Citation
The Queen city of the Savannah

Material Information

Title:
The Queen city of the Savannah Augusta Georgia, during the urban progressive era, 1890-1917
Creator:
German, Richard Henry Lee, 1937-
Place of Publication:
Gainesville, Fla.
Publisher:
University of Florida
Copyright Date:
1971
Language:
English

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Business structures ( jstor )
Cities ( jstor )
City councils ( jstor )
City halls ( jstor )
City politics ( jstor )
Mayors ( jstor )
Political candidates ( jstor )
Political elections ( jstor )
Voting ( jstor )
Wages ( jstor )
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
021948273 ( AlephBibNum )
18295925 ( OCLC )
AFB9627 ( NOTIS )

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Full Text














The Queen City of the Savannah: Auousta, ezorgia,
During the Urban Progressive Era, 1890-1917














1By

RICHARD HENRY LEE GERL'bN


A DISSERTA'C'.ON PRT3hFNTJ'fi' TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
'fTHE U'jrIv'SI''TY OF PLOGR.IDA T; PARTxIAL
FULILL.ME'T C T'E RQIlR2_r'NTS FOR L.HE DEG'REEJ OC
DOCTOR OF' PEILOSOPf"i


TUMT'ERSITY O F,.LRIDA
1971






























































UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


3 1262 08552 5078














ACiKYCOWLEDGI4ENTS


Vario-is and sundry people have assisted me. Charles 0.

Phillips, Clerk of the City Council, and his courteous

secretary, Mrs. Louise S. Milton, were cooperative in

arranging access to the municipal records in the city-

county building. Miss Jean D. Cochran, after securing per-

mission from the Board of Directors of the Augusta-Richmond

County Library, willingly granted the right to utilize

library materials at my convenience and at the campus

library. The cooperation of the directors in this matter

w-ca certainly appreciated. Also3, the staff was most con-

r;genial and helpful, especially Mijs IFrances Blackmon and

M.iss DIcro'ty Rich,-y.

A. Ray Rol lland arn Virg_.i-ia iec Trevil.e of n-e R, Fich nmord

County HisLorica.] Society. in a similar fashion: were cq'its.

helpful, ermictiKing dire;: access to the .:pi0eial collec-

tions, informiing r-e ~~aol any net; .Iatc.r.i.al that wre cT :-

;qcised, sec'irig bcoks, journal s, periodical:-, theses and

disserLtations on interl.ibrary loans an-i accepting two short

essays for publication. Traveling to Georgia State Uni-

4i







versity, University of Georgia and University of South

Carolina, numerous, able and efficient staff librarians.

were of assistance. The Director of the Southern Historical

Collection, J. Isaac Copeland, after checking the holdings

of the special collections of the University of North Caro-

lina library, informed me that there were no relevant manu-

script collections pertaining to the Progressive mayors and

the principal financiers, industrialists and entrepreneurs

of Augusta and Richmond County. Although he acknowledged

that some family papers were available, Dr. Copeland pointed

out that they did not relate to my main period of research.

Personally checking the names of all major politicians and

most of the prominent businessmen in the index files of

The National Union Catalog of Manuscript Collections, it was

discovered that a few primary records existed at various

universities, but were not directly relevant; thereby

obviating the need for travel beyond the Georgia-Carolina

region.

Two close comrades, Ralph H. Walker and Clyde Erwin

Teasley III, both graduate students in political science

at the University of Georgia, listened to my many ideas,

commenting: criticizing and sharing their expertise in urban

politics, Also, influential in shaping some conceptions

about the political process, were numerous, extended

11







discussions with a third colleague, Constance Ashton Myers,

a doctoral student at Claremont Graduate School. Dr. Agos-

tino Carlucci offered personal encouragement when there v'ert

feelings of discouragement, and maintained a sincere, family-

type relationship. Dr. Edward Michael Silbert of the His-

tory Department of the University of South Florida, a close

friend since graduate school days in Gainesville, thought-

fully encouraged me and sharpened my perspective on the

nature of the historical past by many lengthy discussions

in the last eight years. To a select few persons in Augusta,

however, I acknowledge deep indebtedness for providing

brilliant insights into the nature of management-labor

relations, especially in the realm of alienation.

Dr. Herbert J. Doherty, Jr., my committee chairman,

has attentively listened to the ideas as they developed over

the last two years, criticized them as the dissertation

evolved chapter-by-chapter, suggested that some portions be

restructured and through raising other pertinent points,

prompted reorganization of thoughts, leading to further

research. On some occasions when other, non-research cir-

cumstance.r created a sense of personal despair, he gave

sound advice, bolstering my morale and reinvigorating my

determination to push ahead. Dr. John K. Mahon's pene-

trating quTestions provided another important source of

iv







intellectual stimulation, leading to the rethinking of

certain critical issues in a new dimension and the pur-

suance of additional investigations. I also thank Dr. E,

Ashby Hammond, Dr. Ruth McQuown and Dr. Richard T. Chang,

who served on the dissertation committee.

The late Arthur W. Thompson and Rembert W. Patrick,

my two former mentors, whose tragic deaths were a signifi-

cant personal loss, deserve special tributes. I bear wit-

ness to their generosity, their broad and liberal views,

their freedom from narrow prejudice and petty jealousies,

their devotion to scholarly research, but, above all, their

warm, humane interests in the welfare and development of

their students.

Last, but unquestionably most important of all, Nancy

Ann German has consistently been the supreme source of

attention, devotion and affection, sharing my life ambitions

and aspirations.














PREFACE


Since Charles C. Jones and Salem Dutcher's Memorial

History ofL A.qqu.ista was published in 1890, there have only

been .tw;o major books written about varying aspects of the

city's historical past. Earl L. Bell and Kenneth Crabbe's

The Augusta Chronicle, Irndomitable Voice of Dixie, 1_785-1960

is ..:.th.rut a doubt the account of the rise of the most im-

portant newspaper in the community and t-he South's oldest

nea;spa-er, including, to a certain extent, intermittent

g-impsaes into the social life. Florence Corley's Con-

. ar:tt:ci City is a brilliant, brief analysis of antebellum

uan industrial growth, greatly emphasizing the ways in

whit-h the Civil War- stimulated further economic growth.

i.-c:opt F-or th fi Aqusta i.ntennia and Augusta, both ex-

tr1:e.ly cursor-. and idmlittediy less thrn scholarly endeavors,

nc publiccatirns have seriously attempted to develop the

hisL:..orYJ o the Queen City of the Savannah in the twentieth



.'C stud-yingr the history of Augusta dut-ig th.e -;rban

Progressive Era, 1890-1917, in every conceivable way I have







endeavored to pose questions, create objectives, explore

issues and develop different topics not previously con-

sidered by others, attempting to go beyond routine explana-

tions by encompassing a far broader frame of reference on

the history of a major textile city of the New South.

Every dissertation, no doubt, has certain limitations

imposed upon it by the lack of availability of source ma-

terials. Unfortunately, some of the primary source materi-

als of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era were not found,

having been either destroyed by fires, floods and other

natural disasters, or remaining buried in closets, locked up

in attics, filed away in ancient vaults and tucked away in

obscure, remote places. Furthermore, as is often the case,

few diaries, memoirs, journals and biographies were written

or preserved for the historian, making his task far more

difficult.

Despite diligent, concerted efforts to discover and

preserve historic records, it has been virtually impossible

to locate all contemporary records and newspapers. Private

business records, exceedingly crucial to the study of the

development of corporations, were not available. Yet, had

they been discovered, subjected to examination and carefully

evaluated, they would have unquestionably provided invalu-

able insights into the internal growth of th- major enter-

vii







praises and critical decisions often made in closed con-

farence roor3s.

The files of certain public newspapers, moreover, were

apparently lost or inadvertently destroyed; or at least

their whereabouts are not presently known. -The Aucusta

Herald files from 1894 through 1904 are not available at

the public library, local newspaper library records, county-

city building, Richmond Cou'.ty Historical Society Collec-

tions, nc even the University of Georgia library. Several

other different weekly and daily newspapers, including lThe

Augusta Evening lNews, 1878-1895, '-he Augusta Progress, 1888--

1890, 'ihe Auusta Sunday__Phoenix, 1885, and The Aiqusta

Daily Tribune, 1895-1907, existed, but are not currently

available. Poth The Labor Advocate and The Augusta Union

Weeklv. 1S89-1904, were exceedingly fiery union newspapers

that would have provided additional, considerable insights,

ren.:c':osly beneficial to the scholar studying the complexi-

ti.: sf laborr unrest a:d revolt, but -tha files have vanished,

possibly Lost forever.

Several black newspapers existed, running off editions

n'.ha.c' apparently strongly protested con -tit ons in the

ghett--o, greatly advocated reforms and carefully documented

the rise of a small, ut im.por:ct.en middle class element in

Negro life. Tqhe Georgia Bantist, edited by Reverend William







Jefferson White, D.D., existed for a period of more than a

quarter of a century, from 1881-1909. It was proclaimed I-o

have been one of the oldest colored newspapers in America,

but the files have apparently been ruined, discarded or

concealed. Moreover, The Methodist Union, published by

A. W. Wiimberly, was another paper, commenting upon the

nature of the black experience, but it and a third paper,

The weekly Sentinel, were not discovered to exist--most

regrettable circumstances, to say the least.

Nevertheless, a tremendous abundance of crucial, pri-

mary source materials exist for the eager scholar. City-

county records, including the minutes of the council,

various subcommittees, departmental reports, year books,

directories and legal archives, are most complete and

primarily located in Augusta. The "Minutes of the Augusta

Flood Commission" are part of the special library holdings

of S. Herbert Elliott, former county-commissioner. Board

of Health records, albeit complete, are located in Augusta

and Athens. Some of the early presidential reports of the

board, however, are even tucked away in the drawer of a

cormiode in the rare book room of the Medical College of

Georgia, possibly known only to Dr. Walter B. Sheppeard and

myself. The files of The Auqusta Chronicle, dating back to

the pre-Civil War era, are carefully preserved on microfilm,

ix







providing a wealth of information. Original editions of

The Aucusta Herald, beginning in February, 1905, and dating

through March, 1919, are also reposited in the Augusta-

Richmond County Library. Moreover, limited editions of The

Augusta Daily Tribune and The Augusta Evening News are also

available. Responding to the overtures of a student, it was

discovered that Mr. and Mrs. Walter B. Murray had almost a

complete collection of The Wool Hat and scattered, badly

tattered copies of The Augusta Daily Tribune. Despite

suggestions to others that these newspapers be microfilmed

and made part of "The Murray Collection" of the Richmond

County Historical Society, they presently remain in a card-

board box in Dorothy Murray's bedroom. Learning about a

newspaper advertisement, placed by Sidney and Norma Preffer,

led to the discovery of a six-month file of The Augusta

Herald (IJly-December, 1898) and its purchase by A. Ray

Rowland, President of the Richmond County Historical Society.

Invitations by William Dush and Joseph B. Cumming to present

various papers to the board of trustees of Historic Augusta,

incorpcrated, resulted in fruitful discussions, comments,

criticisms and invitations to attend various social gather-

ings, but, to date, there have been no further leads on ad-

ditional primary source materi-als pertaining to any aspect

of urban life.








By no means should this dissertation be regarded as the

deEinitive, exhaustive study, eliminating the need for

additional research and further inquiry. On the contrary,

there are many areas that remain to be explored in the near

future, involving travel, research, revisions of certain

portions of the original work and eventually new conceptions

about the meaning and significance of my work. Until time

and money, both critical factors for the researcher, con-

verge, however, future professional study will be unavoid-

ably delayed.















TABLE OF CONTENTS


ACKNO". LEDGMENTS .. ... .. . .. .. ... .

RE AC . . . . . . . . .

LIST OF TABLES. . . . . . . . . . .

A STR . . . . . . . . . .




7 TIE LOWELL OF TIE SOUTH . . . .

Thre Confederate City and Wartime
Expansion. . . . . . . .

Postwar "Recovery" and Uninterrupted
Growth . . . . . . . ...

The Nature of the New City . . .

NOTES . . . . . . . . . .

BT BREAKING THE RING . . . . . . .

The Origins of a Reform Spirit ..

Patrick Wai-`, Tac Reformer. . . .

Tihe Structure and Strateagy of
th -a V.'ish Refor:r t'l . . . . .

NO'i'ES . . . . . . . .. ..

ALt K\.ECTS, CAPITALIST'S AND LR-) THELDS. . -

The Makirnc of the Lintheads: From
Loyant Expectations to Grim Reaiites .


:

Pace


ii

vi

xvi
xvi
xVil







TABLE OF CONTENTS (CONTINUED)


CHAPTER Paqe

III The Beginnings of Industrial Wars:
(cent.) Augusta, The Storm Center of the
New South. .. . . . . . .. 89

The American Federation of Labor and
the Augusta Textile Strike of 1898-
1899 . . . . . . . . 93

NOTES. . . . . . . . .. .118

IV CHALLENGES TO THE REFORM COALITION. ... .121

The Death of Mayor Patrick Walsh 121

City Politics in the Post-Walsh Era. 126

Charles A. Robbe and the Special
Mayoralty Election of 1899 . . .. .137

Alfred M. Martin, Jr., Jacob Phinizy
and Continuation of Reform Politics. 140

NOTES . . . . . . . . . 148

V RETURN TO REFOIM. . . . . . ... 150

Limits of Victory. . . . . .. .150

Return to Municipal Reforms. ... . 153

One More Time. . . . . . ... 169

NOTES . . . . . . . . . 185

VI THE TRIUMPH OF TiHE REFORM SPIRIT. ... .188

Like Father, Like Son. . . . .. 188

Resurgence of the Reform Spirit. . 195

The Reform Spirit Triumphant ... .205

NOTES . . . . . . . . . 216

xiii







TABLE 0' CONTENTS CONTINUEDD)


CHAPTER Paae_

VII AUGUSTA, SUMMERVILLE AND THE SAVANNAH . 218

The Businessman's Campaign for Mayor 218

The Battle for Annexation of
ummerrville. . . . . . .. 222

The "Destructive Freshets" and the
City . . . . . . . .. .227

The Building of the Augusta Levee. .242

NOTES . . . . . . . . ... 245

VIII SOME UNFINISHED BUSINESS, . . . .. .248

Thomas Parrett, Jr., and the Uncon-
tested Mavcrlty Race. . . . ... 248

The Ans:nextion of Sumrnerville and
the Battle for Cormaiiscion Govern-
ment . . . . . . . . 254

The March Flood of 1912 and the
Completion of the Augusta Levee. . 254

NOTES . . . . . . . .. 274

1]; STRIKERS, SCABS, SOLDIERS AND
ARBITRATORS .. . . . . . ... 277

The Trolley Car Strike of 1911 and
Temporary Resolution of Differences. 277

The Trolley Car Strike of 1912 and
Martial Law. ..... .. ... 286

The Georgia Railroad Strike, Atlanta
Joint Terminals Strike and the
Threat of a Southeastern Rail
Trannportati.cn Strike. .. . . ... 314

NOTES. . . . . . . . . 335

Xi.v








TABrLE OF CONTENTS (CONTINUED)


CHAPTER P. re

X THE LAST BATTL . . . . . 340

The Mayoralty Muddle of 1912: The
Hayne Revolt Against the White
Primary Commiittee . . . . . 340

Putting an End to Political Fevclts
and Progressive Democracy. . . . 354

NOTES . . . . . . . . ... 360

XI IMPRESSIONS OF AN ERA . . .. . . 62

The Economic Significance of Augusta
and American Historiography. . . 362

The Significance of the Augusta
Strikes, Southern Labor and Na-
tional Unions. . . . . . . 367

Augusta Politics in the Age of Re--
form: Progressivism, Plurali:sm
oc Scuchern Elitism? . . . . .372

NGTES . . . . . . . . . 390

APPENDIX . . . . . . . . . . . 396

BIBLIOGRAPHY. ..... . . . . . 41

B ICPTAPHICAL SKETCHI . . . ... . . . 0














LIST OF TABLES


TABLE Paje

I Declining Wages of Textile Workers in the
King and Sibley Mills: 1880-1898 ... 397

II Decli]ing Wages of Textile Workers in
Augusta, Georgia: 1880-1900. . . .. 397

III Wages of the Textile Labor Force
by'Sex and Age Groups in 1900 ...... 397

IV A Statistical Record of the History of the
Savannah River Floods and the City of
Augusta . . . . . . . . . 398

V The Special Bond Election for the Levee,
University Hospital and the New Water-
works System of 1912. . . . . ... 399

VI Councilmen and Business Associations,
1897-1917 . . . . . . . . 400

VII Mayors and Business Associations, 1897-1917. 403

VIII Aldermanic Elections, Primary & General,
1897-1917 . . . . . . . . 406

IX Rival Candidates in City Council Elections
and Their Business and Social Affiliations,
1857-1917 . . . . . . . . 413

X MaorkaliLy Statistics of Whites and Blacks,
1880-1918 . . . . . . . ... 415







Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

THE QUEEN CITY OF THE SAVANNAH: AUGUSTA, GEORGIA,
DURING THE URBAN PROGRESSIVE ERA, 1890-1917

By

Richard Henry Lee German

August, 1971

Chairman: Dr. Herbert J. Doherty, Jr.
Major Department: History

Understanding Augusta during the urban Progressive Era

revolves an appreciation of at least eight related patterns

of facts. First, the economic growth since the Civil War

revealed not only a relative continuity in the development

of railroads, banks, textile factories and other enter-

prises, but also showed that key important groups of busi-

nessmen were responsible for the rise of the Lowell of the

New South. Second, local men in business were greatly in-

volved in a reform movement for "Good Government" in the

1890's against "The Ring," a group of politicos charged with

controlling urban government to the detriment of the "good

people" and accused of failing to provide critical municipal

services by Patrick Walsh and his supporters. Third,

despite challenges to the Walsh Progressive reform coali-

ti-n, it originally represented a fairly well-organized,

strongly moralistic crusade, encompassing Protestants and

xvii







Catholics, but far more importantly, the socio-economic

elite and the lower class whites and blacks. Fourth, al-

though the Progressives were triumphant in getting the

"right kind of people" elected as mayors and aldermen, the

lower class ethno-cultural groups that had originally re-

sponded to the appeals of business leaders, who were

actively seeking political power, were not only mostly

deprived of access to positions of responsibility, but they

were gradually excluded from even participation in elections.

Fifth, initially Negroes were massively involved in urban

politics, but a cluster of rationales and means was invoked

.and devised by white reformers to disfranchise them,

creating the first large segment of society to be denied

participation in so-called democratic primary and general

elections and subsequently leading to the total inability

of blacks to directly influence the political, decision-

making prcc(ss---factors which probably substantially con-

tributed to the grossly inadequate public services and the

depressed conditions that prevailed in growing ghetto areas.

Sixth, among the important priorities established by the

ruling elite was the comiion consensus that those funda-

mental, pre-existing, long-range problems, that had not been

p-operly -esolved through ordinary voluntary civic associ-

ations and non-political organizations, could be best

xviii







resolved by effectively utilizing the power of municipal

government. Seventh, recurrent labor strikes erupted in

the mills, trolley cars and railroads of the "Greater

Augusta Area," indicating acute social tensions between

capitalists and laborers, revealing that the former were

always the victors, not the vanquished, showing the decisive

role of local and state officials in putting down civil

disturbances and pointing out that the city emerged as a

significant storm center in the New South as the representa-

tives of the Knights of Labor and the American Federation

of Labor attempted to unionize it as part of an overall

"Southern Campaign Strategy" to crack the bastille of anti-

unionism in the nation. Last of all, overconcantration of

wealth created a corresponding centralization of power

largely into the white primary executive committee to the

detriment of massive democratic participation in most

elections, primary or general, and to the probable dis-

advantages of the non-business groups.














CHAPTER I

THE LOWELL OF TIHE SOUTH



The Confederate City and Wartime Expansion

Augusta was extremely fortunate during the Civil War.

The war did not disrupt the economic development of the

emerging antebellum industrial city but, in many respects,

accelerated industrial growth. Numerous private textile

corporations increased their industrial production due to

the military needs of the Confederacy. Large-scale defense

induqsLries such as the Powder Works, Augusta Arsenal, Con-

federate Clothing Bureau and Army Quartermaster supply de-

pot--which manufactured artillery projectiles, cartridges,

balls, gunpowder, guncarriagesand caissons--emerged as part

of th military-industrial enterprises of the Confederate

City. Under the exigencies of the war, new manufacturing

concerns,which produced candles, soap, blankets, twilled

cotton goods for unifocirs, canvas for tents, army capes,

overcoats, tarpaulins, horse covers, small arms, rifles and

military field equipment foc infantry, artillery and cavalry

units, sprang up almost overnight as government contracts

1








were leT to private entrepreneurs. Thousands of "Johnny

kebs" benefited from the food products and consumer goods

that were produced, packed and shipped to the front lines.

Great quantities of valuable machinery were shipped by rail

into Augusta and became part of the new industrial equip-

ment. The work of expanding the plant operations of exist-

ing factories and building new enterprises in turn stimu-

lat.ed a general boom in the construction business. Scores

of wagon teams were busy daily hauling lumber, brick and

other construction supplies to the mills, defense industries

and railroad yards of the city. Wartime expansion, moreover,

promoted an expenditure of large sums of money in permanent

factor" improvements and the utilization of large tracts of

suburban property in the West End. Also, among the whole

progression of responses to the booming wartime economy was

very rapid increases in the urban population: from 1S40--1860

the city's population jumped from 7,502 to 12,493 people.l

Wartime visitors arriving in the c ity were frequently

amazed at the thriving activities. They observed the ar-

rival of trains and wagon teams bringing machinery for the

new ind..ustcries and departing with troops, food suppl es,

miliLary equipment and other articles of war. Walking along

the banks of the old canal, they noted that flat-bottomed

barges were jammed around the dock areas of the factories.








Peering up into the sky, they saw huge columns of dense

black smoke wafting upward from chimneys. Touring the

mills, they listened to the hiss of steam engines, the

clanking of wheels and the grinding of massive rollers pro-

ducing w-eapons of war. Driving down the main thoroughfares

of the business district, they watched shoppers and mer-

chants haggling over the prices of those imported goods

which had succeeded in running the Union blockade. "To

judge from Augusta, no one would have supposed that two

formidable armies were confronting each other within a

twenty-four hours' journey," Fitz Gerald Ross noted in his

journal. "Every one seemed engrossed in business, and the

shops were all plenteously filled with merchants and cus-

tomers."

Augusta, furthermore, was soared utter destruction by

General William Tecumseh Sherman in his "infamous" march

through Georgia. The"Apostle of Modern Warfare" chose to

by-pass Augusta and miss his `Thanksgiving dinner engagement

in order ;o spend a "jubilant Christmas in Savannah." For

strategic military reasons---nct romantic legendary accounts

of his infatuation with an Augusta belle, nor sentimental

feelings for the city---Sherman chose to drive straight

through Erom- Atlanta to Savannah, cutting Georgia in two.

He was aware that Brigadier-General Birkett D. Dry had








fortified Augusta against an impending attack. Reliable

informers had also told him that General Braxton Bragg and

other high ranking Confederate officers and several thousand

troops had arrived to defend the city and, it was hoped,

completely break up and disperse his sixty thousand "bum-

rers." These military situations alone dictated that he

avoid a prolonged seige and continue his "grand military

3
picnic" to the sea.

Augusta was one of the few southern cities which was

not destroyed by Union forces during the course of the war.

Unlike Atlanta, Richmond, Charleston, Columbia, Vicksburg

and Galveston, it suffered no physical damage, nor was it

efter.-.ard.s plundered by foraging soldiers. There was no

"Battle of Augusta." No artillery units lobbed screaming

she.l-l and cannon balls into the city, leaving the town's

so;-rcts pockmarked with shell holes and filled with debris.

Pjor !hadi bombardment left behind skeletal remains of ware-

ho'ises, buildings and homes standing in the midst of smolcder-

i:n blackoned war rubble. The railroad tracks of the major

lines leading into and out of the city wre not ri.pped up

nor r.he cross-ties stacked Tlike cords of wood, soaked with

kiroseno and burned. Nor had inv.-ading, hostile cavalry

ur.iits changed dowyv Broad, Greene or the other: thoroughfares

laying waste to the town. Nor in their deadly wake had








"damned Yankee" footsold.iers invaded the city, shooting out

windows, slaying rebels, molesting citizens, destroying

business firms, burning warehouses and wharves and otherwise

wreaking general havoc.

Augusta in 1865 was hardly a conquered town which had

experienced the ravages of modern war. When the war ended

it was perhaps in better condition than any other city in

the state. The central business district was still intact.

Banks, business firms, department stores, grocery stores and

other enterprises were not physically ruined. The indus-

trial zone of the city remained untouched by war. "happily

spared destruction by burning." Only the Belleville FacLory

did not remain to operate after the war but its demise v-as

the result of an accidental fire, not the hazards of nine-

teenth century warfare. Several. of the buildings of the

Confederate Polwder Works were dismantled by occupation

arise and some of the machinery removed but the plant and

most of the industrial ecuipmienr- wSs not totally ruined and

couid be readily converted to a peacet-tim indust:-ial opera-

iion. Because Au-.usta had escaped invasin;n anr destruction,

many neus enterprising ir nigrants f-om Atl.antca, Savap.nnh,

Ch-1rlestcn aind cthe!r %war-'torn cities chose to relocate in

Aunusta and .cst their iots -.ith the future growth of the

city. Most of those who arrived were former merchants,








businessmen and financiers who believed that such good for-

tunes would create most favorable circumstances for economic

growt.Lh in the postwar era. It vwas also commonly remarked by

federal soldiers when they arrived in the "Yankee City" that

they found more specie in circulation than they had ever
4
seen since before the war began.

Numerous comments revealed the buoyant, optimistic

spirit of material progress. "Stores, whose shelves were

t.hen empty, are laden now with the choicest goods. Mer-

chants have been North . acknowledging and liquidating

the debts contracted by them before the war, Cand] have

fE.rnd creditors. We witness stores undergoing repairs,

business houses and dwellings Phoenix-like, rising out of

ashes . The stores are stocked with goods; the streets

thronged with men . all proclaiming [ouy] city's in-

crcasiig prosperity. The flutter of wheels and the song of

the :aw on the canal are responded to by the lumbering of

heavily laden drays along the streets, caught up by the ring

of the h-ammer and the sharp clip of the adz, at the sbip

yard, 5and re-echoed by the same from the shores of South

Carol-ina. For from the boundaries of Dublin to the Banks of

the Savannah rises an unceasing hum--telling us that we live

in the midst of an enterprising and industrious people, :

Martin V. Calvin explained in the City Directorvfor 1865.








"Our city has become :o groat a centre for business that

merchants have been obliged to betake themselves to second

stories frc salesrooms. It looks as if Augusta was growing

a little--growing in population some, and in business a

great dial," the Daily Constitutionalist and Sentinel noted

in Septeirber, 1865. Vast quantities of cotton were stored

in and about the city; perhaps, in greater amounts than at

"any other point in the South." None of it had been burned,

nor destroyed. "Cotton Row" merchants commented about how

business remained "very brisk"; most of them failed to moan

about the "good old days." Returning to the city, W. A.

Ramsay stated that a "most kind" and "conciliatory spirit"

existed towards the South in New York, remarking that the

"leading merchants and businessmen of the great metropolis

.re anxious and striving to have business once more resume

its wanted channels with all sections."

Postwar "Recovery" and Uninterrupted Grow.th

Available evidence suggests that there was significant,

substantial ard swift "recovery" in the post-Civil War

period. According to data collected, three sectors of the

Augusta economy showed overwhelming giow'th: a new banking

syrstrem was quickly recreated to replace the antebellum hbnks

that had collapsed with the Confederacy: a greater, more

complex transportation network evolved as old rail connec-








tions were restored and new, direct rail connections were

estaLlished with a variety of major South Atlantic cities;

and a larger industrial 7one was created as the old, estab-

lished prewar mills continued to prosper, new textile mills

were founded along the banks of the enlarged canal and the

surplus wealth of Augustans was exported into the Horse

Creek Valley region of South Carolina or the "Greater

Augusta Area." Instead of a dark, bleak and tragic era--a

period of utter destruction in which all aspects of the old

economic order were torn asunder--the postwar era was a new

epoch of rapid "recovery" and unprecedented expansion.

Either Augusta's posLwar economic experiences were totally

unique or additional "reasonable doubt" is cast upon the

traditionaL hypothesis that few positive act:mrplishments

wa-ce attained in the Reconstruction era.

The financial history of Augusta during the Civil War

and Reconstruction era revealed that total economic ruin did

not transpire; nor were the postwar years an era of linger-

ing financial distress. On the eve ot the war a series of

banks constituted the "Big Six" in the city and possibly

the state. The .Bank of Augusta, Mechanics Bank, City Bank,

Augusta Tnsurznce and Banking Company, Union Bank and the

Georgia Rail-r'sod aind Banking Company had combined assets of

$2,675,000 out of an aggregate banking capital of $9,028,078








of the -twer.ty--fi.ve banks in Georgia. "At the outbreak of

the war the banks of Aucusta risked their all on the success

of the Southern Confederacy," Charles C. Jones and Salem

Dutchcer recorded in their Memorial History of Augusta," and

at the end of the struggle went down in common ruin."

One bank, however, failed to collapse in hideous bank-

ruptcy. The sole antebellum bank which survived was the

Georgia Railroad and Banking Company. The individual who

was responsible for its survival was John Pendleton King.

President King clearly recognized that the precipitous drop

in deposits and discounts were indicative of an imminent

financial collapse. Deposits and discounts dropped sharply

in 1863-18C4; falling from $626,849 to $99,844 and from

$559,066 to $181,319, respectively. Not only did King per-

ceive the impending financial death of the bank but, as he

observed the fortunes of war, he foresaw the inevitable

collapse of the Confederacy. Because of his recommendations

to the board of directors, the bank continued to exist as a

de fact institution in the comlrmunity. Under his able

executive leadership it emerged from a prewar position as

t'hild oj: fourth largest bank to become the dominant banking

concern in the city. During the so-called era of "Yankee-

0ayonct Rul.e'' i.he capital of the company rose to $4,200,000;

the volume of annual business transactions amounted to








$75,000,000 and over $4,000,000 in dividends were paid out
"7
to its stockholders.

The continued commercial prosperity and important

monetary needs of the city's institutions to handle finan-

cial transacLions between industrialists, cotton factors,

grocers, retail merchants, attorneys, real estate agents and

the general urban populace necessitated the creation of

other banking facilities. No one bank could service the

needs of the entire community. To fill the vacuum created

by the collapse of the Big Six, a series of new successor

banks were organized by dynamic, enterprising financiers,

merchants and businessmen, many of whom were the sons of the

"established families."

Within ten years after the end of the war a new cluster

of banks vwera created and in operation. The National Bank

w;s duly organized in December, 1865, and commenced the

business of b;.nking. Although two wealthy and powerful New

Yo k: cupircalists had put up the initial venture capital,

local entrepreneurs were largely responsible for the ad-

miJnistrntion of the new bank. Under the auspices of William

. Jacksoin aind Charles Estes, its total resources continued

to grow u;'ti rthey were estimated to be in excess of

$S50,000. The Bank of Augusta was chartered by the state

legislature in the spring of 1866 with Howard H. Hickman







as its President. Alfred Baker, former antebellum state

senator, proprietor of the Paragon mills, co-owner of a very

large wholesale grocery business, a leading director of the

old Mechanics Bank and director of the Enterprise Manufac-

turing Company and the Georgia Chemical Works, was most in-

fluential in assisting Ferdinand Phinizy and other prewar

commrnunity leaders in organizing the National Exchange Bank

in 1971. In later years its average annual deposits were

around $192,000 and loans and discounts exceeded $340,000.

Former governor Charles J. Jenkins, industrialists John P.

King and ex-mayor "Colonel" Thomas P. Branch were instru-

mental in founding during :he era of Reconstruction the

Planters' Loan and Savings Bank with a capital stock of

almost $1,000,000. The CoirLmercial Bank, originally in-

corporated in 1863, commenced its financial transactions in

1871. Organized by two industrialists, William Sibley and

George ii. Lombard; Joseph Rucker Lamar, a very prominent

attorney an. several other outstanding businessmen, its

yearly monetary transactions by the 1890's were greater

tha. S250,00. "Captain" Wiljiam B. Young, Patrick Walsh,

John P. King, Richard E. Allen and Alfred Baker pooled to-

gether some of their economic resources in 1575 to create

the Augusta Savings Tnstitute for small depositors. Its

deposits steadily increased to around $314,537 in the 1890's.







Other banks--the Irish-American Dime Savings Bank and the

Equitable Building and Loan Association--ware also estab-

lished by the "most substantial" businessmen who, in many

cases, were the former incorporators, executives, politi-

cians and officials of the antebellum banks, industries,

r-ilroads and other enterprises.

The significance of the new, postwar banking firms

cannot be blithely dismissed. Except for the loss of con-

fidence, runs on the banks and suspensions accompanying the

national Panic of 1873, clearing house returns published in

the financial section of the Chronicle showed a continuous,

steady increase over the corresponding period of the previ-

ous year. All of the new banks were consistently reported

to be in a 'very prosperous condition" or doing a "re-

markably fine" business and greatly assisting in the normal

economic transactions of the community. Indeed, in one case

the board of directors announced to stockholders that divi-

dends paid out amounted to the "lively tune" of 1.2 per cent

per annum on its $1,000,000 capital stock. Secondly, in

-mot. in.ctances, the banking firms were also closely aLlie.

wit-! the new manufacturing, mercantile and railroad inter-

ests. The same ;Len w .ho served as bank presidents werc often

as r-'ni pres.ildents, vice prjesiden;:s or mein:cor of the boards

cf directors of other coororations. William E. Jackson,






13

President of the Augusta Factory, played a critical role in

determining the policies of the National Bank. Another

member of the National Bank, Charles Estes, was the execu-

tive leader of the John P. King mill. William Sibley,

President of the Sibley Manufacturing Company, was one of

the principal organizers and directors of the Commercial

Sankt, The owner of the major iron foundry, George R. Lom-

bard, was both a member of the board of the Commercial Bank

and the National Bank. John P. King, a prominent, wealthy,

p-ewar attorney, ex-United States Senator and President of

the Georgia Railroad and Banking Company, was very influen-

tial in establishing the Planters' Loan and Savings Bank,

Augusta Savings Institute and the National Exchange Bank.

Bankers obviously played an influential role in the procure-

:ient of local venture capital for the further growth of the

established textile mills, creation of new industries and

the swift "recovery" of urban industrial prosperity in the

postwar era. Bankers were clearly eager and anxious to lInd

money to talented businessmen,

'The second sector of the postwar economy to reveal sig-

nificant- rapid recovery was the i-ailroad transportation

system which converged2 and departed from AugustLa. The war

had temporarily disrupted it but the disorders were quickly

corrected after Appomattox. By July, 1865, railroad cars








wepre operating from Chattanooga to Atlanta, indicative of

the ultimate successful reconstruction of the Western and

.Atlanta Railroad. The Macon and Augusta Railroad, a branch

of the Georgia Railroad, announced in mid-August, 1865, that

its services would be reopened shortly. Work on the resto-

ration of the South Carolina Railroad, it was stated by

executives of the "Best Friend, was being "vigorously

prosecuted." Two trains were running between Augusta and

Savannah per day by February, 1866. By the spring of 1866,

Augusta was again united by rail with Charleston, Columbia

and points north. Although some of the iron rails of the

Central Railroad of GeorgJ.a were heated, wrapped around

trees and shaped into fashionable "Sherman ties," not all of

the main lines were hopelessly destroyed. Officials pointed

with pride that within two years after the end of the war

the lines were reopened from Augusta to Macon and Savannah

and that the value of capital stock had risen to $5,300,000.

In 1873 the Charleston and Western Carolina Railroad Company

reopened its lines from Augusta to Port Royal. By the

1873's and 1880's through the railroad lines, Augusta was

being connected up with a pletho.a of southern cities--

Birmingham, Montgomery, Atlanta, Athens, Macon, Columbus,

Laurens, Spartanbur:g. Greenville. Savannah, Charleston,

,Wi~i.iilg-on, Norfolk, Port Royal and Baltimore--making it a








hub of one of the important rail centers of the New South.

Host ccnto:eporaries were impressed with the great energy,

remarkable enthusiasm and tremendous zeal exhibited by the

cwNers in rebuilding, repairing and restoring the old trans-

portation network that converged and departed from Augusta.

But they also perceived that a vast, new and far more com-

plex railroad network was being built that would create

greater corrnercial and agrarian trade relationships with

their city.

'ie Georgia Railroad Company, especially, showed the

continuation of the boom that had accompanied the outbreak

of the Civil Whar. Superintendent E. W. Cole's financial

report for Mtay 15, 1365, to March 31, 1866, showed that net

income paid before interest charges to investors exceeded

51.4,'08. It had "definitely not been ruined by the wa:r."

"'here were numerous explanations offered for the postwar

prosperity of "Old Reliable." War veterans, refugees and

other displaced persons were returned to their homes.

Co'ion, hoarde'i during the last days of the Confederacy,

was being shipped for export. The temporary elimination oc

soma competitors assured the Georgia Railroad more than its

nor m-al volume of trade.

It was not until 1871 that there was a decline in net

rofiits, but even then annual net profits often surpassed






16

?500,000. Furthermore, in a proper perspective, the decline

represented actual earnings and reflected sound company

policies. Additional miles of -rack were laid and the over-

all mileage increased. New locomotives and cars were pur-

chased from the gross profits. Many of the old, wood-

bu-ninqg engines were overhauled and converted to coal burn-

ers. Newer, more "elegant and comfortable" cars, which had

become the "syimol of safety and luxury," also were bought.

All 'chese expenditures naturally cut into the margin of net

profits but represented long-range investment gains rather

than short-term losses. Despite these alleged losses, from

18SC0-881 the Georgia Railroad paid out to its stockholders
10
dividends amounting to $5,154,576.

Railroads played a crucial role in the rapid develop-

ment of the city in the late nineteenth century. First, they

made Augusta the gateway through which passed most of the

agricultural products of several southeastern states. The

tru-nk lines and branches of these railroads travelled

Through scme of the best farm counties. Railrop.d cars

1od.vi.d ith every variety of cash crops- -wheat, oats, corn,

ry bsets, sweet potatoes, artichokes, peaches, pears,

rlll.a: and grapes--wer-e bound for Augusta and other urban

markets. Extensive agricultural trade helped to rtake it

into a commercial market for farmers and merchants of the








surrounding villages, towns and smaller cities. To the

business community, this steady stream of products from the

farm strengthened the rural-urban trade relationships and

assured it of greater profits.

Second, most of the lines reached the cotton growing

sections of Georgia, Alabama, South Carolina and even western

Tennessee where fertile black lands yielded tons of 'south-

ern snow" each season, making Augusta the second largest

inland cotton market in the United States. Each year after

the war as the railroads continued to increase their mileage

of track, they increased the size of the Augusta cotton

terci-tory and shipped more cotton into the city to be pro-

cassed, refined, baled, consigned, marketed and trans-

shipped in box cars or cargo holds of steamers to other

cities. A "boom" in cotton receipts was clearly evident.

The agg.-regate volume of cotton receipts from 1076-1886

.nmcunted to over 1,400,000 bales--or an average of around

134.000 bales. Cotton receipts jumped from 1889-1900 to

over 2,600,000 bales and a new average of 241,000 bales per

year. From 1900--1911 the total volume of cotton receipts

ju5rped to over 3,700,0000 bales and reached a new yearly

av'rag& of 343,000 bales. Over 4,700,000 bales were shipped

.from 1911-1922, representing a higher annual average of

435,000 bales. Cotton was unquestionably one of the major








forces creating the prosperity of Augusta in the urban
11
Progressive Era.

Third, without the railway and shipping facilities,

Augusta would not have conceivably experienced an "internal

boom" in urban growth, indus-rial expansion, business sales

and aggregate banking assets. "Cotton Row" merchants busily

constructed huge new warehouses and wharves all alcng the

Savannah to store the increased volume of cotton and to ex-

pedite the transfer of cotton from railroad box cars into

the holds of ocean-bound steamers. "It is quite an inter-

esting scene at the wharf these days," a reporter noted,

"with the quantity of freight all around and the number of-

teams loading and unloading.' At the port of Augusta "noth-

ing hut the snokestacks of steamers could be seen." The

boom in cotton receipts also had significant repercussions

upon the textile industries, creating a tremendous impetus

to the enlargement of existing mills, promoting the instal-

lation of more looms and spindles in all fn.ctcries and in--

creasing the volume of ind~scrial production. Manufacturing

enterprises wecrS probably flooded with more orders, turned

out more finished products and paid out greater profits than

possibly at any tiinm in the past. Concurrently, the sub-

stantial growth in the volume of freight receipts was a

major factor in the parallel rise in bank clearings. Annual









bank clearings throughout the Progressive Era rose from a

record high in 1900 of over $58,000,000 to an all time an-

nual oeakr of S230,000,000 in 1919. Financiers readily

explained that the marked increase was due to the "active

cotton traffic."12

Fourth, through the railroads and steamers, Augusta's

"local" economy become pare of a regional and national

economy. The various railroad and steamship companies

linked ip Augusta with the port shipping facilities of

Jacksonville, Brunswick, Savannah, Charleston, Newport, Port

Ruyal, Wilmington and Norfolk. Ships were loaded at these

South Atlantic port cities with cargoes and passengers

bound for Providence, New York, Boston, Washington and

Richmond as wcll as many of the major ports of Europe.

The economic pattern of recovery in banks and railroads

was especially rapid but postwar industrial growth pro-

ceedse more slowly because it necessarily involved greater

long-range decisions and preparations; acquisition of ad-

ditional mechanical equip )ent- enlargement of the canal for

ade.,rdat power; incorpora-ion and construction of new enter-

pI:I-.ss; internal migration of people and the formation of a

largr urb:in population: import and export of a greater

volume c goods; and, especially, the steady rise in the

volume of capital formation and financial commitments.






20

Industrial recovery, however, was not subjected to sporadic,

frecrlent interruptions nor drastic, sharp upward and down-

warcd movements commonly characteristic of business-cycle

fluctuations. Instead, the pattern was an overall upward

trend, showing the continuation of certain substantial

forward gains made during the war, revealing additional

immediate postwar advances through careful planning and

indicating to a great extent that there was an "interlocked"

sequence of changes occurring in all three sectors of

Augusta's urban economy culminating in the successful rise

of the city as a major textile center for Georgia and
1 3
western South Carolina.3

The rate of growth, net profits and other business

gains of the Augusta Factory, for instance, clearly re-

f.lected -the continuity of industrial development. Founded

in 1847 and reorganized in 1859 by William E. Jackson,

T'ho'mas Barrettand other prominent Augustans; the "Pioneer"

,ill showed almost uninterrupted growth during peace, war

..nd reconstruction. During the first three years after

Appomattox, it liquidated its debts, acquired a surplus fund

of nearly $250,000 and owned property valued at more than

$900,000. Aggregate net earnings from 1865-1870 far ex-

ceeded $800,000, cut of Ahli-az $540,000 was paid to stock-

holders, President Jackson reported in his annual report to








the board of directors. In May of 1873, Jackson reported

that stock paid in dividends amounted to a steady 20 per

cent per annum since the war and its value had more than

doubled. That fall the company reported that from 1868-1873

not e.acnings amounted to $790,500 and profits divided up

among stockholders exceeded $660,000. Moreover, the mill

had quadrupled the number of looms and spindles in opera-

tion, jumping to 800 looms and 26,000 spindles. Corporate

profits were very good from 1865-1875, paying out dividends

equal to 198 per cent on the original capital stock, or
14
approximately 15 per cent per annum.

The most important and most striking feature of postwar

gro'vth, however, was the plan formulated by the white

leaders of the "established families" to create, through the

enlargement of the canal, a new, more vast industrial zone

in the city. Mayor Joseph V. H. Allen's inaugural address

of December, 1869, included comments that "the power of the

oJd canal was not sufficient to run even the two mills of

the Augusta Factory." The mayor also expressed belief

-that the construction of the Langley mill in South Carolina

by Au;gusans had beer the result of the inadequate power

p:-;ovided by the old canal. Concluding his address, Allen

sia ted that 't.hs canal contained "the germ of the future

greatness of our city, and needs only to be developed to








bring a large increase of industrious population, millions

of added wealth and profitable labor for our poor."5

Businessman, industrialists, financiers, merchants and

acttoneys eagerly desired to improve the old canal to allow

for future growth, enlarge plant operations of the Augusta

Factory and other mills and encourage the founding of a

cluster of new industries, establishing Augusta as the

"LOCELL of the SOUTH." Many pointed out that the canal,

completed in 1845, was no longer adequate--supplying neither

sufficient power for existing mills nor providing power for

increasing the number of spindles and looms in the estab-

lished mills, much less for any new industrial enterprises.

Concerned interest groups, furthermore, pointed cut that

since the city had a heavy investment in the original

canal, its enlargement was naturally a matter of cooperative

effort between municipal authorities and the representatives

of private business firms. They also stressed that a bold,

new plan of expanding its size would be a major factor of

inducing investors at home and elsewhere to put up the

venture capital for mammotht" new manufacturing concerns.

Convinced of the enormous importance of the proposed

project, Mayor Charles Estes recc:aiended that experienced

nenirneers be hired to survey the canal, estimate the costs

and present their findings to the City council for an








ultimate decision in the matter. Chairman Thomas Barrett,

Jr., Patrick Walsh and two other mroraers of the special

canal committee accepted the findings of the engineers,

submitted a report endorsing the building of a "new" canal

and recommended that a special election be held. After

voting unanimously in favor of the project, the council

called for a special election. Consolidated returns of

the October, 1871, canal election showed that a majority of

voters favored the project. Gn the basis cE the mandate at

the polls, the city purchased the necessary dredging equip-

ment, awarded the contract to a private corporation and ar-

rangad for the importation of several hundred Chinese

Iabcrors to assist in the digging of the canal. Sluiceways

were cut from the canal to the river. A second and third

level to the old canal were built. After several years of

arduous labor, the project was completed at a cost of almost

16
$1, 900,900.1

As construction of the n-ne canal neared cor.pletion, it

prompted shrewd, cool-headed, business-minded Augustans to

travel North in search of Yankee money in order to re-

estiblish old financial and commr.rci.a ties, cr:.eate now

business associations, promote the expansion of the o ld

industri ies and found new factcrios along the banks of the

enlarged canal. Like many Bourbon crusaders of the New






24

South, they believed that the economic resources were being

drained away to Lhe textile industries in New England. They

were further cronv.nced 'hat the low cottUn pr;.ces were re-

spcnsible for the drain of these resources. Anxious to re-

tain that wealth and to beat the "Yankee Captains" of in-

dustries at their own game, they believed that the cotton

mills ought to be brought to the cotton fields. The new

business leaders who emerged as the economic elite---while

la-menting the demise of the Confederacy--shared a common

jision of an industrial, business civilization for the

17
South o

Completed in 1875, the new Augusta canal was cesponci-

blie oJr converting the "persistent" swampy lowlands, sitag-

nant pcnds and thick marshes on the estates of Cujnning,

Phinizy, Eve and other community influenrtials into a valu-

able industrial park. But of utmost importance was the

Eact tihat the plans, Dreparations and actions pursued Lt

"Southern Yankees" had secured subscription of funds from

some northern capitalists, succeeded in raising local ven-

ture c::pirtal. and been responsible for the founding of a

plethora of new textile mills and the proliferation n of

ceco-ndary or collateral industries. The John P. King,

Josiah Sibley, Entearprise, Algernon, Sterling and ;WaIhr;ick

cotton mills, along which Clark's Flour Mill, Artic Ice








Factory, Sin'jleton Silk Mill, Cotton Seed Oil Company, Lor-

tard Iron Works and other major industries were built along

the banks of the enlarged canal. The rise of "mamnr.oth" new

industries, in turn, stimulated the growth of over sixty new

collateral industries, including railroad shops, boiler re-

18
pair shops, lumber mills, compresses and brick works.

The Enterprise Manufacturing Company before 1873 was a

"small old stone mill, which had long reposed on the old

canal, and ground for its neighbors its slender lots of

lour and meal." In October of 1877, H. M. Clark of Boston,

Charles Estes, G. T. Jackson, Francis Cogin and James Grey

pooled their resources to reorganize the company. Within

less than a decade, the "giant" new corporation had over

30,,00 spindles, 900 looms and employed 700 mill operatives.

In November of 1879, Eugene F. Verdery, a leading indus-

trialist and financier: Patrick Walsh of the Aucrusta

Chron Lcle: Z. McCord, a prominent businessman; and former

mayocs. Robert May and Joseph V. H. Allen, pooled $160,000

cf local capital to organize the Sibley Manufacturing Com-

pany. Josjih Sibloy and William C. Sibley travelled to New

York and Cilcinonati, securing additional subscriptions from

Sar:uel Keyear and Walter Smith amounting to $540,000. The

following spring, construction began at the site of the old

Confednerate Powder Works. Completed and in operation in








February, 1882, the Sibley mill partially utilized the re-

finery, laboratory and incorporating mills and other build-

ings of the powder works. Initially it housed 35,000

spindles and 1,000 looms but increasing production demands

dictated increasing its operation to 40,256 spindles and

1,409 looms. Also on the first level of the new canal was

the King mill. Charles Estes, after travelling to Boston,

New York and Philadelphia, obtained subscriptions amounting

to almost $500,000. Returning to the South, he visited

Charleston and Savannah, raising the remainder of the funds

necessary for capitalization. Although the board of direc-

tors included C. H. Simpson and C. C. Baldwin, the vast

majority were prominent Augustans--H. B. King, John Davison,

Patrick Walsh, Alfred Baker, Thomas G. Barrett, Josiah

Sibley, James P. Verdery, William T. Wheeless and R. A.

Fl2ming. Within nine years the industrial capacity of the

John P. King mill increased from 544 to 880 looms and from.
19
26,46-i4 to 96,500 spindles.

The Au:gusta Factory, Sibley, King and Enterprise mills,

collectively, constituted the galaxy of large textile fac-

tores i.n the city. Around them were a cluster of smaller

cotton mills including the Globe, War..ick, Algerncn and

Stcrliirj wills ard a variety of secondary industries. The

rise of a well-developed money market, rapid railroad con-








struction, a greater volume of trade, significant urban-

suburban expansion and the growth of the acute need for

technological repair services to the basic textile indus-

tries produced a wave of incorporations and construction of

a plethora of collateral industries by shrewd, perceptive

entrepreneurs. They correctly realized that there was a

direct: correlation between the new level of urban-industrial

activity and the need for additional, effective subsidiary

industries. Thus, an economic "subsector" consisting of the

Georgia Chemical Works, Lombard Iron Foundry, Augusta Lumber

Company, Perkins Manufacturing Company, Augusta Ice Factory

and some sixty other, smaller supplementary industries

evolved. The completion of the canal had created a new

urban industrial sector valued at approximately $4, 000,000

which produced over $3,000,000 annually in manufactured

goods. By 1385 the aggregate capital investment in the

total industrial sector increased to almost $8,000,000 and

the manufactured products were valued in excess of

A10,000,000. Augusta, in the Gilded Agn, was clearly mnakLng

rapid strides toward becoming a significant urban indus-

trial city in Georgia as well as western South Carolina.0

The growth of banks, railroads .and industries was

dire'-tly .respconsibia for the increassing population of

Augusta. Hundreds of people left the cornfields, cotton








patches and redclay hills of rural Georgia every year to

find so-called "high-paying" industrial work in Augusta.

Every one of the major mills had a sizable labor force and

the other industries employed large numbers of wage-earners.

As a connecting point between rail and water transportation

systems, Augusta required great numbers of semi-skilled aid

un.ki-'.led laborers. Because the goods handled were bulky in

size, they required numerous hands to assist the transfer

of freight from the warehouses to railroad box cars and

steamers. Thousands of dollars of crates of merchandise,

boxes of canned goods, furniture, stoves and other consumer

goods needed to be efficiently unloaded from the ships which

docked at the port of Augusta and lifted from the wharves

to the streets above where stevedores, draymen and truckmen

carted it away in their horse-drawn wagons. The continuous

c-.rnsi;ructUion of new residential homes, business firms,

i.arger mills and warehouses was also responsible for en-

couraging bricklayers, carpenters and other skilled con-

str-.!ctlion workers to migrate to the city. The abundance of

job opportunities, therefore, naturally attracted more people

to the city. In 1360 the population of Augusta was little

more than 12,000; but by 1880 it had grown to over 20,000.

Ti..,'o decades later it had almost doubled, reaching 39,441.

By 1920 the number of people living in Augusta reached








59,551. In six decades the urban population had increased

21
about five times.

The rise of the "Lowell of the South" was not re-

stricted to the confines of the city limits, nor the boun-

daries of Richmond County, nor, for that matter, the geo-

graphicaL dividing lines between Georgia and South Carolina.

Another significant aspect of the third sector was, there-

fore, industrial expansion into the Palmetto state. The

genesis of Augusta's "industrial colony" dated back to the

:.340's with the founding of the G:.-aniteville and Vaucluse

mills. Although located across the Savannah, both were

Augusta enterprises since a substantial portion of the

capital and many of the men wno incorporated and directed

them were Augustans. In 1847 the Graniteville mill was

built. IThe following year the Vaucluse mill was built Erom

the surplus profits of its parent corporation. Both ex-

perriereced almost continuous growth for two decades, building

additions to the plants, acquiring several thousand acres of

land and constructing small wooden frame houses and company

stores in the emerging industrial plantations. President

William Gregg, returning to Augusta after an extended busi-

ness trip abroad, ar.nounced that he had purchased consider--

able new equipm-ent for greater expansion. Over 680 cases of

equipment and large quantities of building materials arrived






30

from Liverpool in May, 1866. But, in 1867, declining value

of shares, expenditures for the planned enlargements and

other internal business complications contributed to the
') 2
temporary cessation of production.

Under the single management of President H, H. Hickman

of Aagusta, the Graniteville and Vaucluse mills from 1867-

1899 showed considerable forward strides and significant

profits. Colonel Hickman successfully restored the joint

business corporation to a firm basis, eliminated unnecessary

exuendittues, increased the volume of business sales and

effected a thorough-going managerial revolution. In the

annual report for 1872, it was proudly announced that during

.he last five years stockholders had received an average

annual dividend rangir.g from 10 to 20 per cent of the total

cami-tal investlrint. Net gains for just 1th Graniteville

mill had added 5166,526 to the surplus funds in 1872; the

following year they exceeded $190,000. Gross profits in

1973 amounted to $217,685 and dividends paid out were in

excess of $100,000. The combined profits of the two mills

exceedc-d $356,000. In 1.74, although directors lamented

t:at p''ofits were "not very satisfactory," according to

buri.-.ess records the croipany recorded a net return of 22

per cent on its $700,000 capital. From 1874-1878 the Gran-

iteville alone paid out dividends amounting to $299,650,





31

representing .l-most 50 per cent on its capital stock. From

J878-1883 Craniteville earned gross profits of $468,977 and

paid out almost $250,000 to stockholders. In April, 1899,

HLcknmau rendered a thorough account of his thirty-two years

of stewardshipi" before turning over the direction of the

company to Tracy Hickman. The retiring president pointed

with great pride that shares had risen in value from sixty

cents on the dollar to $200 per share. Stockholders had

received $1,200,000 in dividends. Property holdings had

substantially increased, new machinery had been purchased,

physical facilities had grown with constant enlargements,

several hundreds of thousands of dollars had been trans-

ferred to the surplus funds out of the gross profits and

other industries had been founded in the "Greater Augusta
23


"ic continual return of steady, high profits to the

Augusta capitalists meant that they were most eager to

continue ho invest their surplus wealth in their "industrial

colony." In the 1370's, 1830's and 1890's an "aggressive

spirit' resulted in further "imperial exporting" of capital

Lo found the Langley, Aiken, Warren and Clearwater manu-

fa-ctu.-ring companies. The men who raised the capital stock,

promotiedr the ventur-es, organized the milltowm.s and made all

the key administrative decisions were prominent citizens of








Aucusta. By 1900 they had invested a total of $2,200,000

in their four Carolina-based factories.

The subscribed capital for the Langley Manufacturing

Company came in 1870 from William Langley of New York;

William E. Jackson, President of the Augusta Factory; William

C. Sibley, President of the Sibley mill; and other leading

local businessmen--Josiah Sibley, Edward Thomas, John Jay

Cohen and Thomas Barrett, Jr. The new corporation lived up

to their hearty expectations, showing net profits of

$325,A03 for the period 1972-1877 which represented about

13.5 per cent average annual return. President Thomas

Barrett, Jr. reported that the corporation was a real

'gcirg-concern, earning net profits of $338,525 from 1878-

1833 ror an 85 per cent return on the initial investment in
24
a four year period.2

At Bath, just six miles from Augusta, tie Aiken Manu-

facturing Company was organized, built and in operation in

thu 183C's. Among its important promoters and officials was

Charles Estes, President of the Kirng mill, former mayor and

close Lu5-iness associate of several mills, banks and other

industries. President Thomas Barrett, Jr., executive head

of the Langley mill since 1878, had greatly stressed the im-

portance of the plant's location between the Southern, South

Carolina and Georgia railways, pointing out that the exist-








ing spur switches afforded the company excellent rail fa-

cilities for shipping goods to other markets. Within five

years, the three-story brick plant was enlarged to accomr.o--

date 27,500 spindles and 766 looms, thereby almost doubling

its original industrial equipment.

James P. Verdery, President and Treasurer of the Enter-

prise mill: Charles A. Robbe, prominent construction con-

tractor; Linwood C. Hayne, a rising young financier associ-

ated with two important Augusta banks; and Eugene F. Verdery

currbinie their fortunes and talents to take over a mill at

Warrenville when it became "financially embarrassed."

President E. F. Verdery successfully raised the capital

funds to liquidate its debts and to equip it with 1,000

looms and 31,000 spindles. By 1900 the Warren Manufacturing

Company, it was frequently said, was larger in size, pro-

cuction, and equipment than both the Graniteville and Van-

clusa mills.

Experienced Augusta cotton men--Charles Estes, Thomas

Barrett, Jr., Frederick B. Pope and Landon A. Thomas, Jr.--

perceived that most of the southern cottcn mills had to send

their goods North to be bleached and then re-shipped back

down Southb. Recognizing that a demand existed, -hev will-

ingly put up the venture capital for the Clearv'ater Bleach--

eiy and Manufacturing Company. Since it was the only firm






34

of its type in the region, they knew that it would steadily

grow, paying back high profits to its subscribers.25

The Nature of the New City

Rapid urbanization and industrialization had sub-

stantially changed the nature of life in the new city. Vast

new municipal problems emerged, placing greater demands and

strains upon city government and the decision-makers. Water

for thu peop1- was a very crucial matter, requiring long-

range urban planning. Bad taste, strong odors, thick green

algae and flitting water bugs in public wells often caused

them to be "abandoned by man and beast." Sewerage and

drainage systems were rendered hopelessly inadequate by the

growing city. Existing sewers and drains were in an acute

stat of decay. Decaying animal cadavers demanded removal

by sc-avengers hired by the city. It was obvious to many,

especially professional medical authorities, that such

urban sanitation conditions were confronk:ing the city

fathers with major challenges and requiring a greater cen-
26
tralization of authority.

Second, the rise of urban Augusta had created a series

of slma. independent village clusters lying beyond the

official city limits. Sumn.erville, Harrisonvilli, Monte

Sano, North Augusta and Nollieville, for example, were on

the peripheral fringe of the city proper. Most of these








never residential areas on the periphery developed as an

inevitable result of the increase in material wealth of the

more prosperous white citizens. Property o-wners, anxious

to display their material success, endeavored to make full

use of their building sites to create the image of a sophis-

ticated, aristocratic society devoted to a leisurely way of

life. Grand and stately homes, surrounded by large plots of

ground, gardens and trees were inhabited by the wealthy in-

dustrialists, bankers, brokers, merchants, attorneys and

other well-to-do residents. Streets were shaded with elm,

oak, pine and pcplar trees to beautify the areas. Suburban

real estate corporations advertised that all lots and homes

wece sold with "proper restrictions" to insure the "quiet

and comfort" of the nno suburbanites and the "absence of

objectionable people." 'The Loop" circled the city, offer-

ing quick, fast and dependable trolley service in "first-

class" can's to the commuting members of the "respectable

stratcL of society." Rising, younger political aspirants,

who had often assisted in che building of the city and the

development of the suburbs, frequently were of the strong

opinion that cert'-i.n, select suburban areas ought to be

annexed, forn!ing a "Greater Augu:ta."27

Urban life styles in the "factory district" and "The

Terri" were far different from the leisure way of life in





36

suburbia. The region between the central business district

from upper Broad Street to around Lake Olmstead emerged

sharply defined as the "factory settlement." The vast ma-

jority of the white wage-earners lived in that district.

Most of the large textile mills took up a considerable amount

of space and were visibly present. Other industrial con-

cerns--ice plants, lumber yards, machine shops--also charac--

terizod the area, contributing to its distinctiveness as the

heart of industrial Augusta. Tall two-story brick and

wooden tenement houses, crowding several families into one

building with dark, ill-ventilated, dreary tiny apartments

were a common distinguishing feature. Company-owned cot-

tages, small wooden frame houses and other homes were built

in order to provide lodgings for the mill operatives and

their families.

The great mass of the black population resided almost

w'holly in the region south of Gwinnett Street and southwest

in "The Territory." During the war, and particularly after

the death of the Confederacy, many colored people abandoned

the plantation lands and flocked to the city in the hope of

gaining a better way of life. "'The Terri," as the Negroes

calli'd i., emerged in the postwar industrial city as a

community within a ( o-munity. Living and working ',ithin the

city, they were nevertheless shut off from white society and






37

prohibited by law from entering certain establishments, such

as theatres, restaurants and hotels. Separate business

firms, churches and schools emerged to provide for the needs

of the urban blacks, giving rise to a very small, but ex-

ceedingly ambitious black bourgeoisie. Merchants, grocers,

undertakers, saloon-keepers, ministers, professors, lawyers

and teachers catered to their exclusively colored clientele.

Rows of low-rent tin shanties, ramshackle buildings, wooden

shacks and older, former white residential homes lined the

dusty roadways, streets and alleys of the region, giving it

another distinct characteristic which separated it from the

lower class white factory district and the upper class white

suburbs.22

Third, rapid urban growth and industrial expansion had

contributed to acute new social tensions, especially between

the business groups and the non-business elements, confront-

ing the established political and economic elites with

several critical issues. The first fundamental problem was

the dramatic emergence of a new, highly moralistic public

sentiment favoring "Gcod Government" and advocating "re-

sponsible," "business-like" leadership in city politics

instead of "ward factionalism" and "corrupt elections."















NOTES


1. Augusta Daily Constitutionalist and Sentinel,
May 15, 1860, April 7, 18, Hay 15, 28, August 2, 29, Septem-
ber 7, 11, 1861, May 14, July 26, 1363, May 14, 1864;
Charles C. Jones, Jr., and Salem Dutcher, Memorial History
of Augusta, Georgia (Syracuse: D. Mason and Publishers,
1890), 416-425; George Washington Rains, History of the
Confederate Powder Works (Augusta: Chronicle and Constitu-
tionalist Print, 1882), passim; Joseph B. Milgram and Norman
P. Gerlieu, George Washington Rains (Philadelphia: Foote
Mineral and Company, 1961), passim; Florence Fleming Corley,
Confederate City, Augusta, Georgia. 1860-1865 (Columbia:
University of South Carolina Press, 1960), 46-62, 84-86;
Richard D. Goff, Confederate Supply (Durham: Duke Univer-
sity Press, 1969), 130-131; Charles B. Dew, Ironmaker to the
Con ederacy (New Haven and London: Yale University Press,
1966), 86, 125; T. Conn Bryan, Confederate Georgia (Athens:
University of Georgia Press, 1953), 103; E. Merton Coulter,
The Confederate States of America, 1861-1865 (Baton Rouge:
Louisiana State University Press, 1950), 207-209; Eiqhth
Cersus of the United States: 1860, Population (Washingt-on:
Government Printing Office, 1864), 74.

2. Fitz Gerald Ross, Cities and Camps of the Con-
federate States (Urbana: University of Illinois Press,
1958), 114-115, 141-144.

3. Corley, Confederate City, 84-86; Robert Selph
Henry, The Story of the Confederacy (Indianapolis and New
York: Dobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1964), 424-426; Alan
Ccrnwy, The Reconstruction of Georgia (Minneapolis: Uni-
versity of Minnesota Press, 1966), 10-14. Conway stresses
that Sherman's prime objective was to relocate his base of
military operations from Atlanta in the interior to Savannah,
a coastal citv where he could receive supplies from the
Union navy.








4. Augusta Daily Constitutionalist and Sertinel,
December 21, 1365, October 19, 1871, October 29, 1872;
'Minutes of the City Council, January 2, 1866-December 30,
1871,' 740-741; "Minutes of the City Council, January 1,
1872-April 7, 1879," 62-63; Richard W. Griffin, "Augusta
Manufacturing Company in Peace, iWa and Reconstruction,
1844-1877," business History Review, XXXII (Spring, 1958),
67; William L. Whatley, "A History of the Textile Develop-
mlent of Augusta, Georgia, 1865-1883" (M.A. thesis, Univer-
sity of South Carolina, 1964), 6. The continued postwar
existence of the buildings and equipment of the Confederate
Powder Works is a matter of local historical controversy.
George W. Rains, in his History of the Confederate Powder
Work3, 28, stated that "nothing" remained after the war.
However, municipal records and the files of the leading
newspaper confirm the thesis that the equipment and build-
ings were still in existence, almost undisturbed by the
ravages of the war, but that six years of neglect following
the war had its toll upon the plant. Roof-tops of remaining
buildings had caved-in, floors were warped, rotted-out and
badly damaged by the elements and the machinery that had
not been purchased by businessmen was rusted, possibly
beyond physical repair. The point is well-stated, however,
that greater damages had developed through neglect rather
than by the war and military occupation forces.

5. Calvin's Augusta City Directory for 1865-1806
(Augusta: Constitutionalist Job Office, 1865), 98; Augusta
Daily Consti-tutionalist and Sentinel, September 20, November
28, December 15, 1865; Augusta Chronicle, May 10, 1885;
Sidn-y Andrews, lThe South Since the War (Boston: Ticknor
and Fields, 1866), 353. Willard Range's, A Century of
Georgria _Ariculture, 1850-1950 (Athens: University of
Geo:rgia Press, 1954), 90, points out h thtthe "long
starved cotton mill." of New England, Britain and France
paid very high prices for southern cotton, offering 43
cents and 31 cents a pound in 1866 and .867, as compared to
8-10-11 cents per pound in the 1850's.

5. Jones and Dutchec. Memorial History of Aucpsta,
329, 333-340, 342-344, 346--348, 35b.

7. DAugusta Daily Constitutionalist and _3entijnel,
Decea boer 20, 1865, January 3, April 2, 1866, July 3, 1870,
Septtm-Tbr 1, 1872; Jones and Cutcher. Memorial History o-f
-lc'sta_, 3, 359-361, 488--501: Joseph B. Cum0ning, A History
of the Ceorqia Railroad and Banking Company and Its Corpor-







ate Affiliates, 1833-1958 (Augusta: Private Printer, 1958),
8-12; James F. Doster, "The Georgia Railroad and Banking
Company in the Reconstruction Era," Georgia Historical
a ._t-erly, XLVIII (March, 1964), 1-5.

8. Auausta Daily Constitutionalist and Sentinel,
May 2, 1866, July 3, August 27, 28, 1870, January 12,
February 7, 26, March 31, April 2, 4, 9, July 1, 9, August
13, September 26, 1871, March 15, September 1, 1872;
Auuusta Chronicle, February 11, 1900; Jones and Dutcher,
Memorial History of Augusta, 3, 133, 239, 360-362; The
Industrial Advantages of Auausta, Georgia (Augusta: Ake-
hurst publishingg Company, 1893), 109-110.

9. Augusta Daily Constitutionalist and Sentinel,
July 6, August 10, December 2, 1865, February 2, April 7,
18, 1866; Auust-a Chronicle, May 10, 1885, February 27,
March 6, September 5, 1897; Jones and Dutcher, Memorial
Historyof Auousta, 497, 505-506; Conway, The Reconstruction
of Georaia. 35-37; The Industrial Advantages of Augusta,
29-32; Eugene H. Hinton, A Historical Sketch of the Evolu-
t.ion of Trade and Lransportation of Auausta, Georgia (At-
lanta: The Southeastern Freight Association, 1912), 25-26.

10. Augusta Chronicle, May 10, 1885; Jones and Dutcher,
Memorial History of Augusta, 497-503; Doster, "The Georgia
Railroad and Banking Company," loc. cit., 1-5.

11. Aucusta Chronicle, February 27, 1897, April 16,
1905; "Hinton, Sketch of the Evolution of Trade, 21; Jones
and Dutcher, Memorial History of Augusta, 502; Tihe Ci+y
Council of Augusta, Georqia Year Book: 1909 (Augusta:
Augusta Chronicle Job Department, 1910), 127; Nineteen--
Twenty Year Book of the City Council of Aug-sta, Georgia
(Auciusta: Ridgely-Wing Tidewell Company, 1921), 13; Year
Book of the City Council of A.ugsta, Georgia: 1935
(Auousta: Publishers unknown, 193}6), 30-31.

12. Augusta Chronicle, August 19, 1898, September 1,
18999 Ma,,eor's Messages and Official Reports of the Demart-
um2ts _cfE the C.iy of Aucusta, 1904 (Augusta: Augusta
Chronicle Job Office, 1905), 52: Th'e City Council of
Augusta, Georgia Year Book: 1909 (Augusta: Augusta Chroni-
cle Job Department, 1910), 126; Nineteen Eleven Year Book of
the Cit, Council of Auausta, Geor.ca (Augusta: Phoenix
Printing Company, 1912), 160; Nineteen Sixteen Year Book
of tho City Council of Augusta, Georgia (Augusta: Ridgely-
iini--Tidewell Company, 1917), 137; Nineteen Nineteen Year








Book of the City Council of Augusta, Georgia (Augusta:
Phoenix Priri -u'ng Compar:ny 1920), 30; Nineteen Twenty-One
Year Book of the City Council of Augusta, Georgia (Augusta:
Phoenix Printing Company, 1922), 17; The Year Book of the
City Council of Au2usta, Georaia: 1935, 28; The Industrial
Advantages of Augusta, 49-50, 142.

13. Range, Georgia Agriculture, 77-159, stresses that
a "Long Depression" prevailed in Georgia from 1865-1900,
The Civil War had destroyed the textile mills and Georgia
industrialists had to start "almost from scratch." Such
was certainly not the case in Augusta; yet Range failed -to
mention in any way whatsoever the mills of "Greater Augusta"
as an example of industrial wartime prosperity and the post-
war increase in the volume of production and the return of
high net profits to their owners.

14. Augusta Daily Constitutionalist and Sentinel,
August 21, 1868, February 1, June 25, 1870, July 25,
September 5, 1871, May 7, October 2, 1873; Augusta Chronicle,
Hay 10, 1885, July 13, August 13, 1899, February 11, 1900,
D-cembe.r 6, 1905; Jones and Dutcher, Men.orial Hi.story .of
Augusta, 417-421.

15. "Minutes of Lth City Council, January 2, 1866-
L'ece~er 30, 1971," 531-532; Jones and Dutcher, Teemorial
UJistorj of Auju.sta, 418-419.

16. Auusta Dail.Jy Cos Li. t onali+ and Sentin l,
April 16, 21. 23, Juno 18, 27, 2, August 6, 9, 13, 22, 29,
Sep-tember 6, October 5, 1.87, January 17, February 24,
April 4, May 29, 1872; November 15, Decemiber 13, 1873;
Au.iusta Chronicle, May 10, 1885: ''Minutes of the City Coun-
C1l, January 2, 1866-Decei'ba: 30, 1871," 561-567; Jones
and Dutchor, tenor.ieal .isor of Augusta, 187-188, 418.

17. John S. Ezell, The South: Since 1S65 (Newv York:
lacmiillan Co'marvy, 1963), 136-143; Thomas D. Clark and
Albert D. Kirwan, TheI Soul Sin.-e. Apgoomattox (thew York:
Oxford University Press, 1967), 147-153: C. Vann Wcodward,
O'i.ins o? the New South, 1877-1913 ('ew; Orleans: Louisiana
Sttec University Press, 1951), 131.

18. Augusta Daily Cons tiutionalist and Sentinel,
'ebruar-r 22, 1882; _Auus-' Chronicle, May 10, 1885; Febru-
ary 27, 1897, July 13, August 13, 1899, February 11, 1900,
Decer-bcr 6, 1905; Jones and Dutcher, Hiistory of Augusta, 3,








347-349, 356-36.1; The Industrial Advantages of Auqista, 58-
59, 5--66, 79-30, 32-98, 109-110; William Phillips, The
'To;ograh and _Hydrography in the Vicinity of Augusta,
Georuia and the History of the Currents of the Savannah
River in Times of Freshet (Augusta: John M. Weigle and
Company, 1892), 8-10.

19. Auqusta Chronicle, May 10, 1885, January 26,
1898, July 13, 1899; "Minutes of the City Council, January
3, 1898-December 31, 1901," 453-456; Jones and Dutcher,
Memorial History of Augusta, 420-422, 425-428; Hinton,
A Historical Sketch of the Evolution of Trade, 6.

20. Auigusta Chronicle, May 10, 1885, May 30, January
24, 1897, November 27, 1398, August 13, 1899, February 11,
1900; Industrial Advantages of Augusta, 54-56, 58-59, 65-66,
71, 79-60, 109-111.

21. Eight Census of the United States: 1860, Popula-
tion (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1864), 74;
'Tenth Census of the United States: 1880 (Washington:
Governr.ent Printing Office, 1883), 127; Twelfth Census of
the United States: 1900, Population (Washington: United
States Census Office, 1901), 107; Fourteenth Census of the
United States: 1920. Population (Washington: Government
Printing Office, 1921), I, 385.

22. Auqu3ta Daily Constitutionalist and Sentinel,
April 22, 29, May 17, 1866; Aucusta Chronicle, May 10,
.1885; Jones and Dutcher, Memorial History of ALugusta 416,
423-425.

23. Luqusta Daily Constitutionalist and Sentinel,
IPe-rch 15, 17, 18, 22, 23, May 3, 1870, March 30, April 28,
MIy 12, 14, 1371, Alpril 21, 26, 1872, April 28, May 1,
Auqust 3, September 13, 14, 1873; August2, Chronicle. M-iv 10,
13885, November 14, 1898, February 11, 28, 1900, December 5,
1905; Jones and Dutcher, Me.moxial Hist rv- otf A-uusaI,-, 419-
:'20; industrial Advantages of Aucusta, 68-69, 87, 94-96.

24. Agugca Daily Con; i.iL.utionalist end Sentinel,
March 15, 17, 18, 22, 2., May 3, 1870; Aqgsta Chronicle,
May 10, 1885, February 11, 28, 1900, December 6, 1905;
Jones, and Dutc-her, M se:ioria. _Histo__y of_ AIgqstaa, 416-417;
I.ndista id .:e-.gs o of Aug sta, 79-80, 65-66, 68-69, 94-
9G.






43

25. Augusta Chronicle, February 11, 1900, December 6,
1905; Industrial Advantaoes of Augqsta, 109-110.

26. Third Annual Reocrt of the Board of Health of the
Ci-iy of Auust3, Geor'ia: 1880 (Augasta: Chronicle and
Constitutionalist Printers, 1881), 13-23; Fifth Annual Re-
porl of the Board of Health of the City of Auc_ .ta_, Georgia:
1_882 (Augusta: M. M. Hill arnd Company, 1883), 43-45;
Fifteenth Annual Report of the board of Health of the City
of Augqsa,_Georgia: 1892 (A;uus a: Richards and Shaver
Printers, 1893), 44-45; Sixteenth Annual Report of the Board
of Health of the City of uusta Georgia: 1893 (Augusta:
John M. Weigle and Corrany, 1894), 106.

27. The Industrial Advantages of Auq2-sta, 48-49, 63,
88-89.

28. Augusta Chronicle, May 1, 1899.















CHAPTER II

BREAKING THE RING



Thne Oricins of a Refo:rmSpirit

Arriving in America "tagged like a package" from

Dramnerhaven aboard a cattle boat, fourteen-year-old Wilhelm

Johann Hennig ultimately emigrated to Richmond county,

sci,:t.iag down on a farm in Gracewood about ton miles from

Augusta. In his spare time from farming his land, Tennig

taught himself the English language, acquiring a high degree

of proficiency. Greatly disturbed by political chicanery

and machninations on election days in his adopted country,

he had often thought about. taking action expressing his

dissatisfaction and observations. When one of the local

newspapers had refused to print a polemical editorial, the

stubborn forty-year-old GermermaArican, annoyed by the

-rebuff and convinced of the efficacy of his article, bought

a bai of used type, some printe-s' ink and paper and trudged

hack home. Using n-n old, discarded tobacco cr7te and a

sweet ium log covered with an old wool hat as the bed and

cylinder, he assembled a crude home-made newspaper press.

44






45

Several weeks later in June, 1892, the first edition of The

Wool Hat was printed and distributed. Standing on the

corners of the main thoroughfares of the downtown district,

farmer-turned journalist Hennig hawked the sma11 6" x 9"

flysheet to interested passersby.

Proclaiming to be the "organ of the people," Hennig's

weekly newspaper emerged as the sole voice of the Augusta-

Richmond County Populist Alliance, championing the cause of

"good government," calling for a "reform element" composed

of "good and true citizens" to break up "The Ring" and ad-

vocating the establishment of a new regime of men "who re-

gard a public office as a public trust." The Wool Hat, and

its successor, the Augusta Daily Tribune, iere probably the

first local newspapersto vividly expose to the general

reading public the corrupt machine tactics which enabled

"Ringsters" to influence the outcome of most elections in

the pre-Progressive Era.

Using a combination of "bocdle," "booze" and "bullpen"

politics, Ring candidates manipulated "lintheads," "niggers"

and, it was rumored, occasionally, even "members of re-

spectable society" to secure their political victories at

the polls. Prior to elections, massive drives were made in

every ward and militia district to register a full con-

tingent. Men were allowed to register under fictitious






46

names and to list places of residence which they positively

did nct occupy. Boys, it was charged, were frequently per-

mitted to register to vote. Many were improperly registered

under several names. But "Ring strategy" was especially

geared toward registering blacks; indeed, "the crop of 21

year-old negroes seems inexhaustible and the wonderful

adeptness of the Democratic workers in finding them and

waltzing them up to the registrar's office is nothing short

of miraculous."

The evening before the elections, wagons, buggies,

surreys and hacks bounced along the rutted roadways in the

city and county, rounding up blacks and transporting them

to prearranged spots. Corralled into make-shift cattle

pens near the polling booths, they were carefully guarded

during the long, bleak, dreary early morning hours by the

devoted lieutenantst" of the machine candidates. Wood was

carted to the sites, fires were built and considerable

quaintitities of liquor and buer were furnished to the penned-

up voter, to keep them bubbling over with confidence. Night

watchers knept the darkiess" happy as brass bands "boom-de-

ayed" to keep their spirits high for election day.

Early the next morning, wardheelers funneled them from

-hr: "bul erns" into orderly lines and marched them to the

polls. On their clothes were bright, shinny tin badges








with either a picture or symbol of their candidates and in

their pockets were crisp dollar bills. Some boldly marched

into the booths with rr.mney pinned on their shirts and

lapels; others filed outside, arms outstretched and eager

hands greeting the "paymasters." "Repeaters," after voting,

were quickly hustled aboard waiting vehicles to cast another

ballot. With a crack of the whips, the clatter of the

wheels and the click of the horses' hoofs, the wagons

luibrred off co the next station, unloading their passengers

to vote under assumed names "in plain view of the managers

of .he election." Throughout election day, in direct vio--

lation of city ordinances, "vile, brain-crazing liquors

were used to inflame the passions of men," as kegs

of beer and demijohns of whiskey were freighted from

"'Ring-controlled" bacs to the houses of "mystery" in the

city."

Vehenerntly criticizing such practices, Hennig and

fellow Pepul.st agitators had substantially contributed to

the ground swell of moralistic discontent, favoring the

destruction of such corruption, advocating the alteration

cf the established cower structure and calling for a "new

deal" in city, county and state politics. But neither lie

nor his supporters were the sole advocates of reform.

Cthers, too, clamored for changes.








Itinerant evangelists and local ministers comprised a

second group of articulate dissenters who advocated reform

politics in the 1890's. 'Augusta needs a cleaning up, and

you know it, but you are afraid to speak," Reverend Samuel

Jones exclaimed to an audience of six thousand attending

his Tabernacle Revival Meeting on Reynolds Street near

Jackson. Pitching into the fracas of corrupt local poli-

tics, the Right Reverend shouted "I wish we could get to

.crk for Christ as hard as the gang is at work for the devil

in this town." Pastor Weston R. Gales of North Carolina,

after touring the "factory district," exclaimed to the vast

crowds which attended his revival that he wanted to see the

"young :men saved from the hell holes of this city, the

salons and garrmbling shops. There are hundreds of places

in the city which are using all their arts they con employ

to lead young men and women into sin." H. I. Embry,

mninister of St. Luke's Methodist Church, delivered stinging,

powerful sermons to his congregation about the dishonest

outraces and disgraceful conditions. "Look at the shame

that is now going on, announced and prcven in a public news-

pal':r: every day and the Christian people sitting still and

allowing a miserable gang of men with white skins hugging

A.Fricans and rushing then in and rushing then on. I aem

ashamed of the Christianity of this town, which sits in








silence and has no word of condemnation for this crying

disgrace. If the honest people of this town do not rise up

and put a stop to it this city will go down in a worse con-

dition than did Sodom." The time has come, Embry asserted,

for every "moral and God-fearing Christian to vote for the

Right" and bring an end to the "rule of Sin." Exhorting

every good citizen to register and vote in the "mighty

struggle" between "good and evil," he pledged that right

would triumph. The pastor of the Asbury Methodist Church,

Reverend William Dunbar, likewise urged that it was the

Christian duty of the "good citizens" to acknowledge the

"debauchery going on at the ballot box" and to take action

to wrest government from the control of the "wicked."

M:Iany other prominent clergymen of the leading Protes-

tant churches joined forces with the traveling missionaries

to scaind the alarm for the acute need for thorough-going

formsm. The itinerant evangelists and most of the local

clergy repeatedly urged that the Christian brethren unite

together into "one solemn, earnest determined struggle

against the forts of sin in our city, and in an effort to

..in recruits to our armies.' Blistering hellfire and dan.a-

tion sermons vigorously condemned the "gambling hellholes,"

"houses of shaie," numerous saloons and other .imLmoral places

which were pervasive, placing the main burden of responsi-





50

ability for the existence of such conditions upon city govern-

meat and rebuking mayors and aldermen to live up to their
3
MIoral obligations as "stewards" of God Almighty.

