio immediately follows the "Troilus" (New Illustrations of the Life, Studies and Writings of Shakespeare [London, 1845 J, I, 313).

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100 The story in Chaucer's Legend of Good Women reads as follows (this selection is necessarily lengthy because Shakespeare borro\;s scattered images and captures the tone of the whole passage): Tyl on a day, V7han Phebus gan to cleere-Aurora v;ith the strernes of hire hete Hadde dreyed up the dew of herbes wete-Unto this clyft, as it was vjont to be. Com Pirainus, and after com Thysbe, And plyghten trouche fully in here fey That like same nyght to stele away. And to begile here wardeyns everichon. And forth out of the cite for to goon; (773-781) This Tisbe hath so grec affeccioun And so gret haste Piramus to se, That whan she say hire tyma myghte be. At nyght she stal awey ful pryvyly. With hire face y^.-yiapled subcyly; (793-979) For alle hire frendes--for to save hiro trouthe-She hath forsake; alias', and that is roughe That evere woman v;olde ben so tre'-;e To truste Eian, but she the bet hyu knewel (798-801) Alias', than cometh a wilde lyonesse Out of the wode. withoute more arest. With blody mouth, of strangelynge of a best. To drynken of the v;elle there as she sat. And whan that Tisbe hadde espyed that She rist hire up, with a ful drery heret, And in a cave v;ith dredful fot she sterte, For by the mone she say it wel withalle. And as she ran, hire wympel let she falle. (305-813) The mone shon, and he myghte wel yse. . . (825) "Alias," quod he, "the day that I was born'. This o nyght v7ol us lovers bothe sle'. How shulde I axe mercy of Tisbe, Whan I am he that have yow slayn, alias'. My biddyng hath yov: slayn, as in this cas . Alias', to bidde a woman gon by nyghte In place there as peril falle myghte'. And I so slow'.". .' . . (833-840) Nov7 Tisbe, which that wiste nat of this. But sittynge in hire drcde, she thoughte thus

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"If it so falle that my Pramus Be comen hider, and may ir.e not yfynde. He may me holde fals and ek unkynde." And out she cometh and after hym gan espien, Bothe vjith hire herte and with hire yen. And thoughte, "I vjol tiym tellen of my drede, Bothe of the lyonesse and al my deede." (853-860) "I wol thee folwe ded, and I wol be Felawe and cause ek of thy deth," quod she. "And thogh that nothing, save the deth only, Mighte thee from me departe now fro me Than fro the deth, for I wol go with thee. And now, ye wrechede jelos fadres oure, We that whilom were children youre, We preyen yow, withouten more envye, That in o grave yfere we moten lye, Sith love hath brought us to this pitous ende. And ryghtwis God to every lovere sende, That loveth trewely, more prosperite Than evere yit had Piramus and Tisbe'." (894-907) Again, as in Lorenzo's allusion to Troilus, Shakespeare has selected the basic images--the dew, the lovers' plighted "trouthe," Thisbe's haste in coning to meet Pyramus, the lion, the moon, Thisbe's running, and her dread. Joseph Hunter, v;ho was the first to note that Shakespeare used Chaucer's version of the Thisbe legend, felt safe in saying that "the old folio of Chaucer was lying open before him when he ^•Trote this dialogue, and that there he found Thisbe, Dido, and Medea, as well as 49 Troilus." Dover Wilson, however, concludes that Shakespeare had only a general recollection of the Thisbe story as he was \vTiting: "As for Thisbe, thereby hangs a tale of blended memories, memories of Chaucer-this time of his Le gend of Good Womenon the one hand, and of Golding's Book B', 67-201, on the other. "^^ in any case, Chaucer was the one v.ho ^^Joseph Eunter, New Illustrations, I, 313. Dover Wilson, "Shakespeare's 'small Latin' — how much?" Shakesp eare Survey, X (1957), 21.

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102 emphasized the all-for-love devotion of Thisbe which appears in all versions. And the important thing to note is that Shakespeare has adapted this theme and his source to the speaker's needs and to the context of the lovers' quarrel. Through the beauty of their poetry and the objectivity of their allusions, Lorenzo and Jessica preserve the appearance of taking tranquil delight in the moonlit garden of Bslmont. But in their playful lovers' quarrel they hide their arguments behind a feigned seriousness. Jessica acknowledges the beauty of the quiet garden, the bright moon, and the soft breeze "In such a night," but she also claims to be a woman auite unlike Cressid. Jessica argues that she is not like the unfaithful Cressid bat like Thisbe, one of the saints and martyrs on Cupid's calendar, as in Chaucer's Le,qend of G ood Wom.en . According to the central fiction of the "Prologue" of the Legend, Chaucer was commissioned by the god of love to spend his remaining days. In makyng of a glorious legende. Of goode wymmen, m.aydenes and v/yves, That weren trewe in lovyng al hire lyves; And telle of false men that hem bytraien.^^ "Tisbe, that hast for love swich peyne" (261), is one of those good women of antiquity "That weren trewe in lovyng al hire lyves." Jessica, then, is answering Lorenzo's charges by playfully suggesting that she is not like Cressid but ratlier like the good, faithful, loving "Tesbe Babilonie, martiris , "^-^ who left her father and home in ^^ ''Prologue" to The L egend of Good Women , lines 4S2-4S6. ^^Chaucer's legend of Thisbe is subtitled: "Incipit Legenda Tesb e Babilonie, mar tir is , " the usual form used to introduce the life of a saint and martyr in the Martyrology.

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103 the city and ran fearfully to the country, ready to eKpose herself to the wild beasts as a martyr for true love. Jessica's allusion to Thisbe is also relevant to many of the events that have transpired in The Merchan t . In both The Mer chant and the story of Pyramus and Thisbe there are elements of secret love, disobedience to the father, and elopement. Pyramus and Thisbe, as Chaucer notes, "plyghten troughte fully in here fey" and planned "that like some nyghte to stele away," escaping from the "wrechede jelos fadres oure." Then when "The mone shon" so bright that they "myghte wel yse" they "begile here wardeyns everichon" and went "forth out of the cite." Moreover, Thisbe' s sacrifice for love v/as great, for she chose to "forsake" "all hire frende3--for to save hire trouthe."^ An import5.at part of Jessica's argument is her allusion to the irresponsibility of Pyramus in contract with Thisbe' s trustworthiness. Thisbe, the good woman, came en time, kept her word, "save Id] hire trouthe," when she did "fearfully o'ertrip the dew." And like a martyr she found only a "lion's shadow ere himself," "ran dismayed away," and returned again only to meet death. Jessica is covertly reminding Lorenzo of his o\ni responsibility, for in The Legend of Good Women Pyramus holds himself responsible for Thisbe' s death: My biddying hath yow slayn, as in this cas. Alias'. to bidde a woman gon by nyghte In place there peril falle myghte'. (837-9) Thisbe vras anxious to be with her lover, but Pyramus was tardy; Thisbe was courageous in going into the vjoods at night unprotected, but Pyramus 53 Trouthe means faithifiilness, honesty, solemji promise. OED .

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104 was imprudent In asking her to do so. One of the problems editors have encountered in the Thisbe allusion is the meaning of Jessica's phrase, "And saw the lion's shadow ere himself" (V.i.8). Henry Hudson explains chat Thisbe saw the lion's shadow "ere she saw the lion himself.' Malone suggests that "Thisbe may be supposed to have seen the lion's shadow by moon-light in the water of the fountain near the tomb of Ninus." And Browa adds that " shadow can mean reflection." Brovm also notes that Chaucer speaks of a lioness: "Alias". than cometh a wilde lyone.sse." In the sources Ovid, Gower, and Golding refer to a lioness frightening Thisbe. But, as Kenneth Muir points ouL,^^ Elizabethan versions were divided about the sex of the lion, and Shakespeare was obviously av/are of this when he had Snug the joiner in A Ilidsummer Ni g ht's Dream apprehensively explain that he was neither a lion nor a lion's dam: You, ladies, you, whose gentle hearts do fear The smallest monstrous mouse that creeps on floor, May now perchance both quake and tremble here. When lion rough in wildest rage doth roar. Then know that I, one Snug the joiner, am A lion fell, nor else no lion's dam. (V.i. 222-7) Shak espe are' s M erchant of Ven ice, ed . Henry N. Hudson (Boston, 1900), p. 182n. Malone Shakespeare, 17 90, K, 533. ^° Arde n edition, 125n. The Le p;end of Good Women, 805. ^^Kerineth Muir, "Pyrarr.us and Thisbe: A Study in Shakespeare's Method," S. Q., V, Spring (1954), 150.

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Ill the context of the lovers' quarrel and in view cf the subtle thrusts of Lorenzo and Jessica at one another, I feel that Jessica's phrase "the lion's shadow ere himself" is functionally ambiguous. There is always the probability that a possible explanation m.ay contain an intended meaning. And in the context Jessica is clearly trying to emphasize the "trouthe" and goodness of Thisbe and the irresponsibility of Pyramus . The Pyramus she has in mind not only allowed Thisbe to enter the forest at night without father, husband, lover, or servant to protect her, but he even came late--after the lion had already frightened Thisbe away. True, both had given their word to meet at Ninus' tomb; true, Thisbe was not there when Pyramus arrived. But it is also true that Thisbe' s ardent love and fidelity to her word brought her to the appointed place on time, and true it is that a fell lion arrived before the sluggish Pyramus. It is possible, then, that Jessica is saying that in such a night Thisbe fearfully ran to meet her love, but slic saw a lion's shadow "ere" she saw her lover "himself" and so was forced to flae. Thus, Jessica is covertly exonerating herself: when Lorenzo suggests that Cressid ran out on Troilus, Jessica suggests that Pyramus was to blame when Thisbe was forced to run. If these explanations of the Thisbe allusion are accurate reflections of what is going on betv/een Jessica and Lorenzo, their playful quarrel, up to this point, runs as follows. Lorenzo playfully suggests that he is a faithful. Troilus, sighing out his soul for a questionably faithful Cressid. Jessica replies that she is more like the faithful Thisbe; and Lorenzo, like Pyramus, should take responsibility for the part he has had in her alienation from her father, in her abandonment of the Jewish faith, and in her elopement. Like Thisbe, a martyr in

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lUb Cupid's calendar, she is ready to sacrifice all for love. Dido or Ariadne? Error or Adaptation? Lorenzo's response to Jessica is as follows: In such a night Stood Dido with a willov; in her hand Upon the v;ild sea banks and waft her love To come again to Carthage. 0/.i.9-12) Here Shakespeare has introduced a long-standing critical problem, for all the commentators on this passage point out that Shakespeare has confused Dido with Ariadne. Many critics then go on to use this as a prime example of Shakespeare's "small Latine, and lesse Greeke." In t'lie third variorum edition of Shakespeare, for example, Steevens re59 fleets the standard eighteenth-century belief that Shakespeare's classical learning was so inadequate that he confused Ariadne and Dido. According to Steevens, "This passage contains a small instance out of many that might be brought to prove that Shakespeare was no reader of the classicks." Malone adds: "For the willow the poet must answer, but I believe he here recollected Chaucer's description of Ariadne in a similar situation." Editors and critics since this have generally found it necessary to acknowledge what they consider to be Shakespeare's mistake and apologize for it. Thus, Dover Wilson concludes that Shakespeare 59 See, also, T. VJ. Baldwin's third chapter, "The Eighteenth Century Canonizer the 'Little Latin' Tradition," in Wi llia m Shakspere's S mall Latine & Lesse Greeke (Urbana, 1944), I, 53-74. Ma 1 one _Sh ake s p ear e , 1790, III, 91n. ^ -^Malone Shakes peare , 1790, X, 583.

