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Mam grammar in outline

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Title:
Mam grammar in outline
Creator:
England, Nora Clearman
Publication Date:
Copyright Date:
1975
Language:
English
Physical Description:
xii, 256 leaves : ; 28cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Adjectives ( jstor )
Glottal stops ( jstor )
Intransitive verbs ( jstor )
Noun phrases ( jstor )
Nouns ( jstor )
Phrases ( jstor )
Sentences ( jstor )
Verb phrases ( jstor )
Verbs ( jstor )
Vowels ( jstor )
Anthropology thesis Ph. D ( lcsh )
Dissertations, Academic -- Anthropology -- UF ( lcsh )
Mam language -- Grammar ( lcsh )
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis--University of Florida.
Bibliography:
Bibliography: leaves 253-255.
Additional Physical Form:
Also available on World Wide Web
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Nora Clearman England.

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University of Florida
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Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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MAM GRAMMAR IN OUTLINE


By

NORA CLEARMAN ENGLAND
















A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY



UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1975
















































Copyright By
Nora Clearman England
1975























To
Frederica de Laguna
for introducing me to anthropology














ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS


I would like to acknowledge the great assistance

given me in the preparation of this dissertation by

Juan Maldonado Andres and Juan Ord6iez Domingo, native

Mam speakers from San Ildefonso Ixtahuacan. They worked

with me for over two years in the analysis of Mam, and

much of the data collection and some of the analysis is

specifically their work. Above all they had great

patience in guiding me through the intricacies of

their language.

Dr. M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista was my advisor at

the University of Florida, and I would like to thank

her very warmly for her supervision of my graduate

education. She has at all times been exciting to work

under, and her understanding of the complexities of

language has inspired all her students to look deeper

and do more in their own work. It has indeed been a

privilege to work with her. Dr. Terrence Kaufman

directed my fieldwork and helped me to understand much

about Mam and Mayan languages. Many of the terms used

here and some of the format are his. It was a pleasure

to work under someone who is as meticulous and as

knowledgeable about Mayan languages as he.









I would also like to thank my examining committee,

whose members are Dr. Hardman, Dr. William E. Carter,

Dr. Charles Wagley, Dr. Norman Markel, and Dr. Alexander

Moore, for their time and guidance. Finally, I would

like to acknowledge the Proyecto'Linguistico Francisco

Marroquin, in Antigua Guatemala, for institutional

support during the period in which I did my fieldwork,

and the United States Peace Corps for support in the

field from August, 1971 to December, 1973. The

linguistic students and staff at the Proyecto Linguistico

Francisco Marroquin were a pleasure to work with and

provided both professional and informal assistance.
















TABLE OF CONTENTS


Acknowledgements .......................


................. iv


Conventions and Abbreviations ......................... x

Abstract................................................... i


0. Introduction...............
0.1 The Language and the
0.2 Research............
0.3 Personnel...........
0.4 Previous Studies....
o.5 Scope ................


People.



........


1. Phonology.........................
1.1 Phonemic Inventory .........
1.2 Phonemic Description........
1.2.1 Consonants..........
1.2.2 Vowels ..............
1.2.3 Glottal Stop........
1.2.4 Juncture ............
1.3 Stress .....................
1.4 The Syllable ...............
1.5 Morphophonemics ............
1.5.1 Vowel Dropping......
1.5.2 Vowel Neutralization
1.5.3 Vowel Synthesis.....
1.5.4 /y/ Insertion.......
1.5.5 Glottal Stop and Glo
Alternation.........
1.5.6 Movement of Glottal
Long Vowels........
1.5.7 Nasal Alternation...


.1
.1
.9
.10
.12
.14

.17
.17
.18
.18
.26
.31
.33
.35
.36
.36
.37
.37
.38
.38


ttalized Consonant
............ ....... 39
Stop Toward
...................40
................... 41


2. Grammatical Process....................
2.1 Morpheme Classes..................
2.2 Word Classes......................
2.2.1 Verbs .....................
2.2.1.1 Transitive Verbs...
2.2.1.2 Intransitive Verbs.
2.2.2 Nouns.....................
2.2.2.1 Relational Nouns...
2.2.2.2 Measure Words......