A third dissenting group, more concerned with the

physical than the spiritual health of Augustans, was the

medical community.

"The taste of this water is so strong and disagreeable

that not even horses can be induced to drink it," Dr. Joseph

Jones, Professor of Chemistiy at the Medical College of

Georgia, noted. "The waters of this pump have a decided

saline taste, and are unfit for washing clothes, and produce

most deleterious effects when used for drinking or cooking.

I have experienced the evil effects of this miserable com-

pound in my own person, when I first removed to Augusta

S. not being aware of the condition of the pump water,

I used it for several days. The effects were intense, in-

satiable thirst, followed with derangement of digestion and

of the bowels." CC;mi c.nting upon yet another main public

well, he stated :that the bad taste and odors were so foul

that it had been finally "abandoned by man and beast."

Afucr making a careful, scientific, chemical examination of

sample-s taken from over seventy public wells, he discovered

that they contained substantial amou--ts of suspended matters,

conisisting of "particles of black and white mica, fine






51

silicious sand, minute particles of different non-fossilif-

erous primitive rocks, animaculos and clay colored red by

pe.cio::ids of iron." The incredible aspect to Jonas was that

he had originally examined and recommended to the city

council that such conditions warranted condemning these

wells ji i 1860 But well over two decades later, he was

still vigorously protesting the lack of municipal action

to improve the quality of public water for the dependent

urban populace.

Throughout the pre-Progressive Era, other physicians,

members of the Board of Health and concerned professional

persons continuously complained to municipal officials about

the need for pure water and the introduction of other urgent

public services. Some blatantly raised the question of how

long(, the people would have to continue to "drink the vile

and unhealthful water from pumps stinking with leachings of

ho:rse-s tables, human excreta and all uther forms of life."

"That the w at.er of the pumps is highly impure and detri-

mnonta to health cannot be denied, and why the city authori-

ties should persist in maintaining them is beyond my compre-

hension," the President of the Board of Health lamented.

Other- critics, further revealing the emergence of a

tlird di,.siclent group, pointed to the disturbing sanitation

problem confronting civil authorities and demanding political







action to introduce positive plans for a uniform system of

sewers and drains and the systematic removal of the trash,

rubble and debris of a growing urban community. Existing

underground hollowed-cut logs and wooden drains and sewers

installed before the Civil War were hopelessly inadequate,

either completely rotting away, caving in, splitting open

or clogging up with such thick deposits that waste matters

seeped up to the surface of streets and yards. Inspection

of those that miraculously remained intact revealed that

they were almost functionless. In some sections it was

discovered that shallow ditches were dug, pipes, drains and

culvvercs had been crudely constructed without grades fur-

nished by an engineer. "It was found that the builders of

sewers," in one region, "had frequently attempted to ac-

ccmplish the impossible feat: to make water run up hill."

Many perceptive observers concluded that when the antebellum

underground utilities were built their e was 'little concern

whether or- not they would be incorporated into a city-wide

network. "There are scores upon scores of squares in

Aug:.z:sta having n-ithe;r se e-res or drains. In such squares

the liquid household w;st:_s are discharged upon the lots,

or into mud trenchrWs in the streets, there to stagnate,

fester and c or eed disease."

The population had grown to over 33,000 by 1890, almost








tripling in size since Appomattox. From 1890-1910 it in-

creased -almost another 10,000 and the total population in

the county neared 60,000 people. New sections appeared.

The "factory settlement" in the fifth ward was jam-packed

with people living in tenement houses, small frame cottages

and other dwellings provided for the textile workers and

their families creating a type of urban industrial planta-

tion system for the "lintheads." "The Terri" emerged in the

second ward and beyond as a predominantly black ghetto. In

these densely populated regions, it was not uncommon for

residents to complain of the stench of sewer gases. Nor was

it unusual to hear chronic complaints of stinking side

gutters, foul drainage ditches, smelly privies and open

cesspools. "The drains in many of the streets are open

ditches; the privies which are sunk in the ground, are

scarcely if ever, cleaned out, and those which rest upon

the ground, are cleaned out not oftener than once a year,

the soluble portions of the excrement and the urine being

allowed to sink into the eaith and saturate the soil and

contaminate the water. The excrement and urine of horses

and cows in the streets, in like manner, are allowed to sink

into the porous soil. Lime is extensively cmployed during

the :,sur.ner season for the purification of the streets,

drains and privies, which excites decomposition in the or-








ganic matters." It was obvious to professional medical

authorities that the only remedy was for the city to rip up

the old, dilapidated utilities and replace them with kaolin

or cement pipes, brick side surface drains and sand traps in

a uniform city-wide manner, definitely improving the old
4
"hap-hazard system of sewers."

Human wastes, animal manure and decaying bloated

cadavers of cows, hogs, dogs and cats in vacant lots, yards,

alleys and streets were also cited as substantially con-

tributing toward deleterious public health conditions and

demanding public action to cart away offensive and putre-

fying substances to outlying garbage dumps by scavengers

hired by the city. As a justification for such dynamic new

programs---public waterworks, sewers, drains, roads,

dumps--many pointed to New York, Philadelphia, Boston,

Cincinnati, New Orleans, Memphis and Nashville, which, they

contended, experienced similar problems and had attempted to

cope with them by implementing dynamic new urban policies.

Throughout the 1890's the agitation for an urban

crusade had developed, particularly eliciting the moral

indignation of literate, middle and upper class citizens of

established society. Journalists, ministers, doctors,

professors, attorneys, teachers and entrepreneurs had become

too painfully aware of the reality of political chicane to








ignore the recurrent charges and complaints recorded in

editorials, sermons, municipal reports and other public

documents. They w;ere also fully convinced that until "The

Ring" forces were destroyed a comprehensive, reform-oriented

government totally dominated by efficient, business-minded

individuals would not be achieved. Thoroughly disgusted

with the past, scandously corrupt elections and utterly con-

vinced that a new leadership was needed to boldly and openly

challenge the "ringsters," they responded to the appeals of

the "Good Government" reform mayoralty candidate, Patrick

Walsh, pledging themselves to combine together and to "vote
5
straight" in the election of 1897.

Patrick Walsh, The Reformer

"Walsh' Walsh! Honest Pat Walsh! Who's Pat Walsh?

He's a Winner!" shouted a crowd of men marching two by two

up Broad Street to Walsh's home. Arriving at the former

United States Senator's domicile on September 7, 1897, the

enthusiastic crowd smashed down the front fence, assembled

on the lawn and shouted for him I: step out onto the spa-

cious, colonmaded veranda. Stepping out onto the front

porch, blond, curly-haired, blue-eyed Pat Walsh gazed out

over the f-iendly group, nodding and smiling. After the

brass band ceased blaring, councilman Charles A. Doolittle

of the third ward spoke: 'Mr. Walsh, I have been delegated








by the large assemblage of your fellow citizens to tender

to you in their name the mayoralty of the City of Augusta.

(Cheers) We have not come to talk, but we mean business.

All that we ask of you now is your formal acceptance of this

nomination, and the thing is ended." When the cheers,

shouts and cries of "Walsh! Walsh." died down, the soft-

spoken, mild-mannered and urbane fifty-seven year old

addressed his supporters: "If elected mayor (Cheers) I will

give to the people of this community a fair, honest and

economical administration, and I will endeavor in every

possible way to promote the manufacturing and commercial

interests of this great city. (Cheers)" "This demonstra-

tion," he continued after the chanting faded away, "means

that my fellow citizens will see ot it that I will be

elected."

A week later a Walsh "Good Government" reform meeting

was held at the Augusta Opera House. The pit was crowded,

the first gallery was filled and clusters of people were

gathered in the upper gallery.. Many janmred around the en-

trance, lined the aisles, leaned through the window sills

and milled around outside, listening to the campaign pledges

of a man whom Henry Woodfin Grady asserted was so Irish that

he "walked with a brogue." Over 1,200 Walsh boosters

cheered wildly and applauded loudly when their candidate








concluded his speech, stating "I have no machine behind

me."6

To many Augustans, Patrick Walsh was just the man to

break up "The Ping." Through patience, industry and dili-

genrce he had gradually worked his way up from an unskilled

immigrant to eJi tor and owner of the leading daily news-

paner, representing in the minds of the people the phe-

nomena of the American success tradition. For over thirty

years since he had first settled in Augusta, after being

released from the First South Carolina Rifle Militia in

18S2, Walsh had been deeply involved in journalism. Em-

plcyed first as a "printers' devil" on the Augusta Daily

Constitutionalist, he had steadily advanced upward to re-

porter, city editor and co-owner of the Auqusta Chronicle

and Sentinel, consolidated in March, 1877, by Henry Gregg

Wright. Upon the death of his partner, Walsh became the sole

editor, owner and president of the Augusta Chronicle, the

South's oldest newspaper corporation.7

As one of a coterie of southern newspaper owners, Walsh

h:id exerted a powerful influence in championing the doc-

trines of the New South. Like Francis W. Dawson of the

Chbarlston News and Courier, Virginius Dabney of the Rich-

mond '~.'.ies--Dis._iratch, Adolph S. Ochs of the Clhatatnooga

Times, Walter Hines Page of the Raleigh State Chronicle and






58

Henry W. Watterson of the Louisvi lle Courier-Journal, he had

worked untiringly, preaching the gospel of an industrial

civilization. In the Empire state of the South, he was

close friends of the major journalists, embracing the ob-

jectives of Joel Candler Harris. Evan P. and Clark Howell

and Henry Woodfin Grady of the Atlanta Constitution. Like

them he was intensely opposed to maintaining the artificial

divisions between the North and South, firmly believing that

the bitter, hyper-emotional feelings of the past be for-

gotten and a new, cohesive bond of national unity be forged

throIugh the attainment cf common economic progress. Pleas-

ant A. Stovall, owner and editor of the Savannah Press,

Edward Barrett, Owner of the Bi:rmingham Age-AHerald and Major

John S. Cohen, manainqg editor of the Atlanta Journal, had

all begun cheir early -ne\wspauer careers on Walsh's Chronicle.

Then the Associated Press extended its business operations

into the South, President William Henry Smith made Walsh the

general manager for the region. Subsequently, however,

Walsh, Howell, Ochs, John H. Est.il. of the Savannslh Norrninq

News3 and other sour.hern journali-ts allied themselves with

the United Press.

In his capacity as a local -entrepreneur he was one of

the city's "foremost civic promoters," being personally in-

volved in the promotion of the Augusta Expositions of 1881,








1891 and 1893. As a constant advocate of "Boom Augusta"

and ihe "voice" of the oldest newspaper he zealously en-

dorse'd the enlargement of the antebellum canal in the post-

war- era, greatly supported expansion of existing industries

and strongly assisted in the founding of new textile mills

in the "Greater Augusta Area."' n the Gilded Age, Walsh

emerged as one of the leading businessmen of the growing

city. A member of the board of directors of the Augusta

Real Estate and Improvermert Company, the Richmond County

Leltline Railway Company, Augusta Savings Institute, Irish

American investment Company and either president, vice

president or director of seven other land development cor-

porations3, he had obviously diverse business affiliations.

The real estate firm of Alexander and Johnson at 705 Broad

Stree- handled all transactions concerning his sizable

property holdings in the city and suburbs.

In 1870 the ambitious, talented, youthful dynamic

Irish--American made his initial debut in municipal politics.

being elected to the city council. In his capacity as

"atewar' of the people" he consistently supported all

legislation whicn favored -the business community and was

always closely "identified with the important business in-

t-ereste in th city." Mayor Charles Estes, recognizing his

merits,appointed him to the special canal commission to








assist Thomas Barrett, r. ,in considering the feasibility

of enlarging the old canal so that it would provide more

wataroower for additional textile mills.10

From 1872-1876 he served in the General Assembly as

representative from Richmond County, becoming a "warm and

effective supporter of every measure looking to the develop-

ment of the mining and manufacturing interests of the State."

During his years in the House he favored not only tax exemp-

tions for woolen mills, cotton factories and iron indus-

tries, but he also strongly advocated state aid to the rail-

roads. It was commonly believed that Walsh did not seek

personal power for his own aggrandisement, but only for the

benefit of Augusta, Richmond County and Georgia.

Moreover, in state politics. Walsh was regarded by many

as a "power." As a Georgia legislator he had gained a

reputation for being a very outspoken man, completely candid

in his sentiments and convicticus and known nol to be a

"trim~rier," nor to deal in "ruse or diplomacy." He gained

az solid political reputation as a gentleman of high charac-

:er, great honesty and personal integrity when, in 1880, he

indignantly rejected a deal to drop support of Governor

Alfred H. Colquitt at the state Democratic Convention when

ColrciAit lacked a rfw votes necessary for the two-thirds

majority needed for renomination. The bargain proposed








by the anti-Colquitt faction would have involved Walsh's

own nomination in place of Colquitt. Rather than accept

such political chicane, Walsh stood up in the convention and

with cool deliberation in his clear, robust voice stated,

:'We have come here to respect the voice of the people of

this state, and we are going to do it if it takes until

ChrisLras. The summer sun now warms this historic roof, but

before sacrificing the demands of the people, we will stay

here until the snow covers it." His unwillingness to bar-

gain was regarded as remarkable, especially since "one of

MR:. Walsh's honorable ambitions was to be governor of

Geocria."12

At the Democratic State Convention held in Atlanta on

the ninth day of June, 3830, Walsh was chosen as one of the

tLw.onty-two delegates-at-large to the National Convention in

Cincinnati. In 1884 be was also a delegate-at-large to the

National Convention in Chicago, enthusiastically championing

Governor Grover Claveland for the nomination, believing that

the election of a Democratic president would do more than

,-nything else to help recreate stronger national feelings.

Local rurcmrs, moreover, persisted that Walsh had been

largely responsible for convincing the powerEul boss of

Tanrmany Hall to sport Cleveland. For four years Walsh

served as a member of the Democratic National Executive








Committee. Yet, President BenDamin Harrison, a Republican,

appointed the rising young southern Democrat to the World's

Columbian Exposition Comiuission in 1893. The following

year, Governor W. J. Northern appointed Patrick Walsh to

the United States Senate to succeed the deceased Alfred H.

Colquitt, becoming the first Catholic to ever hold that

office in Georgia. In 1896 Walsh was a "Gold Bug Democrat"

and went as a representative to the Chicago convention that

ultimately placed its political fortunes with the Great

Commoner from Nebraska, William Jennings Bryan. As a per-

sonal friend cf Bryan, Walsh was convinced that the "Boy

Wonder" was truly responsive to southern interests.13

The Structure and Strategy of_the Walsh Reformers

Contrary to the traditional interpretation in C. Vann

Woodward, Tom Wato:on,_ Agrarian Rebel, of Patrick Walsh being

the "Catholic Boss" of the city, maintaining political power

through careful, shrewd manipulation of a well-organized

"Catholic block," his base of power appeared to be far

broader, iinlol.ving support of three different, contradictory

socio-acon'omAiic, athno-cultural groups.

As a chas.oion of "Good Government" reforms, he was en-

tlisinast i a,':lly endo. sied as a "businessman's mayor" by the

indusri.,l, cc--in'erciai and professional groups that f-vored

a candidate who pledged himself to further material progress








and an end to the embarrassing spectacle of political cor-

ruption at the pulls. The distinguished former associate

justice of the Supreme Court of Ceorgia, Joseph Rucker

Lamar, delivered numerous eloquent speeches for Walsh and

the reform cause. Henry C. Roney, the former judge of the

Superior Court of the Augusta circuit, greatly extolled the

virtues of "Pat" Walsh and advised voters not to be influ-

eced by the "whiskey and the small coin of the 10-cent

politicians." Bright, thirty-nine-year-old Henry C.

Hanmnond, who had served on the Superior Court of Georgia

and in the United States Circuit Court, also joined the

crusade for a business mayor, clean government and the

demand for new urban services. The "Dean of the Georgia

Dankers" and President of the Georgia Failroad and Banking

Company, Jacob Phinizy, not only encouraged the owners of

half-a-dozen or more textile enterprises to contribute to

the Walsh campaign fund but he also actively participated

in Walsh-Plhini zy political meetings to rally support for the

"e~Uorm candidate. Thomas Barrett, Jr., executive head of

mcsh of the cotton mills across the Savannnh, similarly,

endorsed Walsh and actively campaigned. The founder and

former business manager of the Augusta Evening News and ex-

ailderman from the first ward, John M. Weigle, was another

stalwart supporter of the Walsh crusade for good government.








Established politicians, influential judges, prosperous

bankers, wealthy factors of the "Cotton Row Crowd," includ-

ing Charles Estes, Hamilton H. Hickman, George Sibley,

George Lombard, James Verdery and William A. Garrett, were

staunchly allied together providing one of the main strengths

of the Walsh reform movement.

Realizing that he had substantial support from the vast

majority of the middle and upper strata, Walsh, as an astute

politician recognized that he also needed to muster support

from a second powerful segment of the constituency. Es-

pecially critical in the outcome of most elections j.n the

Gilded Age, the heavily populated fourth and fifth wards, or

the "factory district," figured prominently in his political

strategy. Accordingly, he directed his supporters, bene-

factors, friends and managers to stump in those wards, con-

stantly stressing Walsh's allegedly favorable attitudes

towards labor unions, pointing out his critical role as an

arbitrator in resolving the Knights of Labor Strike of 1886

and emphasizing his cwn personal successful rise upward to

a cbtter station in life. William H. Lougee, a "super" in

one of the mills and candidate for the council from the

Fifth wa-rd, and Georcge R. Lombard, owner of the major iron

foundry in the city and fourth ward aspirant, particularly

played an important role.






65

As a devoted Augustan and veteran politician, Walsh was

also very aware of "bull pen" politics with black voters

being herded through polling booths on election days, making

the black vote an extremely powerful factor. Thus, not only

did the coterie of Walsh supporters represent some of the

most highly respected members of the established white com-

munity and key individuals among the laboring classes in the

factory settlement, but. they also included many of the

prominent black citizens of Augusta. Directing his campaign

tactics towards soliciting support from the Negroes, Walsh

imade a concerted bid for support from an emerging black

middle class that constituted the leadership group in "The

Territory," recruiting articulate, urbane physicians, teach-

ers, pLrofessors, lawyers, ministers and businessmen to speak

out against past inefficient white "wardheelers."

Aleck Thomas, President of the colored Young Men's

Christian Association, attended a Walsh rally at Hick's Hall

In the fifth ward, addressing the crowd. Anthony Williams

Eo the Republican Ccmrmittee of the TeLIth Congressional Dis-

tL-'it addressed a large aud'cnce of over a thousand people,

advising them to cast their ballots wisely for a white re-

form mayor who wo-ild consider their best interests. Other

speaX:rs attested to Walsh's '"liberal spirit toward the

negro."








Walsh himself actively campaigned to keep an alliance

with the Negro citizens. His campaign speeches repeatedly

emphasized his sympathies for all social classes, rich or

poor, white or black. Negroes, he stated, were "citizens

of the greatest country on earth. God Almighty had put them

here; He had put them here. They were all children of Adam;

all children of God Almighty. . We are here together,

we are heirs of the greatest government on earth, and we

must work out our destiny, temporal and eternal, side by

side," Walsh asserLed. Through unity of whites and blacks,

he believed, honest, local reform government would be at-
14
taned.14

Thus, urban politics in the Age of Reform was based

upon a coalition of diverse social classes, apparently in-

volving little class tensions and superficially no racial

antagonisms. Upper and middle class whites, lower class

white wage-earners and blacks were united in a common drive

for supporting new, so-called "Progressive," "business-like"

reforms. The cohesive forces binding the contradictory

Walsh coalition together involved the powerful, charismatic

personality of its leader, common desire to gain new muni-

cipal services from urban government, conviction that

b'usinesnen-p ol'itic-ians were more ably suited to direct

further material gains for all people and the existence of

a commcon enenm to attack.






67

During the mayoralty campaign of 1897 the fierce wran-

gle over "Good Government" involved a massive offensive

against the "Ring" candidate, Daniel Kerr. Born Daniel

Carr in Tyrone County. Ireland, he had emigrated as a seven-

vear-old boy with his family to Georgia. When the young

Irishman grew up he directed his talents towards business

en.deavors, becoming an enterprising merchant with a thriving

retail store on Marbury Street. In 1886 he successfully ran

for the City Council, holding his first political office.

Once entering politics he continued to serve on the council

as chairman of the Water Works Committee, Finance Committee

and the Streets and Drains Committee during the administra-

tions of Mayors Robert H. May and James Hillhouse Alexander.

Many Augustans were convinced that since he was a close

personal friend of Mayor "Cap' William B. Young, he was
15
being groomed for the office.

Pat Walsh's Chronicle accused Kerr of having made a

"corrupt bargain" with "Billy" Young in the mayoralty elec-

tion of 189-, pointing out that Kerr-- had originally and

vigorously campaigned against Young, but shortly before

eleC tion day he had 'suddenly and mysteriously" withdrawn

from :ho riac and strongly urged his followers to vote for

foung. SubsT.quently, mayor-elect Young had placed Kerr at

the head of several city council committees which gave him







prominence in all municipal legislation and helped him to

advance his own personal fortunes. Kerr's strategic with-

drawal, it was charged, "had a string to it, and the end of

the string was attached to the race of 1897; and tied up

with that string was the agreement that all the power and

Influence and machinery of the administration should be used

to turn over the office to him at the end of the term of

Mayor Young, in whose interests he retired." Documenting

its charges, the Chronicle pointed to the fact that the in-

curment mayor, chiefs of the fire and police departments,

several lieutenants, sergeants and other bureaucratic of-

ficials were united into an active political force to secure
16
the triumph of lKerr over Walsh.

The Waish -eformers contended that a gang of irre--

sponsible and corrupt bosses had largely determined the

norineces in self-appointed and clandestine meetings and

secured victories for their candidates for mayor and the

council] Ulrough political manipulation of the electorate,

thereby controlling city government and failing to intro-

duce efficient, vitally necessary municipal services. They

further maintained that Walsh was free from control by the

bosses a;nd t'her'by in a position to introduce new urban

policies. A reform mayor. backed by councilmen with ap-

pointive powers,would be able to distribute patronage to






69

responsible citizens who would then help implement a public

waterworks system, create a more adequate fire and police

protection, organize an effective department of public

health and sanitation and methodically study urban condi-

tions to determine how to best resolve recurrent problems.

Dogmatically convinced of the efficacy of their cause

and tireless in their efforts, the Walsh party workers made

a systematic canvas of each ward appealing to voters regard-

less of class or color to turn cut and vote. They also

staged large political rallies which served to stimulate a

tremendous sense of how individual citizens would be per-

sonally affected if "The Ring" triumphed. Double carriages,

wagons, surreys and hired hacks rushed back and forth along

the streets with colorful streamers attached to attract the

Fttennticn of pedestrians. Concerned individuals crowded

into overflowing meeting halls to hear the eloquent speeches

and sprightly campaign talks. Amidst great and prolonged

cheering, Walsh boldly proclaimed, "I have every confidence

in Utht people of this city, that they will smash the machine

and defeat it. I do not underrate the potential influence

of the machine, but I do maintain that there is nothing more

powerf-l than public sentiment when it is aroused." Filing

out cf the halls, hundreds assembled and paraded in torch-

light processions shouting "Walsh!" and waved banners pro-





70

claiming "No Contract Mayor--Down with The Ring"; "Walsh and

Good Government"; "Honest Count--No Ring"; "The People Will

Prevail" and "The People vs. The Politicians." Two large

brass bands accompanied the parades blaring out "A Hot Time

in the Old Town."

Concurrently, an earnest effort was made to purge the

registry lists, hopefully making it impossible for persons

to register under fictitious names. Special precautions

were also taken to prevent any irregularities or frauds from

transpiring on election day. Spotters, who supposedly knew

the registered voters of a given ward, were placed outside

the polls to challenge the voters. Private guards, sta-

tioned at the booths, were instructed to maintain harmony,

break up any disorders and cooperate with the registrars in

arresting all illegal voters.17

In the end, Walsh had "emr a gwine and a coming "

Singularly free from bad breaks, his supporters exhibited

good judgment, tight organization and a well-planned steady

campaign pace to bring public moral indignation to a

crescendo on election day. Simultaneously, the Chronicle

cont-inued daily to keep alive the accusation of 'he Young-Kerr

collusion, charging the incumbent administration with abus-

ing "public trust." Vitrislic, inflairmmatory editorials un-

questionably served to destroy voter apathy and to especially







awaken bourgeois interests about the need for general re-

forms.

'The Kerr campaign, in sharp contrast, was replete with

blunders. The personality and temperament of Daniel Kerr

charmed many.of his backers, but it repelled and offended

tho aroused upper strata of society. A real public furor

arose over the muckraking accusations about the character

of Fat Walsh and William Dunbar, the third mayoralty con-

tesaant. Kerr, hoping to alienate the textile workers from

Walsh, called him a "high-toned, big-bellied, curly-haired

old man" who was opposed to "organized labor." TWhen he at-

tacked Cactain Dunbar as "the man who lost his arm in the

War, and has been sucking the political pig ever since, for

all it was forth," most Chronicle readers believed it to be

in .xtrnmely bad taste. Such vituperative tactics offended

the bourgeois sense of traditional honor and morality in

politics ard brought Kerr the general condemnation as a

villain who was obsessed with an ambition to gain power for

his cL;n personal glory.

Kerr also lost considerable popular support as various

scandals hit the newspapers. He was greatly criticized when

the chief of the fire department- entered the third ward

registry office and attempted to seize the voter registra-

tion lists. The Chronicle carried a complete coverage of








the shocking incident. The clerk in charge simply stated,

"Frank, I don't think you have any right to enter here."

But the chief snarled back, "Don't give me any lip, or I'll

kick your God --- --- out of here." Then there was a scuf-

fle. The assault became a public outrage in the community.

Another "cowardly assault" was made upon a party of cheering

ladies attending a Walsh rally. A "big drunken brute" also

attacked a youthful Walsh supporter during a parade. At a

meeting in the second ward, a "shooting scrape" disrupted

the session. Respectable citizens further reported to the

Chronicle that "can-cans and coochee-coochee" girls danced

"in the most immodest and abandoned way for the entertain-

mernt of the assembled men" at various Kerr meetings. A

",ni;day Orgie," complete with drunkenness, gambling and

fighting, "besmirched" the Lord's day in a "most shocking
18
and Godless manner."

Such scandals greatly h-ightened public awareness of

middle class Augustans that a "proper" political campaign

wa.:s being conducted by W;ish and that substantially weakened

support for Kerr and "The Ring." The alarming news about

the crr campaign tactics with its unabashed efforts to

align itself with the "disorderly elements" was shocking,

disgusting and revolting, but probably served to rally

support to the Walsh cause, instilling a grim determination

to p.t an cod to corrupt polit.ics.






73

In December, 1897, the Walsh reformers were victorious.

Patrick Walsh carried 3,358 votes; Daniel Kerr captured 2,534

votes and William Dunbar mustered 1,610 votes. Walsh car-

ried every ward save one by a substantial martin. Kerr had

no chance in the first, second or third wards. He made a

sizable showing in the fourth ward but carried it by a mere

fifteen votes. Only the fifth ward was carried completely

by Kerr. Over 7,000 voters had turned out to the polls on

election day, representing possibly the greatest number of

ballots cast in any mayoralty election in the history of

Augusta.9

Ac noon the following day, December 2, 1897, a vast

crowd assembled at the Augusta Opera House to observe the

i-nauguration ceremonies. When mayor-olect Patrick Walsh

proudly walked to the center of the stage, two large brass

bands in the gallery commenced playing "Diie." "The people

--thousands of them, as one rose to their feet; hats and

handkerchiefs were waved and mingling with the music there

went up a tremendous shout. A cry of victory, of applause

that seemed to raise the very roof," a Chronicle reporter

recorded. Some of the ladies were so overwhelmed with joy

chat the "usual waving of handkerchiefs was not sufficient

for expression, and they rose from their scats and mingled

their voices with those of their brothers, husbands and








fathers." Amidst the discordant notes of the brass bands

and the loud "Hurrahs," Mayor Pat Walsh thanked Augustans
20
for their vote of confidence for a reform administration.

l1he Walsh-Kerr battle of 1897 had been a "Ring" catas-

trophe; the reform candidate had captured the executive seat

of municipal government by a plurality of votes. Several

active partisan and ambitious reformers had also been highly

successful in their political campaigns for the City Coun-

cil. William A. Garrett, one of Walsh's campaign managers,

was elected to the City Council to represent the first ward.

Garrett, in stumping the city, had frequently stated "vote

for walsh, and never mind me." Jacob Phinizy, another con-

fidante of Walsh, was elected city councilman for the second

word. The Walsh councilman for the third ward was Thomas

Barrett, Jr. George R. Lombard and William Lougee, both

ardent campaigners for the reform cause, were elected as

representatives of the fourth and fifth wards, respec-

tively. 2"

Viewing politics as he did, Walsh naturally thought that

new talent should be brought into administrative decisions.

In justice to the reform cause, he began to select certain

of his a.Ovisors for key positions of power and responsi-

Lility in civil administration. Honest men, men of merit

with considerable talents, he believed, could then implement








indispensable policies and programs for the betterment of

the citv. Nisbet Wingfield, an accomplished civil engineer

and graduate of the University of 'Tnnessee at Knoxville,

was appointed Commissioner of Public Works to begin the

study of constructing a new modern waterworks and sewage

and drainage systems. The new city sheriff and assessor was

John M. Weigle. William A. Garrett became the new city

attorney and several other individuals prominent in the

Walsh reform movement were appointed to select positions in
22
the City Council to form the new "business administration.'

City government was restructured along lines which pre-

vailed in business circles. A new Department of Fublic

Works was created. The City Council appointed and con-

trolled the Commrissioner of Public Works. He in turn ap-

pointed the officials to supervise the canal, drains, pumps,

locks and streets, but the mayor and councilmen were ul-

timately responsible for every activity of the department.

'o obtain a purer quality of %ater, Nisbet Wingfield planned

to relocate the pumping station above all sew'.er outlets.

lwo power pumps with a cormined capacity of furnishing twelve

million gallons of water per day were to be purchased. A

reservoir basin with a filter system would provide fresh

clear water for the citizens and a network of cast iron

pipes would be laid to connect the pumping station, reservoir







and settling basin to a new underground series of water

pipes for every section.23

'he new duties, responsibilities and functions of the

city government officials also included reforming public

health policies. Laws concerning health conditions and

practices were amended. All city physicians were required

to make weekly reports to the Board of Health. The mayor,

city councilmen ind a hospital committee, composed of

representatives from the faculty of the Medical College of

Ge:orgia, and in cooperation with the President of the Board

of Health, were charged with the responsibility of imple-

menting necessary health inspection of all wards in the city

and providing some assistance to indigent, sick and injured

paepie in the community. Furthermore, the city was divided

inijo two "scavenger districts" in order to secure more

efficient service in the removal of piles of refuse from
24
the city to garbage dumps in the county.

'itere were, of course, some holdovers from the previous

administration who remained in office, but in subsequent

council elections other Walsh reformers took great pride in

identifying themselves wi h the reform cause and emphasized

the need to give Mayor Walsh a friendly majority in munici-

pal government. It was their declared purpose to continue

the work in succeeding elections until the City Council








would be representative of the "best elements" in the com-

munity. Thie general belief was that the businessman--a

person. who was familiar with practical daily economic trans-

actions--wouid be best suited to hold office, that personal

success in the business world would lead to success in

municipal government. This idea took deep hold upon the

public mind and the people became convinced that the

"altagonist.c forces" to Waish should be routed out and be

replaced with representatives who would assist the mayor.

Subsequently, Alfred Martin, Richard E. Allen, R. E.

Elliott, Alex(ander J. Gouley, Job A. A. W. Clark, who all

campaigned as Walsh reformers, were elected to the City

Council and duly sworn into office. "All the Good People,"

the Chronicle explained, had grown weary of corrupt

-oJ. 25
politics.















NOTES


1. Mrs. Dorothy Murray, private interview, Augusta,
Georgia, July 26, 1969. Mrs. Murray is the granddaughter
of Wilhelm J. Hennig. She permitted nea to organize her
private files of 'Te Wool Hat and its successor, the Auiusta
Daily tribune. These newspapers are supposed to be micro-
filmed and placed on reserve in the Augusta College Library
as part of The Murray Collection of the Richmond County
Historical Society. Dorothy Murray, "William John Hennig,
The Man-The Publisher," Richmond County History, II (Winter,
1970), 7-12; The Wool Hat, January 6, November 17, 1894;
Auicusta Chronicle. October 17, 1911; Auausta Herald, October
17, 18, 1911.

2. The Wool Hat, July 6, October 1, November 4,
n)ece.,er 3, 31, 1892. June 3, December 16, 1893, April 21,
Septembri- i, 1894; Auguta Daily Tribune, August 20, 1895,
November 11, 1898.

i. uouistJ Cnironicle, January 17, 28, May 12, 14,
.1S'7; 'iAuusa Daily Tr-ibune, 1Septem-ber 2, 1394, August 26,
13995.

'. Joseph Jon.es, frsnt Report of the Cotton Planters'
Coeuv'.:io, of Go- ta (Augc-sta: Steam Press of the Chroni-
cli. L n- Sentinel, 15'60), 252; T li'rd An.:Uua-l R_-port )- t_.he,
Ep.r-_j ofiejla!. t.Ie Cjit. of Alousta, CGorgia 1880
(Auclsta: Chronicle and Constituti -nal ist Princters, 188I),
18-23; Fi-th An:,na-. Recor- 0- o te Board of Health of the
Cilv of 7autst.a, G-orgia, 1882 (Augusta: M. M. Hi.l! and
Company, 1j83), 21, 42-43; S-venth Annual Report o the
Board of He'.l of the C itv of Augusta, Georgia, 1384
(Augusta: ChLron-icle Press, 1885), 109; Ninth Annual Report
Ss-he Eorrd of-- H-alth t the City of Aucus5ta, Georgia, 1__l_866
({AIgusts: Chroricle Book and -Job Presses, 1887), 9; ForL_-
teienth J'f _nil ?_.r,:ort of the Bo-rc: of health of the C.i.t of
A'.a'usta, _Georia_ i'391 (Augusta: Richards and Shaver,
Printers, 1892), 12, 47; Fifteenth Annual Report of the








Board of Hea.L-h of the City of A_ usta_ Georgia, 1892
(Augursta: Richards and Shaver Printers, 1893), 44-45;
SixLeenth IAnnual Renort of the Board of Health of the City
of Aucusta, Georcia, 1893 tAugusta: John M. Weigle and
Company, 1894): 106; Seventeenth Annual Reuort of the
Board of HIealth of the City of Auqusta, Georgia, 1894
(Augusta: John M, Weigle and Company, 1895), 152; The Wool
Hat, November 4, December 3, 1892, December 16, 1893,
April 21, September 1, 1894; AuCgst-a DailyTribune, August
20, 1895, November 11, 1896; Augusta Chronicle, May 23,
1897; James O. Breedin, "Joseph Jones: Confederate Surgeon"
(Ph.D., Tulane University, 1967); James O. Breeding, "Joseph
Jones and Confederate Medical History," Georgia Historical
Quarterly, LIV (Fall, 1970), 357-380. Breeding's disserta-
tion and article suggests that Dr. Jones was one of the
leading southern scientists in the late nineteenth century,
teaching at the Medical College of Georgia, the University
of Tennessee at Nashville and the Medical Department of
the University of Louisiana. When Jones was at the Medical
College in Augusta he was certainly one of the sharpest
-ritics of various municipal administrations for their
failure to respond to the growing sanitation crisis which
had accompanied rapid urbanization and industrialization.
Eleventh Census of the United States: 1890, Population
(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1895), 96;
Twelfth Census of the United States: 1900, Population
.'ashington: United States Census Office, 1901), 107;
Thirteenth Census of the United States: 1910, Population
(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1913), III, 355.

5. Agqusta Daily Tribune, February 23, 1894, February
1, April 6, August 24, 1895; Augusta Chronicle, May 11, 12,
13, 1897.

6. Augusta Chronicle, September 7, 14, 15, 1897.

7. Charles C. Jones, Jr., and Salem Dutcher, Memorial
Hi.st'or of Augusta, Georgia (Syracuse: D. Mason and Pub-
lishers, 1890), 44; Alien D. Candler, Georcia Comcrising
S..etches of Ccuities, Towns, Events, Institutions, and
P.'.soDn Arrancred in Cyclopedic Form (Atlanta: State His-
torical Associacion, 1906), III, 516; Lucian L. Knight,
Ge.ore'a's Landmarks, Memorials and Legqrds (Atlanta: Byrd
Printing Conpan-y, 1913), II, 958-960; Walter G. Coopec, The
tor_ of Gecorqa (New York: The Amnerican Historical So-
ciety, Inc., 1938), III, 239, 343; Earl L. Bell and Kenneth
C. Crabbe, The Augusta Chronicle (Athens: University of
Georgia Press, 1960), 84.








8. Aususta Chronicle, February 9, June 21, 1913;
Candler, Georcia, I, 312-314, II, 678-681, III, 388-389;
Joel Candler Harris, Memoirs of Georgia (Atlanta: Southern
Historical Association, 1895), I, 792, 802, 811, 826-827;
John S. Ezell, The South Since 1865 (New York: Macmillan
Company, 1963), 299-305; Thomas D. Clark and Albert D.
Kiiwan, The South Since Appomattox (New York: Oxford Uni-
versity Press, 1967), 203-210; Frank Luther Mott, American
Jour;;naLism (New York: Macmillan Company, 1962), 454-458,
549-550, 663-664.

9. Augusta City Directory_ 895-1896 (Augusta:
Matloney Directory Company, 1896), 17-18; Augusta City
Director-. 1896--.1897 (Augusta: Maloney Directory Company,
1397), 17; Gearqia Directorv Company's Directory of Augusta,
Georgia, 1898 (Richmond: J. L. Hill Printing Company,
1393), 52-53; Augusta City Directory, 1899 (Augusta:
Maloney Directory Company, 1899), 117; The Industrial Ad-
vantaces of Augusta, Georgia (Augusta: Akehurst Publishing
Company, 1893), 88-89, 106, 11..

10. "Minutes of the City Council, January 2, 1866-
December 30, 1871," 717-720; Augusta Daily Constitutionalist
and Sentinel, August 13, 16, 1871; Augusta Chronicle, March
20, 1899.

ii. Jones and Dutcher, History of AugLusra, 44; Issac
W. Avery, The History of the State of Georgia From 1850
to 1881 (New York: Brown and Darby, 1881), 496.

12. Augusta Chronicle. March 20, 1899; Patrick aelsh,
T'le Citizen. The Statesman. The Marn (Auqusta: Augusta
Publishing Company, i899;, 18; Avary, fistory2 of ,_Gorqji3,
573-574.

i.3. Bell and Crabbe, .irgnsta Chronicle, 84; Avery,
History of Georcia, 558-569; Candler, Georoia, Ill, 515.

14. Tn Tom Watson, _qr:cari:a-n Rebel (New York: Macmillan
Company; 1938), 419, C. Vann Wo:'..-dward maintains that "Boss"
?Ptrick Walsh's power was based upon a "solid and stra--
tegically important block of Catholic votes in Augusta."
Alti.-ough Robe-t M. Saundcrs' article on "The Transformation
of Tom Watson, 1894-1895, Geor cia Historical Quarterly,
LITV (Fsal, 1970), 347, disagrees with Woodward's interpreta-
tij.n of Watson, it nevertheless subscribes to the thesis
that a "signi.ficanm contingent of Irish Catholics' was the




Full Text

PAGE 1

The Queen City of the Savannah: Augusta, Georgia, Duriiig tiie Urban Progressive Era, 1890-1917 By RIC.4?vP.D HENRY LEE GEr<^L^VN A DXSSERTATXON PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL 01 THE \JWIvERSI1'Y OF FLCRIEA IN PARTIAL FULEILLi'lEET OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR ^HE DEGREE OtP DOCTOR or PUILOSOPflY rJTVERSITY OE FLORIDA 19 71

PAGE 2

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA iiiilllllllliliiili 3 1262 08552 5078

PAGE 3

AC KITOWLEDGMENT S VariO'is -ind sundry psople have assisted me. Oiarles O, Phillips, Clerk of the City Council, and his courteous secretary, Mrs. Louise S. Milton, v/e.re ccoperative in arrangijig access to the municipal records in the citycounty building. I'iss Jean D, Cochran, after securing perraission frora tlie Board of Directors', of the Augusta-Richmond County Librax-y, willingly granted the right: to utilize library niatcrieils at my convenience and at the campus library, Tlve cooperation of the d.irt;;ctorc:in this matter wa-5 certainly appreciated, i^leo, th.a staff was most congenial and helpful, especially Hiss Frances Elackmon and Kiso Dorothy Richey. A. Ray Ko'. land an.d Virgi'^ia ('.'e Treville of Lhe Rich.morrd County Kistorica] Society, in a similar fashion, v/ere quite iielpfuj. , perraicting dired: access to the .special collections, inf orrnin.g me about any ne^«; iuater.i.al.-. that were acquired, securing bcoxs, jourriaTis, p(.vi:iodical;-: , theses and dicsertationc ox\ inter Library loans and accepcing tvo shore essays for publication, Tr5\'-ej.ing to Georgia State Uni-

PAGE 4

versity. University of Georgia and University of South CarolinPx, numerous, cible and efficient staff librariano v/ere of assistance. The Director of the Soutliern Historical Collection, J. Isaac Copoland, after checking the holdings of the special collections of the University of North Carolina li}jrary, informed me that there were no relevant manuscript collections pertaining to the Progressive mayors a)id the principal financiers, industrialists and entrepreneurs of Augusta and Richmond County. Although he acknowledged that some family papers were available. Dr. Copeland pointed out that they did not relate to my m.ain period of researc?i. Personally checking the names of all major politicians and most of the prominent businessmen in the index files of The Na tional Union Cata log of Manuscript Collections , it was discovered that a few primary records existed at various universities, but were not directly relevant; thereby obviciting the need for travel beyond the Georgia-Carolina region. Tv,'o close comrades, Ralph H. Walker and Clyde Erwin Teasley III, both graduate students in political science at the University of Georgia, listened to my many ideas, commenting., criticizing and sharing their expertise in urban politics r Also, influencial in shaping some conceptions about the political process, were num.erous, extended

PAGE 5

discussions with a third colleague, Constance Ashton Myers, a doctoral student at Ciaremoi^it Graduate School, Dr. Agostino Carlucci offered personal encouragevpent vhen there v.^ere feelings of discouragemeTit, and maintained a sincere, farailytype relations]', ip. Dr. Edward Michael Sil'bert of the History Department of the University of Sou.th E'lorida , a close frieiid since graduate school days in Gainesville, thoughtfully encoaraged me and sharpened my perspective on the i::ature of th.e historical past by many leixgUiy discussions in the last eight years. To a select few persons in Augusta, hov.'ever, I acknowledge deep indebtedness for providing brilliant insights into the nature of management-labor relations, expecially in the realm of alienation. Dr. Hejrbert 0. Doherty, Jr., my committee chairman, has attentively listened to the ideas as they developed over the last two years, criticized them as the dissertation evolved chapter-by-chapter, suggested that some portions be restructured and through raising other pertinent points, prompted reorganization of thoughts, leading to further 2"escarc?i. On some occasions when other, non-research circuinstanca.". created a sense of pergonal despair-, he gave sound advice f bolstering my morale and reinvigorating my determination to push a^'-iead. Dr. John K. Mahon ' s penetrating q^aestions provided another important source of

PAGE 6

intellectual stimulation, leading to the rethinking of certain critical issues in a liew dimension and the pursuance of additional d.nvestigations . I also thank Dr. E, Ashby Hamraond, Dr. Riith McQuov/n and Dr. Richard T. Chang, V;ho served on the dissertation conimittee. The late Arthur W. Thompson and Reiabert W. Patrick, my two former mentors, v/hose tragic deaths v/ere a significant personal loss, deserve special tributes. I bear witness to their generosity, thoixbroad and liberal views, their freedom from narrov; prejudice and petty jealousies, their devotion to scholarly research, but, above all, txieir v\'arm, humane interests in the we^lfare and development of their students. Last, but unquestionably most im.portant of all, Nancy Ann Gorman has consistently been the supreme source of cittention, devotion and affectioji, sharing my life ambitions and aspirati.ons .

PAGE 7

PREFACE Since Charles C, Jones and Salem Butcher's ^l-iHoirial History p:f h\\gu3'ca -//as published in 1890, there have only been t'.To najor booki= v;ricten about varying aspects of the ci'oy's hisccx'ical past. Earl L. Bell and Kenneth Crabbe ' 3 The Augus ta Chi'onicle, Indo mitab le Voice of Dixie , 1 23^J1^^^§9. is v.'ithout a doubt t]ie account of the rise of ;-:he inost iinportant newspaper in the corrtmunity and the South ' s oldest neiv'spaper, including, tc a certain extent, intermittent gl.in-ip::.es into the social life. Florence Corley's Confederate City is a brilliant, brief analysis of antebelltim urban indiis trial grovrth.greatly emphasi::ing the v/ays in vy^iich the Civil War sti?aulated furtliei" econc'ruic growth. E;;cepr for the A^igu.'^ta.^ Bicentennial and Augusta, bctli extreroely cursory and adjuitcedly less than .scholarly endeavors, no po.blications have seriously atbempted to develop the his!:.Cj-y of the Queen City of the S>-ivannah in the t\;entiech cent'ary . '.in studying the history of Augusta duiiiig the r.rban. Progressive Era, 1890-±9i7, in every conceivable way I have

PAGE 8

eiideavored to pose questions, create objectives, explore issues and develop difforejit topics rot previ.cusly considered by others, atteinpting to go beyond routine explanations hy encompassing a far broader frame of reference on the history of a major textile city of the Nev/ South. Every dissertation, no doubt, has certain limitations imposed upon it by the lack of availability of source materials. Unfortunately, some of the primary source materials of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era were not found, having been either destroyed by fires, floods and other nat\iral disasters, or remaining buried in closets , locked up in attics, filed av;ay in ancient vaults and tucked av;ay in obscure, remote places. Furthermore, as is often ttie case, few diaries, mem.oirs, journals and biographies were v/ritten or preserved for the historian, making his task far more difficult. Despite diligent, concerted efforts to discover and preserve historic records, it has been virtually impossible to locate all contemporary records and newspapers. Private business records, exceedingly crucial to tlie study of the develop-ent of corporations, were not available. Yet, had they been discovered, subjected to examination and carefully evaluated, they would have unquestionably provided invaluable insights into the internal growth of fm major enter-

PAGE 9

o rises and c-ri-hical decisions often raade in closed confer="nc^j rcor,i3. Tr.e fi?.es of certain public newspapers, nioreo'/er, were apparently ],ost or inadvertently destroyed; or at least their whereabouts are not presently knovai. T Tie Augus t a Herald files from 1394 through 1904 are not available at the public library, local newspaper library records, countycity building, Richiaond County Historical Society ColloctioRS , ncr eveij the University of Georgia library. Several other different v;eekly and daily newspapers, including The A.uqu s t a Even in g Nov/s , 187S-1895, Tl'ie Augusta Progress, 18831890, 'ji lie Au gusta Sundcay X-hoenix, 1885, and The Augusta Dail y Tribune , 1895-1907, existed, but are not currently a^'ailable. Poth Th. e L abor -Advoca te and The^ A-gq-usta Union Weekly, 1389-1904, were exceedingly fi.ery union nov/spapei"s that would have provided additional, cor.sidere\ble insights, eno'.vr.ou.s ly benef ic ial to the scholar studying the coniplexities vef labor unrest a;:d revolt, but the files have vanished, pcrisibly lost forever. Several black newspapers existed, running off editions which apparently sctcngly protested coni'litions in tlie ghetto, greatly advocated reforms and carefully documented the ri.se of a sraall, but i.n.portant midvd].e class element in Negro life. The Geor gia Baptist , edited by Reverend William

PAGE 10

Jefferson White, D.D., existed for a period of more than a quarter of a century, from .1881-1909. It \ms proclaimei ;-,o have been one of the oldest coTored nev/spapers in America, but the files have apparently been ruined, discarded or concealed. Moreover.. T lie Meth odist Union, published by A. W, Kimberly, was another paper, commenting upon the nature of the black experience, but it and a third paper. The W eekly S entinel , v/ere not discovered to exist---mo5;t regrettable circumstances, to say the least. Nevertheless, a tremendous abundance of crucial, primary source materials exist for the eager scholar. Citycounty records, including the minutes of the council, various subcommittees, departmental reports, year books, directories and legal archives, are most complete and primarily located in Augusta . Ihe "Minutes of the Augusta Flood Commission" are part of the special library holdings of S. Herbert Elliott, former county-commissioner. Board of Health records, albeit complete, are located in Augusta and Athens* Some of the early presidential reports of the board, hov/ever, are even tucked away i.n tlie dra^'eiof a comjnode in the rare book room of the Medical College of Georgia, possibly knov/n only to Dr. Walter B. Sheppeard and myself. The files of Tne Augusta Chronicle, dating back to the pre-Civil War era, are carefully preserved on laicrofilm, ix

PAGE 11

providing a wealth of information. Original editions of The A ugusta Herald , beginning in February, 1905, and dating Lhrcagh March, 1919, are also reposited in the AugustaRichmond County Library. Moreover, limited editions of The_ Augusta Dail y Tr ibune and Th e A ugusta Even ing News are also available. Responding to the overtures of a student, it was discovered that Mr. and Mrs. V7alter B. Murray had almost a complete collection of The Wool Hac and scattered, badly tattered copies of Tlie Aug usta Daily Tribune . Despite suggestions to others that these nev/spapers be microfilm.ed and made part of "iTie Murray Collection" of the Richmond County Hiotorical Society, they presently remain in a cardboard box in Dorothy Murray's bedroom. Learning about a nev/spaper advertisement, placed by Sidney and Norma Preffer, led to the discovery of a six-month file of The Augusta Herald (July-December, 1893) and its purchase by A. Ray Rowland, President of the Richmond County Historical Society. Invitations by wj.lliam Bush and Joseph B. Cumming to present various papers to the board of trustees of Historic Augusta, Incorporated, resulted in fruitful discussions, comments, criticisms and invitatioTis to attend various social gath.erings, bat, to date, tliere have been no further leads on additional primary source materials pertaining to any aspect of urban life.

PAGE 12

By no means should this dissertat i.on be regarded as the definitive, exhaustive study, elimiiiacing the need f or • additional research and further inquiry. On the contrary, there are many areas that remain to be exp].ored in the near futui'e, involving travel, research, revisions of certain portions of the original 'worV. and eventually new conceptions about the meaning and significance of my v/ork. Until time and money, both critical factors for the researcher, converge, however, future professional study will be unavoidably delayed.

PAGE 13

ThBhE OF CJCHTEMTS Pac{e. ACK1-J0V.LEDGI>IENTS ,...., ii PRE-FJiCE vi LIST OF TABLES xvi /^BSTPACT. ....,.,.-..,.........». xvii CflAPTER T TIlF, LOlN'ELL OF THE SOUTH . 1 The Coiifedc-rv-^te City and V7artimd Expansion. , , 1Postwar "Rscovsry" and Unin'cerrviptcd Grov/th . . . . » 7 The Nature of tlie Uow City 34 NOTES ...,..., 38 II BREAKING THE RING . „ . . 44 The Oi-igins of a Rif-oria 'spirit .... 44 Pat'.-ick Vialr-hiI'hc Reformer. ..... ^5 The Strueture and Gtra^e^y of t\i.:-i Walsh Reforiaers. 62 .>;OTES 78 1X1 KT^IGETS, CAPITALISTS AND LI !:N[\;:^iE AD S . .... 82 The .Makit'C of the Lintheads: rroni Bayax'.t Expectacious to urini Roalitie: X.Ll

PAGE 14

CHAPTi

PAGE 15

TABLE QIP CONTENTS (COHTINIJI-ID) CHA.PTER Pajie VII AUGUSTA, SUr-lI-TEPVILr.E AND TliE SAVAJIT^IAH ... 218 Tne Businessraan ' s Ca'npaign for Mayor . 218 Tlia Battle for Annexation of Suinrasrville 222 The "Destructive Freshets" and the City 22 7 Ihe Building of the Augusta Lovee . . . 242 NOTES ,......, 245 VIII SOME UNFI^"IS:lED BUSINESS, . 243 Tliorras Barrett, Jr., and the Uncontested Mayoralty Race, ........ 248 The Annexation of Su;riaerville and the Battle for Coiruaission Govern.-nent c ... . 254 The March Flood of 1912 and th.e Completion of the Augusta Levee. . . . 2S4 NOTES , 2 74 IX STRIKERS, SCABS, SOL.OIERS AND ARBITR?.TORS ................ 277 'ITie Trolley Car Strike of 1911 and TeiTiporary Resolution of Differences. . 2 77 ^fno Trolley Car Strike of 1912 and Martial Law. ,..,..,..,.,. 286 The Georgia Railroad Strike, Atlanta Joint Terminals Strike and the Threat of a Southeastern Rail Transportation Strike. ........ 314 NOTES 335

PAGE 16

table; of contents (continued) CHAPTER Pacre Z THE LAST BATTLfi 340 The MaYoraihy Muddle of 1912: The Hayne Revolt. Against the White Primary Convitittee. ...» 340 Putting an End to Political Fe^-'clts and Progressive Dem.ocracy 3 34 NOTES ................... 360 XI IMPRESSIONS 0? ?^ ZliUK 362 The EconoKiic Sj.gnif icance cf Augusta and American Historiography , 362 Tag Signifxcance of the Augusta Strikes, Southern Labor and National Unions 367 Augusta PoJ.itics in the Age of Reform: Proqrec sivis?!. Pluralism or Scuchern Elitism? , 372 NOTES o 3dO APPENDIX. . . . « 396 BIr'-LIOGRAPMY. 416 bioc;rapkical sketch ......,.,..430

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LIST OF TABLES T/^BLE Z§3e I Declining Wages of Textile Workers in the King and Sibley Mills: 1880-1898 397 II Declining Wages of Textile Workers in Augi:.sta, Georgia: 1880-1900 39 7 III V7aces of the Textile Labor Force by Sex and Age Groups in 1900 397 IV A Statistical Record of the History of the Savannah River Floods and the City of Augusta 398 V The Special Bond Election for the Levee, University Hospital and the Nev/ Waterworks System of 1912 399 VI Councilmen and Business Associations, 1897-1917 400 VII Mayors and Business Associations, 1897-1917. 403 VIII Aldormanic Elections, Primary & General, 1897-1917 406 IX Rival Candidates in City Council Elections and Tlieir Business and Social Affiliations, 1S97-1917 e 413 X Mortality Statistics of W.ites and Blacks, 1880-1918 415 xvx

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Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council of the Univsrsity of Florida in Partial Fvalf illraent of the Req-uirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy THE QUEEN CITY OF THE SAVANNAH: AUGUSTA, GEORGIA, DURING THE URR^N PROGRESSIVE ERA, 1890-1917 By Richard Henry Lee German August, 1971 Chairman: Dr. Herbert J. Doherty, Jr. Major Department: History Unde::standing Augusta during the urban Progressive Era revolves an appreciation of at least eight related patterns of facts. First, the economic growth since the Civil War revealed not only a relative continuity in the developm.ent of railroads, banks, textile factories and other enterprises, but a] so showed that Icey important groups of biisinessmen were responsible for the rise of the Lowell of the Nev/ South. Second, local men in business v/ere greatly involved in a reform movement for "Good Government" in the 1890 's against "IT-ie Ring," a group of policicos charged with controlling urban government to the dotrim.ert of clie "good people" and accused of failing to provide critical municipal services by Patrick Walsh and his supportei-s. Tnird, dc^jp-ito challenges to the Walsh Progressive reform coalition, it originally represented a fairly well-organized, strongly moralistic crusade, encompassing Protestants and

PAGE 19

Catholics, but far more important ].y, the socio-economic elite and the lo^/er class whites and blacks. Fourth, although the Progressives v/ere triumphant in getting the "right kind of people" elected as m.ayors and aldermen, the lover class ethno-cult-aral groups that had originally responded to the appeals of business leaders, v;ho were actively seeking political power, were not only mostly deprived of access to positions of responsibility, but they were gradually excluded from even partd.cipat ion in elections. Fifth, initially Negroes were massively involved in urban politics, but a cluster of rationales and moans was invoked and devised by white reformers to disfranchise them, creating the first large segment of society to be denied p'^rt icipation in so-called dem.ocratic primary and general elections and subsequently leading to the total ineibi Lity of blacks to directly influence the political, decisionmaking process ---factors which probably substantially contributed to the grossly inadequate public services and the depressed conditions that prevailed in growing ghetto areas. Si::ch, among the important priorities est£iblished by the ruling elite was the common consensus that those fundamental, pre-existing, Icjng-range problem.s, that had not been p/'operly -esolvsd tlirough ordinary voluntary civic associations and non-political organizations, could be best

PAGE 20

resclved. by effectively utilizing the power of mimicipal qovernment. Seventh, recurrent labor strikes erupted in the mills, trolley cars and railroads of the "Greater Augusta Area," indicating acute social tensions between capitalists and laborers, revealing that the former v/ere always the victors, not the vanquished, showing the decisive role of local and state officials in pvitting down civil disturbances and pointing out that the city emerged as a significant storm center in the New South as the representatives of the Knights of Labor and the American Federation of Labor attempted to unionize it as part of an overall "Southern Campaign Strategy" to crack the bastille of antiunionism in the nation. Last of all, ovcrconcent ration of v/ealth created a corresponding centrali'^^ation of power la?.-gely into the white primary executive committee to the detriment of massive democratic participation in most elections, primary or general, and to the probable disadvantages of the non-busi-ness groups.

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CRA^PTER I THE LOWELL OF TIIE SOUTH The Con fe derate City a nd War'cime Expansion Augusta v/as extremely fortunate during the Civil War. The v.'ar did not disrupt the economic development of the emerging antebellum industrial city but, in many respects, accelerated industrial growth. Numer'ous private textile corporations increased their industrial production due to the military needs of the Confederacy. Large-scale defense industries such as the Fov/der 'Works, Augusta Arsenal, Confederate Clothing Bureau aid Army Quartermaster supply depot--wh Ich manufactured artillery projectiles, cartridges, bails, gunpowder, guncarriages and caissons--emerged as part of the military-industrial enterprises of the Confederate City. Under the exigencies of the war, nev/ manufacturi.ng concerns, 'Which produced candles, soap, blankets, twilled cotton goods for unifocir.s, canvas for tents, army capes, c;vercoats, tarpaulins, horse covers, small arms, rifles ztnd lailxti-try field equipment foe infantry, artillery and cavalry units, sprang up almicst overnight as government contracts 1

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2 '.vex^e lee to pr.i.vate entrepreneurs. Thousands of "Johnny Rebs " benefited from the food products end consurr-.er goods that were produced, packed and shipped to the front lines, (-r^at quantities of valuable machinery were shipped by rail into Augusta ajid becarrio part of the new induscrial equipment. '.Phe work of {expanding the plant operations of existing factorie.'i a.nd building nevv enterprises in turn stimulat.ed a general boom in the construction business. Scores of v;jigon teams were bu£;y daily hauling lumber, brick and other construction supplies to the mills, defense industries and railroad yards of the city. V/artime expansion, moreover, proraoted an expenditure of large sums of money in per.-na.nent factory improvements and the utilizati.on of large tracts of subu.rban property in the V7est End. Also, among the whole progression of responses to the boom.ing wa.rtime economy was very rapid Increases in the urban population; from Ifi40--13e0 the city's population jumped from 7,502 to 12,493 pocple." V;artine visitors arriving in the r-ity were freq^aentiy an^azed at the thriving activities, Tliey observed the arrival of traiiiG and. wagon teams bringing mach.inery for the nev; indv:s cries and departing v/ith troops, food supplies, military equipmen.t and other articles of vrar. V.'alkir.g along the banks of the old canal, they noted that f lat-bottomed barges were jamm.ed around tlie dock areas of the factories.

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3 Peering up ini^o 'che sky, trriey saw huge coluinns of dense biack smoke wafting upv/ard from chiimieys. Touring i:he mills, they listened to the hiss of steam engines, the clanKing of wheels and the grinding of massive rollers producing weapons of war. Driving do^vn the main thoroughfares of the business district, they watched shoppers and merchants haggling over the prices of those im.ported goods which liad succeeded in running the Union blockade. ''To judge from /-I'ligusta, no one would have supposed that two formidable armies were confronting each other within a twenty-four hour:; ' journey, '' Fitz Gerald Ross noted in his journal. ''-Every one seemed engrossed in business, and the shops vvere all plenteously filled with m.erchants and cvistomers."" Augusta, furthermore, v;as spared utter destruction j^y General William Tecu.nseh Sherman in his " in.'aviious '' ;aarch tVirough Georgia. The "Apostle of Modern VJarfare" chose to by-p3ss ^Augusta and miss his llionksgiving dinner engagement in order to spend ti "j-ibilant Christmcis in Sava-'nah." For strategi.c military reasons ---not romantic legendary accounts of his infatuation './ith an Augusta belle, nor sentimental feelings for the city Sherman chose to drive straight; through fro:r. Atlanta to Savannah, cutting Georgia in tv;o. Ke was av/are that BrigadierGeneral Birkett D. Dry had

PAGE 24

4 fcrvified Augusta against an ii-npending attack. Reliable infcrruers had also told him that General Braxton Bragg and ether higl) ranking Confederate officers and several tl-jousand troops had arrived to defend the city and, it was hoped, corr:pletely breeik up and disperse his sixty thoucand "bun;-raers." These military situations alone dictated that ha avoid a prolonged seige and continue his "grand military ,, . 3 p.icnic to tne sea. Augusta \-je>.s one of the few southern cities whJ.cli v/as not destroyed by Union forces during the course of the v/ar . Unlllie Atlanta, Richmond, Charleston, Columbia, Vicksburg and Galveston, it suffered no physical damage, nor v/eis it ' afrerxvard;^ plui-.dered by foraging soldiers. There v/as no "Battle of Augusta." No artillery xmits lobbed screaming ' shells and can. -.en balls inco the city, leaving the town's "tre-'-ts pockm.arked with shell holes and iilled with debris. j'Tor had boirbardment left bo'liind skeletal remains of warehou'jos, bui.ldings and homes standing in the midst of suioldorinq blackened war nibble,. The railroad tracks of the m.ajor lines leading into cind Oiit of the city v/rere not ripped up nor r.he crossties stacked Like cords of v/ood, soci.ked with kerosene and burned. Nor had invading, liostile cavalry uv.'.it.s cl-arged dov^''x'\ Broad, Greene or the othe--; the roiayh fares laying v/aste to the town. Nor in their deadly wake had

PAGE 25

aaiiinc 5 ;d Yankee" footsoid.i ers invaded the city, shooting out windows, siayxng retaels, molesting citizens, destroying business firms, burning wareliouses and wharves and ot.herwise wreaking general haver:. Augusts in 1865 was liardly a conquered to'wn v/hich had experienced th.e ravages of mode^-n v^'ar . When the war ended it was perhaps in better condition than any other city in the state. The central business district was still intact. Banks, business firm?, department stores, grocery stores and other enterprises were not physically ruined. '!Che industrial sone of the city remained untouched by Vv'ar, "happily spared destruction by burning." Only the Belleville Factory did not: rem.ain to operate after tl-'.e war but its demise was the resuJ.t of an accidental fire, net the hazards of nineteenth century v:arfare. Several of the buildings of the Confederate Pov/der '\'orks v;ere dismaitled ;jy occupation armiec; and some of the it.achinery reraovcd hut the plant and most of the industrial eeuipr-.eri,-. v-os net totally rui.ned and could be readily converted to a peace-time industrial or^eration. Because Augiista had escaped inva:r;i;vn and destruction, many new enterprisii-.g ir.u-nigrants from Atlan-ca, Savannah, Charleotoa and ether war-toi'n cities chose to relocate in Augui'ta and oast their lots v/ith the future grov/tli of the city. Most of lihose who arrived were former m.erchants.

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6 businessmen and financiers who believed that sucli good fortunes would create most favorable circumstances for economic growth in the postwar era. It v'as also commonly remarked by federal soldiers when they arrived in the "Yankee City" that they foiind more specie in circulatjon than they had ever 4 seen since before the war began. Nan-.erovs commencs revealed the buoyant, optimistic spirit of material progress. ''Stores, whose shelv'es were then empty, are laden now v/ith the choicest goods. iMerc:hant'5 have been North . . . acknowlodgxng and liquidating the debts contracted by them before the war, Carid] have fcond credj.tors . We witness scores undergoing repairs, business houses and dv/ellings Phoenix-like, rising out of ashes .... The stores are stocked vv'ith goods; the streets throngF:d v/ith men . . . all proclaimir;c [cur] city's increa.iio.g prosperity. The flutter of wheels and tlie song of the cav; on the canal are responded to by the lumbering of hec-L'/ily laden drays along the streets, caught up by the I'ing of the hammer and the sharp clip of the adz, at the ship yard, arid re-echoed by the same from the shores o? South Carolina. For from the boundaries of Dublin to the Banks of t'i)<-: Savann^ih rises an unceasing hum-tell ing us that we live in the mi.dst of an enterprising and industrious people, •' Martin V. Calvin explained in the City Directory for 1865.

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"Our city has becone :;o gr^at a centre for business that merclianti have been obli^jed to betake themselves to second stories fcr p.alesrocms. It looks ?.s if Aucjusta v/as grov/ing a little — grov^ing iii population sorr.e, and in business a great deal," the Da.ily Constitutional ist an d Sentinel noted in Septeir.bor, 1865. Vast quantifies of cotton were stored in and about the city; perhaps, in greater amounts than at "z-iuy other point m the South.'' None of it had been burned, nor destroyed, "Cotton Row" merchants commented about how business remained "very brisk"; most of them failed to raoan about the "good old days." Returning to the city, T\. A. Ramsey stated that a "most kind" and "conciliatory spirit" exisced to'.vards the South in New York, remarking that the "leadiriq merchants and businessmen of the great m.etropolis are anxious and striving to have business once more resum.e 5 xts v;onted channels with all sections." Postwar "Re covery" and Uninterrc upted Growth Available evidence suggests r,hat there was significant, eubatantial and swift "recovery" in the post-Civil War period. According to data collected, three sectors of the Augusta economy showed overwhelming gio'-^tli: a new banking syrjtem was quickly recreated to replace the antebellum 'n-m1':z that had collapsed v/ithi the Confederacy; a greater, more compj-ex transportation network evolved as old rail corniec-

PAGE 28

8 tions v/ere restored -and new, direct rail connections were es'caLlished with a variety of major South Atlantic cities; arid a .larger industrial p:onc; was created as the old, established prtwdr mills continued to prosper, new textile mills were founded along the bank.3 of the enlarged can-al and the surplus wealth of Aueustans v.'a-s exported inbo the Horse Creek Valley region of South Carolina or the "'Greater Augusta Area." Instead of a dark, bleak and tragic era---a period of utter destruction in v/hich all a^peccs of the old econoiaic order v/ere corn asunder--the postv/ar era was a new epoch of rapid "recovery" and unprecedented expansion. Either Zuigusta ' s postwar economic experiences were totally uniqije or additional "reasonable doubt" xs cast upon the traditional hypothesis that few positive acc-.'-'P.plishmeri-cs wece attained in the Reconstruction era. CiThe fi.nancial history of Augusta during th.e Civil War and Reconstructioii era revealed that total economic ruin did not transpire; nor were the postv/ar years an era cf lingering financial distress. On the e'/'e ot tlie vv'ar a series of banks constituted the "Big Six" in the cicy and possibly the state. Tne Bank of Augusta, Mechanics Bank^ City Bank, Augusta Insurance and Banking Com.pany, Union Bank and the Georgia R--^ilroad and Banking Company had con'binod assj.ts of $2 , 6~5 ,'000 ovi'c of All aggregate banking capital of $9,028,078

PAGE 29

9 or the t-.v/erty-f j.\"e b?.nks in Georc/ia. "At the outbreak of the V731the banks of Aucusta risked their all on the success of the Southern Confederacy," Charles C. Jones and Salem Duccher recorded in rheir Memorial History of Augus ta, " and at the end ot the s^'.ruggle \/ent dov-.Ti in coiraaon ruin." One bank, however, failed i:o colJ.apse in hideous bankruptcy. The so].e antebellura bank which survived was the Georgia Railroad and Banking Company. The individual who was responsible for its survival was John Pendleton King. President King clearly recognized that the precipitous drop in deposits and discounts were indi.cative of an imm.inent fiiisncial collapse. Deposits and discounts cropped sharply in 1863-18G4; falling froip. $626,849 to $ 1(9, 844 and from $559, 06o to $181; 319, respectively. Not only did King perceive the impending financial death of the bank hut, as he observed tiie fortunes of war, he Loresaw the inevitable collapse of the Coiixederacy . Because of his x'ecommendations to the board of directors, the baiik continued to exist as a de facto institution in the coirjiranity . Under his able executive leadership it emerged from a pre'var position as third Oj: fourth largest bank to become the dominant l5anking ccncern in tl^o city. During the so-called era of "YankeeDayonct l^.ul.e" the c-.ipital of the com.pany rose to $4, />00, 000; the volume of annual business transactions amounted to

PAGE 30

10 $75,000,000 and over ?4, COO, 000 in dividends were paid out 7 to it::3 stockholders.' irre continu.ed conimorcial prosperity and important: monocary needs of the city's institutions to handle financial transactions between industrialists, cor.ton factors, grocers, retail merchants, attorneys, real estate agents and the' general urban populace necessitated the creation of other banking facilities. No one bank could service the needs of the entire community. To fill tlie vacuum created by the collopse of the Big Six, a series of new successor banks \7ere organized by dynamic, enterprising financiers, merchants ai^d businessmen, many of v/hom were the sons of the "established families. " Within ten years after the end of the war a nev cluster of banks were created and in operation. The National Bank wi-is duly organized in December, 1865, and commenced the bn:-:in;^ss of b-^'.nking. Although two wealthy aind powerful New York copiiialists had put up the initial venture capital, local entrepreneurs were largely responsible for the admi nistrrc ion of the new bank. Under the auspices of Willj.?.m E. Jackson ai^d Charles Estes. ics total x-esources concinvied to grow uiitil r.hey v/ere estimated to be in excess of $S50,000, The Rank of Augusta v/as cliarteced by th.e state legislature in the spring of 18G6 with Howard H. Kickraan

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11 CIS its President. Alfred Baker, former antebellum state senator, proprietor of the Paragon mills, co-ov/ner of a very lar^'e v'holesale grocery bur-iness, a leading director of the old Mechanics Bank and dirsctor of the Enterprise I'lanufactaring Company and the Georgia Chemical V7oi"ks, was most infliiential in assistingFerdinand Phinizy and other prewar coiri'Tianity leaders in orgaiiizing the National Exchange Eaiik in 10 71. In later years its average aru'iual deposits v/ere around $192,000 and loans and discounts exceeded $340,000. Former governor Charles J. Jenkins, industrialists John P. King cind exmayor "Colonel" Ihomas P. Branch were instrumental in founding during -iihe era of Reconstruction the Planters' Loan and Savings Bank with a capital stocl: of almost $1,000,000. The Comraercial Bank, originally incorporated in 1863, commenced its fi.nancial transactions in 1871. Organized by tv/o industrialists, William Sibley and George R.. LoiTbard; Joseph Rucker Lam.ar, a ^'ery prominent attorney and several other outstanding businessmen, its yearly monetary transactions by the 1890 's v;ere greater than S250,000. '^Captain" V/j.i liam 5. Young, Patrick vvaleh, Cohn P. King, Richard E. Allen and Alfred Baker pooled together sOiVie of their economic resources in 1875 to create the A'-.gusta Savings Institute for small depositors. Its deposits steadily increased to around $314,537 in the 1890 's.

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12 Other banks----che Irish-American Dime Savings Bank and the Equitable Building and Loan Associaticn--ware also established by the "most substantial" bucinessu'ien vn\o , in many cas'^'s, were the former incorporators, executives, politiciaas and officials of the antebellum banks, industries, railroads and other enterprises. Tlie significance of tlie new, postwar banking firms cannot be blithely dismissed. Except for the loss of confidence, runs on the bunks and suspensions accompanying the national Panic cf 1873, clearing house returns published in the financial section of the Chronicle sh.owed a continuous, «teady increase over the corresponding period of the previous year. All of the new banks were consisbently reported to be in a "very prosperous condition" or doing a "rerp.Drkably fine" business and greatly assisting in the normal economic transactions of the comnunity. Indeed, in one ccise the board of directors arinounced to stockliolders chat dividends p?id out ar.iounl-ed to the "lively tune" of 12 per cent per ^a':\v.r^ on its $1,000,000 capital stock. Secondly, in mot't instances, the banking firms were also crloseiy allied with 'chc new manu. factoring, mercantile and raili-oad interests. The same men v/ho served as bank presidents were often as roi: pre;-identG, vice presi denes or me^rLOors o^ the boards cf directors of other corporations. vvilliam E. Jackson,

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13 President of the Augusta Factoir^', played a critical role in de.terriiining the policies of the National Bank. Another mou-Q-jer of the National BDnk, Charles Estes, was the executive leader of the John P. King mill. William Sibley, President of the Sibley Manufacturing Company, v;as one of tlie principal organizers and directors of the Conunercial BarJic The ov>'ner of the major iron foundry, George R. Lombard,, was both a member of the board of the Commercial Bank and the National Bank. Jolin P. King, a prominent, v/ealthy, p:-:e'vvar attorney, ex-United States Senator and President of tiie Georgia Railroad and Banking Company, vas very influential in establishing the p],anters ' Loan aiid Savings Bank, Augusta Savings Institute and the National Exchange Bank. Bankers obviously played an influential role in the pj-ocureii'.ent of Icical veiiture capital for the further grov^th of the established textile mills, creation of new industries and the swift 'recovery" of urban industrial prosperity in the postwar era. P-£uikers were clearly eager and anxious to lejid rfioney to talented businessmen. The second sector of the postv/ar economy to reveal sian.if leant lapid recovery v?as the (ailroad transportation system which converged and departed from Aug-i.ista. The war had terrporarily disrupted it but the dJ sordti-rs were qviickly corrected after Appomattox. By July, 1865, railroad cars

PAGE 34

14 were cperatinc from Chattanooga ro Atlanta, indicative of the n.ltimate successiTul reconstruction of the Western and " /'..tlenta Railroad. The Macon and Augusta Railroad, a branch of the Georgia Railroad, aniiOiinoed in mid-August, 1865, that its services would be reopened shortly. Work on the restoration of the South Carolina Raj.lroad.. it was stated by executives of the "Best Friend, " v;as being ''vigorously prosecnited." Two trains v/ere running between Augusta and S?.vannah per day by February, 136G . Ey the spring of 1866, Augusta was again united by rail with Charleston, Columbia arid points north. Although sorie of the iron rails of the Central Railroad of Goorgj.a were heated, wrapped around trees and slipped into fashionable "Sherman ties," not all of the nain lines were licpelessly destroyed. Officials pointed v'ith pride tliat within tv/o years after the and of the war the lines; woire reopened from Augusta to Kacon and Savannah and that the value of capital stock had risen to .>5, 300, 000. In 1073 th.e Charleston and Western Ctirolina Railroad Co:ripany reopened its lines from Ziugusta to Port Royal. Ey the 1870 "s and 1880 's through the railroad lines, Augusta was being connected up \vith a plethora of southern cities-Blrfiiing-ham, Montgomery, AtJanta, Athens, Macon, ColUi-nbus, Laurens, Spart:anburg, Greenville, Savannah, 'Charleston, Wiliiiing v-on, Norfolk, Port Royal and Baltimore — making it a

PAGE 35

15 hub cf one of ihe i.T.portant rail centers cf the Nev; South. Host ccntoiapoiraries v/ere irapress-sd v;ith the great energy, reraarkable enthusiasm and trGraendous ;^e3:l exhibited by the owners in rebiiilding, repairing and restoring the old transportation netv/ork rhat con\-erged and departed frora Augusta. But they also perceived that a vast, new and far more complex railroad network was being built that would create greater commercial and agrarian trade relationships with cncir city. '/.he Georgia Railroad Company, especi.ally , showed the continuation of the boom that had accompanied the outbreak of the Civil vJar . Superintendent E. \v. Cole's fin^noiai report for I>'.ay 15, 1365, to March 31, 186b, showed that net income paid before interest charges to investors exceeded $51'%, 'jQfj. It had "definitely not been ruined by the war." "liere v/ere numerous explanations offered for the postwar prosperity of "Old Reliable." Uar veterans, refugees and other displaced persons were returned to tlieir homes. Cotton, 'loarded during the last days of the Confederacy, v/as being shipped for export. ?ihe temporary elim.ination of some co-apetitor;: assured the Georgia Rai] road more than its norrr'?.! volum^e of trade. It wi-;s not until 1874 that there was a doclin-^ in net pxolits, but even then aniiual net profits often surpassed

PAGE 36

16 ?50k) ,000 . Furtherraore, in a proper perspect5.ve, the decline represented actual earnings and reflected sound company policle;.-. Additional miles of Lrack were laid and tlio overall mileage increased. New locomotives and cars v/ere purcliased from the gross profits. Many of the old, woodburning engines v>7ere overhauled and converted to coal burners. Newer, more "elegant and comfortable" cars, v/hich had become the "synbol of safety and luxury," also were bought. All 'chese expenditures naturally cut into the margin of net profxts but represented long-range investment gains rather thrin short-term losses. Despite these alleged losses, from 1860-1881 the Georgia Railroad paid out to its stockholders 10 dividends amount.T.ng to $5,154,576. Railroads played a crucial role in the rapid development of the city in the late nineteeath century. First, they ir.ado Augusta the gateway through which passed most of the agriciiltura]. products of rjevoral southeastern states. Ihe trvtuk .lines axid branches of those railroads trar^elled through some of the 1-est farm counties. Railroad cars 1 o-5.ded with every variety of cas:! crc'pis-wheat, oats, corn, rye, beets, sv/eet potatoes, artichokes, pcaclies, pears, pla'.-i3 and grapeo-~were bound for Augusta and other urba:i rr-.arkets. Extensive agricultural trade lielpod to raaka it into a comimercial market for fanriers and merchants of the

PAGE 37

17 surrounding viJ.lages, tovvns and sraaller cities. Tc the burliness coraraunity, this steady streaia of pi'oducts from the farm stiengtJienad the rural-ux'bar. trade relationships and assiirsd it of greater profits. Second, luost of the Lines readied the cotton g3-'o\7ing sections of Georgia, Alabama, South Carolina and even v/estern Tc^nnessee where fertile black lands yielded tons of "southern snow" each season, making Tuigusta the second Ic^rgest inland cotton market in the United States. Each year after the war as the railroads continued to increase their raileage of trcick, they increased the size of the Aiigusta cotton terci.'-.ory and chipped raore cotton into the city to be processed, refined, baled, consigned, marketed and transshipped in box cars or cargo hoJ.ds of steamers to other cities. ?. "boom" in cotton receipts v/as clearly evident. '2he aggregate volum.e of cotton receipts from 1C76-1885 amounted to over 1,400,000 bales — or an average of around 134.000 bales. Cothon receipts jumped frcni 1889-1900 to ever 2, GOO, 000 bales and a nev.' average of 241,000 bales per year. From 1900-1911 the total volume of cotton receipts jiimpcd to over J, 700,000 bales <3nd reached a new yearly average of 343,000 bales. Over 4,700,000 bales were shipped from. 1911 -1922 f representing a higher annual average of 435,000 bales. Cotton was unquestionably one of the major

PAGE 38

18 forces creatine tlie prosperity of Augusta in the urban Progr es s .ive c-ra . Third, without the railv/ay and shipping facilities, Augusta v/ould not have conceivably experienced an "internal bocrn,'' in urban growth, inouscrial expansion, business sales and aggregate banking assets. "Cotton Row" ir.erchants busily constructed huge new warehouses and wharves all along the Savannah to score the increased volume of cotton and to expedite the transfer of cotton from railroad box cars into the holds of ocean-bound steamers. ''It is quite an interesting scene at the wharf these days,'' a reporter noted, "with the quantity of freight all around and the number ofteams j.oading and unloading.'' At the port of Augusta "nothing but the snokestcicks of steamers could be seen." The boom in cotton receipts also had significant repercussions upon the textile industries, crediting a tremendous im.petus to the enlargement of existing mills, prcaioting the installation of more looms and spindles in all factories and increasing the v'olurue of Inuasi'.rial production. Manufacturing enterprises were probably flooded with mere orders, turned cut mora fi.nishec; produces and pard out greater profits than possibly at an}'' time in rhe past. Concu.rrently , the svibstantial grov;th in the volume of freight rect-iptG ^/as a major factor in the parallel rise in bank clearings. Annual

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19 bank clearings throughout the Progressive Era rose from a record high in 1900 of over 568,000,000 to an all time annu^il peaV. of t>230, 000, 000 in 1319. Financiers readily explained that the marked increase was due to the "active oohton traffic." Fourth, through the railroads and steamers, Augusta's "local'' economy become pare of a regional and national economy. ThiO various railroad and steamship companies linked op Augusta wich the port shipping facilities of Jacksoiiville, Brunswick, Savannah, Charleston, Newport, Port Royal, Wilmington and Noivfolk. Shi.ps were loaded at these Cour.h Atlantic port cities \vith cargoes and passengers bound lor Providence,New York, Boston, Ivashington and Richmoiid as ^^'^-J.l as many cf the major ports of Evirope. The econoraic pattern of recove.ry in baiiks and railroads wa3 especially rapid but postv/ar industrial growth proceeded more slowly becaut:e it necessarily involved greater long-range decisions and preparations; acquisition of additional mechanical equ.i prient • enlargement of the canal for ade.Tuate powerincorpora-cion and constru.ction of new enterprises; inbernai migration of people and the formation of a larger urban population; import and export of a greater vcil'^me cf goodo; and. especially, the steady rise in t.he volume cf capital formation and financial comraitments .