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107 has, no doubt unconsciously, gone to the wrong love-lorn lady, since it was Ariadne, deserted by Thef;eus and not Dido deserted by Aeneas, who stood upon the shore and beckoned her lover to return; a confusion first noted by Malone.^2 The description of Ariadne which llalone and other critics have in mind is in Chaucer's The Legend of Good Wo men; And to the stronde barefot fast she wente. And cryed, "Theseus', myn herte swetcl" No man she sav;, and yit shyned the nione. And hye upon a rokke she wente sone. And sav7 his barge saylynge in the se. Hire coverchef on a pole up steked she, Ascaunce that he shulde it v/el yse, And hyra remcmbre that she was behynde, And turne ageyn, and on the stronde hire fynde. But al for nought; his wey he is ygon. (2189-2206) This description of Ariadne, however, is based on Ovid's tenth Epistle of the Kero ides . And so R. K. Root concludes that the Legend of^ Good Women is parallel with Shakespeare's version in such a general way that it is difficult to tell whe*-her Shaket-peare would have "had Chaucer in mind rather than CK'id." And Wilson ventures: "Shakespeare V7as drawing upon me-iory, and memory alone." Thus, if we assume, with these critics, that Shakespeare was only vaguely aware of the Dido legend when "Shakespeare's 'small Latin' --how m.uch?" p. 22. Wilson does qualify this view of "Shakespeare's wayward dealings with Dido" v^hen he says, "It would be ridiculous, however, to suppose that he was ignorant of her story," p. 23. ° See Walter W. Skeat, The C omplete Works o f Geoffrey Chaucer (Oxford, 1894), III, 339. ° Robert Kilburn Root, Cl assical Mytho logy in Shakespear e (New York, 1965), p. 57. 65 Dover Wilson, "Shakespeare's 'small Latin' --how much?" p. 21

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ICJ he KTote The Me r cliant , we can disraisr. the problem by saying, first, that Shakespeare's source is irrelevant and so there is no reason to exclude any of the similar versions of Ariadne available to Elizabethans, and second, that there is no reason to exclude the possibility of an original composition beginning with Dido as a mere type of the good woman pitifully abandoned. It should be noted, however, that the legend of Dido occurs frequently in Elizabethan literature. Besides Gower ' s Conf essio Amantis, Turbeville's translation of the Heroides , and Elizabethan ballads of Dido, Shakespeare V70uld have been well acquainted with Marlowe's ^^For example, Gower ' s Confessio A ma ntis , V, 5436-5CS3, and George Turbeville's 1567 version of Ovid's H eroide s, Epistle X. 'Thomas Percy gives a popular Elizabethan ballad of "Queen Dido" which reads as follows for the last two stanzas: And, rowling on her carefull bed, With sighes and sobbs, these words shee sayd; wretched Dido queenel quoth shee, I see thy end appioacheth neare; For hee is fled av;ay from thee Whom thou didst love and hold so deare: What is he gone, and passed by? hart, prepare thyself e to dye. Though reason says, thou shouldst foibeare. And stay thy hand from bloudy stroke; Yet fancy bids thee not to fear, ^'Thich fetter 'd thee in Cupids yoke. Come death, quoth shee, resolve my smart'. -And with these words shee peerced her hart. (Song 22, lines 49-66, p. 194) Perc}' notes: "This once popular ballad was entered on the Registers of the Stationers Company in 1564-5 as 'a ballet intituled The Wanderynge Prince . ' Its great popularity is evidenced by the frequent references in literature and the large number of ballads sung to the tune of Queen Dido or Tr o y TC'Tt. e . In The Penni less Parl iament o f Th rea dbare Foet s, 1608, ale-knights are said to 'sing Queen Dido over a cup and tell strange news over an ale-pot,' and the same song is referred to in Fletcher's CaptOMi (act III, sc . 3) and his Eonduc a (act I, xc . 2)." (Thomas Percy, Religues of Ancient English Poetry [London, lS77],Vol. Ill, pp. 191-2).

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109 Tragedy of D J-do which was finished by Nashe in 1593 and published in 1594. The title p^ge indicates that it had been acted by the children of her Majesty's Chapel. In the last sensational scene of Marlov/e's play. Dido mounts the funeral pyre erected on the banks of the sea and exclaims; Now Dido, with these relics burn thyself, And make Aeneas famous through the world For perjury and slaughter of a queen 68 Her dying words are: "Live, false Aeneas'. truest Dido dies'." (V.i.312). After examining all of Shakespeare's dramatic allusions to Dido and Ariadne, I have come to the conclusion that Shakespeare V7as well aware of the difference betwf.en Dido and Ariadne, and that Lorenzo's allusion in V.i.9-12 is not an error but an adaptation of the classical legends cf Dido and Ariadne to Lorenzo's stance in the levers' quarrel and to the theme of choosing death for love. Many scholars have already demonstrated Shakespeare's knowledge of the classics and the rather full 69 classical knowledge of Elizabethans in general, although they have not used Lorenzo's allusion as an example of this knowledge. Thus, before seeing Lorcna^o's allusion in the context of the lovers' quarrel, I will introduce here an examination of all Shakespeare's Dido and Ariadne allusions shoT.zing that they are accurate in detail, suited to the speaker's character and intentions, and adapted to the context of the play in v.hich they occur . Christopher Marlowe, The Life of Marlov7e an d the Trag edy of Dido, queen of Carthage, ed . C. F. Tucker Brooke (London, 1930), V.i. 292-4. ^^See, for example, F. K. Root, CJass_ixaJ_J^xtll9i£B:^_ii-_Sh§K£^ H. R. D. Anders, Shakespeare' s Books ; J. S. Smar t , . £halc£S£ear_Cj_TrjiHi__an^ Tradition; T. W. Baldwin, XJi 1 1 i am Sh a ke s per e ' s Small Latine, g-_ Lesse Greeke; ~ and Percy Simpson. "Shakespeare's Use of Latin Authors," Studies in Elizabethan Drama.

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110 Shakespeare alludes to Dido in the following plays: 2 Hen VI (1591-2) III .ii. 114-120 Titus (1593-4) II.iii.20--6; V.iii. 79-87 Shrew" (1593-4) II. i. 157-61 Romeo (1594-5) II. iv. 40-5 Dream (1595-6) I. i. 169-178 Merchant (1595-7) V.i.9-12 Hamlet (1600-02) II. ii. 466-70 Antony (1606-7) IV.xiv.53-4 Tempest (1611-12) II. 1.76, 78, 81, 100, 101. He alludes to Ariadne in: Two Gent . (1594-5) IVMv.171 Dream (1595-6) II.i.80 The first six of the Lido allusions, including Th e Merchant , fall within the short span of five years betv/een 1592-1597. In all of them except The Me rcha nt the details of the allusion correspond exactly with the details of the classicc'l story. In fact, R. K. Root feels that the allusions to Dido are so "numerous and substantially accurate" that "The story of Dido in Aeneid I-IV must hiive been familiar to Shakespeare from his boyhood." If, then, Shakespeare's allusions to Dido in these plays are all "substantially accurate," his allusion in T he Merchant , written about the same time, can hardly be unintentionally confused. Moreover, an analysis of these allusions should demonstrate not only Shakespeare's familiarity with the legend of Dido but also his interpretation of the story and seme of his methods of integrating the allusions Into his ov.n plays. The earliest allusion to Dido occurs in T he Second P art of King Henry the Sixth . In this play Queen Margaret compares herself to Dido, 70 R. K. Root, ClaGsical Myt holop.y in Shakes peare, p. 5o .

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Ill Siiffolk to Ascanius (the son of Aeneas) , and King Henry to Aeneas who also V7ooGd a queen througli the bewitching tongue of his proxy. Margaret speaks: How often have I tempted Suffolk's tongue. The agent of thy foul inconstancy. To sit and witch me, as Ascanius did. When he to madding Dido would unfold His father's acts commenced in burning Troy.' Am I not witched like her? Or thou not false like him? Aye me, I can no morel Die, Margaretl (III. ii. 114-120) This allusion would at first seem to compound our problem since all the critics, with the exception of James Boswell (1778-1822), have echoed 7 7 Louis Theobald in finding it inaccurate. Theobald notes: The poet here is unquestionably alluding to Virgil (Aeneid i) but he strangely blends fact with fiction. In the first place, it was Cupid in the semblance of Ascanius, who sat in Dido's lap, and was fondled by her. But then it was not Cupid who related to her the process of Troy's destruction; but it was Aeneas himself who related this history,'-' Boswell notes: "When Dido v^7as caressing the supposed Ascanius, she would naturally speak to him about his father, and would be witched by v;hat she learned from him, as well as by the more regular narrative which she had heard from Aeneas himself." Malone Shakespeare , 1821, 2 Henry VI , p. 259n. 79 ~>Ialone comments: "this mistake was certainly the m.istake of Shakespeare, whoever may have been the original author of the first sketch of this play; for this long speech of Margaret's is founded on one in the quarto, consisting only of seven lines, in v;hich there is no allusion to Virgil" (Ma lone Shakespear e, 1821, p. 259b). Tucker Brooke, in the Yai_e Sha kesp eare, says that "The allusion is new with the reviser, and like many of Shakespeare's classical references is not minutely accurate" p. 134. Cr.irncross (Arden edition, 1954) quotes Theobald: "It was 'Cupid in the semblance of Ascanius . . .'" p. 84n. William Rolfe quotes Theobald, and dismisses Eoswell's explanation; "The oversight-~for such we have no doubt it was--is explained away by Bcs^zell, who says that 'while Dido was caressing the supposed Ascanius. ..." (Shakes pr-are' s H istor y of King Henry tlie Sixch, Part II, ed, William J. Rolfe [New York, 1882], p. 166n) ^^Malone Sh akesp eare, 1821, 2 Henry VI, p. 259n. Theobald also restored watch of the Folio to read witch.

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112 In his analysis, "Classical Learning in 'Henry VI'," Dover Wilson has been very criuical: No one with the slightest 'knowledge of the first tv70 books of the Aeneid , either in the original or in translation, could have written these lines, seeing that in Virgil it is Cupid disguised as Ascanius and not the boy Ascanius himself who lies in Dido's bosom, and it is Aeneas and not his son who tells her the tale of burning Troy. ^ Wilson adds that the passage "clearly derives from a not unnatural misreading of the Dido story in Chaucer's Legen d of Good Women ." And since Chaucer "does not express himself at all clearly," one "m.ignt \
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113 sion, sends his son Ascanius before him bearing gifts to Queen Dido. Here Virgil adds that Aeneas put all his hope in his son, Omnis in A sc anio cari stat cura parentis , and that he selected the gifts with care (648-655). At this point, however, Virgil guarantees the mission of Ascanius by adding the classical s^Tiibolism for the powerful god of love. Cupid assumes the guise of Ascanius, attends the banquet in his place, amazes all with gifts, and charms everyone with the glowing beauty of his countenance and words. Virgil writes: Mirantur dona Aeneae; m irantur Julum , Flagrantcsque dei vul tus , simulataque verba. (1.709-710) [Everyoiie was amazed by the gifts of Aeneas, by his son Julus , and by the glowing countenance and words of the god.] The important word here is verba , for critics of 2 Herry VI always feel that Queen Margaret is alluding to the tale which Aeneas tells at the end of the banquet. But actually, according to the Aeneid, Dido and her court Biar-vel at the glowing words of Cupid coming from Ascanius (Cupid in disguise). Margaret's allxision. To sit and witch me, as Ascanius did. When he to madding Dido would unfold His father's acts commenced in burning TroyI has its justification then in the words: "M irantur . . . Flagran t esque dei v-iltu s, sim ulat aque verba." Dido and her court, looking upon Ascanius, were amazed at the glo'.?ing countenance and vrords of a god. In the Aeneid , Dido is moved, " et pariter puero donesque " (by both the boy and the gifts). And gradually, love awakens in Dido feelings of ^^Publius Vergilius Maro , Vae. Aene i d of Virgil, ed. Charles Anthon (New York, 1839), 1.646. All quotations are from this edition; all translations are my ovm.

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114 passion long forgotten: Inclpit, et vivo tentat praevert e re amore Jampridcm resides an im os, desuetague cords .77 Then Dido, having inquired about Priam, about Hector, about the armor of Memnon, -the horses of Phesus, and the pov7er of Achilles, finally concludes book one by urging Aeneas to give an orderly account of Troy: Immo age, et a prima die, hospes, origine nobis Insidias , inquit, Drnaum, casusque tuo'rum , Erroresque tuos: ngm te jam septima portat " Omnibus errantem t e rris et fluc t ibus aestas . ' ° In 2 He nr y VI the context of Margaret's remarks explains her analogy between Suffolk and Ascanius. Suffolk had been sent by Henry to France 79 as his deputy for marriage and had announced the success of his mission in the opening lines of 2 Hen"y VI : As by your high imperial Majesty I had in charge ac my depart for France, As procurator to your Excellence, To marry Princess Margaret for your Grace; So . . . I have perforia'd my task, and vas espous'c. (I.i.1-5, 9) Thus, Margaret is comparing the love mission of Ascanius to the marriage deputation of Suffolk. Just as Ascanius is supposed to have deceived Dido by representing Aeneas in a favorable light in the cause of love, so Suffolk is supposed to have deceived Margaret by representing Henry in a 'Book I, lines 721-6: Love begins anew to turn to living passion in a longsince quiet mind and unaccustomed heart. 78 Book I. lines 753-6: "Nay, come, my guest," she said, "start at the beginning and tell us from che first about the Grecian strategies, their misfortunes, and your ovn travels; for this is already the seventh suiraner that brings you x^/andering over every land and sea." 79 Williarn. Shakespeare, The First Part o f King Henry the Six th (Arden edition, ed. Andrew S. Cairncross), V. v. 79-91.