..42
..42
..43
..43
..48
..52
S.53
S.53
..57








2.2.2 .3 Names ...........................58
2.2.2.4 Toponyms.........................59
2.2.2.5 Pronouns.........................59
2.2.3 Adjectives .............................62
2.2.3.1 Demonstratives...................63
2.2.3.2 Numbers......................... 63
2.2.4 Affect Words ........................... 64
2.2.5 Particles ...............................65
2.2.5.1 Interrogatives ..................66
2.2.5.2 Negatives........................67
2.2.5.3 Affirmatives.....................68
2.2.5.4 Conjunctions.....................68
2.2.5.5 Locatives....................... 68
2.2.5.6 Temporals........................ 69
2.2.5.7 Manner Particles................ 69
2.2.5.8 Exclamations.....................70
2.2.5.9 Vocatives........................71
2.2.5.10 Other Adverbials ...............71
2.2.5.11 Other Particles................ 72
2.2.6 Adverbs ................................73
2.2.7 Review of Inflection ...................73
2.2.7.1 Verb Inflection................. 74
2.2.7.2 Noun Inflection................. 75
2.3 Root Classes...................................75
2.3.1 Verb Roots .............................75
2.3.1.1 Transitive Roots................ 75
2.3.1.2 Intransitive Roots.............. 76
2.3.2 Positional Roots .......................76
2.3.3 Noun Roots .............................77
2.3.3.1 S1 ..............................77
2.3.3.2 Sla .............................77
2.3.3.3 Slb .............................78
2.3.3.4 S2 ..............................78
2.3.3.5 S3 .............................. 79
2.3.3.6 Never Possessed Noun Roots...... 80
2.3.3.7 Always Possessed Noun Roots.....80
2.3.4 Adjective Roots ........................ 81
2.3.5 Affect Roots ...........................81
2.3.6 Particle Roots .........................81
2.3.7 Canonical Shape of Roots...............81
2.3.7.1 Transitive Root Shapes..........82
2.3.7.2 Intransitive Root Shapes.........82
2.3.7.3 Positional Root Shapes ..........82
2.3.7.4 Noun Root Shapes................ 82
2.3.7.5 Adjective Root Shapes ...........83
2.3.7.6 Affect Root Shapes ..............83
2.3.7.7 Particle Root Shapes............ 84
2.4 Stem Formation................................84
2.4.1 Verb Formation...........................86
2.4.1.1 Transitive Stem Formation....... 88
2.4.1.2 Intransitive Stem Formation.....99


vii








2.4.2 Noun Stem Formation....................106
2.4.3 Adjective Stem Formation ...............115
2.4.4 Affect Stem Formation ................. .121
2.4.5 Derived Adverbial Formation ............ 122
2.4.6 How Roots and Stems are Derived
(in Review) ............................124
2.5 Phrase Formation ..............................130
2.5.1 Verb Phrases ...........................130
2.5.1.1 The Transitive Verb Phrase...... 132
2.5.1.2 The Intransitive Verb Phrase....135
2.5.2 Noun Phrases ...........................137
2.5.2.1 Third Person Noun Phrases....... 137
2.5.2.2 Pronoun Phrases................. 147
2.5.3 Adverb Phrases ......................... 149
2.5.3.1 Adverbials.......................149
2.5.3.2 Adverbial Noun Phrases ..........150
2.6 Sentence Formation............................. 151
2.6.1 Simple Sentences........................151
2.6.1.1 Linking Sentences............... 152
2.6.1.2 Intransitive Sentences.......... 154
2.6.1.3 Transitive Sentences............ 156
2.6.2 Variations of Simple Sentences .........158
2.6.2.1 Negatives ........................ 158
2.6.2.2 Interrogatives .................. 160
2.6.2.3 Passives ........................161
2.6.2.4 Imperatives......................163
2.6.3 Sentence Level Clitics................. 164
2.6.4 Compound Sentences...................... 178
2.6.5 Complex Sentences.......................180
2.6.5.1 Verbal Nouns .................... 180
2.6.5.2 Subordination with Set A
Person Markers ..................181
2.6.5.3 Subordination with Subordinate
Aspects.......................... 187

3. Verb Semantics......................................... 191
3.1 Semantic Extensions of Directionals...........193
3.2 Citation Form Directionals ....................196
3.3 Directional Distribution ......................202

4. Grammatical Categories...............................203
4.1 Verbal Categories .............................204
4.1.1 Time ............... .................... 204
4.1.2 Direction............................... 209
4.1.3 Transitivity............................210
4.2 Person Relationships.......................... 214
4.2.1 Person Marking......................... 214
4.2.2 Case and Location...................... 217
4.2.3 Body and Human Metaphor............... 220


viii









4.3 Description..................................... 223
4.4 Emphasis......................................227
4.5 General Considerations.........................229