PAGE 40

20 Industrial recovery, however, was not subjected to sporadic, freq~:ent interruptions nor drastic, sharp upward and do'v\T-iv;ard moverriGnts connaonly characteristic of business-cycle fluctuations. Instead, the pattern was an overall upward trend, showing the continuation of certain substantial for'A'ard gaix^.s made during the war, revealing additional iroiLediate postwar advances through careful planning and indicatj.n.g to a great extent that there was an "interlocked" sequence of clianges occurring in a.ll three sectors of A'.igusta ' 3 urban econorriy culminating in the successful rise of the city as a major textile center for Georgia and 13 we;-:tern South Carolina. The rate of grovv'th, net profits and oi'.her business gains of the Augusta Factory, for instance, clearly reflected -che continuity of industri.al developiaeni: . Founded i!i 184 7 and reorganized in 1859 by William E. Jackson, 'rhoiv.as Barrett and other prominent Augustans.the "Pioneer" niill shov/ed aimcst uniriterr^.ip>trd growth during peace, v;ar and reconstruction » Diiring the first three years after Appomatto::, it liqT;idated its debts, acquired a sxirplus fund of nearly $2 50,000 and owned property valued at more than .'iOOfOOO. Aggregate net earnings from 1365-1870 far exceeded -^SOCOOO, '.ut of 'v'biJh :? 540,000 was paid to stockholders. President Jackson reported in his annual report to

PAGE 41

21 the board of direchors. In May of 1873, Jackson reported that stock paid in dividends araounted to a steady 20 per cent par annuni .since the v.'ar and its value had more than doubled. TT-iat fall the corapany reported that from 1868-1873 net earnings amounted to $790,500 and profits divided up among stockliolder?; exceeded $660,000. Moreover, the mill had quadrupled the number of loorus and spindles in operation, jumping i:o 800 looms and 25,000 spindles. Corporate profits wore very good from 1865-1875, paying out dividends aquiil to 198 per cent on the original capital stock, or 14 approximately 15 per cent per annum. The most important and most striking feature of postv/ar grov'th, however, was the plan formulated by the white loader3 of the "established fa^oilies" to create, thz^ough tlie enlargement of the canal, a new, more vast industrial zone in the cj.ty. Mayor Joseph V. H. Allen's inaugural address of December, 1869, included conan.cnts that "the power of the oJd canal was not sufficient to run even the two md.l Is of Lhe Augusta Factory." The mayor also expressed belief that tjie constrviction of the Langley mill in South Carolina by A;y.-ustans had been the result of the inadequate pov.'er p.rovided by the oJ.d canal. Concli^ding his address.. Allen stated that the carial contained "the germi of the future greatness of our city, and needs only to bo developed to

PAGE 42

22 bring a large incraase of industrious population, millions of added wealth and profitable labor for our poor.""^"* Businer.saien, industrialists, financiers, merchants and attorneys eagerly desired to improve the old canal to allow for future growth, enlarge plant operations of the Augiista Factory and other mills and encourage the founding of a cl'astexof nev7 industries, establishing Augusta as the "LO'.VELL of the SOUTH." Many pointed out that the canal, corViplcted in 1845, was no longer adequate — supplying neither sufficient power for exisbiiig mills nor providing power for increa^sing the number of spindles and looms in the establish.ed mills, much less for any new industrial enterpri.ses . Concerned interest groups, furthermore, pointe.5 cut that since the cJ.ty had a heavy investment in the original canal, its enlargement was naturally a matter of cocp?.rative effort betv/een municipal authorities and tne representatives of private business firms. They also stressed that a bold, new plon of expanding its size v/ould be a major factor of inducing investors at lioiae and elsewhere to put up the venture capital for "maivu'aoth" new manufacturing concerns. Convinced of the enormous iiriportance of th.o proposed project, Mayor Charles Estes reccmmended tliat experienced encfir'eers be hired to survey the canal, r:f;tiir.ate the costs and present their findings to the City Council for an

PAGE 43

23 vJJ-.imate decision in the matter. Ciiairman Tliomas Barrett, Jr., Pa;.:rick V.alsh and two other ir;c;ui};)ers of the special. cana]coiriTDittee accepted the findings of the engineers, submitted a report endorsing the building of a "new" canal and recornrnended that a special election be held. After voting unanimously in favor of the project, the council called for a special election. Consolidated returns of the October, 1371, canal election showed that a majority of voters favored trie project. Cn the basis of the raandate at the polls, the city purchased the necessar-y dredging equipment , a.varded the contract to a private corporatioii and arranged for the importation of several hundred Cliinese labcrors to assist in the digging of the canal. Sluiceways were cut from the canal to the river. A s(=-cond and third level to the old canal were built. After several years of arduous labor, the project was completed at a cost of almost $1,000,000.^*^ As construction of tlie n':\\ canal neared completion, it prompted slirewd, cool-headed, business-minded Augustans to travel North in search of Yankee money in order to reestablish old financial and commei'ciaL ties, create new businesr. associatior!.', promote the expansion of \:he eld irich.istrie.'i and found nev; faccories along the banks of the enlarged canal. Like many Bourbon crusaders of the New

PAGE 44

24 South, they believed that rhe economic resources vere beincf drs^ined avay to Lhe textile industries iii New Enqiand. Tl'iey \vere furr.her convinced L-hac the low cotton prices were respcnsible for the drain of these resources. Anxious to retain that wealth and to beat the "Yankee Captaixis" of industries at their own game, they believed that the cotton raills ought to he brought bo the cotton fields. The new business leaders who emerged as the economic elite--v.'hiLe lamenting the demise of the Conf eGeracy--sl!ared a ccmmon vision of an industrial, business civilization 'for the boutn. Completed in 1875, the new Augusta canal was responci-ble tor converting i:he "persistent" swampy lov/iands, stagnant ponds and thick marshes on the estates of Cumming, Phinizy, Eve and other coiarnunity influentials into a valuable industrial park. But of utmost iiaportance was the fact trt3.t the pian.s, preparatio.is and actions pursued t*"Southern Yankees" had secured subscription of funds from some northern capitalists, succeeded in raising local venture capxtai and been responsible for the founding of a pletliora of nev; textile mills and the prolif erat ixj n ot ceco'-'dary or collateral industries. The Jclia P. King, Josiah Sibley, Enterprise, Algernon.Sterling ajid Warv;ic]c cotton ndlxs, along wich Clark's P'lour Mill, Artie Ice

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25 F:ictory, Siii'-jleton Silk Will, Cott-n Seed Gil Company, Loratard Iron V.'orks and other major J.ndus cries were built along the banks of 'che enlarged canal. T?ie rice of "nairauoth" new industries, in turn, stimulated the growtli of over sixty new colla-ceral industries, including railroad shops, boiler repair shops, liiniber iTiills, compresses and brick works. "^ The Enterprise Manufacturing Company before 1S73 was a 'sm^ill old stone mill, which had long reposed on the old canal,, and ground for its neighbors its slender lots of flour and meal." In October of 1377, H. M. Clark of Boston, Charles Estas, G. T . Jaclcson, Francis Cogin and Janies Grey pooled their resources to reorganize the comipany. Within less than a deci'.de, the "giant" new corporation had over 30,000 :-3p: r.dles , 900 looms and em.ployed 700 mill operatives. In NovGJTiber of 1879, Eugene F. Verdery, a leading industrialist and financier: Patrick Walsh of the Augiista Chron i-cle ; Z. McCord, a prominent bus.inessm.an; and former mayors, Robert May and Joseph V, H. Allen, pooled $160,000 cf local capital to organize the Sibley Manufacturing Company, Jo53 ah Sibley and William C. Sibley travelled to New Ycrlc and Ciacinnabi, securing additioiial subscriptions from Samuel Keyser and Walter Smith araoirntrng to $540,000. iTie following spring, construction began at the site of. the old CoiTfederate Powder V7orks . Completed and m operation m

PAGE 46

26 Fojbruary, 1S82, the Sibley jrall partially utilized the i-efinej.-y, laboratory and incorporating mills and other buildinci:= of the po'wder works. Initially it housed 35,000 spindles and 1,000 looms but increasing production dem.ands dictated inc-reasing its operation to 40,2 56 spindles and 1,409 looms. Also on the first level of the nev/ canal vas the King mill* Charles Estes, after trammelling to Boston, New York and Fhiladc^lphia, obtained subscriptions amounting to aimo:3t $500,000. Returning to the South, he visited Charleston and Savannah, raising the remainder of the funds necessary for capitalization. Although the board of directors included 0. H. Simpson and C. C. Baldwin, the vast majority were prominent Augustans--H. B. King, John Davison, P a t r i ck 77a 1 sh , Alfred Baker, Tli oma s G . B a r r e f: t , Jo s i ah Sibley, Janes P. Verdery, William T. t\Tiee]ess and R. A. Fleming. Within nine years the industrial capacity of the iTohTi P. King rn.ill increased from 544 to fiSO looms and from 19 26,454 to 06,500 spindles. The Augusta Factory, Sibley, King and Enterprise mill^s, coliectively , constituted the galaxy of large textile fac-t.ories i.n the city. Around them were a cluster of smaller coctcri rf:ills a.ncluding the Globe, Wai.T:iok, Algernon and Sterling mills ard a variety of secondary industries. TTne rise of a weii-deveioped money market, rapid railroad con-

PAGE 47

27 structioR, a greater volvme of trade, significant urbansuburban expansion and the growth of the acute need for tecrinological repair services to the basic textile industries produced a wave of incorporations and constructJ.on of s plethora of collateral industries by shrewd, perceptive er!t:;copreneu.r£: . Ttiey correctly realized that there was a direct correlation between the new level of urban-industrial activity and the need for additional, effective subsidiary industri.es. Thus, an ecnnoraic "subsector" consisting of the Georgia Chemi.cal Works, Lombard Iron Foundry, Augusta Lumber Corapany, Perkins Manufacturing Company, Augusta Ice Factory and sorac sixty other, smaller supplementary industries evolved.. The completion of the canal had created a new urban industrial sector valued at approximately $4,000,000 v;hich produced over $3,000,000 annually in ivanuf actured goods. By 1885 the aggregate capi.tal investment in the total industrial sector increased to almost $8,000,000 and the manufacturGG products were ^/alued in excess of $10,0'jC,000. Augusta, in the Giided Ago, wa:-= clearly making rapid strides coward becoming a ,?;ignif icant urba.o industrial cit:y in Georgia as well as western South Carolina.'^ The grov,-th of banks, railroads and industries v/as directly responsible for t'le increasing population of Augusta. Hundreds of people left the cornfields, cotton

PAGE 48

28 patclies and redclay hills of rural Georgia every year to find so-called "high-paying" industrial work in Angusta. Every one of the major mills had a sizable labor force and the other industries employed large nun'ibers of wage-earners. As a connecuing point between rail and water transportation systems, Augusta required great numbers of semi-skilled and nn.'^killed laborers. Because the goods liandled were bulky in size, they required numerous hands to assist the transfer of freight from the warehouses to railroad box cars and steamers. I'housands of dollars of crates of merchandise, boxes o i: ca:aned goods, furniture, stoves and other consumer goods needed to be efficiently unloaded from the ships which decked at the port of Augusta and lifted from the wharves to the streets above v/here stevedores, draymen and truckmen carted it 3v;ay in their horse-dravrn wagons. The coiitinuous comtruccic)?! of nev; residential homes, business firms, larger mills an.3 warehouse? was also responsi'ole for cj^.couraging bricklayers, oarpe-utors and other skilled constrv.ctioii workers to laigrate to tlie city. Tlie abundance of j<:b opportunities, therefore, naturally attraciied more people to the city. In 1360 the population of Augusta Vvas little more than 12,000; but by 1880 it had grov/n to over 20,000. T'vo decades later it had almost doubled, reaching 39,441. By 1920 the number of people living in Augusta reached

PAGE 49

29 59,551. In six decades the urban populacion had increased _. , . 21 T/ie rise of the "Lowell of the South" was not restricted to the confines of the city limits, nor the boundarie:5 of Riclimcnd County, nor, for that matter, the geographical dividing lines betweeii Georgia and South Carolina. Another significant aspect of the third sector was, therefore, iridustrial expansion into the Palmetto state. Tl\a genesis of Au-gusta's "industrial colony" dated back to the lS40's \vit.h the founding of the G;:aniteville and Vaucluse mills. Althouvjh located across the Savamiah, both were Augusta enterprises since a substantial portion of the capital and rmny of the men wno incorporated and directed them were Au.giistans. In 1847 the Graniteville mill was built. 'Tiie following year bhe Vaucluse mill was built Erom the :>urplu5 profits of its parenr. corporation. Both experiericed almost continuous growth for two decades, building additions to the plants, acquiring several thousand acres of Isjid and constructing small wooden frarae houses and compai\y stores in the emerging indiasLrial plantations. President Ivilliam Gregg, recurning to Aiigusta after ea extended business trip abroad, announced that he had purchased considerable iiew equip!T:Gnt fc.a' greater expansion. Over GSO cases of equipment and large quantities of building materials arrived

PAGE 50

30 from Liverpool in Kay, 1866. But, in 1867, declining value of shares, expenditures for che planned enlargements and other int'-r\rnal business coraplica'cions cojitributed to the '12 temporary cessat."Lon or production. Under Wie single management of President H, H. Hickman of Augusta, the Graniteville and Vaucluse mills from 18671399 shov/ed considerable forward strides and significant profits. Colonel Hickman !^:uccessfully restored the joint business corporation to a firm basis, eliminated unnecessary expenditures, increased the volumie of business sales and effect(?d a thorough-going managerial revolution. In the annua], report foe 1872, it was proudly anr.o".inced that during the last five years stockholders had received an average annual dividend ranging from 10 to 20 per cent of the tohal capital irivestiioni:. Net gains for just Lhe Graniteville Toill had added S166,62& to the surplus funds in 1872; the following year they exceeded $190,000. Gross profits in 1973 amounced to $217,685 and dividends paid out: were in excess of $100,000. The corubined prt^fits of the two mills exceeded $3 56,000. In 187'!, although directors ].araented that profits were "not very satisfactory, " according to buid.ness records the company recorded a net return of 2 2 per cent on its $700,000 capital. From. 1S74-IS78 the Graniteville alone paid our dividends amounting to $299,650,

PAGE 51

31 representing c-lmcst 50 per cent on its capital stock. From 1878-1883 Graniteville earned gross profits of $468,977 and ^Ciid out alir.ost $2 50,000 to stockholders. In April, 1899, Hxckmaii rendered a thorough account of his thirty-two years of "otev/ardship" before turning over the direction of the company to Tracy Hickman. Tlie rei-.iring president pointed V;ith great pride that shares had rxsen in value from sixty cents on the dollar to $200 per share. Stockholders had received $1,800,000 in dividends. Property holdings had suhstar.tially increased, new machinery had been purchased, physical facilities had grov/ri v/ith constant enlargements, several hundreds of thousands of dollars had been tn-ansferred to the t-urplus funds out of the gross profits and oth.er industries had been founded in the "Greater Augusta ..23 Area . " "^lo continual return of steady, high profits to the Augusta capitalif.ts meant that they Vv'ere most eager to contiirae tc invest their surplus v/ealth in tlieir "industrial colony." In the 1070 's, 1880 ' c and 1890 ' s an "aggressive spirit' resulted in further "imperial exporting" of capital to found the Langley, Aiken, Warren and Clearv/ater raanuf oct-.irinq companloH. The men who rai.sed th.e capital stock, promoted the ventures, orqanii;ed the millto^.Ti.s and made all the key adraiiiistxative decisions Vv-ere prominent citizens of

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32 Augi:ista. By 1900 "chey had invested a total of $2,200,000 irj their four Carolina-based factories. •The subscribed capita], for the Langiey Manufacturing vTompany came in 1870 from V/illiain Langiey of Mew York; Wlli.iaiTi E. Jackson, President of. the Augusta Factory; V7iliiam C. Si.bJ.ey, President of the Sibley mill; and other leading local bvisinessmen--Josiah Sibley, Edv;ai-d Thomas, John Jay Cohen and Tliomas Barrett, Jr. The new corporation lived up to their hearty expectations, showing net profits of $325,''-03 for the period 1B72-1877 which represented about 13.3 per cent average annual return. President Thomas Barrett, Jr. reported that the corporation was a real "gcirg-concern, " earning net profits of $338,525 from 1878lGrs3 or an 85 per cent return on the initial investment in a four year period . .'it Bath, just six miles from Fiugiista, the Aijcen Manufacturing Company was organized, built and in ope.ration in the 1830 's. Among its important prc!notors and officials was Cha.rles Estes. President of the King mill, former mayor and cio-'vo bu-jiness associate of several mills, banks aiid other industries. President Triomas Barre-ct, Ji . , executive head of the Langiey mill since 1878, had greatly scressed the importa.nce (?f the plant's location betv/een the Soirchern, Soutli Carolina and Georgia railways, pointing out that the exist-

PAGE 53

33 ing 3pur switches afforded the company excellent rail facilities for shipping goods bo other raarkcts. IVithin five years, the three-story brick plant was enlarged r.o accomiT.odate 2 7,500 spindles and 766 looms, thereby almost doubling its origiri.al industrial equipment. vTames ?. Verdery, President and Treasurer of the Enterprise mill: Cl-.arles A. Robbe, prom^inent construction contracuor: Linv/ood C. Kayne, a r-ising young financier associated with tv/o xmportant Augusta banks; and Eugene F. Verdery corfuoinec their fortunes and talents to take over a mill at Vvarrenville v/hf^n it becam.e "financially embarrassed , '' President E. F. Verdery successfully raised the capital funds to liqi.idate its debts and to eqiiip it with 1,000 loorr.s and 31,000 spii'dles. Sy 1900 the VJarren Manufacturing Company, it v,-as frequently said, w^_s larger in size, proau.ction, and cquipmeiit than both the Graniteville and Vaucluse mills. Experienced Augusta cotton men--Charles Estes, TH^omas Brtrrett, Jr., Frederick B. Pope and Landcn A. lliomas, Jr.-porceived fiiat most of the southern cotton raills had to .^end tneir goods North to b.; bleached and tlien re-shipped back down South. Recognizing that a demand existed, -cJiey v;illir-gly put up the venture capita."; for the Clearwater Bleachery and Manufacturing Company. Since ic was the only firm

PAGE 54

34 of its type in the region, they Iznew that it would steadily grow, pdying back high profits to its subscribers.""' Th e Nat u re of the New City Rapid urbanization and industrialization had substantially changed the nature of life in the new city. Vast new aiunicipc-.l problems einerged, placing greea-.er demands and strains upon city government and the decision-makers. Water for the people was a very crucial matter, requiring longrange uirban planning. Bad taste, strong odors, thick green algae and flitting v^ater bugs in public v/eils often caused them t:o be "abandoned by man and beast." Sev/erage and drainage systems were rendered hopelessly inadequate by the grov/ing city. Existing sewers and drains were in an acute state of decay. Decaying animal cadavers demanded removal by sC'iveagers hired by the city. It was obvious to many, especially professional medical authorities, tliat such urban sanitation conditions were confronJ-ing the city fjithers wiih iranor challenges and requiring a greater cen26 tralization oc authority. Second, the rise of urban Augusta had created a sorcies of 'cuiai.l, indooendent village clu'^ters lying beyond trie official city limits. SriiTiu-^erville, Karrisonville, Monte •Sano, North .A-ugasta and Wcllieville, for exainple, were on the peripheral fringe of the city proper. Most of these

PAGE 55

35 ne-ver residential areas on the periphery developed as an inevitable result of the increase in material wealth of the more prospercjis wliite citizens. Property o'/ners, anxious to display their material success, endeavored to make full use of their building sites to create the image of a sophisticated, aristocrat j.c society devoted to a leisurely way of life. Gra:'id and stately homes, surrounded by large plots of ground, gardens and trees were inhabited by the wealthy industrialists, bankers, brokers, merchants, attorneys and other vvell-tc-do residents. Streets \7ere shaded with elm, oak, pine and poplar trees to beautify the areas. Suburban real estate corpoj-at iono advertised that all lots and homes were sold with "proper restrictions" to insvire the "quiet and com.fort" of the nev: suburbanites and the "absence of objecticnable people." ^'Tho Loop" circled the city, offering quick, fast and dependable trolley service in "firstclass" cars to "che commuting merrbers of the "respectable strata of
PAGE 56

36 suburbia. The region between the central business district from upper Bioad Street to around Lake 01n..stead emerged sharply defined as the "factory settlement." The vast majority of the v/hite wage-earners lived in that district. Most of the large textile mills took up a considerable amount of space and were visibly present. Other industrial concerns--ico plants, lumber yards, machine shops--al£o characterized the area, contributing to its distinctiveness as the heai't of industrial Augusta. Tall tv;o-story brick and wooden tenement houses, crov^ding several families into one building with dark, ill-v'-intilated, dreary -ciny apartments v;ere a comxnon distinguicshing feature. Company-owned cot• tc.ges, sraail wooden frarae houses and other homes were built in order to provide lodgings for th.e mill operatives and their families. The great mass of the black population resided almost v'hol iy in the region soul.h of Gv'innett Street and southwest i.ti "Tl'.e Territory." During the war, and part icul^>r ly after the death of the Confederacy, mariy colored people abandoiied the plar.tation lands and flocked to the city in the hope of gainijig a better way of life. "The Terri," as the Negroes call.'d it, emerged in the postv;ar industrial city as a GOiTmunity within a f o.'MVJ.r"Lty . Living and working '-'ithin the cicy, they were nevertheless shut off from white society and

PAGE 57

37 prohibited by law from entering certain establishments, such as theatres, restaurants and hotels. Separate business firms, churches and schools emerged to provide for the needs of the urban blacks, giving rise to a very small, but exceedingly ambitious black bourgeoisie. Merchants, grocers, undertakers, saloon-keepers, miinistars, professors, lawyers and teachers catered to their exclusively colored clientele. Rows of lov/-rent tin shanties, raiashackle buildings, wooden shacks and older, former white residential homes lined the dusty roadways, streets and alleys of the region, giving it another distinct characteristic which separated it from the lower class v^hite factory district and the upper class v/hite suburbs . Third, rapid urban growth and industrial expansion had contributed to acute new socd.al tensions, especially between the business groups and the non-business elements, confronting the established political and economic elites with ceveral critical issues. The first fundamental problem was the dramatic emergence of a new, highly moralistic public sentiment fa-x^oring ''Good Government" and advocating "responsible," "business-like" leadership in city politics instead of "'.^ard factionalism." and "corrupt elections."

PAGE 58

NOTES J• A ugusta Daily Constit-ationalist and Sentinel , May 15, 1860, April 7, 18, May 15, 28, August 2, 29, "September 7, 11, 1861, May 14, July 26, 1363, iMay 14, 1864; Charles C. Jones, Jr., and Salem Butcher, Memorial Hist ory of Augu sta, Ge orgia (Syracuse: D. Mason and Publishers, 1S90) , 416-425; George Washington Rains, History^ of the Confede rate Pov. 'der Works (Augusta: Clironicle and Constitutionalist Print, 1882), passim ; Joseph B. Milgram. and Norman P. Gerlieu, Geo rge Wash ing ton Rain s (Philadelphia: Foote Mineral and Company, 1961) , passim; Florence Fleming Corley, Confedera te City. Augusta , Georgia. 1360-1865 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1960), 46-62, 84-86; Richard D. Goff, Confederate Sup ply (Durham: Duke University Press, 1969), 130-131; Charles B. Dew, Ironmake r to the Conf ederacy (New Kaven and London: Yale University Press, 1966), 86, 12 5; T. Conn Bryan, Co nfederate Georgia (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1953), 103; E. Merton Coulter, Vhe Conf ederate States of America, 1361-1865 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1950), 207-209; Si'{lith Census of bhe United States: 1860. Populati on ( v;a sh. i t ig l" o n : Government Printing Office, 1864), 74. 2. Fitz Gerald Ross, Citi es and Camps of t he Confederate States (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1958), 114-115, 141-144. 3. Ccrley, Confederate City_, 84-86; Robert Selph Henry, The,_ Story of, the Conf ederacyi (Indianapolis and New York: Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1964), 424-426; Alan Crnv7^y, The__Reccnst ruction of Georgia (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1966), 10-14. Conway stresses that Sherman's prime objective was to relocate his base of military operations from Atlanta in the interior to Savannah, a coastal city where he could receive supplies f.rom the Union na\^'. 38

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39 4 . Augus t a Daily Constit\?ti onalist a nd S entine l, December 21, 1365, October 19, 1871, October 29, 1872; 'Minutes of the City Council, January 2, 186G-Decerpber 30, 1871," 740--741; ''Minutes of the City Council, January 1, 1872-April 7, 1879," 62-63; Richard W. Griffin, "Augusta Manufacturing Company in Peace, War and Reconstruction, 1844-1877," Business History Re viev/ , XXXII (Spring, 1958), 67; William L. V.liatley, "A History of the Textile Development of Augusta, Georgia, 1865-1883" (M,.A. tliesis. University of South Carolina, 1964), 6. The continued post'svar^ existence of the buildings and equipment of the Confederate Powder Works is a matter of local historical coritroversy . George W. Rains, in his History of the Confed e rate Powde r Works , 28, stated that "nothing" remained after the war. However, municipal records and the files of the leading ne'v*/Si.-'aper confirm the thesis that the eqviipment and buildings were still in existence, almost undisturbed by the ravages of the war, but that six years of neglect following the v/ar had its toll upon the plant. Roof-tops of remaining buildings had caved-in, floors were warped, rotted-out and badly damaged by the elements and the machinery that had not been purchased ?Dy businessmen was rusted, possibly beyond physical repaj.r. The point is well-stated, however, that greater damages had developed through neglect rather than by the v/ar and military occupation forces. 5 . Calvi n's Aug u sta City Directory for 1865 18C6 (Augusta: Constitutionalist Job Office, 1865), 98; A ugusta Dail y _Cpn'-.-titutionalist a nd Sent inel, September 20, November 28, December 15, 1365; Augusta Chro nicl e, May 10, 1885; Sidn:.-y Andrev;s, Th e Sou th Since th e War (Boston: Ticknor and Fields, 18S5) , 353. Wil].ard Range's, A Century of Georgia Agriculture, 1850-1950 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1954), 90, points out that the "long starved cotton mills" of Nev; England, Britain and France paid very higli prices for soutiiern cotton, offering 43 cents and 31 tjents a pcnand in 1866 and 3.867, as compared to 8-10-11 cents per pound in the 1850's,. 6. Jones and Dutcher. Memorial History of Augusta, 329, 338-340, 342-344, 346-348, 35b. ^ ^^--'IPfysta Daily Constitut ion a list an d Sent inel, December 20, 1865, January 3, April 2, 1866, July 3, 1370, Septeirbor 1, 187 2; Jones and Dutcher, Memorial. History of £l^]£Lyj-Ik§L' ^' 359-361, 488-501: Joseph B. Cumraing, A His tory of the Georgia Railro ad a nd Banking Company ;and_ Its Corpo

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40 ate Affiliat es, 18 33-1 958 (Augusta: PrivaLe Pirinter, 1958), S-12; James F. Doster, "The Georgia Railroad and Banking Co.i'.pany in the Reconstruction Era," Gep rgia H i storic al iiy_^L3d;L?jr l3f: XLVIII (March, 1964), 1-5. 8 . Aucr us ta Daily Consti tutiona.lj^r_and_S,enj:Jj'j_el, May 2, 1866, July 3, August 27, 28, 1870, January 12, February 7, 26, March 31, Apri.l 2, 4, 9, July 1, 9, Augvist 13, vSepteiriber 26, 1871, March 15, Septoirber J, 1872; Au gusta Chron icle, February 11, 190C; Jones and Butcher, Memorial History of /lugusta, 3, 13 3, 239, 3 60-362; The XD.^ustrial. Advantages of Auausca, G eorgia (Augusta: Akehursc IMblishing Company, 1893), 109-110. 9 . Augusta Daily C onstit u tionalist and Sent inel. July 6, August 10, Beceinber 2, 1865, February 2, April 1, IS, 1866; Augusta Chro n icle , May 10, 1885, February 27, March 6, September 5, 1897; Jones and Duucher, Mem orial Hiotor^/ of Augusta , 497, 505-505; Conv/ay, Tlie Reconstruction of Geo rgia , 35-37; The Ind ustria l Advantages of Augusta, 29-32; Eugene H. Hinton, A H istorical Sketch of the Evolution of Tr ad e an d T ransp ortat ion of Auousta, G eorgia (Atlanta; The Southeastern Freight Association, 1912), 25-26. !'''• Aucu:-ta Chron icle , May 10, 1385; Jones and Dutcher, Meraorial Historv of Aucrusta, 497-503; Doster, "The Georgia Railroad and Banking Company," l oc . cit., 1-5. 11. Augusta_ Chron icle , February 27, 1897, April 16, 1905 ; "Hinton, Sk e t cli o f th e Evo lut ion . of Tr ad e , 21; Jones ai-id Dutcher, Meracrial History of Augusta, 502; The_C_it,y Counci l of Au gusta, Georgia Y ear Book: 1909 (Augusta : Augusta Ciironicle Job Department, 1910), 127; Ni notee nTwenty Yea r Book of the City CouncJ-1 of Augusta, Georgia (Augusta: Ridgely-'Wing Tide^/ell Company, 1921), 13; Year Book, of the Ci ty Counc i.l of Aug^asta, Georgia: 1935 (Augusta: Publishers unknov/n, 193S) , 30-31. 12. Au gusta C hronicle, August 19, 1893, September 1, 1899 ; Mayor's Mes sage s and Official R eports of the D ecarbTTrsnts p.f t he City of Auausta, 1904 (Augusta: Augiista Chronxcle Job Office, 1905), 52; Tlie City C ouncil of -^"'^JV'^sta, Georgia Year Book: 1909 (Augusca: Tvugusta Chronicle Job Depairtment, 1910), 126; Nine tee n Eleven Year Book of tll-g. Pi-ty Council of Augus ta, Georgi a (Augusta: Phoenix Printing Company, 1912) , 160; l-Jineteen Sixteen Year Book of the Ciuy Counc il of i\ugusta, Georgia (Augusta: Ridgelyvving--ridewell Company, 1917), 137; Nineteen Nineteen Year

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41 B ook of t he City Counci l of A ugu sta , Georgia (Augusta: Phoenix Printing Coir.pany, 1920) , 30; Nin eteen l^.venty-One Year B ook of the C ity Council o f Augus ta, G eorgia (Augusta : Phoenix Printing Company, 1922), 17; T he Year Book o f the Cit y Counci l of Auj^ista, Georgia: 193 5 , 28; The Industrial Ad vant ages of A ugusta , 49-50. 142. 13. Range, Georg ia Agriculture , 77-159, stresses that a "Long Depression" prevailed in Georgia from 1865-1900, Eie Civil War had destroyed the textile miJ.ls and Georgia industrialists had to start "almost from scratcli." Such was certainly not the case in Augusta; yet Range failed to mentjon in any v/ay v:hatsoever the m.ills of "Greater Augusta" as an example of indust:rial v/artime prosperity and the post•.var increase ixi the volume of production and the return of hiigh net profits to their owners. 14 . August a Daily. Const ituti onalist and S entinel , August 21, 1868, February 1, June 25, 1870, July 25, September 5, 18 71, May 7, October 2, 1873; Augu s t a Ch r on ic 1 e. May 10, 1835, July 13, August 13, 1G99, February 11, 1900, Deceml^er 6, 1905; Jones and Dutcher, Memorial History of Augusta , ^117-421. 15. "Minutes of th'i City Council, January 2, 1866Deceirb'rer 30, 1971," 531-532; Jones and Du.tcher, £^,ejTior_ia_l Histo ry of Augusta, 418-419. 1'^ • eI2£ lis t^_J5cn J. 7_..CorsJ:itn^^ April -16, 21, 23, June 18, 27, 29, August 6, 9, 13, 22, 29, Ser:)teirber 6, October 5, 1S71, January 17, February 24. April 4, May 29, 1872; November 15, December 13, 1873; Au gus i :a Chr C3iic 1 e , May 10, 1885: 'Minutes of the City Council, January 2, 18o&-Deceiaber 30, 1871," 561-567; Jones and Dutcher, Memorial History of Augusta, 187-188, 413. 17. John 3, Ezell, The. South i^ince j,cjS5 (rJev; York: Macmillan Company, 1963), 136-143; Thomas D. Clark and Albert D. KiiA'an, T.h.e. Sou in Since Appom attox (Hew York: Oxford Univers-ity Press, 1967), 147-153C. Vann Woodward, Oriq/.as of th e Mev/ S outh, 187.7-1913 (Eev; Orleans : Louisiana State University Press, 1951), 131. 13 . Augusta Daily Cons ti tu t icnal i s t aiid Sentinel , ary 22, 1882; Augu s t a Chr on i c 1 e , i^ay 10, 1SS5; Febru7, 1097, July 13, August 13, 1899, February 11, 1900, i/or 5, 1905; Jones and Dutcher, History of Augus ta, 3, •, »-, -r

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42 3 4 7 3 49, 356-3 6 .1 ,Hl§^iidu st riaJ._ Advant a^ge s^^ , 5359, 65-66. -79-30, 32-98, 109-110; William Phillipo, The 'Toppqraphy and Kyd rography in t he "^icj^ity__o£_laumstaj^ Geo rgia and the _jl i story of the C urre nts o,;^ the _3avannah jRiver i n Times of Fr eshet (Augusta: John M. Weigle and Ccmpany, 1892), 8-10. ^-9* Augusta Chronicle , May 10, 1835, January 26, 1398, July 13, 1899; "Minutes of the City Council, January 3, 18 98 -Dec ember 31, 1901," 453-456; Jones and Dutcher, Memorial History of Augusta, 420-422, 425-428; Hinton, A Historical Sk etch of the Evo lution of T rade, 6 . 20. August a Chr o nicle , May 10, 1885, May 30, January 24, 1897, Nova;nber 27, 1398, August 13, 1399, February 11, 1900; Industrial Advantages of Au gusta, 54-56, 58-59, 65-65, 71, 79-80*^ 109-111. 21 . Eiqhtri Cens us of the, Un ited Stat es: _ 18o0,_ Pqpu_laj;^ tio.-"! (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1864), 74; Ten th Census of th e United States: 1880 ( Wa sh i ng t on : Government Printing Office, 1833), 127; aVelft h Censu s of the Unit ed State s: 1900, Populatio n (Washington : United States Census Office, 1901) , 107; Fourteen t h Ce nsus of, the Uji i 1: ed S t a t: e s : 1920, Popula tion (Wash ing ton : Gcvernmen t Printing Office, 1921), I, 385. c 22. Augusta Daily Constitut ionali st an d Sen tinel , April 22, 29, May 17, 1866; Aucusta Chro n icle , May 10, 1865; Jones and Dutcher, Memo rial Histor y of Augusta, 416, 2 3 . Augusta D aily Con s tit ution alist an d Sentin el, Msrch 15, 17, 18. 22, 23, May 3, 1870, March 30, April 28, May 12, 14, 1871, April 21, 26, 1872, April 28, May 1, August 5, September 13, 14, 1873; Auqus^:r.' Ch ron icle ^ May 10, 1835, Wovember 14, 1898, February 11, 28, 1900, December 6, 1905; Jones and Dutcher, Memoxial nistcrv of /ragusfca, 419420; Industrial Adva ntages of Aucusta, 63-69, 87, 94-96. 2 4 . Augusta Daily CoriSititutio nalist and Sentinel , March 15, 17, 18, 22, 23, May 3, 1870; Augusta Chr onicle, May 10, 1885, February 11, 28, 1900, December 6, 1905; Jones and Dutcher, Meip-orial History of Augusta, 416-417; Indus ':rial j^dvantago^s cf Augusta, 79-80, 6 5 --66, 68£9, 9496.

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43 25, Augusta Chronic le, February 11, 1900, Deceiiuoer 6, 1 V 5 ; Industr ial ?^dvsntaaes of Augusta , 109-110. 2 6 .. Tliird An nual R eport of the Board of He alth of the City of Augusta, Georgia: 1880 (Augusta: Chronicle and Constitutionalist Printers, 1881), 13-23; Fifth Annual Report of t h e Board of He alth o f th e City of Au gus ta, Georgia ;_ 1882. (Augusta: M. M, Rill and Company, 1883), 43-45; Fifteenth Annual Report of the board of Hea lth o f th e City of Augusta^ Georgia : 1892 (Augusta: Richards and Shaver Printers, 1893), 44-45; Sixteenth Annual Repo rt of the Board of Health. P.£.. "^Ci t y of /Augusta , Georgia: 1893 (Augusta : •John M, v7eigle and Corpany, 1894), 106. 27. The I ndust rial Advantages o f A ugusta, 48-49, 63, 88-89. 2S. Augusta Chro nic le , May 1, 1899.

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CHAPTER II BREAKING THE RING 51i,?-_C :il£iri.?„ 2.1 a R;^f-rv m Sp irit Arriving in Araerica "tagged like a package" from Brsinerk.aven aboard a cactle boat, fourteen-year-old Vvillielra Johann Hennig ultimately eruiq rated to Richmond county, scutl.irig dov>^ on a fai-m in Gracev^ood about ton miles frora Augusta. In his spare time from farming his land, Hennig taught himself the English language, ao. fairing a high degree of proficiency. Greatly disturbed by political chicanery and machinations on election days in his adopted countT.-y, he h^ad often thought about teiking action express ii^ig his dissatisfactions euid o?oservations . Vnen oiie of the local newspapo-ts had ?refased to print a polemical odir.orial, the stubborn forty-year-old German vAcerican, armoyed by the rebuff and convinced of the efficacy of his article, bought a ba-g of used type, some printe-rs' i.nk ai:d paper and trudged bacic home. Using ^-n, old, discarded tobacco cr?te and a ,'iv;eet giuTi log covered v/ith an old wool hat as the bed and cylinder, lie assextibled a cruae home-made newspaper press. 44

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45 Several v/eeks later in June, 1892, the first edition of The Woo l Ha t was printed and distributed. Standing on the corners of the inain thoroughfares of the downtov/n district, farmer-turned journalist Hennig hawked the small 6" x 9" flysheet to interested passersby. Proclaiming to be the "organ of the people," Hennig ' s weekly newspaper emerged as the sole voice of the AugustaRichmond County Populist Alliance, championing the cause of "good government," calling for a "reform element" composed of "good and true citizens" to break up "The Ring" and advocating the establishm.ent of a new regime of men "who regard a public office as a public trust." The Wool Hat , and its successor, the Augu st a Daily Tribune , v^ere probably the first local newspapers to vividly expose to the general reading public the corrupt machine tactics which enabled "Ringsters" to influence the outcome of most elections in the pre-Progrcsoive Era. Using a combination of "boodle, " "booze" and "bullpen" politics. Ring candidates manipulated "lintheads," "niggers" and, it was rumored, occasionally, even "members of respectable society" to secure their political victories at the polls. Prior to elections, massive drives v/ere made in every \v'ard and militia district to register a full contingent. Men were allowed to register under fictitious

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rn un 46 names and to IJ.st places of residence which they positively did net OGcapy. Boys, it was charged, were frequently peritted to register to vote. Many v/ere improperly registered ider several names. But "Ring strategy" was especially geared toward registering blacks; indeed, "the crop of 21 year-old negroes seems inexh.austible and the wonderfial adeptr.ess of the Democratic workers in finding them and waltzing th.em i.ip to the registrar's office is nothing sliort of miraculous . " 'The evening before the elections, v/agons, buggies, surrey ii and hacks bounced along Lhe rutted roadways in the vcity and county, rounding up blacks and transporting them to prearranged spots. Corralled into make-shift cattle pens .uear the polling booths, they v,'ere carefully guarded during the long, bleak, dreary early m.orning hours by the devoLed "lieutenants" of the machine candidates. Wood was carted to the sites, fires were built and considerable quantities of liquor and beer were furnished to the pennedv.p voters to y.oop tham. br:bbling over v/ith confidence. Night watchers kept the "darkies" happy as brass bands "boom-deayed" co keep their spirits high for election day. Early the next morning, wardheelers ijunneled them frorn trio "ballpens" into orderly lines and irtarched them tc the polls. On their clothes were bright, shinny tin badges

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47 with either a picture or symbol of their candidates and in their pochetG v/ere crisp dollar bills. Sorae boldly raarched into the booths v^ith money pinned on their shirts and It'ipels; others filed outside, ar.T.s outstretched and eager hands greeting the "paymasters." "Repeaters." after voting, were qi::ickly hustled aboard Vv'aiting vehicles to cast another ballot. With a crack of tht^ whips, the clatter of the wheels and the click of the horses' hoofs , the v/agons luinbered off co the next station, unloading cheir passengers to vote under assumed names "in plain view of the managers of the election." Throughout election day, in direct violation of city ordinances, "vile, brain-crazing liquors were . , . used to inflame the passions of m.en, " as ]caq3 of beer and derai Johns of whiskey were freighted from "Ring -controlled" bar? to the houses of ''mystery" in the -> city/Vehemently criticizing such practices, Hennig and fellow P'ipullst agitators had siibstantially contributed to the ground swell of micralistic discontor^t, favoring the de£;tructior\ of such corruption, advocating the al-ceration of the esLablishcd power structure and v:a].ling for a "new deal" in city, county and state politics. But neither lie nor his 3uppo?:ter3 v.'ere the sole advocates of reform, ethers, coo, clamored for changes.

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48 Itinerant evangelists and local rainisters comprised a second group of articulate dissenters who advocated refoxTn politics in the 1890 's. ''Augusta needs a cleaning up, and you know it, "but you are afraid to speak," Reverend Samuel •Jones exclaimed to an audience of six thousand attending his Tabernacle Revival Meeting on Reynolds Street near Jackscr. . Pitching into the fracas of corrupt local politics, the Right Reverend shouted "I v/ish we could get to v.ork for Christ as hard as the gang is at work for the devil in this tovv'n." Pastor Weston R. Gales of North Carolina, after touring the "factory district," exclaimed to the vast crov/ds wliich attended his revival that he wanted to see the "young icea saved froai the hell holes of thic city, the sajcons and gr?rrh)ling shops. Tnere are hundreds of places in the city which are using ail tiieir arts they con employ to lead young laen and womeii into sin." H. Ir . Ernbry, '.ninist'::r of St. Luke's Mei:hodist Church, delivere-rl stinging, povv-erful seriuons t.o his congregation about the dishonest outrages and disgraceful conditions. "Look at the shame that io now going en, annoiniced and prcven in a public newspaptiir every day and the Christian people sitting stxll and allov/ing a miserable gang of men with vAite skins hugging Africans and rushing them \\\ and rushing then on. I am ashanied of the Christianity of this town, which sics in

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49 silence and has no v>^ord of conderpjiation for this cryingdisgrace. If the honest people of this tov.'n do not rise up and put a stop to it this city will yo dovm in a v.^orse condition thaii did Sodom." The tirae has come, EipLry asserted, for every "moral and God--f ca.ring Chi"istian to vote for the Right" and bring an end to the "rule of Sin." F.xhorting every good citizen to register and vote in the "luighty struggle" between "good and evil," he pledged that right would triiamph. The pastor of tlie Asbury Methodist Church, Reverend Williarn Dunbar, likewise urged that it was the Christian duty of the "good citizens" to acknowledge the "debauchery goiiig on at the ballot box" and to take action to wrest gover>"^inent from the control of the "v/ickcd." Many other pronvinent clergymen of the loading Protestant churches joined forces with the traveling raissionaries to KOiind the alarm for the acute need for thorougli-going reforn-'S. The .itinerant evangelists and most of the local clergy repeatedly urged that the Cliristian brethren uriite together intc "coe solemn, earnest determined struggle avgainst the fo'.ts of sir in our city, and in an effort to \:Ln. recruits to our armies.'' Blistering hellfire and danuriaf-ion sermons vig!.'>rously con_demned the "gambling hellholes," "houses of shaiue," numerous saloons and other i.nim.oral places \vViich ivere pervasive, placing the main burden of responsi-

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50 bility for tlie existence of such conditions upon city govcrnment and rebuking mayors and alderir.an to live up to their 3 n-ior.^ii ohlrgat-uons as "stewards'' of God Alraighty. A third dissenting g^-oup, more concerned witli the physical than the spiritual health of Augu.stans, was the medical coiniaunity. "The taste of t?ii3 v/ater is so strong and disagreeable that not even horses can be induced to drink ib," Dr. Joseph Jones, Professor of Clieraistiy at hhe Medical College of Georgia, noted . "The waters of this purap have a decided saline taste, and are unfit for washing clothes, and produce ir.o.'rc deleterious effects when used for drinking or cooking. I have experienced the evil effects of this miserable compound in my civrx per?on, when I first rem.oved to Augiista , , . not being aw^are of the condition of the pump water, I used it for several days. The effects wore intense, insatiable thirst, foilovv'ed with uerangement of digestion and of the bowels," Cc;vLi;!t.nting upon yet another main public vN'cll, lie stated that the baa taste and odo?rs v/ere so foul that it had been finally "abandoned by K-.aa and beast." A.fuer iT.aking a careful, scientific, chemical examination of samples taken from over seventy public wells, he discovered that they contained substantial amounts of suspended matters, coiisisting of "particles of black and wliit;e mica, fine

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51 siiicious S6:ad, minute particle-s of different non-fcssiliferc'us priraicive rocks, anirriacules and clay colored red by perioMxds of iron." The incredible aspect to Jonei: v/as that 1".e liz.d originally examined and reconvrriended to the city council that such conditions v/arranted condemning these v;el].s iii ISGOi But well over tv^^o decades later, he was •stiii vi.gorously protesting the lack of municipal action to improve the quality of public water for the dependent u rban popu lace. ThrcughcuT: the pre-Progressive Era, other physicians, raembers of f.;he Board of Health and concerned professional pe7.-son3 continuously complained to municipal officials abovit the need fror pure water and the introduction of other urgent public services. Some blatantly raised the question of how long Lhe people vvould have to continue to "dcink the vile and unheaithful water from pum.ps stinking with leacliings of horse-stables, human excreta and all other formes of life." "That the wate.r of the pu.iaps is hi.ghly im.pure and detrimental to health cannot be denied, and why the city authorities should persist in maintaining thcp.; is beyond my comprehension," uhe President of the Board of Health lamented. Othc-'r critics, further revealing tlio emergence of a third dissideiit group, pointed to tlie d.i sturbing sanitation problem confronting civil authorities and demanding political

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52 :?.ction to introduce positive plans for a uniform system of £-.ev/er3 and drains and trie systarnatic reT.oval oi the trash, rubb.la and debris of a growing urban corurarnity . Existing underground hollov/ed-cut logs and v;ooden drains and sewers installed before th(Civil V7ar were hopelessly inaderjuate, either ccmpletely rotting av.-ay, caving in, splitting open or clogging up with such thic]: deposits that waste matters seeped up to the surface of streets and yards. Inspection of those that miraculously remained intact revealed that they were almost funcliionless . In some sections it v/as dxsccve-red tliac shallow ditclies vv'ere dug, pipes, drains and culvt.-rr.5 had been crudely constructed 'without grades furnisn'_d by an engineer. "It v/as found that the builders of sev/ern," in one region, "had freqxiently attempted to avCcci?:plish the impossible feat: to make v/ater run up hill," Many perceptive observa.rs concluded triat '.vhen the antebellum underground utilities were built there was little concern whether oc not they v/ould be incorporated into a city -wide network. "There are scores upon scores of sq^aares in Aug\.'.-,ta having n-.-iither sewors ox drains. Iri such squares the liquid iicusehold wastes are discharged upon the lots, or into avad trenches in the streets, there to stagnate, fester a^'d breed disease." The population "nad giown to over 33,000 by 1890, almost

PAGE 73

53 tripling in size since Appomattox. From. 1B90-193-0 it increased -ilniost another 10,000 and tlie total population in the county neared 50,000 people. New sections appeared. The "factory sectleraen t " in the fifth ward was jam-packed wj.th people living in tenenent houses, small frame cottages and ot-iier dv/ellings provided for the textile workers and their faiailies creating a type of urban industrial plantation system for the "lintheads." "The Torri" em.erged in the secoiid ward and beyond as a predominantly black ghetto. In these densely populated regions, it was not uncommon for residents to complain of the stench of sewer gases. Nor was it unusual to hear chronic com.plaints of stinking side gutters, foul drainage ditches, smelly privies and open cesspools. "Tae drains in many of 'che streets are open ditches; the pri'^^ies v;hich are :-.unk in the ground, are scarcely if ever, cleaned out, and those which rest upon the ground, are cleaned out not oftener than once a year, the solvibie portions of trie excrement and the urine being allowed to sink into the earth and satuj.-ate the soil avid contaminate the waterTl^^.e excrement and urine of h.orses and cov;s in the streets, in like manner, are allowed to sink iiito the porous soil. Lime is extensively CTi^pIoyed during the suivimer season for the puorif ication of t];e streets, crams and privies, which excites decomposition in the or-

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54 ganic matters." It v/as obvious to professional medical authorities that the only reraedy was for the city to rip up the old, dilapidated utilities and replace them with kaolin or cement pipes, brick side surface drains and sand traps in a uniform city -wide manner, definitely improving the old 4 'hap-hazard system of sewers. Human v/astes, animal manure and decaying bloated cadavers of cows, hogs, dogs and cats in vacant lots, yards, alleys and streets v/ere also cited as substantially contributing toward deleterious public health conditions and demanding public action to cart av/ay offensive and putrefying substances to outlying garbage dumps by scavengers hired by the city. As a jvistif ication for such dynamic new programs--public waterworks, sewers, drains, roads, dumps--many pointed to New York, Philadelphia, Boston, Cincinnati, New Orleans, Memphis and Nashville, which, they contended, experienced similar problems and had attempted to ccpa v;i th them by implementing dynamic new urban policies. Tnroughout the 1890 's the agitation for an urban crusade had developed, particularly eliciting the moral iiidignation of literate, midd].e and upper class citizens of established society. Journalists, ministers, doctors, professors., attorneys, teachers and entrepreneurs had become too paix-ifully aware of the reality of political chicane to

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55 ignore the recurrent charges and complaints recorded in editorials, seriTLons, municipal reports and other public Goouir-ents. They v/ere also fully convinced that until "The Ring" forces v/ere destroyed a coruprehensive, reform-oriented governipent totally dominated by efficient, business-minded individuals vould not be achieved. Thoroughly disgusted with the past, scandously corrupt elections and utterly convinced that a new leadership was needed to boldly and openly challenge the "ringstex's , " they responded to the appeals of the "Good Government" reform mayoralty candidate, Patrick Walsh, pledging themselves to combine together and to "vote 5 straight" m the election, of 1897. Patrick Walsh, The Re f orm er "Walsh: Walsh! Honest Pat Walsh 1 ^Vlio ' s Pat Walsh? He's a Winner 1" shouted a crowd of men marching two by two up Broad Street to Vv'alsh's home. Arriving at the former United States Senator's doiTiicile on September 7, 1897, the enthusiascic crowd smashed do'.vn the front fence, assembled on the lawn and shoiited for him to step out onto the spacious, coloMnaded veranda. Stepping out onto the front porch, blond, curly-haj.red, blue-eyed Pat Walsh gazed out over the friendly groi:.p, T\odding and smiling. /Xfter the brass band ceased blaring, coiancilman Charles A. Boolittle of the third ward spoke: ''l-lr. W'alsh, I have been delegated

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56 by the large assemblage of your fellow citizens to tender to you in their name the mayoralty of the City of ^.ugusta. (Cheers) We have not come to talk, but we mean business. All that we ask of you now is your formal acceptance of this nomination, and the thing is ended." Vvhien the cheers, shouts and cries of ''Wals}!! Walsh 1" died down, the softspoken, mild-mannered and urbane fifty-seven year old addressed his supporters: "If elected mayor (Cheers) I will give to the people of this comnmnity a fair, honest and economical administration, and I will endeavor in every possible way to promote the manufacturing and commercial interests of this great city. (Cheers)" "This demonstra-^ rion, " he continued after the chanting faded away, "means that my fellow citizens will see ot it that I will be elected . " A week later a Walsh "Good Government" reform meeting v/as lield at the /Augusta Opera House. The pit was crowded, the first gallery was filled and clusters of people were gathered in the upper gallery.. Many jamir.ed around the entrance, lined the aisles, leaned through the v/indow sills and p.ii].led around outsj.de, listening to the campaign pledges of a man whom Henry Woodfin Grady asserted v/as so Irish that he "walked v/ith a brogue." Over 1,200 Walsh boosters cheered wildly and applauded loudly when their candidate

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57 concluded his speech, sLating ''I have no machine behind iiie . To many Augustans, Patrick Weilsh was just the man to break up "The Ring." TVirough patience, industry and diliqfince he had gradually v/orked his way up from an unskilled iiamigrant to eJj tor and owner of the leading daily newspaper, representing in the minds of the people the plieno?"nena of the American success tradition. For over thirty years since he liad first settled in Augusta, after being released from the First South Carolina Rifle Militia in 18S2, Walsh had been deeply invclved in journalism. Smplcyed first as a "printers' devil" on the Augusta Dai ly Const i t u ti ona 1 i s t , he had steadily advanced upv/ard to reporter, c.i.ty editor and co-owner of the Augu sta Chron icle ^JjA .3.^'-}^AD:.?i2--' corisolidated in March, 1877, by Henry Gregg ^vright. Upon the death of his partner, Walsh became i:he sole editor, owner and president of the Augusta Cnronicle , the 7 South ' s oldest newspaper corporation. As one of a coterie of coutliern newspaper owners, Walsh had exerted a powerful influence in championing the doctrines of the I'lev/ South. Like Francis W. Dawson of the Charj.osiion Nev;s and^ Courier , Virginius Dabney of the Richmond Tines "Dispatch. Ado 1 ph. 3. Ochs of the Chattanooga Times, Walter Hiaes Page of the Raleign State C hron icle and

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58 Heary W, xvatterson of the ItQuijilLlll e_ C o u r i e r Jou ma 1 , he had work..^d untiringly, preaching the gospel of an industrial civilization. In the Empire state of the South, he wag close friends of tlie fr.ajor journalists, embracing the objective.--; of Jcal Candler Harris. Evan Pc and Clark Kov.'ell and Henry Woodfin Grady of the Atlanta Constitu tion. Like thein he was intensely opposed to maintaining the artificial divisions bervveen the North and South, firmly believing that the ?OLtter, hyper-emotional feelings of the past be forgotten and 3 new, cohesive bond of national unity be forged trirough the attainment cf commoii econoinic progress. Pleasant A. Stovall, owner and editor of the Savannah Press, Ed'.vard Barrett, Owner of the Birmingham Age-Herald and Major John S. Cohen, managing editor of the A;t ]. a n t a Jou r n a 1 , had all begun cheir early newspaper careers on Vvalsh's Chr onicl e. V;hen the Associated Press extended its business operations into the Souths President William Henry Smith made Walsh the general manager for the region. Subsequently, however, vvalsh, Howell, Ochs, John H. Est 11. I of the Sava nnal i l'.oj:r: ing News and other sour.hern journalists allied themselves witrj p the Un.ited Press. In his capacity as a local e:otrepD;eneur he v.'as one of the city's "forernost civic prcuioters," being personally involved in the promotion of the Augusta Expositions of 1881,

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59 1391 and 1S93. As a constant advocate of ".Booin Augusta" and the ''voice" of the oldest newspaper he zealously endorsed the onlargeinent of the antebellum canal in the postv;a;: era, greatly supported expansion of existing industries and strongly assisted in the founding of new textile mills in r.he "Greater Augusta Area.'' In the Gilded Age, Walsh emerged as one of the leading businessmen of the growing city. A member of the board of directors of the A.ugusta Real Estate and Improvemert Company, the Richmond County Leltline Railway Co.mpany, Augusta Savdjigs Institute, Iri.sh American Investm.ent Com.pany and either president, vice president or director of seven other land development corporatioriS, lie had obviously diverse business af f iiiatioins . The real estate firm of Alexander and Johnson at 705 Broad Street riandled all transactions concerning his sizable property nold.i ngs in the caty and sub'urbs. In 1S70 the ambitious, talented, youthful dynami.c Irish--American made his initial debut in municipal politics, being elected to the city council. In his capacity as "steward of the people" he consistently supported all legislation w?iicn favored the business cormriunity and was c^lvays closely "identified with che importr-.nt business interest o in the city." Mayor Charles Estes, recognising his merits, appointed him to the special canal commission to

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60 assi.st Thomas Barrett, Jr., in considering the feasibility of enlarging the old caxval so that it would provxde more waterpovver foxadditional textile mills. From 1872-1876 he served in the General Assembly as represenbative from Richmond County, becoming a "warm and effective .'iupporter of every measure looking to the development of the raining and manufacturing interests of the State.'' During his years in the House he favored not only tax exemptions for woolen mills, cotton factories and iron industries, but he also strongly advocated state aid to the railroTids. It was commonly believed that Walsh did not seek personal power for his own aggrandisement, but only for the benefit of Augu.sta, Richmond County and C'eorgia. Moreover, in state politics * Vvaish was regarded by many as a "power." As a Georgia legislator he had gained a repujjiation for being a very outspoken man, completely candid in his sentiments and convictions and kno'wn not to be a " tri.m.raer , " nor to deal in "ruse or diplom.acy, " Ke gainecJ a solid political reputation as a gentlem.an of Tiigh civaracLoj:, great honesty and personal integrity when, in 1880, Ina indignantly rejected a deal to drop suppor"t of Governor AJ.fred H. Colcfl^itt at the state Democratic Convention when Colquitt lacked a raw votes necessary for the twothirds majority needed for rencnination. The bargain proposed

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61 by the anti-Colquitt faction would have involved Walsh's GV/n nomination in place of Colquitt. Rather than accept such political chicane, Walsh Gtocd up in the convention and with cool deliberacion in his clear, robust voice stated, •'Via have come here to respect the voice of the people of this state, and we are going to do it if it takes until Chrislraas. The summer sun nov/ v/arms this historic roof, but before sacrificing the demands of the people, we v;ili stay here until the snow covers it." His unwillingness to bargain 'vas regarded as remarkable, especially since "one of Mr. 'Valsh's honorable ambitions was to be governor of n^ -.--,-•-, ..12 Georg.i.a . At the Demccratic vOtate Convention held in Atlanta en the ninth day of June, 18R0, Walsh v/as chosen a:i one of the tV7enty-tV'o delegates-at -large to the National Conventicn in Cincinnati. In 18S4 he w^as also a delegate-at-large to the National Convention in Chicago, enthusiaatically chainpioning Governor Grover Cleveland for the nomination, believing that the election of a Democratic p.-esident would do more than anything else to help recreate stronger national feelings. Local rumors, moreover, persisted that Vvalsh had been largely responsible for convincing the powerful boss of Tsm.many Hall tc siipport Cleveland. For four years Walsh served as a member of rhe Democratic National Executive

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62 Coniniittee. Yet, President Benjamin Harrison, a Republican, appoinbed the rising young southern Democrat to -che World's Columbian Exposition Coniittission in 1893. The follov/ing year. Governor W. J. Northern appointed Patrick U^alsh to the United States Senate to succeed the deceased Alfred H, Colquitt, becoming the first Catholic to ever hold that (Office in Geoigia. In 1896 V7alsh was a "Gold Bug Democrat" and want as a representative to the Chicago convention that ultirfiately placed its political fortunes v/ith the Great Ccri'iT-ioner from Nebraska, William Jenni.ngs Bryan. As a personal friend of Bryan, V\alsh v;as convinced that the "Boy 13 Wonaor ' vvCis truly responsive to southern xnterests. TIt e S t r u c t a r e a nd__S tra te_g y of t he V-^alsh Reformers Contrary to the traditional interpreti'.tion in C. Va:nn Woijdv;ard, Tom Watpon,-, Ag rar ian Rebel , of Patrick Walsh being the ^'Catholic Boss" of the city, maintaining political pcv7er through careful, shrewd manipulation of a we 11 -org:; raized "Catholic block, his base of pov/er appeared to be far bxoader, involving support of three different, contradictory so doeconomic , ethno-cu i tura 1 groups . As a ch-ic'.oion of "Good Government" reforms, he was entha? last.i r-:^lly eT:dorsed as a "businessman's mayor" by the industrial, ccmiuercial and professional groups that favored a candideite who pledged himself to further material progress

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63 and cm end to tlie embarrassing rspech.acle of political corruption at tlie polls. Tne distinguished former associate justice of the Supreme Court of Georgia, Joseph Rucker Lamar, delivered P-umerous eloquent speeches for Walsli and the reform cause. Henry C. Roney, the former judge of the Superior Court of the Augusta circuit, greatly extolled the virtues of "Pat" VJalsh and advi.sed voters not to be influenced by the "v.'hiskey and the small coin of the 10--cent politicians.'" Bright, thirty-nine-year-old Henry C. Hanunond, who had served on the Supei-ior Court of Georgia and in the United States Circuit Court, also joined the crusade for a business m.ayor, clean government and the demand for new urban services. The "Dean of t.ha Georgia Bankers" and President of trxo Georgia Railroad and Banking CoTipany, Jacob I-'hinizy, :iot only encouraged tlie ov/ners of half-a-do:^en or inore textile enterprises to contribute to the Walsh campaign fund but ho al.-30 actively participated in Vvalsh--P]i3.n.izy political m.eatings to rally support for the refcx'm c^.ndidate. Thomas Barretr. , Jr., executive head of most of the cotton mdlls across the Savannah, similarly, endorsed Walsh and. actively cam.paigned. The founder and former basijiess manager of th.e Augus'ca Evening News and exalderman from the first ward, vJj}n-\ M. VJeigle, was another stalwart supporter of the Walsh crusade for good government.

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64 Established politicians, influential judges, prosperous bankers, wealtliy faccors of the "Cotton Row Crowd," including Charles Estes, Hamilton H. Hickman, George Sibley, George Loml^ard, James Verdery and William A. Garrett, were staunchly allied together providing one of the main strengths of the Walsh reform movement. Pealizing that he had substantial support from the vast majority of the middle and upper strata, V^alsh, as an astute politician recognized that he also needed to m.uster support froiTi a second powerful segment of the constituency. Especially critical in the outcome of most elecbions xn the Gilded Age, the heavily populated fourth and j;i f th wards, or the "factory distri.ct, " figured prominently in his policical str^itegy. Accordingly, he directed his supporters, bonef Victors, friends and managers to stump in those v.'ards, constantly stressing Walsh's allegedly favor-able attitudes tov/a.rd3 labor unions, pointing out his cricical role as an arbitrator in resolving the Knigh.ts of Labor Strike of 1S06 and emphasising liis own personal successful rise upward to 3. better station in life. William H. Lougee, a "super" in one of the mills and candidate for the council from the fifth v/ard, and George R. Lorabard, ov.'ner of the major iron foundry in the city ajid fourth v/ard aspirant, particularly plaved an important role.

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65 As a devcted Augustan and veteran politician, V^alsli was also very av/are of "f^.ull pen"' politics with black voters bfiing herded throiigh polling booths on election d^.ys, inaking the black vote an extremely powerful factor. Tnus, not only did the coterie of vvalsh supporters represent some of the most highly respected luenbers of the established white comiTiunity and key individuals among the laboring classes in bhe factory settlement, but. they also included many of the prominent black citizens of Augusta. Directing his campaign tactics towards soliciting support from the Negroes, VJalsh made a cov:>corted bid for support from an emerging black middle class that constituted the leadership group in '"Ihe Territory," recruiting articulate, urbane physicians, teachers, professors, leivn/ers, ministers and businessmen to speak out against past ineffic:ient white "wardheolers . " Aleck Thomas, President of the colored Young Men's Chrisr.i:in Association, attended a 'vZalsh rally at Hick's Hall In the fift'i ward, addressing the crowd. Anthony VJilliams of the Republican Ccrrj-.-dttee of the Teach Congressional District addressed a large audj.ence of over a tho\:sand people, advising fchem to cash their ball'ots wisely foi' a white reform •"aayor who wo^'ild consider their best interests. OtTier speakers attested ;.:o Walsh ';3 "liberal spirit tov/ard the negro . "

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66 Walsh hiiaself actively campaigned to keep an alliance with fne Negro citizens. His campaign speeches repeatedly eiiiphasized his sympathies for all social classes, rich or poor, white or black. Negroes, he stated, v/ere "citizens of the greatest country on earth. God Almighty had put them hers; He had put them here. They were all children of Adam; all cjiildren of God Almighty. ... We are here together, we are heirs of the greatest government on earth, and v/e must work out our destiny, temporal and eternal, side by side, " Walsh asserted. Through unity of whites and black--, he believed, honest, local reform government would be attained. Tlnxs , urban politics in the Age of Reform was based upon a coalibion of diverse social classes, apparently involving little class tensions ana supex-f icially no racial antagonisms. Upper and middle class v/hites, lov^^er class white wage-earners and blacks v/ere united in a comiaon drive for supporting new. so-called "Progressive, " ''business-like" reforms. The cohesive forces binding the contradictory Walsh coalition together involved the pov/erful, charistaatic personality of its loader, ccmraon desire to gain new municipal .serv'ices from urban government, conviction that bT^sine'-^snen-politicians \vere rcoro ably suited to direct further material gains for all people and the existence of a ccrfir.-.on eneray to attack.

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67 During tlie mayoralty campaign of 1397 the fierce \/rang] e ever "Good Government" involved a massive offensive against the "Ring" candidate, Daniel Kerr. Born Daniel Carr in Tyrone County. Ireland, he had emigrated as a sevenyear-old boy with his family to Georgia. 1\Tien the young Irishman grew up 'ne directed his talents tov.ards business endea^'ors, becoming an enterprising merchant with a thriving retail store on Marbury Street. In 1886 he successfully ran for the City Council, liolding his first political office. Once entering politics he continued to serve on the council as chairman of the Water Works Committee, Finance Committee iMUJ the Streets and Drains Committee during the administrations of Mayors Robert H. May and James Hillhouse Alexander. Many Augustans were convinced that since he was a clcse persojial friend of Mayor "Cap' William B. Young, he v/as 15 bo.ing groomed for the office. Pat Vvalsh's Chron. icle accused Kerr of having made a "corrupt bargain" with "Billy" Young in the mayoralty election of 1394, pointing out that Kerr had originally a.nd vigoiously campaigned against Young, but shortly before election day he had 'suddenly and mysteriously" v/ithorawn from the race and Ktrong.ly urged his followers to vote for Ycur\g , Subsequently, mayor -elect Young hrid placed Kerr at the head of several city council committees which gave him

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68 prorainence in all rauiiicipal legislatiun and helped him to advance his ovvn personal fortunes. Kerr's strategic Vv'ithdrc.wal, it was charged, "had a string to it, and the end of the string was attached to the race of 18S7; and tied up v.'i.th that string was the agreement that all the power and influence and ir.ach.inery of the adrriinistration should be u.sed to turn o'^er the office to him at the end of the term of Mayor Young, in v;hose interests he retired." Documenting its charges, the Chron icl e pointed to the fact that the incuTfient mayor, chiefs of the fire and police departments, several lieutenants, sergeants and other bureaucratic officials ware united into an active political force to secure 15 th.e triumph or Kerr over Walsh. The Walsh reformers contended that a\ gang of irresponsible and corrupt bosses had largely determined the nor.iinces in self -appointed and clandestine meetings and secured victories for their carjdidates for mayor and the coanci] tlirough political manipulation of the electorate, tliereby controlling city government and failing to introduce efficient, vitally necessary municipal services. They fvirther raaintair.ed that Walsh was free froiii control by the bosses and thereby in a position to introduce now urban '-jolici'^-3 . A reform m^yor . l;ac]ced by councilmon with appointive powers, would be able to distribace patronage to

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69 responsible citizens who would then help irrplement a public 'wate.rvv-orks syteuem, create a more adequate fire and police protection, organize an effective deoartinent of purjlic health and sanitation and methodically study urban conditions to dete.i.TTiine how to best resolve recurrent pro)''le;'Ti3 . Dogmatically convinced of fJie efficacy of their cause and tireless in their efforts, the Walsh party v/orkers made a systematic canvas of each ward appealing to voters regardless of class or color to turn cut and vote. They also sto,ged large political rallies '.vhich served to stimulate a tremendous sense of hov/ iridividual citizens would be personally affected if "The Ring" triumphed. Cc-uble carriages, wagons, surreys and hired hacks rushed back and forth along tl;e streets v/ibh colorful streamers attached to at'/.ract the attenticn of pedestrians. Concerned indxviduals crov/ded into overflowing meeting halls to hear the eloquent speeches and Gprighitly campaign talks. Amidst great and prolonged cheering, Walsh boldly proclaimed, "I hcive every confidence iri Lh^:people of tliis city, that they will smash the machine and defeat it. I do not underrate the potential influence of the machine, but I do maintain that there is nothing more pov/erful than pablic sentiment v/hen it is aroused." Tiling cut cf the halls, hiundred.-i assembled and paraded irj torchlight processions shouting "Walsh 1" and waved banners pro-

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70 cldi)ping "No Contract Mayor--Dovm with Tl-ie Ring"; "Walsh and Good Government"; "Honest Count--No Ring"; "The People Will Prevail" and "The People vs. The Politicians." Tv;o large brass bands accompanied the parades blaring out "A Hot Time in the Old Tov.-n. " Concurrently, an earnest effort was made to purge the registry lists, hopefully making it impossible for persons to register under fictitious names. Special precautions were also taken to prevent any irregularities or frauds from transpiring on election day. Spotters, who supposedly knew the iregistered voters of a given ward, were placed outside tlie polls to challenge the voters. Private guards, stationed at the booths, were instructed to maintain harmony, break up any di sorders and cooperate with the registrars in arresting all illegal voters. In the end, Walsh had "em a gwine and a comin . " Singulrvrly free from bad breaks, his supporters exhibited good judgment, tight organization and a well-planned steady C'Jmpaign pace to bring public moral indignation to a crescendo on election day. Simultaneously, the Chronicle continued daily to keep alive the acc\isation of tlio Young-Kerr collusion, charging the incumbent administration with abusing "public trust." Vitritiic, inf lan-imatory editoi'ials unquestionably served to destroy voter apathy and to especially

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71 a-.vaken bourgeois inter esiis about the need for ''je'-ie:..-al i-ef orriis . •Tne Kerr canpaign, in sharp contrast, was replete v/ith blundv-irs. TTie personality and temperament of Daniel Kerr c;harmed many. of his backers, but it repelled and offended tlio aroused upper strata of society. A real public furor arose over the muckraking accusations about the character of I-at Walsh and William Dunbar, the third m.ayoralty contestant. Kerr, lioping to alienate the textile workers from V7aish, called him a "high-toried, big--bellied , curl.y-haired old man" v/ho was opposed to "organized labor." ^Vhen he attacked Captain Dunbar as "the m.an who lost his arm. in the Wa_, and has been sucking the political piq ever since, for all it v;as forth, " m.ost Chron icle readers believed it to be in extremely bad taste. Such vituperative tactics offended the bourcgt-cis sense of traditional honor and morality in politics and brought Kerr the general condemnation as a villain w]-iO was obsessed with an ambition to gain pov/er for' his o\m. personal glory. Kerr iilso lost considerable popular support as various scandals hit the newspapers. He was greatly cricici2.ed when the chief of the fire departmient entered the third ward recjistry office and attempted to seize the voter registration lists. The Chronicle carried a complete coverage of

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72 thf2 shocking irjcideiit . Il.ie clerk in charge simply stated, "Frank, I don ' c think you have any right to enter here." But the chief snarled back, "Don't give rae any lip, or I'll kick ycur God out of here." The2:i there was a scuffle. The assault hecaine a public outrage in the coTiraunity. Anotlier "cowardly assault" v/as raade upon a party of cheering la.dies atteiiding a Walsh rally. A "big drunken brute" also attacked a youthful Walsh supporter during a parade. At a ineeting in the second v/ard, a "shooting scrape" disrupted the session. Respectable citizens further reported to the Ch.ro aide that "can-cans and ccochee-coochee" girls danced "in the most inm'iodest and abandoned way for the entertainment of the assenibled men" at various Kerr meetings. A "Si.rnday Orgie," complete with drunkenness, gaml^ling and fighting, "besmirciied" the Lord's day in a "jnost shocking IS i.\Xid (jodless raanner . " Such scandals greatly heightened public awareness of middle class Augustans that a "proper" political campaign Vv-:is being conducted by ^.'aish o.nd that substantially weakened support for Kerr and "The Ring," The alarming novvs a?oout the Pvorr camp^-ign tactics >viv.h its unabashed efforts to align itself with the "disorderly elements" v/as shocking, disgusting and .revolting, but probably ;ier\'-ed to rally support to the Walsh cause, instilling a grim determination to 'out an did to corx-upt •tjolitics.

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73 In DtceiR]:)er, 1897, the Vvalsh reformers wei-o victorious. Patrick Walsh carried 3,358 votes; Daniel Kerr captured 2,534 votes and William Dunbar mustered 1,610 votes. Walsh carried every ward save one by a substantial margin. Kerr had no chance in the first, second or third \/ards . Ke made a sizable showing in the fourth ward but carried it by a more fifteen votes. Only the fifth ward was carried completely by Kerr. Over 7,000 voters had turned otat to the polls on election day, representing possibly the greatest number of ballots cast in any m.ayoralty election in the history of "' 9 -'.vugusta . " Ac Tioon ti-ie following day, Decenbjer 2, 1897, a vast crowd assembled at t,he P.ugusta Opera House to observe the inauguration ceremonJ.es. Wl-ien mayor-elect Patrick Walsh proudly v/alked l:o the center of the stage, two large brass bands in the gallery comraenced playing "Dixie." "The people — thousands of them, as one rose to their feet; hats and handkerchiefs were waved and mingling v/j.th the music there went ;ip a tremendous shout. A cry of vic'::ory_, of applause that seemed to raise the very roof, " a Cli ronicle reporter recorded. Some of the ladies v;ere so overwhelmed v;ith joy that the "usual v'aving of handkerchiefs v/as not sufficient for expression, and tlioy rose from their sca-cs axiC mingled their voices v;ith those of their brothers, husbands and

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74 fathers. " Ainidst the discordant notes of the brass bands and the loud ""Hurrahs," Mayor Pat Waish thanked Augustans for tlxeir vote of confidence for a reform administration. The Walsh-Kerr battJ.e of 1S97 had been a "Ring" catastrophe; the reform candidate had captured the executive seat of launj.cipal go^'ernment by a plurality of votes. Several active parr.isan and ambitious reformers had also been highly successful in their political campaigns for the Cir.y Council. V7illiam A. Garrett, one of Walsh's campaign managers, was elected to the City Council to represent the first v;ard. Garrett, in stumping the city, had frequently stated "vote for Vfelsh, and never mind me." Jacob Phinizy, another confidaiite of Walsh, was elected city couiicilmcin for tlie second v/ard. 'Ihe Walsli councilman for the third ward was Thomas Barrett, Jr , George R. Lombard and William Lougee, both ardent, campaigners for the reform cause, v;ere elected rx>3 reprv?sentatives of the fourth and fifth v/ards, respec1 21 tivcly . Vievviiig politics as he did, Walsh n.aturally th.ought that nev.' taJent should bo brought into administrative decisions. In justice to the reform, cause, he began to select certain of his adv'ic^ors for ]cey po^'itions of power and respor;si-biJiby in civil admin i^^tratron. Honest men, men of merit with considerable talents, he believed, could then implement

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75 indispensable policies and programs for the bettermsnt of rhe city, Nisfcet Wingfield, an accomolished civil engineer and graduate of the Uni'/t.^rsity of Tennessee at Knoxville, •.•;as appointea Coinrriissioner of Pviclic Works to begin the study of constructing a new modern v/aterworks and sewage and drainage systems. The new city sheriff and assessor was John M. Weigle. V7illiam A. Garrett became the new city attorney and several other individuals prominent in the Walsh reform movement were appointed to select positions in 22 the Cicy Council to form the new "business adrainistrationl' City government was restructured along lines which prevaiDed in business circles. A new Department of Fr.blic Vt'orks was created. Tlie Ci.ty Council appoiiited and controlled the Comjnissioner of Public Works. He in turn appointed the officials to s'.ipervise the canal, drains, pumps, locks and streets, but the m.ayor and councilm>en were uli-in.atoly responsible for every activity of the department. vo obtain a purer qi?.ality of vater, Nisbet Wingfiald planned to relocate the pumping station aboT'-e all sev;er outlets. IVo power pumps with a coraloined capacity of furnis'iiing twelve million gallons of v/ater per day were to be purchased. A reservoir basin v/ith a filter system would provide fresh cJ.ear v/ater for the citizens and a networlc of cast iron pipes v/ould be laid to connect the pumping station, reservoir

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76 ar.d settling basin to a new underground series of water ^ J. • 23 pxues tor every section. Tixe new duties, responsibilities and functions of the city government officials also included reforming public health policies. Laws concernang health conditions and practices v;ere amended. All city physicians were required to make weekly reports to the Board of Health. Tlie mayor, city councilmeii ^nd a hospital committee, comiposed of representatives from the faculty of the Medical College of Gfrorgia, and in cooperation with the President of the Board of Health, were charged with tlie responsibility of im.ple-mcntinc necessary health inspection of all wards in the city and providing som.e assistance to indigent, sick and injured paople in the community. Furtherm.ore, the city was divided ii\f.o two "scavenger districts" in order to secure more efficient service in the removal of piles of refuse from 24 tne City to garbage dum.ps in tliC county. '-^jore 'were, of course, some holdovers from the previous adrairiLstration Vvho rem.ained in office, but in subsequent council elections other Walsh reformers took great pride in ideiitifying thoTaselves Vv'j. Lh the reform cause and e.rnphasized the need to give Mayor Walsh a friendly majocity in municipal c,-overnment. It was their declared purpose to continue the work in succeeding elections until the City Council

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77 would be representative of th.e "best eleraents" in the convnunity. Tlie general belief was that the basinessnian--a pe.rsoi. who was fiirailiar with practical daily economic transactions — would be best suited to hold office, that personal success in t/no business world would load to success in manicip'?!l -jjvernment . This idea took deep hold upon the public raind and tlie people became convinced that the 'antsgtjnistic forces" to Walsh should be routed out and be replaced v/ith. representatives who would assist the ma-yor . Subsequently, Alfred Martin, Richard E. Allen, R. E. EilxoLt, Aley.ander J. Gouley, Job A. A. W. Clark, who all campaigoed o.s vv'alsh reformers, were elected to -the City CoL'nci 1 atid duly ov.'orn into office. "All the Good People," the ^2^oni_cJ^e_ explained, had grown weary of corzupt . , 25 COJ. ICiCS.

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NOTES 1. Mrs. Dorothy Miirray, private interview, Augusta, Georgia, July 26, 1969. Mrs. Murray is the granddaughter of V/ilhelin J. Hannig. She permitted rv.a to organize ?ier private files of 'xhe VJoo l Hat and its successor, the Augusta Daily Tr ibun e .. These newspapers are supposed to be iPicrofilmed and placed on reserve in the Augusta College Library as part of The Murray Collection of the Ric'nniond County Historical Society. Dorothy Murray, "William John Hennig, The Man-The Publisher," Richmon d County Histor y, I.I (Winter, 1970), 7--12; The W ool Hat , January 6, Noveniber 17, 1894; A u cru s :. a Ch r o n i c 1 e , October 17, 1911; Augu sta Her ald, October 17, 13, 19'il. 2. ?.h§^ool_Hat, July 6, October 1, November 4, Dece.ii..-.er 3, 31, 1892. June 3, Decemher 16, 1893, April 21, September 1, 1894; Augusta Dail.v T rib une, August 20, 1895, Ni-jv emb e r 11, 3. 8 9 3 . i • ^-ill2ii5i.?-_Gliri^Ilil-_lj2.» January 17, 28, May 12, 14, .1897: Aligys;c3__D£l-iT-Y....5!iI.i]?lirJl^ September 2, 1394, Augu.^t 26, 1 '1 9 5 . 4 . j'o s ep"h Jon e s , _F irst Report, of th e Cott o n Planters ' Con'^^er.tion of Georgia (Augusta: Stea.^n Press of the Chronicle and Sentinel, 1S60), 2 52; Tliird, Annual Report of the. B oard of Health of the City of Augusta, , Georgia, 1380. (Aug-asLa: Chronicle and Constitut ionaJist Prinr.ers, 1831), 18-2 3 ; Fi fth A niiu.al Rep.ort of the_ Board of Health of the >lJ-i^....P.f..,Au93ista_,___Ge.pr;cj_i^ (Augusta: M. M. Hill and Company, j?.33), 21, 4 2-43; Sevent h An nual Report of the Board of Health, of the City; of Augusta , Georgia , 1884 (Augusta: Chroriicle Press, 1885). 109; Ninth Annual Report of the Board of Health_ of the City of Augus La, Georgia,-18^S6_ (Augusta: Chronicle Book and Job Presses, 1887), 9; Fpj-i.rj-_ teejitli, Annual Report of the. Board o.f. Health, pf tlic C.i.ty of Ai -.qus t a ^ Geor gia , 1391 (Augusta: Richards and f::havver' Printers, 1892), 12, 47; Fifteenth Annual Report of the 73

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79 Board _of Heal -h of the City o f A ugusta, Geor gia, 1892 (Augusta: Richards and Shaver Printers, 1893), 44-45; Six cefenth . .Aii nu al Report of the Board o f He albh of t he Cit y of__Aua-asta., Georgia, 1893 ^Augusta: John M. Weigle and Company, 1894), 106; S eventeen th Annual Report of the Bo ard of Health of the City o f Au g usta, Georgia, 18 94 (Augusta: John M. Weigle ana Company, 1895), 152; The Wo ol Ilat, Eovember 4, December 3, 1892, Decemlier 16, 1S93, April 21, September 1, 1394; Prv,:cu3ta Dail y Tr ibune, August 20, 1895, Noverru^er 11, 1896; Augusta Chronicle, May 23, 1397; James O. Breedin, "Joseph Jones: Confederate Surgeon" (Ph.D,, Tv'lane University, 1967); James 0. Breedin, "Joseph Jones and Confederate Medical History, " Georgia Hi storical Quarterly, LIV (Fall, 1970), 357-380. Breedir's dissertation and article suggests that Dr. Jones was one of the leading southern scientists in the late nineteenth century, teaching at the Medical College of Georgia, the Univex'sity of Tennessee at Nashville and the Medical Deparciaent of the University of Louisiana. IVhen Jones was at the Medi.cal College in Augusta he was certainly one of the sharpest critics of various municipal administrations for their failure to respond to the growing sanitation crisis v/hich had accompanied rapid urbanization and industrialxzation. • El eventh Census of the United Stat es; 1890, Population (v;ashington: Government Printing Offi.ce, 1895), 96; MVelfth Census, .of the U nited States:, 1900, Population (Washington: United States Census Office, 1901), 107; Thirteent h C ensu s of the Unit e d States : i ^lO, Popul atio n, (VJashington: GoverrLment Pi-inting Office, 1913), III, 355. 5. Auq us ra Dai ly Trib une, February 23, 1894, February ! April 6, Avjgust 24, 1895; A ugus t a Chron icle, Ifey 11, 12, 189 7, Augusta Chro nicle.. September 7, 14, 15, 189 7, 7. Charles C. Jones, Jr,»and Salera Dutcher, Memorial Hj.stor\; of Augusta,, Geo rgia (Syracuse: D. Mason and Fublisiiers, 1890) ^ 44; Allen D. Candler, G eorgia , Compx-Jsing SV.etch as of Ccrt nties, T owns, Events, Inst it;ati ons. an d P:i?-£H.QIl.g.-^^^ ^^i'T'^"'d in C yc lopedi c J?c.r m (At 1 an t a : State Historical Associacion, 1906), III, 516; Lucian L. Knight, Ggp.J^iTr'..'^...'-g. Landni arks , Me mor ials and Legends (Atlanta: Byrd Printing Coivpany, 1913), IX, 95S-960; Walter G. Cooper, The Stox'/ o f Gec rcrla (Now York: 'The American -listorical Society, Inc., 1S3S) , III, 2.39, 343; Earl L, Bell and Kenneth C. Crabbe, The August a Chronicle (Athens: University of Georgia Press = i960), 84.