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favorable li^bt in the cause of marriage. Margaret makes no mention of Cupid but attributes the power of deception to Ascanius. Again, despite the usual explanation that this is an error, there is a plausible argument for Shakespeare's adaptation of Virgil's machinery of the gods. In the Aeneid the power of Cupid is that of inflaming the impassioned Queen ( donisque furentem / Incendat reginam , 659-60) and encircling her heart with fire ( atque ossibus im plicet ignem , 660). In 2 Henry VI this power of love is effectively put into an Elizabethan psychology of love by the v7ords witched and madding (maddening or making mad with love).° Suffolk would "sit and witch" Margaret V7ith the praises of Henry "as Ascanius did, / When he to madding Dido would unfold" the praises of Aeneas. Another plausible reason for Margaret's omission of Cupid is in her deceptive stance. She is accusing Henry of deceiving her, but she and Suffolk are actually deceiving Henry. Suffolk is her lover and ally against Henry and so she does not then want to introduce the revealing complication of Ascanius as Cupid. She is obliged to protect Suffolk, and so she must minin^ize the deceptive role of Ascanius by putting ail the blame on Henry's "foul inconstancy." This reading is supported by the earlier distortion of Suffolk alluding to Paris and Helen. At the end of I Henry VI Suffolk distorts the classical story in order to compare himself favorably to Paris and Margaret to Helen: Thus Suffolk hath prevailed, and thus he goes. As did the youthful Paris once to Greece, 80 OED . See also Sonnet 119 which speaks of "r^uin'd love": How have mine eyes out of their Spheres been fitted In the distraction of this madding fever.

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116 With hopes to find the like event in love; But prosper better than the Troyan did. Margaret shall now be Queen, and rule the King; But I will rule both her, the King, and realm. (V.v. 103-8) Just as Margaret later twists the allusion to fit Vier own designs, so Suffolk here twiscs it. And again, those well-known elements of the allusion vjhich he omits arc a significant comment on what actually happens. In the Aeneid Paris abuses the hospitality of Menelaus by loving the Queen, and in 2 Henry VI Suffolk is false to Henry in loving the Queen. Moreover, in both stories their love and deception are instriiments of the ensuing domestic and civil chaos. Margaret's allusion, then, has been consistently misread: Hov; often have I tempted Suffolk's tongue, The agent of thy foul inconstancy, To sit and witch me, as Ascanius did. When he to madding Dido would unfold His father's acts commenced in bv.rning Troy, Am I not witched like her? Or thou not false like him? Here Margaret does not refer to the tale of Troy told by Aeneas which constitutes book two of the Aeneid . She refers to the introduction of Aeneas to Dido through the alluring gifts and bewitching words of Ascanius which take? place at the end of book one. In Queen Margaret's words. Dido is "witched" and made mad with passion by the god-like words of Ascanius even before Aeneas tells his lengthy tale. Just as Aeneas misrepresents himself from the very beginning through the god-like words of Ascanius, contends Margaret, so Renry misrepresents himself to her from the beginning through Suffolk. Also, just as the power of Cupid v/orking in Ascanius is not responsible fcr the later inconstancy of Aeneas, neither is "Suffolk's tongue" responsible for Henry's "foul inconstancy." Thus, Queen Margaret,

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by accurately alluding to Virgil's account of deception by proxy, enriches the rhetoric of her accusation--false though it be-by comparing her situation to Dido being "v/itched" by "Ascanius." In Titus Andronicus there are tvjo allusions to Dido: both are accurate in detail and thematically integrated into the play. The first brings up Dido's hunting trip, the thunderstorm, the cave in which she and Aeneas took refuge, and their secret exchange of love. In this allusion Tamora compares herself to Dido and her lover Aaron to Aeneas. She and ^aron have managed, like Dido and Aeneas, to become separated from their companions on a hunting trip. Then Tamcra tries to get Aaron to make love to her as Dido and Aeneas did after taking refuge in a cave during a thunderstorm.. Tamora speaks: Let us sit dot^nrl and mark their yelping noise, And--after conflict such as was supposed The wandering Prince and Dido once enjoyed, And curtained with a counsel-keeping cave-We may, each wreathed in the other's arms, Our pastimes done, possess a golden slumber. (II.iii.20-6) All the details here correlate v;ith those in the A ene id (IV . 155--172) and are essentially the same as those in Chaucer's Legend of Good Women , lines 1204-1231. ^^ Shakespeare does, however, make a significant change in tone when he adapts the allusion to Tamora' s version of it. In her version, Tamora misrepresents the Dido and Aeneas story as an idyllic love story. Her lines have a natural charm and idyllic tone instead of Virgil's erotic flashes of lightning, conspiring heavens, wailing nymphs, and the for81 P'or a discussion of the authenticity of these two allusions see the follovziug footnote, number 82.

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118 boding: "I lle dies primus leti primusque raalorum / Causa fuit " (IV, 16S-170), which Chaucer translates: "this was the first morwe / Of her gladnesse, and the ginning of her sorwc" (1230-1). Thus, again, as in 2 Henry VI, Shakespeare's modification of the allusion is a significant indication of his method of adapting a classical story to the character who makes the allusion. And again, the well-kno^^m element omitted from the allusion foreshadows what eventually happens in the play. For, to her chagrin, Tanora's intimacies in the "counsel-keeping cave," as the intimacies of Dido in the cave incident of the Aene id, initiate the same kind of tragedy for her that Dido experienced. Although the second allusion tc Dido in Titus Andronicus is of 82 doubtful authenticity, it is, nevertheless, reasonable to assume that Shakespeare was familiar with it becai &3 Titus Andronicus was regarded 82 In Titus Andronicus Marcus introduces Lucius to the Rom.an people; Speak, Rome's dear friend. As erst our ancestor. When with his solemn tongue he did discourse To love-sick Dido's sad attending ear The story of that baleful burning night When subtle Greeks surprised King Priam's Troy, Tell us what Sinon hath bewitched our ears. Or who hath brought the fatal engine in \ That gives our Troy, our Rome, the civil wound. (V.iii. 79-87) George Peele's "The Tale of Troy" (1589) reads: ^"Jhile Subtle Grecians lurk'd in Tendos. . . . And so bewitched King Prian and his court That now at last, tc Troyan's fatal hurt. . . . They 'greed to hoist this engine of mischance. (400, 404-5, 407) Modern critics and editors are in agreement that this and other parallel passages constitute weighty evidence of Peele's "having revised Titus Andronicus about the end of 1593" (T. W. Ealdx7in, On t he Literar y Genetics of Shakespeare's Plays, 1592-1594 [Urbana, 1959], p. 415). ' See also J. M Robertson, Did Sha kespeare Urite "Titus An dron i cus" ? (London, 1905); J. M. Robertson, An Intro duction to the Study of the Shakespear e

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as his plf-y by Hemingcs and Condell for the First Foiio, it V7as entered for publication by Shakespeare's company ir the Stationers' Register on January 23, 1594, and it was listed as one of Shakespeare's tragedies in 1598 by Francis Meres. However, since the passage has been called into question, perhaps it is not strong evidence of Shakespeare's memory; but neither does it give comfort to those who would ascribe to Shakespeare a bad memory for a highly familiar and popular episode. The Dido allusion in The Taming of the Shrew brings out yet another aspect of Shakespeare's knowledge of Dido, namely Dido's habit of confiding in her sister, Anna. Lucentio tells his servant Tranio: And now in plainness [l] do confess to thee. That art to me as secret and as dear As Anna to the Queen of Carthage wab . Tranio, I burn, I pine, I perish, Tranio, If I achieve not this young modest girl. (I. i. 157-61) This allusion, though playful, is accurate. Anna was Dido's confidante 84 and encouraged her to find a way to detain Aeneas at Carthage. But Lucentio, who is not trying to be funny, is ridiculous. For all of his "plainness" Lucentio sounds like a Caesar getting ready for a conquest, and his expression, "I burn, I pine, I perish," qualifies as a good example of elaborate Petrarchan exaggeration and immature love. Moreover, C anon (London, 1924); A. M. Witherspoon, The Y ale Shakespeare: The Traged y of Titus An droujcus_ (New Kavcn, 1926), p. 136; and J. Dover Wilson, Titus Andronicus (Cambridge, 1948), pp. xxv-1) 83 Francis Meres, Pall adis Tar nia: Wi t's T reasury, 1598 (New York, Scholars' Facsimiles and Reprints, 1938), p. 282. See the Aeaeid IV.3S--53, v.mere Anna fans the flame and counsels Dido in achieving her love; A enei d IV. 416-436, where Anna is confidante of Dido's sorro\:'S; and A-eneid IV. 474-498, vheve Dido hides her suicidal intentions behind a serene countenance (Consi lium vul tu tegit, acserenat. line 477).

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hi-s confession to Tranio v.'ho is "as secret and as dear / As Anna to the Queen of Carthage was" is clearly inappropriate. For "dear" Anna's advice v/as one of the initial forces behind Dido's misfortunes in love. Also, Dido did not always "in plainness . . . confess," for she carefully excluded Anna from her tragic, suicidal plans until it was too late. Dido literally could have said with Lucentio: "I burn, I pine, I perish" and her pining would have had more feeling for the funeral pyre on which she perished was fired with pine: " Taedis atque ilice secta " (IV. 504). This Dido allusion, then, like those discussed so far, demonstrates Shakespeare's accurate knowledge of the Dido legend and his practice of adapting the details to the speaker's character and to the context of the play. In Rom eo and J uliet there is another accurate allusion to Dido. Mercutio twits Romeo in Petrarchan hyperboles about the beauty of his lady : Now is he for the numbers that Petrarch flowed in. Laura to his lady was but a kitchen wench-Marry, she had a better love to berhyme her-Dido, a dowdy; Cleopatra, a gypse; Helen and Hero, hildings and harlots; Thisbc, a gray Eye or so, but not to the purpose. (II. iv. 40-45) Here the allusion to Dido's famed beauty recalls the profuse praise of Dido's goddess-like beauty in the Aeneid (I, 325--40, 496 f .) and Legend of Good Wo men (9S3-988, 1004-1014, 1035-1043). This reputation of beauty gives Dido allusion precisely the effect Mercutio inuends--superlative exaggeration. In A Mid sumjper Ni g ht's Dre am, a pl^y composed, we suppose, shortly before Jj^SL^^Syi^E':^' ^"^ have evidence that Shakespeare was well aware of the difference between the Dido legend and the Ariadne legend, for it

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121 contains dcjtailed and accurate allusions to both. After making plans to elope, Kerinia swears by the fidelity of Dido to meet Lysander : I swear to thee . . . By that which knitteth souls and prospers loves, And by that fire which burned the Carthage Queen When the false Troyan under sail was seen-Byall the vows that ever men have broke. In number more than ever women spoke. In that same place thou hast appointed me, Tomorrow truly will I meet with thee. (I. i. 169-178) Here the references to the fidelity of Dido, to the "Carthage Queen," to the "fire which burned" her to death, to the "false Troyan," her seeing Aeneas "under sail," and the "vows" V7hich he "broke" are all specific details which correspond to Virgil's description of Dido in the Aeneid . Moreover, Eermia skilfully adapts all these selected details to her situation concentrating on the fidelity of Dido as a model of her own fidelity and pointing out the risk she takes when she ventures trust in a man . The Ariadne allusion in A Midsummer N igh t's Dr eam occurs when Oberon and Titania are accusing one another of infidelity. Titania accuses Oberon of having had "the bouncing Amazon," Hippolyta, for his "buskin' d mistress" and "warrior love." Oberon replies: ^ How canst thou thus for shame, Titania, Glance at my credit with Hippolyta, Knowing I know thy love to Theseus? Didst thou not lead him through the glimmering night, From Perigenia, whom^ ha ravished? And make him. with fair Aegle break his faith, With Ariadne and Antiopa? (II. i. 74-80) The allusion to Ariadne is general and focuses on only the infidelity of Theseus. But it (unlike the allusions to the other three womea)^-' is 85 See The Lives of the Nobl e Grec ians and Romans, tr . Thomas North,

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122 accurate. Moreover, there is no confusion of details possible between this allusion and the earlier allusion to Dido. Here Ariadne is seen as one of the four women abandoned by Theseus who is about to marry Hippolyta, the captured Amazon Queen. V.'hile in act one Dido is seen as "the Carthage Queen" v7ho mounted a funeral pyre and died in "that fire which burned" on the banks of the sea when the "false Troyan," Aeneas, "under sail was seen." We should also note here that Ariadne is just one of several women abandoned by Theseus. This generic view of Ariadne corresponds with the view of her in The Two G entlemen of Verona where she is a type for the sorrowing and abandoned woman. Julia tells Silvia about a pageant in which she acted Ariadne: . . . for at Pentecost Wnen all our pageants of delight were played. And I did play a lamentable part. >[adame, 'twas Ariadne passioning For Theseus' perjury and unjust flight, ^'rtiich I so lively acted with my tears That my poor mistress, moved therewithal. Wept bitterly; and would I might be dead. If I in thought felt not her very sorrowl (IV. iv. 163-4, 170-7). \ These lines are very infonuative for they suggest that Ariadne and her 1579 (University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, 1950), Reel 427. Modem editors have emended the Quarto and Folio Eagles to read Aeg_le. North gives the form.er loves of Theseus as Ariadne, Perigouna,. Aegles, and Hyppolita: " Aegl es the Nymphe, was loved of Tlieseus" (p. 10); "Clidemus the Historiographer . . . calleth the Amazone which Theseus married, Hyppoli ta, and not Antiopa" (p. 15); "This Sinnis had a goodly fayer daughter named Perigoun a, which fled awaye. . . . But Theseus fynding her, called her, and ST;;arc by his faith he would use her gently, and doe her no hurte, nor displeasure at all. Upon which promise she came out of the bushe, and laye with him, by whom she was conce^'ved of a goodly boye" (p. 5). Perigouna, then, was not ravished. North uses the form A riad ne frequently on pages nine through tv/elve.