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80 ii Auqu sta Chronic 1 e , February 9, June 21,1913; vTandler, Georeia, I, 312-314, II, 678-681, III, 338-383; uoel Candler Harris, Meiaoir s of Georgia (Atlanta: Southern Historical Association, 1895), I, 792, 802, 811, 826-827; John S,. Ezell, The S outh S ince 186 5 (New York: Macmillan Company, 1963), 299-305; a"hoir,as D. Clark and Albert D. PCirvan, The South Sinc e Appomattox (Nev; York: Oxford University Press, 1967), 203-210; Frank Luther Mott, AmsJ.L-.sJl Jour:iaJ.ism (New York: Macmillan Company, 1962), 454-458, 549-550, 663-664. -• Aug usta City Directo ry, 18 9 5-1896 (Augusta: Maloney Directory Company, 1896} , 17-18; Augu sta City Directory, 1896-189 7 (Augusta: Maloney Directory Company, 1 c 9 7 ) , 17; Gepr.qia pir actprv Co mpany 's Directory of Augusta, Georgia, 1898 (Richmond: J. L, Hill Printing Company, 1393), 52-53; Augu sr,a Ci ty D irecb ory, 1899 (Augusta: Malon.ev Directory Company, 1899), 117; The Industrial Advantages of August a, Geo rgia (Augusta: Z^kehurst Publishing Company, 1893), 88-89, 105, 111. 10. ''Minutes of the City Council, January 2, 1866D e c e:pjj e r 30, 1871," 717-720 ; Augusta Daily Constitut ion alis t and S entinel, August 13, 16, 1871; Augusta Cl ironi cle, March 20, 1899. 11. Jones and Dutch er. Pi i s t o r y of Au gv s r. a , 44; Issac W. Avery, The Hist o ry of the Sta te of Georgia From 1850 t o 1 381 (Nev; York: Erown and Derby, 1881), 496. 1 • Aug us ba Chronicle , March 20, 1899; Pat rick, ^valsh,, The Ci ti'ce n,., The Sta tesman,The, >.Ian (Augusta : Augusta Publishing Company, 1899), 13; Avary, i]^]d^_tc.jc'i__ofG.?J-}2^S123,' 5 73-574. J.3, Bell and Crabbe, Aj-LT'Jg.ta Chronxcl e , 84; Avery, Hi story _o J Georg ia , 508-5 6 9 ; C a n die r , Georgia , III, 515. 14. In Tqin Watfc-.oiij Agrarian Rebel (Nov/ York: Macmillan Company;. 1933), 419, C. Vann Woodward maintains that "Eoss" Patrick VJalsh s oovv-er was based upon a "solid a;ad stra-toyically importarit block of Catholic voces in Augusta." Although Robert M, Saundors' article on "Tlie Transformation of Tom Watson, 1894-1895,^' Gj;iorqia Historical Quarterly, LIV (Fall, 1970), 347, disagrees with Woodv.'ard's interpretation of Watson, it nevertheless subscribes to the thesi.s that a '-signif icani: contingent of Irish Catholics'' v/as the

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81 main source of V^alsh's power. Woodward, however, has essentially agreed to the point that Walsh's political power was derived from several non-Catlioiic forces in Augusta. Richard H. L. German to C. Vann Woodward, October 22, 1970; C, Vann Woodward to Richard K. L. German, November iO. 1970. The socio-economic, echno-cultural axis cf the Walsh reform movement in city politics is based upon research findings in the follov.'ing materials: Augusta Chronicle, September 29, October 2, November 10. 23, 1897; Candler, Georgia, I, 131-132, II, 441-442, III, 215-216, 53S-540; Ferdinand F, Callioun, The P hinizy Fam.ilv in Ar rierica (Atlanta: Johnson-Dallis Company, 1925), 91-99. 15. Augu sta C hron icle, September 11, October 2, 1S98; Tlie Mayor's Message, D e partment Reports, and Accompa nying Docu!p.ents for the Yea r 1894 (Augusta: Phoenix Printing C c rap a ny , 1895), 34; Tlie J-Iayor ' s Message, Department Re ports, and Accompanying D ocum.ents f or th e Year ].8 95 (Augu sta : John M. Weigle Company, 1896), 20; Tlie Mayor 's Message, pgPP-"i^'tment Reports, and Accomoanying Documents for the Year 1896 (?iucju3ta: Chronicle Job Print Com.pany, 1897), 48. 16. Augus ta C hronicle, November 2, 16, 19, 1897. 1 ' • Aug -' 1 s t a Ch r o n i c 1 e , October 22, 27, 1397. 18. A ugusta Chronic le, October 2, 5, 7, 8, 22, November 27, 28, 30, 1897. 19", "Minutes of the City Council, January 2, 1893December 31, 139 7," 708; August a Chr onicl e, Decembar 2, 1897. 2 . Augusta Chronicle , Dec emb e r 3 , 1897. 2 1 • f l^Sllsjt a _CJi r on_i C.1 ^2 , D e c emb e r 2 , 1897. 22' Augusta Ch ron icle, January 9, 1898; Candler, Georgia, III, 538-540, 614-615. 23. Augu s t a He r a j_d , Septe'Tibov 18, 1898. 24. Augus ta Her eId , December 6, 1893. 25. Augusta Cjironicle, December 8, 1898, January 3, F-rbruary 10, 1899.

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CHAPTER III 'KNIGHTS, CAPITALISTS AND LINTHE?iSS The M aking of the L ir.theads : From Eo w ant Expect a tlon s to Grim Re?,lities Chronic ecor.omic problems were among t?ie important reasons for thfj southern postv/ar rural exodus. Farming v/as not good. Postwar adjustments, declining ^/alues in farm prices, contraction in currency, steadily increasing tariff rates, rising consum.er prices and higher interest r^ites combined to create serious conditions for the small farmer. Very few "paid out." As years of hardshiip continued, m.o.rtgage payments fell in arrears, debts mounted and homes and landt' were foreclosed for want of payment. Each year fiiiding themselves i.o bottir off than they were in the preceding year, and, in all probability, confronting the same ful:u/.e situation of depressed prices, poot: harvests, natural d i s ? b V. e r s , p e r s o 'n s 1 a c o i u e n 1 3 a i-' d greater; i. vi d eb t e d n e s s , a(;u-thern farraers forfeited their homes, abandoned their farms, ignored their rental arrangements, packed up their personal effects and turned their backs upon country life 82

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83 as a ?iOpales3 prospect. Desperate, but fired by the ambition for success in life, they hoped that the ''Royal Road" to pi^osperity v^'as to be found in the new industrial city. Flocking to Av^gusta, they arrived barefooted, penniless and often starviiig. Mill presidents hi. red them, putting shoes on their feet, clothes on their backs, money in their pockets, food in their bellies, employing husbands, wives and children and px-cviding them with shelter in low-rent, wooden-frame cottages and lax'ge, multi-story apartment dvv'ellings adjacent to the mills. Mill ope.ratives from 1865-1885 did not express strong dissatisfaction nor objection to the long hours, indoor em.plovrient, nor life in a mi 11 town factory district. They had seized upon the opportunity to escape the barrenness and hardships of country living for the hopes of economic advancement and a better way of life. Nor was their any serious objections to their wives, daughters and sons working in the mills. Farm life had been based on the fact that every member of the family had their daily cliores ; often beginning as early as 2:00 A.M., not 5:00 A.M. as in the factories. Pay v-'as considered by miost textile v/orkers as being acceptable and bettor than the low incomes o c most farmers. Besides, mi] 1-ovmcd rental units located near thiO mills pcovided them with cramped biit fairly comfortable

PAGE 104

84 quarters. Industrial life was not considered to be de-gradinq .. nor unrewarding, but was providing the inean.s for' thciin to advance to what they believed were the "higher callings." Tliey were convinced that they were raoving iipward from uhe lower strata of society to a better standard of living: not being forced dov/nv/ard. But industrial life in the factory districts was not Utopian by any ineans. Nev/ complex problems appeared. First, the sheer numbers of workers in each mill increased to sue:?! an extent that nhere was a breakdown in the personal relationshipo between owiiers, managers, superintendents and operatives, causing an increasing distance in the interactions bevween capitalists and laborers and, corre^"poridirigly , a decline in mutual respect toward each other. Second, the laborers failed to obtain full emp] o\TP.ent for a year round basis, creating serious imraediate em.erqencies for their families and pr>: venting lorig-range collective gains. Facto^ries periodica].ly shut do-.vn in order to repair old machines to prime condition, install new equipment or to expand plant operations. Shutdov/ins also occiirx'cd when 3h<>rtage-5 of cotton supplies developed, or when •'jhe p". io^es of cotton increased to higher levels than the ov-'ners wore .villing to pay. In such cases plant "supers" sifppLy ?-nform.ed snophands that they were laid off.

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35 Throughout the duration of "terrporary idleness," workers \vGre sri.ll confronted with the inevitable prcblem of continu.ing to ;Tiake ends meet. Veiy few had sufficient sc^-vings to tide them over; and v/hat little capital assets they had acquired v/ere rapidly depleted as they awaited the starting up of the mills, making ic most difficult for them to save portions of their oaiTiings for future eniergencies . Idle pe.riods, furthermore, were to the acute long-range disadvantage of v/orkers, Workers perceivea that men, v/omen rnd ctiildren v/ho had been idle for several v/eeks were keen for re--Gmployment , and; under such conditions, o'./ners could, if they desired, offer the same wages or even slightly lower •wages, but still be stampeded by people who were anxious to 2 get pay checks. Third, industrial v/ages were not increasing but steadij.y declj.ning. In the KLig mill, for example, avearage arinual wages dropped from $216 in 1880 to £181 in 1898. Rill operatives of tlie Sibley Manufacturing Company experienced the sane consistent "reduction in average annual v/age:?, droop Lrg from $242 to $225. Cj.ty-wide industrial v/aces of textile v/orkero failed to shov; any increase frcom 1830-1900, falling off frcm a yearly average income of $267 to $25 5. Overall wage scales in the city were considerably less tlian the average yearly income of $452 for other south-

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85 em laborers and the $518 average annual income of northern Indascrial workers. Nineteenth centary Auqusca manacre;nent, interested only i-n great -iir profits, inox-eased prodnction and lower costs, and convinced that these goals were par-t.-ially achieved by "freezing'' wages, adaraantly resisted all efforts .3 by e.r.ployees to boost salaries. As rural farmers, the rising cost of living \;a3 partially defrayed by the fact that a great part of the necessities of life v'are produced on the farm. Country life was far less complex, significantly simpler and che^apor. In the city, the urbar. laborers not only had to purchase everything they consumed, but their '-^ants multiplied. Looking at the be'rter way of life of their employers, they soon desired to acquire a home and furniture of their ovm and oth.er signs of material success. Tit e i. r wives and ch i 1 d r e n , t h r c ii j h. window shopping and gazing at newspaper advertisements, developed an acquisitive taste for better clothes and finer life styles, Kvery thing the rirban workers bought was subject, to the advance in prices v.'ith the inevitable result that the cost of living was most acutely felt. V7age v/orkers, hcse salaries were Ij.mited to bi.'cin v/ith, and whose annual salaries failed to advance in proportion to the rise in nrices, drastically felt the Jump in prices of everythin.g. Declxning wages and rising prices were not conditions that wn

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87 applied to all classes of people, but had especially disastrous effects upon the urban dwellers in the factory districts. Fourth , they 'nad migrated to the city and hired on at the facr.ories to better their station in life; but even those who had worked hard, acquired skills and employed their vvives and children in the mills had not improved their lot in life. Tliey simply endured a miserable, wretched existence of loTig hours, low pay, poor working conditions, sad recognized the little hopes for social advancement for their offspring. Tney clearly recognized that mill operatives v/ere regarded as "inferior people'' who lacked property, education and social grace. "TliO facto. :y operative [sj work ele/en hours a day and are almost respected as m.uch as a ccTrjTion dog," The Wool Hat noted. Public sentiment, in their opinion, v/as prejudiced against operatives who employed their families in the mills, dressed in shabby, smelly, dirr.y and ragged clothes, neglected to attend midweek and Sunday church services, .tinned too frequently in tlie various "houses of mystery'"; who, in general, failed to "get ahead" in life by saving rvtoney, buying a home, acquiring property, getting an education and adopting the mj.ddle class values of t'nrift, sobriety, frugality and temperance. They recognized, tlio prejudices against them as social inferiox's and they

PAGE 108

88 roalized that their v;ages, work and living conditions were basic factors which did not permit them vertical social mobility. Factory employment was clearly no longer perceived to be a moans of increasing their standard of living 4 to a mgher plane and improving thexr lot xn life. Fifth, chronic complaints were registered about human living conditions in the factory district. Sickness, hunger, poverty and suffering were very pervasive in the West End. "The misery and poverty v;hich find lodgement within those bare walls cannot be described," a Cnr onicle reporter noted. Aged grandparents, parents and numerous children lived czov/ded together into two and three room apartments, furnished with cheap, sparse belongings. "Little ragged urchins and poorly clad girls of tender age" played in the narrow, dirty streets, lanes and alleys. No hydrants, nor sev^ers nor even gcirbage collection v.ere provided for most of the faiailies. Occupants were frequently ill with typhoid fever and chicken pox. "Sore eyes, " caused by tiny gnats which persistently swarmed around the stagnant ponds of water and the polluted public wells, v/ere another chronic complaint. Some parents objecl'.ed to their minor children working eight to ten hours for 25<^ a day. "You ought to see that boy," one mother lamented. "His face ain't as big as my hand, he is so poor and thin. And yet that boy works all day in the

PAGE 109

89 mill. I v/ould not be surprised to see them bringing him 5 horae cead amy day, " VJhile labor-nanagement rel^iUicns v/ere becoming sti'ained, there was a greater amount of cohesion developing among the nill operatives as they became collectively and increasingly disillusioned with their salaries, v/orking conditions and housing accoirirnodations . Tliere v/as a growing militant determination to force the mill owners to raise wages, reduce the nuivijer of hours in the work week, improve the environment in the factories, provide Sundays and holidays off and, simultaneously, transform the drab appearance and unsanitary living conditions in. the factory district. The chief methods of coercion, it was believed, v/ere through union coiubJ. nation and the introduction of city-v/ide textile strikes. If management refused to initiate changes, then industrial wars woTild errupt. Th e Be ginnings of Industrial Wars: Augusta, The Storm Cen ter of the New South The Kiiighti; >of Labor strike of 1835 was the first big confrontation between capitalists and IJnthcads in Augusta. In an attem.pt to v;in support in the now southern mill towns, t]iG I'riights "called" a strike in Augusta; thus representing tha first phase of national labor crganizaticns to unionize the So'ith. The textile workers of Augusta, affiliated with

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90 the Kniglits, rendered a demand npon ::he Augosta Factory for a .15 per cent increase m v/ages. The president of the mill adamantly asserted thac, ov.'ing to financial difficulties, the corporation v/as incapable of paying the proposed scale of v;ages . The mill, accordincr to the president, v/as "losing 6 racney. ' V/Tien the pay advance was ref'ased. Reverend J. S. Mfjynardie, the master v/orkman, ordered a strike and the Augusta Faccory v;as shut dov/n on July 10, J 886. For several weeks the coiiflict v.'as restricted to one raill, but in August, notice was posted that all raills in the "Augusta district" would be closed dovvn unless the workers returnedto their jobs in the Augusta Factory. Local nianuf acturers had effectively staged a counter raove with a compaxiy lockout, forcing several thousand mill hands off their jobs. The Chronicle stated, "t^ile our sympathies are with the toi.iing families in a;iy just movement for their eJ.evation, 'we cannot encourage a strike which demands wages that the business will not ji-stify. It is not reasonable to expect an advance in v/ages when the business is losing moacy. Our factory people have been badly advised, and the sooner thoy return to v/ork, the bettor it will be for theirrselves. The strike is a calamity to this couununity. Three thousand hands are out of emiployment, and at least six

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91 tliousand people are without visible raeans of support. It is a deplorable state of affairs. Every sufficient interest suffers, and wj.ll cor.tiivue to suffer until the strike is at. an end . " The Kiiights proposed that an "endurance plan" would taring about victory for the strikers, stating that the v/ox'kers could outlast the employers. But almost a month latei: it was ob'/ious tr^at the urxion leaders had erred. There v;ere not sufficient funds available fc5r the strikers to endure a protracted struggle against capital. "Tl\e endurance plan is working serxous injury to both parties, and to the community generally, " the Chronicl e inforr-ied its readers . Company eviction notices were posted and circulated in the factory district anT'.ouncing to the occupants of the factoryov.Tied houses that "those now occupying cltern are not, and have net been for more than two mci^ths, xn the eiiiploymenc. of the company," Tliose who refused to return towork at the old rates would be evicted as of the 17th of September, dvicticns were served. Stunned, siiocked and bev/ildered stx-ikers weie moved cut to btand in the streets observing now mAll hands and their families moving into their former quarters. After the announcements of com.pany evictions, hundreds

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92 of strikers drifted back to work. 'iThe strike was clearly breaking up ard the Knights of Labor recognized that . fact. Grandmaster Meynardie was voted out of office and M. M. Connor was elected as the new master workman to reconcile differences with management. James A. Wright, the representative of the general executive board, of the I'-nights, arrived i.n Augusta to "patch up matters and end the strike." Several conferences were held in the Augusta Opera House with Patrick A.. Walsh, chairmian, representing the mill ov/ners. After several m.onths receiving no pay and little aid from the Knights, the Augusta textile strike of 1SS6 ended and the mills resumed their operations. Mo major concession.s had been won by labor. Tlie Knights of Labor, although it had lost its Augusta campaign, nevertheless continued its efforts at organi?:,ing textile Vv'orkers in the southern si:ates . From: 18S6 to 1S90 they founded over two hundred active assembles in the larger, ir.dustrial southern cihies in sever, states. Labor diiitu.rbances contxnued to orrupt at Cottondale, Alabam.a, GrernvilJ C-, South Caro.li.na, Maryville, Tennessee and Ros-well, Georgia. But by 1890 che Knights had disappeared and the first piiase of national labor unions to penetrate the 7 South had failed.

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93 lli e A merican Fed eration o f Lab or an d the Aucfusta Textile Strik e of 1898-1899 In the 1890 ' s the AiTierican Federation of Labor began a "Scutherii Cainpaign" to unionise the mill hands in the textile factories of the Nev; South, representing a second phase in the confJicts between capitalists and workers. From 1898 to 1902 a new era of crisis and conflict errupted from Georgia to Virginia and back again. Prince W. Greene of Colum]">us, Georgia, v/as chosen by Samuel Gompers to direct the efforts of the A. F. of L, to crack the southland. Tlie major target city of the Southern Campaign was Augusta, Georgia. Learning that Augusta lintheads had again strongly resisted an announced wage cut, Greene hurried to the city and assisted in the af filitation of t.he local union wirh the 8 National Union of Textile v7orker3. The textile crisis had not been forced by the actions of "outside agitators," but precipitated by a declaration by management that it .intended to cut v/ages of all mill operatives in Augusta and vicinity. The President of the King Mill and the Southern Manufacturer's Association, eightyr!d.ne--year--old Charles FJstes officially announced in midOctober that all te^'.tile mills in zho Augusta di3trict--the Johri P. Xing.. Sibley Manufacturing CoT'.roany, Enteiprise Mill, /-ugufjta Factory, Sutherland Mil, Isaetta Mill and the

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94 Langley and Aiken iriills~-v;ould cut the v/ages of tlie cotton workers by an estimated 8 to 10 per cent, effective November 21. A stern, self-assured, docrmatic Augustan of YankeePrussian derivations, Estes commanded great respecb by virr.ue of being former m.ayor during i-.he critical period i870-18'76 and his close identity with most of tlie private 9 enterprises m the city. One of the justifications for the redaction in salaries was that average wages for textile wor3cers in Augusta were higher than in any of the cotton manufacturing states of the New South. After a careful investigation of th.e salaries paid to local m.ill hands, the presidents of tiie major corporations m Augu3ta---Charle3 Estes, lliomas Barrett, Jr. and John \1. Chafee--were convinced that the laborers wore being o»/?rpaid. Ey reducing the wages the Augusta wage earners '.v'oald be on par with mill operatives in the Carolinas and Alabama. Indeed, it was believed by the mill presidents that overi with the reducl'ion on the wages some employees would bv-; paid about 5 per cent higher than the average paid to other southern mi.ll hands. A second, explanation wai the lack of significant annual dividends paid to the stockho Lders . Tlie president of the Association st.ated that the mills were not making enou.gh profits. dstes explained that the low profj.ts were related

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95 to the ''severe competition" from mills in the area which v;ere paying lower v/ages and thereby receiving greater annual profits. "It is a matter of t:ompulsion on our part," he explained, "and not one of choice. If present conditions H'ere to continue the m.ills \vould be compelled to close." Mill owners needed to sliov; a greater return upon the capital iiivested or they would have to shut down. Hence, the redv.ction in v;agos was deemed cr\icial in order to maxe greater ciHd more sizable dividends for tlie stockholders. .As much as tlie mill presidents personally regretted such actions, these were the harsh economic circumstances which necessitated a lo^.'er scale of v/ages. Estes advised chat all employees who intended to resign were expected to tender tv;o weeks ' 10 nonce . 1'he annouiiced cut in v/ages prompted considerable discussions among the v/orkers of the factory settlement. Sm.all crowds of men gathered in the general stores, bars and on street corv.ers in the fifth \^ard and debated the grave crisis whJ.ch confronted them. Many, '^hen approached by newspaper reporters, spoke freely and gave frank comments about their vjrievances against the mills. "Year by year," 3 mill hand explained, "they've been adding new machinery arc. making one rcnn gradr.all';^ increase his v;crk until he v/as doing that of two. when X started a man worked 16 cards at

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95 75 cents per day, r.ov/ he runs 32 for 80 and 90 cents. V/e've been cut right along." Another mill v;orker explained that ''tlie oi-xes hit hardest are those who don't rent from tt/O mill. I suppose there are perhaps one-third who can't find room in the company's houses and so have to rent elsewTiOre , " Tlie tuor.ey lost in tlie pay reduction, he explained, would have to ?oe appropriated from sums set aside for food, shoes, v/ood and clothes. "We have so little of the comforts of life now, that our conditions when we will make less money is not pleasant to think of, " a third disgruntled worker stated. "Tlie jower v/ages mean for us m.ore pinching and scraping to make both ends m.eet . " "If the mills haven't been making money lately, why liave they been patting up addi.tlons, new m.achinery a.nd water v'heels?" another perceptive observer queried. "No, the whole thing is nothing but this: tho.se i.mproveioents cost money and as somebody had to pay 11 it, tliey i.uike cTie liaads, net t}ie stocxholders do it." Many of the dissatisfied laborerrs pointed to the nu;neroas signs of prosperity for maxiagement . They observed ti'iat each year new and im.proved industrial machinery was pvirchased and installev3 and new buildi^.gs were erected. Industrial output increased and in some instances doubled and quadrupled.. They realized that rhese improvements alone reflected the annual profits which were m.ade by the owners of

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97 the textile corporations. P'urtherrrore, they knew that stocks were quoted as high and learned about the liberal dividends that were being paid to stockholders. Tney were also very iriach av/are of the high salaries drawn by presider-its, jv.nior execul-.ives, supervisors and ctliers in the upper levelii of employraent at r.he mills and they were incensed that those who were living v\7ell-off v/ere to be unaffected by the cut in pay. "Suppose some of the mill authorities try to live on 50 and 80 cen'cs a day--buy grub, pay house rent, wash bill, clothes bill, wood bill--how do ycu suppose they would stand at the end of the month?" a dissatisfied laborer asked. They looked at their own meager existence-scanty clothing, sp'"'.rse meals, poor lodging3----and tlicy reali;3ed that their long hour's v/ith lew pay kept them at a bare subsistence level. They v/ere convinv-:ed that they were the ones least able to afford a drastic x'eduction in salary, yet they reali^.ed tliat it most likely would transpire. They were alarmed, felt exploited and v;erG determined to protest against this nev; threat to 12 t n e 1 r ex r s t en c e . Much to their dismay, when the new scale of v.'ages went into effect it nrovod to be a greater redaction in their salaries than tlie proposed vaciximum reduction of 10 per cent. For the vast majority of workers the actual wage cuts were

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98 far v;crse than they had ir.iitially feared. Clot?i room hands \^'Cire reduced iii pay fror.i ?1.25 to 75 c^ncs per day. All workers getting GO cents a day were cut to 50 cents a day. Sorr.e were cut back from a dollar per eleven hour work day to 75 cents. Wages were slashed from 90 cents to 80 cents for spinners; speeder hands were cut from 86 cents to 80 cents; v/rappers from $1,50 to $1.35r draw frame hands from 80 ceiits to 75 centzs. Blven those hands who knew only the rudiments of mathematics saw at once that the actual wage cut was far greater than the proposed maximum of 10 per cent. Slasher hands, for example, were reduced in daily salary by 15 per cent; spoolers by 18 per cent; sweepers by 20 per cent; doffers by 20 per cent and weaverswages weire red".iced by up to ].5 per cent. The Augusta Her ald estimated that the gross reduction in salary recei\'ed by the mill workers would amount to a loss of between $75,000 to $100,000 annua 1 ly . '"^Jj-iare is a general feeli:\g of dissatisfaction among the operatives off'=,ctcd by the ."•ut, " the Daily T rib une info rm.ed its readers, "and it is quite probable many of them v.'ili refuse to work for the lower wages." The ChrorJ^_le, however, while deeply s^^npathizing v/ir,h the recent misf o r t u n c; s o f thi o m i 1 1 w-o r k e r s , ad v i s e d th a t "if th e r e d u c 1 5 o n cannot be averted, tlien it will be the part of wisdom for

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99 the operatives to accept it. in good spirit and v;ork for the day when more prosperous conditions may brJng about better wages. A series of labor mioetings "shrouded in ominous mystery" were held in the Vvest End. No public announcements were niade, but it was common knowledge that the meetings were laying the groundwork for a united stand against the raJ.Il presidents. The mill v;orkers were quietly organizing ?oefore the accual z-eduction in saJarics went into effect. They methodically went about soliciting support from the skilled workers in tlie various departments and encouraged then to bind together .in common defense against management. Concurrently, the disgruntled workers drafted a letter of explanation as to v/hy the redaction in salary v>a? not acceptable. They presented a petition \,'ithi the signatures of over t'hree hundred well-known citizens of the fifth ward to the management of the John P. King enterprises requesting them to reconsider the reductiori in wages. Tiie petition explained that tne cost of living in the city v;as far great'.;r than residing in the rural countryside. Their incoiiies could not be supplemented by growinr; vegetables and raining livestock; city ordinancr-s prohibited it. Som.a vv'orkers .. i. t furtrher explained, found it extremely difficult to exist on the current wages they were receiving and if

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100 their incomes dropped appreciably, then they would not be able to buy the absolute necessities to sustain faniily life. Many v;orkers ^ in utter desperation, would be forced to put their youngest children to v/ork in the mills, thereby depriving tliem of an education. Furthermore, the petition also explained that the reduction in wages would greatly discourage the industrious, thrifty and more skrlled artisans, vA:0 were "nov/ struggling under tlie cares and burdens of life," to seek employment elsewhe.re and thereby encourage "unreliable help, " who care for nothing "but live today, " to 'nigrate to Augusta. Last of all, the petition pointed out that the reduction in wages would profoundly affect the corra-nercial prosperity of the city. It meant that the thousands of dollars that were paid in wages and spent in tb.e city would be lost. The retail economy would be seriour:ly dif:ruptcd as grocery stores, department stores and other firm.s experienced a sharp decline in the volume of The petition, liov/ever, \vas to no avail. Neither petitions, nor protests, nor even the labor meetings would 15 avert the inevitable -reduction of wages. ConcurroTitlv, v/hile some endea-zored i.n vain to reach an understanding v/ith laanagement, other labor leaders called textile workers to convene at various halls in the West End. Grne meetincrs, which v/ere held every night during the first

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101 three weeks of Novenber, were not open to the general public and the proceedings were not made available to the press. But it was apparent to the perceptive observer that the overall objectives were to get the mill hands of Augusta to joii: the National Jnion of the Textile Workers of America, wnich was affiliated with the American Fedesration of Labor, and then negotiate with management so that disagreeable matters would be adjusted ^.micably. A strike, it was emphasized, would be the last resort when all efforts at reconciliation had failevd. Tlie loom fixers, then the weavers y.nd then other workers too began to unite together in common defense against management. Day by day the meetings res"i.ilted in the textile workers being organized along craft 16 lines until most laborers were banded together. The actual cut in wages went into effect the tv/entyfirst of November. That moriiing at the usual hour all the Augusta m.ill bells rang and the hands answered tlie call. They quietly shuffled along in the brisk morning air to their jobs. Tlie water was Lurned on the v;heels and che whir and clatter of uiachinery v.-as plainly audible in the factory district of th--.' city. Cut in the mills there './as considerable dissension among the workers. Short conferences were i-ield hy the v/oavers in the Sibley factory, and presently some of them began co wdlk out. They were quickly joined

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102 by workers frcm the other departiuents of the mill. Toger^ier the/ luarched over to the King mill, shouting and cheering • for other workers to come out and joi.n them in a protest strike. The King mill employees promptly struck and the strikers marched en masse over to the Enterprise mill. Tne actions of the strikers were contagious; by 7:30 A.M. most of the textile mills in the West End--The King, Sibley, Isaetta, Warvvick, Augusta Factory and Enterprise---v7ere forced to close dov/n their operations as a result of the city-wide strike. Tl-ie water was ordered shut off by the supervisors, the blinds were drawn and the gates were locked. The strikers, realizing their immediate victory, then paraded in full t-.trength dov/n Broad Street, the main thoroucfhfare of the city. A sympathetic crowd of 1,5C0 m^n, women and children, despite the early hour, lined both sides of the str-^et waving wildly and cheering loudly. In I'old, black headlines the Daily Tribune proclaimied that "FO-JR THCUS/vlJD MILL 0PER.'\TIVE3 FEi'USE vq ^.vOPK UNTDER TIIE CUT." >n\en ar. ambitious, brash young C hronicle reporter queried Estes as to how long the m.ills would remain closed, Estes barked back "only God and the Chief of the Federation ,T ^ -I :i 1 7 of I..abor kncv/. As thev r^araded down Broad Street, the strikers waved placards and shouted out inviting all interested citizens to

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103 attend their .nassive afternoon labor rally on lower Broad Street. During the day circulars, handbills and other tracts were distributed. Phone calls and word-of --mouth campaigns also v.'ere responsible for a large orderly crowd of several thousand people arriving to listen attentively to Marion Ivey and Evans L. Cranfill. Ivey, an A. F. of L. union i-epresentative, reminded the audience that the strikers were not a reckless mob, inflamed by radical literature, that sought to destroy the foundations of the capitalist enterprises, ?out that their sole reason was to oppose an unreasonable cut in v/ages and to covnpel the mill presidents to rescind their noxious decj.sion. ''We are here against the cut: and we do not intend to go until we get our wages or a little more. If we can not get a living in the mi].l v;e will get one outside it." Another expex-ienced labor leader v/ho had atitended the Haymarket Riot in Chicago, Cran.Cill, addressed the crowd stating, "Everybody must unite, 'Ihe capitalists are united. You must be or be crushed.'' Shouts of "Hurrah for Patrick Walsh," however, .i.nteri'uptcd him as c'le mayor and several other dignitaries pushed the.ir way forv/ard through the crowd toward the piat18 term. 'l''j"!e unicn leaders cheerfully acknowledged him and permitted h.i.m to step up and address the audience. In a

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104 seri.ous, sober tone of voice, Walsh began. "ITiis is a very unfor-cunata condition that confronts the laboring people of this city. Strikes are always attended with ill effects to capital as well as labor. They are not conducive to the interests of any coirmunity, and should always be avoided when possible. Of course, you have the right to quit work whenever you see fit to do so to secure better v/ages and better conditions." "I shall be fran3c and honest with you," he continued. "I think this strike has been prematurely called. I do aot think ycu have exhausted every effort. I think it ill advised. I speak to you frankly." In conclusion he offered his services as an arbitrator.: "If there is anything that I can do to bring about an amicable adjustment of these differences, I v.^ill serve you. I am entirely at your service." "I believe that the ri;ill presidents should agree to confer with a committee appointed by this meeting. I belie'/e that a settlement honorable and just to operatives and officials C3.n bo reached. -Aiwth.ing in the world that I c^.n do to bring about a harmonious and satisfactory termina19 ti.cn cjf this difficulty £ will do." Confident in the justice of their claims arid certaiii that Ma '/or Walsh would intercede in their behalf, they acquiosCEd to the proposal tliat a cotwnittee headed by Walsh and consisting of Forest Gray, Marion Ivey, 77. H. Carter,

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105 William Keel and Evan L. Cranfill would confer with the mill presidents . Tlie Walsh-Labor Committee met with John W. Chafee, James P. Verdery and Thomas Barrett, Jr., at the office of Charles Estes. The mill presidents received the deputations in good spirits and very cordially discussed their decision to reduce wages. President Estes assum.ed leadership in the discussions. He v/as frank with them. Once again he reiterated that the Augusta mills could not compete with the o;:her mills v/ith lower wages and greater profits. nie only recourse v/as to reduce wages and thereby increase profits to stockholders. As much as he disliked it, there was nothing else that could be done. The only concessions that he could offer v;ore twofold. He assured the workers that they would not be discharged because of their participation in the walkout or their affiliation with the labor union. Second oc all, he agreed to pay a 6 per cent higher v/age than the mills in South Carolina were paying to their employees. He admit ted that the Augusta laborers would still be receiving a considerable reduction in salary, but advised that it was one of the unfortunate ills i:hey had to bear. The labor lead'v-rs protested, but tiieir pleas •.vere ineffectual. TVhen the conference adjourned, Wc-'lsh regretted that it had not accomplished more. He advised the committee members to

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106 return to v;ork, organizG ";heir unions and v/ait for a more opportune time, 'Accept the inevitable, for tlie present," were his partir^g coranients to the disgruntled labor 20 leaders . But the Aiigusto labor leaders did not heed Walsh. Aroused by the reduction in v/ages, encouraged by the massive support from most of the textile workers, they refused to capit\ilate so readily. Instead they took the offensive. Tney encouraged textile workers in the Augusta circuit to ioi)i them in a general strike against the reduction in v/ages. The Langiey and Bath mills in South Carolina were forced to shut dov/n when their employees walked off r.he job. President Thomas Barrett, J.u., confessed that he did not know when the two enterpriser would resume operations. The news was not so encouraging for the mill owners. Within a few days the strike had spread throughout the city, closed down all the textile mills-except the Enterprise and Augusta factery--and stopped industrial production in most of the Au.qusta-owned cotton mills across the Savaiinah River. Furthermore, several v/eeks after the strike had been caljed, little had changed. All of the mills which had been iniLJ.ally shut down by trie i--tri.ke reuiained closedOn several occasions the factory bells rang out at six in the morning calling the laborers back to v/ork. Wnen the bells

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1C7 ranq, a jJew vvorksrs came out of their homes and apartments in the West End. They gathered on the Harrisburg bridge in front of the Sibley and King mills, watched the supervisors open the front gates and silently stared at the company officials \Av:> beckoned them to return to v.-ork. Fev; chose to go back to thed.r jobs; those who did were jeered and taunted as being coward?, traitors and scabs. Although many of the presidents of the mills honestly expected the hands to return to v/ork and accept the lower wages, they were surprised to discover that the strikers militantly refused to yieJd. In an effort to bring the strike to an early conclusion, the mill presidents "locked -out" the workers in the 2'! Enterprise ana Augusta Factory, but to no avail. " Stillness reigned in the city. Industrial production stopped. The r.iills were silent, dark and deserted. The dense volumes of grey smoice which usually poured from the chimneys of the factories ceased to bilj.cv/ upv/ards. It was quite apparent that the mills could not operate vvithout a labor force and it was alt'o apparent that the strikers were resolved to see it thi-ough to the end. T'he strikers were not docile, nor tractable, but stub'oornly united ;ind adamantly detennincd not to go back to work for cut wages. Tae grim determination to conti.nue the strike led them to organize a central committee board to

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108 supervise the ricquisition and distribution cf food supplies, clothing and other necessities to sustain "Tl-ie Great Labor Strixe" cf 1898--1S99. A receiving and distributing cori'missary v/as established in Robert's Hall on the Corner of Ellis Street and Crawford Avenue. Tlie large upstairs room in the hall was used as a n^eeting place to discuss their strateg-y against management. Supplies and provisions were stockpiled downstairs. 'iVo downto\vn warehouses were also rented and stocked v/ith provisions. Several grocery store nierchants were encouraged to extend credit to the strikers and th.e union leaders v/ere permitted to haul away wagonloads of flour, bacon, grits, meaJ , sugar and other foods to 'oe stored up as part of the reserve supplies to feed the families of the strikers. Butchers, bakers and other rneirb:)ers of the retail associations were encouraged to make contributions to assist their fellov/ laborers. by midDeceirib-er barre] s of syrup, several hundred pounds of flour, hundjieds of busriels of wheat and a couple hundred pounds of salted meat packed in huge barrels were stored up to 3 VI s t a i n the s t r i k e . Hie Augusta strikers also received numerous food supplies and economic aid from the poldiei's stationed at liearby Camp HcKen^ie in the Hill district. Troops from the various regiments contributed sizable quantities of food to

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109 t.ho Augusta mil Iv.^orkers . Tlie First Maryland Division sent a wdgonlcad of 540 .loaves of bread to the central corrunittea for distri.bution. Brigadier General J. P. S. Gob in donated an additional 600 loaves of bread to the unemployed strikers in the West End. The soldiers voluntarilyorganized a campaign drive to X'aise general funds to assist the strikers. A list of donors was posted in the first sergeant's tent of evecy conpany on post. On pay day, and for several days thereafter, strikers were permitted to canvas the camp soliciting additional donations for their cause. Tlie Hospital Corps sponsored a benefit dance at Red Man's Hall in the fifth ward and the proceeds were donated to the strikers. As supplies were acquired, the central committee board dispatched "runners" to survey the families i.n the fifth v/ard to discover \vhich of them were in dire need of food or other ,-suppli(2s. The runners reported back to the committee v;hich, after confirming the minimum actual need.s, provided the family wii-.h food, cJ.otliing, wood, coal, and in some instances;, smcill allotments of money. The central coniPAittee board also endeavored to sustain the revolutionary strike fervor c It reaJ.ized that the longer the strik''/ore on. the greater the possibility that the zeal of the ?.-trikerG would become dissipated. Repeated union m.eetings and demonstations were held in an effort to

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110 maintain cohesiveness . At each meeting speakers extolled the v/orkers for their strong spirit of resistance, emphasized that che mill presidents v/ould ultimately capitulate and concluded the sessions v/ith a vote taken as to whether the strike should continue or whether they should truckle and admit defeat. Each time the vote was a unanimous resounding shout: "Nol" Strike parades and other public demonstrations were also staged in an endeavor to maintain an esprit de corps. PZvery possible effort of the labor leaders was directed toward preventing the morale of the strikers from 22 declining. Despite the fact that the strikers were fired with a zealous determination to see it through, regardless of their successful committee which acquired supplies and money to sustain the strike, f:he time for t;heir prolonged strike against capital proved to be inopportune. Tlie strike, v/hich lasted from November through January, occurred at a slack time in cotbon m.anufacturing activities. •r'le mill presidents, in all likelihood, would ha^^e been forced to curtail production and i'oduce the number of workers on the job. Tlie ^/orkers possibly would have boon more successful in proventing a cut in wages and even gaining an increase in their salaries had management annoiuiced the v/age cuts during the peak cotton months of July, August and September.

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11. I A second factor v/hich played a crucial role in breaking up the strike was the daily exodu? of the raore skilled laborers v.o other milltowns in Georgia, Alabama and especially South Cax-olina. During the early days of the Aug\:sta strike, representatives from other mills arrived in the city to interview, recriiit and hire the more skilled and efficient laborers. Within the first week of the strike an estimated 2C0 mill hands and their fa:nilies left after gaining employment elsewhere. "Our operatives are leaving by the dozen," a mill supervisor observed. "Tiiere is a good demand for pra^jtical mill hands all over Carolina, and, as these offer 'vork az once, while there is enforced idleness here, ma.iiy who v/ould really prefer to stay in Augusta., are forced by the pressing need of money to get any price tlicy can." Some left after already finding a job in anot.hor milltown; others left with nothing but hope that their oxpex'ience would enable them to procure v/ork . TTie exodus grew greater day by day as the prospects of a long, bitter winter strike b(;'came more apparent. An official notice posted on the door of Robert's Hall inform.cd the strikers that "outside hands" would be imported into the city r^nd er.iployed in the m.ills in order to resume industrial production. "Some anxiety is being m.anifested at the appearance of strangers desiring to get work i.n the

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112 factories," an unemployed striker conmented. "It is stated that large nuniLers are coming into Augusta from various parts of Georgia and even adjacent states." Tlie steady importation of "scabs" from Macon, Columbus, Ccrdele, Atlanta and other to^vns in the region was a third critical turning poivrt in the strike. Throughout December and January several railroad carloads of "imported laborers "--carders, spinners, weavers, loom f ixers--arrived in the city; their household effects were unloaded and moved into the company-owned cottages and apartments; the men, women and childre^n were put to v/ork in the m.ills. Many country folk, who found life on the farm too hard, also eagerly migrated to take advantage of che strike. Some were even v/illing to work for a short v/hile without pay until they learned how to operate the machinery, because, in the long run, they expected to raise substantially their material way of life. "Many of the present employees have signified their ir.tenticn to sever their connection v;ith the Company and have declined to V7ork at the scale of wages offered," the notice began. "We have cheerfully allowed the operatives to remain in the dwellings during the strike, and while we do not desire to occasion them any more inconvenience t?ian is necessary, having waited more than six v/eeks for them to return to work and being desirous to afford the opportunity

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.113 to do so to those who desire to resume work, we will need the houses on and after January 9th, 1899, for occupancy by those who wish to work, and for v;horn the houses were built." "Vie give this notice in advance," John W. Chafee, President of the Sibley Manufacturing Company stated, "so that those who do not intend to remain and work for the Company, may have an opportunity to make other arrangements." The King, Enterprise, Augusta Factory and other mills simultaneously notified the strikers that they had been "cheerfully allowed" the use of their company-owned dv/ellin^, buc now it was necessary to evict them in order to accomanodate the new workers who had migrated into Augusta to accept positions in the factories. Tnose laborers, however, who responded to the ringing of the factory bells would not have to vacate their apartments and cottages. But those strikers who continued to refuse to acquiesce and accept the scale of wages offered would be duly evicted by the constituted authorities. "We are not in the bluffing business," President Estes stated bluntly. "The notice is only a com.munication advising the operatives of the mills' intentions. If they do not go to work," he continued, "we v/ill go about the matter legaJly. ::t is work or move." Constables Columbus Barnes and Arthur Glover, on the appointed day, perforraed their "disagreeable duty as civilly

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114 as possible." Tenants of the mills vv'ho refused to return to work were vacated. Their household goods were hauled out, loaded upon drays and wagons and carted av/ay. In some instances, the furniture and meagre belongings were left standing on the sidewalks. Large crowds of men, v/omen and children stood in silence, stunned by the wholesale moving of families from the West End. Tney stared in disbelief at the spectacle v/hich was unfolding before them. Many had beon convinced that the com^pany would not actually evict them. ITie physical eviction of the strikers and their families v-;as a fourth decisive factor in breaking up the Augusta Textile Strike. VTnen company officials took legal action and served notices of eviction upon the strikers, they caused a serious split within the working community. Cne faction favored a return to work with the hopes that at a later date salaries would be restored to their previoi-is levels. They realized that their limited personal funds Were depleted and that the strike committee's funds were exhausted. I.lie retail m.erchants and whole-sale grocers, moreover, had ceased to credit those out of employment and hence there was no plentiful supply of food to sustain the strike. Only a few dieh^rds were luilitantly determined not to

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115 capitulate, but instead chose to set up ''Camp Eviction" behind the Fifth U'ard Gramiriar School. The militant faction v;ithin the strike corniiiuni ty drove their tent pins into the hai-d ground, pegged the tent flaps down and encamped on the vacaiit lot behind the public school grounds. "The mill authorities do not realize, perhaps, that we are making a figlit for our children, and our children's children," a ?3 resident of Camp Evxctxon stated. But for most \vorkers the strike was coming to an end. Tliree days after the beginning of the evictions of tenants, the King, Sibley, Isaetta and Langley mills resumed their operations. Vv'orkors gathered at the front entrance gates of the m.ills and sv/armed around. When the factory superintendents opened the gates they walked quietly and quickly inside and into the buildings. There were no disturbances. Not the slightest attempts at interference v/ore m.ade by the dieh.ard strikers. Each day the number of workers v/ho gathered at the gates grew. Each day more mills were in operation with more hands on the job than they had the ^ previous day. Strike leaders, in desperation, protested and maintained that the vast majoricy of the workers were determined to stick it out, but visits to any of the xTiilis and a head count at the factory gates furnished indisputal.-ile proof that the strike was rapidly coming to an end.

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116 Confronted v;ith the fact that more laborers v;ere returning to work, the union leaders were forced to capitu' late. Preriident Prince W. Greene of tJie United Textile VJorkers of America, P, J. Sullivan, William H. Winn, John T. Pugh and other local labor leaders held an hour long meeting with the representatives of the mills in the office of President Tnomas Barrett, Jr. A reconciliation was effected. The "Articles of Peace" included: (1) the new scale of wages offered to textile workers in Augusta would average 6 per cent liigher than competitive mills in the Carolinas; (2) in the future all coal sold to the employees of the mills for private use would be sold to them at wholesale costs; (3) 3i] workers who had participated in the strike would not be discliarged because of their strike activities.and (4) all textile workers had tlie right to join the National Union of Textile Workers. After the conference the labor leaders advised the remaining strikers to 3:eturn to work as satisfactory conditions had been met by management. Subsequentlv the reioaining m.ill hands returned in full force to the King, Sibley, Enterprise, Augusta Factory and Isaetta mills. The Great Labor StrJ.ke 24 of 1898-1899 had ended. Defeated in Augusta the A. F. of L. carried its battle against southern textile corporations into the neighboring

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117 Carolina niilltowns of Greenwood, Abbeville, Bath, Durham, Greensboro and Fayetteville . But, upon the outbreak of a new textile strike in the mills of "Greater Augusta" in 1902, the union leaders, experiencing setbacks in the Carolinas, returned to their "Augusta stronghold."

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NOTES 1. Thomas D. Clark and Albert D. Kirwan, T he S outh S Inc e A ppomat box (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), 50-52; John S. Szell, The South Since 1355 (Nev/ York: Macraillan Company, 1953), 137-138; Fred A. Shannon, The Farm ers' La st Frontier (New York: Harper and Row, 1945), 78-80; E. Merton Coulter, Georcria: h S h ort Histor y (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1950), 348-349; Willard Range, A_ Cen tury of Georgi a A-gri^u3jburie_.__j^5Q-_195Q^ (Athens; University of Georgia Press, 1954), 136-140, 149150; Theodore Saloutos, '"The Agricultural Problem and Nineteenth-Century Industrialism, " Agr icultura l Hi story, :
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119 rigid and all too frequently, instead of the v/age-earnars iroving upward in society, tlioy moved downward. In Augusta the lintheads soon recognized that they had failed to advance upward, but remained trapped in the lower strata. 5. Augusta Chronicle , Septeraber 2, 1900. 6. laid., July 10, 1886; Ezell, ITie South Since 1865 , 203-204; George S. Mitchell, Texti le Unionism and the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1931), 22. Earlier strikes in tlie mills were apparent but most failed within a very brief time. Nearly all job vacancies were quickly filled, work resumed and laborers remained on their jobs almosc as though nothing had ever happened. See, for exainple, the following editions of the Augusta Daily Con stritutionalist and Sentinel , January 23, 1870, August 12, 15, 16, 24, 1873. ~l • August a Chronicle , August 7, 10, September 5, 15, October 16, 20, 31, November 9, 1886; Mitchell, Textile Unionism, 2 3-25. 8. Mitchell, Textile Unionis m, 23-30; Ezell, Tl ie South Since 1865, 204-205; F. Ray Marshall, Labo r in t he South (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967), 81-83. 9. Augusta Chronicle , October 16, November 21, 1898, February 2, 1913, January 30, 1916, March 26, 27, 1917; Augusta He rald , March 26, 27, 28, 1917; Charles C Jones, >2:. , and Salem M. Dur.cher, M emoria l History of Aug usta, Georgia (Syracuse: D. Mason and Company, 1890), 1-3. 10. August a Ch ronicle, October 16, November 21, 1898; Augusta Herald , October 30, December 21, 1898; Augu sta Daily Tribune, Novembr.r 21, 1898. ^-l' August a Ch ronicle, October 17, 24, 1893. 12. August a H erald, November 13, December 11, 17, 1898; A ugu sta Daily Trib une , January 3 , 1899. 13. Augusta Ch roni cle, January 9, 1899; Augusta Daily lVibune_, November 21, 1893; A ugusta Herald , October 30, No'v-ember 13, Deceirber 30, 1898. 1-4f'tll'^'iLst.^u.PiLiJy._^''-LiJ?:iii^^ Ncveiaber 7, 1893; Augusta ?]U-QI}.iS.l^./ November 9, 1898.

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120 15. A.u qustc ? Chronicle, November 9, 1898. ^6Ikid_' Noveraber 11, 12, 13, 1398. 17. Augusta Daily Tribun e, Nov crab er 21, 1898; Augusta MZbIA' November 21, 1898; Augnasta_ai_ronicle, Noveiuber 22, 1898. j-8. Augusta Chronicle , Noveiiiber 22, 1898. 19. Ibid . ; Au gusta Herald , November 22, 1898. 20. Augusta Chr onicl e, November 23, 1898; Augusta Herald, Noveiriber 23, 1898. 21. Augusta Chronicle , November 25, December 26, 1898. 22. Ibid. , November 30, December 4, 16, 29, 1898, January 1, 18, 22, 1899; Augusta H erald , November 29, December 24, 1898. 23. Augusta Ch roni cle, November 27, December 1, 3, 1898, January 4, 5, 6, 8, IL, 15, 18, 19, 20, 1899; Augusta Herald. November 24, 25, Deceirber 17, 1898; Augusta Dail y T ribu ne, January 17, 24, 1399. -4. Auqus La Chronicl e , January 10, 12, 15, 10. 26, 27, 2B, 1399; A ugusta Dai l y T ribune, January 24, 1899; Ezell, 'ri\ a So uth Si nce 1355 , 205; Mitchell, Textile Unionism , 273 ; Woodwa r d , O rigins of the New South , 421-423.

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CMAPTER IV CHALLENGES TO THE REFORM COALITION The Death of M a yor Patrick Walsh City Attorney A'illiant A, Garrett advised council members in Deceniber, 1898, that Mayor Patrick Walsh v/as gravely ill. Since the early Christmas season, he explained that vralsh had felt the effects of an attack of "neivous prostration." His physicians advised him that he was "bi-eaking himself dowi" and that he needed an extended period of rest. But instead of heeding their advice, Walsh had jo'imeyed to VJashington, D.C., to invite Pr'^sident Williaiu McKinley to visit Augusta. Afterv/ards the mayor had unv;isely traveled to New York to attend a business meeting of the directors of the Associated Press, but v;as forced to cancel his engagement and return hastily home. During the following voc-ko his physical v/eli being c;ontinued to dete/.-iorate rapidly. Even his physicians ceased to hold out much hope for h.is recovery, but shook their heads gloomily v.'hen they spoke of the future. They did not desire to buoy him up with false hopes. Recognizing that he was dying, 121

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12 2 vValsh acknowledged that he was incapable of exercising the rl-a'cies of his public office. Given these adverse circumstances, he roqij.ested that William Garrett advise the City Council that a mayor pro t e mpore be appointed, expressing his preference that Jacob Phinizy be appointed acting mayor. After a brief discussion, a motion was made, seconded and carried unanimously. Patrick VJalsh never did rally. His health continued to fail. On March 19th, after several months of prolonged illness, he died. The news was received with genuine regret. Because Walsh was mayor of the city and the leader of the Reform Movement which had made every public effort to improve the city, acting mayor Phinizy ordered that all public offices be closed, all public officials attend the funeral services and participate .in tl:e funeral procession. Phinizy also expressed the wish that all Richmond County offices be closed and all business matters of the various departments be suspended until after the funeral. Furthermore, he politely asked that all places of business in the city and county be closed and t'nat the employers permit their employees to pay their last respects. Fx-ominent merchants, industrialists and other entrepreneurs, for sentimental reasons.immedi.ately indicated that they intended to comply with the request.

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123 Augusta became a city of mourning. The sad, tragic nev.'S of the death of Walsh spread rapidly. Syiuools of sorrow v,-ere to be seen everywhere. The v/indows of the Chronicle Building, City Court House, Richmond County Building and the Medical College were fectooned in somber black drapes. Flags all over town flew at half mast. Black crepe paper bordered the windows of stores and private homes. Large wreaths were fixed on doors. Long bordersof black cloth fringed the roofs of many homes. Blinds, sashes and curtains were drawn tightly together to darken out the sunlight. People walked along quietly, their blank faces bearing the signs of personal grief and sadness. Black arm bands were tied on their sleeves. When people spoke, their muffled, subdued and sobbing voices were barely audible. Everyv;here in the city were signs which revealed the enormous anguish. A simple family requiem mass took place at Sacred Heart Church. A hymn was sung and prayers were offered. "Nearer I'y God to Thee" floated through the ai.r. Only t?ie iiTuTiediate family, a few close acquaintances and the top political J.eaders of the community v.'ore present. 'Ihen the bier was transported to St. Patrick's Church v;here the remains lay in state affo.rding trie people of Augn.sta the opportunity to pay a last tri.bute zo his m.emory. From the instant that it

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124 was placed in the church aisle in fron'c of the chancel rail there was a steady strsaia of mourners. With choking throats and brinuning eyes they bowed their heads in a final gesture of respect to their beloved mayor. "Decrepit age tottered along with youth; Catholic and Protestant, Jev/ and Gentile, white and black, ho\\>Qd. with a coiraTion grief, came and ^v^ent. Some," a grief-stricken observer recorded, "passed with a single painful glance at the m.arble features of the dead; 2 som.e, kneeling at the casket, prayed." Long before t}ie time set for the funeral procession, friends began to gathex* in front of St. Patrick's. Hundreds flocked to the Church, but failing to gain entrance into the packed assembly, they stood in silent mourning in the courtyard awaiting the funeral dirge. A crowd soon congregated all along both sides of Greene Street, covered the sidewalks and lav/ns and blocked the intersections. Within a very short tim.e, thousands of pcvoplo '-/ere massed hundreds deep. Many, eager to catch a glimpse of the cortege, ciimbied the trees xn ""Che Greeiie"; some indiscriminately climbed up on the roofs of nearby buildings, liouse tops and the verand
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125 observed that the funeral cervices v/ere over. Many men and women turned away to hide their emotions, their bodies wracked with convulsive sobs, when the pallbearers filed past carrying t.he hea-^.-y oak casket v;ith its silver filigree moldings out t.o the huge black hoarse. They v/atched in stunned disbelief as one of the largest fiuieral processions in the history of the city took shape before their very eyes . A long row of over eighty fine carriages stretched forward and backv/ard along Greene. Every available carriage in the city was hired to accommodate the family, pu?olic officials, honorary escorts and pallbearers. Among the dignitaries who came to honor the deceased were Governor Allen D. Cardler, ex--Mayors Robert II. I^ay, Charles Estes, William B. Young and James H. Alexander. The assemblage of community influentials ijicLuded Mayor Pro Tem Jacob Phinizy and all of the m.emloers of the City Council. Many judges and practicing attorneys in Augusta and Richmond County v/ere also among t>!e elite groups who were honored guests in the funeral procession. The Sacred Heart Cadets, Richmond County Cadets, Grand Order of the Elks, J-Criights of St. Patrick and a pleiihora of other community organizations lin'^d up in for^tiation to do honor to the late laayor. Several carriages draped in black carried the grief-stricken

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125 relatives and inuiiediate members of the Walsh family. After them came carriages bearing the entire officials of city and county government who were so closely identified with the Walsh Reform Movement, Behind them came a hea-'/y black hearse, laden with flowers, bearing the closed casket. A long line of carriages occupied by the other community influentials, who acutely felt the loss of Pat Walsh, trailed behind. Only the clatter of the horses' hoofs, ringing sharply upon the cobblestone pavement and the tolling of church bells shattered the awesome silence. Cit y Politics in the Post -Walsh Era ^.Uhe tragic ?nd untimely death of Walsh confronted the decision makers with the problem of a "legitimate" successor. To many, the rightful heir was Phinizy. The day after the solemn high requiem mass, the Chj.'onicle stated that there v/as no need for alarm because "really no vacancy exists in the mayor's chair." Phinizy had been appointed acting mayor by the City Council, and this made him the legal and just heir to the city's highest political office. Tlie organ of the late mayor fur.ther explained that Phinizy v/as completely devoted to the V/alsh crusade for "Good Government." His political experiences as chairman of the finance corrip.ittee, member of the waterworks commission and three-month service as acting mayor were also cited as being

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127 of immense valize in providing him with the neceasax-y knowledge to assume the position. Moreover, his sizable business interests and large property holdings indicated thai: he was a solid citizen dedicated to the grov/th and material prosperxty of Augusta. Last of all in defending Phinizy, the Chronicle expressed the faith that recognition of the legitimacy of Phini;:y as mayor in fact would prevent another angry, contentious and em.otion-paclced election such as t^iat of 1897. Bitter, acrimonious disputes would not only reawaken political antagonisms at a time in which the city needed to reunite conniunity feelings after a prolonged labor strj.kc, but it was feared that partisan strife might serve to challenge the emerging reform domination of public government offices. For various reasons, Pliinizy, hov;ever, chose not to fulrl.li the unexpired term and politely refused to become the "accidental" successor to Walsh. His decision resulted in three rival candidates, all eager and ambitious, coveting the mi\ycralty of Augusta. William Dunbar, Major James Conquest Cross Black and Charles A. Robbe announced their candidacy. Judge Dunbar, tJie first native son to throw his hat into the ring, maintained that his previous political services eminently qualified him. Major 3].ack proclaimed that he v/as the "new candxdate of all the people." But both

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128 publicly v/ittidrev; from the mayoralty race, endorsing Charles A. Robbe. Dunbar explained that his decision was based upon his conviction that there v/as a "universal desire throughout the conmiunity to a\^oid at this time a wrangle at the polls," Major Black "out of respect to the memory of Mayor Walsh and for the good of the community" also decided to cancel his plans for an active campaign. Their v/ithdrawal, they said, v/as a definite movement on behalf of harmony and peace. Beth expressed hope that the people of Augusta would unite together and support Ci-iarles A. Robbe in a peaceful election 4 free from any disturbances. Dunbar and Black firmly believed that the people wanted to be spared the excitement and divisions of another raayora.lty contest. They realized that the election of 1897 had engendered strong feelings and was bitterly fought, leaving the community divided into various factions. They further believed that another election cam.paign v/it.h mass dejTionstrations , parades and meetings, in the wake of the te:ctile strike, 'svould reopen the uriliappy divisions with the community. But t>iey also recognized that the basic problem W3S how to attain a peaceful election fx-ee of any ".Irregularitieo. =' Black. Dunbar, Robbe and others v:ece convinced that Augustans had not forgotten that the V/alsh "Campaign for

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129 Good Government" in 1897-1898 had been based on the detorminacion that all elections should be "fair and clean." They v/ere also certain that the general attitude prevalent v^as triat as long as the Negro participated in the city elections, the coniTi.unity would v/itness intense election campaigns that v>?ould divide the city into hostile and warring camps as candidates, party managers and wardheelers sought to influence the black voters at tVj.e polls. Pi-evailing sentiment, in their opinioxi, revolted against the shameless election methods of the past. Many ardently believed tiiat the "good people" sliould pledge themselves to a continuation of reform politics in honor of the late mayor, shunning past corrupt election procedures. The effort to eliminate the reckless, disgraceful and i7."reqular methods employed by machine candidates and to end "vote -buying" had first been manifested in the Walsh campaign. The "best elements" had risen up against the machine candidate, Daniel Kerr, in a determination to make city elections fair and above reproach. Since the Walsh victory there had been a lively coverage in the columns of the citynewspapers about questionable election procedures. T"ne reading public learned the plain truth that votes were bought in order tc gain victory at the polls. It becam.e conuTion knov/leage tliat in every previous contest large cam-

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130 paign funds, reportedly running into five figures, were necessary to gain public office. City elections were usually a bat hie of dollars, not ballots; the candidate with the biggest, fattest purse who used his ''spendin' money" wisely bought the "purchaseable [black]] vote." These pernicious and lamentable practices had been endured for years but the newspapers had greatly exposed and stim.ulated public awareness of the need to end machine politics and do-nothing governiaeut. Most citizens were disgusted with the open purchase of the "Negro vote" and were convinced that by denying the; franchise to blacks that elections would be based on "fine, clean politics." Furthermore, not only had a rising strong-community-wide revulsion contributed to the desire to disfranchise the Negro, but in state politics the introduction of v/nite primary system had been tjia basis for recsnt elections of the governor, state house officers and Suprea-iO Court justices. By 1899 there was ?.n undeniable shift coward a vhite primary as the means of depriving the 5 Negro of tlie right to vote. Several ntass meetings were held to consider the question of a v.'hite primary in city elections. All interested people in the city ware called to attend the meetings. "It behooves every nan who favors clean elect. ions and good government to attend," the Chronicle advised. Large mass m.eetings

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131 v;ere held in the court house and sundry other ha] Is to prepare the v.'ay for the introduction of conservative political reforms. Each meeting was heavily attended. Every seat in the halls was taken and the aisles, lobbys and entrance ways v/ere filled with concerned citizens. These were some of the largest poJ.itical meetings in the memory of the oldest citizens of the city. Representatives from all parts of the city and people from all classes flocked to them except, of course, Negroes. From Summerville, Monte Sano, Harrisburg, Pinchgut and Dublin came merchants, bankers, contractors, carpenters, cottcn factors, attorneys, teachers and white v/agaearners . When the gavels were rapped sharply on the podiiims and the meetings were called to order, the proponents of the white primary stood dramatically, surveyed the assembled groups and addressed them, requesting that they unite together to make city politics a "wliite rrian ' s business." As the various speake?;s praised the primary and the secret ballet as a means of "purifying" city politics, loud applause and cheers of "Riglitl Rj.yhtl" echoed from ever'y quarter of the halls. All present listened in silence as the speakers emphasised that one factor v.-as central in every corrupt political contest: the black man. They also listened attentively a;; the speakers emphasized that they were certain that there

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132 was only one solution to resolve dishonest elections: depri>/e the Negro of his right to vote. To further assure honesty in elections, the secret ballot v/as endorsed as an additional step toward "decency. " VThen it v/as known that the unscrupulous voter could take a candidate's n^oney and yet vote independently and perhaps against that man without anyone being the wiser, it v/as believed that the v/ardheelers woiild be less prone to turn loose the cash. The speakers repeatedly stated that once the so-called Progressive reforiTis V7ere implemented, all elections would be free of fraud, corruption, bitterness and bad feelings. Those attending the meetings v/ere further morally outrcKjod when past political chicanery was vividly described. During heated elections some of the wards frequently became actual battle grounds as pistols, knives, sticks, bricks and fists figured as prominently as ballots in the polling booths as scrappy, ill-tempered and often inebriated voters battled it out for supremacy and victory of their candidate. Total strangers, they fur.ther loavned, voted in elections, Gomj.ng to Augusta fro:u both sides of the Savannah River. Money was freely used to influence t'ne results in elections. Such dishvonest practices weie no longer tolerable. A new era had emerged which demanded that the Negro cease to corrupt city government by participating in

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133 eiections--a new era which would permit a "better quality" of people to seek political office and to administer the affaires of city government. Men part i.cularly experienced in business affairs, who were well suited to deal in an intelligent and practical way with economic problems, would replace corrupt politicians and then honestly, faithfully and efficiently evaluate the complex problems of raising fuTids, floating bond.s, borrowing monies and initiatd.ng new policies for the public good. Although there was seme chafing, ribbing and jostling, no bitter debates split up the meetings. No zealous opposition appeared. No internal divisions disrupted the community consensus about eliminating the Negro. All the people attendi.ng the meetings were unanimous in support of these objectives. At the close of eac>i meeting, those who attended pledged themselves to support a v/hite primary system and to im.plement any other policies necessary to sustain the "Good Government" raovem.ent originally initiated by Mayor Patrick Vvalsh. Simultaneously, it was agreed that all future candidates for public office, reg^tx-dless of their party af f il ir-xtions, v/ould pledge themselves to such objectives and, in a.ll electiojis, report any infraction of tlie rules and rogalations by voters, candidates, managers or clerks. OThe raeetings adjourned in triumph.

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134 Tlie people of the coirununity were thoroughly stirred up on the question of good government. It was the most active topic of discussion. ^fhite men were serJ-Ously aroused on the subject and v/ere anxious to reach some practical solutions. It v/as widely discussed and commented upon. Seldom had there bean such excitement in the streets, shops, stores and parlors. Articles were written and read. Typewritten notices of the resolutions of the meetings were handed from friend to frxend. In the clubs, on the streets, in the stores and offices and in the drawing rooms it was the topic of daily discussion. The more it was discussed f-.he more determined the friends of the v/hite primary and the secret ballot became. Gradually arrangements v/ere made for the implementation of a v/hite primary, and ultimately, a secret ballot. Furl'her meetings were held and z'ules v/hich v/ould govern the elections were discussed, formulated, drafted, revised, completed and enacted. Sr-'ecial committees „ . . . .,6 v/ere elected to create a private club.' Tne v/hite movement to settle the politice\l fate of the Negro v/as greeted v/ith a howl of protest from^ the black community. Candor compelled them to demand that they be permitted their freedom to participate in a^ll elections and have a ^ay in city politics. They pointed out that many blacks did not sell their votes, but were well informed and

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135 ini:erested citizens. Some of the leaders of the black comlaunity clearly recognized that these policies were setting dangerous precedents which would not only curtail black participation in elections but destroy their influence upon r.mnicipal policies and programs. Instead of endeavoring to deprive them of their civil rights, many urged that if genuine political reform was the objective, then the reformers should seek to eliminate the politicians who bought the black vote. Some even predicted that when it was introduced, vote-buying would simply involve purchasing white votes for white candidates; hence, tio elimination of corruption. Black protest meetings were held. Representatives from the colored community strongly opposed the blatant ways in wh, ich the Negro was being deprived of his righ-t to participate in elections. H. M. Porter, a well-known colored attorney, spoke out agair:st the disf ranciiisement of half the voters of the city, stating that "once it v/as th.rust 'apon the negro it v/ould be impossible for him to get from under it." Negroes were not seeking to dominate the elections, he explained, nor wore they coveting offices as aldermen or mayor, but they believed that they had the "right to express the priviltige due them as American citizens." Professor Thom^as Cotton, another respectable middle class

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136 merober of colored society, stated that "the colored man wanted nothing more than his rights. He didn't want to be raayor, but he did want a voice in the selection of one." The pastor of the Tabernacle Church, Reverend C. T. Walker, also spoke out against it stating that the iate Mayor Walsh had endorsed Negro participation in city elections. A. W. Wimberly like'v^^ise emphasized that "it was not the desire of the negro to control; all he wanted v/as his rights." Wimberly furthermore stated that he clearly recognized that once it was introduced it city elections it v^ould be extended to county elections and eventually the blacks vwuld be totally disfranchised. Even if it was introduced, he pointed out, it ^•'ould not prevent the "buying, selling, repeating, nor fraudulent counting of votes." The true remedy, in his opinion, was that "hereafter there be no buye^rs and v/e guarantee that there will be no sellers." "If bribery and vote selling have too often made popular elections in Georgia a farce, then proscribe bribery and vote selling; and not colors," was a theme einphasized by W. T. Prichett, John Hughes, Evans Nobles, D . L. Klugh, J. H. Roundfield, H. L. Walker and A. Pless. It was also pointed out that many Nevgroes steadfastly refused to sell thei.f votes, yet if the primary v/ere adopted they v/ould be denied the right to participate in all elections simply

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137 because of their skin color. Tne plain, unvarnished triith was also that the "black vote" v/as very much responsible for electing to political office some of the 'bast white offi7 cials that have ever ruled the state." But their protests ware to no avail. Charles A. Rob b e and th.e Special Mayoralty Election of 18 99 The special election of Charles A. Robbe in 1899 was a quiet, peaceful and orderly affair. Election day was so calm that many were una-vvare of the fact that an election was in progress. "It was gratifying to see the voting booths free from noisy crowds, and to witness the solemn faces with which notorious ward heelers looked on at the polls and realized that their occupation was gone, " one observer remarked, -rhe total vote cast fo.r C?iarles Robbe was 1,894. Tne next highest was 364 for "Blank, residence not kncwd, " the protest candidate of the colored voters. At a plain inaugural ceremony Mayor Robbe stated, "I feel assured that the name of our city shall continue to be synonymous with good go ve rnment . '' The new mayor of the city v/as not a native Georgian. Born in Ftancock, New Hampshire, in 3.333, Charles A. Robbe, \\'hen ha was twenty years old, decided to move to the Empire State of the South. Initially locating in Savannah, he

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138 suLsequently decided to permanently settle in Augusta. In 1857 he estahlislied himself as the sole proprietor and manufacturer of a plumbing company located at Eighth and Ellis streets. When the Civil War erupted between the North and the South, Robbe enlisted as a private in Company C, Fortyeighth Georgia Infantry regiment. Within three years he rose from, the enlisted ranks to first lieutenant. When the war ended. Captain Robbe returned to Augusta and resumed his activities in the plumbing and heating business. Robbe described himself as being a "practical plumber, steam and gas fitter" and a "manufacturer and dealer" in boilers, water tanks, and steam engines. His firm carried a complete stock of engines, steam pum.ps , lead pipes and water and drainage supplies. By the Gilded Age he had emerged as one of the major plumbing contractors who supplied the city with its wateir mains and j.nstalled the steam heating and plumbing systems for nearly all of the mills in Augxista and vic;inity. His lousiness firm, had also secured several contracts from the state, installing heating units in the Georgia State Asylum, Georgia State Nor.-mal and Industrial Schools, Aiken Institute in South Carolina and the Chatham. County Jail in Savannah. Robbe ' s secondary interests were in the realm of politics. From 1876-1834 he served the city as chief of the

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139 voluntieer fire department, only retiring from that position when he broke his ankle and was incapable of continuing the strenuous activities of a fireman. After his retiremert most of h.is friends preferred to call him "Chief." In 1882 he was elected to tJic lower house of the state legislature. During his second term of office, he was chairman of the committee on manufacture and a member of the comiiiittee on finance. In 1892 he was elected to represent the eighteenth district in the Georgia Senate and served as the chairman of the coiamittees on public schools, sanitation and hygiene. He v;as also a meml^er of several important committees including military affairs, corporatd.ons , finance, state asylum and the academy for the blind. It was firmly believed that his practical business experiences combined with his political services in all levels of government made liim well qualified 9 to be mayor of Augusta. But his term in office was cut short by death. \\Tien elected mayor he v;as sixty-six years old and not in the best of h.ealth. A citizen was startled to find Mayor Robbe lying unconscious on the sidcv/alk at the corner of Ellis and Sibley st:'-eets iji July, 1900. An ariVDulance rushed him to his horae, wl-:':-re his condition was rciportied to be "alarmingly critical." Dr. Eugene Foster explained that the mayor had been ill for quite a while. In the early spring Robbe had

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140 had a "very bad spell" and he had advised him to take a lengthy rest at Indian Springs. Unfortunately, after taking a week vacation he had decided to return to Augusta and resume his responsibilities as mayor. His health had continued to deteriorate. In the opinion of Foster, the mayor was a "very, very desperately ill m.an" and "the chances of recovery are very much against him." Robbe never gained consciousness. Sixteen hours after he had been taken home he died. For the second time the "Angel of Death" had "visited" the chief executive of the city. Once again city hall v;as draped in mourning and business firrr.s dressed their display windows in the traditional somJjer black festoons and garlands. Sunday afternoon an "im,posing pageant" unfolded at Saint Paul's Episcopal church. After the choir sung appropriate hymns, the reverend paid a brief tribute to -the life and character of the deceased v/ho had been so prominently identified v/ith the city. A large silent crowd of people prominent in all th.e commercial and political affairs of the city and many from fhe humbler walks of life, with bowed heads and hearts filled with deep grief, solemnly wa]'ked from the church yard to the cemetery. Alfred M. Martin, __Jrj:_^_}L'^ill2_-Pllilli.5Y.-ilil^ Continuation of „J^e_fo r m_..?_Q li tics Afi-.er the Robbe funeral a special City Council meeting

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141 convened v/ith TTiorcas Barrett, Jr. presiding as acting mayor. In the discussions which ensued arrangements were made to preserve the existing power coalition of the reformers. Phinizy politely requested that the members of the council, especially the City Attorney, indicate their learned opinions as to the legality of the council selecting a qualified person to complete the remainder of the unexpired term of office from July to December , 1900 . Based on t?ie assumption that elections frequently injured business relations, promoted partisan strike and disturbed community relations it was generally conceded that a regular election was not necessary, but that the council was empowered to elect a mayor to fill the j.nterim. Even though everyone present acknowledged the fact that popular sentiment again favored Phinizy for mayor, Phinizy politely declined, recommending for the interim period of office his close personal friend, business associate, fellow alderman and chairm.an of the fire department conimittee.. Alfred M. Martin, Jr. After 11 additional deliberiition the counci], elected Martin mayor. Thirty-eigat-year-old Martin was regarded as one of the newer generation of dynam.ic politicians in the cominunity. As a graduate of the University of Vj.rgini.a and the University of Heidelberg, Germany, he was highly respected as one of the best educated young attorneys in the city. It

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142 was also a well-known ifact that his political career had begun during the Walah-Kerr contest, when he unsuccessfully ran for council. Defeated by a narrow margin of fifteen votes, he chose to run again for representative of the first ward supporting the cause of municipal reforiru Upon victory ia January, 1899, he assumed a leading role, becoming chairm.an of i:!ia fire department committee as well as a member of several other im.portant committees. For two years he rendered service to his constituents and to the city at large. Many believed that Martin had been elected interim mayor as a shrewd political move by Phinizy. And many others v/ere absolutely certain that he would ultimately succeed Phinizy to office in 1904; assuming, of coarse, that nothing went 12 awry . Despite the best plans of the reform coalition to prevent factionalism, however, city politics were far from pacific as rival groups endorsed two potential Democratic successors to Martin for the full mayoi:alty term, 1901-1904. One group within the party supported Linwocd C. Hayna; another group v/ere advocates of Jacob Phinizy. Both groups claimed that their candidates v/ere the rightful heirs to the mayor's officje. And both sides claim.ed that their leaders represen^-.ed the true champions of progressive reforms .

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143 The supporters of Linwcod C. Hayne claimed that, he was the real choice of the people and that he would be a "Business Mayor" for Augusta. They pointed with pride that Hayne, born in Burke County in April of 1859, had come to Augusta and through hard work, thrift and sobriety, had gone from "plow handles to the presidency of tv/o banks." As President of the Planters' Loan and Savings Bank and President of the National Bank of Augusta, lie had earned the respect of businessmen and laborers. He was a "man of the people" with great administrative abilities as proven by his successful m.anagement of tv/o banks. It v/as firmly believed that he would provide a "broad, safe and progressive admini.st ration." Hayne based his candidacy upon the grounds that "thousands" of citizens had signed petitions urging him to 13 run for public office. Phini^y accepted the endorsement of a coirunittee of twenty-five headed by Martin, representing all wards and the most prominent business and political leaders. Many of the original Walsh boosters — Henry C. Rooney, V7. D, A. Wallcer, John J. Cohen, William A. Garrett-aj-id others enthusiastically supported him as the rightful heir. Counciivf.an Richard Eve 7illen pointed out Fh inlay's fine accoraplishmei'its j.n the council and emphasi:^"ed his sensitive awareness of the labor problems in an industrial city.

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144 Tliomas Barrett, Jr. praised his splendid business abilities and other eminent qualifications for the position to which he aspired. Charles A. Picquett spoke of the enviable record as a public servant and his financial r.kills as the president of the most prominent financial corporation in the city. But the Hayne bid for the nomination of the party failed. Each day thab the primary cam.paign drew nearer its coticlusion, it became correspondingly more clear that his supporters had failed to prove reasons for voting against Pliinizy. Moreover, the Hayne strategy failed to com.pare with the superb, sm.ooth political campaign of "Uncle Jalce'' Phinizy. Daily coverage of the Phinizy campaign was most thorough. Chronicle reporters were dispatclied at all meetings in each ward where numerous speakeirs eulogized Phinizy as being the best candidate for the office, praisir.g his political services as chairman of the finance comonittee, stressing how he had filled the "mayor's chair ably and with dignity" during the illness of Walsh and point ix"ig out how through brains, integrity and industry Phinizy had risen to become the '''Dean of the Georgia Bankers." Involved in a malt-iplicity of business matters, as one of the youngest presidents of i-he largest banking corporations in the city dating back to the prewar era, he was regarded as a finan-

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145 cial genius who possessed some of the rarest administrative qualities. He was, in the opinion of his backers, just the man to manage city government, collecting monies from its people, providing certain valuable public services, determining the proper utilization of public funds, property assessments, tax rates, municipal bonds and laying the foundations for tlie future expansion and g.rov/th of the city. Phinizy was overwlielmingly victorious, sweeping all wards and receiving a total vote of 3,028 against 1,468 ballots for Hayne . I4o.reover, every alderman on the Phinizy ticket won the nomination, thereby obviating the possibility that the future mayor and city councilmon v;ould be in opposition to each other. "Mr. Hayne ' s defeat," it was explained, "does not imply that the people regard him as not a suitable man for office, but simply that public sentiment demanded the election oc Mr. Phinizy in order that he might round out and complete the work projected in the Walsh administrat Lcn in which he held so important and responsible 15 place." But if the i.ntention of th.e prim.ary system v/as to eliiainate vote-buying, that goal was certainly not attained. No one could deny the fact that money was freely used to purchase votes. "Money has been used all during the campaign and was also used yesterday at the polls until one

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146 side ran out of coin and the other side found it unnecessary to spend further," the C hronicle reported. ''The Hayne people used money everywliere they could--just as the Phinizy people did." The elimination of the black vote placed a premium value upon the v;hite vote. In some wards, especially the fifth ward, the prices of votes reached an early mid-morning high of fifteen doll^irs per vote, but by early afternoon the "market prices" dropped to five dollars. Before the polls finally closed the wardheelers were offer16 ing a dollar a vote with no takers. Having secured the nomination in the primary, Phinizy, of course, v/on in the subsequent city election. 'The introduction of the primary system had replaced the importance of reg.alar elections and made them prosaic affairs. Election day v/as unusually qi_iiet. If it had not been for iiewspaper notices that an election v/as in progress and public announcements indicating that all bars were si^.pposed to be closed, very few people v/ould have realized thac Augustans were exercising the inalienable right of suffrage. Tlie oldtime blare and noise which traditionally accompanied elections no longer took place. All the hoop-de-la of brass bands marching down the streets enroute to tlie polling booths and parades of citizens deraonstrating for the candidates did not occur. Indeed, there was very little interest

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147 displayed in the election per s e. Election day voters quietly assembled at the polls, lined themselves up in front of the booths and waited patiently for the chairmen, managers, clerks and other officials to open the booths. Vflien the polls were opened, the ballots were cast in an orderly fashion. The voting v.-as much more rapid and lighter than anticipated. 'v^Hien the polls closed, within a few hours the managers compiled the totals and posted Lhem on the boards. The next day the election returns were announced in the papers. The co'cisolidated votes cast for Phinizy numbered 1,240. The newly elected Mayor of Augusta thanked the people for the honor that had r)een conferred upon him. Ke expressed pride in his victory and hoped that Augusta could 17 look forward to brighter new experiences.

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NOTES 1. Augusta Ch ronicle , December 28, 1898, January 20, 1899; Augusta Herald, December 23, 1898; "Minuter; cf the City Council, January 3, 1898-Decernber 31, 1901," 187-188. 2. .Augusta Chronicle , March 20, 21, 1399. 3Ib.-'.cl. , , December 28, 1898. 4. Ibid . , March 22, 31, April 1, 11, 1899. 5. Ibid., October 12, December 4, 1898; Cullen B. Gcsnell and C. David Anderson, The Government and Admin istration of Georg ia (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, • 1956), 39-42. Gosnell and Anderson point out that the primary system originated in Georgia around 1G30 and that by 1898 it had become the state-wide m.ethod employed by the Democratic party in securing the nomination of all its candidates to office. The Code of Georgia of 19 33 (Atlanta: The Harrison Company, 1935), 1032-1033, contains the rules and regulations cf the Neill Prim.ary Act of 1917. o« Augusta Chr onicle , October 19, 1899; John S. Ezell, The Soubh Since 1865 (New York : Macmiilan Comipany, 1963), 177-183; Thomas D. Clark and Albert D. Xirwan, The South Sin ce Appomattox (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), 108-11 2'. '^ ' A ugus t a Chronicle , April 4, November 26, 1899. -3. Ikill-' April 18, 1899; "Minutes of the City Council, CTanuary 3, i89S-December 31, 1901," 279. 5. August a C hronicle. July 8, 1900; The Industrial Advantages of August a, Georgia (Augusta: Akehurst Publishing Company.. 1893), 102-103; Joel Candler Harris, Memoirs, of Geor gia (Atlanta: Southern Historical Association, 1895), II, 807-808. 148

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149 10. Augusta Chronicle , July 7, 8, 1900. 11. "Minutes of the City Council, January 3, 1898December 31, 1901," 481-485; /lugusta Chronicle , July 10, 11, 190C. 12. Augusta Ch roni cle , February 23, 24, 25, March 3, 14, October 10, December 1, 1901, January 5, 1902. Martin's probable succession to office after Phinizy was ended by his untimely deatli. 13. Ibid. , August 12, 19, September 1, 1900. 14. Ibid. , June 15, 17, September 6, 21, 1900. 15. Ibid,, June 17, November 21, 1900; "Minutes of the City Council, January 3, 1898-December 31, 1901," 525. 1^^« Aug usta (Ch ronicle , November 21, 1900. 17. "Minutes of the City Council, January 3, 1898December 31, 1901," 523-525; Augusba Chron icle , December 6, 1900.

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CHAPTER V RETURN TO REFORM Limits of Victory "Vote buying was practiced to a greater extent in the recent priraary and city election tlian possibly ever before, " the Chro n icle declared. Collection agents, in the day^ before the elections, were seen hustling around tov.Ti raising campaign contributions. Large amounts of money wore dijplayed at the different polling places by the intimate friends of some of the candidates. VThen wardheelers ai'rived in front of the polling booths they were cheered enthusiastically as they waved hands full of money above their heads, boldly declaring that the "long green" was what counted. Mo secrets were made of the fact that votes were bought and in large numbers. The use of money was open in most instances, much to the dismay of the good government reformers. ''Many whit^i men who would not sell their votes under the old regime along with the negroes, now barter them in the m.ost brazen manner," the Chronicle reported. The white primary system which had been instituted to 150

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151 lessen, if not absolutely abolish \'oto buying, had seriously failed. It was quite clear rhat new actions had to be taken. Mayor Phinizy, city councilmen, newspaper journalists, businessmen and concerned citizens call?;d for a series of conferences for the purpose of discussing what nev; means could be implem.ented to better guarantee elimination of vote buying. New mass meeti.ngs were held. Amidst the applause of the assembled crov/ds, the chairmen rose, rapped their gavels sharply on the rostrums and called the meetings to order, stating that the business of tlie meetings was to freely discuss proposals on purifying future elections. Everybody v;as invited to express their opinions, whether relevant, irrelevant or ludicrous; irrespective of parliamentary procedures. Some addressed the chair; others addressed each other; a few spoke at the same tim.e, wrangling wi t]\ each other over uhe proper methods to employ. Tnere was little hesitation to speak out forwardly and plainly. A raultiplicity of speeches, m^otions, resolutions and counterresolutions were made, but gradually several firm beliefs prevailed. Both the vN^aito primary and the secret ballot system met with the general approbation of the whites. They v/era convinced that only white people should vote and that a secret

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152 ballot was essential to progressive democracy. Hov/ever, since present laws against vote buying were not applicable to the primary, it v/as recommended that voter registration laws be made applicable to the primary, particularly since iinder the new system the primary v/as the real election. Secondly, it was recommended that, if possible, preferably only one candidate should run for election. Instead of rival candidates--all reputable men, well established in the community and identified with the cause of reform politics--c lashing and spending large sums of money to defeat each other, it would be far wiser for them to agree to a single, uncontested candidate for office. All candi--datt33, third of all, would be required to take an oath before a notary public sv/earing that he ^v^ould not use money or any other valuables to influence votes . Not only would they corunit themselves to use no money, but they promised to prevent, if possible, their friends from doing so. Furt]"i.ermore, tliey v;ould pledge theinselves to assist in the prevejiiion of v'ote buying by reporting any candidates resorting to the use of money. Lastly, they called to attention the fact that according to Georgia law, in order to vote in a primary one must have paid all taxes ower] the state, as well as a poll 'cax. Although these laws had not been generally recognized, nevertheless, the laws existed

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153 and demanded enforcement, especially as a means of reducing the size of the electorate. * Retur n to Municipal Reforms IHie first business taken up by the Phinizy administration v.-as a return to what they conceived to be municipal reform, mainly materialistic changes beneficial to the business community. The pressing needs of ^zh.e city, as Phinizy saw them, were significant improvements in the waterworks department, fire department and police force. The nev/ ' waterworks program had been initi.ated by the late Patrick Walsh a few years ago but was uncompleted. The extension of such vital services meant ripping up the streets, laying more durable water mains, installing hydrants and spending large sums of money. The police force was not in as good shape and condition as a city the size of Augusta v/arranted. The equipment, personnel and services of the fire deparLment were far from adequate for a growing city. The city greatly ixeeded to build nev/ fire companies in the southern and western secbions of the town v/ith modern up-to-date hose wagons and additional men to staff and protect the suburbs. Broad newboulevards and parks for beautifying the city v^ere also desirable. Other cities had them and Augusta should not lag behind. Tliese i.m.pro vera cuts were necessary to make Augusta the 'Garden City of the South." Older

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o 154 cemeteries, rank with weeds, dead bushes, decayed leaves and ther unsightly accumulations of decades of neglect needed to be cleared of Lhe thick undergrowth and tlie debris removed and burned. Nev/ cemeteries had to be planned, particularly for the west end. Mayor Phinizy saw Augusta sadly lacking in new public buildings. Nearly every city in the South had impressivelooking city halls, libraries, hospitals and auditoriums, he believed. A progressive coinmunity imbued with a strong public spirit must work toward the building of a large central public building for city offices. A new city hall, centrally located in the central business district, v/ould be in keeping with the progress of the city and would be an indication that Augusta was forsaking the provincialism of a sm.all tovm for the larger ways of real city life. He indicated that Augusta must decide whether it woald initiate these new policies or whether it would choose to ta.ke no action and retreat from the responsibilities that were demanded of a modern city. He stated theit he had well defined and progressive ideas as to what new policies were necessary and what should be done to further promote the growth of a Greater Augusta. Some of these m.atters had come up befo:ce .in council and had covifronted other administrations, but no action had been taken; they would continue to

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15 5 reappear unless action was initiated. In his opinion, many of these programs had been delayed for too long a time---th6se '•jere public matters in v^hich the people at large would be the gainers or losers--hence, councilmen, as holders of elective offices, were urged to reflect upon the interests and needs of their constituencies and noc to hesitate in supporting these municipal reforms. Ttiese refoi'ms dictated immediate action for the benefit of the people, government and business coranunity , Phinizy contended. They were not only necessary, but could be introduced efficiently and econcmi.cally . "Augusta is no longer a country town, but a progressive city, and having taken such a position requires 3 the expenditure of large amounts of money," he added. Great interest was expressed by the meml^ers of the city council. Newspaper editorials also acclaimed the wisdom of such urban planning to meet contemporary needs as well as the future needs of a larger city. Official endor.'3ement and support of the Phinizy program was received and actions to implement the city-wide i!:;prcvements were initiated. A ci':.y ordinance passecj in 1893 had created a Commissioner of Public T'Jorks and provided Lhac the coimnissioner would be responsible for the construction of a new v/aterworks system. M>: , Nisbet Win.gfield, a civil engineer from Tennessee, v/as appointed to woi;k out the plans, specifica-

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156 tions and estimates. He and other members of the commission intelligently planned the building of a vast series of water raains, sev;ers, draiii.s, gutters, catch basins and hydrants for the city, clearly recognizing that the old wooden drains and hollowed-out logs v/ere no longer providing adeqriate services » Water pumping stations v/ere plarmed and a large reservoir basin was designed to furnish xvater to the series of mains and pipes installed underground throughout the city providing pure, sanitary water suitable for drinking, bath4 ing and ocher purposes. I^ie plans were di.scussed, criticized, revised, endorsed and finally approved. Bids were let and the laost reliable local contractors were awarded contracts for the nev/ public waterworks. Construction began > Excavation for the pu.blic reservoir v/as completed, and filter plants and d.rain basins wore laid out, technical machinery and equipment for the puraping stations were purchased, a. new municipal main pipe line systemi was laid dovm connecting up with the stations and reservoir and intermediate underground pipes were linked up with the large mains to insure a full supply of water and higVi water pressure in the hydrants. Mayor Phinizy, Commissioner Wingfield, city councilraen, members of the public works department and citizens were './ell pleased with the completed system. The entire cose had

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157 only aracunted to $331 , 480 .. 58 . Sampler of filtered water were found, after cheraical emalysis, to be "not only satisfactory, but remarkably pure" and well suited for domestic purposes. Water service in the city and suburbs had materially improved. New applications for connecting up private pipes to the public mains steadily increased. Furtherj~ore, tests of the fire hydrants for water pressure proved to be satisfactory. There was no doubt that the danger of conflagrations in tlie central business district and the growing suburbs was considerably reduced since dozens of f.ire plugs had been installed at crucial intervals through5 out the town. To the Augusta Fire Department the commercial-financial section of the city from Greene Street to Ray Street between Fifth and Tliirteenth streets was the "congested district." In the central bus.iness district buildings were janimed next to each other, fev/ fire escapes existed in the multi--story structures and even fewer had indoor fire sprinklers and fire alarm systems. Overhead higri-tension wires threatened fire fighters when hooks and ladders were erected. Intermittently, several major fires threatened entire city blocks as coT.ilDUstible cotton bales in storage warehouses ignited or stocks in retail stores exploded. Undetected minor blazes soon became major conflagrations as strong v/inds, blowing

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158 in jnst the ricfht direction, rapidly spread the flaraes to the adjacent buildings. Tlie fires often burned freely until they had ravaged the entire buildings. Left were charred, blackened walls and burned, warped and disfigured tin roofs on top of the hollowed skeletal remains of buildings. Many stores contiguous to the scene of disaster were badly scorched and smoke damaged. The loss of buildings, machinery and stock frequently amounted to several thousands of dollars. Dozens of small retail and wholesale establishments were destroyed. Some major warehouses, hotels and a few smaller factories were aJ.so destroyed, the losses running into four figures. Fires had also frequently sv;ept through the southern and western portions of the city, damaging private homes and in some cases destroying entire dwellings and partially ruining adjacent co:;tages. Fire Chief Frank J. Roulett pointed out that the ''long run" from headqiaarters on Broad to the scene of the fires in the nev/ residential sections frequently permitted fires to spread before hose v^agons and men arrived. The rapid growth of the city, both in the sc^ith and the west, dictated tlie rxeed for nev/ fire steitions in order to give those sections better fire protection. Furthermore, in the ch.ief's opinion, the old engines, wagons and equipment purchased in the 1870 's were no longer serviceable nor

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159 dependable, frecruentlv breaking dov/n at the critical irioir.ent of need. Even sorue of the newer engines acquired in the early 1890 's were giving way under the severe strain of annual service and needed either overhauling or replacing. For several consecuLive years he had called attention to the urgent needs of his department,, but many mayors had only issued public notj.ces deploring recurrent fires, but expressing thankfulness that few lives had been sacrificed, coirmienting upon the fortunate small number of persons who had been slightly injured and lamenting the destruction of property. Public opinion of many officials seemed to reflect the attitude that private citizens were largely responsible fox* their own fire protection. Mayer Phinizy concurred with Chief P.o\ilett that adequate fire protection was a matter fox' civil government, explaining that if fires in the do'.vTitown, factory or residential dist.ricts were to aver get out of control they could easily tl-!rea.ten the destruction of an entire section, if not the city. Securing cooperation from the council, T-Iayor Phinisy authorized the construction of a new, modern, uniform fire depaz-tment. 'i?he old style "Syl\'ester Hydrants" were replaced with standard size fire hydrants tliroughout. the city as part of the central planning of the v/aterv/orks department. Faster response of fire fighters was achieved by the

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160 installafcion of almost 200 cast iron fire alarm boxes in all parts of the city, expediting the report of fires, eliminating a great deal of confusion at central headquarters and providing a more uniform, centralized fire alarm system. Nev; fire engines, hose v/agons, trusses of ladders and reels were purchased. Old cumbersome rubber hoses, brittle in the winter and soft in the summer, were repl2iced with lighter, more durable and flexible fabric hoses. Nev/ life lines, belts, nets and ladders were bought. Furthermore, the removal of empty barrels, boxes and other debris from tlie rear of buildings, alleys, streets and lots was encouraged by periodic inspections by fire department officia.ls. Additional men were recruited and trained. And, above all, new fire companies were built, equipped, manned and in operation providing greater protection in the southern and v/estern 6 sections of the city. Modern Augusta, in the mayor's opinion, also needed a new central police station. Accommodations for the detentivon of prisoners ware inadequate . Tliere were too fe'w cells, often causing overcrowding and locking up of whites, blacks, luales ar'd females together. Occasionally, on a particularly v/ild weekend, la'';breakers v/ere forced to loiter in the hallways and even sleep in them. Therewas no interrogation room for prisoners when they were brought in. Facilities

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161 for the officers of the law were equally amiss. No adeq-aate offices were available for the chief of police, sergeants/ lieutenants and patrolmen. There v/as no drill room, no gymnasium and no adequate sleeping quarters for officers on the early morning shift. Police officials also acknowledged the new social probleiris of a growing city. Certain "suspicious houses" in t he Shake Rag district were operating strictly for ''immoral purposes." "Scrumpets, plying their vocation upon the public thoroughfares in a most shameful manner," embarrassed, annoyed and alarm.ed the good citizens of the community. "Notorious women violators of the law" were arrested, prosecuted and fined, but for inexplicable reasons they returned to their old habits, displaying their wares and offering their services. There were v/idespread complaints that the police department was shirking its duties in this respect of lav/ enforcement. Bums, beggars, loafers, thugs, rogues and gamblers frequem'ied the city. "Gaming establishments," coniolete with cards, chips, tables and wheels were known to exist and it v/as common gossip that many "v/ell-knov/n'' people freqxiented the establishments. On certain streets aiid alleys were bars well known for their weeKend brawls and genera], knock-dov/n-drag-out f iglits . Mayor Phinizy believed that some of the social problems

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152 of ci growing community could be resolved. The do^'/ntown and outlying districts could be policed more effectually by the construction of a nev; police alarm system which would be hooked up with the fire department system. Police on duty could be more readily dispatched to break up disturbancofj . To assist tlte patrolling of the busiiiess and residential areas, he recominended the purchase of several bicycles and the training of "Bike Cops" to patrol these beats. '"tVheelmen,' rather than foot patrolmen, v/ould afford better protection^ The desperate need to build a new police headquarters was discussed by the mayor, chief of police, members of the police oon-onission ctnd city councilmen, but nothing apparently materialized. Action transpired in the realm of hiring more officers to patrol the city and enforce 7 city ordinances more rigidly. "Beautify the City" v/as the slogan of the progressiveminded reformers and citizens. Many were certain that the time woiild come when the city wouj.d be more congested and densely populated than at present. It was exceedingly important to p.lan for the future in the realm of pubJ ic parks. It was believed to be condiicive to the health, happiness and beauty of the city to j.mprove May Park, create a "long" park on Greene, con-'/ert the old settling basin en Fifteenth Street into an interior park in the central city and build

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163 a Rev7 Lake View Park near the Augusta Country Club, Bon Air Hotel region of western Augusta. The supporters of a citywide park program ware convinced that immediate and future benefits would be provided for the majority of the people in the city. The Chronicle had for several years advocated that the city build p\iblic parks. Patrick Walsh had gone before the City Council and requested that the city utilize certain properties to improve the appearance of the city. Many city councilnien and influential citizens had v.'orked faithfully, energetically and wholeheartedly, enlisting the cooperation of women's and socij.1 clubs and drurrmxng up public enthusiasm for park projects. Many prominent, wealthy and influential ci'v'ic leaders crusaded for public parks. For several years the matter v\?as fully discussed in the papers of the city, debatevj by members of the City Council and commended by Augustans. Finally, after the civic leaders and reading public had fully evaluated the proposition, the city government began to implement a program of action. Ihe beautification of Greene Street cam.e first in order of importance in the city-wide park program since it v/as a notable residencial boulevard with m.any fine stately homes and a cluster of some of the m.osb im^port^nt i?istitarions in the city, if noc the state. The Richmond A.cademy, public

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164 library and county courthouse were on Greene. Nearly aj.l the major religious denominations--Mechodists, Baptists, Pres?byterians, Catholics--had their churches built along this broad avenue. The Medical College ot Georgia was located just one block off Greene. But much to the dismay of residents, politicians, ministers, doctors, professors and visitors, an unsightly, smelly, open drainage ditch ran down the middle of the street. Most of the homes and buildings dumped tlieir raw sewage materials into the ciilvert. Mayor Phini'^y, Councilman Richard S. Allen, Commissioner Nisbet Vvingfield and others suggested that the city officials and property ov/ners cooperate in converting the street into a "long'' park as each block was filled, leveled and sodded by the c:ity. Women's clubs., church groups and civic organizations could help in the conversion of the area through the early stages by planting grass, shrubs, flov/ers and trees. Memorial fountains could be placed in the park, appropriately nam.ed for the persons in whose memory they v/ere given. The city, in return, would see to it that under.ground utility pipes were laid and that the park vvoald be kept up. Benches v.'ould be installed, walkways paved and '"i'lie Greene" would be furnished with free water and raaintained with perpetual care. Thus, to the delight of residents, citi:-:ens, civic leaders and out-of-town visitors, an unsightly gutter

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165 fringed with straggling weeds v/as converted into a beautiful 8 park some tv;G and a half miles in length. All of the reform attention, however, was not directed tov/ard just that part of the town. There was need for a "central interior pa.rk" on the corner of Fifteenth and Waitxn Way, especially because of its particular locality in the midst of the heavily populated, tenement factory district. "These people \vho are shut up in the walls of a factory all day long and who during the liot sumrrier months must remain cooped up in tenement houses," the C hronicle informed its readers, "v;cula find tin attractive park in this locality, provided with shadsd v/alks, cooling fountains, and comfortable benches, a God-send in the long summer evenings, and for their children during the day. These people cannot afford to get on the street cars and avail themselves of the woods or even the parks on the outer limits of the city and suburbs, ;)ut wou.ld delight in a park in five minutes walk of their homes. Such a park is needed nov;, and v/ill be needed more and more \vith the grov/tli of the city and the 9 progress of the years." Councilmen Richard E. Allen and Irving Alexander and Commissioner Nisbet Wingfield appealed to the council in behalf of the working class families not to sell l:he old water basin area but to convert it In-co a public park. In

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166 a utilitarian age, they admitted, it was exceedingly difficult for the average politician and businessman to comprehend that public parks were far more valuable to the life, health and happiness of the city than the sale of the property so that homes and buildings could be erected. But, they reasoned, in the very near future the city would be solidly built from the Ease Boundary to Summerville in the western section of the town. It would be far easier to set aside available land for a city park v/hile it was still unimproved property than it would be in the future to condemn occupied blocks or attempt to buy up acreage at inflated prices. '.nie old basin property was advantageously situated in the midst of modest home dwellers and down the hill from Summerville and Konte Sano. There was no recreational area in that section of the town. A public park replete v^ith sa-iidpiles, swings, benches, tables, fountains, trees, shrubs and thick grass v;ould provide working parents and children v/ith a wholesome recreational area, aii ideal country spot for relaxation in the midst of their busy, hectic v/ork-a-day life. Their cramped, barren and sordid way of life could find moment Ciry escape from the drudgery of 'che factory and their limited living quarters. Some pointed out that since the working class people were too far away from Greene

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167 Street and May Park, thay coii.ld not afford to have a nurse or attendant v/alk their cli ildren to those areas and watch over thern ^vliile they played. 'niey emphasized tliat it would be a "poor man's earthly paradise", a "haven" for the factory Vv'orkers and their families making them better employees and citizens. Rich silt deposits were dredged from the Au^justa Canal and dumped into the central park in order to fill some of the depressions. The ax'ea was then graded, leveled and turfed. Willow and ginko trees were planted. Benches were placed at various scenic spots overlooking the basin and canal ^'so tiiat ladies, children, gentlemen and visitors could rest. A baseball diamond and tennis courts were added to the playground area. Z-is part of the beautification program of the new Allan Park, as it became known, a white masonry arch drivevray v/as constructed over the canal causeway. Thus the old settling basin was converted into a park area for the benefit of tlie "manufacturing people."" One of the first city parks had seen better days as a recreation site. May Park, rieg looted by both city and citizens, had steadily deteriorated. "llie park itself is walled in waste, almost impenetrable, ugly to the eye and is no good to either city, man or beast, " a Tri bune reporter noted. "The place is an eye sore to the city." A map in

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168 the City Council showed that it con5:i3tf5d of "beautiful avenues, handsome driveways, excellent reposing places, cool springs and refreshingly green plazas,'' but that was a distoi'tion of reality. Like the old settling basin area, some advocated the sale of the property for the express purpose of constructing new homes in that area. Others strongly resisted such a policy, reasoning r^iat once the old park was leveled and sold off in lots, the city and citizens would lose a valuable recreation site that could be restored. Instead of such an action, leading councilmen recommended rejuvenation of the park by government and civic organizations. M?iy Park was saved. Dead bre-inches were cut off the trees. Decayed, rotten trees were chopped dowii and young nursery-grov/ii trees --maples, oaks.e.lms, ashes--were planted. A number of drives and graveled walks were laid out. Grass 11 seeds were sown and fertilized. In addition to The Greene, Allen and May Parks, many people suggested that a new park be planned in the extrem.e western region of the city near the Country Club. A publicminded city government and patriotic politicians, it was believed, should initiate actions to construct grassy slopes and driveways throvig the woods surrounding Lake Olmstead, thereby not only creatin.g a grand Lake View Park as a shov.'piece to impress out-of-tcwii guests and daily visitors, but

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169 increasing the value of property and encouraging the developriient of a new residential suburban area for the growing metropolis . One Mor e Tirae . After the conclusion of the "Great Textile Strike of 139S-1399," an uneasy peace emerged in the mills of ''Greater Augusta." Discouraged by their failv;re to force management to raise wages, many operatives capitulated in sullen acquiesonce, perceiving that reconciliation with management was essential to their daily subsistence. From 1899-1902 there was a lull in the conflicts between local textile capitalism and the national unions' "vSouthern Cam.paign, " roughly corresponding with the American Federation of Labor's drive into the neigliboring Carolina mi. 11 towns of Greemvocd.. A]:)beville, Bath, Durham, Greensboro and Fayette12 vilj.e. A series of "mini-strikes," however, revealed the continuation of tensions with the new industrial city. President Dennis ?„ O'Connell of the Machinists aiid Boilermaker's union attempted to effect a complete organization oC all machinists, iron makers, blacksmiths, boilermakers , coppersmiths, steam pipe fitters, ti.nners, cornice workers and plumbers into one union for the purpose of increasing Augusta wages in proportion to salaries paid to macxhinists

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170 in Atlanta, Macon and Savannah. William G. Gredig, President of the Georgia Federation of Labor, arrived in the city, attended O'Connell's meetings and talked about the great advantages of organized labor, emphasizing reduction in hours and increase in pay for all union workers. Encouraged by such statements and convinced of the imperative need to raise wages in proportion to salaries paid in other Georgia cities, Augusta labor leaders called a city-wide strike in the machine shops. But in subsequent labormaneigement conferences so many concessions were demanded of the anion leaders that, as one observer said, "the ninehour day was practically the only thing left." And even it Vv-as disputed, the owners arguing that a nine-hour day would ba granted only when it became an accepted nation-wide policy. Meetings \\'ere brief; owners listened attentively, refused to m.ake any concessions and politely departed. Nothing v/as accomplished. The strike which had begun with such high hopes ended in complete failu2:e shortly after it began and labor leadens, reluctantly, albeit necessarily, . ^ , , 13 were again torcea to capituiace. A Second "mini-strike" occurred at the Sibley Kill on t?ie eve of the ChritJtmas holidays. The precipitating factor v.-as again the €innouncement. thau there v;ould be a cut in pay. President John W. Chafee announced that the new reduction in

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171 v/ages was necessary because the plant was producing a narrower piece of cloth which took less time to weave, hence, v/ages for weavers \v'ere dropped accordingly. A special committee of weavers protested the reduction in wages and demanded restoration of the original scale of pay, but to no avail. A brief strike ensued, but was resolved quickly to the disadvantage of the employees. "Go back to your looms weavers," the leading nev;spapc:r advised, "and let us all be ready to welcome with joy in our heai-ts the anniversary of the coming of Him who is the Prince of Peace. """""^ Tlie prelude to the Augusta textile strike of 1902 was the arrival of "labor agents" from the Carolinas and Massachusetts and the setbacks of the American Federation of Labor ' s "Sou them Campaign'' in other southeastern states. Efforts were again being redirected back to the "Augusta stronghold" in 1902. The owners of the Augusta textile mills pointed cut that ''emigrant agents" from ColumbiJi had arrived seeking support for strikers and attempting to stir up dissension in their cotton factories. They viev/ed with alarm that dodgers v/ere being freely distributed and posted in pvblic places, telling their mill operatives of the raging conflicts. Such literature, they predicted, v/as a prelude to an attack.

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172 Assenibling in Red Men's Hall at the corner of Broad Street and Crawford Avenue, mill operatives listened attentively to Albert Hibbert, General Secretary of the United Textile Union. Hibbert, a resident of Fall River, Massachusetts, told them that after canvassing the factory district ha v/as genuinely alarmed at the conditions he observed. Textile v/ockers were v/orking longer hours and receiving far lass pay than New England operatives. Even in other Georgia cities, he claimed, wages were far better. Fui-thermore, he v/as appalled at the number of little children, aged ten to twelve years and older, working for mere pittances. Such situations--long hours, lov/ pay, child labor-were intolerable. He advocated that local textile woL-kers unite solidly, gradually build up a large treasury with v/liich to fxght organdi^:ed capital, dogmatically demand that these adverse conditions be changed, and, if no responses came from the owners of the mills, shut them down by walking off their jobs. If thc-y were solidly organ j.^ed and had substantial t'-'easury, they could reiider to the mill ov/aers an ultiraatiin: "Come to it, or shut down your 1. ,,1-6 Hibbert, according to the local newsp2iper, was a "typical labor agitator" whose speech weis decidedly "rabid"; in general parlance, "hot stuff, " and infected with a great

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173 deal of "bitterness"; "offensively so." Not only v/as he a resident of Massachusetts--not Georgia—but his accent, "vdth its silent and accentuated h's stamp him as English-born to the core," t?ie Chroni cle informed its readers, ' Other "outside agitators" from fall River "drifted" into town. "The individual operatives in Augusta were content until local and foreign agitators began work here, " the Chr onicle stated. It further expressed faith that the most mill operatives v;ould remain "sensible people, " recognizing that ov/ners were not making sufficient profits, hence, could TO not afford higher salaries. Augusta mill workers presented their demand to the John P. King mxil for a 10 per cent across-the-board increase in wages, fixing March 17 as the ultimate date on v/hich thoy would v/ait for compliance. On that date, if no conciliations v^'ere made, they announced that the textile v/orkcrs v/ould stage a "walk-cut." They also indicated that once the v-alk-out was effected in the King mill, all of tlie other mills in the Augusta district would be forced to close down as tlieir employees joined in sympathy. The Mianagexaent of King mill, liowever, maintained that for the past year, and longer, it had not paid out sufficient dividetidsFli gher pay to the ivorkers v/ould moan depiciving owiiers of trieir rightful earnings. King mill

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174 autl-iorities also inforined the 'v/ould-be strikers that all the mills in the Augusta district belonged to the Manufacturer's Assovjiation, and all -.v'ere in accordance that no pay raise was justifiable when owners were being deprived of just rewards. If the ]nill workers united in a "conspiracy" against the raills, the mills in turn v^ould 'unite in a "lock out" until all v/orkers came to their senses. The Chronicle advised the v/orkers to realize that a general strike would ensue, seriously jeopardizing their econor.iic livelihood and rendering a grievous "blow to the business of the city." "Not only v/ill all the operatives suffer, but all the merchants with whom they do business will lose the revenue which heretofore they have regularly received from the v/ages of these operatives." Such losses in wages and revenues, it estimated, would be in excess of $50,000 per month; most of which went directly into the chenneis of local trade. To stop this flow of cash v/ould seriously cripple the business prosperity of merchants, barikers, financiers and industrialists not to mention create tremendous h-ardskips for laborers. The Chronicle further advised that ^^ special comraission of rep.resentacives "from their o'^ni number" ought to confer with offi.cials from the Mamafactvirer ' 3 Association and rcequest positive proof that the mills in the Association were not in a financial

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17 5 position to afford the increase in wages that v/as being demanded. Provided with such proof, they should then, recog19 nize the futility of their demands. But neither local labor officials, national union organizers nor the representatives of the Association sought to enter into negotiations. Both sides v/ere content to wait quiet ].y for the seventeenth of March to arrive, neither side making any overtures to avert the impending clash. "The operatives seem to have no just appreciation of the seriousness of the situation which they are about to precipitate themselves into. They are entering upon this strike as ttiough it were a lark, and they expect the small help they are to get from, the National Textile Union to support them in idleness, pay house rent, and take the place of their 20 earnings xn the mxlls . " Such actions wore "sheer folly." 'llriQ impending mill strike scheduled for March 17, however, was postponed owing to a Fall River strike wliich temporarily diverted the attention of the national labor organizers. Local union officials, cwixig to this changed situation, he.-vitated to take the decisive step which v/ould initiate a strike-lockout, i'^^ny m.oderate busixiess leaders hoped that the Fall River trouble would avert a strike in Augusta. But their hopes were unrf::alistic . It v^as reported that in Massachusetts, the United

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176 Textile Workers of A;nerica were successful in winning their request for a 10 per cent advance in wages. Tne various textile mills granted the increase in salaries and the mills resumed their production. Encouraged by the relatively easy victory and "dizzy with success," the members of the national executive organization returned certain that they ?1 would trxumph in the South. A meeting was held in Red Men's Hall and a select committee was appointed to call on the directors of the King mill and representatives of the Manufacturer's A.ssoGiation, requesting them to capitulate and accept their demands for a pay raise. At a joint meeting directors and representatives of the mills were informed that unless the mills increased their wages by 10 per cent effective April 7, the workers v/ould v/alk off their jobs, forcing the plants to suspend their operations. Union officials acknowledged that they hoped that such action would be unnecessary. Prefjident Landon A. Thomas of the King mill presided in a series of labor-management conferences., speaking for the ctlier mill presidents and defending the Association's position. First, he reiterated that the mills were not making sufficient profits for their o'/ners; that, v/hile they deplored the poosibility of a general strike, under the circumstances they had no alternative but to refuse the

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177 unreasonable demands. If necessary, the Association was willing to submit the business records for examination by a v-^cmiaittee to \'erify this fact. Second, he believed that current wages paid were "substantially higher" than salaries paid oiitside of the immediate Augusta district, estimating that mill hands received 6 per cent higher wages in the xVagusta region. Third, he stressed that certain other factors--].ov/er cost of living, better climatic conditions, "congenial'' relations with supervisors, inexpensive companyowned rentals-justified local textile workers receiving lowQx wages than those being paid in New England. Fourth, he reminded the '-/orkers of the enormous suf f ering--aH needless, in his opinion--Vv'hich would of necessity accompany the strike, A prolonged strike v/ould mean the complete loss of wages during the duration of the conflict; money which v7ould never be regained. Even after a protracted struggle, tliey coxild conceivably fail to secure their desired increase in wages. Tlieir families v/ould be subjected to a period of extreme hardship, deprived of even the most basic needs to sustain their exi.stence. Fifth, he observed that a strike could seriously weaken, not strengthen the union; possibly destroy irig it. Lastly, he warricd that if the union stubbornly persisted in calling a united strike, then the attack vpon one mill justified the counteraction of closing dov/n a] 1 the mills.

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178 The members of the District Council of Textile Workers affilie.ted v/ith the United Textile Workers, however, stated that they recognized the gravity of the situation and realized the high risks involved, but situations had "gone too far" to postpone the strike. "We have put the strike off once," Secretary P. M. Daniel stated, and "we cannot put 22 thxs off again." A Conciliation Coiunittee of Ten, composed of rcprer.entatives from the Chamber of Commerce, interceded hoping to averL the impending clash and to achieve some cori^promise and arrange a special mieeting with the executive committe of the United Textile Union. Assuring the labor leaders that they were motivated "simply by a sense of public duty, and the desire to avert a conflict" they pledged to exert as much i.nfluence as possible to determine whether or not wages could be increased. They also pleaded with the union representatives to clearly recognize the inunense problems that V7ould accompany the strike, especially emphasizing that a p:;olonged sti'ike would sharply reduce sales, seriously 23 affect tne genera), prosperity and etffect all of society. But no reconciliations, compromises nor further negotiations v/ere achieved. The Manufacturer's Association v/as in session the entire day preceding the announced day of the strike. The labor union district council was in conference thcit evening.

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179 On April 7 the workers asserabled quietly before the two laain gates of the King mij.l. Vflien the last bell rang they crowded into the huildi.ngs, walking swiftly to their Icoias and taking theiiassigned positions befoi'e their machines; b\U: the day's work did not begin. Tfhe union leaders v/ith their badges boldly displayed on their jackets quietly walked down the aisles. The operatives fell in behind and en mass they quickly walked together out the cer.tral door of the main building, crossed the factory yard, walked through the front gates and crossed the street where they gathered in the vacant lot near the canal. "There was no confusion, no fuss, no di.scrlor and not a harsh word or action. Tiiey did not. linger in tlie yard or in front of the mill property, and fev/ spoke un.til the bridge had been reached. Tliere they were -lot boisterous. Everything v/as subdued." Two police patrol wagons and a scfT-iad of ten officers stood by. A few officers patrolled the tv/o gates and the remainder of the detac];mez-it strol.i.ed over to the nearby bridge which spanned the Cc.nal, preventing idlers from blocking traffic. L'rom the Fifteenth Street bridge the strikers marched to Red Man's Hal], v/here a strike ccmiaittee registered them. Union officials addressed the assembled strikers urging moderation, recommending no violence, cautioning them, to stay off the streets, stay away from the mills, go home and keep a "stiff upper lip."

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180 The Aa.ken Manufacturing Company/ V7arren';/ille, Grani-cevilJ.e and Langley mills were also shut do\^m in a general company lock-out, throwing some 7,000 hands out of work and 24 effoctxng approximately 20,000 people. In an effort to bring the strike to an early conclusion a conference between an executive coimnittee of strikers and the iManufacturer ' s Association convened. It was finally agreed that the strikers must formulate their grievances and submit them to the managers of the King mill with proof to sustain their claiias. Subsequently, the complaints were drafted, enumerated and officially presented to the Manufacturer's Association. The presidents, directors, executi'/e officers and superintendents evaluated the complaints, but concluded that the strikers had no just complaints. llie existing scale of wages was not lov/er than salaries being paid to employees in the region, but, indeed, 6 per cent higher. Management had not resorted to lowering wages; therefore it was not to blame for precipitating the shrike. Furthermore, after an investigation of the financ:ial records of the corporations, proof existed that stockholders were not receiving adequate retuj:ns on their investment. The unanimous verdict was that the union had failed to ma]:c a case against King mill and all the mills in the district. In accordance with these findings. President Landon A.

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18.1 Thomas wrote a letter to the union officials informing them that under no circumstances was it possible for the King mill--nor for that raatter, erny of the mills in the Association--to pay the 10 per cent increase. An investigation of their complaints had not sustained their contentions. The strike had been "ill-advised and ill-timed." It "did not originate from any real dissatisfaction among the King mill operatives, but was the result of outside interference and the advice of unwise J.eaders." "Tl-i.e strikers have made a mistake," he concluded. "Let them concede it and go back to T „25 work. A special South Carolina Labor Delegation, hand picked by the Manufacturer's Association, v/as invited to investigate Lhe King mill's books to discern whether the report v^as accurate and if it v/as paying comparable wages to all raills in the Augusta district. After examining the pay roll records, they concluded that the strikers v/ere unjactifled in their demands for an increase and publicly stated that the strike should end. In speaking to asseixbled crowds of strikers, the members of the special delegation tela them tliat they could find no cause for grievance about the pay scale of the King mill, nor any of the other ruills. T]-ieir investigation had revealed no discrepancies between pay rates for workers in any of the mills. They affirmed

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182 that President Thomas had assured them if, in the futu.re, any discrepancies were proven to exist, he would personally investigate the matter and correct it. President lliomas had even beneficently promised to "give the strikers the opportunity to goto work if they will." In their opinion there existed no grievances, real or imaginary, for calling the strike or continuing it. They advised the strikers to re26 turn to v/ork . The investigations, reports and recommendations of the wSpecial South Carolina Labor Delegation committee created a serious interiial clash betv/een the union and non-union workers. Non-union forces maintained that they had been coerced into joining the walk-out at the ins tiga Lion of the labor loaders. Furthermore, t/iey had been foi'ced to join the union even triough they did not believe in it, nor support its cause. To compound their grievances, they had not received any assistance from the established union ccmrai-sai-ies . Moreover, no funds had been dispatched from the United Textile Workers. They further believed that with the evidence reported the strike must end. Tne Textile Strike of 1902 v/as rapidly coming to an end. At first, only small groups of hands rer.urned to work at the K;ing iiiill, hu1: within a few days large numbers reDorted to work at the other mills. "If the strike leaders

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183 do not fall in ] ins and declare the strike off they will find themselves deserted by the operatives. They are tired cf the strike and want to go to work."" The bells of every nill in the Augusta district rang out at six o'clock in the morning. May 28, 1902. "It v'ill be a joyous peal that these long silent bells v/ill send forth this morning. Even the citizen whose early ro.orning nap is disturbed by the clanging of the bells will hail it as music to his ears. The whole town wouldn't mind being aroused by thsir noise, and to the idle and discontented operatives their peal will send a welcome summons. It means an end to the idleness and non-productiveness. It means an end to short rations from an inadequate commissary. It means and end to waiting for remittances from the East that were to give $2 a week to each operator, but which never came. It means receiving full pay on a regular pay day. It means an end to eating the bread of cliarity, and the renewal of that independence which every breadwinner feels Vs'ho earns 28 his own livi.ng and charity of no man." The Augusta Textile strike of 1902 had failed partially because the united mills of the Manuf eicturer ' s Association were too powerful, but largely due to disruptive internal forces within uhe United Textile VJorkers Union of America. The split between union members and non-union sympathizers

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184 insured success for management and prevented the attainm>'int of union victory. Naitional labor representatives sent an' estin-iaced $10,000 in relief funds, but it was not sufficient to sustain the strike effort for a prolonged period. The confrontation between labor and laanagement in 1902 terminated the conflicts batv/een lintheads and capitalists, except for brief sporadic sti-ikes on the eve of World V7ar I. "Textile unionism took its last big chance in Augusta, Georgia, in 1902 and lost," John S. Ezell observed in The South Since 1865 . "After fifteen weeks, the union conceded defeat, and, having lost virtually all of itsd:rikes, the United Textile Workers temporarily withdrew from the South. "-^^

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NOTES 1. Auqusha Chronicle , October 13, 1901. 2. Iki-d.. , June 22, August 23, Decen^bar 21, 1902, June 16, 1903; Thomas D. Clark and Albert D. Kirwan, The South S ince Apporaat t ox (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), 79-80; John S. Ezell, Tl.e South vSince 1865 (New York: tlacmillan Company, 1963), 180-182. 3. "Minutes of the City Council, January 3, 1898DaceiTij^er 31, 1901," 570--571; Augusta Chronicle , January 3, 1901. 4. "Minutes of the City Council, January 3, 1S9S-Decerober 31, 1901," 22. 5. "Mj.nutes of the City Council, January 3, 1898Decerrber 31, 1901," 570-571; T he Mayor's Me ss ages, De partment Reports, and Accompany ing Documents for the Y ear 1399 (Augusta: The Chronicle Job Printing Corcipany, 1900), 38. 6. "Minutes of the City Council, January 3, 1898December 31, 1901," 29-33; The Mayor's Mes sage, Department Reports and Accompanying Doc uments for the Year 1899_ (Augusta: Tlie Chronicle Job Printing Company, 1900), 717 '-' Tlie Mayor's Message and Of fici a]. Repor ts o f the De partments of the Cj-py of A.uqust a fo r t he Year 1900 (Augusta: Chronicle Printing Co:npany, 1901), 59, 110-111; The Mayer's Mes_sage_ and. Official D ocum ents of the Departments of the City of Augusta for hhe Yea r 190 1 (Augusta: Phoenix Printing Company, 1902), 13 2-133; Aug usta Chronicle , March 25, 7-ipril 17, May 1, 1093, Febraary 8, 1900, March 6, May 9, August 18, September 11, 190i, January 7, 1902 „ 7. "Minutes of the City Council, January 3, 1898Deceirbcr 31, 1901,^' 349-330, 434; 'Minutes of the Cihy Council, January 6, 1902-Dccember 29, 1909," 37, 45; A ugusta Chronicle , April 28, 1897, January 19, February 8, 1902 . 135

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186 8. Augusta Chronicle , February 22, 1901. 9. Ibid. , April 3, 1903. 10. I'li.e Cit y Counc il of Aug u sta, Georgia Year Book for 1905 (Augusta: Augusta Chronicle Job Office, 1906), 69; The City Council of Augusta, Georgia Year Book for _1 9 0_6 ( Au gu s t a: Phoenix Printing Company, 1907), 142; Aug usta Chronicle, January 25, 1900, February 2, Noveiiiber 8, 1902, April 3, 1903 . 11. Augusta Dai ly Tribu ne, February 21, 1904. 12. George S. Mitchell, Textile Union ism and the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1931), 29-30; Ezell, Tlie South Since 186 5, 204-205. 13. Au crusta Chronicle , June 1, 5, 11, 12, July 10, Augast 1, 1901. 14. Ibid . , December 10, 11, 1901. 15. Ibid-.September 3, 1901. 15. Ibid.., February 26, 1902. J7. .Ibiii18. Ibid., February 23, 1902. 15. Ibid., March 9, 13, 1902. 20. Ibid. 21. I^t^M • •• March 16, 18. 1902. 22. Ibid., March 29, April 3, 4, 6, 1902. 23. Ibid. 24. Ibid., Apr.i 1 8, 9, 1902. 25. Ibid., April 26, May 2. 1902. 26. Ibid . , April 22, 1902. 27. Ibid., April 23, 1902.

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187 28. Ibid.., May 28, 1902. 29. Mitchell, Tex tile U ni onis m and the South, 22, 30, 34-38; Kzell, 'I Tie Sou t h Since 1865 . 205. Mitchell's study of southern textile unionism emphasizes that from 1902-1913 a "period of silence" ensued, but in 1913 a strike in Atlanta triggered off a series of local disturbances throughout the state, spreading into Alabama, South Carolina, and eastern Tennessee and lasting through till 1918. He further stresses that Augusta was once again the focal point of conflict, but municipal newspaper files fail to substantiate his thesis. A strike did erupt in January, 1913, but arbitration quickly terminated the conflict before it became a major battle betv/een local capitalists versus national labor leaders. Theire were no significant textile strikes in the v/ar years because labor unions had been successfully defeated and industrial wages had been finally increased. Tlie outbreajc of World War I apparently created an inflationary price-wage spiral. Mill o\vners, in an effort to retain employees and prevent them from securing higherpaying jobs elsewheres, v/ere pressured into raising wages of lintheads in all Augusta-ov;ned mills. The main center of union activism, shrikes and labor disputes, m.oreover, had clearly shifted from the textile industries to the interurban trolley lines and the railroad transportation system in the period, 1911-1914. Augus ta Chro n icle , January 13, 17, 1913, Novem}oer 10, 21, 28, 29, December 3, 1915, January 22, 1917.

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CHAPTER VI THE TRIUiMFH OF THE REFORM SPIRIT Like F ath er, Like So n During the Phinisy Adrainistration there v;as considerable talk about his successor. Several v;ell-known citizens were prominently ivientionou to be the next chief magistrate of the city. William A. Ijatimer, chairiaan of tliC pov/erful finance coiunittee, was regarded as the logical candidate for the mayor. He had often been asked to run for mayor and more than once his "lawn r,.ad be.en trampled dov;n" by enthusiastic suppojrters wlio wanted him. to declare his candidacy. Latimer, hcwevc^r, declined. "Cap" William B. Young was also regarded as "strong before the people." Many v/ere impressed by his distinguislied br^siness career and his previous term as mayor of the city was regarded as one of the most suGcessfu?. administrations since the Civil V7ar . Captain Young in 1903, however, was of the opinion that a younger generation of leaders should assumie the responsibilities of a growing city. I3oth men, along with a host of others, were chaiapions of Richard E. Allen as a solid 188

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189 citizen, safe in counsel, progressive in administration and careful and thoxough in all matters he undertook. Richard E. Allen v/as a native Augustan. Indeed he was from one of the most prominent, established "pioneer families" of the city. His maternal grandfather was Dr. Joseph A, Eve, an influenti.al physician instrumental in founding the Medical College of Georgia. His great grandfather, Joseph Eve, was also a distingui.shed doctor. Joseph V. H. Allen, his father, had been a prominent businessman, founding J. V. H. AJ.len and Company at 737 Broad Street. Allen Insurance Company was acksiowl edged to be one of the "strongest and staunchest" insurance firms in the city. Though li-e was exempt from m.ilitary service, at the outbreak of the Civil War, Joseph Allen had joined Com.pany A, Oglethorpe Infantry Divisioi', , and was commissioned as a first-lieutonaiit . By the close of the war he had attained the rank of major, T\\e iMajor in the postwar city resumed his personal business activities and also assisted in tlie founding of other enterprises. He had become a director of the Commercial Bank of Augusta, the Augusta and i'Cnoxviile Railroad Company, the Augusta, Chicago and 51berto!i Railroad Company and a trustee cf the Augusta P'ree .School and Augusta Orphan Asylum. Several different times he served with honor on the Citv

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190 Council. In 1S70 he had been elected mayor guiding "the destinies of the ciLy during the trying Reconstruction days." His administration was "distinguished by conservatism, ability, avid faithfulness." Mayor Allen, in his inaugural address, had strongly recommended improvement and enlargement of the canal, m.aintaining that the "first" canal v;a3 no longer providing sufficient water power for existing mills, much less for new cotton factories. In national politics he v/as a member of the Democratic National Convention that nominated Samuel J. Tilden for the Presidency of the United States, At the Georgia State Dem.ocratic convention he was also a member who had fought, v/ith Patrick VJalsh, for th.e nomination of Governor Colquitt. Richard E, Allen and his brother, George Henry Allen, assumed management of their father's insurance agency when he died in 1S83. Tv;o years later his brother died and "Dick" Allen beceune the sole ov/ner and manager of t.he firm. Like his father, Dick Allen continued to shov/ promise in business and political af fail's, becoming prominent in real estate, banking and city politics. He was considered to be one of the largest holders of real estate in tlie city and esp£;ci-" ally in the suburbs. From 1892-1396 he was a principal membe?c of the board of tax assessors of the city. In 1893 he was elected President of the Augusta Real Estate and

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191 Bui]. ding Association. He was a director on the board of tv;o banks and several of the leading cotton raills in the city. Like Patrick Walsh and Jacob Phinizy, ha had served on various important coriuiiittees after being elected to the city council to represent the second ward. He succeeded Alfred hi, Martin, Jr. to the chairmanship of the fire departraent comiTLittee upon Martin's death. Mayor Phitiizy expressed confidence in Allen's ability to assume the responsibility of one of the major committees of city government. As a youthful forty-year-old city councilman, he was ideTitified as being "progressive and public spirited," ch?.mpioning continued comjnercial and industrial growth as well as sponsoring m.any of Mayor Phinizy 's municipal reform projects. From all over the city came support from influential citizens reqiiesting Allen to make the race. Many believed that it was extraordinarily fi.tting and proper that the son of a former mayor v/ho had "guided the destinies of the city during the trying Reconstruction days" follow in the footsteps of his father, representing tv/o successive generations of influence in municipal politics. In their opinion, Allen displayed the "innate kindliness, courtesy and genizleness" of a ''perfect Chesterfield in his manners," retaining many of the qualities and traditions of the "Cavalier days." His supporters pointed out that he was not only from the "best

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192 stock, " but ho was a ma.n of great business abilities and was extreraely v/ell infcriied on public affairs. Tliey pointed with pride to his achievements in the council and stressed that 2 he was a man who seldom failed in any of his endeavors. Yielding to the broad popular demand, Allen stated that he had never asked for such a high office before, nor would he do so now were it not for the request of his friends to honor the city by carrying on in the reform tradition. Accordingly, he announced his candidacy in the summer of 1903. "Everyone in this city," tlie Chronicl e observed, "has kno\^m that his friends have not only had him in the z-ace, but in it so actively as to preclude the possibility of any serious 3 opposition to his candidacy." After of Eicially announcing his intentions to run for mayor, the Chronicle extolled his qualifications for office, em.phasizlng his personal abilities, business experiences, political activities and fam.iiy connections. First, it noted that Allen had "great popularity and accessibility to all classes of citi:'.ens. . . . His manner is amiable and it is seldom if ever that he gets ruffled for any cause whatever. There is no time that he cannot spare a few minutes to the most humble of citizens and the fact that he displayed -this same amiable i:emporament long before he ever sought public honor evidences its genuineness. There is no

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193 raan in the city who has anirnosity or objection to Dick Allen personally nor has there been one arguaient advanced against his candidacy on account of any act of his in the past. Ke is a hale fellow, well met with everyone and is at the same time one of the raost successful business men of city." Second, "he has by his own efforts built up a handsome fortune and he is a li.beral giver to any moveraent that has for its object the material advancement of Augusta or the well being of the people. During the great mill stri/ce of a year ago he rem.itted the rent of e/ery one of his many houses in the west end that v»'ere tenanted by mill operatives.'' Thix'd, "he is v/cll fitted for mayor from the standpoint of experience as average man i.n the city. He served three years in the cH:y council^ and has been a merriber of all the prom.inent corpjnittees . He has served on the finance, fire department and other conunittees where the real workings of the city government are learned and was a valued member of each v^hose advice was always considered sound. During his service in council he was a strong adv'ocate of parks to be put in the populous .'jettlements of the city, and especially in those places where the resiieuts cannot afford to take summer vacations during th.a heated terra .," Fourth, he was the sole proprietor of one of. the oldest and most reliable business firms in the city. "The firm name is J'. V. H. Allen and

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194 Company, the narae under which h,is father started the fcasine.ss a half a century ago, and which has never changed in respect to the memory of his father, who has gone down in history ^^s one of the most aggressive and business-like mayors Augusta ever had." Fifth, "he puts his surplus earnings into more real estate and bids fair to become the largest holder in the entire city. A man whose all is invested in Augusta can safely be relied on to look after the interests of the m.unicipality very thoroughly," Lastly, the Ch ronicle noted with pride that Allen promised a "safe and progressive administration," eschewing political corrupt j.on, defending "pure elections" and promising a con4 tinuation of municipal reforms. It was at first hoped that Allen's candidacy v;ould not be contested, but it was soon evident that one person had no intent j.on of permitting him to run unopposed for the most important political office in the city. John Allen Mette, the editor of the V oic e of Labor, declared in numerous public addresses and editorials that he represented a new com]jinafcion of voters that "hell itself cannot beat." But 5 Mette was wrong. He did not stand a chance. Alien conducted a very quiet campaign. He made no lengthy speeches, stumped no v/ards of tlie city, nor engaged in any gusty debates witii his rival. Nor was there any of

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195 the traditional hoop-la of election campaigns. No firev.'orks exploded, no brass bands boom-de-ayed and no kegs were tapped and no rrcriey was exchanged in public. Election day found Mette visiting polling booths, greeting voters, smiling and shaking hands, trying to influence the voters. Allen, in contrast, quietly walked to the second ward polling booth, cast his ballot and left quickly. He refused to make any appearances or to resort to "hustling." In the white primary election of July, 1903, Allen was cverwhelm.ingly vicirorious, receiving a total of 2,419 votes against Mette ' s 605 ballots. Allen's nomination for mayor was formally ratified at the polls in the regular election held in December, 1903. No opponent ran against him and Allen won a grand total of 746 votes. Resurgence of the Reform Spirit Much to the chagrin of the good government reformers, vote -buying and vote-selling continued to prevail. Reliable citizens pu'ol.icly recognized and commented freely upon the coraraoniy practiced process of influencing the voters. Some candidates for council and their lieutenants bragged openly how they hr.d "all the money that is necessary to carry the day, " displaying their bank books shov/iiig deposits of thousands of dollars to be used in the election. It v/as wi-dely known that the "market price" of votes in certain wards

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196 ranged from ten to twenty dollars. "At certain precincts more purchasable votes were for sale and were bid for and paid for than ever before. In some instances as high as half the entire registry lists," the Chronicle estimated, "received money for their votes for one candidate or the other," "The use of money in this ward was plainly in evidence, 3md was not denied by either side, " it comniented on election strategy in the third ward. "Boodle and Booze" were given out in great quantities throughout the day. Within a few feet of the voting booth, what was known in common parlance as "banks" were in operation. "Into these voters were led by the workers, and after being gone three or four minutes, were led cut a-.nd conducted to the polls. It v;as not denied that these were the paying off places." In the fourth ward "mon.ey v/as used lavishly, but not publicly. . . . Both sides had barrels and bcaght floaters like sheep. Each side also conducted a b\,;3ine3S office v/ith cashiers, booklceepers , etc." Little or no effort was made to conceal tlje fact that the primary election had been a 7 "battle of dollars," not a 'battle of ballots." "Common sense tells us this is a raenaice to good government, to law and ordeic," the Chronicle stated. "Political corruption m^ust, AND WILL BE, exposed in this comitiunity to put an end to it," the city's leading and oldest daily

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19 7 nev7spaper erapTiatically pledged. The Chr onic le, Herald, Tribune and other newspapers joined in unison in calling for an end to corriipt election methods. The editors, owners and staffs believed that concerted action of the dailies would effectively revive public opinion. With tlie principal newspapers fighting against corrupt elections the 'more reputable" people of the community would recognize the imperative need to participate in the crusade for good government reform. Tlieir editorials and columns steadily and persistently revealed a new resurgence of the fight for "pure elections." They were convinced that reform had to be achieved or the city would cease to achieve material progress. And they were certain that publicity through constant exposure of those who were guilty of vote-buying would ultimately stop such practices. The Chro nic -le, especially, served notice that in future elections members of its staff would be stationed at the polling booths "GIVING FACTS AND EAiM^S, IF POSSIBLE," of all persons involved in illicit procedures. Such miscreants, furthermore, were not only guilty of political corruption, but they were a "disarace to the white race. „8 y Daily editorials and exposes of the frauds perpetrated at the recent election were ncc 'vithout effect. Scores of "good citizens" telephoned, m.ailed letters, telegraphed

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198 messages and di'opped by the newspaper offices to congratulate the editors and journalists for their stand, announce that they heartily endorsed the nev; crusade against corrupt elections and pledge themselves to stand with the reformers in their battles. All the "decent people," the Ch ronicle stated, were arou.=^ed and determined to break up the corrupt practices in municipal politics. Merchants, bankers, doctors, teachers, preachers, workers and even incumfc^ent politicians responded endorsing the crusade to "purify" or "cleanse" city elections. Judge Wil].iam T. Gary impanelled a Grand Jury and charged the jurors to direct their attention to the issue of vote-buying and vote-selling, stating that "If our people continue to prostitute the ballot, freedom will be but a name and liberty but a delusion. Mo republic, the foundation of v;hich is manhood suffrage, can long endure when a corrupt electorate [s i c~ l is permitted to decide elections. In the election of our officers merit should not conie in com.petiticn with money." llie judge urged all members of the jury, without regax-d to liieir personal opinions, to carefully inspect and exaraine the newspapers, books and official records of previous elections to determine to what extent, if any, political corruption had transpired. They were also invited to sununon reputable witnesses from the community-at-

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199 large to testify regarding any alleged misconduct at the polls. After deliberating, they were charged with the responsibility of presenting their findings and r:.aking specific recoiTimendations as to how to best improve election methods in Augusta. After deligently inq^-iiring into the matter of the "traffic in votes," the Grand Jury presented its findings and exnimerated its suggestions for reform. It vigorously deplored and condemned the "open and flagrant pros'jitution of the elective franchise." It heartily commended, however, the v/hite primary system in its attempts to elim.inate these "evils." Realizing, hovrever, that the primary had not "fully miet the requirements of the situation," the jury recomm.ended that "stronger Jind more stringent rules" v.'ere obviously needed before purification of elections could be achieved. AccoT.dingly , it recomjnended that all existing laws governing, controlling or in any way pertaining to general elections be made appjlicabje to the primiaries by the white priir'-ry coLm^ilttees . Secondly, all candidates henceforLh would be required to take an oaUi obligating them.selves not to "use money in any unlawful mianner, either directly or indirectly, personally or otherwise." Nor should they resort to any "device or subt.erfuge in order to evade any of the election laws of the state or any of the

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200 rules and regulations prescribed to by the proper authorities." Furthermore, each candidate ir.ust file with the secretary of the priraary coiruriittee prior to elections a sworn statement of "every item of expense incurred by }iim and of every expenditure or contribution of every kind and character raade by him." Tlie making of contributions for other than "legitimate campaign expenses" v/as to be dis-continued. Any acceptance of unnecessary camipaign funds by a candidate would be regarded as prima faci e evidence of corruption. Thirdly, if, prior to any election, it v/ere ascertained that any candidate had violated the lav;s governing elections, that candidate v.'ould be excluded from th^e contest. Furthermore, if, after an election, a successful candidate were proven guilty of violating the laws, then the election should be voided and another election hold. Fourth, the jury urged that all "good citizens," in sym-pathy with tlie cause of genuine reform, should unite together and pledge themselves to cooperate and form a permanent, private execvitive "club" or con-u-niti-ce to carry out these suggestions. Lastly, it recomraended that all clergyTnen, judges, politicians, proprietors and editors of the daily newspapers, business leadex's, officers of the existing white primary system c:nd all persons interested in "pare elections'' and "clean politics" convene at the city court-

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n c w 201 ouse for the purpose of ratifying t?ieir recoininendat ions . With the best people of the coramunity united; with leading itizens firm in declaration that vote-buying shall cease; ith officers of the lav/ positive in determination to correct the existing francliise evil; with all persons put fairly and squarely on notice that a 'halt' has been called, there will have arrived the time when purer politics and 9 cleaner methods are assured^ At the courthouse meeting, several thousand voters assembled carrrying and waving transparencies bearing such mottoes as "Pure Elections," "Clean Government" and "Keep the Good Work Going." The meeting was said to be one of the largest political gatherings in the city since the initial Walsh campaign for good government. The appearance of the principal speakers making their way from, the door to the center of the loom was the sjgn~l for wild, enthusiastic cheering. A deafening roar, lasting several minutes, echoed tliroughout the hall. Chairman Daniel B. Dyer, the foreman of the Grand Jury, stepped up to the rostrum, and, with a sharp rap of the gavel, broi..ght the meeting to order. "The object of this laeeting was fully sot forth in the presentment of the Grand Jury, and the sentiments expressed in that presentmeni: have earnc-d the most cordial support of the press, t'ne pulpit and the prompt and generous approval

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202 of the best people in our community. To this meeting has fallen the task of perfecting a plan for purifying the ballot, and this agitation wil.l be fruitless until some practical plan is adopted to cure the evil." Wien Dyer paused, the audience roared themselves hoarse. It was several moments befoi"e he could resume his comments. It was his opiriicn, as well as that of his fellow comrades, that by adopting "purely business methods," a plan for purifying the ballot could be effected. Mayor Richard E . Z-illen, Linwood C. Hayne, Chairiaan or the Wiite Primary Committee and numerous other important personalities enumerated their suggestions on how to perfect the existing primary system.. First of all, the "good people" had to bind together and denounce illegal practices. Secondly, they needed to collectively and iridividually pledge themselves not to use or co2vtribute money, either directly or indirectly, to purchase votes in any GleGtions--municlpal, county, st.ate or -aational. Every voter, as well as every candidate and politician, must become a stalwart supporter of fair methods. Third, thiey suggested that the people pledge that any and all infractions of laws governing elections '-/ould be reported tc the proper authorities and th.at those individuals involved should be prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law. Fourth, ail candidates for

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2 03 pubJ.ic office v/ere required to subscribe to an oath obligating themselves to conduct their campaigns in a fair, iionest and efficient manner devoid of public corruption. Fifth,, all candidates prior to elections had to file ^/ith the white primary conunittee a swocn statement of all expenses and every contribution received for their campaigns. Gixth, all candidates v/ere obligated to pledge themselves to report any violations of the laws and regulations governing the primaries and elections. Seventh, a successful candidate who might be found guilty of any infractions of the law V7ould be denied the fruits of his illegal victory. Not only would his victory bo voided but another election • weald bo ordered and more closely supervised. ^-vhite people were to stand in common unity as m.embers of their exclusive poJ.itica]. club. The sundry speakers spoke deliberately and cooly on the issues of the day, commenting that they favored these new rules and regulations with the objective of achieving clean, clear-cut elections for reform caridiuates. On liumerous occasions as they spelled out their recoiiLrnendeLtions they were interrupted and drowned out by loud applause., shouts and whistles. Motions v/ere made, promptly seconded and carried amid renewed cheering. " tt seems to be the unanimous opinion among all classes and conditions of men that

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204 the flagrant use of money and other methods of corruption that have so long obtained at electioiis in Augusta must stop at. once and for all time." The responsibility for implementing the desired objectives expressed by the Grand Jury and confirmed by those attending the public meeting in the city courthouse v/as tu3:ned over to the city and county v/hite primaiy executive conuTiittees . In subsequent meetings tlxe officials of those comiaittees studied the resolutions, section by section, and discussed the rules and regulations that were deemed necessary to govern the primary. They recognized that the reform movement in championing the primary system had given it the same force as regular elections, perceiving that nomin^^tion m.ade the actual election a mere matter of form. But they were surprised to discover that there were no lav/s governitig the prim.ary meiking voLe-rjuying and vote-selling a misdemeanor. The resiilts v/er"e that vote-buyers and vote-sellers conducted their transactions in public with no fear of rei:riminatiGn whiile the "good people" looked on in impotent disgust. Since thie primary had become the decisive factor in elections, they ^reasoned, obviously it had to be protected against corruption. All laws wliich governed the regular elections therefore ought to be made applicable, they believed. Furthermore, additional stringent xales and

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205 regulations sirailar to the recorruTiendations made by the Crand Jury and the courthouse speakers needed to be formulated and i'jiplemenhcd . nie fact that the primary had not prevented corruption was not disputed, hut it was argued that in time, through consistent enforcement of the "laws," it would be the genuine remedy for corrupt elections. No one advocated taking a "backv;ard step, '' believing that it would be v/orse uhan folly to reintroduce -cha Negro voters into elections again because they alone had been allegedly responsible for corrupt politics in the first place. VThat v/as believed necessary v/as to continvie the "cleansing" process until all whites who sold their votes and purchasers who bought votes were eliminated, even if such actions minimized democratic 10 participation in elections. The_ Ref orm Spiri t Tri umphant It was -ananimously agreed that the mayor and city couiiciimen appoint the aieTbe.rs of the white prim.ary executive committee who vv-ould adopt the rules to govern all candidates oeoking public office. Numerous i'ules and regulations were initiated. All candidates were required to take oaths pledging not to "use money in any unlawful manner* either directly or indirectly, personally or otherwise, in the promotion of their campaigns.'' Sworn statements

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206 containing all items of expense incurred and every expenditure and contribution of every type were required. As respectable candidates for an office of "public trust" they were pledged not to resort to any "device or subterfuge" in order to evade the laws of the state and the rules and regulations established by the white primary. According to these recomir.endations , if it were ascertained that any candidate was guilty of violating the rules of the game, then his election would be invalidated and another election ordered; providing, of course, that it was proven he was guilty of election fraud. Candidates and their promotion manager's were expected to plan their campaigns according to the goals of the good government cause, standing out squarely and boldly for pure elections. Tliey also had to submit a v/ritten agreement to abide by the results of the priraary elections. Unopposed candidates, it was announced, were in a unique position. Any candidate without an opponent was euatomatically decletred the official nominee by the committee, slim.inating the necessity of having to submit his name to the voters in either the primary or general election. Chairman and directors, of course, hastened to assure the public that all such candidates would be carefully evaluated and above reproach. Tliey also stressed that such elections

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207 saved the necessity of constructing polling booths, naming managers and incurring other expenses incidental to holding a primary and an election. In order to prevent false registration the comruittee unanimously ruled that a special voter registration book would be kept by the registry clerk of the city and county wherein all voters would sign their own names and indicate thed.r age and residence. In every way possible they endeavored to compile an accurate, legal list of properly registered voters, qualified under city ordinances to exercise their franchise. Registration lists wore to be carefully scrutinized and compared with the city's tax records, so that only the properly qualified taxpayers were permitted to vote. Prior to all elections there were great numbers of names stricken from the lists because it was impossi.ble to locate them. Registration board officials assumed that this was prima facie evidence chat they v/ore "non-resident 5 , Voter' registration lists v^ero publicly printed in the C hronicle and members of tlie primary committee and registry board invited the challenging of any name3 on the lists thought to be illegally registered. VJ]ienave?u" offi.cial com.plaints were made, they were thorou.ghly investigated. Shortly before elections the purged lists were again published and the public was again invited to double-

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208 check them for any unqualified registrants. In addition, during all elections, the approved voter registration lists were used as reference works with clerks oareful.ly checking the signatures, addresses and identities of the voters as a deterrent against illegal persons voting in the elections. During all elections the "jostling of voters in line, shoving or pushing v/hile in line, the use of profane language, hoilowiag, yelling, loud talking . . . bet.ting or offering to bet on the election" were ruled as a "nuisance and in interference with the conimitree in the conduct of the election." Elections were supposed to be quiet, orderly affairs with a steady procession of voters standing in line, casting their ballots, departing the polls and peacefully awaiting the outcome of the returns. On election days plain clothes detectives v/ere stationed at the various polling places. It v/as their sv.-orn dvaty to see to it that any persons engaged in vote-buying and vote-selling v/ould be reported to the committees. Upon receiving tangible evidence on which a conviction could be had, they were charged v/ith the responsioility of informing the primary conjuittees of tlieir findings. Also on election days no ballots were accepted by nietnagers excerpt the official ballot, I?, perchance, anything other than the official ballot were found in the box,

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209 it v/as cast out and not counted. All ballot boxes were sealed under the observation of key officers. After the election returns were in, the ballot boxes were opened, ballots counted, the returns tallied and recorded in the presence of duly qrialified persons and the results of the elections published. Special forms were then properly filled out, the managers signed the list of voters and ward returns, placed all the ballots and other papers connected with the election in a special sealed envelope and signed 11 and deposited the packet in the courthouse. The campaign for pure elections \vas again in fall swing. Mayor Richard E. Allen proclaimed that "A new era has dawned, looking to a purification of the bal.lct and a betterment of the political methods in our comip.unity . " Judges, lawyers, bankers, doctors, merchants, clerks, politicians and industrialists joined together in the struggle against corruption at the pol-ls v/i th a renewed determination to end it once and for all. Editors issued almost daily warnings to the "good people" to do battle against the corrupting -'evil" forces wh.ich still continued to be a factor in elect ior^s. Ministers affiliated with the Evangelxcal iMinisterial /alliance, an interdenominational association representing the majority ol: the Procestant churches in tlie city, preached fiery sermons stressing the

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210 wrath of a vindicative, vengeful God upon a wicked, way-xvard and iiTimoral city. Serraons preached on good citizenship extolled the virtues of honesty at the polls. "God made the country and the Devil made the towns," some ministers of the Gospel proclaimed, maintaining that it was high time for tiie tnoral, God-iearing Christians to exorcise the "Devil" from the "political hell-hcle" known as Augusta. "God Almighty hates a quitter," they reminded their congregations. Reform candidates appealed strongly to all the voters interested in honesty in politics. They were strikingly consistent.emphasizing "pure elections" and standing out squarely and boldly for reform of the electoral process. ITiey also busily conducted hand-shaking, back-slapping and speech-making tours of the city visiting all v/ards, displaying their forensic pov/ers and soliciting the votes of 12 their fellow citizens for the reform cause. In the reformed primaries and el.ections of 1904-J.906 the nev; policies adopted by the white-: primary executive commitl:ees were implemented. Chairman Linwood C, I-Iayne announced that everything was in readiness for the elections. An absolutely secret ballot v/ould be enforced ar.d the executive committees stood prepared to see that everything wciald be fciir and above board. It v/as dramacically announcevd that officials intended to proceed against all candidates who

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211 attempted to buy votes and all those persons selling their votes. Judge E. H. Callav/ay stated that, in his opinion, any person atteinpting to buy or sell,, or even offer to buy or sell votes, was guilty of a misdemeanor and liable for prosecution. The leading nev/spapers in their consistent efforts at obtaining purer election methods dispatched several reporters to observe election procedures and discern if there were ciny evidences of corruption. Numerous plain clothes detectives were stationed at the polls to oversee elections and to determine if any voters v/ere being illegally adduced to vote for a special candidate. After heated campaigns of several weeks in duration, t'aa elections arrived. Public excitement was at fever pitch. There was considerable talk as to whether those candidates who cham.pioned pure elections would be victorious. There v;as also an abundance of rumors that hundreds of "drunken floaters," "idlers," and transients v/ere being rounded up at "certain doggeries and other dens and dives" tc b-' marched en masse to the polling booths to cast their paid ballots and continue the spectacle of corrupt election procedures . But, the Chroni cle reported v/ith pride that the elections v/ere some of the "cfaietest, most orderly and most excellently conducted ever had." I'here were no disorders of

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212 any kind; sir.^.ply a grim determination that the reformers would be triumphant. Hundreds of voters., each proudly displaying their candidates' badges, thronged to the booths, quietly stood in lines and in a lively, br.t good-natured way, cast their ballots. Occasionally som.e voters in "paroxisms of enthusiasm" engaged in a friendly bantering back and forth, but no longer v;as there loud shouting of profanities and terms of der-dsion at the other faction and the rival candidates. Police officers, stationed at the booths, were successful in discouraging rowdiness and preventing any election irregularities. The adoption of the white primary system as the basis for Augusta politics in the Age of Reform was of monumental importance. Viewing the elections impartially, the triumph of the reformers had hardly ended vote-buying and voteselling but forced transactions to occur behind "closed doors'' and pushed city politics "underground." "Instead of the v/ardheelers flaunting their money and displaying the bartei-ing of votes in public," the Chronicle reported, "buying and selling of votes was done more or less under cover." "It was quite a change from the old method of boldly flaunting the puj.chaso money and pinning it to t:he J.abel of the floater's coat to she; other miscreants where the money was," an Augustan remarked. "There was none of

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213 tlie flagrant flaunting of greenbacks that used to be so GonuTion, and v;?iat v/as done was accomplished in such a way tliat no investigating coirmittee on earth will be able to prove it. It i.s doubtful if anybody but the giver and the recipient knows of any money transaction that was made during the day." 'Notorious loafers" suddenly appeared at the tax collector's office and paid up their delinquent poll taxes; it 'v/as obvious to many that "someone" had "anted up." According to those who claimed to have "inside information, " "hacks" were retained on the "payrolls" of aspiring politicians to solicit votes for the "right" candidates, weariiig badges, advising their co-workers and f.riends to cast tlieir ballots wisely. To be certain election methods were not the same open, brazen affairs of che past but had shift'.ed to far more subtle, concealed tactics. Secondly, the new, reformed elections served as "objectlessons" to the whites that the elimination of the Negro from politics was totally justifiable. Despite evidence to the contrary, the victories v/ere regarded as Cl triumph of the reform spirit, sustaining the wisdom and justicje of their contentions that blac?
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214 skillfully arranged, patently calculated and deliberately contrived to thv/arc black participation through careful manipulation of racial and class-conscious antagonisms for their own political gains. Thirdly, the primary was in fact no real democratic nominating process at all, but v/as the means for various individuals to secure support from the key oligarchic directors of the system and to announce their candidacies, repx'erionting therefore a cohesive, reform coa].ition that skillfully ti;ansf erred political power from the old-line factional system of wardheelers to the business leaders who dominated the new primary committees. Colorful, dramatic, and bold reformers shre-vdly perceived that by playing upon the emouional feelings of their listeners, they could obsc\,ire the fundametital fact that political power had been centralized into the hands of a few select men, thei-eby alDnegating genuine political democracy. Fourchly, the introduction of the primary made it virtually unnecessary for candidates to vigorously stump for political office. They m.erely had to secure the support of the select members of the city and couxity primary committees., acknowledge the rules and regulations governing the 'private clxib" and relax, reaJ irking that once having ]3een nominated they were largely assured of vici-ory in the

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215 g3neral election and perceiving that no-opposition races -were emerging as the significant patcern in "progressive" municipal politics. Official nominees further realized that potential contenders v/ere exceedingly reluctant to oppose them, fearing that it would preclude their future entry into politics or lead to terse accusations that they were ''niggex lovers." Even when rivals were permitted to develop as "serious contenders" in the primary elections, they usvially jrepresented the same strata of society and conducted peaceful, orderly "cusiness-like" campaigns "creditably free frora the political ward harangues, brass bands and loud talking." Lastly, the primary had been the means of assuring their true, limited constituonts---industriali.sts , bankers, merchants, corporation executives, lav/yers-of the continuation of the material progress of the city through responsible 13 public urban planning.

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NOTES 1. Augusta Chronicle , January 30, 1903. 2. Ibid . , March 24, April 19, 1901, September 8, 9, 193 7; Joel Candler Harris, Menioirs of Georgia (Atlanta: Southern Historical Association, 1895), II, 771r Allen D. Candler, Georgia, Comprising Sketches of Counties, Tcv/ns, Events _j I nst itutions , and Perso ns Ar ranged i n Cyclop edic Form (Atlanta: State Historical ^Association, 1906), I, 4548; I he Indus t rial J\dvantaaes o f Augusta, Georg ia (Augusta: Akehurst Publishing Company, 1893), 128; Charles C. Jones and Salem Butcher, Memorial History of Augusta, Georgia (Syracuse: D. Mason and Company, 1890), 413-414; Charles E. Jones, Georgi a in the War, 1861-1 865 (Atlanta: Focta and Davies Company, 1909), 33; Walter G. Cooper, Th e Sto ry of Georgia (New York: The Am.erican Historical Society, Incorporated, 1938), IV, 672-673. 3. Augusta Chronicl e, July 5, 1903, 4 . Ibid. 5. Ibid., July 16, 1903. 6. "Minutes of tha City Council, January 5, 1902December 29, 1909," 160; Augusta C hronicle , July 16, 17, 1903. 7. Augusta C hronicle, July 16, 17, 30, 1903. 8. Il"iM-f J^^ly T-&, 20, 1903; Augusta Heral d, July 20, 1903; Augusta Daily Tribune, July 20, 1903. 9. Augus ta Chronic le , Ju].y 17, 18, 22, 23, 27, 1903; "Minutes of the City Court, Richmond County, July 21, 1903Ju.o.e 9, 1904, " 8-11. 216

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217 10. Aug u s t a Ch r on i c 1 e , xMarch 18, July 28, 1903, August 12, 1904. 11. Ibid. , July 1, 23, 29, 1903, June 24, 26, 28, July 1, 3, 1904, April 29, 1906; Augusta Herald, July 8, 1906; Augusta Daily Tribune , July 5, 6, 1 , 13, 20, 1904. 12. Aucmsta Chronicle, January 5, 24, April 2, 5, 22, May .1, 1904, February 25, 1905; Au gusta Herald , February 5, 1905. •-3. Augusta Chro nicle , July 17, 1903, April 3, 4, 5, 6, 20, 21, July 1, 3, 14, 15, Noveaii.-ier 9, Decap.ber 8, 1904, May 12, July 7, 12, 13, Decemlser 7, 11, 1905, January 1, 2, May 3, July IS, .1906: Aug usta Daily T r ibun e, July 6, 14, 1904; "Minutes of the Cxty Council, January 6, 1902 "-December 29, 1904," 160. 3S7; Thomas D. Clark and Albert Kirv.'an, The South Sinc e Apporoattox (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), 109-110, stresses that the white prd.mary system was a democratic reform process that broadened the political base, making the choice of elected officials a matter of decision by the "m>ass of voters," necessitating lengthy oratorical appeals on important issues to the people at large and wresting control from a small, tight oligarchy that dominated southern politics. V. O. Key, Jr., however, in his classic study of Southern Poli tics (Nev/ York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1949), 407-411, maintains that by no means was the primary system a democratic process since voters had no say in the selection ofcandidates, their nom.inations in the primary nor even mass participation in the general election. Essential to southern politics, in Kay's opinion, was that all nomiinaes enter the general election without any serious contenders or rivals; a factor hardly conducive to political dernocr-acy. Both G. Vann Woodward's, Origins of th e New Sou th ,.1877-1913 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University PiJess," 1951) , 345-346, and John S, Ezell's, The South Since 1 8 , 65 (New York: Macmillan Company, 1963), 183185, ha^ever, disagree with the views of Clark and Kirv/an. In Augusta the introduction of the primary system as the ba:-3is for city politics v/as clearly a means of perpetuating the conservative business pov/er struct.ure, assuring the continuation of desirable urban reforms and freeing the po]. itical economic elite fromc fear of mass interference with their plans. Nor ca3i. rsne. deny the fact that voter participation sharply declj.nad in the primary and general elections ar-.d that public apathy "iecaire more pervasive.

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CHAPTER VII AUGUSTA, SUMI^IERVDIIE AND l^E SAVANNAH The Businessman's Campaig n for Mayor Captain William B, Young announced his candidacy for mayor of Augusta, stating tliat he v/as sure he could fulfill the dubies of office, meet the demands of the gro^^ing city and serve its people. His friends pointed with pride to the fact that he was regarded as a "native Augustan, " was kno\/n to be one of the city's wealthiest businessmen and was considered to be an experienced politician. Born in 1838 in Columbia County, Georgia, to Allen C. and Elizabeth Dye Yoiuig, the boy had emigrated to Augusta with his parents in 1846. Reared and educated in the city, the enterprising young mo.n embarked upon a business care^er after he completed his education at the Augusta Free School. Diaring the Civil War, Young enlisted as a corporal in the Richmond County Hussars, rising thrcuglj the ranks to captain i.n the Confederate arm.y. After the war, he resumed his business activities, becoming fii'st cashievof the A.ugusta Savings Bank and later its president. Because of his financial

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219 genius and administrative talents. Bill Young became not only the President of bhe Augusta Savings Bank but also the President: of the National Exchange Bank, President of tlie Augusta Real Estate and Improvement Company, President of the Richmond Factory and Vice President of the Clark MilJ.ing Company. During those years he also was the secretary and treasurer of the Augusta, Gibson and Sandersville Railroad, a director of the Augusta and Knoxville Railroad and a director of the Augusta and Chattanooga Railroad, His rise to prominence in business affairs saw a corresponding rise to power in city polihics. Since ].870 he had been intermittently elected to the City Council whore he served on the m.ajor comm.ittees. In 1894 V7illiam B. Young was elected mayor of the city for a term of three years. The second candidate for m.ayor in 1906 was also a prominent businessman., respected citizen, Confederate veteran and experienced politic j.an. William M. Dunbar was born in 1846 on a plantation in Barnwell County, South Carolina. His father, Allen R, Dunbar, was regarded as a higlily successful antebellum planter; his grandfather, George R. Dunbar., was a dest^endant of t.he ''staunch patriot stock of the Revolutionary period." Wj.lliam Dunbar was educated in both the schools of his native county and private ac£;dem.ie3 in Augusta. In Jlpril of 1364 the eighteen-year-

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220 old impetuous lad enlisted as a private in Company A, Augusta Battalion, to fight for the Confederacy. At t?ie battle of Griswoldville. Georgia, his right arm was shattered by a "minie ball," requiring amputation near the shoulder. During the course of the war he rose to the rank of major on the staff of General C. M. Willey, commander of the Georgia Division. After the v/ar, he returned to Augusta v/here he engaged in business activities and city-county politics. In 1364 he was elected judge of the Police Court, retaining the position on the bench for four years. After stepping down from the bench "Judge" Dunbar resumed his mercantile interests in Dunbar and Company. In 1893, President Grover Cleveland appointed him postmaster of Augusta, in which capacity he served until March 10, 1898. In 1899 he became general manager and treasurer of the Clark Milling Company, a rather large industri.al enterprise in the ciby. In 1903 Judge Dunbar was elected without opposition to the city ccunci]. to represent the fi.rst ward. As chairman of the powerful finance conuvdttee of tlie city council, he was in touch v/ith every department of municipal gove.rnment during the administration of Mi^yor Richard E. Allen. Accox'dto the Auqu s t a H era 1 d , Dunbar's committee chairmanship meant tliat he v/as as v/ell-inf or.ned in. all government policies, 2 programs, coiruaittees and leaders as the incunbent mayor.

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221 Kie victorv of either candidate, "however, was regarded as entirely satisfactory. Both were regarded as successful, enterprising, self-respecting, law-abiding citizens who were well-skilled in business matters and thoroughly experienced in ni.iblic administration. Both were staunch Dem.ocrats. Both were Confederate veterans. Both were knov/n to be "progressive" in their beliefs. "Indeed, it was frequently remarked during the campaign that Augusta could not be injured, no matter which of the two mayoralty candidates were elected," the Chr onicle informed its readers. They v/ere both "most admirably equipped," and men of "fair play" v;ho were unselfishly devoted to the continued material progress 3 or the cit:y. William M. Dunbar won a "clear-cut tilt" in the prim.ary, securing a majority vote in every ward except the second. Five months later on election day, December 5, 190G, Mayor -nominee Dunbar v/as formally declared the choice of the city. The chief executive of the incoming administration delivered a brief inaugural m.essage v/herein he summarized the accomplishments of his predecessor in the realm of jiiunicipal public services and outlined his o'.vn policies for the ensuing years. Political v,?riters judged it certain that Mayor Dunbar \.'ould .continue the same tradition of public reform, managing city government in an efficient.