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"passioning" were well kno\ matter, and specially of Ariadne: but there is no trothe nor certeintie in it. For some saye, that Ariadne honge her selfe for sorwe, when she saws that Theseus had caste her of. Other write, that she was transported by m.ariners into the lie of Naxos, where she was maryed unto Oenarus, the priest of Bacchus: and they thincke that Theseus lefte her, bicause he was in love with another, as by these verses shulde appear. Aegles, the NjTnphe, vzas loved of lliescus. . . . Other holde opinion, that Ariadne had two children by Theseus. . . . [According to Paenon] she dyed notwithstanding in labour, and could never be delivered. . . . And yet there are of the Naxians , that repcrte this ocherx.'ise: saying, there were two Minces, and two Ariaduees. See The Lives of the Noble Graciansand Romans, pp. 11-12.

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124 of the play. When Hsjnlet v/elcomes the players to Elsinore, he says, "Come, a passionate speech" (II.ii.452). He then remembers such a speech from a play that "pleased not the millions": One speech in it I chiefly loved. ' Tt^as Aeneas' tale to Dido, and thereabouts of it especially where he speaks of Priam's slaughter. (II. ii. 466-70) Then follov/s sixty lines from the "passionate speech" of Aaieas to Dido. When the player comes to the slaughter of Priam and the Queen's agony at watching "Pyrrhus make malicious sport / In mincing with his sword her husband's limbs," the actor is so moved that he is asked to stop. Hamlet later muses : Tears in his eyes, distraction in's aspect, A broken voice, and his whole function suiting With forms to his conceit. and all for nothing! For Hecuba! Wiat's Hecuba to him, or he co Hecuba, That he should weep for her? ^"hat would he do. Had he the motive end the cue for passion That I have? (Tl.ii. 581-588) Throughout the passage the names and details are all accurate. Moreover, the method of handling the allusion is comparable to the method in The Merchant . As T. W. Baldwin notes, the Dido allusion both here and in The Merchant dem.oiistrates that Shakespeare is not content "with merely selecting sensational episodes; he sets to work deliberately to heighten 87 the sensationalism." Thus again, this allusion to Dido demonstrates Shakespeare's adequate knowledge of the Aeneid , his ability to select those aspects of the Aeneid which are relevant to his own play, and in this particular case, his predilection for the "passionate" and poten' T . V7 . B a 1 dw in , On the Litera ry Genetics of Shakespeare's Plays II. 420. ""

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125 tially drat^iatic aspects cf "Aeneas' tale to Dido." In Anton y and Cleopatra , Antony compares himself and Cleopatra to Aeneas and Dido as if they were the paragon of lovers -till-death. He feels that hs is even more of an exemplar than Aeneas because he did not forsake Cleopatra, as Aeneas did Dido, but followed her in the sea battle and gave all for love. Thus, he feels that the t\7o of them vjill have a greater throng of admirers in Elysium than ever Dido and Aeneas had: Dido and her Aeneas shall want troops And all the haunts be ours. (IV.xiv.53-4) lliis allusion is one of the most subtle, ironic, and unsensational of the nine dramatic allusions to Dido. Antony suggests that Dido and Aeneas shall lack admiring "troops" because few in Elysium, v/il" admire Aeneas for listening to Mercury's call to abandon Dido and folic his destiny as founder of Rome. Thius, Antony makes a greater claim for fame than the founder of Rome. By forsaking everything in order to remain faichfiil to Cleopatra, Antony lays claim to eternal love even ac the expense of losing Rome, his military reputation, and his life. In contrast with both Aeneas and Dido, who were interested in strengthening their respective kingdoms with the military troops cf the other. Antony and Cleopatra's "troops" are their followers in love. Shakespeare's last allusion to Dido is the subject of witty banter in ;n-ie Tempesfc^ (II.i.76, 78, SI, 100, 101). Gonzalo, who is trying to comfort the shipv;recked King and his court, says: Beseech you, sirs, be merry. . . . Me thinks our garments are now as fresh As vjhen we put them on first in Afric,

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At the tnarriage of the King's fair daughter Claribel to the King of Tunis. (Il.i.l, 68-71) Adrian observes that Ttmis was never before graced vzith such a beautiful Queen. But honest Gonzalo takes exception: "Not since Widow Dido's time," and is immediately taV;cn to task by Adrian: "She was of Carthage, not of Tunis." But Gonzalo, v;ho knows his classical geography as well as his mythology, assures him: "This Tvmis, sir, was Carthage." Gonzalo is factually correct; but in his comparison of "Widow Dido's time" with the recent marriage of Alonzo's daughter in Tunis, his accuracy and simple optimism are hardly calculated to give comfort to the King. After more banter about Dido as widow and Aeneas as widower, the King finally interrupts: You cram these words into my ears against The stomach of m.y sen^e. Wovild I had never Married iny daughter there I For, coming thence. My son is lost and, in my rate, she too Who is so far from Italy removed I ne'er again shall see her. (II. i. 106-111) These allusions to Dido, again, are accurate, playful, and functional insofar as they polarize the contention between Gonzalo and the others. For the elements of the allusion which Gonzalo seems insensitive to-marriage ending in death and bereavement--are the elements which irritate the king. This examination of Shakespeare's allusions to Dido and his methods of integrating these allusions into his plays sheds light on the Dido allusion in T he Me rchant. We can see that Shakespeare was well aware of the legend of Dido as it occurs in the Aeneid and in the Le gend of Good Wome n . The allusions are detailed, accurate, and occur for the most

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part in plays written at the same time as 'The Merchan t. We can see that Shakespeare usually heightens the sensational aspects of the allusion which in turn heightens the emotional intensity of the total context. He (or the character) often heightens the complexity of the allusion by distorting or by omitting aspects of the legend which are obviously parallel with the situation and context of the play. And finally, we can see that even the same episode can often be adapted differently in the different plays. For example, an allusion to Dido's banquet for Aeneas can be sad: in Titus Andronicus the tale of Aeneas falls upon "Dido's sad attending ears." It can be an insti-umcnt of deception: in 2 Henry VI Margaret falsely accuses Henry of bewitching her through Suffolk in the same \iay that Aeneas "witched" a "madding Dido" by sending his son Ascanius to her. Or it can be rhetorically moving: in Hamlet the tale of Aeneas is a "passionate speech." Priam's slaughter, Hecuba's grief, and the player's tears all shaiTie Hamlet and move him toward revenge. This great variety in Shakespeare's method of adapting his sources together with his accurate knowledge of the Dido legend calls for a reconsideration of the Dido allusion in The Merchan t. All the evidence suggests that it is very unlikely that Shakespeare was in error or confused about Dido and Ariadne. Thus, we can m.ove on to an examination of this allusion in the light of Shakespeare's usual methods of handling the Dido allusion and in che context of the lovers' quarrel in the garden at Bel-moat.

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128 Dido, Ariadne, and the. Willow At the; beginning of Act Five, LorenEo initiates a lovers' quarrel by suggesting that he loves Jessica as much as Chaucer's Troilus who sighed out his soul for an unfaithful Cressid on a beautiful, moonlit night such as this. Jessica defends herself by saying that she loves Lorenzo not like Chaucer's Cressid but like one of Chaucer's "Good Women," Thisbe, a martyr for love who on such a moonlit night left hei father and home and endured perils of the night alone rather than fail to meet her lover. Lorenzo, however, feels that by implication this would m.ake him an imiprudent lover who v7ould allov? his beloved to go through a dangerous woods unprotected in the middle of the night and who would, as he had done, come late besides. Moreover, Lorenzo knows that although Troilus had little to do V7ith Cressid 's going ovtr to the enemy camp, Pyramus had a great deal to do with Thisbe' s problems vrith her father and her running from hom.e and he himself had a great deal to do with Jessica's theft and elopement . In ansv.'er to this Lorenzo shifts grounds, becomes acadeniic, and makes the point that not all of Chaucer's "Good Women" were as good, faithful, and loving as Chaucer represented them. He does this by combining the Virgilian legend of Dido, the Chaucerian legend of Ariadne, and the Elizabethan symbol of ths forlorn lover, the willow. Playfully, he pictures the proud, ambitious, thwarted, angered, abusive, and suici-dal Dido as a good, abused, abandoned, and sorrowing Ariadne calling her lover back with a death symbol, the willow: In such a night Stood Dido with a ^?illow in her hand Upon the V7ild sea banks and V7aft her love

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To come again to Carthage. (V.i.9-12) If J as we saw earlier, we are to suppose that this association of Dido, Ariadne, and the willov; is not haphazard but intentional, we have two possibilities. Either Shakespeare is portraying Loren-zo as ignorant of a classical allusion that was well known in tlie Renaissance, or Lorenzo's alterations are intentional adaptations and so serve his purpose in the lovers' quarrel. Actually, the place in context, the appropriateness, and the subtlety of the allusion depend on its being an intentional adaptation. For Lorenzo evokes those details of the Dido legend x^jhich support his position in the lovers' quarrel and v/hich are uncomfortably pertinent objections to the stance which Jessica assumes. Although Lorenzo mentions Dido and her country of Carthage by name, he boirows from Chaucer's legend of Ariadne to picture Dido's PR abandonment generically and romantically in a setting of beauty ("In such a night"), remote danger ("Upon the wild sea banks"), melancholy loneliness ("Stood Dido"), anticipation of death ('with a willow in her hand"), and faithful love despite a bleeding heart ("vjaft her love to come again"). Thus, although Lorenzo's allusion contains no mention of Ariadne, critics are right in pointing out the parallels between Ariadne and the abandoned and forlorn woman in Lorenzo's allusion. A sorrowing Dido did not stand on the wild sea banks in the moonlight beckoning her ^iatthew Arnold quotes this Dido allusion to exemplify "the power of natural magic in Celtic poetry" which results in a romantic tone and point of view. "Magic is just the v;ord for it, --the magic of nature; not merely the beauty of nature, --that the Greeks and Latins had; not merely an honest smack of the soil, a faithful realism, ---that the Germans had; but the intimate life of Nature, her weird power and her fairy charm" (On_th_e_Jtud^' j;2l j:el^yc_M-tj£Jj?tj^"^ [London, 1893], pp. 128, 120-1).

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130 lover's return with a v.'illow branch; Ariadne called Theseus in this way although she waved a white kerchief, not a willov;. Moreover, Lorenzo intentionally leaves out references to Dido that are v;ell known, sensational, relevant to Jessica's situation, and potentially explosive as an indictment in the lovers' quarrel. He presents Dido as a mild, sorrov;ing, wrongly injured Ariadne. The Lep.end of Good Womcit describes such an Ariadne at the height of her sorrow: No man she saw, and yit shyned the mone, And hye upon a rokke she wente sone, And saw his barge saylynge in the se. Cold we.< hire herte, and ryght thus seyde she: "Meker than ye finde I the bestes wildel " (VI. 2194-98) Thus, by using Ariadne as the model fcr his allusion, Lorenzo is ostensibly comparing Jessica with this innocently wronged, patiently suffering, forlorn woman. But hi.^ pit> is feigned. The Dido he mentions m.ay have been wnronged by Aeneas, but she was not a forlorn Ariadne. She was. as v;e will see shortly, a notoriously strong woman capable of cursing, witchcraft, and suicide. The willow is also an important indication of Lorenzo's intentions. For, in the Renaissance, the willow often s>iabolizes the forlorn lover who purges his sorrow by singing the burden: "0 willov;, willow, willow'." as he laments his betrayal and claim.s that he will die wearing the willow as a sign of his loss. The following ballad of the early seventeenth century uses this traditional symbolism: I am dead to all pleasure, .my tcue-love is gone, 0' willov;, willow, willow; A sign cf her falseness before ne dcth stand v7illow, willov;, willow'.