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222 laudable manner and striving tov/ard the further general 4 upbuilding of Augusta. Tlie .Battle for An nexation of S uir unervil le Suramerville received Northern tourists each year in great numbers from early December until late April, when its streets and boulevards were thronged. Fashionable crowds traveled around on horseback, in shiny carriages and nevv automobiles. The sharp clank of horses' hoofs and the whirring of on-rushing automobiles echoed through the streatj; and thoroughfares of the residential district as the v/ollto-do drove their vehicles to the prj.vate cuisines, fashionable restaurants and other social clubs which were the centers of social activity. Resplendent parties v/ere far from uncoiruTion, as hosts and hostesses, blessed with wealth and social status, gave private garden part5.es and evening fetes. Fashionable men and v/omen sauntered leisurely along the sidewalks v/ith less fortunate on-lookers casting glances of adm.iration and envy. V'alton Way was thronged with carriages, motor cars. Phaetons and Victorias. Life styles in Summerville differed greatly from other sections of the city. Its streets were flanked by handsome multi-story cottages. Many of the fine, stately homes had beautiful, well-kept gardens with terraces, hedges, tail plants and shrubs , Shade trees abounded and flower gardens

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223 perfumed the air. The homes of rr.any of the well-to-do Tapper classes were largely located on "The Hd.ll" in the village of Svimmerville. Here they lived in ease, prominence and af fluency . Tl-ie annexation of Sumi"nervi lie was a recurrent issue in Augusta politics. For many years different administrative officials had discussed in a quiet way the incorporation of the "aristocratic suburb." Captain William M. Dunbar, however, was the first politician to publicly talk of the need to incorporate Summerville. "The next progressive step in the interest of Greater Augusta is the taking in of more territory in our corporate limits," Dun?oeir stated in an interview v;ith a Clironicle reporter. "Other cities in the state have reached out and gathered into their corporate fold the thickly populated neigliborhoods that are in fact parts of these cities. Augusta should do the same," he 5 explained in 1904, Others openly spoke cut favoring ixicorporation of the residential village. Tracy I. Kickman, president of the Graniteville Manufacturing Compony and Mayor of the Village of Guirunervillo, declared that in his opiniox\ everyone living in Summerville v:ould greatly bericifit by annexation. Furtherraore, as a result of freqijcnt discussions V'ith other residents, he believed that the vast majority of the prop-

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224 erty-owners on "Tlie Hill" were strongly in favor of such a proposition. Former Mayor Riclie.rd E. Alxen; Nisbet Wing' field, Commissioner of Public Works; John M. Weigle, City Tax Collector and Lyon Martin, Clerk of the City Council, also endorsed annexation as a vital aspect of municipal government planning. Boykin Wright and Clem E. Dunbar also supported a plan for annexation of Summerville into (Greater Augusta. Having achieved victory in 1906, Mayor -elecc Dunbar announced "One of my first official acts when I take the seat of Mayor of Augusta will be to have a committee appointed to the city council to confer v/ith the village of Summerville relative to annejcation. " Bunbar i-ogarded such a move as justifiable and necessary. He was certain that the majority of his constituents favored such a move and that the residents of Summerville v/ould not oppose annexation; providing, of course, that certain positive gains 7 should be achxeved. In Augusta, like most cil:ies, the suburbs v^sre so closely identified with the city proper that they virtually formed a part of the city. Wlien Summerville v/as originally incorporated there v/as a large flat area of open country betv;eeii it and Augusta. But as Augusta grew, its limits were naturally extended westward until they reached the

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225 arti.ficial boundary linas of the village. /vjgusta and Summarville were no longer separate tov.'ns. The open country between the city and the village had disappeared as city limits were gradually extended. Factories, businesses, homes and apartment complexes were built from the city below to the hilltop above in almost a uniform, uninterrupted patterji. Some of the streets running west, north and south cut through the imaginary boundary lines, tying the residential areas wi.th the city. Trolley car lines began in the dcvmtovm business section and "looped" around the suburban residential areas, physically con-iiecting tlie city v.'ith the suburbs. Merchants, bankers, clerks, industrialists and attorneys lived in those regions, either riding the trolley cars from "Tlie Hill" through "The Flats" to the city or dri-/ing their vehicles to their places of employment. Members of the Chamber of Com.merce, the Masons, Odd Fellov/s, Knights of Pythias and Knights of Columbus resided in all westerTi areas oE Ci-cater Augusta. Furthermore, people livirxg in tlie suburbs were enjoying many of the advantages and services of city government but were not sharing in the burdens of paying for them. V7atermains, sGv;ers, drains and streets were built and maintained by tlie City of Augusta, yet the majority of suburban residents did not pf^y municipal taxes for these services. The City Council of Augusta also

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226 loaned fire trucks and other equipmc^nt for use in the village during emergency situations , It agreed to build fire alarm boxes on 'The Hill," connecting them up with the central city fire and poJ ice alarm system. In short, t>ie commercial, industrial, political and social lives of the two areas were so closely interv/oven that they really constituted one municipality. 'TTne two communities had really lost 8 their separ-ato cultural identities. Suinraerville, however, was not annexed in 1909. Pov.'erful opposition emerged which contested the fusion of the city with the village. Prominent residents of "Ihe Hill" spearheaded a m.ovement to thwart annexation by arousing public opinion. Intendant P. G. Burum, mayor of the village, opposed it, asserting that it would obviously eliruinate all village political offices. Dr. James R. Liti:leton stated his position against annexation, maintaining that the citizens v/ere opposed to it and that the will of the people ought to be respected. Prolonged applause and shouts of "Hurrah for Littletoti'' followed his brief testimony a'c t?ie Schuetzen Platz. Eugene ?, Verdary, a powerful ir.dustrialist, also spoke out against annexation, George R. Stearns of the Riverside Mills also stood out expressing disapproval of the annexation plan. Major Joseph B. Cumming deiiounced the matter of annexation as being a policy of "subjugation,"

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227 and stated that it v^as one of the "greatest of all shams" perpetrated against the residents of the village. Jndge Joseph Rucker Lamar, in expressing his views on the matter, asserted that incorporation would prove no significant advantage to the city or the village. Byran Gumming pointed out that Augusta's tax rate was 80 per cent assessment, or $10 per $1,000; whereas Sammerville ' s tax was on a 60 per cent assessment, which was $6 per $1,000; thereby striking the "most sensitive pocket-book nerve," Petitions were circulated and signatures obtained and presented to the city. Letters expressing strong disfavor with annexation v;ere written and mailed to the City Council. Numerous Northern tourists who cv/ned v/inter vacation cottages wrote to aldermen, protesting the plan to extend the city lim.its. The annexation movement "died a'borniri" wlicn aldermen D. L. Kuhlke, J. M. T'JDon, Sandy Beaver, R. J. Bates and councilmCinelect .1. M. Caldwell formally and officially withdrev/ their support for annexation and signed the anti-annexation petition. Fac-ed with such opposition in the village and in 9 tae city council. Mayor Dunbar v.-as forced to concede defeat, T]i e '^ Destructi ve Fre shets" and th e City Periodic floods were a recurrent problem of the river city since its inception as a frontier oul.post in northwest Georgia. The "Yazoo Freshet of 1796" was the first great

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228 Savannah River flood recorded, in the history of the city. Strong ciarrencs swept through the small town v/ashing av/ay ' fences, bridges and even homes---threatening to destroy the continued existence of Augusta. Forty-four years later the "Harrison flood of 1840" ravaged the entire city with the exception of the "high spots" in the western section. In 1852 for the third time in the history of antebellum Augusta, the city was seriously flooded by the rampaging muddy waters of che Savannah. Tlie Corifederate city v,-as flooded twice-in 1864 and in 1855 while military officials and tov/nspeople v/ere apprehensively av:aiting the coming of General William T. Sherman's army and the impending "Battle of Augusta." Since the Civil War there had been twenty-two floods which drowned m.any people, injured numerous others, damaged much property and temporarily disrupted the urban-industrial economy. In 1887 as a natural result of heavy, almost ceaseless rains for four days, the Savannah greatly overflowed its banks. Reynolds, Broad and Greene streets were transformed into 'canals" as the tur?oulent waters swiftly flowed through — washing av/ay fences, churning up yards, destroying streets, drains, sewers, dislodging trees, knocking do'ATi lamp-poles, toppling seme of the smaller wooden frame houses, filling the cellars of homes and business firm.s with v/ater, weakening foundations, tilting buildings

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229 and carrying away fux^niture, consumer rt:erchandise, clothes, bales of cotton, livestock and poultry. Tv/ice in 1888 Augusta was flooded. In the spring and fall the main business thoroughfares were completely submerged from the west end to the east end as seething, hissing, rushing waters flowed treacherously through the central business district. From 1S90 to 1908 six more times the commercial, industrial and residential sections 'were flooded and Augustans were subjected to the nightir,are of sudden, unexpected recurrent floods . After each flood, especially the floods of 1887, 1388 and 1902, evidences of the terrible destruction were to be seen everywhere. Several bJ.ocks of the city appeared almost as though they never existed „ Ramshackle wood and tin shanties were destroyed by the rushing torrents and the sparse furniture and meagre }jelongings had floated off in all directions, lost forever. Hundreds of famj.lies were made homeless. Host of the people were destitute and relief was badly needed. Some people 'vho had survived were v/ithout food for several days. Ceipital losses to residential homes, comraerciai stores, industrial firms, railroad corporations and municipal utilities v/ere staggering, often far exceeding $1,000,000. Property damages for merchants, factors, industjrialists and bankers were very heavy. Merchants in the

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230 business section busily inspected the damaged goods, removing them from their basements, stores and warehouses, sadly lamenting the enormous financial losses of anotlier "destructive freshet." When the flood waters subsided they ].eft behind a thick, greasy, slick, reddish -brov/n scum several inches thick, requiring most industrial concerns to disassemble, clean and reassemble before production could be resumed. All factories were com^pelled to suspend operations, throwing thousands of laborers into temporary "idleness." Financial records of bankers, factors, attorneys and businessmen were often water-soaked, warped and mildewed forcing bookkeepers and accountants to work tediously to restore ledgers. Railroad officials announced that all passenger and freight traffic v/as at a standstill, the iron rails and cross-ties of the tracks be;ing damaged for miles around and local trestles and bridges v/aslied avv'ay. n^ey lioped to have the t-acks repaired, roadbeds restored and trestles rebiailt and in condition for tr^tffic as soon as possible. Only gradually, despite aroxmd-the -clock schedules by section hands, were the lines able to resume their operations, restoring transportation services betv\^ean local vand distant cities. Damages to telephone and telegraph poles and lines along the reads and in the city were enormous and required several weeks of repair. Telephone

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231 and telegraph systems were no lonc,er operative. Those poles that were not knocked dovm by the swirling, rushing waters v;ere blown over by gale-like winds. Electric wires were down and crossed in every direction, snapping, hissing and popping as blinding flashes of sparks shot out. Some poles were broken off at the top; other overhead wires sagged do'wTi into the streets. Streets were janrmed with fallen trees, broken limbs and piles of debris, preventing a sm.ooth flow of inter-city traffic. Firm roadbeds were kneaded into soft, deep mucky ooze and when dried, wei'e made almost impassable due t:o the deep gullies, cracks and holes created by the eddying waters. City officials were confronted with th.o iirjnediate urban crisis of removing decaying rubbish, restoring comraercial and industrial prosperity, rebuilding the canal and other vital public uti.lities an.d assisting the people in recovering from the tragedy. Extraordinarily heavy raini-alls prior to every major flood were, of course, the immediate reason for all floods, but there were certain]. y many other factors contributing to the recurrent flooding. The clearing of land, construction of roads and the building of several towns in the upper Savannah River area .significantly contributed -co the flood problems of Augusta, Accompanying social and industrial changes above Augusta meant that the deforestation of land

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232 produced civilization, but it also created open land, barren gullies and treeless ridges along the five tributary river banks aid twenty-eight creeks, thereby permitting greater soil erosion and quicker run-off of torrential rainwater. Tae general result was that the swollen tributaries, streams and creeks which spilled into the upper Savannah River were annually washing more silt deposits down river, depositing them largely in the Augusta area on the bend of the river. The yearly silt deposits muddied the branches, choked up the c:reeks and shoaled up the raain river bed. ITie presence of large, visible sandbars and jetties in the raain channel of the Savannah was indicative of the heavy suspended load being deposited near the city. Furtherm.ore, municipal officials unwittingly contributed to Augusta's flood problem. The enlargement of tlie canal brought immense volumes of water into the interior city to pro-zide industrial power foi* the textile plants and m.ills. Although gates and locks were part of the complex new canal system, during high flood tiiuGs they were of little protective value his the rushirig waters swiftly overflowed its banks, brealving down the retainer walls and spilling immense volumes of additional water into the factory., business and residentic'tl districts of t)ie city. -Also contributin.g to the flood problerii was tha traditional rectangular gridiron street pattern. The city

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233 was built upon the immediate bank of the Savannah, v,'ith all major streets running parallel and perpendicular to the tiigher river bank. Once the river flowed over its banks, all the major parallel thoroughfares immiodiatoly became natural channe].s, carrying the rushing waters through the city. "Frightful'" heavy torrential downpours in the upper Georgia-Carolina region were responsible for the Tugaloo, Enaree, Toccoa , Broad, Rocky and Little rivers flooding, spilling tons of rushing water into the main channel of the Savannah River. An unprecedented amovint of heav-y rainfall-ranging from eight to ten inches in a single day--resul ted 11 xn the record-breaking August flood of 1908. Although Augustans heard of the heavy rains reported in the upper Savannah River valley, nc one in tlio city anticipated a flood of major proportions. Even when the river began to rise swift: ly from a height of nine feet to almiost seventeen feet, ir^ taree days, rivcrmen stated that there \vas nothing to fear. But they were wrong. Wichin two days the Savannah booiaed from seventeen feet to over thirtyeight feet, over"^lov-^irig its banks and pouring into the city. By t'*iat time, Augustans realized th.at they v/ere threatened wrt?i B flood of epic proportions. As the Savannah spilled over its banks, small wvooden

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234 shanties and tin shacks in the narrov; alleys and roadways along the riverfront v/ere crushed together, overturned and washed away. .Most occupants drowned. In the northwestern section v/here the city v/as flat and level, frightened families hastily clirpbed up on the roofs of their houses and apartments, hoping that the rampaging waters would not wash away the buildings. The main thoroughfares of the central business district were sheets of swift water rushing past in a deafening roar--carrying away bales of cotton, bundles of merchandise, buggies, wagons, horses and terror-stricken people. Waters swirled around street corners with an immense velocity, eroding the foundations of some buildings, picking them up and pushing them along for a considerable distance before fragm.enting them into shattered parts. Trolley cars were swept off their tracks, turned a\/ry and some toppled over completely. Merchants, in a last-minute desperate attempt to move their goods, were compelled to flee to the second story of their buildings, remaining trapped throughout the duration of the flood. Officials of the Charleston and V^estern Carolina railroad acknowledged that swift waters were racing over the C. & W. C. tracks. Once the Savannah had crested over the rails, they could not, of course, keep cars j:unning. All trains were indefinitely delayed. Southern railway spokesmen also

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O "^ cr reported serious transportation problems with large sections of trsick being badly damaged and bridges down with rails suspended in jTiid-air. The South Carolina and Georgia railroad bridge at Center Street snapped in two as a result of the massive pressures that developed as logs, trees and other debris jammed up at the massive stone pillars. Collapsing into the river, the shattered remains of the trestle were carried down river crashing into vv^liarves and bridges, splintering and snapping the timlDers and girders of piers. To compound the difficulties, of the flood-stricken city, the banks of the canal broke and great quantities of water rushed into the industrial-residential section, rolling in huge Vv'aves tov/ard the commercial dj.strict. '.Uho night of August 26, 1908, Augustans, huddled on roof tops, watched in dazed amazement the tragic drama which v/as occurring before their confused eyes. "Great n;asses of flamLCs" in western and southern portions illuiaJnated the town, casting eerie shadows, silhouetting a city engulfed with disaster. TrNHTen the flood waters receded four days later, damages were extensive. Many streets were v/ashed away to bedrock. Imjnense caveins and huge cracks had destroyed smooth paved sui"f aces . The m.ajority of the bridges that cx'ossed over the canal v/ere entirely destroyed. Debris littered the streets and covered the porches, v/alls and rooms of the homes.

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2 36 stores, banks and offices. Survivors complained of the sickening odors emitting from the decaying rem.ains scattered throughout the city. In som.e sections entire buildings vyere ripped from their foundations and shattered into thousands of pieces. Others v/ere so greatly undermined by soil erosion that they tilted at wild angles, teetering on the brink of ruin. Some remained standing with swollen, bulging walls threatening to crack and splinter apart. MoiJt cellars were several feet deep in water. Industries were idle owing to the broken-dov/n banks of the canal and the thick mud which clogged up machinery. Entire sections oE the canal had to be patched up before v/ater power could be provided for the textile mills. All railroadr^ coming into and going out of the city were stopped. Six thousand people who lived in the factory district along the canal banks v/ere homeless, unemployed and v/ithout any means of subsistence. Many had not eaten a meal for thirty-six to forty-eight hours. Parents and children were in a state of psychological confusion, grieving over the .loss of loved ones, worrying about the locations of offspring and relatives and reflecting upon hov/ they -would eke out an existence with all their meagre belongings washed av/ay and no immediate prospects of employment. iMost were without clothes, save the m.iserab.le wet rags that were clinging to their bodies. To compound the

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237 difficulties of Augustans, there were no public utilities nor municipal services. The waterworks was almost totally ruined, requiring a great deal of reconstruction before the people could receive fresh, pure v/ater. No electricity was available. Sewers v/ero uncovered and broken open, permitting their contents to spill out and smell up the city. No adequate fire protection existed for residential, industrial or comanercial areas since water pressure was almost nill in hydrants. Mayor Dunbar called an emergency "mass meeting" of citizens ab the Chaml^er of Com.merce for the purpose of raising a relief fund, appointing a special "Citizens' Relief and Advisory Ccrrimittee" to cope with the post-flood crisis and coordinating the relief activities of that committee with a City Council Committee of Seven. Captain V7illiam B. Young, Jacob Phinizy, Richard E. Allen, Thcm.as Barrett, Jr., Fred B. Pope, Thomas Loyless and Bowdre Phinizy V/ere appointed. Aldermen Edward G. Kalbfleisch, Robert J. Bates, Avistin Branch, tSiresE. Woodruff, Joseph P. Saxon, Edward B. Hook and C. B, Matheney, citii:ens-at-large, vvere appointed to the City Cour.cil Committee of Seven. "The suffe-iring of a large class of people is very extensive, " the mayor explained. "Wiere are thousands v/ho have lost everything. I went out in a hack this afternoon, loaded

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238 with canned goods, and found raany who were still unable to get out of their houses, and who were v/ithout provisions." "Tliis is the worst freshet which Augusta tias ever experienced, " he commented to reporters several days later. "I sav/ those of '65 and '83, but they were in no manner equalled the one we are emerging from. " Alleviation of the suffering of those made destitute by the flood was of primary corisideration. All efforts to raise funds, procure supplies and expedite the distribution of monies and goods ".vere coOirdinated to see that those who badly needed help received IT it immediately and equitably. " Relief funds were quickly raised. Councilman James T. Bothwell motioned that a $5,000 relief fund be provided by the cicy government. The Bothwell motion passed unanimously. Judge William F. Eve stated that the Richmond County Board of Charities had freed $4,000 in funds for relief purposes. Moreover, Eve declared chat he had authorized the l:.urning over to the city a hundred convicts and twenty-five v/agon teaias to assist in the distribution of clothing, bedding and food supplies to all needy citizens. Mayor Dunbar proudly announced that several Z^tlanta corporations and private citizens had vvired hundreds of dollars for relief purposes; furthermore, box car loads of supplies v/ere enroute from Atlanta, Charleston, Savannah, Columbus and

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239 other cities. Durib'ar pointed out that countless well-to-do Augustans and local business firms had v/illingly "anteed-up" v;ith thousands of dollars and contributed vast quantities of goods for distribution. Within a matter of a fev.' days a 14 generaJ. relief fund of over $25,000 was created. Several trainload shipments arrived at the Walker Street Union Depot with bread, flour, meal, grits, canned goods, salted beef, butter, crackers, cookies, blankets, clothing, mattresses and bedding. The contents of the box cars v/ere speedily unloaded, sorted, itemized, marked for distribution, hauled to wagon teams which v/ere pulled up at the loading platform.s and dispatched to the relief stations throughout the city. All relief applicants were speedily processed, provided with food supplies, rationed water for four days, issued blankets, mattresses and clothing and instructed to return to their dwellings and start cleaning up. Great care ^vas exercised at the substations in -"ihe distribution of relief supplies to prevent any unscriipulous persons, not in genuine need of hi-^ip, from, obtaining assistance. To be certain tliat all those in dire need were assisted, a corps of assistants wa\s dispatched to canvexss the wards to obtain the names of all those in need of help bnl: too proud to ask for it, "Cheer Up and Clean Up!" placards posted all over the

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240 city pj-oclaimed. "Smile! D You: Smilel" other signs bra2:enly stated. For a period of almost two months Augustaiis labored,, scraping a-.vay thick, dried mud; sweeping away sand, gravel and silt deposits; cleaning up their buildings and homes; reconstructing streets; repairing industrial machinery, rebuilding the canal, waterworks emd sewer system: and hauling hhe accumulated debris to the dumps. Inter ioirs of buildings were cleaned out, repainted and redecorated. Cellars were pumped and disinfected; counters, floors ar?d walls scrubbed down. Stock was soirted out, inspected, evaluated, discarded and some of it placed on sale at greatly reduced prices. Construction crev;s v/orked steadily pulling dov.-n the bulging, warped walls of buildings wliose foundations were so greatly damaged that they tlireatened to collapse. Burned buildings were condemned and razed. Piers, whtirves, warehouses, bridges and trestles were rebuilt. Damaged pilings were inspected, repaired and new underpinnings secured, Entire sections of the canal bank v/ere rebuilt and fortified with abutments. Tl'ie deep gullies, ravines and fissures created by the flocd were filled in. Sanitation crews and chain gangs worked relentlessJ.y hauling av;ay the bloated cadavers of animals to the du.np to be destroyed. Lots, yards, streets and alleys v/ere cleared of decaying rubbish. Uprooted trees were cut up and

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241 logged av/ay. Under tl'ie supervision of the public health inspectors drainage di':chos were dug to let stagnant pools of thick, green water run off. Scavenger carts, heavily laden with refuse, traveled over the territorial limits of Greater A.ugusta, carrying away tons of v/ater-soaked debris to the city dump to be saturated v/ith kerosene and burned. Sewer? and pipes v/hich had been exposed were recovered; those that v/ere burst apart by pressure as the water backed •up into them were replaced. Restored city s-creets, drains and culverts v/ere sprayed with oil and disinfectants to prevent a possible malaria epidemic . Health department officials inspected premises of private homes, hotels, factories and stores, advising people to v/hitewash cellars, sprinkle lime in yards, fill holes and galleys with fresh dirt and pile any additional debris in the streets so that the scavenger carts could haul it away without delay. Medic j.nes, drugs and other supplies v?ere furnished all charity patients free of charge. A corps of district nurses provided medical assistance for all people in need. Private physici.ans also offered their professional services v/ithout regard to monetary compensation. Fifty-four days later all industries were back in full operation, running on an overtirae basis to make up for lost production. Within two months the public v/aterworks system

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242 was rebuilt, thus ending the lengthy "water famd.ne." Bridges, trestles and roadways were fully restored and the city resumed its normal comraercial relations with other nearby towns and distant cities. Stores were filled v/ith new merchandise, enticing shoppei-s to take advantage of the special discount:, prices. Businessmen ceased grumbling, recognizing thab the worst was over and recovery had been achie^'ed. Aiigusta had survived its twenty-fifth recorded flood since its fo^mding in 1735, but many were uncertain as to whether the city might not lapse back into a state of lethargy, igrioring the need for permanent, protective flood control . It v/as apparent to many that after Augusta had repaired che damages of the flood, there was still before the C3.ty the crucial problem of devising som>e means of protecting it from fiiture floods. 1'he B uilding of the A ugusta L e vee IiTjnediately following the 1908 flood, community opinion was greatly aroused and demanded that the city devise a plan of protecting Augusta from fature disasters of like character. Members of the Chamber of Commerce, Cotton Exchange and Augusta Retail Merchant's Association urged the city to appoint select representatives of the "ABLEST BUSINESSMEN" to make a preli.minary investigation cf the best ways in \vhich the city could acliieve full flood protection. Property

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243 owners, residents, politicians, merchants, industrialists and la^vyers asserted that the city must "do something" and inuTiediately^ Thovightful discussions and consideirable debates ensued in various public meetings. Local papers received and published countless articles, editorials and .tcatu;:e stories about hov/ other river cities achieved flood protection. "Men of means" called upon the mayor, met with aldermen and discussed the pressing need to resol\''e the recurrent flood crisis, emphasizing tliat the floods demoralized residents, frightened women and children, disheartened merchants, industrialists, factors and businessmen emd created an acute sense of disquietude, uncertainty, insecurity and extreme anxiety. Mayor Dunbar initiated action. In September of 19C8 "live Canal and River Comanission for fiio Protection of the ' City of Augusba" was created, consisting of Charles Estes, V7illiaia 3. Young, Tliomas BarreLt, Jr., Tiiom.as S. Gray and Frederick B. Pope, citizens-at-large; James T. Bothwall, Austin Braiich and E. G. Kalbfleisch, aldermen; Mayor William M. Duiibar; C. Henry Cohen, City Attorney; and Nisbet Wingfield, Commissioner of Public Works. All citizens-at-large were carefully selected to represent various powerful businessmen's associations .'in the city. The members of the Augusta Flood Commission, as it was known, were charged with

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244 the responsibility of investigating the causes of recurrent floods and to devise ''as soon as practicable, suitable and appropriate raeasures for the protection of the city and county from floods and freshets." To achieve those objectives they were charged with procuring competent engineers to study and devise the best ways and means of protecting the city against floods.

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NOTES 1. August a Chronicle, February 23, 1906, Novenber 13, 1916; AuQusta H erald , November 13, 1913; Charles C. JoneS/ Jr. and Salem Datcher, Memo rial H i scory of Augusta, Geor gia (Syracuse: D. Mason and Company, 1890), 40-42; Augu sta City Directory , 189 51896 (Augusta: Maloney Directory Company, 1896) , 17; Georgi a Directory Company's Directory of Augusta, Geo rcjia , 18 S8 (Richmond: J. L. Hill Printing Company, 1899), 42-43, 52; Walsh's Directory of t he Cit y of Augusta, Geor gi a for 1904 (Augusta: Press of the Augusta Chronicle, 1904), 7 76; T lie May or's Messag e, Departm.ent Re ports, and Acco mpanying Documents for the Year 189 4 (Augusta: Phoenix Printing Company, 1S95) , 31. 2, Joel Candler Harris, Memoirs of Georgia (Atlanta: Southern Historical Association, 1895), II, 782; Allen D. Candler, Georgia, Comp rising Sketches of C ount ies,_'rown_s_f_ Eve nts, I nstitiit ions , and Per sons Arra nged in Cyclop edic Form (Atlanta: State Historical Association, 1906), 633; I '^ge City Council of Augusta, Georgia Year Book for ].904 (Augusta: Chronicle Job Office, 1905), 45; The City Council o f Augusta, Georgia Year Book fo r 1905 (Augusta: Augusta Chronicle Job Office, 1306), 34; A ggusta Herald , July 19, 1906. 3» Aug us ta Ch.ron ic ] e , July 20, 1907; Augu sta He rald , July 19, 1906. 4. "Minutes of the City Council, January 6, 1902Deceinljer 29, 1909," 386-387; A ugust a Chronicle, July 19, Deceml-)er 6, 1906, Janua.ry 8, 1907,Augus ta He rald. July 19, 1906. 5Augusta Chronicle, Septeu*er 7, 1904. 5. I?pJ:i5w February 27, 1906, June 21, 1907, December 31, 1908, Januoi-y 7, 1909. 7, Ibid. , September 4, 1906. 245

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246 8, '"Minutes of the City Council, January 6, 1902BGcernJ^er 29, 19C9," 389-390; "I4inutes of the City Council, January 3, 19 10 -May 6, 1918," 16; Auaust a Herald, July 30, September 2, 1903, May 1, 4, 13, 19, 21, 26, July 25, 1909. ^' Augusta Chronicl e, May 18, 23, June 4, 5, 19, 23, August 1, 1909; Augusta Herald , May 19, 28, June 5, 7, 1909. 10. The history of the "Yazoo Freshet of 1796" is very briefly discussed in Jones and Butcher, .Mejjioria 1 H i s t ory o f Auyiial-^, 160, 174. They also mention the flood of 1888, but there is no descriptive analysis of any of the recurrent floods. For information pertaining to the history of the recurrent freshets it is necessary to consult the follov/ing contemporary nev;spaper files: A ugusta Baily Consti tution-3-liat, August 28, 29, 31, September 31, 1852, Janua'ry 3, 1864, O'anuary 4, 14, 18, 1865; Augusta Chronicle, July 30, 31, August 1, 10, 1887, March 30, 31, April 2, September 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 1888, March 11, 12. 14, 1891, January 21, 22, 24. 1892, February 15, 21, 1900. George R. Paterson's, The Bestructive Fresh e ts and Floods of the Savannah River (Augusta: J. M. Richards, 1889) at the Augusta-Richmond County Library contains soiree very brief comments into the floods, though its scholarly value is most questionable. See appendix. Table IV, "A Statistical Record of the History of the Savannah River Floods and the City of Augusta." 11. Augus ta Chronicl e, x^ugust 26, 1903; Augusta Heral d, August 25, September 30, 1903. J-2 . •Thg, Ci-tv Coun cil of A ugusta, Ge orgia Year Book for 1908. (Augusta: VJolfe and Lombard Printers, 1909), 31; Thirtyfirst Annual Report of the Bepartm .e nt of Public Kg-fN-L"U]0_ of. :^uq-''^ sta ,. Ge org ia for the Year 19 09 (Au.gusta : Wolfe and Lombard Printers, 1909) is replete with inform.ation regarding the destructive impact of the flood upon the city and the municipal actions initiated by all departm^ents of city and county governments. 13. Augusta Chronic le, August 28, 29, 30, 1903. 14. Ibid., SeptcriLber 3, 1908. 15. rijjd. , September 6, 1908, March 22, 1909. 16. "Miniates of the Augusta Flccd CoRiraission, September 28, 1908-Aprii 29, 1919," 39-42; The City Council of Augusta,

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247 Geca'qia Year Bo ok for 1909 (Augusta: Chronicle Job Department, 1910), 39-42; Augusta Chronicle, Septerober 5, 1908. The ''Minutes of the Augusta Flood Comraission" are in the private library of S. Herbert Elliott. 17. "Minutes of the Augusta Flood Commission," 5; Augus ta Chronicle , September 1, 3, 4, December 1, 2, 3, 5, 1908. 13. "Minutes of the Augusta Flood Commission,'' 13, 44, 1 4 7 ; Tl ie City C ounc il of August a, G e orgia Year Bo o k for , 19 , 9, 41-42; Augusta Ch ronicle , April 6, 1909, February 11, 1910. 19. "Minutes of the Cit^Council, January 3, 1910May 6, 1918," 141, 272-274, 292; "Minutes of the Augusta Flood Comiaission, " 152; Nineteen Twelve Year Book of the City Cpupcil of Augusta, Geor gia (Augusta: Chronicle Job Print, 1913), 19; Nineteen Tliirteen Year Book of the City Council of A ugi.i.sta, Georgia (A.ugusta: Williams Printing Company, 1914), 28.

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CHAPTER VIII SOI-IS UNFINISHED BUSINESS Tlionias Ba.rrett, Jr., and the Unc o ntested Mayo ralty Race Thomas Barrett, Jr., was descended from six generations of Augustans noted for their role in the development of the city. Vl\a Barretts of Georgia were one of the old, distingiiished families v/hose ancestry dated back to the early 1800 ' 3 v,'hen Augusta v/as but a small frontier village. Most of the pre-Civil Var Barretts liad been businessmen, bankers and respectab].e citizens of the community. Thom.as Glascock Barrett, his father, had been President of the State Bank of Augusta and the City Bank of Augusta, During the Civil War he }iad served witli honor iii the Confederate army fighting at Shiloh, Chickaaiauga, Murfreesboro and several other campaigns. Grace A.rrington (Ware) Barrett, his m.cther, v.-as the daughter of Dr. Edwin R. Ware, an eminent surgeon in A.thens. After mustering out. Captain Barzett had returned to his native town and reopened the retail-wholesale firm of Barrett, Ca?.-ter and Com.pany,dealers in grain, h^ay and produce. The elder Barrett was a devout Episcopalian who 248

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249 firmly believed in the efficacy of hard work, thrift and sobriety. Ke had carefully invested his surplus wealth and eventually diversified his business interests becoming a 1 broker of stocks, bonds and other securities. His son, Thomas Barrett, Jr ^ received his education in the public schools of Georgia. Then he entered Washington and Lee University, graduating with a Bachelor of Law degree in 1882 eit the age of nineteen. Returning to Augusta, he began a business career as a stockbroker. His brokerage firm at MumlDer 6 Library Building on Eighth St.reet soon met wi.th success. His interests steadily advanced and many of his contemporaries were astounded by his vigorous success. Some referred to Barrett's fine, discretionary powers. Other close friends and associates coirtmented about his 2 "keen ability and great administrative genius." By the Gilded Age, Thomas G. Barrett, Jr., was one of the comjnanding giants jaithe cotton mills, being president of some ha].f dozen textile mills and allied organizations in the Greater Augusta area. Since 1878 he ha(.i served as President of the Langley Manufacturing Company and, under his able administrative leadership, it rcse to prominence as one of the postvveir cotton mills of the New South. Barrett also organi-^ed, directed and ovrned significs.nt shares of other textile corporations. In the 1880 's and 1890 's he

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250 played a crucial part in the plannipg and devGlopment of other Augusta-owned mills in Carolina, emerging as president of the new enterprises. As one of the original promoters, Barrett was elected President of the Aiken Manufacturing Company and the Clearwater Eleachery and Manufacturing Con:pany. In 1912 when the Langley, Aiken and Seminole Manufacturing Companies in South Carolina were consolidated into the "Langley group" under one management, Barrett became president of all tliree companies v/hile retaining the presidency of the Clearwater Eleachery and the Mantata 3 Manufacturing Company of Montgomery, Alabama. In addition to being the executive head of several million-dollar corporations, Barrett \\'i\s a member of the board of directors of other important industrial and financial enterprises. He had been a member of the board of directors of the John P. King mill since its inception and he v;as also one of the principal directors of the Conmiercial Bank of Augusta and of the Georgia Railroad and Baiiking Company. Such multiple roles in the ecoixomic life of the ci.ty reflected tlie fact that it v/as not uncomrnon for m.any of tlxe sarae directors to serve on the boards of different corpc rations. Moreover, many of the same stockholders owned a la.rge pairt of the securities of each company, thereby 4 pyram.idmg their personal fortunes.

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251 Among other significant business accomplishments, Barrett's prominence in the city was manifested in ?iis rise from being a director of the Augusta Exchange and Board of Trade, 1894-1895, to serving as president of that body of businessmen from 1895-1898. The organization of the Atlantic States Warehouse Company and the creation of the Augusta Fire Insurance Company were bot/n partially the results of efforts put forth by Barrett. Accordingly, he was elected to the presidency of those companies. His remarkable talents as an administrator and his persistent conviction that all areas of tlie city's business activities should be coordinated lead to his election as President of the Augusta Chamber of Cor.umerce in 1910. Preoccupied v/ith making money and building new industries, Barrett had never really devoted much of his full attention to city politics. In 1897-1898, hov/ever, he had been a stalwcirt ;^upporter ox the Walsh crusade for good goverrmie/it. He had urged Augustans ro ignore the religious affiliations of Patrick Walsh and concentrate upon the phenom.erial success rhe young Irishman had achieved as a busineKsn(<::n, politician and editcvc of the Augusta Chronicle , the South 's oldest newspaper ^ After the Walsh victory, Barrett v/e.s elected to the city Council in 1899 representing the thix'd ward but thereafter his major interests were again directed towards personal and corporate fij-:ancial success.^

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252 Duiring the adjpinistration of Mayor William M. Dunbar, close friends and associates, "inspired" by Earrert's ad-' ird.ni&trative successes in managing the affairs of several corporations, simultaneously encouraged him to consider making the race for mayor of Augusta. They firmly believed that his varied business experiences suited him for being the chief municipal executive. The fact that he was associated with so many different corporations was regarded as a positive sign that city affairs would be directed coward further progress and prosperity. "His name is a guarantee of sound and aggressive business principles, as well as or good faith, and a square deal to all concerned, " the HeraJ^d explained to its readers. Considered to be a nan of great i.nfluence and tremendous business success in the comiiiunity, Barrett v;a.s strongly urged to accept the mayoralty of the city by the major.lty of the key leaders of the Chamber of Commerce, the Augusta Exchange and Board of Trade, the Merchants and Manuf acturei's ' Association and several ocher prcminenL social business clubs. Realizing that his personal business career had been an overwhelming success and t]^at he had sufficiently accpaired all the symbols of material wealth, forcynineyear-old Barrett re-focused his attention upon municipal politics, announcing that he would seek the office.

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253 As an official candidate for the city's highest office, Barrett pledged that he would endeavor to create another "progressive business administration." Moreover, he promised that the Barrett administration v/ould be composed of some of the most influential businessmen in the city. No rival candidate emerged vying for the office of mayor. "With the closing of the entries for the coming municipal primary, and v/ith no opposition of any kind, HonThomas Barrett will be the unanimous choice of the white priraary for Augusta's next m>ayor, and v/ill in due course be elected at the regular election," the Hera ld announced.. In July, 1909, after the ballots v/ere counted,the city wliite primary executive conimittee declared Barrett the m.ayor. Other "good men" were elected to the city council because the "people desire a business adniinistration and a Greater Augusta and feel confident that this is v/hat 8 the nov/ administration v/il]. give." Five mon+xis later Barrett's victory in +lie primary was confirmed in the regular election. By thac time, however, the general election had become so meaningless that the nev/spapers did not bother to make public announcemencs concerning the elect-i.orx or the resii.lts of the election. In, vTanuary of 1910 Barrett v/as forraally inaugurated as the nev; mayor. Among those attending the ceremony were

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254 former iV.^yors Charles Estes, Richard E. Allen and Jacob Pliinizy; all strong personal friends. In liis address, Barrett pledged his administration to fulfilling the goal cf a "Grearer Augusta" by incorporating the village of SumjTierville, creating a new modern "progressive businesslike government" for the city and completing the con9 struction of the levee, affording maximum flood protection." Tlie Annexatio n of Summerville an d the Battle for Comm ission Government Mayer Barrett realized that several previous adminisrations had attempted to annex the village of Suniraerville in the hopes of creating a "Creater Augusta." But the qiaestion of incorporation had been temporarily settled when powerful opposition in the village and city had stopped it from succeeding. As a shrewd,, h.ard-headed realist, he clearly recognized that recent events which had occurred in the conmvij.nity had greatly shocked citizens of Augusta, alarmed the residents of the villege and, in general, created a new climate of opinion conducive to merging SuirrmerviJle with Augusta, The murder of Charles W. Hickman, a highly respected and admired physician, while \/alking from the trolley car v/aV"Station to his home in the village late one evening, seriously destroyed the self-contained certitude that life on ""The Hill" was pleasant, affable and secure. The slaying

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255 of Dr. Hickman dramatically renev/ed the subject of annexation and a new effort to incorporate the village into the city began a.3 one of the first objectives of the Barrett cidministrc\tion. Officials of the vilJage seriously criticized their government for no longer adequately meeting the needs and demands of the growing community. Max'shall George Heckle, chief of police, acknov/ledged that a police force of three men was completely incapable of providing adequate protection for a community as large in territorial si.ze as the City of Augusta and, simultaneously, maintain the water\\^orks department, superintend street repairs and keep the fev/ night lamps burning, Intendant Alfred Cuthbert lamented that the village had attempted to provide a new waterworks system,, sewage disposal, improved roads and better public services, however, the rapid expansion of the suburban commrnity had "outstripped" the old village public utilities and rising constru'jtion costs along v/ith shrinking government revenues, deterred the village from modernizing the public services in the Hill district. Some residents criticized the village, pointing out that since the born of tlie intendant had burned com.pletely to the ground--despite the fact that it was only a fev/ feet from the Sunuaerville fire department — residents could hardly hope to expect

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256 adeq-aate fire protection. Soiree pointed out that it was conuT.on kriov/ledcje that the village, particularly in the surrmertiine, had barely "v/ater enough to go around. . . . Wjat we want is more lights and better lights, more police protection and better police protection, better water supply, better fire protection — or go into Augusta as we have been invited," one prominent, but irate Summerville 11 property owner stated. In 1910 Mayor Barrett and Intendant /Mfred Cuthbert began to explore the possibility of merging the two areas under one common government. Tlie Barrett-Cuthbert discussions were temporarily postponed, however, when the m.ayor became seriously ill and was forced to take an extended vacation. After recuperating, the mayor resumed his informal discussj.ons with the intendant including certain leading citizens of the village and city. Re^iresentatives of th:; village officially conferred with Barrett, giving hira legal notice that it v/as their express wish thti.t imm.ediate action be taken to incorporate Suinmerville as part of the Cii;y of Augusta. Agreeing that the proposition was desirable, a joint committee from the council and the cityat-large was created by the inayor to roach an understanding regarding the precise details of the annexation plan and the form and style of an annexation bill to be presented to

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257 the voters and eventually to the State General Assembly for approval. Simultaneously, a special charter corrdnittee of "substantial" citizens was charged with the responsibility of coiTiposing a nev/ charter for the government of a "Greater Augusta." V7ith mutual interest from the beginning on the part of municipal and village leaders, there was no political resistance to annexation. Annexation was confirmed by a special election held in the village on October 26^ 1911, Once the polls closed, a meeting of the village council was called and the votes were tallied in an open meeting. The annexationists won by a majority of nearly two to one, receiving 233 votes against 131 votes cast against consolidation. Incorporation of Summerville as part of the City of Augusta was to be effective January 1, 1912, it v/as anncvinced. Alfred Cuthbert, S. H. Myers and W. W. Martin, who had vigorously "pushed' the issue, were elected to the city council as rveprescntatives from the nev/ly designated sixth v.'ard . On the first day of the New Year former Intend^1nt Cuthbert and Mayor Barrett shook hands ^ exchanged cordial remarks and proclaimed that the dreams of the "more progressive citi^-ions" for a Greater Augusta had finally become a reality. They proudly exclaimed, furthermiore, that the

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258 merger would safely secure Augusta third place in the cities xn Georgia, secoua only to Atlanta and Savannah. Accompanying the push to annex Summer ville with Augusta was a inovement to change the form of city government to a commission basis. Many politicians, com.raittee members and prominent citizens suggested that incorporation should rightfully be accompanied by the adoption of a new conunission charter for a Greater Augusta. Some, while declining to make official cor.mients, expressed the opinion that the proposed change was necessary and, indeed, would ultim.ately occur. 'Hie special comi-nittees appointed by Mayor Barrett to acl^ieve annexation were also charged with the responsibility of investigating the benefits of the comn^ission form of government and drafting a tentative chai-ter for a new Augusta under the commission plan. In order to expedite their planning, they wrote off letters of inquiry to the secretaries of state in Texas, Kansas, California, lov/a, Michigan, Illinois, South Ca^.-oiina and other states where the general asseinblies had enacted commission government bills and rec[U£sted copies of the bills so that they could assiduously study them before drafting the proposed charter for Augusta, After laboring for more than six iiionths, the comvnission

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259 gov'ernTLent study committee completed a new charter and announced that it was x'eady for che consideration of the public. If ratified at a charter election set for February 21, 1912, the new commission charter would be presented at the next session of the General Assembly for state approval. Subsequ.ently, the city would have a special election for the 13 coinmxss loners . Viewing city government exclusively from a business perspective, politicians and municipal operations were perceived to be like the figures and internal transactions of a bureaucratic corporation ^-/ith an executive officer, board of directors and stockholders. The president (mayor) of an enterprise (city) was the sole executive head, elected to th.e position by the stockholders (citizens) because of his great managerial skills for the job. Directors (commissioners) of the board were also elected to positions of responsibility by the stockholders (citizens) , who were then placed in control of certain special departments (municipal branches of city governiacnt) by the president (miayor) and responsible to the chief executive, consulting wi-'ch. him on all matters pertaining to his particular departmental duties i\nd obliga-r.ionr . The president (mayor) reta,ined absolute central power to charge the directors (commiissicners) of the firm with their responsibilities of managing departmental

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260 matters (municipal services) in a v/ise, efficient and economical matter. If, in the opinion of bhe president (mayor) or the stockliolders (people) , a director (conjiiisoioner) was incompetent or mismanaging or misusing t'ne power oE his office, he could be swiftly suspended, investigated and, ultimately, if the charges against him were sustained, s uniiTia r i 1 y d i s i a i s s e d . Tlie adoption of a business form of operations for city govornment and elected officials, it was stated, would achieve decided b-jneficial results. Power would bo centralized in. the office of the mayor and the commissioners; thereby destroying the age-old problems of v/ard factionalism which had traditionally represented diffusion of aut?iority and failure to initiate much needed city-wide public services . Ihe people, too, it was stated, would benefit from the proposed change » Voting for commissioners in city-wide elections, citizens would be forced to vicvv Augusta as a v/hole, net from the provincial perspective of an isolated candidate for one ward seeking a single seat in the city council. Furthermore, under the comm.issiori plan, they exercised initiative, referendum and reca].l. Concerned citizens — if they wanted a public library, city hall, hospital or auditoriura--could initiate legj.slation by

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261 writing their O'wn laws to be approved in a general election. They also retained the right to veto any action of tlie commissj-on that they believed was prejudicial to their interests; hence they had the power of the referendum. Any incompetent commissioner grossly negligent in the fulfillraent of his responsibilities, moreover, could be recalled at any time during his term of office by the people. Because only the m.ost competent business leaders would be charged with the responsibility of directing the affairs of city goverriment, it was widely believed that they could m.anage public affairs, achieving the same high degree of success at minimal costs and maximum profits that were evident in their private corporations. Greater efficiency in government through business leadership meant elimination of costly mistalces and avoiding the duplication of efforts, assuring the fact that the city would be m.anaged in an upto-date, mocJern business-li.ke fashion. With wise management of city funds, municipal authorities v/ould spend less but provide more basic services. Significant public improvements would thus be accomplished, enliancing property values in the city and cittestinq to the sound business leadership of city government. A "v/hir-lwind campaign" for commission government ensued,. A city-wide telephone campaign was conducted to

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262 arouse public opinion, patting the nev/ly installed Southern Bell system to its "supreme test*" Circular letters were nailed out in great quantities to all registered voters apprising them of the forthcoming special election and urging them to cast their ballots in favor of the change. "Monster mass meetings" of all the "good citizens" were arranged at the county courthouse to discuss the alleged practical advan.tages of a ccniinission form of government. "Forceful speeches" were made by a plethora of special visitors to the city. Mayor Wade Hampton Gibbes traveled from ColunilDia, South Carolina, to extoll the virtues of the new commission government adopted in his town. James R, Ho-vnaday, associate editor of the jBiriiiliT Cfham News , arrived in Augusta as a guest speaker, delivering a public testimony on the enormous accomplishments v/rought by the com^nissicn governments in over 160 American cities. William Hale Bj\rrett, presiding at one jan-packed courtroom meeting, stated that ademption of the proposed charter was not criticism ot previous politicians, nor administrations, but reflected the general consensus tliat Augustans preferred that all future public affairs would be closely conducted on "straight business principles." Government, after all, he stated, was nothing but a "business corporation" and shcald be run accordingly. Henry J. Hardy, President of the Columbia Federation of

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263 Labor, was invited to "give information" and "ansv/er questions" of tho working-class people in the fourth and fifth wards. Since Hardy was "one of their own. number," the C hronicle explained, Augusta workers would be more receptive to the idea of adopting a new charter. Hardy stated that the change meant: "Better Government; Better' Men; A Clean City; No Scandals; No Graft," H. H. Alexander, Jacob Phinizy, William S. Morris and scores of other "Good Men" proclaimed their support of the new charter. Chair.nan Howard H. Stafford of the v/hite primary executive coiTdiiittee gave several short talks in favor of the change. Num.erovis other speakers testified to the virtues of the nev; form of government, reportedly being freq'cently interi'uptod v/ith loud shouts and applause. Ihose v;ho testified for t1\e propose;d charter repeatedly emphasized that it would change the form of manicipal government from an "antiquated, more or less shiftlc-ss system" to a "pux^ely business adviiinistration of the city's affairs," Despite the determined efforts of influential politicJ.ans, eminent busiiiessmen, powerfa], financiers and newspaper editors to create a favorable climate of opinion to achie>/e tlie passage of the proposed charter, the cororaission forces met v.'ith defeat, by a narrow margin of fifty-one votes. Explanations given for the failure were twofold.

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264 Election day was unbelievably miserable. Heavy driving sheets of rain began early in the morning. By the time the polls were opened it was falling in torrents. Throughout the day intermittent torrential showers discouraged an estimated 700 voters from turning out at the polls. High, stroiig, icy gusts of wind accompanied the downpours, further discouraging large voter turn-outs. Chance weather conditions, however, v/ere not the only factor in the defeat of the charter. Resentment by the "masses" against the "classes" was cited as the second factor contributing to the defeat of the commission charter. Pointing to the sizable majo.rity votes cast against the charter in the heavily populated fourth and fifth v/ards, one perceptive observer stated that the "masses" v/ere opposed to having a "charter prepared by the classes and submitted to thorn for ratification when they are not even consulted about it. . . . Had the charter been framed property and had the masses of the people been given a showing," he stated, "there is no doubt that it would have carried, but the great majority of the Wv-jrking people wanted representation in the preparation of „ 1 4 the charter and they dxd not get it. Tiie JMarch Flood of 1912 and the Com.pletion of the August a Leve e In mid -March "high water" v/as reported ifi the Savannah,

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265 "but local "experts," who had the river down to a "science," assured Augustans that tTiere was no danger of a flood, Maximuin height, they speculated, v/ould not exceed thirty feet. Tliere was no reason for "extreme alarra," according to tne socalled specialists. The Savannah crested over its banks at 3:00 A.M., JMarch 17, 1912, at a height of over thirty-three feet and was still rapidly rising at an average rate of six inches per hour. Several thousands of dollars v;orth of cotton bales were washed off Vvharves, docks and leading platforms and carried downriver. Tlie "remarkable sudden" swell of the Savannah created intense excitement and acute anxiety as merchants, businessmien, doctors, lav/yers, factors, industrialists and res"" dents hastened to either remove their merchandise, records, ledgers and personal belongings from their offices an 3 homes to tlie second story levels or move them to safety in the higher, suburban areas of the. city. Vans, trucks, autos, drays and wagons v;ere speedily loaded up in a desperate attempt to shuttle people and their beJongings out of the f].ooding dov.aitown district. By seven o'clock the only way to cross Broad to Greene Screet v;as in a bateau; even then it v/as considered to be a dangerous undertaking. At noon the swift flowing v/aters were racing thi'ougri miost of the other streets. In some places on the

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266 fringe of the business -residential area, the depth of the water measured four to six feet. The city v/as serioiasly flooded in the downtovm areas as the Savaxxnah reached a height of over thirty--six feet. Business was almost completely paralyzed. Trains were unable to discharge their passengers and unload freight. No tr?.ins were operating east of Augusta. Street car traffic vvas corap]etely tied up as the depth of the water was so great that in some areas water flowed through the window sills. After the v/aters receded, municipal departments immediately concentrated their efforts on the restoration of the damaged public services. City fire engines busily pumped viater from cellars. Medical teams toured, the flooded areas, vaccinating persons, providing necessary emergency medical treatment, authorizing the spraying of oils and disinfectants on stagnant ponds and informing private residents to cleanse their homes, whitewashing walls and floors. Health officer's caused a house-tc-hcuse canvass iiiSpocting premises and warning occupants against re-occapying flooded buildings until they were thoro'aghly cleansed. Instrvictions were also issued that all water taken frcm \ve].ls in the f-lcoded distr'ict must first be boiled. Simultaneously, it v/as advised that the thick, greasy red deposits of mud left behind were

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267 to be scraped from the buildings and floors and walls were to be cleaned. Responsible municipal action was not limited to just ir:jnediate recovery. Long-range policies, Barrett announced, were crucial to achieve permanent flood protection. Mayor Barrett was imr:iediately "on the job'' inspecting the da.nages, touring the flooded districts, discussing the complexities of the river problem and urging that sv/ift, nev; planning be initiated to com.plete the construction of the levee as quickly as possible. There must be no let-up in the project, but new means must be devised to acquire the necessary funds to complete it in the immediate future, he. asserted. And, in his opinion, the best m.eans of achieving such an objective was tlirough the passage of a million1 q dollar issue bond. At a special City Council meeting. Mayor Barrett informed !:hose present that a special million dollar bond election was impeiacive. If approved by the voters, the money would be used to hasten the completion of the levee, repairt.he city ".waterworks system and build a new city hospital. Barrett further explained that a "universal dem.and" had developed that municipal government expedite the completion of the levee. Various business associ^itions had urged that the recurrent burdens of flood damages be

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268 stopped by a levee. T}:e Board of Directors of the Merchants and Manufaciiurers ' Association, for instance^ had recommended that a million dollar bond be submitted to the people in a specj.al election. Leaders of the Augusta Cham}:ier of Corronerc'-. had approached him, he explained, simultaneously endorsing the suggestion, pointing out that the costs of repairs and replacements made necessary by the recurrent 19 "freshets" exceeded, m thexr opinion, a million dollars. Accordingly, it was announced that a special city election would be held in June to approve or disapprove the passage of a $1,2 50,000 bond issue for the funds to complete the levee, build a nev; University Hospital and greatly improve the city waterworks system so that the new sixth ward could be provided v/ith bettor public services. Recognizing that the "factory-district vote" had been responsible for the defeat of hh^e adoption of a commission government, a concerted effort was made to "educate" the working classes and their representatives to the. inuaense importance of sustaining the proposed bond. Newspapers, especially the H.oi;a]jd_, strongly endorsed educating the mill section to the -./ays in which industrial life v/ould be v.iade r.iore secure. Workers, it must be acknov/1edged, clearly unde\ stood that recurrent floods demoralized the industries, especially the textile mills upon which

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269 their daily income depended. Permanent flood protection would prevent industria]. shutdowns and eliminate the "huniliauing'' charity campaigns that follov/ed every flood and the relief work initiated by the city government. No longer v/o\3ld it become necessary for wor^l^ers to stand in the long lines to be chosen to work on the public projects of re-grading streets, re-building parks, re-planting trees and bushes and restoring the canal. Furthermore, it was the sick of the laboring classes v/ho also realized that they could not afford the benefits of private physicians, hospitals, sanitariums or health resorts, but needed a city hospital staffed with professional doctors, nurses and aides . for emergency raedical treatm.ent and dally care. No worker needed to realize the vast need for pure fresh water. Mineral water was readily available for those wlio lived in the fine hotels and homes and those v/ho worked in the best offices, banks and m^ills of the town but the workers, on a first-hand basis, knev.' the inadequacy of the waterworks systeiTi and the urgent need for expanding the services to other areas of the city. Tlie Central Trades Council, representing all of the labor unAons, enthusiastically endorsed the passage of the bonds. Trade union leadex's, with very fev/ exceptions, endorsed the bond issue wirh their unqualified approval.

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270 Many stated that it was to the material benefit of the inill district, especially, to vote for passage of the bond so that construction of the proposed improvements could begin immediately. Some stated that only "selfish" individuals could adopt the attitude that floods were only an "incon„20 venience. The combined, united efforts of the business community and the working class section of the to">ATi achieved success. In all three areas — the levee, hospital and waterworks— an ove.rvhelm!ing majority in every single ward in the city voted 21 for approval of the $1,2 50,000 issue. In the spring of 1913, river vvater backed up in the underground utilities partially flooding some of the main thoroughfares of the bu;-:J.ness district. Once again, as the Savannah overflov/ed its }janks , boats were seen plying up and down Reynolds Street, especially between Thirteenr-h and Fourteenth. Rising flood v\?aters also forced many occupants to a'oandon their homes as water crested over the banks of the canal. Although it was generally conceded that there were no extensive dam.ages, nor serious business losses, the "mini-flood" reinforced convictions that the city must hasten the completion of the levee. Coira-.iissioner Nisbet Wingfield trav'eled to Washington, where he appeared before various congressional comjnittees

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271 and also persionally dismissed the matter with Senator Hoke Smith, Congressman Carl Vinson and Brigadier General Dan C. Kingman, Chief of the U. S. Army Corps of Eiigineerc. Returning, he informed the city that the federal government had finally agreed to appropriate $213,000 for the construction of the Augusta levee. Wingfield, in order to deteormine the best possible v;ay of preventing Augusta from, being constantly inundunated, also visited numerous other river cities and inspected the methods adopted to assure flood control. After inspecting 600 miles of the levees built along the Mississippi river, he reported that in his opinion "they haven't got a thing on us, v/e've got it on them." Chairman Tiiomas Barrett, Jr., who succeeded Frederick B. Pope after ill health h_ad forced him. to resign from his position on the .Flood Couijnission, carefully evaluated the complex probleiiis of purchasing property, acquiring rights-ofv/ay, m.unicipal financing of the project and letting-out contracts to the const.ruction firms. Consistently ignoring the many skeptics who doubted the possibility of check.ing thiD mighty Savannah, Barrett and Wingfield meticulously studied the situation perceiving that v/ith mode.rn engineering achievements and rational city fiscal planning che levee could become a reality. Civil engineers, military advisors, municipal officials and competent busi-

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272 ness advisors greatly assisted them in systematically planning the corapletion of the levee. The proposed line \^as determined, surveyed, mapped out; rapid construction v/as initiated and a vast concourse of steel and concrete was erected as tons of earth, stone, cement, sand, steel beams and other structural component parts were hauled to the construction site and a gigantic twelve-mile levee was completed that successfully contained the immeasurable billions of gallons of murky water that traversed the Savannah on its way to the sea. Finished in 1918 at a cost of $2,198,000 the Augusta levee stood the test. Christmas even the Savannah rose toa heig'nt. of thirty-four feet but the city remained safe and dry, un'iiaim.ed by the rampaging waters of the river. In times past it would have ir.eant the stopping of industrial production, ending of retail sales, preventing of out-oftovm people from buying goods, ruining of streets, buildings, sev/ers, stocks, good?;, records, necessitating extensive urban repairs and the drowning of many residents. "Today Augusta enjoys a glorious Christmas Day and the cost of the construction of the levee has almost been repaid ii"i one iristance of high water," the Chron ic le joyously procletimed. Without a doubt, the greatest municipal project ever inaugurated in the city during the urban Progressive Era v/as

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273 the Augusta levee. In the opinion of the oldest newspaper of the South, Aiigusta was "looked up to by raany southern cities as a ir.odel city of determination, which stepped out of the mud and destruction of floods to wall herself forever ^ . , . .22 agaiTist repetJ.tion of mundunatxon.

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NOTES 1. Allen D. Candler, Georcria , Comprising Sketches of_ Counties.. Towns, Sve nts . In sti cut Jons, and Persons , Arranged in Cy clopedic Form (Atlanta: State Historical Association, 1906), I, 131-132, III, 538-540; Joel Candler Harris, Meiaoirs, of Geo rgia (Atlanta: State Historical Association, 1895), II, 773-774. 2. Augu s t.a Ch r o n i c 1 e , April 14, 15, 1929; Lucj an L. Knicjht, gjAgyC-lopedia of Georgia Biography (Atlanta: A. H. Cawson, 1931), I, 89-90; Tli e Industrial Ad vantages of Aug us ba, Geo r gia (Augusta: Akehurst Publishing Company, 1893), 74; Harris, Memo i rs of Ge o rgia , II, 773-774. 3. Augus ta Chronicle, May 10, 1885, January 30, 1912; August a Herald , July 1, 1912; The__Industrial Advantaffps of Augusta, 68-69; Augusta Citv Directory, 1895-1896 (Augusta: Maloney Directory Company, 1896), 69; Georgia D irector y Cpmp_an^'_s _ Dij>:_cJ^orY_ojc_^ (Richmond : J. L. Hill Printing Company, 1898), 49; Dir ect ory of the .!?.ity_o.fL ^-M.9"-\^.sj'-a../ pff.o.^^i^ '^'^^^ 190 3 ( Au g a s t a : Cli r c n i c 1 e J oh Office, Printers and Bookbinders, 1903), 2 74; .W;al.sliJ_s Directory of the City of Augusta, Georgia for 1 904 (Augusta : Precs of the Axigusta Chronicle, 1904), 66, 68, 254; Eugene H„ Hinton, A Hi;-. to r jc al Sketch of the Evolu tion of Tr ade and Transpprtat ion pf^ Augusta , '^^pj^S^j-_^_ (Atlanta : Southeastern Freight Association, 1912), 6. 4. Charles C. Jones, Jr., and Salem. Dutcher, Momprial History cf_ Au gust a, Georgia (Syracuse: D, xMascn and Publishers, 1890), 420-422; Georgia Director y Compan y's Directory cf^ .Augusta, Georgia, 1893 (Richmiond: J. L. Hill Printing Company, 1093), 42; Augusta City Directory, 1899 (Augusta: Maloney Directory Company, 1899), 115; 7\ugus ta Chronicle, May 5, 1907. 5City Directory, 1895-1896, 14; Aug usta C ity Directory, 1896-1897 (Augusta: Maloney Directory Company, 1897), 2 74

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275 47; City Dire ctory, 189 3, 43; R. L. Polk and Corapany ' s ^'i'3}rl§^-W-£^9^^^Y-^.^^—^-^2. (Augusta: R. L. Polk and Company, 1909), 170; R. L. Polk and Company's Augusta Directory, 1912 (Augusta: R. L. Polk and Company, 1912), 30, 150; Augusta Chronicle, March 27, July 1, 1910; Knight, Encyclopedia o f Georgia Bio graphy , I, 89-90. 6. Candler, Georgia , III, 538-540; City Directory, 1899, 36. 7. Augusta Herald, May 9, 1909, March 27, 1910; Au gusta Chroni cle, May 9, 1909. 8. Augusta Herald, June 25, July 9, 1909; Augusta Chronicle, July 9, 1909. 9. Augu s ta Ch ronicle , January 4, 1910. 10. Ibid. , February 3, 8, 1910; Augusta Herald , February 3, 4, 11, 1910. 11* Aug usta Chronicle, February 8, 1910, February 20, 1911. 12. "Minutes of the City Council, January 3, 1910May 6, 1918," 104; Nin eteen Twelve Ye a r Boo k of the City_ Council of Augu sta, Georgia (Augusta: Chronicle Job Print, 1913), 29; Augu sta Chronicle , January 1, 2, 1912; Augusta Herald, January 1, 1912. 13. Tlie actions of the coirucdttee for annexation, statements by interested parties and comments by sundry political officials supporting the m.erger of Summerville v/ith Augusta can be carefully traced in the following editions of tlie two leading daily nevrspapers : Augusta Chronicle, July 8, 13, 15, 25, 28, August 2, 16, 25, 27, 30, October 27, 29, 30, 1911, January 14, 17, 23, 1912; Augusta Herald, July 24, 25, 28, August 13, 16, 17, 19, 24, 26, 30, 1911. 14. Tlie 'whirlwind campaign" for comiciissicn government is developed in the following editions of the daily newspapers: Au gusta Chronicl e, January 26, 27, February 2, 3, 7, 8, 9, 10, 16, 22, 1912; Augusta Herald, January 14, 15, 16, 17, 21, ;:3, 27, 30, February 1, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 1312. 15. Augusta Herald , March 15, 1912.

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276 16. Augusta Chronicl e, March 16, 17, 1912; Augusta, Heral d, March 16, 17, 1912, 17. Augusta Chronicle, March 17, 18, 21, 22, 1912; Augusta Herald, March 17.18, 21, 22, 1912. 13. Augusta Chro nicle, March 17, 1912. 19. Augusta Herald, March 18, 21, 22, 1912; Aug;iasta Cll£S.tlicl§.' March 18, 21, 23, 1912. 20. Augusta He rald, xMay 13, 14, 15, June 3, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 30, 1912. 21. "Minutes of the City Council, January 3, 1910May 6, 1918," 140-141; Augu sta Chronicle, June 25, 1912; xAuqusta Herald , June 25, 1912; see appendix. Table V, "The Special Bond Election for the Levee, University Hospital and the New Waterworks System." 22. Augusta C hronicle, January 7, March 17, ].8, Jvme 15, July 11, 18, 27, August 1'/, September 1, 2, 5, 12, October 3, 1913, January 14, February 5, 15, April 19, 21, 26, Hay 3, 12, 20, 21, 28, 30, 31, June 1, 2, 20, July 16, 19, September 1, October 7, Novem.ber 12, 28, 1914, January 1, 20, March 1, July 16, August 19, 22, September 18, December 11, 1915, January 17, May 21, December 10, 1916, June 13, October 29, 31, 1917, December 24, 25, 27, 1918, January 4, 31, 1919, April 14, 15, 1929; August a Herald, February 5, 6, May 21, 22, 24, 28, 30, 31, June 1, 2, 3, 4, 1914, August 19, 20, 22, 23, 1915, December 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 1918, January 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 28, 29, 30, 31, 1919.

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CHAPTER IX STRIKERS, SCABS, SOLDIEBlS AND ARBITRATORS Tlie Tr olley Car S crike of 1911 and Terapo rary Reso lution of Differences Congenial and courteous relationships between employees and employers v/ere gradually destroyed when E. C. Deal of North Carolina was appointed General Manager of the AugustaAiken line in 1911, Even before Deal arrived, rumors were rife am.onq the men that new, stringent rules and regulations would be adopted. Furthermore, it was coirmon gossip am.ong the employees that Deal had greatly disrupted and totally disorganized good management-labor relations in Carolina. Upon arrival in Augusta, Deal's new m.ethods became immediately "visible and very tangible." A plethora of new "regs" were put into effect and rigorously enforced; much to the 1 chagrin of the employees. Orders v/ere dispatched by the general manager that some men v/ere to be placed on a fifteen to exghteen hour a day v/ork schedule without relief. ^.Tie eld twelve hour v/ork shift was aband'.5"ned. "Split-run" men were required to v/ork 277

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278 six hours, off for six tiours and then return to work for six more hours. Employees were deprived of many of their' traditional benefits and their on-the-job responsibilities increased significantly. Trainmen were notified that the large pccbelly iron stoves at the ends of the lines v/ould henceforth be discontinued, leaving them without provisions for comfort in the way-stations in inclement v/eather. Notices were served that no employees were permitted to eat their meals on the road or at tlie end of their -.vorkday on co-mpany property because accurate time scliedules had to be maintained at all times; "Meals or No Meals." Tlieir responsibilities, they were informed in company bulletins, Vvere far greater than the mere operation of the vehicle and the collection of passenger fares. They were expected to offer physical assistance to all women and children boarding and departing from the trolleys; help aged passengers board, find their seats and assist them in stepping off the iron platforms onto the streets below; evict drunks; chase freeloaders from the cars; and, if necessary, whip all "Toughs" ^rho challenged their authority or attempted to damage company property. Moreover, their responsibilities to the company did net end v^hen they returned their vehicles to the carbarn on Fifteenth and Bread streets but chey ware expected to clean up the cars, dust the seats, polish the

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279 chrome and brass attachments and wash the lamp globes and windows every niyht before leaving for their homes. Any signs of uncleanliness meant a demerit point against them; when points accum.ulated 'too high" they were s"'aspended for three days. If their trolleys happened to "jump" the overhead wire or, worse yet, tear them down, it was considered to be prima facie evidence that they had been shirkd.ng their dvr'cios on the job and, accordingly, they were fined for such "needless accidents." In most instances the minim.um penalty .imposed was "Three times TI"7ELVE TIMES NINETx SIX" m.eaning a docking of $3.38 from their pay envelopes on pay day.' The growing inability to achieve any com/promises withGeneral Manager Deal was largely, though not completely, responsible for the organization of most of the city division of the company into ''Old 577" of the Aaialgamated A3-sociati.ou of Street Railway Employees. "Snooping" upon the union members, their leaders and meetings were quickly introduced. It was stated, as an unofficial policy of the company and the clandest.ine strategy of Deal to learn of the bickerings of his employees. "Attentive ears wex-e awaiting any and all reporcs" fx-om i:hem by the "Bosses," it was charged. VJorkers who were particularly active in the union discovered that they were shadowed, harrassed, intimidated and fined for misdemeanors trumped-up against them by the

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280 company. In -Jihe first week of Novarriber, 1911, several employees---incliiding W. H. Bagby, President of Old 577, J. E. Findley, E. G„ Coursey and D. E. Boo2er--were suitur.arily dis3 charged without explanation and without sufficient cause. Motormen and conductors, claiming that the AugustaAiken Railway and Electric Corporation had discharged some of its employees without sufficient cause, walked off their jobs, A strike v;as formally called on the city lines shortly after a "thirteenth hour" early morning conference betv;een the company's representatives and union officials failed to achieve any satisfactory understanding. Tlio major factor v.'hich had precipitated the strike v;as intense dissatisfaction of the union men with Genci-al Manager E. C. Deal wlio had arbitrarily dismissed one of tlie leading organisers of the union and two con.ductors on the grounds tliat they expressed "disloyalty to the company interest." E. G. Kalbfleisch, attorney and city councilm.an heading a special delegation, had attempted to reach a last minute understanding with, the general manager of the company m.aintaining that the dismissals had occurred without "sufficient cause." Kalbfleisch roqiiested that the matter be reopened for investigation and, unless significant charges were substantiated, th.ose fired were to be fully reinstated. He also requested that the accusations made by the discharged

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281 employees a.bout unfair treatment by management be either confirmed or denied after a thorough investigation „ But the 4 Kalbfleisch conference failed. After the unsuccessful conclusion of the conference, the union comiaittee members departed to the corner of Broad and Jackson streets where they intercepted all trolley cars and notified the men that they were officially on strike. No disorders transpired; not even large gatherings took place. Everything proceeded peacefully according to a pre-arranged plan of operation v/orked out in a close union meeting the evening before. Tlie union men, after receiving notification, returned their trolleys to the carbarn, placed them, in their regular stalls and quietly left. A fev; men paraded up tov/n, but in general the pattern was "impressively orderly." I'T'iey did not shout, hurl thre^ats, shake their fists in the air, nor make boasts of conquests, but in a peaceful, nonviolent dem.onstration they stiaged their public protect against what they believed were intolerable working conditions and unjustifiable treatments. "They were quiet and orderly; indeed, there v/as even an absence of 3 cud talking," the Chronicle observed. Small groups of m.en congregated on various street corners in the factory district, biit reporters noted that they talked in a "good hamoredly 5 nature" am.ong themselves and then dispersed.

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282 Company officials announced that there would be no effort made to opex-ato the cars. Tliose people v/ho lived a great distance from their jobs v/ere advised to make other transportation arrangements or walk home. Tliey also confideritly stated that they did not expect the strike to last for any lengthy time. Besides, they explained, althoiigh the trolley cars were silent, '"hackmen" were readily available to transport p --cple from their downtown offices to their" suburban homes, admitting, however, that cabs were "going at a premium" but that v/as a matter over v/hich they had no control. The Chronicle explained to its readers that the transportation of businessmen v/as also being facilitated by five "straw-ride 'vvagons . " "Old-fashioned sleigh bells hung from the horses' nec]^3 and jingled m.errily as many a party of staj.d busi.nossmen rode to their homies," the Chronicle, stated. SLrikers laaintained that they firmly intended to remain "oaf \intil all disputes v/ere resolved. Throughout the duration of the "v/Hlk-oi.it" they had no intention of disrupting civic life nor attacking company property, providing that there v/as no effort by the office staff to operate the cars, nor f:o transfer men from other departments within the compaiiy to run. the vehicles, nor to import "outside help" to restore trarisportation secvices. Furthermore, as long as

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283 tha company negotiated in "good faith" with the strike representatives, they promised not to call for the men on the Augusta-'Aiken line to leave \vcrk, thereby shutting down the entire comir.uter transportation system. They also indicated that they intended to affiliate with the National Amalgamated Association of Carmen, in the hopes of aoliieving leadership direction in their fight for industrial jvistice and of receiving some economic assistance. Strike officials especially acknowledged that they were seeking to pursue a consj.stently cautious pul^lic policy, believing that if they avoided any violent action and constantly provided sufficient advance notices of their intentions, publ.ic sympathy would be on th.eir side. The Chief of the Augusta Police Department, George P. Elliott, stated, "I have talked to a number of th. e leading carmen who are on strike an.d have been assured by them there is to be no disorder. I told the men that as long as there was no violence or attem.pt to damiage the property of the company, the police department would not :f ore. " '' A temporary truce was established and streetcar service was rei-^umLcd the second day of the strike after a special arbitration committee was appointed to v.'ork to achieve a " f aJ-.r and ju.^t settlemer.t" of all differences. Mayor Thomas Barrett, Jr., R, Roy Goodvvin, city councilman and

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284 managing director of tiie Chanber of Commerce and Thomas W. Loyless of the Chro nicle v/ere largely responsible for effecting the te:aporary restoration of t.rolley services in the city while the differences between the com.oany and its em.ployees were being arbitrated. In the meantime, however, those employees discharged by the company remained suspended until the board of "five fair minded arbitrators" rendered a finajveraict. Reverend M. Ashby Jones, Irvin Alexander, James C. Harrison, Tnomas S. Gray and Rufus H. Brown v/ere selected to comprise the special ar'oitriition comraittee. As pastor of the First Baptist Church, Reverend Jones Vvas consideredto be impartial, humane and tolerant toward all views. Forty-f ive-year--old Irvin Alexander, a graduate of the University of Georgia and prcmi.nent attorney of the Planters' Loan and Savings Bank, v\7as viewed as providiiig the necessary fine insights inLo the legalities of the disputes. Z'loreover, since he was not only the ex-Clerk of the County Ordinary, a former city councilman and h.ad served as United States Commi.Gsioner and deputy clerk of federal courts in Augusta, his opinions were regarded of utmost importanco . Youthful thirLy-five--year--old Hari'ison v/as looked upon for h.is objectivity; a skill allegedly acquired as a result of his professional training on the Colum b ia Sentinel , Augusta

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285 Chr onicle and his managerial position on the August a Herald . Moreover, as past president of the Augusta Typographical Union it v;as believed that he v/ould be sympathetic, l^ut fair in evaluating the complaints of the disgruntled laborers. Thomas S, Gray and Rufuc H. Brov.n, the head Ciishiers of the Union Savings Bank and the Georgia Railroad Bank, were selected as two prominent citizens skilled in grasping tlia complexities of high finance. It was widely believed that the board of five "unbiased citizens" would readily establish a "prompt and peaceable settlement" of the dispute. Tne Board of Arbitrators, after carefully considering the complaints of the carmen against the Augusta-Aiken and Electric Company, rendered a decision against the corporation. Attorneys E. G. Kalbfleisch and Samuel L. Olive, representing the strikers, persuasively shov/ed hov/ the discharge of two of the men had been completely unjustif j.able. Hcv/ever, counsel for the plaintiffs had bean unable to show injustices in the dismissal of foriaer superintendent, W. H. Bagby, and J. E. Fiodley. Dismissal was sustained. Other concessions won included recognicicn of t?ie union by the company, protection from discharge from the secvice of the corpcratio?:i except for seriO'.:s infractions of the rules and assurances that working conditions would improve in the

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286 near future. Effective January, 1912, wages were to increase and v/ork hours sliorten. The attorneys for the striking carmen regretted that they had not been successful in reinstating all of those dismissed but recognized the validity of the claims of the corporation against Bagby and Findley. Mr, E. C „ Deal and Vice President Pardee of the con^pany, while speaking highly of Bagby "as a man" regretted to state that they "doubted his vability to properly handle the men," Furthermore, Olive and Kalbfleisch expressed great satisfaction that through their efforts they had persuaded the company to have the "imported carmen" brought to Augusta as "strike-breakers" sent back to New York. In short, they v/ere most pleased with the concessions granted by the company and announced that the motormen and conductors would abide by the findings. Such swift conclusion of the strike led the Chronicle to predict that there would be no futvire disturbances since all the basic grievariCes had 10 been so "happily settled." Tae .Trolley Car Strike of 1912 and Marti,a l L aw In the folloving months, however, the November, 1911, rapprochement rapidly disintegrated as the company apparently forgot many of its pledges and ushered in a period of reaction against its union employees. Proceeding along the age-old proposition of authoritarian rulers that the "King

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287 can do no wrong," General Manager E. C. Deal broke promises that had been made. Wages were not increased in January, 1912, nor v;ex-e other benefits fulfilled. Hours of employment were not shortened. Strikers had been prom.ised the right to return to their jobs without any demerits against them or any display of hostilities, but Deal began to "Tight en-tha-Screv/s. " All premises were abrogated. Working conditions failed to improve and men were harrassed, suspended, fined and discharged without justification, i.ndicating that there had been no real mutual understanding nor genuine reconciliation. Life en the job for others was made most miserable and almost unbearable. Every effort by grievance comm.ittees to appeal to a company arbitration board and redress problems m.et v/ith failure. It was hoped that such tactics to make v.'orking conditions "so unpleasant" Vvould force the union men to quit and go elsewhex-e. "Poverty/' however, observed Samuel li. Olive, attorney for local 577, "makes a man stand for hard lines som>etimes." Conductors, of coarse, were required by the company to tarn in all cash at the end of a day's run, but received a receipt for "one sack of money, contents r.nknown." All too frequently, several days later shortages were "discovered" and then the missing si'.ms were deducted from their weelcly './ages. Despite repeated requests frcm a union comxaittee.

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288 the corapany refused to have a cashier count tl'ie arriount of money when it vvas turned in and give them a receipt indicating the exact auiount. Furt'nermore, ''pimps" were planted by the company inside of the union to "create internal strife" and inform the company what the men were planning. Failing to successfully infiltrate the union, however. Deal "founded, funded and fostered" the growth of an "independent" anion — a "fake union," a "company union.'' Non-union employees were encouraged to organize a rival union, thereby splitting some of the men off from the regular union and retarding its growth. Oncve a "dual organization" v;as created, he freely discharged the meiabers of 5 77, after trumping up accusations of incompetence and vague statements concerning bad "past records." Ihose who were dismissed frequently appealed for reinstatement only to discover that they 'Aore forced to spend their entire -cime appealing for a hearing before a 12 board of arbitration. After numerous conferences and counter-conferences extending over a period of ten months, efforts to achieve a genuine understanding between company officials and union representatives failed. Coni'ronted by the recurrence of old problems and the refusal to compjromice differences, labor leaders finally termijiated all efforts at negotiation and called a strike. Motormen, conductors and other union

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289 employees \vere greeted by a coiTunJttee representing the Amalgaraated Association of Carmen No. 577 and were advised to stop their cars, discliarge their passengers, abandon the trolleys standing on the tracks and attend a special union raeeting at Mechanic's Hall. Simultaneously, transportation services on the interurban line to Aiken ceased. Acoorfipanying the first day of the strike v/ere pervasive rumors that strikebreakers had been imported from other cities to operate the Augusta-Aiken trolleys. Deal neither denj.ed nor confirmed the lumor but assured reporters and citizens of Augusta that he v/ould shortly have "an ample number of men to operate tlie cars'' soon; maintaining that the "public need" for dependable ccn'j'aur.cr transportation was the primary concern o'F the com.pany. "Reliable" authorities interpreted Deal's comirients to moan that str j-kebreakers v-i-ere enrcute from Savannah, Atlanta, Macon and other nearby 13 citxes. "Scabs" Cjirrbed aboard the trolley cars on the second day of the 3t::ike. Regular daytinie schedules would be maintained on the city lines, the ocrnpany announced, but no nightcJ.ri':e service could be provi.ded. Furthv-irmore, no t3rolleys v.'ould operate betv/een Augusta and Aiken until it was felt "safe" by the corapany to resume its operations on the Carolina side. Mayor Barrett, fearing the worst, issued

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290 orders to Chief Elliott to "maintain order and protect life and property" by providing the company all the police protoction necessary. Each car was protected from possible damage or attack by policemen stationed on the front and rear platforms. Sqviads of police officers were also stationed to patrol the plant and the carbarn of the corpoi'ation, by order of the mayor and cliief of police. Striking carmen v/ere advised to stay away from the Fifteenth Street carbarn and power house and were urged to refrain from any 14 acts of v-Lolence or lawlessness. Groups of strikers and sympathizers were frequently dispersed during the day by special details of officers on duty but little "rov.'o.yism" occurred early in the day. Some minor incidents erupted later on in the day, hov/over. I-arge crovv'd.'r hooted, jeered, cursed, taunted and shook their clenched, fists in the air at the trolleys as they rolled past. W. il^ Eagby, J. V7. Casey and eight other strikers leaped from the Conf eder
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291 strike, and I dislike to hear of any differences between capital and labor, but the City of Augusta will maintain ordar and protect person and property at any cost,'" Mayor 15 Barrett emphatically stated. Tiiat evening some tracks were ripped up but they were speedily repaired and cars continued to run on the Lake View, Turpin Hill, Monte Sano and Sununerville lines throughout the next day by members of "Mr. Deal's union" and "Mr. Barrett's police force." Incidents continaed, hov/ever. Several Irondred feet of track near the old exposition park grounds were ripped up, feeder wires were cut, trolley wires on other lines v/ere ripped dov/a and occasional 'rurrblings" broke out as police attempted to enforce the "move-on" ordinance. One conductor was struck by a piece of scrap iron hurled by an unknovm person. Despite these miinor incidents, relative peace prevailed in the city. Police rema ir>ed on guard at the company grounds and continued to ride "L~hotgun" aboard the trolleys to preserve •'l^lW arid order." l-'urthermore. Chief Elliout had ordered his men to quickly disperse all "crov;ds" from the streets and corners. In addj.tion, f;ea.l informed the Chroni..clo_ that tlie company had emp.Icyed "security guards" as watchmen foi; the power plant and carbarn at Fifteenth Street to protect it from any .. T .^ 16 possiDle assault.

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292 xMeaibers of the Amalgamated Association were drafted for picket duty to v/ave placards. CtlierG volunteered to station themselves at -J-ho depot and make reports en all "ne\/ arrivals" on every train coming into the city. President Albert J. Allen of the Augusta Federation of Trades announced that the men in his organization strongly conimended the strikers in the battles against grievous injustices. He also stated that he v/as contemplating calling a meeting to determine if the aff j.liated unions in the city should stage a syaipathy st.rike . The carpenters' union passed a i-esolution endorsing the strike. The Augusta Typog^^-P^'ii^sl Union passed a similar resolution and pledged its moral support to the strike cause. Union men also started a badge-campaign with hundreds of laborers displaying white badges with the slogan "We Walk" in an effort to arouse public syrnpathy for the strikers. Many of the members of other labor unions independently announced that th.ey were in sympai:;hy with the 17 strikers who quit their jobs. ITie Augusta-Aiken trolley car strike assumed larger px'oportions when ^ill seventeen crafts comprising the Augusta Federation of Trades adopted a blanket resolution threatening a gerieral city -wide strike. Allen, presiding at a mass meeting in the Knights of Pythias Plall on Eighth Street, announced after extended discussions that the delegates from

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293 all the labor unions had concurred that tlie company had not acted in good faith, "had grossly violated" all of its pledges, had frequently resorted to cheating its employees of their rightful pay and ultinately had dismissed responi^i.ble employees because of their union affiliations in an arbitrary, ruthless fashion. Unless the company renounced its old ways, initiated arbitration proceedings and promised to deal fairly v/ith the strikers, a general strike would be called, practically paralyzing all business in the city and vicinity. Building construction would cease, railroad sh.ops v;ould be closed down and plur;bing, electrical repairs, painting and masonry v/ork v/ould be declared "off.." "We believe that the cotton mi.ll people are so strongly with us tliat only the v/ord is wanted to close the doors," it was annoxinced. Some 5,000 union employees stood ready for an imjr.ediate strike; all President Bagby of Local 57 7 had to do '.vas to say the ''wcrd." Allen further charged that the city had not acted in an impartial manner by dispatching police tc protect company property and assigning them, duty to ride aboard trolleys being operated by scabs. ^-ccordingly, a special labor delegation v;ould be callJiig upon the raayor and chief oF police to request the rcmcvai of all patrolmen. The passage of the reGolution Vv'as followed by wild scenes of enthusiasm as men shouted, clapped their hands and thrusx:

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294 their clenched fists into the air in a sign of total defiance. At the conclusion of the meeting, union leaders, speakers and men raarched out of the hall and paraded through 18 th e d o wn tow n district. Deal declared that there was "nothing to arbitrate." The men had walked off their jobs and their places had been filled by others who were eager to work and anxious to adVavico upvvard into the ranks of the company. Streetcars were running providing businessmen v/ith transportation to and from their jobs. Barrett, although refusing to make any statements regarding the threats of a genex'al strike, privately told personal acquaintances that he had hoped for an early settlement of the strike. Publicly he announced that police would remain aboard the cars, continue to patrol the streets dispersing small crowds of strikers and sympathizers and maintain a careful watch at the company plant. "I am tlie executive officer of this city and I conceive it to be my duty to protect the men v;ho are operating the cars," he 19 stated to a Hera^ld repo3:tor. An estimated crowd of 2,500 men, v/omen and children gathered at the couirtliouse Tliux'sday evening, September 271:h, to listen to prominent labor if^aders and friends of the working man discuss i-h.e interurban street railv;ay strike crisis. ALtorney Samuel L, Olive, retained by Local 577,

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295 reviewed the grievances cf the strikers and summed up events to date, concluding that they ?iad not been given a "square deal." C. A. Pi'-quet also spoke of the injustices done by the coiT.pany against its em.ployees, declaring that they had certain basic human rights that were protected by a higher law and urging them to stick with their battle against the company. Dr. James R. Littleton addressed the audience in the smoke-filled auditorium, expressing extreme s^inpatliy for tiie plight of the strikers but, like the other speakers, as a real friend of labor, he cautioned against any acts of physical violence. Richard Cornelius, a national labor leader, strongJ.y condemned the company, reciting the various acts of unfairness against the men and asserting that their rights v/ould only be restored by a united, determined fight. At tlie conclusion of the meeting, a resolution was again passed stipulating that all labor unions com.prising the Augusta Federation of Trades v/ere <'iv/aiting Lhe plea for support from: the Ai\-ialgam.ated Association No. 577 to join in a general strike. For a secorid time, the motion carried unanimously amidst a deafening roar. After the m.eeting adjourned, numierous extemporaneous speeches were made by several strikers, denouncing the presence of scabs in the city and calling for a concerted, massive demonstration against the company at the power

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296 plants vOaly a. fev^? men spoKe out, urging that thoy keep their emotions under cont3:oi, remain peaceful and lawabiding citizens and refrain from any acts of vandalism or rowdyism. The vast majority, swayed by the fiery, emotional oratory of a fev/, marched in mass toward the Fifteenth Street powerhouse, waving red flares, chanting, cheei'ing and crying out: "Bov/n with the Scabs 1" At the plant, a vast multitude of around 1,500 people swarmed outside the gates and fences, sh.outing at the scabs to come out, A few exceedingly naive company -men, believing the prom.ises that no harm would come to them, stepped cut into the millii'.g crowd. Fists lashed out, heads were cracked together, noses were punched, eyes \/ere gouged and feat kicked out at the fallen, crumpled bodies. Simultaneously, as the scuffles broke out, pistol .shots rang out. "If there was one shot there was a hundred," Eagby recorded in his reminisces, and "bloody faces and scared Iteads a plenty" abounded. Hundreds scrambled over th.e fence, causing it to buckle and collapse, as they rushed ir\to the yards of the carbarn searching for other sca.bs, hui'lifig bricks, rocks and other missiles an.d shattering the windows of the buildings. Bvit the real target of the enraged mob was not the coivipany property nor building:-; but the hated non-union employr^es. Frightened and pov/erless to resist the onrush of several hundred angry

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297 men, the stri]<;ebreaker3 rushed further back into the yards, seeking safety under the old, run-do^n and discarded vehicles at the rear of the pov/er house and on top of tlie boilex's. Captured, they were dragged from their hiding places, hot, dirty, exhausted, sv/eaty and trembling and then "violently handled" and "badly beaten." Several were pistolwhipped, slashed and raauled, necessitating emergency hospital medical treatmemt. Daring the carbarn riot, a great many revolver shots rang out; indeed, "there v/as a regular fusilade of bullets," the Chronicle reported. Some of the guards had exclianged shots with unidentifiable persons. Overwhelmed by the sheer xiurnbers, police units were apparently powerless to prevent the "depradations of the mob" evexi though additional squads had been rushed to the scene. Rumors qxiickly spread through the city after the midnight civil disturbance electrifying conuo.unity tensions. Rebel forces, it v;as said, v/ero pl.';nning an all-out attack upon the company and possibly trie city. Comraon street gossi.p aliso included the story that some ''anarchists" v;ere plotting to dynamite cer22 tain key buildings. Notified about the "dangerous turn of events," Mayvjr Barrett, poss.ibly over-reacting, hai^tily called Covernor Joseph M. Brown at Marietta requesting assistance in

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298 maintaining "law and order" in the citv, "Little Joe" Brown, former Vice President of the First National Bank of Marietta and railroad traffic laanager of the Western and Atlantic railroad, quickly responded to the formal request, declaring that a "state of insurrection" existed and dispatching an order through the adjutant general to Kiajor AJDram. Levy, comaaander of the local rjattalion, to call out four companies and assemble them, at the Augusta armory. The governor's order v/as simple: -'Put down disorder and riot23 ing . " At 1:15 A.M., Friday, Septemiber 28, 1912, Major Levy placed the city under martial law. For the second time in the peacetime history of Augusta, a military conmiander was placed in charge and given full pov.er to protect the company, its properties and employees from any further attacks. Soa-.e 260 soldiers v/ere stationed at various check-points, civil lf\w was virtually suspended and military control was an established fact even though m.ost residents were unaware 24 or tha full meaning of raartial law. Benjamin F. Baker, fafner of seven children, and youthful, eighteen-year-old John Henry Carl Dorne, brother of an Ai,'igu3i:a policeman, were shot dowii after an encounter with the guards at 6:30 P.M. on Fifteenth and Broad. According to an eyewitness, H. H. whitehead, a Herald, reporter. Baker

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299 and Dcirne were apparently unaware that the street was closed to through traffic and ignorant of the fact that troops were guarding the area. Soldiers appeared, waved their hands, riollered at them to "Halt;" Not comprehending the moaning of the military command, they mistakenly continued. Several rounds v/ere fired at them which frightened their horse, causing it to bolt and gallop pell mell toward the sentries. T]-ie soldiers reacted by firing at the runav/ay horse and buggy as it dashed toward them. In the general fusilade of shots. Baker wac mortally wounded in the shoulder, arm and hip. Dome's chast was ripped open by steel jacketed 25 bullets. Charles W. Wilson, his wife and a small child v/ere d.riving past the scene. Wilson was just shifting into second gear v/hen a National Guardsman suddenly stepped into the middle of jTifteerith Street in front of his car and ordered him to "Haiti" But before he could stop his aiitoiTicbile, withir, a few seconds "probably a dozen shots" wercj fired » Cryinvj out, he exclaimed, "My God, don't shoot any more, don't ycu see lay v;ifo and child?" BuL the broops continued to fire at i.'ae car riddli'ng it v/ith bullet holes. The Wilrjon vehicle was "badly damaged," but, m.iraculously, none of the occupants were injured or killed. Thirtythree-year-old Robert V. Christie, a traveling

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300 salesman for the Nixon Grocery Company and forraer part Cv.-ner of the Black -Christie Overall Manufacturing Company, v;as far le;ss fortunate. Arriving on the scene after the shootings, but apparently ignorant of the tragic events that had branspired, Christie was startled when armed guards leaped out into the roadway commanding him to "Haiti" 'Wlien he failed to comply with the order, a number of guardsmen simu.ltaneously fired their rifles. Christie slumped forward in his roadster, mortally wounded iii the chest and lungs. "I fcold the militiamen not to shoot any m.ore for Cod's sr;kc; you have already killed him, " an eyewitness v/ho rushed to 27 the scene reported, but they "paid no attention to me." Several of the buildings and homes in the area were shot -up as "v/ild bullets" thudded into their walls, shattered windows and terrified occupaiits . "Residences were hit and the air ^/as dangerously laden with bullets from these army guriS at and during the time of tliis horrible triple slaying at the power house," Bagby recorded in his memoir. Pedestrians v.'aiking past di':cked in horror as bullets zingod Gve.\~head. l"7ill Cain, sputtering past on his motorcycle, slcidded to a crash, the handlebar rj shot off by stray bullei'.s, A large crowd which quickly gathered at the scene was sturir.edf shocked and horrified when the militia dispersed them by firing several rounds inco the air. One

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301 irate, innocent bystander v/ho v/as shot at wired Adjutant General William B. Obear after the fracas, ''Militia shooting dov/n citizens like dogs. Can you give us any protec, . „ 1, 28 t.ion? ' News of the shootings spread rapidly tlirough the comRUiuit.y, promoting a general panic. On almost every stireet corner there congregated small groups of citizens discussing the recent events. Private homes were alive with heated debates about tlie justice or injustice of the guards in slaying citizens. Special conferences v;ere held by the mayor, chief of police, city councilraen and the key figures in county politics. "Men who had never in their lives carried a weapon comn\enced buying all kinds of weapons as a raove for self protection against the unexpected, " Bagby recorded. Rumors were rife that a general bloodbath v/as irapending . Charges and counter-charges were m.ade against the owners of the electric railway company. Some city officials hired Pinkertons to protect themselves from possibJ.a injuries or attacks. Company men were too frightened to appear on the streets without body guards, "Scabs" armed themselves in self-defense; som.e, fearing the v/orst, cjuiotly left the city. Police, in an endeavor to prevent further strife, cautiously patrolled the streets, stopping to interrogate loiterers, encouraging people to go to their homes.

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302 breaking up sraall crovv'ds and arresting "suspicious" persons. In carder to v/ard off any further violence. Major Levy an-' ncuncad that full military controls would be exerted. He a.lso stated that a "careful examination" of tiie shootings by H'-ilitary authori.ties would be forthcoming; although, in hi?5 opinion, the errors had been made by civilians ignorant of the meaning of martial law. Nevertheless, he placed Captains James F. Henderson and Thad G. Jov/itt, commanders of Company A and B, First Infantry Regiirient, under military arrest for violations of the fifty-eighth and the sixtysecond Articles of War to await court martial proceedings befoirc a military tribunal. In the meantime, as military coinmander of the city, he was initiating all steps necessary 99 to assure the maintenance of ].aw and order. Troops were ordered to patrol the streets, affording protection to all of the important fir/ancial industrieil and comjnercial enterprises. Several infantry companies "v-zere stationed at the carbarn and posted at the power house. Also e ga.tling gun squad v^as assigii«d to guard company property and its employees from further attacks. Checkpoinus, controlling the entry ana exit of all veh.icies in the vicinity of the company, were hast.i ly constructed and manned. "J^l^ree powerful searchlights wore installed upon the tops of buildings, illuminating the streets and grounds

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303 surrounding company property. Large signs were posted on Greene Street, west . of t}ie Enterprise raill and on Fifteenth Street, north and south of the pov/er plant, v/arning all unauthorized personnel to stay out. "Anyone passing this point without authority will be SHOT— By Order of Major Levy. ' Sq^aads guarded the two river bridges that spanned the Savannah, stopping all vehicles entering and leaving the city, inspecting them for arms and arairiunition, and recfLiiring pass perm.its for those traveling to Aiken. In the immediate vicinity of the Augusta-Aiken headquarters, no through traffic v/as permitted. All persons in the area v/ere stopped, interrogated, and after stating the nature of their business, were permitted to pass. It was also announced by the mi].itary authorities that "crack troopers" from Savannah "known for iiheir marksmanship" were scheduled to arrive aboard four day coaches at 7:50 P.M., Saturday . . , . . .30 evenxng, to rej.niorce key po:..nts m tne city. Pressures to secure peace developed qiiickly i.n the aftermath of the recent ev/ents. Merchants, businessmen, cotton facLcrs, bankers, attorneys and iiidustrialists pointed cut that while v/aicing for the company and the union to reconcile all their differences, trade in the city had been almost completely paralyzed. Tliey poi^ited out that their rights were being ignored even though they were not

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304 a party to the ccntroversy. Business sales had greatly suffered Vyhile company officials, strikers, scabs and soldiers had battled out: their differences with ].ittle success other than to seal off the city frora external trade and even discourage internal trade because people were too frightened to leave their homes and apartments. Tliey emphatically stated th.at mediation was the only means of bringing about a satisfactory and permanent resolution of differences V The Chamber of CoirLmerce, Augusta Cotton Exchange, Augusta Boeird of Trade, Merchants and Manufacturers' Association and the Chronicle and Herald newspapers joined together in a comm.on plea that strikers and the officials of the com.pany negotiate their differences at the conference tables instead of in the streets, alleys and major intersections of the city. Repeated efforts were also made to bring the strike to the coriferenco tables by the political leaders of the city and county. The mayor called for an end to the "great turmoil'' w'-ilch had prevailed in the city. The City Council passed a resolution iirging the AugustaAiken Railway and Ele?ctric Corporacion to initiate arbitration with the representatives of the striking caxrmen and recornir.ended that the cifficiaJs and attorneys representing the Amalgamated Association of Street Railway Employees 31 adjudicate tiieir differences with management.

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305 Rf^peated attempts to bring the strike to a sv/ift concl'asion, however, v/ere unsuccessful. Every peace proposal put foi'th by the mayor, aldermen, recognized leaders of the var.lous business organizations, editors and influential citi;:ens in the community met with colossal failure. In each instance, peacem^akers v/ere ignored, and occasiotially ridiculed as being either pro-union or sympathetic to management. The strike situation remained virtually unchanged — not because of the adamant attitudes of union officials, but because representatives of the company, especially General Manager Deal, asserted that there v/as nothing to discuss with labor. ~^ Ih.ere were no pressing reasons for Deal to x-espcnd to the requests for adjudication since trolley cars wei'e back in operation in the city and commuter services were being provided. Moreover, the vehicles, employees and passengers v/ere being protected by policemen, deputy sheriffs, "special dapu+iies" and guardsmen. Mayor Barrett, Chief of Police P^liiott, Sheriff John W. Clark of Richmorid County and Major Levy, in order to preclude further violence, had sv/orn in a "large posse" of 100 raen, m.any of whom v^ere "most influential buGinessm-^n, " to ride tiie trolleys, patrol the carlines, trail behind the trolleys in their own vehicles and act sv/ifcly to provide immediate additional assistance in

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306 the event of any disturbances. Not only v/as Deal being assisted by the local city and county authorities but, even though the total nurinber of National Guardsmen had been con-sideuabLy reduced, nevertheless, a squadron of forty enlisted men and three officers remained stationed at the pov/er house, protecting the plant from any mass attacks and continuing to stop all "suspicious" parties in the vicinity. Small squads of deputies were also stationed at crucial junctures along tlia belt li.ne looping the city. All persons, it v/as announced in the daily newspapers, who attempted to interfere, v/ould be immiediately arrested and turned over to the military authorities for incarceration pending trial. Deal, moreover, was unconcerned about job replacements, stating, "I have been receiving applicatioris from, a number seeking employment, and have also had application from ten 33 of the striking carmen, asking that they bo reinstated." Refusal to arbitrate with the union leaders was largely responsible for sifosequent riew outbreaks of violence against the strikebreakers employed to operate the cars of the Augusta-Aiken Electric Corporation. Minor clashes erupted v/hen the company attempted to restore intercity transportation services. Scabs were attacked and beaten up by atigry strikers and sympathizers near Belvedere., South Carolina. Tracks in North Augusta were carefully inspected after

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307 runors parsisted that they v/ere rigged for explosion; a half-pound stick of dynamite v/as discovered. In North Augusta, as a trolley departed for Aiken, it v/as halted, two itten boarded it, pulled the whistle strap, and guards raade a fast "get-a-way" when they saw swarms of men rushing toward the vehicle from both sides of the track. Numerous sliots rang out; one of the scabs was shot in the hip. 2\ncthor's face was grazed. Roughly hauled off the car, they were forced to "dance" while men fired shots near their feet. Clothes were ripped from their bodies as angry m.en grabbed them, twisted them around, puslied them bad; and forth between strikers, punched them in the face, clobbered them in their bodies and cracked their heads with cJubs and butts of guns. Thoroughly "thrashed," they were left lying on the ground. "Pistols wore pulled by a score or more, and it is said that fully 100 shots rang out," Sheriff T. P. Rab<3n of Aiken County, South Carolina, reported. He also estimated that around 600 men were in the mob that: attacked the trolley car. P'urthermore, he explained, tlie leaders boast:ed befcire departing that all future attempts to operate cars on the Avigusta -Aiken line \/ould fail; strikebreakers \'/ould be seized, beaten and run off. Violence across the Savannah brought a corresponding iricrease in physical attacks upon scabs operating intracity

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308 trolleys. yiotorman Frank Lichenstein "Kelly" was shot down. Conduccor Allen Brooks v/as mortally wounded after a mob attacked the trolley as it clanged past the Scheutzen Platz. One of the belt line cars of the Augusta -Suimnerville--Monte Sa.no run was attacked on Gwinnett Street near Fifteenth Str'eet. llie raotorman was pulled off, beaten up and several shxOts wore fired at the fleeing scabs as they ran towards th safety of the dark woods. By the time squads of policemen and special deputies arrived on the scene, it v/as too late 35 to apprehend those involved xn the fracas. Recognizing thab physical assaults were achieving little results in forcing the company to negotiate with its representatives and perceiving that these events were rapidly estranging public opinion for their cause, union officials decided that if they threatened a general strike again, possibly closing dov/n all industries in the city and affecting around 5,000 to 8,000 workers, it might encourage politicians to respond to the plight of ].abor and seek to coerce laanayemcnt to meet at the conference tables, achieving eventually an amicable resolution and ending the protracted strike v/hich was disrupting normal condiir-ions in the city. In a vigorous determined effort to avert the impending general strike. Mayor Barrett and various key aldermen met e

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309 the representatives of the Railway Company and their legal counselor. In the discussions they emphasized that there was a broad, intense and general desire ?jy city leaders and the vast majoril-.y of businessmen to reconcile all differences between the strikers and the company at the conference tables. Greatly stressed was the fact that speedy but fair resolutions would be for the benefit of the entire comrviunity . In numerous heated, independent and lengthy conferences, Mayojr Barrett urged that the company should increase its wages, shorten hours, adopt a "broad liberal spi.rit" tov/ards its employees and even hire only "bona-fide citizens of -36 Augusta . At a special meeting of the Chamber of Coiraiierce, Frederick B. Pope, while expressing his personal sympathy witli the union and strongly deploring the acts of violence that had occurred in the city, called upon all the "good citizens" to unite on some plan of action to restore peaceful relations. Tlie Augusta Cotton Exchange also held a special session deploring the recent events and calling for thtj c?.-eatioa of a beard of arbitration. James P. Doughty drafted resolutions resolving that all members of the organisation Vv'ere greatly concerned by the v;ays in v/h ich the strike had adversely affected txie cotton business in the city and \.'ere seriously alarmed at the steady increase in

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310 "violence and crime" that v/as continuing to erupt. They strongly recominanded that concerted action be put forth to force tl'ie two warring parties to adjudicate their differences at tjie coxiference tables. The resolutions v/ere passed with unaniiDOUS support. Both organizations called for the creation of a special board of arbitration. Mayor Barrett, rospondirig to the rising tide of opposition to violence, lawlessness and the general demand for arbitratici:, announc;3d that a special arbitration board v;ould be created with Frederick B. Pope acting as chairman and selecting the five mediators. The power behind the board, it was announced, v/ould lie in the fact that if the company refused to accede to its suggestions that negotiacions begin with che union, the city v/ould order tliat all trolleys be returned to the carbarns, loclced up inside them and the city, county and state forces that were responsible for protecting the company v/ould be W3.tharawn. Pope appointed to the five-man })oard '-DiOiV.as VJ. Loyless of the Chronicle as chairman; James Paul Verdory, President of the Enterprise Mill; J, I... Janes, the first vica presidoat of the Merchants and Manufacturers' Association; Judge Knoch H. Callaway of the Richmond County Superior Court and Albert J. Allen, the President of the Augusta Federation of Trades, charging them to bring together the two coiitending

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311 parties, achieve a reconciliation of all basic differences 38 and terininate the streetcar strike as quickly as possible. To a certain extent, the arbitration board vas successful in securing concessions from management beneficial to labor. The '".'fioney bag question" v/as solved. All conductors ware promised that in the future their cash returns v.-ould be counted at the end of their runs and receipts issued. Second, the board recommended that shorter hours of employment be introdiiced by the company, suggesting that a tenho"ar work day v/as accepted on almost a nation-wide basis for v.'o]."ker3. Tl-iird, wages were to increase, effective January 1, 1913. The proposed hourly salary i-ecoitLrr.ended by the arbitrators was a minimum of 17 cents and a maximum of 22 c;ent« per hour, depending upon the numJ:ier of years of service in the company. The new wage schedule, it v/as pointed out, represented an increase of 2 cents per hour and was supposed to be on a level of the average wage scale for motornien, conductor's and other streetcar employees in twenty-two Southern cities. Inst of all, it was requested by the board that the company recognJ.ze the Amalgamated Association of Failwny Employees Ko . 577; but no ''closed shop" contract with the union v\7as accepted, nor acknowledged by inference o Hov/e^^er, it was strongly recommended that the company not ''discriminate" in any way against the union and its luenb e r s .

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312 Reinstatement of all employees , hov.3ver, was !iot resolved. All men "under charges" reraained indefinitely suspended until their individual cases were heard by a special arbitration committee appointed by the company. Some thirty-five to fifty former employees would be carefially screened si]ice their return to work v/as less than desirable. Thair wcrk records would be r^eviev.'ed, the charges investigated and, providing that they v.'ere exonerated, they would be permitted to return to their former jobs. If fully cleared, they would receive back wages for all time lost since the day of the settlement of tlie strike. Second, the questions of "future discliarges" and "ixidefinite suspensions" v/ere not settled by the board of arbitration. Such matters v/ere not subject to resolution by the board, the company maintained. These were internal issues to be handled by appropriate administrators and fell within the .-exclusive domain of private enterprise operationsDiscussion of these m.atters was i.rrelevant, since they \/are not 40 negotiable, nor subject to future public arbitration. Union leaders were forced to capitulate, albeit morsi reluctantly. They expressed fears that many of the stri 3 weald be discharged in the near future "on c-.ccount of ' •. c unio:iism., ' Tney also pointed out that cha.rges made ac -t • the men were often "trivial" or "trumped up" accusationc .

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313 Also, they were apprehensive of presenting such cases to a board of appeals selected by the corapany and staffed by corapany officials, since they might be denied any further course of action once that board had rendered its decisions. Prorrdses that all strikebreakers v7ould be deported from Augusta and most strikers hired back by the company, however, 41 swayed them to end the six-week strike. Tne day after the contract was signed and the strike was declared officially over, union officials learned about slight modifications in the agreements established with management. They were informed that there was a slight "hitch in the agreement" on the reduction of hours. The company regretted that it could not honor the recomiaendations of f:he board and tJiat future v/orking time v/ould remain "the same as at present," Second, no detailed copies of the specific charges made against the forcmcr employees who were remaining "on the bench" would be furnisxicd because such reqi.i.ests were a "physical impossibility." Moreover, preliminary screening determined that there were only twentythree cases that were going to be actually considered by the board of atbitvation; the ci:hex-s were ruled out in informal discussions with company representatives. After lengthy sessions for tvvo weeks, union leaders were told that only thirteen men were reinstated and that the dismissal of the

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314 others was totally justifiable. Since employment and discharqe of all employees was justly and properly a matter to be determined by management-and this had been a basic point agreed to by the union leaders — there was no process for 42 appeal. 'flie Geo rgia Railroad Strike , Atla nta Joint Terminals Stri ke and the Th reat .o^.f_a South eastern Rail Transportation Strik e A riiajor explanation for the concerted pressures of the business leaders and municipal authorities to bring the Augusta street railway strike to a swift conclusion was related to their awareness that a broader more complex strike — involving far greater numbers of employees, eclipsing the local trolley car strike, focusing attention away front Augusta to Atlanta and ultimately threatening to shut down the entire Southeastern railroad transportation systom--v/as developing as a result of conflicts between union leaders and officials of the Georgia Railroad Company. Officials of the Georgia Railroad had been anticipating i\ strilce since early Septeraber, It v;as alm.ost a certainty that the firemen, conductors, flagmen, baggage masters and y^-ird trainroon would go out on a strike, especially sir.ce several months of preliminary conferences and extensive correspondence between the superintendent, general manager and executive leaders of the union had not achieved anv

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31.5 amicable resolution of differences ovej.the firing of tv/o union employees. It v;as the contention of Vice President James Murdock of the Brotherhood of Railway Trainm.en (3.R.T.) and Vice President T. A, Gregg of the Orde^r of Railway Conductors (O.RwC.) that the dismissals occurred in an arbj.trary, unjust fabhien v/ithcut any substantial investigation into the charges made against conductor J, T. Paschal and trainman A. M. Morgan. Until Paschal ''s abrupt termination, he was regarded by the company as an exemplary and efficient rail:coad employee. Beginning as a young, ambitious, talented teenager from I-Jarlem, Georgia, after nearly nineteen years of service he had wcj^ked his way up through the ranks from a flagman to a top flighi, conductor. Gregg and Murdock were absolutely convinced that his dismisseil was not due to Paschal 's failure to comply with the Federal law stipu].ating that no trains nor crews be operated in excess of a sixteenho\:tr i:im,e limit but that 1 '^•s was a mere technical violation used by the. co)iipany as a itaxt to discliargo him. The real reason, in tl:eir opinior ,. ns his crucial role in helping to organize r.he union. Tl olnted specifically to the fac:t that. n(} fine liad been ! nor even a suspension meted out, both of which we ';ditionally regarded as the most iuevere penalty fo.r sue Lnor infraction of the law. But,

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316 according to Superintendent W. S. Brand, the Georgia Railroad was attempting to cooperate v/ith the Federal Government's ''Hours of Service" law passed in Congress in March, 1907, requesting that railroads cooperate in recognising the sixteen-hour maximum work time. Paschal, while in charge as conductor of a westbound freight train destined to Atlanta, exceeded the sixteen-hour period, defying federal lav/s, failing to coumiunicate with the dispatcher's office and ignoring company bulletin rule 132 instructing employees to honoi* the Federal law. His action thus placed the Georgia Railroad in jeopeirdy and subjected it to the pos43 sxbility of penalties by the law. Trainman A. M. Morgan, accoz'ding to union executives, }iad also been dismissed on less than plausible grounds. Morgan had been fired because he had made "many errors," or "overcharges" in his company expense account amounting to approximately $2.75, The company took the position thsit he was "eibher inexcusably careless, possessed of a me.aory which J.s depiorobJy fb.ulty, oc that lie was dishonest. Certainly V73 cannot iretain in our train service those who are careless, o:cwhose mem.orios are treacherous, or who are dishonest. Either cause is sufficient to and should eliminate him from our service," Superintendent Brand ir,.formed union leaders. Murdock and Gregg, while admitting the possibility

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317 that Morgan wiay have attempted to "pad" his expense accovmt, felt that he should have 'been reprimanded; fined or suspended but certainly not discharged. Accordingly, they demanded that both Paschal and Morgan be fully reinstated, restored their former seniority rights ar.d compensated for 44 all time lost. Since the railroad failed to comply v/ith their demands or even to v/ork out an acceptable com.proniise, the union leaders called for a strike ballot. When the ballots were counted, only five out of 300 votes cast were against striking, "Never before in my recollection,'' said Gregg, "have I known a strike being declared by the condU'Jtors and trainmen because of . . . employee Ts] being unfairly disn . ,.45 m.xssea by me company. FJffec1:ive 7:30 A.M., October 2, 1912, the Georgia Railjroad was "locked tight." All trains were idle. Tlie entire line was shut down. Ho trains were operating out oc Augiasta nor were trains scheduled to depart fromAtlanta m.oving ovex* the Georgiei tracks. No trains were moving anyv/here. And no overti.res v/ere being made oy eithxer side tov/ard affecting a settlement. Within a single day, heavy congestion of all interstate traffic was noticeable, espt^cially since cotton receipts and cash crops v/ere arriving and depart.itig for other cities. Ail along the main road lines, branches and

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318 the Augusta beJ.t line, bales of cotton, boxes of fruit, bags of potatoes and many perishables were stacking \ip. Although there was an attempt to re-route mail over different lines, huge bags of United States mail remained standing 46 xn the depot untouched. Within a single day over 300 miles of railroad linos Vve;re tied up. The Georgia Railroad territory between .Augusta and Atlanta, Augusta and Macon, Augusta and Athens and Augusta and Washington was v;ithout train service. Within a week the merchants, ]:>usinessmen and industrialists were demanding that rail service be promptly restored. Captains of industry urged that the roads be re-opened for freight shipments, especially cotton, oc elso a large number" of the textile mills v/ould bo paralysed and lay-offs 'voald follow. Because of the importance of fall business transactions, merchants, bankers, brokers and factors corriplained of the iuvpending slump in retail-v/holesale trade. Some alarmed buGinessmen urged tliat the Federal postmaster and public officials of the city ought to initiate correspondence to appropriate government m.^n in Vi'ashington, alerting thorn to the fact that bays of TJr.ited States mail were piling up in the Vvalkor Street Depot, informing them that in the other tov/ns along the lines mail was not being delivered and requesting prompt federal government interventicn to restore

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319 postal service. Furthermore, many concerned citizens emphasized that consumers in the sm.all tov^ms of rural Georgia along "Old Reliable's" lines were clamoring for d.mmediate relief as local food rupplies rapidly dwindled and human needs v/ent v/anting. Farmer-s v/ere also being greatly affected by the strike as they saw their perishable cash crops remain sitting in the crates, bags and boxes on the loading platforms of the railroad stations; indeed, they were most anxious to have their crops shipped to the urban markets as their future livelihood depended upon their sales. Quick restoration of transportation services was being demanded from many diverse groups for many different reasons; but th^y all wanted to see trains back in operation over the line'-i of tlie Georgia road. 'J'he Georgia Railroad strike v/as fast becoming more than a local Aiigusta ir.sue. Conductors, trainmen, sv/itchmen and yardmen em.ployed in the Georgia Railroad yard in the /^tlcinta Joint Terminals walked off their jobs in a "sympathy" strike. Furtherm.ore, union leaders warned that if the company attempted CO operate its trains v/ith "outside help, " a generctl rail strike in the termii.ius './ould occur and all of the seven major railroad systems-'tha Louisville and Nashville; Atlanta and '."rest Point; Nashville, Chattanooga and St. Louis; Alabama, Birmingham and Atlantic; Central of Georgia;

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320 Southern Railv.'ay System and Seaboard Air Lj ne--converging at Atlanta v/ould be tied up. The center of the Georgia Railroad strike crisis was clearly shifting from Augusta to Atlanta « Accorapanying that shift was the increasing danger of a general strike, tying up the Atlanta Joint Terminals, affecting an estimated 18,000 employees, involving seven major railroad systems and halting the rail transportation 48 operations of the entxre Southeast. Believing that the union was "bluffing" and convinced of the importance of restoring transportation services in the sii'teen counties of the Georgia system., strikebreakers were imported to m.an the trains. The first Georgia train left for Atlanta with strikebreakers in charge of the vehicle. But the first attempt and all successive efforts met with failure as determined strikers and sympathizers stopped all trains, "Passengers" boarded the train at one station and at a pre-arranged point brought it to a sudden, screeching, grinding halt by pulling the emergr2ncy cable; conductors, flagmen and brakemen hastily departed. Afterwards, the raiders pulled the train off onto the sidetracks and locked che switches. Passenger triiin No. 28 was stopped, run into a siding at Deariag and its crev/ forced to "take to the woods," Sheriff Horace Clary of Thomson, Georgia, and Deputy Sheriff r
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321 arrived at the scene to protect crews and get the t7:ain back into operacioii but, owing to hhe large numbers of angry men threatening bodily harm, failed to succeed. At Caraak, fourteen trains were tied up as crews walked off the job, fearing that their physical well-being was in dire jeopardy. In Thomson, a train was derailed, the crew scattered and several sliots were fired when one of the scabs attempted to throw the switch permitting other trains to bypass the derailed vehicle. At Union Point when the train started to pull out of the station, several dozen warning shots ware fired into the air. \\lien it arrived at Thomson a large crowd jeered, howled, hooted, cursed and gestured with their fingers and fists at the scabs aboard. A freight train from Atlanta to Augusta was forcefully stopped and run into the siding. At Camak, several engines were disabled after unidentifiable persons let the water out of the tenders and drained every boiler. In Hamburg, South Carolina, wh.en a trai.n pulled into the yard of the Southern road, strikebreakers wera attacked, punched in the faces with "knucks" and cracked over the lieads v/ith "bil.lies." At Macon an angry, seething mob threatened to lynch several scab;; if they did not depart Georgia; they v.-ere last seen hastily fleeing do';n the railroad tracks. * Trains were stopped for several successive days. V.hile

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322 conductors nsivoly listened to arcounts that the tracks ahead had been torn-up, groups of hostile men svarmed aboard. By the time the conductors i-ealized that they had been deceived they v/ere pov/erless to act. In other instances, trains, attempting to "highball" through the to^^^:ls, were brought to screeching halts as engineers spotted glaring .red torches brightly illiaminating the scenes of derailed disrupted tracks. Forced to shop, within seconds "boarding paretics" v.'ere searching through the coacnes and baggage cars for strikebreakers. Arriving at Lithonia, Euckhead, Union Poin.t, Crav/foi"dville, Bearing, Thomson and otlier stations, crews di£;Covered that the:!ir trains could not depart. Shrill whistles broke the sileiice but vast crowds refused to leave the tracks and pennit the trains to pass. Frequent, repeated "hold-ups" occurred along the li.ne. Revolvers were flas/ied by some members of the raiders; others brandished clubs. O.'ice they were aboard, scabs v/ere seized, hauled off the trains, harangued by the mob ard then had the "hell knocked out of fchem, . . , We hate to dc things like this, but there is a little war en now — a war for a principle and v;-e are in it to the finish," a raider explained. After several days of unsuccessful efforts to move freight and oasc-eager's r-nd repeated sporeidic outbreaks of violence against scabs. Superintendent Brand of the Georgia

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323 announced that there would be no furthex" attempts to operate the trains. General hanager Colonel T. K. Scott, furthermore, regretted to state Uiat Governor Brown had informed "ITce Georgia'' that the state was powerless to act without individual requests from the local authorities, tolagraming the Governor that they were incapable of handling the crisis situations in their towns. In the meantime, the Governor recommended that all trains try to ''highball" through the towns non-sbop f3:om Atlanta to Augusta or to obtain a fed50 eral injui'iCtion. In the Atlanta Joint Tenainals railroad employees of the Ijouisvillo and Nashville and the Atlanta and West Point struck in sympathy with the Georgia strikers. "Violation of ncutralicy" was the charge brought against the roads. These linos were accused of lending "active assistance" to the Georgia by switching freight to and fromi their yards for them; thereby violating neutrality regulations. Vice Presidents Gregg and Hurdock charged that the obher roads in the terniinus were assuming biisiness whicli had been "purposely diverted'' from the Georgia in an effort to destroy the strike. Furthermore, Northern scabs h.ad been hired to replace strikers and the companies maintained that they were permanent em.ployees, not just temporary hciiJ v;ho would later be discharged. "We have as many employees just new as wa

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324 need," officials in the terminal offices explained. New, . experienced raon had beeii in.ported; hence, strikers were 110 longer needed since their jobs had been filled. However, officials promised that they were willing to take their former employees back "as fast as we have room foa: them.'" The Atlanta Joint Terminals problem was tlie "gordian knoc" of the Georgia Railroad strike. Union officials maintained that all employees v/ho had walked off in sympathy were to be fully reinstated when the strike was terminated and all scabs dismissed. Georgia Railroad executives, however, maintained that the matter of reinstatement was an issue to be resolved by the board of Atlanta Joint Term.inals and the other railroad corporations involved in th.e broadening strike, as the m.atter was clearly beyond their immediate juriodiction-, Union leaders, nevertheless, adam.antly asserted that unless all employees were fully reinstated, they inLended to lock up the rail systems of the Southeast by calling a general hransportation strike. Vice Presidents Gregg emd M\;rdock, in a move to prove that they v.'cre not blr.ffing, requested the gcr.eral national chairmen of their unions to meet in Atlanta "at once" to consider the reluctant "arbitration attj.tude" and to discuss the possibility 51 of a general raxl stride. Departing from Augusta and arriving in Atlanta, Vice

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32 5 Presidents Murdock and Gregg met v/ith fifteen chairmen of the execuLive committees of the Brotherhood of Railway Trainmeii and the Order of Railway Conductors in a series of lengthy sessions, discussing whether or not a general strike would be called or averted. After conferring v/ith the directors of the boards of the various rail companies, attorn;::ys <~nd otlier corporation officials, they reached no satisfactory understandd.ng. Majority union sentim.ent in sabseq\3,ent conferences was strongly in favor of oi'dering a general strike. An ultimatum was delivered: all rail lines handling Georgia railroad business refusing to reinstate former employees who had struck in sympathy and ignoring requests to dismiss imtported laborers would immediately comply with union demiands or else "one by one str'ikers would get them.'' Notices of an im.pending general strike were served on the executive officers of the railroad unions and directors of the Louisville and Nashville; Seaboard Air Lj.ne; Atlantic Coast: Line; Atlanta and West Point; Atlanta, Birrainghaia and Atlantic; Nashville, Chattanooga and St. 52 Louis and the Central of Geo;;gia. Also hastening to Atlanta from Augusta we.te federal representatives of the Interstate Commerce Ccnrimission and the United States Commissioner of Labor. cadge Martin A. Knapp of the Interstate Commerce Court and Commissioner

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326 Dr. Charles P, Neill had arrived in Augusta in an effort to negotiate \vith representatives of the Georgia Railroad and the uni.cns. Rumors persisted that they would be able to "wind-up" tlie crisis in short order because of their extensive experiences. Many weire greatly impressed with the superb qualifications of seventy-nine-year-old Ki\app, who had first been appointed to the I^CC. by President Harrison, and continuously reappointed by Pz-esidents Cleveland and Roosevelt. Wien President ^'Jilliam Howard Taft had appointed him as chairiaan of the Commerce Court in 1910, loost of the owners of t?ie railroad corporations were extremely well pleased. Consistently viewing the role of the national government as being the force to produce a "stable equilibrium." between prj.vate enterprises and the public, Knapp had been enthusiastically cham.pioned by the vested interests of the major railroad corporations because they realized th.at federal regulation was far more beneficial to their private Jnterests ratt'cr than the "less controllable arxd more unpredictable'' varied forms of state regulations. As the ex pfficio mediator of the federal government under the Erdman Act, it was believed that Knapp would resolve the Southern railroadlabor dispute. Forty-seven--year~old Cliai-les Patric]c Naill, after departing from his position as a faculty merriber of

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327 Catholic University, had had a comparable amount of administrativa experience as a federal mediator, serving first as a;^sistant recorder in the Anthracite Strike Comnission of 1902, recorder in che Arbitration Board in Birmingham in 1903 and becoraing United States Co;U-aissioner of Labor in Februazry, 1905. After protracted inform.al discussions and numerous conferences, T
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328 unsuccessful in handling any ''disturbances," ^^Vliite was authorized to request the federal court for the militia. Notices were dispatched to the committee members of the two labor unions, attorneys and officials of the Georgia road. Public advertisements were published in the newspapers. Notices were mailed to authorities of all municipalities along the road and posted at all the train stations, informing readers that federal laws prohibited the interruption of mail trains and cars bearing interstate freight. Marshal Wiite stated that the Georgia Railroad was not being placed under the protective wing of the federal government but that only a temporary restraining order had been granted. . "I positively will not myself supervise the operation of any trains on the Georgia Railroad nor put my deputies on any of the trains until I am ordei-ed to do so by the court," he told a Chro nicle reporter. The Georgia road, he maintained, was "merely" providing him with tV7o trains to serve "injunction papers to parties living along the lines between Augusta and Al-.l-^nta and Macon and Camak." On the as.ramption that union m.en Vvould not interfere with the postal service, railroad officials hooked nail cars to the rear of trains to prevent cutting. Confronted with the federal injunction, 54 ho'vc-ver, the partj es to the dispute accepted mediatxon.

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329 Ccromissioner of Labor, Dr. Charles P. Neill, acting as federal mediator between the company and the union, achieved an understanding that J. T. Paschal and A. M. Morgan's dismissals v.'ould go before a special Board of Arbitrators in Atlanta for adjudication. This was the first major breakthrough toward ending the strike. Second, Dr. Neill also obtained an agreement from the railroad executives that all •'sympathy" strikers would be re-employed within half an hour after the agreement was signed by company and vmion officials ordering the strikers on the Georgia road to "report for duty," Third, it was mutually agreed that a specia]. Arbitration Board consisting of three impartial persons representing management, labor and the government be created to hear the testimonies presented by attorneys of the company and the union in the Paschal-Morgan matter. Last of all, since the "Articles of Peace" v/ere acceptable to all parties concerned, the Georgia Railroad strike was officially terminated effective October 13, 1912, at 9:30 P^M., thus preventing the threatened genercil rail transportation 55 strike in the Soutricast. Tlie Atlanta Board of Arbitrsition to hear the PasclialMorgan matter was selected in the following weeks. Railroad interests in the board v;ere represented by Charles A. Wickersham, chairm.an of the board of the Atlanta Joint Terminals

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330 and prcmiiierxt execvitive of the Atlanta and TJest Point Road. Fred A. Burgass, Assistant Grand Chief of the Boaj:d of locoraotive Engineers, was selected to be the second member. It was amicably agreed that Dr. Neill and Judge Kriapp ' s cJioice of Dr. William Lea Charrbers as presiding judge in the hearing v;a3 acceptable to both parties « They had shrev/dly chosen a prominent southerner of considerable merit. Chambers was former President of the First National Bank of Montgomery, a key original organizer of the second ranking southern city in i.ron production, Sheffield, Alabama and a diplomat of some importance who had served as a member of an international cominission responsible for drafting the Berlin Treaty of 1890 between Germany, Britain and the United States. Moreover, he had served as chief justice of the International Court in Samoa, been a memljer of the Spanish Treaty Claims Coramission and been actively involved in the 56 U.S. ComiTiission of mediation and concj.l.!.ation. In ei series of hearings, V/ickersham, Burgess and Chairbers listened to attorneys for the plaintiffs and defense testimony by witnesses subpoenaed to appear in court and accepted letters, telegrams and business records for evaluation. Based upon the evidence presented, they would determine the fate of conductor Faschal and trainman Morgan whose disiiiissals were the primary factor in bringing on the

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331 Georgia Railroad strike and tying up the entire system for several weeks. First, union officials charged that the cause of Paschal 's dismissal was not due to his violation of the sixteen -hour law nor was Morgan's discharge due to his "padding" of his expense account but, in both instances, the Georgia Railroad had fired the men because of its 'animus" against the union of which the two men were active members . Second, it was the contention of Vice Presidents Gregg and Murdock that the dismissals were the result of intense personal animosities displayed towards the two employees by the company. Both Paschal and Morgan, it was contended, were consistently discriminated against by tlie company. Neither of them had been treated in a fair, just and humane manner. Situations between them and their immediate suporiorc; had been far from pleasant for an extended period of time. For several months the company had displayed strong hostilities tovvards them and had m.ade little or no effort to 1 i s i: en to th e i r 1 eg i t im.a t e c om.p 1 a in t s . 'j.hirdly, iMi.irdock and Gregg charged that the Georgia Railroad CoPipuny had been responsible for precipitatirig the strike by ignoring an appeal by the union stating that, unless a reply was m>ade to the strike committee before a

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332 specified tirae, a strike v/ould be ordered. No reply was made until fifteen minutes before the strike order v/as to go into effect. By that time it v/as too lata to issxae orders, contact all officials involved, notify all employees and call the strike to a halt. Thus, through the negligence of the company, a strike had been brought on. 'JThe sole reason for the deliberate delay in responding to the union's uleimatum, it v/as charged, was a skillful maneuver to permit the railroad additional time to fortify itself against the im57 pending walkout by importing strikebreakers. As proof of the union contention that conductor Paschal had fiot wantonly violated the federal sixteen-hour law, Murdock submitted a telegram by Superintendent W. 3. Brand reading, "Proceed to Lithonia regardless of the 16-hour laiv," In further defense of his case, Murdock cited 1,079 occasions in which the Georgia road had broken the federal law. To prove his charges, Murdock produced on two different occasions large batches of telegrams instructing employees to proceed reg:;rdless of the sixteen-hour law» Moreover, numerous witnesses were .sum.inoned to f^ppear testifying that prior to the strike all ejaployees had been allowed to disregard the lav/ even though they knew that the time limit would expire enroute to the next station. Tlie uixion claira that this was a general custom prior to the dismissal of Paschal wets thus substantiated.

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333 In order to substantiate his claira that Paschal and Morgan had been discrirainated against, i-iurdook produced private letters of General Manager T. K. Scott which contained evidence that the higher officials wanted to eliminate the tv;o men because of their involvement in the union. Paschal had been discharged because he v/as a "marked man," These letters, accepted by the arbitrators, showed conclusively that discrimination existed. Appearing before the court. Superintendent Brand erred, admitting that Paschal was "too high tempered" because he was the chairman of a union committee. Murdock instantly jumped to his feet, stating that Brand's very words revealed that the charge of discrimination was true. Because Murdock claimed that violations of the sixteenhour la'./ Viad been continuous. Judge Chambers ordered the Gecjrgia road to produce its agreement v/ith the Interstate Commerce Cominission, shov.'ing its agreement with the I.C.C. authorizing it to disregard the federal lav-/s at times v;]ien company officials believed it v/as necessary. Plis demands, one observer stated, camie "as a bolt from a clear sky." Subsequent investigation of all company train records revealed that r:.o violations of the fedcrcal law or delay reports were dispatched and fi.led v,ith tl'.e I,C,C. Examination of the traiii sheets further showed triat there were over a tliousand violations of speed laws.

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334 On NoveiTiber 20, the Paschal-Morgan hearings abruptly ended. Instead of continuing the^ investigations. Vice Presideiits Murdoc'k and Gregg announced that the unions were willing to let their case rest in the liands of the mediation 58 board for ultimate decision.

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NOTES 1. VI , K. Bagby, Reminisceneces isici of t h e Old St?-eet Car D avs of the Yester d ays, 1899 to 1 933 (Augusta : R. G, McGowen and Company, 1933), 22, Bagby ' s memoir is available in the Rxchmond County Historical Society's special collecLion at the Augusta College Library. 2. roid. , 31, 10--11, 6, 26. 3Ibid., 22, 31. ^Aug usta Chro nicle, Noveiiil^er 1, 1911. 5. Bagby, Old Street Car Days , 31--32; Augusta Chroni cle , November 1, 1911. • ^-^ August a Chronicle , November 1, 1911. ->' Illicl.. , November 2, 1911. 9. Ibid. , NoveirJDer 2, 3, 1911; Allen D. Candler, GgofLqia/. Comprisin g Sketches of Counties, Town s, Events, Institutions f a nd Persons, A rran ged in Cyclopedic Form (Aclanta: State Historical Association, 1906), I, 35-36; waiter G. Cooper, Th^ Stor v of Georgia (Nev/ Yorh : The American KiGtcrical Society, Inc., 1938), IV, 801. ^0, Augut^ta Chroniclo, November 4, 5. 1911. iiAu gu a ta ^H>u a ld_, September 23, 25, 1912; Augusta. '^JS':K.Qldz9A.^' Septeral:)er 23, 24, October 2, 1912; Bagby, Old S.t r .e e t__ Car Days, 3 3 . ^-^« Augusta Chr onicle, September 23, 24, Octcbex' 2, 1212; Au^U£tia__Herald, September 23, 24, October 2, 1912. 53b

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336 .13. Augusta Chronic le, September 24, 1912; Aug usta Herald, September 23, 24, 1912, 14. Augu St a Hera 1 d , Septeniber 25, 1912; A ugusta Chr oni cle, Septeiuber 25, 1912. 15c Au gusta H erald, September 24, 1912. i6. A ugu sta Chron icl e , September 24, 26, 1932; A ugusta Herald, Septemloer 25, 1912. J-''' Augusta Heral d, Septem^oer 24, 29, 1912; Augu sta Chronicle , September 24, 25, 1912. 1S„ A ugusta Chronic l e , Septeinb'er 26, 1912; Aug usta Herald, September 26, 1912. 19. "Mj.nutes of the City Council, January 3, 1910Hay 6, 1918," 151; Augusta Chronicle, September 25, 26, 1912; Augusta Herald, September 26, 1912. After Mayor Barrett learned the striker's dramatic leap from the Confederate Monument onto the top of a passing trolley car, he stated that it constituted an "overt act of hostility" against the company's cars and the men operating tlie vehicles. Therefore he v/as duty bound to ordei" the Chief of Police to have officers placed on the trolleys to offer protection to company property, company employees and pri.vate passengers. 20. Augusta Chro nic le, September 27, 1912; Augusta HeraJ_j:]_, September 27, 1912. 21. Bagby, Old Street Car Days, 34; Augusta Chroni cle, S e pt eiub er 26, 27, 1912; Au g u s t a He r aid, S ep t emb er 27, 1912. 22. Au gus ta Chronicle, September 27, 1912; Aug usta rieraJLd' September 2 7, 1912. 23. "Minutes of the City Council, January 3, 1910May 6 , 1918," 151-152; Au gu s t a Ch r pn i c 1 e , S e pt emb e r 27, 1912; August-a Ker a J-d , September 27, 1912; Cooper, The Story Ql..._Gep,rgia, III, 406, 412, IV, 45, 356, 719; Lucian L. Knight, Georgia's B i-Cent en nial Memoirs a nd Memories (Atlanta: A, H, Cav/son, 1932), II, 50-63. 24. Augu St a Ch r on ?.cle, September 2 7, 23, 1912; Au.gusta Her ald , Septem]:)er 27, 28, 1912,,

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337 25. Agg-ustcT. Herald , September 28, 1912,Augusta ChronicJ-e_, Septeniber 29, 1912. 26. Augusta Chro nicle , SepLeiriber 28, 1912; Augusta Her ald, SepterrilDer 28, 1912. 27. Ag gu st a He r a Id , September 23, 1912; Aug usta C hro nicle, Septeniber 28, 29, 1912. 28. Augusta Chronicle, September 28, 1912; Bagby, _01d. Stree t Car Days, 34, 29. Augusta Chronic le, Septeniber 28, 1912; Augusta Herald, Septerrber 29, 1912; Bagby, O ld Stree t C ar Days , 3435. Tlio fifty-eighth Article of War is the charge of murder. Tlie sixty-second Article of War is the charge of conduct prejudicial of good order and military discipline. 30. A ugusta Chronic le, September 29, 1912; Augusta Herald , Septemlner 29, 1912, ?1. "Minutes of the City Council, January 3, 1910May 6, 1913,=' 150-152, 156; Augusta He rald , Septem}v,,.r 29, . 1912. 32. Augusta H'erald, September 29, 30, October 1, 1912; Aucusta Chronicle, September 29, 30, October 1, 1912. 33. Augusta Chronicle , October 2, 3, 4, 1912; Augusta Herald, October 2, 3, 4, 1912. 34. Augusta Chronicle, October 5, 7, 1912; Augu sta Herald, October 6, 7, 1912. 35. ^.:v~gusta . Herald,, October 10, 1912; Au g i ista Chronicle, October 8, 1912, 36. "Minutes of the City Council, Je.nuery 3, 1910.May 6, 1913," 156-158; Augusta Chronicle, October 10, 1912. 37. "Minutes of the City Council, January 3, 1910May 6, 1918," 150-159; Augusta Chronicle, October 12, 17, 1012; Augusta Herald, October 12, 1912. 38. Auausta_.Chxonic.le, October 12, 33, 1912; Augusta liS^aM' October 12, 13, 1912Candler, G^grcfia, I, 297-299, 617-618; Joel Candler Harris, Memoirs of Georgia (Atlanta: State Historical Association, 1895), II, 365-366, 816.

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338 39. Augusta Chr onicle , October 15, 17, 18, 1912; August a Herald, October 17, 18, 1912. 40. August a Herald , OcLuber 17, 18, 19, 1912; Aijcjusjta Chronicle, October 17, 18, 19, 1912, 41. "Minutes of the City Council, January 3, 1910May 6, 1918,'^ 159; Augusta Chronicle, October 19, 1912; Aug usta Herald, October 19, 1912. For information pertaining to the Board of Arbitration's investigation of the tv/enty -three cases see the following editions of the Augusta !£lim?li.?le.October 25, 26, 28, 29, 1912. 42. Augusta Chronicle , October 19, November 4, 6, 10, 1912. 43. Augu sta Herald, September 26, 30, October 1, 1912; Augus ta Chr onicle, Septemi:)er 30, October 1, 14, 15, 1912. 44. August a Chronicl e, October 1, 1912. 45. Augusta Herald, October 2, 1912. 4G. Augusta Chronicle, October 2, 1912; Augusta Herald, October 2, 1912. 47. Aucfusta Chronicle, October 3, 4, 1912. 48Ibid. , October 2 , 3 , 5, 7, 1912 . 49. Aucjiysta Her ald , October 3, 1912; Augusta C hronicle, October 4, 5, 1912. 50. Au_qus t a Clir on i c 1 e , October 6, 7, 1912. 51. Ibjii^ October 9, 10, 11, 1912. 52. Aug;a£1 a He ra Id , October 7, 1912; Augu sta Chronicle, October 11, 12, 1912. 53. Augusta Chronicle, October 3, 5, G, 11, 1912; Aug usta Herald , October 4, 7, 1912; Who's Who _. in America (Chicago: A, W.. Marcruis and Company, 1912), VII, 362; V/ho ' s Who _ in Am erj.c a (Chicago: A. N. Marquis and Conipany, 1914), VIII, 415, 1335; >/lio ' s Who in ^ America (Chicago: A. IJ. Marquis and Company, 1916), IX, 1794; Gabriel Kolko. Ra ilroads and Re gu lation, 1877-1916 (New York: W. W. Norton and

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339 Company, Inc., 1965), 71, 78, 87-89, 124, 173-174, 178-179, 199. 54. Augusta Chronicle , October 8, 9, 12, 1912; Augusta Herald, October 8, 1912. 55. A ugusta .Oironicle, October 13, 14, 15, 1912; Augusta Herald, October 13, 14, 1912. 56. Augusta Chronicle, October 28, November 2, 1912; VVlic's TVho in A meri ca, VII, 362, VII, 415. 5 7 . Augusta Chronicle , Nov erab er 9, 10, 12, 1912. 58. Augusta Chro ni cle , November 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 19, 20, 22, 1912.

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CHJiPTER X THE LAST BATTLE The M ayoralty M addlo o f 1912; The H ayne Revolt Aga inst the VThite Primary Commit-i:ee Linwood C„ Hayne was born in Waynesboro, Burke County, Georgia, in April of 1858, His father, James B. Hayne, was a native of South Carolina v/ho had eraigra\;ed to Georgia after fighting in the Mexican War. Julia V.'iitehead (Clinton) Hayne, his mother, was a native of Richmond County. As the only son of the family, he was able to receive considerable attention from his parents. His father, v/ho was an attorney, greatly appreciated tlie value of a sound education and ancouraged young Linwood to succeed in the schools of Burke County an.d Hephzibah fligh School. After graduating, he attended Moore's Business College in Atlanta, completing an i.ntensive training program in business administration. Linv/ood C^ Havre chose to locate in Augusta in 1881, beginning work as a clerk in J. B, VJhite and Company, a major department store in the ciby. For fourteen years he was employed by the firm, acqiiiring the "very finest business 340

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341 training to be had" and receiving steady promotions to more respcriBible positions as assistant bookkeeper, credit manager and confidential adviser. In 1893, thirty-five-year-old Hayne was elected President of the Planters' Loan and Savings Bank, which was considered to be the "largest and strongest savings bank in Augusta," In January of 1894 he was also elected to the presidency of the National Bank of Augusta, another leading bank established in the postwar era. 'T\\e same year he terminated his business career with v»rnite's Department Store. As President of the Planters' Loan and Savings Bank he was proud i:o point out that annual dividends paid cut to stockholders averaged 16 per cent and, moreover, a "large amount" v.'as yearly carried to the surplus fund. In 1896 he was "highly Ijoncred" by being elected President of the Georgia State Bankers Association. Not only was he the head of two key banking concerns but by the early 1900 's he was also electcvd President of the Avigusta Cleari.ng House Association. In addition to these positions of economic responsibility, Hayne had also been President of the Sutherland Manuf ?icuux~ing Company, Vice President of the Georgia Chemical VJorks, a member of the board of directors of the Warren Kc.:iufacturing Company, a key leader of the Augusta Chamber of Comm.erce, a director of the Augusta Land Company, a

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342 director of the United States Fidelity and Guarantee Company of Baj.timore and a meniJjer of the American Bankers Association, In comirfunity social life Hayne had also been extremely active. He was a merriber of the Masonic fraternity, past member of the Vveb]b Lodge, No. 166, Free and Accepted Masons, past eminent coirmander of tlie Georgia Coniaiandery , No. 1, Ki'iights Tem.plar. He was also a memJ^er of the Yaabrab Temple, Ancient Arabic Order of the Nobles of the Mystic Shrine in the City of Atlanta. In addition, he was a distinguished m.ember of the Augusta Country Club and President of 1:he Augusta Game Preserve Club. In local politics, Hayne had figured prominently in the forp.iation of the good gcvomment clubs in the wards of the city in th.e late 1390 's and had also been extremely influent.) al in creating the v/hite primary system i.n city politics at the turn of the century. Incised, for several years Hayne had been tlio chairman of the wliite prim.ary executive committee. In 1900 he had run against Jacob Phinizy for the mayoralty of Augiista but had been defeated. Friends of Plilniay and supporters of Hayne agreed that liis entry into city polrtics had. been tco 'premature." With time and greater business experience, m.any believed that he v/ould 1 serve as a com.petent executive for the city.

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343 During the spring of 1912 many of his personal friends and some of v.'ne ?oest respected business leaders approached him, expressing their absolute confidence in his ability to direct the fortunes of tv/o banks, a mill and actively participate on the boards of d.irectors of several other corporations. Furthermore, it v/as their expressed opinion that ha was recognized as being a man of great integrity 2 vv'ho should consider making the race tor mayor. Linwood C. Hayne " final] y consented" and officially announced his candidacy for m.aycr, promising the city another "strong business administration." "The meeting was generally considered the m.ost representative ever held in • the city. Practically every business and professional calling was represented and the prevailing spirit was for a progressive standard bearer, " the Chronicle reported on the Hayne rally. Tlie formal announcemient by Hayne that ha was an official nominee for m;ayor was received with loud cheers and sr^outs of applause. Among those endorsing Hayne for mayor were former mayors Allen, Barrett and Phinizy. ^ity councilman — Jam.es P. Doughty, J. P, T'Jood, Howard H. Stafford, K, J. Rates, Samuel A. Fortson, Bryan Lawrence, Dr , W. D. Jennings, J. 0. Weltch, W. A, Mattlson, R. Roy Gocdvvin and J. v;, W, v'Jatson — were also enthusiastic supporters of Hayne. John C. Cohen, Sr. stated that "a m.an who had made a success

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344 out of his private business was the type of man needed to pilot the affairs of the City of Augusta for the next three ,.3 years. As a candidate for mayor, Hayne pledged himself to a "Clean, Progressive, Business-like Administration" of niunicipal government. His motto was "A dollar's vv-orth for a dollar." Fij.rthermore, he endorsed the. adoption of a com.-missicn form of government for the city "as soon as possible." "In my opinion," Hayne declared, "it is a more business-like way of m.anaging a city's affairs." He also pledged that if elected mayor he would not: only continue to strive for "solely the progress and prosperity of tlie community, " but the continuation of the Dunbar-Barrett flood 4 protection program until the levee v/as completed. In June, 1912, one of the "most sensational pieces of poliLiccil nev/s" that had "ever developed in Augusta" created a real furor in city politics, Fla.yne, B. S, Lester, William Boyle, F. L. Eoyce, John McDonald and William Martin, carxdidates for the city council, p.iblicly cmnounced their vith.drawal from the white primary election scheduled for July 10, chai:ging the wliite primary executive corrLfaittee i-/ith passing new "arbitarary" rules and regulations dra^z/i-; up at the "vileventh hour," creating a special partisan committee fc>r overseeing the registration of voters and publishing

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345 t?ie official voter registration lists. Members of that Goirmittee, it was charged, v/ere strong friends of Dr, James R, Littlebon, the other candidate for mayor. Mayoralty candidate Hayne and the five candidates for council contended that no fair deal would exist with an "entirely biased and partisan" group of "active supporters" of Littleton being placed in charge of voter registration procedures. Furthermore, this action by the officj.als of the executive committee was a flagrant departure frcu che customary practice whereby th.e current mayor and city council usually appointed bhe meroloers of the voter registration comimittee. This m^aneuver v/as nothing less than a "political trick." "Tlie manifest intention of the Primary Comjnittee in so radically changing the rules is to do av;ay with the Wliite Primary as heretofore practiced in the City and to boldly substitute its o\n\ arbitrary will and partisan schemes for the v/ill of the people," Hayne charged in ei personal letter 5 dated June 28, 1912, to Chairman J"ulian M. Smith. itxe decision of Hayne and his supporters was not based on a "snap judg-fo^nt." Ihey deliberately and strategically chose to v/ithdraw from the prim.ary after the date for closing txie entries had passed, believing "chat it would leave the forthcoming priiaary v/j. th few coritestants seeking office and therefore no valid reason for holding a primary

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346 election. Furthermore, it w-as their overall strategy to init.iate a "very vigorous" campaign for the regular general ele'.:tion to be held in December. Tlie Wiite Primary' Executive Ccimnittee met to discuss considering the action of the "Hayne ticket" for mayor and City Council. After lengtlay discussions. Dr. H. W. Shaw, W. D. Hopkins and Julian M. Smith arrived at definite concivzsions regarding the position of the committee. First of all,, they ruled that there was not sufficient justification for striking the names of the "dissenters" from the primax-y ticket because they had already made the proper pledges, paid their assessments and taken oaths to abide by tiie rules, regvilations and results of the prima.ry election. Secondly, even though the Hayne candidates \v'ere requesting the z'emoval oc their names from the ballot, they .regretted to announce that bhe white primary could not strike their names from the ballot at such a late date. Chairman Smith dij:ected all officials in the registry office to proceed 'v/ith the approved plans for the July primary, igvioving the action taken by the "Hayne ticket." Third of all, in the opinion of the VJh.ite Primary Executive Cciiimittee, tlie "].cathsoine" acticas of Keiyne and his friends h.ad legally ruled thorn cut as ca.ndidates standing for of fice even in the general election. Fourth of all, Hoyne and his supporters

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347 would ba given the opportunity to authenticate the allegations of "high handedness, revolutionary methods, partisanship and unfairness."' "Tlie cjiiestion of who shall be mayor of Augusta, "' Chairman Smith charged, " is a secondary ccnsd.deration to the preservation of the white prim.ary and secret ballot system, and all Augustans v;ho remeiViber the disgusting scenes with the negro and open ballot. v;ill agree with me that it is of the greatest importance to preserve the white primary and the secret ballot.'' In short, Kayne and others were charged with attempting to destroy the political system which had been responsible for maintaining v/hite supremacy and therefore favoring a return to black 7 particrpat.icn _\n city elsctj-ons. In a ].etter dated July I, 1912. addressed to Linwood C, Hayne and oUiers,. Chairman Julian M, Smith explained, "We feel sure that you gentlemen have not yet fully corisidered and realized the disastrous effect which your attempted action will necessarily have upon the white primary system v/hich has been in force in Augusta now for a number of yeetrs, and has re].ieved us from the burden of fighting over the purchasable negro vote hLolding the balance of power," Perhap-3 Hayne and his group did not realize it,but they were d.avolved in "treason"; a deliberate, shrev/dly calculated effort to destroy the basis of white power and return

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348 to the old system of city politics v/ith blacks casting th3ir , . 3 vo V. e s 3.n ex ec c xo n s . A petition, however, was filed in the name of Linv.'ood C. Hayne and a temporary restraining order was granted enicining the White Primary Executive Committee from listing Hayne as a candidate for mayor on the tickets to be used in the forthcoming primary. Concurrently, it was requested that the committee remit a certain portion of the $200 registration fee paid by Hayne. Tlie injunction brought by Hayne against the committee v/as heax'd by Judge Henry C. Hammond in the Superior Court with Eoykin Vv'right, Enoch H. Callaway and C. Henry Cohen representing the plaintiff. Wright, Calloway and Cohen principally contended that Hayne had entered the primary with the belief that the same rules v/ould govern it that governed all previous primaries. Wr.en the rule? were changed, he had the perfect legal right to v/ithdraw because it constituted a breach of good fi^ith, Jridge Hammond ruled in favor of the plaintiff, prohibi.ting th.e '/Thite Fiiiuary Conuaittee from vising the name of Hayne on the city primary ballot on the basis that the fundamental rules had beeri changed without any prior notice to the plaintiff or without his consent. By agreement among counsel for ho'cn sides, the injunction also applied to the five . 9 Hayne candidates for City Council,

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349 Confron'ued v/ith the injunction suit, the Vvhite Prima.ry Coniinitt££ announced that it "vvould not hold a primary as scheduled, but declared that Dr. James K. Littletor^, Harry H., Jones of the first ward, Lev/is F. Goodrich of the fourth 's'cird, Julian M» Smith of the fifth ward and Robert G. Earirnov/oki of the sixth ward were the "official" nominees of the primary for mayor and members of the City Council. At a later date, John M. Cozart and A. B. Culpepper v;ere also declared to ba the "official" nominees for the second and tliird wards, respectively. Furthermore, since all of the "official" candidates were virtually unopposed they were the actual elected officials, according to the comm.ittee. Littleton and his supporters v/ould simply be declared the \,'ictors and inaugurated iiito their respective
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350 After Havne "cut loose" frora the white primary system, he and his candidates stiimped the city v/ard by ward attemptj.ng to build po]J.tical support. Addressing large crov/ds, Hayne was frequently interrupted by tart and hamorous remarks. In one instance v;hen Hayne boldly stated that he v/ould take the victory away from James Litt].eton even though Littleton had "won it" in the primary, there was a loud howl of indignation, mumlolings of dissension and even some horrendous laughiter. Forced to stop, within a fev/ moments Hayne proceeded again. Taking off his coat, rolling up his sleeves and raising his arms high in the air with his head thrust back, he shouted with great emphasis that the battle hiid only begun. As the meeting broke up, many v/ho departed remarked that Hayne was "mighty sassy"; others leaving stressed that things would be m.ade "mighty hot" for him and "his kind." In the pre-election days, some of Hayne ' s close associates approached him to abandon his position, pointing out that no one else had contested the v/hite primary nom.inees since it had been informally adopted as the basis of city politics around 1900. They v/arned him that he and his supporters would mos-c certainly lose favor in the comiiiunity. Undaunted and ab-^^olutely ce.rtain that the majority of the people endorsed his cause, Hayne continued his campaign

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351 for the mayor of Augusta. Declaring that Littleton had not bargaii:iecl in "good faith," he queried whether such a raan should hold a position that was regarded as a great public trust. Littleton had not gained true representation from the. people, he stated, nor had a primary election even been h.eld confirming his election. Nor had the Littleton candidaces for City Council secured their nominations in a just fashion. Meeting the issue of calling for a return of the Negroes as a factor in city elections.Hayne declared most emphatically that he was "still an enthusiastic advocate" of white supremacy. Indeed, he favored a perpetuation of the white primary systei-i but " on an honest bas is'' with no "packed" registration lists and no political "frame-ups." Pie also pointed v/ith enormous pride to the fact that in the early 1900 's he had been an ardent champion of the primary, responsible for introducing it as the basis for city po].itics and served as chairman of the executive committee for a number of years, x'o his fellow business associates, Hayne rem.inded them of his initxal pledges of a "Clean, Progressive, Business-like Administrat j.on" of city governiVient, advocating "Economy i}i che Public Service" with no "petty graft." Praising t'.ie Barret': administration for its accompiish'nents, he pledged that if elected mayor he v/ould continue the ''progressive policies" inaugurated by all

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352 administrations since the days cf Patrick Walsh. He also pointed out that many of his backers included the most substantial citizens of the conimunity: Tliomas Barrett, Jr., Boykin Wright, Enoch H. Callaway, C. Henry Cohen, Richard E. Allen, Jacob Phinizy, Alfred Cuthbert and numerous other original supporters of the Good Government movemient. The rich, powerful and few were extremely important for political success but Hayne also perceived that the special bond elections, campaign for conuTiission government and the series of labor strikes had served to reactivate mass public atten11 tion upon city elections. In one of the most determined, short but hardest fought election l:iattles in Augusta during the Progressive Era, Hayne an.d his fellow candidates for office vorkead relentlessly to got a greater number of people to turn out to the polls and cast their ballots against Littleton. Practically every votf^r in the city, it was said, was at one time or the other personally solicited by the candidates and their friends. In stumping the wards in the factory district Hayne and hJ s candidates especially e:-Tuphasised the duplicity of Littleton in the recent strikes, pointing out that Liiitlcton had made numerous public addresses in supjport of the str j.ke but later repudiated labor. "SEEMS CERTAIN DR. LITTLETON WILL BE NEXT MAYOR," read

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353 the headlines of the Herald the day before the election. Election day, after the polls were closed, large crowds of people congregated on the streets and sidewalks in front of the Chronicle Nev/s Building and the Herald office, nervously av/aiting the official election results. I'?hen the ballots v;ere counted and the results dispatched to the newspapers for public an-nouncement, the Littleton supporters were shocked to learn that Linwood C. He\yno had achieved a victory by a very slim margin of seventy-nine votes. The Hayi.ie ticket for coiuicil, moreover, won in. fou.r out of the six wards in the city. Convinced that political chicanery was responsible for the Hayne victory, Littleton supporters ironically charged that Hayne had not legally won the electj.on, filed protests alleging that the election was not conducted in a proper manner and requested that a recount of the ballots be made, especially in U'le second, third and fourtli wards v./here it was alleged that Hayne ballots had been substituted for Littleton ballots. But the charge of theft of ballots was ultiiiiately disir.i.ssed on a demurrer and Heiyne v/as properly notified that the election v.as no longer contested. Littleton, altiiough a cknov/1 edging defeat, promised hi.s close associates that ha was not retiring from city politics but I'* v/ould av.'ait aiiother opportunity to serve the people.'

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354 Putti ng. an En d to Polit ical Revo lts a nd ?l'0'3.^ess i ve Dei 'nocr a c y. The Hayne Revolt had clearly created a "miglity hub-bub" in city politics in the urban Progressive Era. Recognizing that political victory was dependent upon both getting out the mass popular vote of the v;orking classes and the well educated, affluent and urbane upper classes, l±ie Hayne candidates had siraultaneously sturaped all wards, holding large public forums and a.rranging smaller, limited conferences with seJect representatives, influential personalities and special guest speakers. In the "super-heated" atmosphere of the meetings in the factory district, speakers had freqriently and deliberately attempted to identify with their audiences, hitching their thumbs beneath their susj-''enders, rolld.nq up their shirt oleeves, stalking back and forth on the platforms, hurling uncomplimentary, terse insults at the Littleton supporters and vehemently denouncing the antiHayne forces cis being a bunch of "yellow-legged hounds," "fcols" ai^d "cov/ards." Boldly marching down into the cro'-'do, they had elicited strong emotional responses as they strol"'ed forward v/ith arm,^ outstretched. Jumping from their seait.-?, the common folk had owarraed about them, embracing thtan and shouting out "Kaynel flaynel" In other circles, howover, friends of the flayne candidates had quietly put in a

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355 word for "the cause" and diligently drafted political advertisements, contacted city reporters, urged editors to provide extensive news coverage arid encouraged large voter turn-outs. Election day "f livers," furnished loy patrons and friends, had toured the city, picking up small groups of select voters, taking them to the polling booths and motcring thorn back to their homes, offices and business firm.s. Continually "on the go" up to the la.fihour, the Hc-iyne forces had paid greater public attention to more voters than possibly over a decade with the inevitable result that the election of 1912 had been the most important general election in'volving greater nurol^ers of voters since the initial good government campaign of Patrick Walsii in 1897. In the heated 'Valsh-Kerr election over 7,500 votes were cast for thct mayoralty candidates, but in no general election after 1899 had there been more than ] , 300 total ballots cast. Indeed, in the general mayoralty elections of 1903, 1905 and 1909 tlie total ballots cast in ail three elections had barely exceeded 1,400. But in the Hayne raayoralty bati:le, through consciously reactivating the moral outrage of the eritablisiied groups in society and deliberately recultivating massive lower class white par t j.cipation, over 5,400 voters 13 had cc\st their ballots.'^ Tae Hayne Revolt, hov/ever, v/as not long ].asting but

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356 liraited. In subseq\ient elections a consistent effort was put forth by the key leaders of the priraary corranittee to "c?ioke clown" or "throttle," "old-time" partisan rivalry by sharply curtailing the nuraber of candidates standing for all pv;blic offices. Evidences of their retention of firra control.s and the end of future "progressive-democratic" upheavals was clearly manifested in the re-emergence of no opposition city council primary elections. In 1913, when rival contenders failed to emerge in four v;ards opposing the primary candidates for council, the committee ruled that the four unopposed candidates were officially the nominees of the party. Accordingly there v/as virtually no necessity of going to the expense of holding prim^ary elections in all six 'wards, The following year, the chaix-m.an of the executive committee, was pleased to annovuice that it was only necessaiv to hold a prim.ary election in just one ward and that the five entries who v,;cre unopposed v;ere the official nominees and Lherefore duly elected. Mainr,aining that Augustans must forget all trivalities and non-essentials, terminate all quarrels with any who "shinnies on his own side" or who "hits the line hard" and ann.ouncing th.at he personally held no "political grudges," fcrty-soven-year-old Dr. James Rufus Littleton formally announced his candidacy for .nayor in 1915, Citing his

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357 public endorsement of the levee in 1914 as an example of how he had transcended "personal or factional politics," the former state representative of Richmond County, pledged himself to a "sound m unicipal gove r nment and the c ontinued T.tpbu.ilding of Augusta .'' As a practicing physician in the com:p.unity for more than tv/enty years, Littleton risserted he was just interested in keeping "old Augusta moving forward, '" In the opinion of the Chro nicle, Littleton had lifted himself above the level commonly ai:tributed to the "factional leader and self-seeking politician" to the "higher ground of good citizenship » " It fui'ther expressed hope that the form.er graduate of the Medical Department of bhe University of Georgia would be elected mayor "v/ithout . .,15 a concest. "Yesterday v/as the date set for the primary election, nut there being no opposition to any of the announced candidates, under tlie rule, no ej.ection vras entered into," the vrnrpnicle bland ly informed the public. Sj.nce no opposition emerged chz-.llenging political aspirants, it v;as decreed by the executive directors, that there v/as no reason for a formal primary election. Farthern;ore, since only official nominees had given notice of their interition to stand for public office and there were no contenders, under the

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358 provisions es-i'.ablished by the primary, the polls were not opened for the general election. Their declaration of candidacy had taken the place of formal elections, primary or general I And in January, 1916, James R. Littleton and six new members were installed ix^ office after being duly 16 sv/orn in by the clerk of the council. Central j.zation of political power into the white primary comiiiittee had achieved numerous significant results. It had, of course, initially settled the political fate of the blacks by depriving them of any right of participation in e].ecticns. Secondly, it had assured the full triumph of business domination of city politics. In a ver.y real sen.se it had been the means whereby the significant business leaders were able to gain access to urban governiTLent and utilise the pov^/er of municipal government to solve basic, critical, internal economic problems; representing, perhaps, a form of local ^'political-capitalism," Thirdly, it ended in entirety all public political strife by ending campaign speeches, parades, crowds, editorials and v/ard politics by reijairing office seekers to privately appeal to che directors of the primary, secure offic:ial endorsements, announce their cand.1 daci as, acknov/ledgo th.eir nominations and await their installation in office.. But, lastly, it had effectively destroyed any and all semblance of urban democracy in

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359 the Progressive Era. Tliousands of voters ceased to flock to the polls, riot because of apatliy, but because they had been deliberately deprived of any means of democratic participation in all elections, priniary or general.

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NOTE.S 1* Augusta ChroniclG, June 10, 1904;May 26, NovenilDer 24, 27, 1912; Aij^usta_rierald_, November 26, 1912; Augusta Daily Tribune, July 19, 1904; Allen D. Candler, Georgia, Cpi-qprising Sketches of Countie s, Town_s_^,_ Events, Ins ti t u-tigns./_ and Pe rson s, Arranged in Cyclopedic Form (Atlanta: State Historical Association, 1906), II, 244-245. 2. Augusta Chronicle , May 23, 1912. 3. Ibid . 4. lb id , , December 3, 1912. 5. Ibid. , June 30, 1912; Aucmsta Herald . June 30, July 2, 1912. SAizgu sta Chronic le, 0"une 30, 1912; Augusta Herald, June 30, 1912. '''• Aug u s t a CTi i :on i c 1 e , July 1, 1912; Augus t_a Herald, June 30, July 2, 1912. 8. Aug-gst a Ch ronicle, July 2, 1912. '5' .Lbid'' Ji-'ly 4, 6, 7, 1912; l±igu.sta,_H(}rj^d, July 4, 7, 1912; "Minutes of the Superior Coiirt of Richraond County" (Sopterpber Term, 1912), 321-325. 10, Au gu s t a He r a .1 d , July 7, 1912; Au c^x s t a Ch.r o} \ i c 1 e , July 7, 8, 31, 1912. 11 • AyT-1 sta J5_er aid , June 30, 1912; A ugusta C hro nicle , December 3, 1912. 12, Augusta Chronicle_, Deceinbor 4, 5, 19 J. 2; Auc[u_st_a Herald, December 4, 5, 8, 9, 14, 21, 1912. 360

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361 13. ''Minutes of the City Council, January 3. 1898Decenioer 31, 1901," 481-485; "Minutes of the City Council, January 6, 1902-Deceinber 29, 1909," 160, 387; Augusta Chronicle, December 2, 189 7, Aori 1 18, 1899, November 21, December 6, 1900, July 17, 1903, July 19, 1906, July 9, 1909, Decem.ber 5, 1912. 14. Auqus t:a Chronicle .October 29, 1913, June 26, July 7, 10, 11, 1914; Augu sta Herald , October 26, 1913, June 21, 23, 26, July 1, 1914. 15. Auqusba Chronicle, May 8, 10, 28, 30, 1914, January 31, June 17, 1915, July 24, 25, 26, 1925; Augusta Heral d, January 31, June 11, 12, 20, 1915, July 25, 1925; R. L. Polk and Company's August a City Directory, 1919 (Augusta: R. L. Polk and Company, Publishers, 1919), XI, 505; Clark Hov/ell, History o_f Georgia (Chicago: S. .T. Clarke Publishing Company, 1926), III, 218-220. 16. Aug u st a Chr on ic 1 e , July 11, 10, November 5, 1915, January 3, 4, 1916; A ugusta Herald , Jane 20, 1915, January 2, 3, 1916.

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CHAPTER XI IMPRESSIONS OF AN ERA The Economic Significance of A ugusta and American Historiography The study of the growth of Augusta during peace, v/ar, reccnstriiction and the age of enterprise not only represents a "classic" example of almost consistent, uniform econoraic progress in che rise of a Southern textile city ?out also supports the major interpretations of Thomas C. Cochran, Willi.am Miller and Edward C. Kirkland on 'che "talce-off" stage of American economic growth, 1840-1880, Tlie founding of several stable, prosperous and solvent banks, the converging and depaiting of different railroad lines connecting up Ai.igusta v/ith other regional cities, the grovving urbi^n populc! Lion, ccmm?rcial prcsperi.ty, the building of the AuguHta canal and che rJ.se of textile mills and other collateral industries v/ere indicators of the shift from a coiTLTiercial fo an urban indu.s trial economy in the antebellum era; a period generally knov;n in the South for its strong, anti-industr.ial attitudes. They represented the beginnings 362

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363 of Augusta's "take-off." Wartime Augusta, like many midv/cstern and northeastern cities, moreover, witnessed a booming expansion of its industrial sector because of the tremendous demands of the "military machine" for supplies., the destru':tive nature of modern v.'arfare and the urgent exigenci.es ':;f the cencral government in fighting to attain its political and strategic objectives. Except for the obvious financial difficulties that accompanied the waning years of the Confederacy, Augusta at the end of the Civil War was in a most fortunate situation for rapid recovery. Contrary to the general negative views of E. Merton Coulter's Tl'.e South Duri ng Reconstruction , 1 865-1 877 A-ugusta, while under reconstruction, experienced substantial, progressive and relatively swift economic recovery; eis manifested in the return of business prosperity, steady high profits ?:eported by local mills, creation of a "new," larger in.dustrial sector, reconstruction of a "new" banking system and the rebuilding of a "new" railroad network that was far more complex than that of the antebellum era. It was most, evident that no dark, bleak and tragic era befell the city in the imjneddato postv.ar period. Indeed, from a business viewpoint, the so-called era of "Bayonet Rule," "Black Republican Reconstruction," "Blackout of Honest Government" and "Carnival of Corruption" saw substantial, rapid growth

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364 and new policies planned by v.'hite leaders and politiciems of the city, raott of whom came frora the "established" families. Eitrier Augusta was atypical or perhaps there is a need to take a fresh look at the nature of the postwar 2 South from an urban perspective. By the 1890 's, Augusta, as the "Lowell of the South," was part of thio Bou.rbon crusaders' success story in attracting textile raills to the Now South. Vigorously determined to "bring the cotton mills to the cotton fields," Southern promoters 'vvere responsible for founding a cluster of new mills in the piedmont areas of Virginia, the Carolinas, Georgia and Alabama. Patrick V.'alsh.. Charles Estes, Landon A.. Thomas, Thomas Barrent, Jr., Hamilton H. Hickman and other talented founders of the Augusta cotton m.ills and vicinity v/ere local examples of Henry P. Hairaiiett, founder of tlie Piedmont Manufacturing Company and later mayor of Greenville, South Carolina; Daniel Augustus Tom.pkins, president of three mills, director of eight others and stockholder in several North Carolina textile corporations; and George A, Gray, founded of the Gastonia Cotton Manufacturing Company, Gastonia, North Carolina. Moreover, the rise of Augusta as a textile city represented not only the pattern of regional growth but indicated the "begj.nning of Norchern m.ill migrations to the South"; a trend v;ell docu-

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365 raented by John Samuel Ezell, Thomas D. Clark, Albert D. 3 ivij.'v/an and C . Vann Woodward . Many factors had beeii responsible for the growth of Augusta: an antebellum "head-start," wartime expansion, swift "recovery," considerable venture capital, favorable political cliiuate, adequate water power, effective rail and waJ-.er traiispcrtation systems, close proximity to the cotton fields and an abundance of cheap labor. But certainly the greatest factor was tJie role of leadership, Shrev/d, coolheaded, business -minded Augustans raised the venture capital, re-established old financial and conunercial ties, created new business associations, prom.oted the expansion of old industries, established new factories and planned the fuf-,ure of the city, perceiving the interrelationships between banks, railroads, mills and industries and the rise of a "Greater Augusta." Since business was the guiding force in ':he city's development, tlio accomplishments of the men in business must be \'ie\/ed as nothing less than "heroic." As creative innovators, planners and boJ.J entrepreneurs they can hardly be regarded as "robber barons," "moguls'" or "capitalistic bucca?ieers" in the tradition of Charles A, Eeard, Vernon Louis Parrington, Matthev; Josophson and others who devolcped an "anti-business cult." Instead, they m^ust be properly viewed from the perspective of the research

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366 and publications of Allan Nevins, Edward C. Ki.rkland, Johrx Charuberlain, Alfred D. Cliandler, Jr.# and other scholars of American business history. Augusta, furtherrnore, was a microcosmic example of the serious urban disorders of the new nation. 'CTiough not as large as New Orleans, Atlanta or Memphis and considerably siiialler than Chicago, Pittsburg, New York and other northern cities, increasing urbanization and industrialization had created basically sj.milar problems. Rapid grov>i:h had created acute socia]. health problems; revealed the urgent need for new public municipal services, especially fire, police and sanitation protection; divided the city into dj.stinct zones or sections; intensified "class feelings," particu.lacly between laborers and capitalists; and seriously taxed and challenged urban government to resolve the cluster of new problems. The crisis of political leaders in Augusta was not unique but representative of the pro?olems confrontiiig the "ciecis.i.on-makers " in larger cities. Moreover, in developing the history of Augusta, evei"y effort has been made to present ideas in concert with the basic findings of Constance 14.. G.reen, Charles N. Glabb, A. Theodore ;^iown., Blake McKelvcy and other urban historians vfao have not only focused their attention upon the '*^i;3tory of individual cities, accompanying socio-economic problems.