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As here it doth bid to despair and to dye, willow, willow, willow'. So hang it, friends, o're me in grave where I lye; willow, willow, willow'. 89 ^^ Othello Desdemona's vjillow song combines the traditional elements associated with the willow: sorrow, rejection, false love, loneliness, and death of the forlorn lover. "My mother had a maid called Barbara," says Desdemona . She was in love, and he she loved proved mad And did forsake her. She had a song of "willow"-An old thing 'twas, but it expressed her fortune, And she died singing it."*^ Desdemona then sings the willow song: The poor soul sat sighing by a sycamore tree. Sing all a green willow. Ker hand on her bosom, her head on her knee. Sing willow, willow, v/.illoxv. Sing all a green willov? must be my garland. I called my love false love, but what said he then? Sing willow, willow, willow. If I court moe vjcmen, you'll couch with inoe men. (IV.iii.AO-3, 50, 54-6) °°Thomas Percy, Reliq u es of Ancient Engl is h Poet ry (London, 1876), Vol. I, Bk. 2, Song 8, p. 199. In the Faerie Quoene Spenser refers to the symbolic value of various plants and trees, one of which is the willow; The Laurell, meed of mightie Conquerours, And Poets sage, the Firre that weepech still, The Willow worm of forlorne Paramours. (I.i.ix.1-3) Similarly, che willow symbolizes the abandoned, fated, and forlorn lover in "The Willow Tree," an early seventeenth century pastoral dialogue in The Golden Garland o f Princely Deli ghts (Percy, Reliq ues of Ancient En glish Po etry , Vol. Ill, Bk. 2, Song 9, p. 137); in the song "I am so farre from pittyiag thee," composed by Robert Jones in The M uses Gar din f or Delights_ (1611), cd. William Barclay Squire (Oxford, 1901), pp. 18-19; and in John Heywood's ballad, "For all the" grene wyllow is m.y garland" in The Pap ers of the ^ S hake sp eare Soci ety (London, 1853), I, 44-6. 90 William Shakespeare, Othello, ed . H. R. Ridley, Ar d en eaition (London, 1958), I'v . iii .26-30.

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132 V/hen Lorenzo pictures Dido, then, as a woman wafting her lover's return with a willow, he is reinforcing the Ariadne type by picturing Dido as an innocently wronged, helpless, abandoned, and forlorn woman. In the Aenoid, hOv;ever, Dido is hardly the model of a patiently forlorn and abandoned v7oman. She is rather a spurned, angry woman who listens to maddening rumors about Aeneas preparing his fleet for a voyage, rages through the city, and then breaks out against him: Dissimulare etiam sperast i, perfide, tantum posse nefas, t a ctiusque laea dec eder e te rra? . ^.^^^^ 305-6) [Traitor, did you think you could silently slip av7ay?] When she realizes thi^t she is powerless to change his mind, she bitterly curses him: 1 , seque re I t.a liam, ventis pete re^na p er undas, Spcro equi d c m n.edi i s j_ _si_ £ui d pia n umina po ss un t. supplic ia hausurum scopu lis, et roraine Dido zae.pQ vocaturum. Sequa r atri s ig libu s absens, et , cum fri;j;ida mors anirja seduxerit artus, omnibus uoora locis adero. Dabis , imp robe, poenas . Audiam, et haec Manis ven i et mihi fama su b imos . (IV. 381-7) [Gol find Italy, look in the wind and the waves. If the good gods can do anything, my hope is that you drain the cup of vengeance on the rocks calling Dido's name. I will haunt you with the fires of hell, and when chill death overtakes you I will still follow you everyvjhere. Wretch, you will pay the penalty. I will listen and hear rumors of it even from the grave . ] She resorts to magic and witchcraft, scattering broken timbers on the ocean, until Mercury warns the sleeping Aeneas: Ilia dolos dirumque nefas in pectore v&rsat , c ert a mor i _^ varicqu e iraru m fluc tuat aestu ^ "(IV, 553-4) [Grimly turning craft and crime in her bosom, fixe:d on death, she swells the shifting ocean of X'/rath . ] But at dawn seeing the departing sails of Aeneas and realizing that she

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iJJ does not have even one ship to send in armed pursuit. Dido reproaches herself : Fac es in castr a tulissem impleusemque foros flarranis, naturaqu e patremque cum genera exstinxem, niem et s uper ip s a dedissem . (iv7 604-6) [I should have carried torches into his camp and filled his decks with flame, extinguished father, son, and race all at once, and set myself on top of all.] The spurned and frustrated Dido, pouring out her last breath together with her blood ("Haec pre cor, hanc vocem extrem.am cum. san p,uine fundo"), then begs the gods to curse Aeneas so that between his people and hers there might be undying hatred and vzarfarc (IV, 621-9). Ker rage approaches a burning madness as she mounts the pyre to kill herself amid the flames : At tr epida et _£oept^s_J^inmanibus effera Di do, sanpiu ineam yoly_ens_ac_ieiri, i naculisque tremcntls ipterf usa_genas^___et £al 1 i d a_ mprte futu r a, inter ior a demus inrumpij_lj_mjLn_a , et a ltos iL-iIILg.g-^AJi^. f-^ribunda ro,eus , ensemqu e reclud it Dardanium . (IV, 642-7) [But panting and fierce in her awful designs, with bloodshot, restless gaze, and spots on her quivering cheeks burning through the pallor of imminent death. Dido bursts into the inner courts of the house, mounts in madness the lofty pyre, and unsheathes the sword of Aeneas . ] This, then, is the Dido of Carthage whom, "In such a night," Lorenzo pictures as standing, with a willov; in her hand Upon the wild sea banks, and wafting her love To come again to Carthage. In the context of the lovers' quarrel, then, Lorenzo's pity for a foreign Dido "with a willow in her hand" is so unworthy of the legendary

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3 3^: Queen of Carthage that his position is clearly ironic. He is feigning pity for Jessica; for the Dido of Carthage whom he mentions is the opposite of the forlorn Ariadne that he makes her. In effect, Jessica is claiming: "I am a good woman, like the martyr Thisbe; but you are not a good pri'tector." Lorenzo responds: "Poor thing'. You see yourself as a weeping Ariadne--abandoncd, alone, fated to die, without fatlicr, husband, or lover to protect you. But like the willful Dido, you brought it ou yourself." Medea: Rejuvenation and Moonlight Magic So far the levers' quarrel has proceeded along the following line; Lorenzi.', thinking about the beauty of the night, recalls a similar night during which an ardent Orroilus sighed for his beloved Cressid. So she playfully reminds Lorenzo of another tuch night on which a faithful Thisbe left father and home and j.et a lion rather than fail to meet her love at their appointed tryst. Bu': Lorenzo imraediately recognizes that the second half of this comparison would make him a tardy lover wh.o foolishly allows his beloved to expose herself to the dangers of wild beasts in a forest alone at midnight. So Lorenzo teases Jessica by suggesting that instead of being like the good and faithful martyr for love, Thisbe^ she is more like the thwarted, suicidal Dido, responsible for her o\ra fate and beckoning her lover with a death symbol, and who would like to appear as an innocent, abandoned Ariadne. At this point Jessica recognizes that Didd s power over Aeneas may have been ineffectual, but one of Chaucer's other "Good Women," Medea, had a pov7er over Jason that was undisputed. So Jessica tries c;gain to "outnight" Lorenzo with:

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In such a night Medea gathered th' enchanted herbs That did renew old Aeson. (V.i.12-14) Here Jessica is suggesting several things. In response to Lorenzo's Dido allusion, Jessica suggests that she is not a ^^7himpering, forlorn, pov;erles3 Dido but a good Medea with enchanting pov;ers for new life. On such a beautiful moonlit night, a grateful Medea rejuvenated the aged father of a loving Jason after helping him attain the golden fleece. Thus, Jessica is again claiming to be faithful and loving because she has helped Lorenzo metaphorically attain the golden fleece; and like Medea, she can bring ne\i? life to a loving Lorenzo. Although Jessica again tries to capture the baauty of the night and the enchantment of the moon, she again, as in the previous allusions, is playful and contentious; for during the Renaissance Medea has the well-defined reputation of being a v/itch. By relying on Medea's reputation, Jessica is warning Lorenzo to beware the awful povzers of a spurned Medea. For the sorrow and imprecations of an abused Dido liurled at a parting Aeneas had little power to turn him back, but "th' enchanted herbs" of a Medea, gathered in the light of the moon, were notoriously potent . In Ovid's Metamorphoses and in most Elizabethan versions of the Medea legend, Medea is hardly a Dido mounting her funeral pyre or an Ariadne weeping and forlorn in her abandonm.ent . She is rather one of the most treacherous and vindictive of women. As Ovid presents her, Medea used her incantations and boiling cauldrons net only when she gave Aeson back his youth but more frequently when she wanted to further her ambition, treachery, and revenge. In fact, the distinction between

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136 Medea's white magic and her black magic is so slight in the Metamorphoses that only the result distinguishes one from the other. In preparing for Aeson's rejuvenation, Medea invoked the full moon, the stars, Hecate, and a host of gods and goddesses. For nine rights she ascended in a chariot dra\^m by flying serpents to gather distant herbs and plants. She sacrificed black sheep, poured libations of milk and wine, charmed Aeson into a death-like sleep, boiled a cauldron of potent herbs, seeds, acrid juices, sand, stones from the east, hoarfrost, the head and wings of a screech-owl, the entrails of a vzerewolf, a snake skin, a stag's liver, the head of a crow, and a thousand other 91 nameless items (" et m ille aliis postquam sine nomine rebus "). She then cut A.esun's throat, let out his old blood, and used the boiling contents of the cauldron to give him a complete blood change. The results were amazing : barbar a co m.aoque canitie posita nigr u m rapue r e co l orem , pulsa fu^it maci e s, abeunt pa l lorque situsque , adi ectocue cava e supplentur corpore rugae , m embraqu e luxuriant; Aeson miratur et olim ante quat3r denos hunc se reminiscitu r annos . [Aeson's grey hair and beard turned black; his leanness disappeared; his pallor and look of neglect were gone; his deep ^•n: inkles becarae smooth; and his limbs became strong. Filled with wonder, ^ Aeson remembered what he was like forty years ago.] (VII. 28893) ^^CK'id, Metaporphose s, ed . T. E. Page (London, 1928), VII, 275. ^^Literally, and remem.bered himself once upon a time before forty years, Golding translates, "At which he vondring much, / R.emembered that at fortie yeares he was the same or such" (Sha k espeare's Ovi d, VII, 378-9), Since ante is a preposition governing the accusative case and oli m means formerly or cnce upon a time, the phrase is aiublgucus. Most translators give the sense of forty years ago.

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Immediately after this Ovid narrates Medea's second adventure in the art of rejuvenation. King Pelias, the usurping uncle of Jason, refused to surrender the throne to Jason ijhen he reached his majority. When the daughters of Pelias saw v;hat Medea had done for Aeson, they wished the same for their father. So, under the guise of kinship, but with her eye on kingship, Medea offers her services. She prepares all the herbs as before but substitutes impotent herbs for some of the essential ingredients. When the daughters find difficulty in draining the blood of their sleeping father, Medea upbraids them until, Ill e cruore flu ens, cubi ta tamen ad levat artus, s emilacerque t oro temp t a f . consurg ere, et inter tot medium gladj. os pallenti a bra cchia tendeus "quid fac i tis, gnatae? quid vcs in fat a paren tis arnat?" [The old man, half mangled and streaming with blood, raised himself on his elbow and tried to get out of bed. With swords coming at him from all directions, he stretched out his pale arms and cried: "Wliat are you doing, my daughters? Why are you killing your father?"] (VII. 343-47) To keep him from saying any more, Medea cuts his throat and plunges his mangled body into the boiling v/ater : Plura locuturo cum verbis guttura Colchi s abstulit et c al idis laniatum mersit in undis . (VII, 348-9) She then escapes in her chariot drawn by winged snakes. Wl-ien Jessica alludes to the rejuvenation of ''old Aeson" she selects an example of Medea's love for her husband and her father-in-law; but she also inevitably recalls this parallel example of Medea's treachery for it comes immediately after the rejuvenation, of Aeson. She also inevitably recalls other aspects of Medea's notorious reputation. After murdering

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138 Pelias, Medea arrives at Corinth in her snake-drawa chariot and finds Jason with a new bride, Creusa, the daughter of King Creon. Medea sends Creusa a poisoned robe as a bridal gift which bursts into flames, consumes the v;hole palace, and kills Creusa and King Creon. Medea then kills the two children that she had by Jason and again escapes in her serpent-drawn chariot. Ovid finishes his account of Media by giving one more example of her treachery. King Aegeus hospitably receives Media; and " facto da ninandus in uno " (as if that were not enough to doom him, VII. 4C2), Aegeus then marries her. Theseus, his son, returns after many years and is unknowingly received as a guest. But Medea knows who he is and feels threatened, so she mixes a cup of poison herbs and persuades Aegeus to present it to this supposed enemy. Then, Sumpserat ignara Theseus data p ocu la dextr a, cum pater in capiilo gladi i c ognovit eburno si gna sui gener is f ac inusq ue excussit ab or e . (VII, 421-3) [As Theseus raised the cup, his father recognized the family emblem on his sword and knocked the poisoned cup from his lips.] Medea, however, conjured up a dark cloud and escapes in it. This, then, is the Medea which the Elizabethans were familiar with both in translation and in the original Latin. And, contends Jessica, this is the kind of woman she is rather than a suicidal Dido or a weeping Ariadne. V/lien Jason spurned Medea, death ensued; but when he returned her love, new life came forth. Medea has an awesome power over life and death which Dido and Ariadne did not possess. In the context of the lovers' quarrel, however, Jessica is not only calling attention to the power of Medea to rejuvenate and to the

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inadequacies of Lorenzo's previous allusion, she is also trying to present herself in a favorable light. Thus it is not enough for her to depict Medea as one of the martyrs on Cupid's calendar as she had done with Thisbe. For Lorenzo discredited this martyr concept, playfully mocking it as a persecution complex exemplified by the suicidal Dido and forlorn Ariadne, quondam martyrs on Cupid's calendar of saints. In the Medea allusion, then, Jessica transforms the terrible Medea into a fairyland princess who, "In such a night . . . gathered th' enchanted herbs / That did renev; old Aeson (V.i. 12-14). And in so doing, by selecting a reputed witch for her model in love, Jessica suggests that even the worst of women have their male detractors--and admirers. Jessica's allusion also benefits from Medea's reputation in English literature. Here Medea's reputation is ambivalent and often the subject matter for a playful battle of the sexes, and, as in the case of Golding, the material for an enchanting bit of moonlight magic. Cower, for example, vindicaces the treacherous Medea by presenting the legend of Medea as an exemplum of the male "vice of perjurie": Hou the wommen deceived are. Whan thei so tendre herte bere Of that thei hieren men so sv;ere; Bot what it comth unto thassay, Thei finde it fals an other day: go ' As Jason dede to Medee. ^-^Confessio, Am.antis,, V.3225, 3236-41. Steevens suggests that the source for Jessica's allusion to Medea is Gov/er's Confessio Amantis (V. 3957-62): So, Cower, speaking of Medea: Thus it befell upon a night Wliann there was nought but sterre light She vanished right as hir list, That nc wight but herself wist:

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i^;U Gower also rainimizes the treacherous machinations of Medea. He leaves out Medea's murder of King Pelius and her deceitful attempt to get Aegeus to poison his own son, Theseus. He minimizes the vindictiveness of Medea when she murdered Creusa with a poisoned rcbe and killed Jason's sons before his eyes suggesting that Jason was really getting what he deserved: Thus might thou se what sorwe it doth To swere an oth which is noght soth, In loves cause namely. (V. 4223-5) 94 In the Legend of Good Women Medea is playfully portrayed as a martyr for love. And the only rev;ard she can expect for loving Jason is ingratitude : This is the mcde of lovynge and guerdoun That Medea receyved of Jasoun Ryght for hire trouthe and for hire hyndenesse. That lovede hym beter than hireself, I gesse, And lafte hire fader and hir herycage. (Legend of Good Women, 1662-5) But Chaucer's sympathy for Medea is feigned, for he wryly observes that this good woman gave all for love and in succumbing to Jason loved him "beter than hirself, I gesse" (1665). And that was at midnight tide, The world was still on every side. (Mal one Shakespeare , 1790, p. 92n) . But in Th e Merc hant the magic herbs were gathered in the light of the moon, which Root observes is the "point of the allusion" (Classic al Mythology, p. 40). Gower mentions "noght but sterre light." Moreover, in Gower ' s version of the Medea legend, it is nine hectic days and nights later that Medea finally boils, rather than gathers, her cauldron of herbs "in the ne^;e mone" (V.4115). ^ As we saw earlier. Hunter felt "that Shakespeare was indebted to Chaucer; that in fact, the old folio of Chaucer was lying open before him when he wrote this dialogue, and that there he found Thisbe, Dido, and Medea, as well as Troilus. It is at least certain that Thisbe, Dido, and Medea do occur toget?ier in Chaucer's Lege nd of Good W o.T^.en , which in the folio imraediately follows the Troilus" (N o v; 11 1 us t r a t -:. o n s , 1.313). But as Furness notes, in the Legend of_ Good Worrca "we have no moon, nor even the going out at night to gather herbs" (Varioi^jajTs, p. 239). Moreover, Chaucer ccnpietcly omits Medea's renewal of "old Aeson."

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141 The presentation of Medea in Lydgate is also playful, and this time openly in the tradition of the battle of the sexes. In the Troy 95 Book , Lydgate presents Medea as a conniving female. Jason is simply an adventurous knight looking for the golden fleece, and his affair with Medea is only one of the episodes in his quest. With tongue-in-cheek Lydgate defends the perfection of ail women and apologizes as a translator who cannot be held accountable for another's opinion of women: I am right sory in englishe to translate Reprcfe of hem, or any evel to seye. (1,2100-1) For women are "gode and parfyte everechon" and should never be blamed for taking a new lover, "For ofte tyme thei se men do the same." Golding, on the other hand, works wonders in transforming the terrible Medea into a fairyland princess. Jessica also does the same, for her argument is that even a witch like Medea, who is playfully defended by some and defamed by most, can be transformed by either hate or love. A vindictive, ambitious, and hateful Medea uses her power to bring death, but a loving Medea marvelously resurrects and frees those held in the bondage of old age and death. In Golding' s description of Medea, Jessica finds the themes, images, words, and tone most complimentary to her stance in the lovers' 95 "It is T'/orchy of notice that all the allusions to the Argonauts in the genuine plays occur in March" (Root, Class ical My th olo gy, p. 39). From this we mighc reasonably assume that in writing T he ^ Mercha nt, Shakespeare had recently made himself familiar with the legend of Medea, Jason, and the golden fleece. The y^£2X^S2h contains a full account. " John Lydgate, Lydgate' s Tr oy Book , ed. Henry Bergen (London, 1906), 1.2100-01, 2105, 2110. 'l have modernized J and b .

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142 quarrel.'' The inrnediately recognizable parallels bsLweeii Goldlng's Ovid and JeEsica's lines are in the references to herbs, to Medea gathering them by moonlight, and in the v.'ord rene w. Also, C-olding's sympathetic portrayal of Medea is particularly useful to Jessica. For Golding seems to be little bothered by the treachery of Medea as it is narrated in the Meta mo rphoses and reflected in most E.cnaissance versions. Golding emphasizes Medea's sacrifices and her pov/er of love: And shall I then leave brother, sister, father, kith and kin. And household Gods, and native scyle, and all that is therein. And saile I knov/ not whither with a straunger? yea: V7hy not? My father surely cruell is, my Countrie rude God wot. 98 He docs all he can to excuse Medea's "frantick love" (VII. 103): . . . but sure it doth behove Hir judgement should be borne withall bicause she was in love. (VII. 121-2) He emphasizes that Jason "made a solernne vow, and sware to take hir to his wife" (VII. 135), and that Medea's "father surely cruell is" (VII. 141). Thus, Medea opposes her father's will and "str eight way" gives Jason the "Enchaunted herbes" QJll.lUl) making it possible for hira to win the golden fleece. After securing the golden fleece, Jason asks for yet another blessing : wife to whome I do confesse I owe my life in deede. Though al things thou to me hast given, and thy deserts exceede 97 Hunter V7as the first to notice the correlation of images and diction between The Merc hant and Golding' s Ovi d, a correlation which is more significant iu view of the fact that Golding' s version at this point "departs widely from the Latin original" according to Root (Class ical Mythol ogy, p. 40). See also Joseph Hunter, New Illus tra tio ns, p. 240; Dover Wilson. N_.j3^i_S_^, p. 167; and Brown, Arden edition, p. 125. Shakespeare's 0-/id, Bein<; Arthur G oldlng's Transl a tion of the Metamorp hoses, ed . W. H. D. Rouse (Illinois, 1951), VII, 71-74.

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143 Belief e: yet if enchauntment can, (for what so hard appear es Which strong enchauntment can not doc?) abate thou from my yeares, And adde them to my father's life. As he these wordes did speake. The teares were standing in his ej'es . His godly sute did breake Medeas heart. (VXI. 226-232) Medea's sympathy and love, hov7ever, will not permit her to subtract life from the son in order to give it to the father. She generously offers: I will put in proofe A greater gift than you require, and more for your behoof e. I will assay your fathers life by cunning to prolong. And not with your yeares for to make him yong again and strong. (VII. 23 8 -241) In many of the sources, Medea's rejuvenation of Aeson takes on the aura of witchcraft. Thus, Ovid suggests that Medea's magic is the rite of a barbaric woman: His et m ilie aliis po stqu ani si ne nomi ne rebus Propositum in struxit m.ortali b arbar a m aius . ' (VII. 275-6) But Golding seems ro have been impressed less with Medea's black arts than with her intense love of Jason, her compassionate rejuvenation of Jason's father, and the awesome power of white magic. Thus, as Golding represents her, Medea calls upon the benign influences rather than upon the malignant ones. Her restoration of Aeson has much of the charm of 99 Prospero's enchantment in the Tempest . Golding' s passage provides the images and the sense of enchantment as Medea gathers her magic herbs in the light of the m.oon : Before the Moone should circlewiss close both hir homes in one Three nightes were yet as then to come. Assone as that she shone 99 Furness feels that these Knes of Golding "assuredly lingered in Shakespeare's memory" when hewrote "Prospero's invocation: 'Ye elves of hills, brooks, standing lakes and groves" (V'arior_um edition of The_Mcr£hant, p. 240n).

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144 Most full of light, and did behold the earth with fulsome face, Medea V7ith hir hairc not trust so much as in a lace [began her rites] . (VII. 224-7) Medea looks to the stars which "fair and bright did in the welkin shine," "To which she lifting up hir handes did thrise hirselfe eiicline. And thrice with water of the brooke hir haire besprincled shee" (VII. 254-6). She then invokes the hidden powers of nature: trustie tim? of night Most faithfull unto privaties, golden starres v7hose light Doth jointly v/ith the Moone succeede the beams that blaze by day. Ye Charmes and Witchcrafts, and thou Earth which both with herbe and weed Of mightie worKing furnishest the Wizardes at their neede:Ye Ayres and v/indes : ye Elves of Killes, of Brookes, of Woods alone. Of standing Lakes, and of the Night approche ye everychone. Through helpe of whom (the crooked bankes much wondring at the thing) I have compelled streames to run cleane backward to their spring. By charmes I make the calme Seas rough, and make the rough Seas plaine And cover all the Skie with Cloudes, and chase them thence againe . (VII. 258-70) There is nothing here to suggest that Medea is practicing the black arts. She is rather turning the powerful forces in nature to good purpose. Medea then flies to the highest mountain to, . . . view What herbes on high mount Pelion, and what on Ossa grew. And what on Mountaine Othris, and on Pyndus growing V7ere, And what Olympus (greater than mount Pyndus far) did bears. Such heroes of them as liked hir she pullde up roote and rinde. (VII. 294S) Then, Nine dayes with winged Dragons drav^en, nine nights in Chariot swift

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She searching everie field and frith from place to place did shift . (VII. 309-310) She begs, '. . . all the Elves and Gods that on or in the earth doe dwell. To spare olde Aesons life a while, and not in hast deprive His limmes of that same aged soule which kept them yet alive. (VII. 326-8) After boiling the herbs, she replaces the "old bloud" of Aeson with the "boyled juice" of the herbs. Suddenly, Aeson' s hair. As well of head as beard, from gray to coleblacke turned were. His Icane, pale, hore, and withered corse grew fulsome, faire and fresh: His furrov/ed wrincles were fulfilde with yonga and lustie flesh. His limmes waxt frolicke, baine and lithe: at which he wondring much, Remembred that at for tie yeares he was the same or such. And as from dull unv7ieldsome age to youth he backward drew: Even so a lively youthful spright did in his heart renew. (VII. 37581) In her allusion Jessicc has borrowed Golding' s night imagery with its "golden starres whose light / Doth jointly with the Koone succeede the beams that blaze by day." She has absorbed Gelding's sense of enchantment and recalled that "In such a night Medea gathered the enchanted herbs." She has used Gelding's diction in the phrase, "That did renew old Aeson," for Golding describes Aeson' s rejuvenation: "Even so a lively youthful! spright did in his heart renew." There is also another context to Jessica's allusion, namely, the other Jason-Medea allusions in The Merchant . The Merchant frequenrly refers to men as Jasons in quest of the golden fleece. For example, Bassanio describes his love quest to Antonio as follows: In Belmont is a Lady richly loft, And she is faire, and fairer than that word

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146 Nor is the wide world ignorant of her v;crth. For the foure windes blow in from every coast Renouned suitors, and her sunny locks Hang on her temples like a golden fleece. Which makes her seat of B' ^lmont Colchos ' strcnd. And many Jasons come in quest of her. 1^0 Later Gratiano also tells Salerio that Bassanlo and he are Jasons and that they have won their golden fleece by attaining the hands of Portia and Nerissa : Your hand Salerio, --T.\/hat' s the news frova Venice? Hov7 doth that royal merchant good Antonio? I know he will be glad of our success, We are the Jasons, we have won the fleece. (III. ii. 237-40) In Act Five, then, when Jessica refers to Medea's renewal of old Acson, she is also recalling a motif that has already sounded tv7i(;e in the play. She is suggesting to Lorenzo that she is really the golden fleece which he has carried off. She has left father and home in order to be with him, And like Medea, she brings youth, love, and life in herself, the golden fleece. In the following response Lorenzo will challenge this interpretation. Of the four classical allusions made by Lorenzo and Jessica, perhaps the Medea allusion is the richest. All four are parallel insofar as they deal with similar images, motifs, and tone: moonlight, a lovers' quarrel, fidelity, elopement, abandonment, death, life, paternal love, and filial gratitude. The first two allusions focus on fidelity: Iroilus The Merchant, I. i. 171-2, 178-82. If Shakespeare was using Golding's Ov_id for this passage, " Colcho s ' strond" would seem to be the correct reading and the following variants incorrect: "Cholchos strond" (Folio and Furness ^ Variorum): "Colchos' strand" (Steevens, et al., MaJ^one .§1L^^:£E.?£IA}. • Golding's Ovid reads: "Jason safely took the fleece of golde. . . . And so with conquest and a wife he loosde from Colc hos strond" (VII. 215, 218). '