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367 emerging uroan poJ.itical problems, but hava presented a composite historical and sociological study of the urban 5 nai:ron. The Sig nificance of the Augusta Strikes, Southe rn Labor and National Union s The recurrent Augusta labor strikes were not isolated, local affairs holding little significance beyond the scope of the history of an individual city but, on the contrary, v/ere a crucial aspect of the "Southern Strategy" of the Knights of Labor and the American Federation of Labor, two of tlie major national unions of the postwar era. The Knights of Labor Strike of 1886 in Augusta, properly viewed, was the beginning of the concerted drive to crack the newly c:reatcd textile mills in Roswell, Georgia; Cottoridale, Alabama; Greenville, South Caroli.na and Mary\/ille, Tennessee. Tlie second v/avo of mill strikes tliat erupted in Augusta in 1898-1899 and again in 1902 ware part of the American Federation of Labor's campaign to unionize the "lintheads" in the textile factories of the Nev; South. Its affiliate, the National United Textj.le Woi'kers ' Union, "called" strikes in the Carol j.nas-Greenwood, Abbeville, Bath, Durham, Greensboro and F3yettevillo---a5 well as in Columbus, Georgia, and Dariville, Virginia. Nor, for that m.atter, were the Ziugusta ti'olley car

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368 strikes of 1911-1912 and the Georgia IRailroad Strike of 1912 mere "local history." The National Amalgamated Association of Street and Electric Railv/ay Employees had begun a general Southern campaign \7ith Augusta as the first target city of the attack. No less than ten cities in the southeast were rocked v/ith streetcar strikes, often involving confrontations between strikers and scabs, deployment of troops and urban violence. Tne Georgia Railroad Strike, v.^ich began in Augusta due to internal local disputes between employees and ov/ners, spread to Atlanta and soon became of irfiinense regional importance. Union officials of the Brotherhood of Railway Trainmen and Order of Railway Conductors came into direct collision with the ov.Tiers of the Louisville and Nashville; Atlanta and West Point; Ncishville, Chatt?.n\ocga and St, Louj.s; Alabama, Birmingham and Atlantic; Central of Georgia; Southern Railway System and Seaboard Airline , Because the Georgia Railroad stirlke threatened to halt the raj.l transportation services of the southeast, federal intervention occurred to force arbitration, thereby representing another significant national theme of the Progressive Era. De^ipito the existence of a Southern campaign strategy, hovv'ever, the major initial factor precipitating almost every strike in Augusta (except in 1902) was announcements, that

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359 v/ages were to be slashed. In this respect the local capital i.sts were indeed "robber barons" who ruthlessly exploited their workers, completely ignored the grim reality of wage-earners trying to survive in an inflationary era v7ith declini.ng v.^ages and consistently rejected all individual or collective arbitration efforts to raise salaries, improve factory conditions or to provide fringe benefits. Strikes were therefore not forced by either the national representatives nor the local union leaders but by the owners of the enterprises! Tliey usually involved the desperate sti-uggie to hold wages at old levels--not to demand increased v/ages, decreased hours of employment, improved industrial conditions and other gains usually associated with unionism in the Progressive Era. Recognizing that the brutal, unrealistic tactics of managemient had created a real sense of labor solidarity among v/orkars, natlonaj. and regional representatives usually responded, hastening to the "Augusta stronghold," offering assistance in uniting the strikers, calling for economic aid from other union affiliations and, eventually, suggesting the objectives to be souglit in mediation. The Augusta strikes also have broader, m.eariLngful significance regarding Southern labor. The. Mind of the South stressed the "shiftlessness and ineptitude" of the poor

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370 white textile v/or3 Capital, not labor, was tT-iur.phantly victorious; attesting to -^ihe overwhelm.ing greater economic resources of management, the enormo'o.s pov/er of the tight, interlocking structure between mills, banks

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371 and railroads, the shrewd perceptiveness that lead to importation of strikebrealvers and scabs and the powerful bond of unity between the business community and the political power structures. Neither the municipal, county nor state governments v;ere genuinely "nevitral" but displayed the same intense anti-union activity of the rest of the nation. Victory for the capitalists meant that the o^Tiers, investors, directors aiid supervisors would continue to increase their personal fortunes, assure their privileged positions in middle and upper class society and perpetuate their wealth-all factors which definitely tended to tighcen social solidarity among the top strata and widen the distinctions between upper and lov7er v;hite society. Defeat of labor organizations meant that there were no significant increases in v/ag-is; nor, of course, any substantial gains in realizing a better standard of living for the white indu.strial workers. And, in an era of rapidly inflating prices, with v/ages declining, tiiere was little possibility for the individual worker to advance. The inevitable consequence was the general tendency for the samiC families to remain as tha labor force in the city from generation to generation and the undeniable stagnation^ dissolution and destruction of strong, unitary local unions.

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372 Augusta PoIit:ics in th e Age p_f_ Reform: Progre ss iv ism . P luralism o r Sout hern Elitism? Events in the political history of Augusta a].most consistently contradicted most of the standard explanations offered by some scholars on the Progressive Era. There was no muckraking campaign criticizing either national big business corporations nor local interlocking, powerful business concerns. None of the journalists were ardent crusaders aqa.inst the br'-.slness coiranunity nor critics of the social conditions in the vrhite factory district and the black ghetto. The "socially responsible reporter-reformer," deexaed by Ric:hard Hoftstadter to be a critical influence in the rise of Progress ivism, was not apparent. Neither the Chrpni.'^Ji.S.-' Hera ld nor the Daily T ribun e were replete with draiaatic exposes. Instead of a crusading spirxt to curtail tl-ie pcvv'ers of the local or national "Captains of Industry" and to reform rrapan society, tliere was a persistent, strong veneration of men in business, an intense desire to offer them protection and assistance and a consistent effort to ignore acute social probJ.ems, The muckraking sentiments, wltich Vernon Louis Parrington emphasized as being the •cotiiet" of ref(.irni, which Richard Hofstadter stated as contri]:>uting to the "Progressive impulse" and obher scholars attributed as playing a crucial role in the "compulsive

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373 desire" for reform, v/ere conspicuously absent in A-ugusta 8 politics * other important ideologi.cal sources of "Progressivism" uf^ually cited by historians as being crucial to the rise of a reform spirit were not apparent in the "Good Government" reform movement in Augusta. There v/ere no urban reform.ers such as Jane J^.ddams of Chicago, Robert Wagner of New York or Louis Brandeis of Boston. Few persons displayed a genuine sympathy tov/ards the plight of industrial v/orkers in Augusta. Nor did Augusta politicians and legislators work feverishly to push through a spate of factory legislation to ease intense personal hardships caused by on-the-job accidencs, provide workm.en's compensation benefits, or elimi-inate other abuses. "Hot" Social Gospelers such as Vvalter T. Rauschenbusch, George T. Herron and William D. P« Bliss^ preaching social C?iristianity and outliriing programs tliat chiefly called attention to the urban problems of the lower classes, were not to be found as a major moral force calling for tempering t.he consequences of rapid urbanizaiiion 9 and industrialization. To be certain, there was a superficial resemblance to the classical pattern of a grov/lng Protestant moral crusade, 3n ideological factor greatly stresced as crucial to the rise of a Progressive ethos and the subsequent assault upon

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374 men in business. But r.he end objectives differed greatly from those goals defined by George E . Mowry and Richard Hofstadter. Frctestant middle class moral indignation was replete in the sermons of Augusta ministers, speeches of crusading politicians and editorials of jou-cnalists calling for "cleansing" the city of its "wicked excesses," "purifying" or "redeeming" elections from corrupt practices and deraanding an end tc the "depravities" of the "political hall-hole" that called itself the government of Augusta. But, unlike Mowry and Plof stadter ' s moral Protestant crusade, the Augu3ta reformers were not seeking Lo deliver government from the entrepreneur r,or to attack the wicked, naughty trusts and the unscrupulous businessman. Tl-tat was hardly one of the intentions of local reformers. Their aspirations included the hope that the responsibilities of city government could be bestowed upon the "best businessmen." Their hope was Lor massive business domination of city politics so thi-.t i,he efficiency of businessmen might be applied to municipal policies. The target of reform v/as not the secu3:e, affluent middle and upper classes of ur?oan society but the lower classes. The Protestant moral and evangelical fervor called for the reforniers to systematically work to eliminate the "corrupting" influences of the blacks and, if necessary, ail lower class v/hites, who sold their votes to the highest

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3 75 bidders. If all the "good people" supported the reforiiiers ' crusade, a "pure white man's governraent" would be triunpnant. "Iius the dual themes of racism and class antagonisms accompanied the rise of Southern Frogressivism in Augusta, 10 Georgxa . Existing evidence on Augusta, furthermore, seriously questions the validity that conservative, middle-class, white Anglc-Saxon Progressive reformers pursued political pcv/er and public office because of an "upheaval in status" or a "status revolu.tion. " Instead of being frightened by the triumph of capitslismi, the "Prcgressd.ve" reformers in Augusta politics ---Patrick Walsh, Jacob Phinizy, Richard E. Allen, VviJ.liam. K, Dunbar, Thom.as Barrett, Jr., and Linv.'ood C. Hayne--were from some of the most socially prominent, econom.ically stable "aristocratic" families v;hich had created the industries, founded banks, developed the railroad corporations and established Uie subui'ban real estate development companies. Certai.nly none of them exhibited a strong "disdain for money and monetary success." Many of the leading politicians in Augusta in the urban Px'ogr sssive Hi. a were prominent businessmen of the New Soutli. Every single one of the m.ayors were businossmicn, financiers and iiidustrialists who acquired econom.ic wealth as a result of the rise of industries and the prosperity of the "Lowell

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376 of iihe vScuth," Patrick Walsh, for example, the first reform mayor, had been a vigorous supporter of forward grov.'th aiid an outstanding champion of the industrial gospel preached by Henry W. Grady, Walter Hines Page and Kenry M. VJatterson. Jacob Fhinizy, scion of the Georgia Railroad Bank, was most concerned with tne economic growth of the Queen City of the Savannah. Moreover, not only were the "progressive" mayors, Charles A. Robbe, Alfred M. Martin, Jr., Richard E. Allen, V/illiam M. Dunbar, Tliomas Barrett, Jr. » and Linwood C. Hayno key members of the economic infrastructure, but ninety-nine oi.it of a hundred and eleven aldermen elected to the <::ity council were prominent, hardworking, thrifty, aspiring young businessmen. One of the major objectives of the Good Government I'eform movemont--total business domination of municipal politics— hiad therefore been achieved. Municipal elections, furthermore, flagrantly contradicl:.ed the theme of a titanic: dem.ccratic struggle by frustvatod, insecure middle class politicians to gain office. SvViven ouc of the nine mayors v.'ere virtually i-inopposed in sc;eking office in the general elections* a factor hardly conducive to acute "status anxiety." I'lai-tin was appointed acting mayor by the City Council. James Rufus Littleton and his successor, William Penn White, were "elected" to

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377 offica v/ithout a single ballot being cast in any elections, primary or general. Only Phinizy, Allen, Hayne and Dunbar faced opposition by "serious" rival contenders in the white primary elections, but three out cf the four challengers virtually represented the same strata of soc:iety and were v/idaly regarded as "v.-orthy" of holding public office because of their socio-economic status in the corriraunity . Hayne, Littleton and Young, the three rival mayoralty contenders, were very wealthy citizens, presidents of four of the eight j.ian>s, executives associated with several business enterprises, proinlnent merchants and former aldermen. One of the opposition caiididates had already served a term as mayor of the city ana the other two were subsequently elected mayor in the Progressive Era. Tlie sole mayoralty candidate v/ho failed to gain political vJ.ctory v/as the only genuine rival, .Tohn Allen Mette, the editor of a labor \iowspaper and a major union organizer. Prim^ary and general elections were "sham" affairs, rarely offering voters a choice between t\vo opposing candidates---much less archrivals v.hio represented different segm.ents of society. Such circumstances render it exv^eedingly difficult to portray Progressive politicians being mocivatod by declining power, pres-cige, influence or vigorously pursuing public office in a desperate attempt to 12 restore a loss or sratus . "

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378 In securing "controls" of government, the Augusta Progressives v/era definitely not conunitted to restricting the power of the lousiness corrjiiunity, v/ere vigorously shrewd in ignoring the possible application of "trust-busting" tactics to local monopolies, and extremely clever in providing the protection necessary for the victory of capital in all laboi: strikes. As elite representatives from the princj.pol industrial, commercial and financial sectors of the urban economy, t'oey were quite naturally concerned with introducing public policies that would enhance the further grov'th of the city. Among the new m.unicipal policies that v/ere sponsored and, inaugurated were the paving of the main, thorouglif ares , building of a oity-wide sev/er system, installing of nev; hydrants, locating new fire department subGt.ation.3 .m the busi.ness aad residential areas; planning and com.pleting a new v/ater\vorks system; and beav.tifying the city with a scries of parks and plazas, A,ll of these urban refo::ms enha.':iced property values, encouraged construction in new areas and tended to promote the grcv/th of the v/hite suburban are£is. Other rafoim.y included the successful incorporation of the village of Summerville into the city and the completion of the construction of the levee. The latter represented the creation of permanent flood protection to the entire city, thereby ending periodic interruption of

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3 79 industrial production, slumps in business activities and destruction of valuable homes, v/arehouses, offices and bridges. Sucli urban "liberal" policies of municipal reformers reflected the influences of their middle and upper class constituents' demands and definitely were not related to the "pressures" exerted by bhe wage-earning classes in 13 de-cermxning crucial public policies. Such evidence suggests that many aspects of the Hofstadter-Mowry "middle class anxiety" interpretation of Fcogressivism seem to be invalid for Augusta in the Progressive Era. Certainly neither big business, nor big labor, nor an urban political machine actually threatened the reform.ers" status in Augusta society. Tlie progressive agitation for good government reform instead appears to nore closely conform to the viev7 of Gabriel Kol?:ed, directed, dominated and controlled by the aggressive, secure Uiidale and upper class businessmen v/hcse fundaI'leiital objectives involved the acquisition of politiv':al 14 power CO rnaxntain the status quo. Tlie nature of the primary and general elections for c.::n-ididates to the council revealed almost the identical patcern as that of uiaycralty elections. Tliere v/a.?; no "status anxiety"; nor was there genuine political rivalry;

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380 nor was there even a remote resemblance to urban democracy in a southern taxtile town. One. hundred and eleven councilm.en were elected to piiblic office in the primary and general elections from 1897-J.917. Ninety-nine were totally unopposed in the general elections and sixty-six were unchallenged in the primary elections. Forty-five were "elected" to office without a general election even being heldl Seven of the councilmt^n were either former mayors or ultimately elected mayo.rs during the Progressive Era. Thirteen were elected to office twice. Tlie vast majority of the v/inning aldermemic tickets i/eire almost always affiliated, identified and associated with either the successful mayoralty ca.ndidate or thoroughly syiapathetic to the incur,"bent admiriistr:ition. iA.lthc.igh a select fev/ represented the most important, substantial manufacturing and financial corporations in the city, th.e majority came from general "miiddle management" business po33.tions. To be certain, there was a degree of representation from th.e lower socio-economic classes, but it was indeed extremely modest. Only seven of the one hundred and eleven v/ece mechanics, superintendents, salesmen, mill operatives, drivers and laborers. In m.ost instances when persons from the factory district v/ere elected, they tended to represent the upper strata of the laboring classes, being supervisors, paymasters, clerks or party hacKs retained by "' 5 var 1.0US enterpr.'Lses . -

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381 Tlie socio-economic composition of those political aspirants \\fl\o failed to obtain seats in tiie City Council superficially suggested that they represented a different strata. In the Couiicil election of 1900, Judson Lyons, a . brigj^.tf intellectual, forty-year-old "light bronze" man, ranking in capabilities v;ith ex-Senator Bruce of Mississippi, John M. Langsr.on of Virginia. Congressman ^^vhite of North Carolina and several other very capable Negro politicians, opposed William A, Latimer in tiie race for the Council, but most unsiaccessfully, receiving only one vote. Many had not forgotten that Lyons v/as the Republican candidate for the postiiiastership in 1897 but, ov/ing to e^ pov/erful "IJ.ly v/hitt contingent" that ^/as opposed to having a "nigger in th( v/oodpile, " had failed to gain that office. Other vrould-i aspirants had also failed in their bid to the council. Charles Keel in 1900 had avoided the primary but announced for the general, thereby permanently cutting 'himself off from the v/hite people of the community." "The white people are going ho run Augusta and anyone v/ho does not iuike their election ought to pack up bag and baggage and eiaigrate, " the leading daily newspaper informed its readers. In the 1901 and 1905 Council elections Herman Boetjer and Joseph H. Milligr.n, respectively, opposed the official candidates. Boerjer, an announced socialist, went down in glorious :e -oe

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382 dafeat. Milligan v/as strongly attacked for "party disloyalty,'' charged with engaging in "political trickery" and accused o'd attempting to destroy the system which had "rescued" Uie city from the spectacle of corrupt elections dorainated by blacks. "The negro has been shorn of power, but it has been the dream of some people that (;he negro return to politics," the Chronicle explained. "The white primary is the safeguard of our people; it not only guarantees white supremacy, Ijut it is our greatest protection 1 (1 against political fraud."" However, tiie vast majority of the "losers" or rival candi.dates in city Council elections from 1897-1917 were noU represenLacives from a diffei'ent segment of urban society. Of the forty-seven would-be candidates only thirteen were laborers, socialists or dissenters, and twenty-nine v/ere prominent businessmen representing some of the major banking, real estate, insurancG firms, cotton brokerages, textile corporations and railroad corporations in the city. Tl'ius, even those who failed to gain political power v/era .lairgely of middle and upper class business 17 origins . A cri.i.GJ.al objective of tlie Augusta reformers was a campaign, to 'purify" political democracy or to restrain mass participation in city elections. Essential to the attain-

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383 raent of that goal v;as the elimination of the Negro as a force. Since the Reconstruction era, the blacks had participated in all county, city and state elections, but, on the basis of existing evidence, by the manipulation or pnrcViasing of their votes by v/hite wardheelers . Furthermore, u!ie black vote apparently wielded the balance of power in m.any elections. City politics in the age of reform-minded biisinessmen demanded the elimination of "\/ote-bu^ iny . " Tlie tSirget was the blackman. It was widely believed by the whites that the blacks were the central cause of corrupt elections and that "Good Government" could be created by disfranchising them. A concerted, comm.unity-v/ide campaign was successful in arousing public opinion to the notion that the solution to reforming elections v/as the adopti.on of the v/hite primary system. Southern progressivisin, after a].l, IS was for "whites only" as C. Vann Woodward has emphasized. Dj.sfranchisement of the Negroes, of coui-sc, abnegated any possibility of influencing political decisions and u.vban policies. The major consequences ware the failure of a white -dominated, business-controlled government to provide any significant municipal services to most blacks and the corresponding development of a significant discrepancy in the death rate between blacks and wl\ites. No adequate sewerage and waterworks systems were con-

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384 structed for the densely packed "Terri"; or if some underground pipes and drains existed they were usually not connected up v/itli the main systems. Scavengers, retained by the city to collect refuse, failed to offer similar necessary public services; vast qxtantities of trash piled up in the alleys and streets; huge mounds of debris were to be found in almost every vacant let and many lots were "miniature dumps" for discarded, worn-out comm.odities , Small staynaiit pools of greenish-black water v/ere also common in alm.Gst every depressed vacant lot. Barrels, discarded cans and ether riibbish collected stagnant waters in which mosquitoes flourished in "unlimited quantities." No building codes v/ere introduced, no municipal nor county inspections were m.ade and few roads wore paved. In short, no systematic urban reforiris to solve critical problems in the black ghetto ware initiated simply because it re.mad.ned "outsi.de the 19 arbitrary boundaries of. the City." The crowding of numerous families together into close cramped quarters in badly ventilated tenements and grim.y, substandc^rd tin shanties and tar-paper shacks unquestionably affected the life-span of all blacks living in th.o "Terri." Poorly clothed, badly housed, seriously overworked, drasticalJ.y underpaid, unavoidably exposed to inclom.ent weather, Negroes were very susceptible to pulmonary tuberculosis.

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305 malarial and typhoid fevers and other communicable diseases. Sick and dying, they v/ere nevertheless laultiplying . Official Board of Health records, replete with statistical data, documented the undeniable fact that the death rate among the blacks was consistently and substantially greater them that of the whites from 1880-1918. Grinding poverty \/as certainly the_ main factor v/hich contributed to the higher death rate, but, according to local health inspectors, the Negro decith rate "remains high in part, no doubt, because we have not yet been able to properly sev/er these outlying districiis." Dr. Eugene F. Murphey, President of the Board cf Health, regretted and deplored these intolerable • conditd.ons, frequently criticizing the lack of governmental af;tion v/hich was a "menace to the health of the whole community." But free from political pressures, urban reforms revealed the "color line."' Although, the "Good Government" reformers had been strj-ving to achieve clean elections, vote-buying and voteselling reinained rampant as lov/er class, illiterate whites sold th.eir votes to supplement their incomes an.d to retain or receive favors from their supervisors. Realisation that elGctii'5n3 v/ere still a conmiunity moral problem provoked a viooy:o
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386 for a new spirit of reform to purge the city of "evil" influences ab the polls that were shocking to a "white man's government." A grand jury investigation of the "traffic in voteo" avid subsequent city -wide meetings led to recomraendations that the "wicked" excesses could be significantly curtailed if all the "good people" expressed total faith in the "purely business methods" of the white primary committee. Prospective candidates for public office were obligated to pledge themiselves to support the policies, rules and regulabions of the primary. Voters v/ere urged to cast their ballots for the "official" candidates endorsed by the white pcimary. All lav/s which governed the real elections, it was said, were deemed to be made applicable to the primaries. Furthermore, proclaiming that they were champions of good cler^n government and the friends of democracy, they urged the elimination of unnecessary political rivalry al: all elections chrough limiting i:he voter's choice to one ''official" candidate ---a factor not exactly conducive to the growth of deiuocracy. The response v/as not to actack the vote }>uyar but to further restrict the "privilege" of casting ballots in elections and to limit the choices~-preferably to one candidate. Adopi~io.a of the white primary system, therefore, had not only served to disfranchise the blacks, but it had

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387 achieved other significant results. It had served to reduce the si-^e of the electorate and to centralize a greater degree of political power in the white primary coinmittee. The primary had attained the real force of the regular elections and ass-ared the victories of its candidates. It had, furthermore, served to end the blatant, public spectacle of vote-buying by driving it "underground" or behind "closed doors," fnl ike reform currents in some northern ci.ties and states, no real faith v;as exhibited in democratic Progressivism in Augusta, Georgia. The reform-minded businessmenpoliticians of Augusta had boldly and skillfully countered direct democracy and mass participation in city elections • with the implementation of considerable restraints. Urban policies in Augusta in the Progressive Era were not determined by the influence of "m.ultiple" .rival forces in the society and economy but v/eie determined by a small, pov/erful and resourceful minority tliat represented the white Soul:he-ai elite. Contrary to the pluralist elite interpretatJ.ons offered by Robert A, Dahl and Nelson W, Polsby, the power structure of Augusta in the Progressive Era seems to support the ruling elite model of C. Wright Mills, Floyd Hunter ond Gr,b!:iel Kolko. A conservative, \vhite, business ii^oucherii elite ruled the city. Mayors ^nd aldermen sh.ared some extremely important common characteristics and objec-

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388 tives ill thair pursuit of political power and in the rewards 21 prov.idad by the political system. First, they were largely drawn from the wealthy, welleducated, well-bred, socially prominent, business-oriented white Anglo-Saxon and Protestant groups v.'hich either owned, directed or represented the dominant industrial, coitUTiercial, fi-oancial and legal enterprises. Second, they shared a common set of social values including the preservation of l:he status quo and the perpetuation of their wealth and power. Ihird, they shared a basic consensus about the objectives of urban reform. They believed in introducing reforms, such as the constru.ction of streets, drains, sewers, hospitals and parks, as well as a giant lex'-eo, for tlie purpose of protecting the residential, .iivlus trial, financial and coirjnercial stones of trie city. Public programs, therefore, were not based upon the demands of th.e masses so ranch a:; they reflected the interests and values of the rulit:ig elites, Pourtr^, they were in '"bsolute total agreeir.eiit that "wliitos only'' should conLj.'ol cit'^ government, participate in ejections, stand for public office and determine reform policies. Tliey accepted with little debate ttie goal of disfranchisement of the blacks o, Fifth, the power structure was not substantially •ei-'ajiged during the Progressive Era but the sam.e type of leaders continued to sys-

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389 tematically exercisG political control. Elite "cleavage" appeared wich Linv;ood C. Hayne but the Hayne revolt sbron':jly repudiated any effort to permit the re-entry of hhe blacks into city elections and shared the same conservative consensus that political power rested with the v;hite business leaders wlio v/ould introduce the necessary public policies benefici.al to the business corniaunity. Sixth, there was a clear: cii.t distj.nction between the polj.tical-economic leaders and tlie non-businoss groups that constituted the masses of soci.ety. Very few members of the common folk acquired political pov/er, determined public policies or even fra™ tevni>:cd vvith the upper strata of society. I^ast of all, the ''Good Government" reform struggle in Augusta v/as not fought to achieve liberal, demccratic, egalitarian and progressive ideals at all; but to sustain iilibe.Tal, anti-democratic and oligarchic privileges. '.Uhe goals of t.lie reformers were clear and simple: to prevent governiaent by all the people by restricting the franchise to as few as possible, to protect the special interests of the urban elites tlirough favorable governm.ent policies for the business community, and to enact a seri.es of nev; measures that v/ould centralize power in the hands of the members of the white primary committee so that only th.e "right kind 7.2 of people" would run for public office.

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NOTES 1. Thomas C. Cochran and William Miller, The Aga of E nterprise (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1961), 111-114; Arthur C. Bining and Thomas C. Cochran, The Ris e of A merican Bcpncmi c Life (New York: Cliarles Scribner ' s Sons, 1964), 313-317; Edward C. Kirkland, A History of A merican Econ omi c Life (New York: Appleton-Century-Crof ts, 1969), 251-252. Viewing American economic development from the Lroad perspective of the nineteenth century, Cochran, Miller and Kirkland believe that the "middle decades" constituted a long period of self-sustained grov/th critical to the later triumph of American industrial-finance capitalism. Also see Ralph L. A.ndreano, Nev/ Views on Am er ica n Scpnomlc: peyelppm ent (Cambridge: Schenkman Publishing Company, 1965), 245-2 60 . Harold U. Faulkner, American Economi c Histo ry (^Jew York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1960), 327-322, 139341; Jam.es G. Randall and David Donald, The Civil War and Reconstruction (Boston: D. C. Heath and Company, 1961), 480-497; Gilbert C. Fite and Jim E. Reese, An Economic History of rh e United States (Boston; Houghton Mifflin Company, 1965), 271-295. The general viewpoint of Fite, Reese and especially Faulkner is that the Civil War acted as a massive stimulator to national economic growth. Although initially the outbreak of the v.ar brought a sharp recession in the North, manifested by bank failures, some business firms collapsing and falling profits, by 1851 a wartimie boom ctssumed extraordinary proportions and con-ti.nued unchecked until the panic of 1873. Cochran, Miller and Kirkland, liowever, vigorously disagree; stressing that the '-var impeded, even retarded the rate of national industrial grov/th. In Augusta it was most apparent that theie was a proliferation of antebelJ.um grov/th, an "invasion by industry" during the v/ar, a "critical period" as the collapse of the Confederacy appeared imrninent, but a sv.-ift return to the v/ave of prosperity that accompanied the war. In fact the basic contours of the urban economy in the Progressive 390

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391 Ex-a took shape during the era of peace, war and reconstruction. Augusta, therefore, seems to represent a synthesis of both schools of economic history. 2. The fundamental viewpoint of E. Merton Coulter's, Tli_e__South Durin g Reconstruc tion, 18651877 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1947) is largely compatible with the ideas of William A. Dunning 's. Reconstruct ion, PQl,-lJj--g-g.Jr— ^-Q'^ Economic. 1865-1877 (New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1907) . Other writers who subscribe to the Dunning version of Reconstruction include: Claude G. B ov/e r s , The Tragic Era; The Revolution After L incoln (Cambridge: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1929); George Fort Milton, The Age of Hate: And rew John son an d the Rad icals (Hampden: Archon Books, 19 65) and Hodding Carter, The Angry Scar,__The Story of Reconstru ction (New York: Doubleday and Coir.pany, Inc , , 1959), Most historians since the piablication of Howard K. B e a 1 e ' s , The Criti cal Ye ar: A Study of Andrew Johnson and Reco nst ruction (Now York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1930) , hov/ever, have significantly revised the basic assumptions of the Du!ining school. Revisionists have totally rejected the interpretation that no positive accomplishments wore achieved during Reconstruction and have refused to subscribe to the thesis that the postwar era witnessed vindictive Yankee military subjugation of the Southland. Moreover, they do not accept the version that the Radical regimics were maintained by incompetent, plundsHaent , evil, wicked foreigners who exploited the South through a sinister coalition with treacherous turn-coats and villainous, illiterate blacks. Some of the leading revisionist scholars include: John H. Franklin, Reconstru ctio n, After ;the_ Civil War (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961); Eric L. McKitrick, Andrew J ohnson and Reconstru ction (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963); Kenneth M. Stampp, The Era of Reconstruction, 1865-1877 (New York: Alfred A. I\nopf, Inc., 1965); David Donald, Tlie Politics of Re constcwztion, 1363-1867 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1965) ; and Rembert W. Patrick, Tne Reco nstruction of the_ Nation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967). By ignoring the controversial, hyper-emotional issues about Union occupation, "tragic" reconstruction of Augusta and emanci.pation of slaves it v/as possible to trace the busy mercantd.le, financial and industrial activities of Augustaas and depict the positive economic accomplishments.

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392 3. John Samuel Ezell, The South Since 1865 (New York: The KaciTiillan Company, 1963), 136-143; Thomas D. Clark and Albert D. Kirwan, The South Since Appomattox (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), 147-153; C. Vann Woodv.'ard, Qxi.3Lins. of. the New Sout_h (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1951), 131. 4. Ihe viewpoint that men in business were predatory, amoral capitalists with an insatiable lust for profits and power was a major theme of Beard, Parrington, Josephson and other critics of the American business comjinunity. Charles and Mary Beard, The Rise of American Civilization (New York: Tlie Macmillan Company, 1927), II, 166-210; Vernon Louis Parrington, Main Currents in American Tliought (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1930), III, 10-12; Matthew Josephson, Ihe RobI:er Barons (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1934); Frederick Lewis Allen, The L ords of Creat ion (Nev7 York: Harper and Brothers, 1935); Stewart H. Holbrcok, The Age of the Moguls (Garden Citv: Doubleday and Company, 1953) . In an effort to study American businessmen more dispassionately, evaluating their creative responses to the challenges of building business em.pires and recognizing that business has been the central guiding force in the nation's development, the "new" entrepreneurial school has stUvdied capitalist enterprises and leaders from a positive perspective; concerning themselves with the dynamics or urban industrial growth, managerial associations, business concerns and the sociology of businessmen. Among some of the leaders who have contributed to the rise of business history ai-e: Allen Nevins, John D. Roc kefeller, Ihe Heroic Age of Ameri can Enterpris e (New York: Charles Scribner 's Sons, 1940); Edward C. Kirkland, Industry. Coja_e_s„of Age: Business, La bor and Public Polic y, 1860 -19C0 (Nov/ York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1961) ; VJilliam Miller, Me n in Business (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1952); John Cjiamber la in , The Enterprising Americansj A Business His tory of the United State s (New York: Harper and Row, 1963); Alfred D. Chandler, Jr., St rate gy a nd St ructure: Ch apters in the J;{i_gtory, of ;the. Ame rican Indus trial Enterpri se ( C ambridge: Tlie Massacliusetts Institute of Technology Press, 1962) . 5. Coristance M. Green, American Cit ies in the Growth of the N ation (New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, Inc., 1965) ; Char.les N. Glaab and A. Theodore Bro\\m, A History of Urban America (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1967);

PAGE 413

393 Blake McKelvey, The Urbanization of America, .1860--1915 (New Brnnsv;ick: The Rutgers University Press, 1963). 6George S. Mitchell, Textile Unionism a nd The South (Chapel nill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1931), 2 2"2 5, 2 7-30; C. Vann IVoodv/ard, Origins of the Nev/ S outh, 230, 422-423; John Samuel Ezell, The South Since 1865 , 204203; F. Ray Marshall, L abor in th e South (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967), 81-83. 7. VZilbur J. Cash, Tlie Mind of the South (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1941), 195, 215, 353-354; John Samuel Ezell, The South Since 1865 , 205; F. Ray Marshall, L abor in the South . 8. Richard Hofstadter, The Age of Refor m (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1955), 135, 186, 174-214; Vernon Louis Parrington, Main Currents in American Tliought , III, 406. 9. Blake McKelvey, The Urbanization of Americ a, 110, 149-151, 157-157, 243-245; Henry F. May, P rotestant Churches an d In dus trial America (New York: Harper and Row Publishers, Inc., 1949), 170-181. 10. Richard Hofstadter, The Age of Reform , 204-214; George E. Mowry, The California Progressives (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1951), 87-89. 11. See appendix, Table VI, "Councilmen and Business Associations, 1897-1917." Term Progressive does not delineate a party movement nor alignment and certainly cannot be construed as a liberal faction in Augusta politics, but it app].ies strictly in the broad sense of the Progressive Era in i^JT.erican history. 12. See appendix. Table VII, "Mayors and Business Associations, 189 7-1917." 13. The basic reforms introduced by the municipal government of Augusta contradicts the findings of J. Joseph Huthmadier's studies of New York and Massachusetts. J. Joseph Huthmacher, "Urban Liberalism and the Age of Reform, " Mississipp i Valley Hist orical Review. XT^IX (September, 1962), 231-241. The article stresses that many of the accomplishments of the Progressive Era ware directly related to pressures from the organized lower class constituencies in the large metropolitan northeastern cities.

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394 14. Gabriel Kolko, I2lg.J:'j:j-UIIiph_of_ Co nservatism > A Reintg-rpretation of American Hi stor y, 1900 -1916_ (Nev/ York: The Free Press of Glencce, 1953), 2-4, 8-10. 15. See appendix. Table VIII, "Aldermanic Elections, Primary and General, 189 7-1917." i6. Augu sta Chro nicle. June 8, July 2, 8, 14, Septen-ber 14, 16, 18, October 11, 1897, January 24, 25, February 4, March 8, 9, July 13, 1898, December 6, 1900, December 5, 1901, December 7, 11, 1905. 17. See appendix. Table IX, "Rival Candidates in Ci'cy Council Elections and their Business and Social Affiliations, 1397-1917." 18. C, Vann Woodward, .Oriaing_o_f the N ew Sout h, 369-395. 19. Tw-entvNinth Annual Report of the Bo ard of Hoalth ol: Augusta, Ge orgia fo r the Year 1906 (Augu.sta: The Phoenix Printing Company, 1907), 20; Thirty-Fifth Annual Report of the Department of Public Heal th, Augusta, Georgia , 1912 (Augusta: Chronicle Job Print, 1913), 7, 2 . T^venty-Sixth Annu al Repor t of the Bq _ard_cf_Healt]i 2 JL -4y.-;>J--SJ-:-a/Georgia for the Ye ar 1903 ( Augu s t a : Ri char d s and Shaver, 1904), 13 5; Thirty-Seventh Annual Report of the j^-'jpgj:tme.nt of Public Heaitli, Augus ta, Georgj.a__1914 (Augusta : Phoenix Printing Company, 1915) , 8; Forty-Firs t Annual Ml^ijjrt-O^ the Department o f Public H ealth, Augusta, Georgia, 1518 (Augusta: Ridgely-Wing-Tidwell Com^pany, 1919), 15; see appendix. Table X, "Mortality Statistics of Whites and Blacks, 18S0-1918." 21. Robert A. Dahl, Vflio Governs? (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961); Nelson W, Polshy, Commun ity Power _an_d Political Theory (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1963); C. Wright Mills. Tlie Power Elite (New York: Oxford University Press, 1956); Floyd Hunter, Community Power S tructure (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1958); Floyd Hunter, Top Leadership , .__U.._S_^_. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1959); Gabriel Kolko, IiP'gl>h?^ytd Po^/er in Amer ica, An Analy sis of Social Clc'iss and JIAgpJi^g-. pi s tr ibut ion (New Y^ork ; Frederick A. Praeger, Inc., 1962) .

PAGE 415

395 22. Thon-ias R. Dye and L. Harmon Ziegler, Tha Iron y, pj DsmocraGv, An Unco mj'io n Intro d uction to American Politics (Bolmont : u'ads'.vorth Publishing Company, 19 70), 5-810.

PAGE 416

APPENDIX

PAGE 417

397 TABLE I Declining Wages of Textile Workers in the Ki ng and Sib ley Mills: 1880-1898

PAGE 418

398 o O in I— I u') c. jD r) -St Lo (Ti o: a: vD rH csi r~ch en iH .h (Ti CM LO !^~ OJ ro O! CM OOO^ODi— ICNiHi— l1 u o -q -:-) f^ O >i o vo .~\ U .1! a CO .-I >1 >1 0) 0) i CM 5h ^ o. oj o a> 05 [ii &^ < to t4 fe S; fri 'T^ Ci CTi CT' Ci O O o'oo cocacocooocococTicn >^I r-i H .H .H rH rH rH rH iH rH fT CO OJ O O rH cri (?•. 01 a rCj 01 T-l o I o 4-J| ml -)J ,1 -H 0) I o II o, o c c O M UD o in r~ ri^ ro fO f) <^ o .-< o o o O i-H ri^ fO O O ro CO r-1 'D O LO L''J r'X' 1^ CN] CN UO CO l-O C^J 00 :? 00 bO U", oT fO CM r-T i"0 ro ro i u Cl) "

PAGE 419

399 •i a o >1 CN u > o O W > I ^ ^ 51 Vh 4-1 o a H4 ."a: O 0) •H ^2: 4J U 01 G C a fS H CJ 5.1 Q4 ?^ >x> U3 CN CO (Ji vol r^ rH m k.0 CO u c u n ''A ;sl !-i| vO r-ro cTi r^ r^ I O CN CA CN sj^ V.O 03 O U-) lil CO in i^ r03
PAGE 420

400 TABLE VI Cou nci lrae n and B usi ness Associ ati ons, 1897-1917 Attorne y s, Physicians &. Undertakers Henry L. Barton Eugene L. Johnson Louis L. Battey Edwin G. Kalbfleisch Archibald Blacksheare Alfred M, Martin, Jr. Austin Branch Samuel H. Myers *John M. Caldwell W. Edward Piatt Bryscn Crane James P. Smith Robert E. Elliott George T. Tnorne Osv/ell R. Eve Harry A, Woodward Thomas F. Harrison George W. Wright Banking/ Real Estate, I nsurance & Investments Irwin Alexander Alex vJ. Gouley Richard E. Allan Tlioraas B. Irvin Albert F. Austin * James M. Koon J. Frank Carswell William A. Latimer £, Otto Cooper Williara Martin Harriss H. D'Antignac Frank W, Moore Mar eon H. K. Duvall Jacob Phinizy R, Roy Goodv/in Cle rks, Salesmen, La borer s &. Others Samuel C. Adams Alfred Cuthibert Nev/ton T. Barnes (ex-Mayor of Edv/ard S, B elding Village) (P.O. clerk) Patrick J, Hardin James L, Cart ledge William R. Mundy (Journalist) James B. Pague Samuel V7. Carter -''niomas W, Pilcher Cotton & C ommercial Int erests Luther L. Arrington Clement L. Castleberry Henry L. Barton Oariies P. Doughty Robert J, Bates Francis L. FuJ.ler "Sandy Beaver John M, Hayes *William B. Bell Newton Heggie J. Wilbur Boswell M. C. Butter Holley James T. Bothwell ^George H. hov/ard Fred Boyce J. ITarry Johnson William Boyle Harry H. Jones Bennett W, Burns *Lewis L. Kent John B. Carter De Saosure L. Kuhlke

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401 TA 3 1;E VI ( c o 21 1 i nvi e d ) Cotton & Commercial IPxterests (continued) C. Gordon Lairiback Edwin B. Pollock *Geo.vge Lamback *Edward J. Rice *Bryan Lawrence Josepli P. Saxon Benjamin F. Matheney John iM. Shaahan William A, Matt is on James P. Smith John W, McDonald Julian M, Smith Milledge Hurphey Thomas E. Verdery * Jeremiah J, O'Connor James B. Walker Jolra J. O'Connor William P. Miite Thomas Philpot Ralph B. Willis William. L, Piatt George W. W^right. Manufacturing, Industria l, Railroad & Construction Interests Tlujmas Barcett, Jr. George R. Loiribard W^ilbur Boswell *Williami H. Lougee Job A. A, V7. Clark Otis G. Lynch William i-I, Dunbar William S .. Morris Abe Ellis Sam.uel B, Piatt ^Samuel A. Fortson Howard H, Stafford William V7. Ilackett " George Suiriraers William Kuhlke Albert J. T^A'iggs Alexander T. Lang Stephen V/iseman No I nformation Jc S. Davis Frank D. VJliite "Elected to office tv/o times. Note: In compiling data on the city councilmen and their business associations, every effort was made to (1) distinguish between being m.erely employed J.n a place of business and being the o'.vner or partner of an enterprise, (2) determ.ine their socio-economic status at the time of their election to office and (3) indicate only their major economic endeavor simply because there was insufficient data available to attempt to cross-reference their diverse business connections . Sources : How ard's Direc to ry , of Augus ta, 1 892-1893 (Augusta; The Chronicle Job Printing Company, 1893), 173, 344,

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TABLE VI (corr-.pleted) 402 3S5; Augus ta City Di re cto ry, 189 6-1897 (Augusta: Maloney Directory Company, 1897), 209, 215, 237, 269, 301, 314, 340, 402, 438, 445, 449, 530, 545, 558; Geor gia Directory Company's Di rectory of Augusta, Georgia , 1898 (Richmond: •J. L, Hill Printing Company, 1898), 262, 298, 299, 383, 393, 457, 511, 528, 608, 631, 639; August a City Director y, 1899. (Augusta: Maloney Directory Company, 1899), 293, 343, 3 97, 472; Aug usta City Di rect ory, 1901 (Augusta: Maloney Directory Coinp'any, 1901), 197, 209, 219, 241, 255, 269, 341, 346, 388, 445, 459; August a City Directory, 1902 (Augusta: W. H. Walsh Directory Company, 1902), 459; Directory of the City of Augusta, Georgi a for 19 03 Charleston: W. H. Walsh Directory Company, 1903), 275, 280, 297, 315, 353, 389, 389, 586, 605, 609, 655; VJalsh's 2 ircctory of the C ity of Augu sta, Georgia for 1904 (Augu<-5ta: Press of the Augusta Chronicle, 1904), 311, 312, 348, 3 70, 741; R, L. Polk and Company's Augiista Directory_>19g5_ (Augusta: R. L. Polk and Company, 1905), 269, 307, 310, 357; R, L. Polk and Company's Augusta D irectory, _190_7 (Augusta: R. L. Polk and Company, 1907), 170, 181, 189, 333, 378, 420, 428, 452, 478, 619, 645, 671, 701, 754, 821; R. L . Polk a nd Com.pany' s Aug usta Directory, 1909 (Augusta: R. L. Polk and Company, 1909), 143, 173, 173, 194, 195, 199, 234, 443, 456, 529, 597, 514, 647; R^J^ P olk and Compa ny's Augu s ta Director y, 1910 ( Aug u s t a : R. L. Polk and Com.pany, 1910), 215, 530, 553; R . L. Polk and Company 's Augusta Dire ctory, 1912 (Augusta: R. L. Polk and Company, 1912), 209, 243, 257, 278, 315, 336, 366, 401, 437, 493, 527, 537, 562, 749; R. L. Polk and Company's Augusta Director y, 191 3 (Augusta: R. L. Pclk and"^ Company, 1913), VII, 147, 176, 177, 219, 265, 322, 389, 423, 448, 475, 511, 741; R^, ii;__PolJc__and_Com<2anYls :^H5i".^ta_Cj.ty_J^j^r_ectorY_^,_^ (Augusta: R. L, Polk and Coropany, Publishers, "T914), VIII, 174, 265, 446; R. L. Polk and__ComDanv;^3 Augu sta City Directory, 1915 (Augusta: R. L. Polk and Company, Publishers, 1915), IX, 211, 291, 451, 551, 697, 747; R„ _ L. Polk and ComganYj^_Auausta_Gi_t;£ Directory, 1917 (Augusta: R. L„ Polk and Company, Pub-lishersV 1917),' X, 140, 160, 377, 391, 438, 524, 553, 594, 696, 757.

PAGE 423

403 C -H 01 m c m CQ o

PAGE 424

404

PAGE 425

405 Cu &1

PAGE 426

406 TABLE VIII Aldermanic Elections, Primary & Gen eral, 18 S7-1 917 Primary Election Year No_._ VJard Candidat e Oppositio n 1897 1898 1 2 3 4 6 7 8 9 10 1st 2nd 3rd 4th 5 th 2nd 3rd 4th 5th 1899 11 1st Irvin Alexander (365) 12 2nd Harriss H. D 'Antignac (191 13 3rd James B. Walker (302) 14 4th Otis G. Lynch (608) 15 5th Stephe n Wiseman (471) W. J. Rutherford (299) I J. C, Flynn(251) Arthur Bleakley (568) J. W. Parker (30 2_) 1900 1901 16 17 18 19 21 22 23 24 2 5_ 1902 2 6 2 7 28 29 .3.0. 31 3 2 33 34 25 1904" 36 37 38 39 40 Ist William Piatt (425) 2nd William Boyle (286) 3rd William A, Latimer (377) 4th ^dwin B. Pollock (1037) 5th Beniamin F, Matheney ^678) W. A. Ridge (316) Wi Ibur Bo swe 11(2 4 7 ) John A. Cooney(162) Otis Florence (563) Ric'don Kaath (391) 1903 isr. 2nd 3rd 4 th _.5th_ "ist 2nd 3rd 4th _5tli_ ist 2nd 3rd 4tli 5 th 1st 2nd 3rd 4 th 5 til William S. Morris Abe Ellis John M. She ah an Bryson Crane Bennett W. Burns Thomas M. Phil pot Osv/ell R. Eve Jeremiah J. O'Connor Sandy Beaver JDr^, J:I s nr V_ -'' Bar ton (402) Wi 1 1 iam. M . Dunbar (236) Edward J . Ric e ( 2 9 3 ) George H. Hov/ard (394) George P. Weltch(509) _' {§ roes^ L . Cartledge (.386) George F. Lamloack Bryan Lav/jrence (299) Jor^n B, Carter John M. Hays Dr . James^ P , Sr-.iith (;41 7 _) Lennie. Frank! in (.3;;1 9l A_lb o r t S . Eia t c h ( 3 1 4 ) V/ilbur R. Eosvv-el 1(277) Charles J. Crawford (2 51 ) R. J, rjoris(376) William 11. Lp.uqe.e (30_2)___ Hugii lAc La wr, { 2 C 8 )

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407 TABLE VII.I (extended) General Election Candi date Opposition William A. Garrett (598) Alfred M. Martin, Jr. (688) Jacob Phinizy (1246) Thoraas Barrett, Jr. (12 64) George R. Lcrobard (2544) William H. Louqee(905) Alfred M, Martin, Jr. (291) Richard E. Allen (209) Alex J. Gouley(165) Job A. A, W. Clark (1367) W. J. McAulif f e (614) Robert S. Ellidl: (432) W. A . Math i son (42 9_) , Irvin Alexander (265) Harriss H. D ' Antignac (126) James B. Walker (150) Otis G. Lynch (287) Step hen_ Wisema n (170) William Piatt (279) William Boyle (153) William A. Latimer (187) Judson Lyons (1) Edwin B. Pollock (353) 3.-3^n_-i_a_inin F. Matheney (267) Charles Keel (40) William S. Morris (172) Abe Ellis (71) John M. Sheahan(118) Bryson Crane (209) Bennatc VJ . Bur ns (1 3 2) H erman Eoet_ier_C9)_ . Tl-iomas M. Philpot(197) 03v:eil R. Eve (84) Jeremiah J. O'Connor (56) Sandy Beaver (135) Dr. Harry L. Barton (112) ___„ William M. Dunbar (116) Edv.'ard J. Rice (101) George H. Kov,ard(176) George F. Weltch(258) i3"ames_ L. Cartledge (96) George F. Lamback (J.2 2) Bryan Lawrence (51) John B. Carter (50) John M. Hays (58) Dr. James P. Smith (110) \ ^

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408 TABLE VITI (covitinued)

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409 TABLE VIII (extended) General Election Candidate James E. Woodruff (91) Archibald Blacksheare (50) Samuel A. Fortson(158) Lev/is L. Kent (85) Will iam W. Hacke tt(82) Albert J. T\viggs(190) Eugene L. Johnson (102) James T. Bothwell (114) Joseph P. Saxon (188) Ja mes C. Piatt (143) Vvilliam R. Munday Av;stin Branch R. J. Bates William B. Bell Edv/in G. Kalbf leisch Opp osition vToseph H. Milligan(60) NO GEtTERAL ELECTION HELD Howard H. Stafford v;iibur Bosv/ell Samuel C, Adams Sandy Beaver James M. Koon James L. Robertson James F. Carsv/ell (233) J , J . ' Connor Joh?i M. Caldv/ell De Sassure L. Kuhlke_(2 78l. George W. Wright O'am.es P. Doughty Francis L, Fuller M. C. Butter Holley E. Otto Cooper Thom.as B, Irvin, Sr. R. Roy Goodv/in Tliom.as W, Pilcher Lewis L . Kent Thomas F. Harrison NO GENEPAL ELECTION HELD NO GENERAL ELECTION HELD Harry H. Jonos(389) John M. Cozart(161) A, B. Culpepper (198) Lewis F. Goodrich (459) •Julian Smith (836) Robert G. Barinowski ( 2 52) B. E. Lester (344) V7illiam Boyle (363) Fred L. Boyce(386) John W. :icDonald(492) G. Ernest Daniels (78) Wi lliam M. I-!a rtin (270)

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410 TABLE VIII (continued)

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411 TABLE VIII (extended) General Election Candidate Op pes it ion NO GENERAL ELECTION HELD NO GENERAL ELECTION HELD NO GENERAL ELECTION HELD NO GENERi\L ELECTION nEIJ3 NO GENEimL ELECTION HELD Sources; "Minutes of the City Council, January 2, 1893 -December 31, 1897," 70S; "Minutes of the City Council, January 3, 1898-Deceiuber 31, 1901," 200, 390, 525; "Minutes of the City Council, January 6, 1902--DecaiTiber 29, 1909," 1, 90, 160, 239, 313, 387, 457, 511; "Minutes of the City Council, January 3, 1910-May 6, 1918," 5, 52-55, 107, 189, 262, 344, 449, 494, 497-498, 569-570; Augusta Ch^onicle^ November 28, December 2, 1897, Deceri-'jjer 3, 8, 1898, No^;•e^iber 17, December 7, 1899, Noveirber 21, December 6, 1900,

PAGE 432

412 TABLE VIII (completed) NovemJDer 15, Decerabe:-: 5, 1901, October 28, November 5, Deceiuoer 3, 1902, January 4, July 13, December 3, 1903, July 1, 14, December 8, 1904, July 13, December 7, 1905, July IB, 19, 1906, January 7, July 11, 1907, January 6, 1908. July 9, 10, November 3, 4, December 8, 29, 1909, January 2, 1910, January 6, July 7, 1911, June 30, July 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, December 5, 1912, October 29, 30, 1913, July 7, 11, 1914, July 10, 11, 1915, July 6, 7, December 7, 1916, July 8, 11, 12, 1917.

PAGE 433

413 TABLE IX Rival Candidates in City Council Elections and. their Busi ness and Social Af f iliatipns , 1897-1917 Attorneys, Physicians & Undertakers John M. Co z art Wo Inman Curry *Alfred M. Martin, Jr. Bank ing, Real Estate, Insura nce & In vestmenlis Albert S. Hatch William C. Seigler V7, J. McAuliffe Cotton S: Cominercial Interests *Wilbur Bo3v/ell J. C. Flynn John Cooney *Newton Heggia Charles J, Crav/ford Charles Howard Albert B. Culpepper F. W. Hulse, Sr, Otis Flo7:ence *Williaia A, Mattison Laborers, Socialists & Dissenter s John Blichington George F. Leitner Herman Beet j or *William H^ Lougee Charles M. Harrington Judson Lyons Rigdon Heath Joseph Milligan William J. Henning Warren C. Moran J. F. Jones James W. Parker Charles Keel Theodoi-e S. Raworth Manuf acta ring, Ind ii strial , Railroad & Construction Interests Robert G, Darinowski William J. Rutherford •^'riiomas Barrett, Jr, George Summers Benjamin E. Lester William B., Toole Warren A. Ridge Hami.lton H, Walton No Ade quat e Informat ion G, Ernest Daniels Lennie Franklin R, J. Doris T, Frank Morris S alesmen , Journal is ts & Others A.rthur Eleakley William E. Leonard *James L. Cartledge Joseph Suramerall Lewis F . Goodrich '^subsequently elected to office after second attempt.

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414 TABLE IX (coinpleted) 29 businessmen & others 4 no information 13 laborers only 1 of laborers elected Note: 'r\venty--nine out of the forty-seven rival candidates who failed to win in the elections were from the same strata of society as those v/no succeeded. Only eighteen of them could be classified as possibly representing a different social group. Sources: Malpney's Augusta Cjty D irectory , 1RQQ (Augusta: Augusta Chronicle Press, 1899), XV, 313, 316, 349, 383, 412, 441, 475, 505, 538, 62 7; Directory of t he City., of Augu sta, Georgia for 190 3 (Charleston: V7, H. Walsh Directory Company, 1903), 294, 354, 448; WalshJ.3_Clty_ Directo ry of the C ity of Augu sta, Georgia for 1904 (Augusta: Press of the Augusta Chronicle, 1904), 577; R, L. Polk and Cpmoanvlg, Augu sta City Directory, 1905 (Augusta: R, L. Polk and Company, Publishers, 1905), I, 266, 339, 422; B-^— I'.:^-Po.lJS-_and_Cpmpa ny ' s Augusta City Directory, -L9.Q.2 (Augusta: R, L. Polk and Company, Publishers, 1907), II, 408, 428, 773; R. L. Polk a nd Company 's Aug usta C ity Direc t ory, 1908 (Augusta: R. L. Polk and Company, Publishers, 1908), III, 416, 445; R. L. Polk and Com oa.ny ' s Augusta City Direc tory, IS'-Qi. (Augusta: R. L. Polk and Company, Publishers, 1909), IV, 189, 383, 622; R. L. P olk and Company's h^smSt^...SA^'^'Qljcector2/:j^l,9JJ^ (Augusta: R. L. Polk and Company, Publishers, 1912), VI, 147, 247, 254, 257, 335, 457, 678; Jii_Jf_i__ilol]:c_ancLj^ompar^^^^^ City Direc tory, 1913 (Augusta: R., L, Polk and Company, Publishers, 1913), VII, 201; R . L. Polk and Company's Augusta City Direc tory, 1917 (Augusta : R. L. Polk and Company, Publishers, 1917), X, 137, 416, 481, 543, 697.

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415 TABLE X Mortalitv Statistics of Whites and Blacks_,_1880--1918

PAGE 436

BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sour ces i£O:Yi?2-'i2ii!§0.tL Pocunients -^J--^!-g-t..Cgnsus,; Return of the VHiole N umber of Per sons v.'it.hin the Sev eral Dis tricts of the United St ates, 1790. Philadelphia: Childs and Swaine.1791. Se cond Census of the United States; 1800 . Washington: Duane Printer, 1801, Third Census of th e. United States : _ I SIO . Wa sh ing t on : Gales and Seaton, 1921. United States Bureau of the Census. Four th Cen sus of che Uni ted S tates: 1820 , Washington: Gales and Seaton, 1821. . Fifth Census of the United States.:. 1830. V7ashington: Duff Green, 1332, , Sixhh Cen.s.us p f the United States: 1840 . Washington; Blair and Rives,, 1841. . 3 eventh Cens us of the United .vStatesj 3 S'jO. Wa^:hington: 3eve?.-ley Tucker, 1854. . Eighth Census of the United, _Sbatesj____ 1.86 0^^^ I\2pu_lat iq a . Washington: Government Printi.ng Office, 1864. . Mai'iJJL-2!3il§HS_J?J_-the_JJ2iit^^ f-aanuf ac tur es . Washington: Government Printing Office, 1865. .. Kirith_Cejisus__o.f„th.e_ynj 13.7JLPopulation . Washington: Government Printing Office, 1872.

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417 . Ninth Census of tha United States; 1070; Populat ion and Social Stati stics . VJ a sh i ng t o n : Government Printing Office, 1872, Ninth Census of the United States: 137C, I ndustr y and Wealth , Washington: Government Printing Office, 1872. , Ten th Census of the United S tate s: 1880 . Washington: Government Printing Office, 1883. . Tenth Censu s of Lhe United S tates: 1880, Stat istics of Manu factures. Washington : Government Printing Office, 1883. . El eventh Census of the United States: 1890. Popul ation . Washington: Government Printing Office, 1895. . EljDveTith Census of the United St ates: 1890, Report on Manufactures and Industries . Washington : Govei.-nraent PrJ.nting Office, 1895. , Twelfth Census of t he Unit ed States: 19.00j_ Popul ati on. Washington: United States Census Office, 1901. . Twelfth Census of the United States: 1900, Manufa ctures . Washington: United States Census Office, 1902. . Tiiir teenth Census of the U ni ted Sta tes: 1 910, Population. Vol, I. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1913. Fo\irteen,th Census of the United States: 1920.,.. Population. Vol, I. Washington: Government Printing Office; 1921. . Fourt eenth Ce nsus of the Un ited, State_s;. 1920 , Ma nu f a c t u r e r 3 . Vol, IX. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1923 «

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418 Municipal and County Records Annual Rep ort of the Board of Health of the City of Augusta , 1880-1838; 1891-1906; 1909-1920. Augusta City Directory, 1849; 1859; 1861; 1865-1366; 18771920. l"ll§.. i-li.t Y_ Counci l of Augusta, G eor gia Ye ar B ook , 1904-1935. I'he , Mayor ' s Me ssage. De partment Reports, and Accompanying IltlQiy-l^llLS./ 1892-1903. "Miriutes of the Augusta Flood Conunission, " 1908-1919. "xMinutes of the City Council," 186G-1923. "Minutes of the City Court, Richmond County," 1902-1907. Local Mev/s papers August a Ch ronicle (formerly Augusta Dail y C hronicle and Sen tine l) , 1885-1920. Auqu-jta Daily Chronicle and_ Sent inel^ (formerly Augusta Daily_ Qj^llS: tit utional ist and Sentinel) , 1870-1884. Aug-y s t g Ea i ly Const i tu t i.onal i s t a_nd_S errtinel , 1860-1869. Augusta Dally Tribune, 1895; 1898-1899; 1904. Ma:j^_t;i„ii!?-?jLM' it!98; 1904-1920. 55}i^_riGO.Wiat, 1392-1894. I'l'^^'.-'Ti • impendence and Interviews German.Richard H. L. Correspondence to C Vann Woodvard, October 22, 1970, Woodv/ard, C, Vann. Correspondence to Ricliard K. !•. German, November 10, 1970.

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419 German, Richard Mo L. Private interview, Mrs. Dorothy M-array, Augusta, Georgia, O'uly 26, 1969. , Private interview, Joseph B. Cu.rraning, Augusta, Georgia, May 22, 1969. Secondary Sources Allen, Frederick Lewis. The Lords of Creation . New York: Harper avid Brothers, 1935. Andi-eano, Ralph L. Nev/ Vie w s on American Economic Develo pment. Car.-Lbridge, Massachusetts: Schenkman Publishing Company, 1965. Andrews, Sidney. The Sou th Since the War . Boston; Ticknor and Fields, 1866. Aug usta Bi-centennial . Augusta, Georgia: Phoenix Printing Company, 193 5. A.very, Is sac M. Tlie History of the State of Georgia from 1850 to 1831. Nev/ York: Ero^^al & Derby, 1381. Bagby, W. H. Reminiscens es Csic] of th e Ol d, Street Car Days of Yest erdays, 1899-1933 . Augusta, Georgia: R. G. McGowan & Company, 1933. Bartrara, William, T he Trav els o f William Bartram . Mark Van Dcren, Editor. New York: Dover, 1955. Scale, Kosvard K. ^he Critical Ye a r: A Stu dy, pf Andre w Johnson an d Reconstruction , New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1930, Beard, Charles and Mary. The R ise of American_CivJ.lization. Vol. IZ, Nev/ York: The Macmillan Company, 1927. Bell,. Earl L. and Kenneth C. Crabbe, Tlie Au gusta Chronicle . Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1960. Bi.ning. Arthur C. and Thomas C Cochran. The R ise of American EcoTiomic Life. Nev/ York: Charles Seribners ' Sons, 1964, 3cv.-ers, Claude G. The Tragic Era: The Revolution After Lincoln, Cambridge: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1929.

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420 Bryan, T. Conn. Confe dera te Georgi a. Athens: University ot Georgia Press, 1953. Calhoun, Ferdinand Phinizy. The,_Ph_inizy Farriilv in Ameri ca. Atlanta, Georgia: Johnson-Dallis Corapany, 1925. Candler, Allen D. The Colonial Records of Geo rcria. Vols. I-XX^/III, Atlanta: The Franklin-Turner Company, 1907. . Tiie Confederate Reco rds of th e State of Georgia . 5 Vols. Atlanta: C, P. Byrd, 1909-1911. , . The Revol utionar y Records of the State of Georg_:la_. 3 Vols, Atlanta: The Franklin-Turner Company, 1901. . Georgia, Comprisin g Sket che s of Counties , Towns, Events, I nstitutions, and Persons, Arranged i n Cyc lo pedic Form . Vols. I-III, Atlanta: State Historical Association, 1906. Carter, Hodding. The_ Angry Scar,. Ihe Shory o f Recon struction. New York: Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1959.. Cash, Wilbur J. The Mind of the South. New York: Alfred A, Ki^opf, Inc., 1941, Ch amb e r 1 a i n , Joh n . The Enter p rising Am ericans: A Business Histor y of the United States. New York: Harper and Row, 1963. Chandler, Alfred D., Jr. Strategy and S t ructure: Chapt ers iil-. j^]3-gII Jr>? t oj;-lY-_Oi 'J^D-^ t^^nte r i c a g I n d u s c r i a 3. .t ] n t e r p r i s e . Carcbridgo: The Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press, 1962. ClTirk, Thomas D. and Albert D. Xirwan. Th e South S ince ;\B£iiIOi?:tt ox . New York: Oxford University Press, 1967. Clary, George E, The Foundin g of Pa ine College, A U nique yjjrj'-'-are. in Inter-rac ial Co operatio n in the New South, 1882-1903. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1965, Cochran, Thomas C. and William Miller. The Age of. Enterprise . New York: Harper and Brothers, 1961.

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421 The Code of Georgia of 193 3. Atlanta: The Harrison Company, 193 5. Con^'/ay, Aian. The Reconstruction of Georgia . Mirmeapolis : University of Minnesota Press, 1966. Cooper, Walter G. Tl-;e Story of G eorgia . 4 Vols. Nev/ York: The American Historical Society, 1938. Corloy, Florence Fleming. Confederate City , Aug u sta, Geor g ia, 1860-186 5, Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1960. Coulter, E. Merton= The Confederat e States of America, 13611 865 . Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1950. . Georgia; A Sh ort History . Chapel Hill: Univercity of North Carolina Press, 1960. . Th e South During Reconst ru ction , 136 5-1877 . Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1947, Gumming, Joseph B. A History of Geor gia Railroad, and Banking Com pany and its Corporat e Affilia tes, 13 331_95_8_. Augusta, Georgia: Currming, Mary G. Smith. Georgia Railroad and Banki ng Company, 1833 -1945, A Hist oric al Narrat ive . Au gu s t a , Georgia: Walton Printing Compatiy, 1945. ^ . T^.vo C entur ies of Augu sta . Augusta, Georgia: Ridgely-Tidwell-Aslie Company, 1926, Dahl, Robert A, T'Tho Governs? New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961. Derry, Joseph Tyrone. Georgia: A Guid e to the Cities^ ?--.P>"jOgf Scener y, and Resou rces. Phj.ladelphia: J, B. Lippincott & Company, 1873. Dew, C'iiarles B, Ironmaker to tTi e C o nfeder acy, New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 3.968. ]::onaId, David. T he Politics of Reconstruction. 1863-1867 . Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press,, 1965,

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422 Dunning, A'illiam A. Reconstruction, Political and Economic 1365-187 7. New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1907. Dye, Thomas R. and L. Harmon Ziegler. The Irony of Democra cy, A n Un c orni'non Introduction to Ame r ican Poli tics . Belmont: VJadsworth Publishing Company, 1970. Eaton, Clement. A History of the Southern Confed eracy." Nev; York: Tlie Macmillan Company, 1956. Ezell, John Samuel. The Sou th Since 1865. New York: The iVIacmillan Company, 1963. Faulkner, Harold V. Am.er ic an Economic History . Nev; York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1960. Fite, Gilbert C. and Jim E. Reese. An Economic Hi sto ry of the Un ited Stat es. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1965. Fleming, Berry. Aut obiography of a Colo ny, The Fi rst HalfCent urv of Augusta, Georgia . Atliens : University of. Georgia Press, 1957. Franklin, John H. Reconstru ction, After the Civil War. Chicago: University of Chicago Prcess, 1961. Glaab, Charles N. and A. Tlieodore Brown. A History of Urban Am,erica . New Yo r k : Tii e Ma era i 1 1 an C omp any, 1 967. Goff, Richard D. Confeder ate Supply. Durham: Duke University Press, 1969. Goodrich, William H. The H istory of the Medical Department of th e Uni versity of Georgia, Augusta, Georgia: Ridgely-Tidwell Com.pany, 1928. Gc.siiell, Culleu B. and C, David Anderson. Tiie G overn ment ^ind. Administration o f Georgia . New York: Thomas Y, C r ov,; ell Coirip any , 1956. Green, Consta.nce M. American Cities in th e Growth of the Nation . New York: Harper and Row Publishers, Inc., 1965. Havcker, Louis, Th e Trium ph of American Capital ism ^ New York: Columbiei University Press, 1947.

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423 Harris, Joel Candler. Me moirs o f Georgia. Vols. I-III. Atlanta: The Southern Historical Associai:lcn, 1895. FTanry, Robert Selph. llie Sto ry of the Confed eracy . Indianapolis and New York: Bobbs-Marrill Company, Inc., 1964. I-Iinton, Eugene H. A Historical Sketch of T he Evolution p_f Trade and Transportation of Augu sta, Georgia. Atlanta, Geoi-gia: The Southeastern Freight Association, 1912. Hofstadter, Richard. Tlie Age of Reform . New York: Alfred A, Knopf, Inc., 1955, Holbrook, Stewart H. The Age of the Moguls . Garden City: Doubleday and Company, 1953. Hunter, Floyd. Communit y, P ower Structure . Chapel Jlill: University of North Carolina Press, 1958, . Top , Leadership, U .S.A. Chap;?.! Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1959. The Industri al ^Advantag es of Augus ta , Geor^cfi a. Augusta , Georgia: Akehurst, 1893. Jones, Charles C, Jr. and Salem Dutcher. Memoria l Histo r\^_ o f Aug usta, Geo rgia . Syracuse: D. Mason and Publishers, 1890. Jones, Charles E. Art Wo rk of S ava nnah and Augusta, Georgic^ . Chicago: The Gravure Illustration Company, 1905, . Ge org ia in the War^ 1861-1865. Atlanta, Georgia: Foute and Davies Company, 1909. Jcnes, Joseph. First Repo rt of t he Cotton Pl anter s' Conye'itio n o f Georgia . Augusta, Georgia: Steam Press of Ch.ronicle and Sentinel, 1860, iJosephson, Matthew, The Robber Barons . New York: Har court. Brace and World, Inc, 1934. K'?y, V. 0., Jr. S c-)u_th e r n Po 1 i.t ic s . New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1949.

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424 Klrklancl, Edv/ard C. A History of American Economic Life . ITev Tork: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1969. I ndustry Comes of Age; Bu siness, Labor and Public Poli cy, 1860-1900 . New York: Holt, Rinehart and Vv^inston, 1961. Knight, Lucian L. Encyclopedia of Georgia Biography . 3 Vols. Atlanta: A. H. Cav/son, 1931. . Georgia's Bi-Centennial Memoirs and Memo r i e s . Atlanta: A. H. Cawson, 1932. . Georgia's Landmarks, Memorials and Legends . 2 Vols. Atlanta: The Byrd Printing Company, 1913. Kolko, Gabriel. Railroads and Regulation, 1G77-1916 . New York: W. W. Norton and Company, Inc., 1965. ._. . The Triumph of Conservatism, A Reinterpretation of Amer ican History, 1900-1916 . New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1963. . V^e alth and Power in America. An Analysis of So cial Class and Income Distributi on. New York : Frederick A. 'Praeger, Inc., 1962 „ Marshall, F. Ray. Labor in the South . CamJ^ridge: Harvard tJnivei-sity Press, 1967. May, Henry F. Protestant ChurcTies and Industrial America. Nev; York: Harper and Row Publishers, Inc.. 1949. McCail, L'ugh. Hist ory o f Ge orgia ^ 2 Vols. Savannah: Seymour and Williams, 1811-1816. McKel/ey, Blake. The Urbanizatio n of America, lo60-19I5. New Brunsv/ick : The Rutgers University Press, 1963. McKitrick, Eric L. And rew Johnso n and Reconstruction. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963. Milgram, Joseph B. and Norman P. Gerlieu. Goi.)rge Wa sh ington Rainsy punpowder* Maker of Mie^ Co n_f ed e racy . Ph i 1 adelp'aia: Foote I^ineral amd Corapany, 1961. Miller, William. Men in Business . Canibridge: Harvard University Press, 1952.

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425 Mills, C. TVricjht. The Power E lite. New York: Oxford University Press, 1956. Milton, George F. The Age of Hate: A ndrev; Johnson an d the^ Rad icals . Hampden: Archon Books, 1965. Mitchell, George S. Textil e Uni oni sm and th e So uth . Chapel Hi]l: University of Horth Carolina Press, 1931. Moody, Lester S. Old Horaes of Ai; gu3ta , Georgia. Augusta, Georgia: The ChaiTiber of CorrLmerce of Augusta, Georgia, 1950. Mott, Frank Luther. American Journalism, A Histor y ; 1690i_9_60. New York: Tlie Macmillan Company, 1962. Mov/ry, George E. The California Progressi ves. Berkeley: CJniversity of California Press, 1951. Novins., Allan. Joh n D. Rockefeller, The Heroic Age of American Enterprise . 2 Vols. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1940. Ordeal fox" the Union. 2 Vols. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1947. Parrington, Vernon Louis. Main Curre nts in American Tliough t. Nev7 York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1930. Paterson, George. Thi e Destructive Freshets and Floods of the Savannah River . Augusta: J. M, Richards, 1889. Patrick, Rembert W. Tl ie P.econ struction of the Nation. llev/ York: Oxford University Press, 1967. Pabton, Richard D. Tli e Am e rica n Econom y. Chicago: Scott, Foresman and Company, 1953. Phii 1 1 ips , Wil 1 iam . The Topography and, Hy dro graphy in the Vicin ity of Aucf ust a^ Ge orgia and the Histp x'y of the Currents^cf the Savannah Riverain Times of F reshet . Augusta, Georgia: John M. V7eigle and Company, 1892. Polsby, Nelson V7. Community Powe r and Politi cal The ory. Nev; Kavea: Yale University Press, 1963.

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426 Rains, George Washington. History of the Confeder ate Pov/de r V/ orks . Augusta, Georgia: Chronicle and Constitutionalist Print, 1882. Randall, Jaip.es G. and David Donald. The Civil War and Reco nstractxon . Boston: D. C. Heath and Company, 1961. Rang e , Wi 1 1 ar d . A Century of Georgia Agriculture, 1850i-§.5P.« Aiinens : University of Georgia Press, 1954. Reese, Trevor R. Colonial Georgia, A Study in Brit ish Irape_^ rial Po licy in the 18th C entury. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1963. Ross, Fib--^ Gerald. Ci ties and Ca mps of the Confederate Si;5t.0S.' Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1958. Rostow, Walter W. Tlte Process of Economic Grov.n: :h. New York: V7. W. Norton and Company, Inc., 1962. Rowland, A. Ray. A Guide to the Study of Augusta and Richmo nd County Geo rgia. Augusta, Georgia: The Richmond County Historical Society, 1967, Shidnnon, Fred A. Tlie Far mers' Last Frontier . Nev York: Harper and Row, 1945. Sherwood, Adiel. A Gazetteer of the State of Georgia . 4th edition. Atlanta: J. Richards, 1860. Stampp, Kenneth M. Tlie Era of Re construct ion, 186 5--1877. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1965. Stevens, William Bacon. A History of Georgi a. Vol. I, New York: D, Appleton and Company, 1847; Vol, II, Philadelphia: E. H. Butler and Company, 1859, Taylor, Carter. The Ag gu sba Survey. Augusta, Georgia: Pp-oenix Printing Company, 1924. Th.ernstrom, Stephan. Poverty an d Pr ogres s: Social nobility in_.a Nineteenth Century City . Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964. i'P-:!;^-" --'-'-}> '^'^'^Is'^if "Ths cit izen, 'ihe Statesm an, The Man . A u gi: s t a : Georgia: Augusta Publishing Coripany, 1399.

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427 Vvliite, George. Hi storical . Collec tions of Georgia. New York: Pudney and Russell, 1854. . S tatistics of the State of Georgia . Savannah: W. T. Williams, 1849. Who's ^aTio in Ameri ca. VII. Chicago: A. N. Marquis and Company, 1912. W ho' s vnQio in America . VIII. Chicago: A. N. Marqi:iis and Company, 1914. Who's Wh.o in America . IX. Chicago: A. N. Marquis and Corapany, 1916, Wiebe, Robert H. Businessmen and Ref orm, A Study of the Progress ive Movement . Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1962. . T he S e arch for Order, 1877-1920 . New York: Hill and Wang, 1967. Woodward, C. Vann. Ori gins of the Ne w Sout h, 18771913. New Orleans: Louisiana State University Press, 1951. . Tom Wa tson, Agrarian Rebe l. Now York: Tlie Macmillan Company, 1938. Artlc :les Bx-eeden, Jamas 0. "Joseph Jones and Confederate Medical History," Georgia Historical Qua rterly, LIV (Fall, 19 70). Doster, James F. "Tlie Georgia Railroad and Banking Company in the Reconstruction Era," Geor gia Historical Quari^erly., XLVIII (March, 19S4) . Doughty, T.e Garde. "Essay on a Town," C onLmonv/eal , XLVIIX (May, 1948) . Doughty, Roger R. "History of the Madiv-al Department of the University of Georgia; A Short History of Its Early Strugglos," An nals of Medical History , X (March, L928) ,

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428 Evans, Lawtcn B. "Historic Spots in Summcrvil.le, " G eorgia Historic al Quarterly , I (June, 1917). Graber, H. W. "Why Sherman Did Not Go to Augusta," Confed erate Veter an, XII (July, 1914) . Griffin, Richard W. "Augusta Manufacturing CcTnpany in Peace, \\'ar and Reconstruction, 1844-1877," B usin ess History Review^ XX:
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429 Cordle, Charles G, "An Ante-bellum Academy, The Academy of Richmond County, 1783-1863," M.A. thesis. University of Georgia, 193 5. Harrison, Joseph H"Banking in Georgia: Its Development and Progress," M.A. thesis, Rutgers University, 1948. Johnson, Allandus C. "The History of Augusta, Georgia, 1735-1781," M.A. thesis, Tennessee A. & I. State University, 1963. Peeples, Dale H. "Georgia Railroads, Civil War and Reconstruction," M.A. thesis. University of Georgia, 1961. Penn, Neil S. "Charles Colcock Jones, O'r., Georgia Archaeologist, Collector and Historian," M.A. thesis, Duke University, 1958. vrhatloy, William L, "A History of the Textile Developm.ent of Augusta, Georgia, 1865-1883," M.A. thesis. University of South Carolina, 1964.

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Richard Henry Lee German was born March 1, 193 7, the second child of Frances Ester (Claiborne) and Henry Tarry GGrmar. . UntJ.l em unfortuncite family tragedy occurred, he grey/ up in South Bend, Indiana. In 1945, his motherdecided to relocate, moving her fajnily of three westward to California,, like so many other Americans in the postwar erei. Subsequently, however, the German fjimily emigrated to VJashington, taking up a permanent residence in Tacoma. 2iftG^:r completing a six~miOnth U.S. Army mi.litary obligation dx: Fort Ord, he returned home, resuming employm.ent as an ordinary vrage-eiarrier . Dissatisfied and disillusifoned, after an extended introspective analysis of his life styles, h.e uGcided to "try" college; especicilly encouraged by Drs. Galen M, Hoover and Miriam V. Eugolland of Tacoma, './ho ex-press'd:d person^.l interests in the youn.g boy's potential abilities , Admitted to the University of Puget Sound in 1959, he bccarae an avid and devoted student of history/, capc.ivated by the complexities of the human past. Beginning his sophomore 430

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431 year, ha married Nancy Ann Casperson after a lengthy, romantic courtship of almost two years. Working as a team, his beautiful, dynaiaic young wife greatly assisted him by sharing }iis aspirations, typing his papers, helping hiiTi. to overcome his culturally deprived background and, of course, being employed full time as an executive secretary by several important business corporations in Tacoma. In .T''-':ne, 1963, wheii he received his degree of Bachelor of Arts v/ith Eonors, she was particularly v/ell pleased, realizing what a significant accomplishment it meant to her life mate. Convinced of the importance of pursuing further education to become a professional historian, he decided to accept a teaching assistantship offered to him by the University of F]_orida. Thus, he and. his v/ife packed up their spai'se belongings and moved from, the Pacific Northv.'est to the Southeast, unconcerned about the fact tliat they v;ere breaking family ties and tremendously intrigued by the Florida mystique. Settling in the University City, ha entered graduate school in September and she resumed employluent. In 1S65 he was awarded the degree of Master of Arts v/ith a Tiajcr in History. Remaining at the University, he continued his r^tudies largely under the auspices of the late Drs ,. Arthur W. Thompson and Rembert W. Patrick. The

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432 follov/ing year, after passing his written qualifying examinations, he accepted a full--tiirLe teaching position at one of the four-year liberal arts colleges of the multi -campus units of the University of Georgia System. Vvhile living and v/orking in Augusta, in February, 1969, he drafted a dissertation proposal and initiated research on the h.istory of a major textile center of the New South. He had chosen Augusta to research because of his special interests in American urban history, but also because no significant studies had been made of the history of the city in the Progressive Era. Fascinated by the v;orld of research, he agreed v/ith his colleague, Constance Ashton Myers, that Augusta had had a "rich and hoary past." Encouraged by the favorable professional comments by Dr. Herbert J. Doherty, Jr., his dissertation chairman,, ho vigorously continued fu3.1tiiv.e research, while fulfilling his teaching commitments in American and Asian history. Simultrtnecusly , he presented papers based upon his research findings to the Richmcrid County Historical Society and the Georgia Historical Society. A firm believer in the efficacy of professional organizations, he is a member of the Southern Historical Association, Organization of American Historians, American Historical Association and the American Association of University Professors.

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433 In Deceinber, 1967, Angela Michelle was born. Recently, in May, 1971, he and his v;ife had their second child, Christine Shari.

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I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it ccnforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentar.ion and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.irbert J. Ooherty, JrV, 5na Herbert J. 0oherty, Professor of History and Social Sciences laxrman I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly p.resentation c>.nd is fully adequate, in scope and o^aality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. E . Ashby Hammond Professor of History and Social Sciences I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adeqviate, in scope and q-uality, as a dissertation for the degree of I'octor of Philosophy, it^d/^i /Professor of History

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I certify t?iat I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. i^;^^^--'^^^ chard T. Chang Associate Professor of History I certify that I have read this study and that in ray opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, dji^T^cli Ruth McQuown Associate Professor of Political Science This dissertation was submitted to the Department of History in the College of Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. August, 19 71 Dean, Graduate School