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147 as an example of a faithful lover, and Thisbc as an example of sacrificial fidelity. And the second two allusions focus on life, death, and suffering of lovers: Dido beckons the return of her lover V7ith a death symbol; V7hile Medea's love is so intense that she V7i] 1 bestow life, youth and golden fleece out of gratitude, but if spurned she will bring vindicating death. Jessica's Unthrift Love and the Pattern of Quarreling The patterns of unthrift love and quarreling throughout the v;hole and especially in the last act of The Merchant suggest the ambiguity of the resolution and harmony of Belmont and of the play itself. Up to this point in the levers' quarrel, Lorenzo and Jessica hide the relevant issues behind a montage of Biblical, liturgical, and classical allusions. In his first allusion, Lorenzo makes no mention of the risk involved in trusting people, nor of the fact that love brings death. Yet this is his point, and Jessica knows it, for she defends her trustworthiness and love by alluding to Thisbe. But the relevant issues are again submerged; she makes no open mention of martyrdom and sacrificing all for love. Lorenzo, however, recognizes the issues and suggests that the so-called martyr. Dido, while trying to appear like a good woman who \~i3.s unjustly abandoned, was really a vindictive, self-willed, suicidal witch. With no hesitation, Jessica alludes to Medea and reiterates one of the central motifs of The Merchant : love and hate transform both men and women; hate brings death to both; while love-if one is vjilling to die for the other--paradoxically brings new life to both. So far Lorenzo also seems to be losing the argument, and Jessica

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148 truthfully claims, "I V70uld out-night you did nobody come" (V.i.23). When Lorenzo says he is a faithful Troilus, Jessica replies that he i s more like a Pyramus full of promises but too slov; in keeping them. And when Lorenzo playfully mocks Jessica's self-portrait as a martyr and tells her she beckons with a death symbol in the name of love, Jessica reminds him that even Medea the witch responded to Aeson's love with blessings of renewed life and vigor, with treasures and the golden fleece. At this point Lorenzo openly and playfully recalls Jessica's elopement, disobedience, ingratitude, prodigality, and theft, saying in effect, "Is your stealing supposed to be my blessing?" Dropping the classical pattern and retaining the liturgical pattern, Lorenzo answers: In such a night Did Jessica steal from the wealthy Jew And with an unthrif L love did run from Venice, As far as T.cli.iont. (V.i. 14-17) Lorenzo is using the word steal ambiguously. It was bad enough, he puns, to "steal" away from your father, bat it was worse to "steal" his money, his family jewels, and to cut yourself off completely from "the wealthy Jew." Lorenzo's use of the word u nthrif t also has a double meaning since Jessica squandered the tV7enty ducats stolen from Shylock and she also loved Lorenzo with an uncalculating, simple, generous, trusting, "unthrift love." Thus, in matters of both love and money Jessica's unconcern for thrift is diametrically opposed to her father's philosophy of thrift . Lorenzo playfully and directly focuses on the opposition between thrift and sacrificial love, Jessica and her father. In effect he is saying, ycur father's life depends on his thrift, money, and interest, while

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149 you have demo.-'stiated ycur prodigality and now claim that an unthrift and prodigal love brings ne\i life. As we S3\7 earlier, Shylock's philosophy of thrift and increase has been a recurrent theme and a point of tension between himself and Christians : I hate him for he is a Christian, But more for that in low simplicity He lends out money gratis and brings do\7n. The rate of usance. (I.iii.43-6) For Shylock there is no blessing or happiness in Christian generosity and in prodigal love. He sees the blessings of God in the calculating thrift and self-sustaining efforts of Jacob who outwitted his brother Esau and his uncle Laban: "This was a way to thrive, and he was blest. / And thrift is blessing, if men steal it not" (I .iii . 90-1) . He also tries to teach Jessica to be of like mind: "Fast bind, fast find, / A proverb never stale in thrifty mind" (II. v. 54-5) Shylock also rejects mercy as a type of unthrift love. When Portia says, "Then must the Jew be merciful," Shylock simpl> replies: "On what compulsion must I? Tell me that" (IV . i . 182-3) . Portia then tries to soften Shylock's hardened heart by reminding him that mercy is the better half of justice and an "attribute to God himself": The quality of m.ercy is not strain' d, It droppeth as the gentle rain from heaven Upon the place beneath: it is twice blest. It blesscth him. chat gives, and him that takes. It is an attribute to God himself; And earthly pov/er doth then show likest God's ^Jhen m.ercy seasons justice: therefore Jew, Though justice be thy plea, consider this,

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150 That in the course of justice., none, of us Should see salvation : 1^1 ^q do pray for mercy. And that same prayer, doth teach us all to render The deeds of mercy. (IV. i. 180-3, 191-8) Here Portia uses images and themes from Scripture and the liturgy. But they are so smoothly integrated into her speech that Richmond Noble, after mentioning that Shakespeare is "indebted to Ecclus. 35:19 and Deut . 32:2," cautiously observes that this is a "more difficult exam.ple" of one of Shakespeare's allusions to the Bible. For Shakespeare "was fond of paraphrase, like a man v;ho loves words and tries his hand at free translation. Ecclesiasticus reads: "0 hbwe faire a thing is mercie in the time of anguishe and trouble? it is like a cloudc of rainc that comoth in the time of drought" (35:19). Deuteronomy reads: ">iy doctrine shall drop as doeth the raine : and my speache shall flovje as doeth the dew, as the showre upon the hearbes, and as the droppes upon the grasse" (32:2). Portia's images also recall the popular liturgical hynai cf Advent, the "Rorate Caeli" : Refrain: Send do^-m rain from above, you heavens, and pour forth the just, you clouds. Verse 1: Do not be angry, Lord, nor always mindful of our iniquity. See, the Holy City is deserted, Jerusalem has become deserted, Jerusalem is desolate--the heme of your holiness and glory, where our fathers praised you. As Noble points out, this is an allusion to Psalm. 143:2: "Entei not into judgemente with thy servants, Lord, for no fleshe is righteous in thy syght" (Shakegpears' s Biblical Know ledge , p. 167). This verse is also quoted at morning prayers on the thirtieth day of each month (Prayer Book [1559], p. 311), and is a doctrine heavily strested b}' Calvin. Shakespeare's Biblic al Knowledge, p. 26.

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151 Refrain; Send doxcn rain from above, you heavens, and pour forth the just, you clouds. Verse 2: We have sinned and become like the unclean; we have fallen like leaves on the earth and our iniquities have blown us about like the wind. You have hidden your face from us and lifted us in your hand to judge our iniquity. Refrain: Send down rain from above, you heavens, and pour forth the just, 5'ou clouds. Verse 3: Lord, look upon the affliction of your people and send them help. Lord of earth, send the Lamb from the desert rocks to the mountain, to your daughter, Jerusalem that the yoke of oar captivity might be lifted off. Refrain: Send down rain from above, you heavens, and pour forth the just, you clouds. Verse 4: Be con.forced, be comforted, my people: your help will come quickly. Why are you consumed with sorrov;? why does sadness waste you av^ay? I will save you, do not fear. Holy Israel, for I am the Lord your God, your E.edeemer . R.efrain : Send do^-m rain frcn^abovc, you heavens, and pour forth the just, you clouds.-'-"^ Portia, then, pictures mercy as an abundant, uncalculating love extending to the sad, afflicted, abandoned, wronged, needy, bankrupt, and prodigal. And in Shylock's thrifty mind such mercy is a prodigal love: "tell me not of mercy-this is the fool that lends out money gratis" (III .iii .1-2) . Shylock is more comfortable with the following Biblica.L thought and image of abundance: The Lorde shall make thee an holy people unto himself, as he hath sworne unto thee. . . . and all nations of the earth shall see. . . . The Lorde shall open unto thee his good treasure, the heaven to give raine unto thy land in due season . . . and thou shalt lende unto many nations, but Shalt not borowe thy selfe. (Deut . 28:9-10, 12) 103 This is my translation of the Latin which can be found in Appendix II along with the music. Ca ntus ad Processi ones et Benedictiones SSmi. Sacram'^.nti (Glen Rock, N . J . , 1927), pp. 18-19"; also in Liber Usua lis, ed . by the Benedictines of Solesme (Tournai, Eelgiuii., 1938), p. 1858.

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152 But as the Ci shops' B ible (1585) points out in a gloss: "nothing upon earth can prosper, unlesse God by his heavenly blessing encrease and conserve it. For he will declare that he is thy God, that thou art his chosen people." The abundant harmony and resolution of Belmont comes gratis from hea\?en falling not upon the thrifty and self-sufficient but upon those who are willing to be prodigal with their love and run the risk of trusting people. However, the harmony of Belmont and the resolution of The Merchant is dimly perceptible because it is built on a paradox. Characteristic of this paradoxical or seeming harmony is the importance of quarrels in The M erchant . The play opens and closes with quarrels, suggesting that resolution and harmony are bat dimly perceived by any in T he Merchant . In Act One Shylock and Antonio angrily clash over money and usury in a matter of life and death. Act Five opens with the playful lovers' quarrel and closes with the playful ring quarrel, quarrels in which the lovers demand even more than Shylo;k, namely, the willingness to die. And, amazingly, the death demanded by lovers offers a more harm.onious, though paradoxical, resolution than the death demanded by an enemy. At this point, I believe, we can risk saying that Shakespeare's use of Biblical, liturgical, and classical allusions is not only functional and accurate but also ornamental. And in conclusion, I would like to examine one more montage of allusions from Act pive. Gazing at the bright stars and moon shining above the garden, Lorenzo tells Jessica: . . . look how the floor of heaven Is thick inlaid V7ith patens of bright gold, There's not the smallest orb v;hich thou behold' st But in his motion like an angel sings. Still quiring to the young-ey'd Cherubins; Such harmony is in immortal souls.

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But whilst tliis muddy vesture of decay Doth grossly close it in, V7e cannot hear it. (V.i.58-65) Although Lorenzo is alluding to the music of the spheres, those "touches of sweet harmony" which only those freed from "this muddy vesture of decay" can hear, he is also using v/ords with a religious connotation and an image that suggests the liturgy of Ash Wednesday. He refers to the sky as the "floor of heaven." He refers to the stars as "patens of bright gold," that is, like the thin gold plate used to hold the "bread of heaven" 104 in the distribution of Holy Communion. He refers to the harmonious motion of the spheres each of which "sings" "like an angel," "quiring" to the bright-eyed "Cherubins." And he refers to man's body as "this muddy vesture cf decay," the central image of the liturgy for Ash Wednesday. On Ash Wednesday the priest places ashes and dust on the foreheads of all the people reminding each one: "M ement o homo q uia c ini s es ; et in cinerem reverte r is" (Remember, man, that you are dust and V7ill return again to .105 dust.) The Eucharistic bread is often called the bread of (or from) heaven, an allusion to the Kanna which God sent do\im. For example, in the devotion called Benediction of the Blessed Sacrament, the priest displays the Eucharist on the altar for the congregation to see and then chants the versicle: " Panem de caelo prae stitist i e is " (You gave them bread from heaven) . The people answer : " OTaiie delectamentum i n se habe nten (which contains every delight,) Cantus ad Pr ocessiones et Benedictione s SS mi. Sacr amenti, p. 95. "" Salisbury Pro cess ional, f o . xxxiii. The P rayer Book (1559), retained the Ash Wednesday liturgy but simplified it. See also John Erskins Hankins, Shake s peare' s Derived Imagery (Lawrence, Kans . , 1953), pp. 39-53, for a discussion of Shaketipeare' s use of "And all our yesterdays have lighted fools / The way to dusty death" ( Macbeth , V. v. 22-3). Hankins notes several sources for this image: Genesis 3:9, the Burial Service in the Prayer Book, Job 34:15, Psalms 103:14, and Ecclesiastes 3:20.

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154 When Loren2;o explains that each of the spheres in the heavens, like an angel sings. Still quiring to the young-ey'd cherubins, (V.i.61-2) he is using an image which can be found in the " Te Deum" sung daily at morning prayers. This liturgical hymn tells of the angelic choir singing to one another about the glory of heaven and earth: To thee all Angels cry aloud: the heavens and all the Powers therein. To thee Cherubin and Seraphin, continually to cry. Holy, holy, holy Lord God of Sabaoth. Heaven and earth are full of the Majesty of thy glory. In the arms of his beloved Jessica, Lorenzo is explaining that the harmony, resolution, and joy of Belmont has a heavenly, natural, religious, angelic, paradoxical, liturgical, and lovely quality which is deliglitful but only dimly perceived: Such harmony is in inmortal souls. But whilst this muddy vesture of decay Doth grossly close it in, we cannot hear it. (V.i.63-5) Thus, by combining the philosophical theory of the music of the spheres, the angelic praises of creation in the "Te Deum," and the mud and death imagery from the Ash Wednesday liturgy, Lorenzo suggests that perfect harmony and resolution is heard clearly by heaven but only dimly to those who are still held in the bondage of this "muddy vesture of decay." In the garden of Belmont the bitter antagonism betvjeen Jew and gentile dissolves as Lorenzo and Jessica lovingly encounter one another under the calm, starry, moonlit expanse of heaven. And yet, perfect ^^^Prayer Book (1559), p. 57

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harmony is only "in iianiortal souls." Act Five does present a credible resolution, but it takes the form of a lovers' quarrel. For the resolution of The Merchant is a real, playful, V7arm, passionate, human resolution, subject to pride and error, demanding sacrifice, and leading to renewed life: In such a night Did pretty Jessica (like a little shrew) Slander her love, and he forgave it her. (V.i.20-22)

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Addleshaw, G. W. 0. The High Church Tradition, A Study in the Liturgi cal Thousht of the Seventeenth Century . London, 1941. Aristotle. "Politics," Great Books of the Western World , trans, by Benjamin Jowett. Chicago, 1952. Arnold, Matthew. On the Study of Celtic Literature. London, 1893. Baldwin, T. W. William Shakespere's Small Latine and Lesse Greeke . Urbana, 1944. . On the Literary Genetics of Shakespere's Plays . 2 vols. Urbana, 1957. Bell, Thomas. Speculation of Usury . 1596. Microfilm, Reel 451. Ann Arbor, 1951. Bloom, Allan, and Harry V. Jaffa. Shakespeare's Politics . New York, 1964. Brown, John Russell. Shakespeare and His Comedies . London, 1957. Bryant, J. A., Jr. Hippolyta's View, Some Christian Aspects of Shakespeare's Plays . Lexington, 1961. Caesar, Phillippus. A General Discourse Against the Damnable Sect of Usurers. 1578. Microfilm, Reel 413. Ann Arbor, 1950. Cantus ad Processiones et Benedictiones SSmi Sacramenti . Glen Rock, N.J., 1927. Cardozo, Jacob Lopes. The Contemporary Jew in Elizabethan Drama . Amsterdam, 1925. Carter, Thomas. Shakespeare, Puritan and Recusant . London, 1897. . Shakespeare and Holy Scripture, With the Version He Used . London, 1905. Charlton, Henry Buckley. Shakespearian Comedy . New York, 1938. Chaucer, Geoffrey. The Complete Works of Geoffrey Chaucer , ed . F. N. Robinson. Boston, 1933. . , ed. Walter W. Skeat. Oxford, 1894. Clay, William Keatinge, ed . Liturgies and Occasional Forms of Prayer Set Forth in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth . Cambridge, England, 1847. 156

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Coghill, Nevill. "The Basis of Shakespearean Comedy," Essays and Studies , III (London, 1950), 1-28. Cormican, L.A, "Medieval Idiom in Shakespeare: Shakespeare and the Liturgy," Scrutiny , XVII (1950), 186-202, Coryate, Thomas. Coryat's Crudities . 1611 Edition. New York, 1905. Craig, Hardin. Essays in Dramatic Literature . Princeton, 1935. Cranmer, Thomas. Miscellaneous Writings and Letters , ed. John Edmund Cox. Cambridge, England, 1846. Dasent, John Roche. Acts of the Privvy Council of England, A.D. 15811582 . London, 1896. De Groot, John Henry. The Shakespeares and "The Old Faith." New York, 1946. Draper, John W. "Usury in The Merchant of Venice ," Modern Philology , XXXIII (1935), 37-47. Elze, Karl, " das fawning publican," Shakespeare Jahrbuch , XI (1876), 276-7. Epstein, Rabbi Dr. I., ed. The Babylonian Talmud . London, 1935. Gee, Henry and William John Hardy. Documents Illustrative of English Church History . London, 1921. Gollancz, Sir Israel. Allegory and Mysticism in Shakespeare . London, 1931. Gower, John. The English Works of John Gower , ed. G. C. Macaulay. 2 vols. London, 1900. Graham, Gary B. "Standards of Value in The Merchant of Venice ," Shakespeare Quarterly , IV (1953), 145-51. Gray, Austin K. "The Song in The Merchant of Venice ," Modern Language Notes , XLII (1927), 458-9. Hankins, John Erskine. Shakespeare's Derived Imagery. Lawrence, Kansas, 1953. . The Character of Hamlet and Other Essays . Chapel Hill, 1941. Hardison, E. B., Jr. Christian Rite and Christian Drama in the Middle Ages . Baltimore, 1965. Hastings, James, ed . , revised by Frederick C. Grant and H. H. Rowley. A Dictionary of the Bible . London, 1963.

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158 Hastings Robinson, ed . Zurich Letters . Cambridge, 1842. Hunter, Joseph. New Illustrations of the Life, Studies and Writings of Shakespeare . 2 vols. London, 1845. Jackson, Samuel M., ed . The Schaf f-Herzog Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge . New York, 1908. Jones, Robert. The Muses Gardin for Delights , ed . William Barclay Squire. Oxford, 1901. Kelly, Faye Lucius. "Shakespeare's Use of Prayer in the History Plays." Unpublished dissertation, Florida, 1965. Ketley, Joseph, ed. The Two Liturgies, A. P. 1549, and A.D. 1552: V7ith other Documents set forth by Authority in the Reign of King Ed ward VI . Cambridge, England, 1844. Lewalski, Barbara K. "Biblical Allusion and Allegory in The Merchant of Venice ," Shakespeare Quarterly , XIII (1962), 327-343. Loewe, Herbert, and C. G. Montefiore, ed . A Rabbinic Anthology . New York, 1960. Lydgate, John. Lydgate's Troy Book , ed. Henry Bergen. London, 1906. Marlowe, Christopher. The Life of Marlowe and the Tragedy of Dido, Queen of Carthage, ed . C. F. Tucker Brooke. London, 1930. Maro, Publius Virgilius. The Aeneid of Virgil , ed. Charles Anthon. New York, 1889. Meres, Francis. Palladis Tamia : Wit's Treasury . Scholars' Facsimiles and Reprints, New York, 1938. Meyer, Carl S. Elizabeth I and the Religious Settlement of 1559 . Saint Louis, 1960. Morley, Henry. English Writers . 10 vols. London, 1893. Muir, Kenneth. "Pyramus and Thisbe: A Study in Shakespeare's Method," Shakespeare Quarterly , V (1954), 141-53. Mutschmann, H., and K. Wentersdorf. Shakespeare and Catholicism . New York, 1952. Naogeorgus, Thomas. The Popish Kingdome , ed. Robert Charles Hope. London, 1880. Nashe, Thomas. Selected Writings, The Unfortunate Traveller , ed. Stanley Wells. Cambridge, Mass., 1965.

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159 Noble, Richmond. Shakespeare's Biblical Knowledge and Use of the Book of Common Prayer . London, 1935. Shakespeare's Use of Song . Oxford, 1923. North, Thomas, tran. The Lives of the Noble Grecians and Romans (1579 edition). Microfilm, Ann Arbor, 1950. Ovid. Metamorphoses, ed . T. E. Page, London, 1928. . The Heroycall Epistles of . . . Publius Ovidius Naso . . . ,1567. tran. George Turbeville, 1967. Microfilm. Ann Arbor. . Shakespeare's Ovid, Being Arthur Golding's Translation of the Metamorphoses , ed . W. H. D. Rouse. Illinois, 1961. Parrott, Thomas Marc, Shakespearean Comedy . New York, 1962. Percy, Thomas. Reliques of Ancient English Poetry . 3 vols. London, 1876. Pettet, E.G. " The Merchant of Venice and the Problem of Usury," Essays and Studies , XXXI (1945), 19-33. Phialas, Peter G. Shakespeare's Romantic Comedies . Chapel Hill, 1966. Rea, John D. "Shy lock and the Processus Belial," Philological Quarterly , VIII (1929), 311-13. Richardson, Alan, ed. A Theological Word Book of the Bible . New York, 1955. Ridley, Nicholas. Works , ed. Henry Christmas, Cambridge, 1841. Robertson, J. M. An Introduction to the Study of the Shakespeare Canon . London, 1924. Root, Robert Kilburn. Classical Mythology in Shakespeare . New York, 1965. Rowse, A. L. Shakespeare's Southampton , New York, 1965. Salisbury Missal , 1516. Microfilm, Ann Arbor, 1948. Salisbury Processional , 1544. Microfilm, Ann Arbor, 1948. Shakespeare, William, The Arden Edition of the Works of William Shake speare: The Merchant of Venice , ed, John Russell Broim, London, 1955. . A New Variorum Edition of Shakespeare, The Merchant of Venice , ed, Horace Howard Furness. Philadelphia, 1888.

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160 _. Shakespeare's Merchant of Venice , ed. Henry N. Hudson. Boston, 1900. _. The Plays and Poems of William Shakespeare, The Merchant of Venice , ed . Edmund Malone. London, '1790. , ed. Edmund Malone. London, 1821. . The Works of Shakespeare, The Merchant of Venice , ed . Sir Arthur Quiller-Couch and John Dover Wilson. Cambridge, 1953. Seigel, Paul N. "Shylock the Puritan," Columbia University Forum , V (1962), 14-19. Selkirk, James Bucham. Bible Truths, with Shakespearean Parallels . London, 1872. Sims, James H. Dramatic Uses of Biblical Allusions in Marlowe and Shake spear e. Gainesville, 1966. Spivack, Bernard. Shakespeare and the Allegory of Evil . New York, 1958. Stoll, Elmer Edgar. Shakespeare Studies. New York, 1927. Tilley, Morris. A Dictionary of Proverbs . Ann Arbor, 1950. Travers, Hope. "The Four Daughters of God," PMLA , XL (1925), 44-82. Tretiak, Andrew. " The Merchant of Venice and the 'Alien' Question," Review of English Studies , V (1929), 402-409. Werblowsky, R. J. Zwi, ed. The Encyclopedia of the Jewish Religion . New York, 1965. Whitaker, Vergil K. Shakespeare's Use of Learning . San Marino, 1953. Wilson, John Dover. "Shakespeare's 'small Latin' --how much?" Shakespeare Survey , X (1957), 12-24. Wilson, Thomas. A Discourse Uppon Usurye, by Way of Dialogue and Oracions , London, 1572 (University Microfilm. Ann Arbor, 1949, reel 403). Wordsworth, Charles. Shakespeare's Knowledge and Use of the Bible. London, 1864. Velz, John W. Shakespeare and the Classical Tradition (1660-1900) . Minneapolis, 1969.

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APPENDICES

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16:
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164 •Sin icmiucrafeceeDoti^tncenDa >j"« J?^l.^«

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6S I -^17«— r • toa i e a I. rver livest, rei*gn-cst, governcstj and also art d E D 7*2 c — — c — t r :yzzz*i!z:f«z|zi'aln^?i;z praiscd, God, alone, only the most lu'gli, Jesu J ^ ?* -4-C \' 1 & B t^^V^t-=3 =::^ Christ, with the Holy Spirit, in the glory of i=(s=iZ3a5n&s=J~i5stffs^.; God tiie Father. A207 PRINIKD IS F.NCLAM) AT S. MARV5 PR.FiS, THE CONVE..'n , WANTaCF. 1 i\r.\

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Mark Francis Cosgrove was born September 15, 1930, in Detroit, Michigan. After fifteen years in Detroit he moved with his family to Florida and attended St. Leo Preparatory School in Florida. In 1946 he joined the seminary; in 1951 he became a monk of St. Leo Abbey, St. Leo, Florida; and in 1956 he was ordained a Catholic priest. He received his degree of Associate of Arts in 1950 from St. Bernard's College in Alabama and his degree of Bachelor of Arts in 1953 from St. Benedict's College in Kansas. In 1957 he completed a fouryear theological program of studies. In 1961 he received the degree of Master of Arts from the University of Detroit, vzriting his thesis on the lanjuage parody in the "Oxen of the Sun" episode in James Joyce's Ulysses . During the academic years 1953-64, 1966, 1969-70 Father Cosgrove taught English in both St. Leo Preparatory School and St. Leo College. At present he is an Assistant Professor of English at St. Leo College. 209

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This dissertation was prepared under the direction of the chairman of the candidate's supervisory committee and has been approved by all members of that committee. It was submitted to the Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate Coimcil, and was approved as partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. March 1970 / '/ ---^ Dean, College of Arts "and Sciences SUPERVISORY COMMIT! £E ; Dea.i, Graduate School Chairman c^

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