Appendix: Text ...................................... 236

Bibliography.............................................. 253

Biographical Sketch..................................... 256















CONVENTIONS AND ABBREVIATIONS


[ ] phonetic representation

/ / phonemic representation (practical orthography)

{ } morpheme

divides morphemes in examples and texts

T transitive root

I intransitive root

N noun root

A adjective root

AF affect root

P positional root

t transitive stem

i intransitive stem

n noun stem

a adjective stem

af affect stem

underlining with numbers refers to phrases
1
braces under words indicate clauses

(Sp) Spanish loan

Dashes before or after a morpheme indicate that it is

bound.

Words or morphemes underlined in discursive passages are

always in the phonemic orthography.














Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy


MAM GRAMMAR IN OUTLINE

By

Nora Clearman England

June, 1975

Chairman: M. J. Hardman-de-Pautista
Major Department: Anthropology

Mam is a Mayan language spoken by several hundred

thousand indigenous people in highland Guatemala and

Chiapas. It has the third largest number of speakers

in the Mayan family, but has been relatively little

described, even compared to other Mayan languages. This

grammar is a description of the phonology, grammatical

processes, verb semantics, and grammatical categories

in Mam. It is based on data collected during more than

two years of fieldwork in Guatemala.

The phonology chapter contains a phonemic analysis

of the language and a description of the major

morphophonemic processes. The grammatical processes

chapter describes morpheme, work, and root classes;

and stem, phrase, and sentence formation.








Root classes are verbs, positionals, nouns,

adjectives, affect words, and particles. Of these all

but positionals are matched by stem and word classes.

Word classes are verbs, nouns, adjectives, affect words,

derived adverbials, and particles. Phrases types are

noun, verb and adverb. Simple sentences are linking,

intransitive, or transitive; in addition there are

compound and complex sentences. Inflection of nouns

and verbs is described under word classes, while deri-

vational affixes are described under stem formation.

In addition there are a number of clitics, which are

described under word classes, phrase formation, and

sentence formation.

After the description of the grammatical processes,

a chapter is devoted to verbal semantic categories as

revealed through the use and distribution of directionals

in the verb phrase. A final chapter is devoted to a

discussion of the grammatical categories which are

defined by the organizational principles of the language.

This includes discussion of verbal categories, person

relationships, description, and emphasis.

An appendix gives a text in Mam, broken down into

morpheme segments and with both a literal interlinear

and a free translation.


xii















0. INTRODUCTION


0.1 THE LANGUAGE AND THE PEOPLE


Mam is a Mayan language spoken in highland Guatemala

in the departments of Huehuetenango, San Marcos, and

Quezaltenango and also in Chiapas, Mexico. It is one

of the twenty-four to thirty extant Mayan languages

(Kaufman, 1974a:34), and belongs to the Greater Mamean

branch of the Eastern Mayan languages. Greater Mamean,

which includes Teco, Ixil, Aguacatec, and Mam, split

off from the Greater Quichean branch in approximately

1400 B.C., and Mam proper has been a distinct language

since about 500 A.D. (Kaufman, 1974b).

There are approximately 350,000 speakers of Mam today

(Kaufman, 1974a:85), which makes it the third largest

Mayan language after Quich6 and Cakchiquel. There is

considerable dialect variation within the language;

almost every town where Mam is spoken has a different

dialect (there is even some variation within towns,

primarily on a geographical basis), and the differences

between major dialect areas are such that intelligibility

is greatly reduced. The data on which this grammar is

based are from the town of San Ildefonso Ixtahuacan,








Huehuetenango, Guatemala, where a dialect of Northern

Mam is spoken. These data are representative of

general processes which can be found in other dialects

of Northern Mam. Specific details will differ on all

levels of the grammar, however.

The Mam people live in a part of the Guatemalan

highlands which they have occupied continuously since

long before the Spanish Conquest, perhaps from as early

as 500 A.D. (Kaufman, 1973). Huehuetenango, partially

occupied by Mam people today, may in fact have been

the center of early Mayan dispersal, about 2600 B.C.

(Vogt, 1969b). The area, in short, has a very long

history of occupation by the Mam people and their forebears,

both before and after the Spanish Conquest. Many of the

present day towns (municipios) originated before the

Conquest (Valladares, 1957:28) and each has a separate

and distinct identity whereby people from one town regard

people from other towns as strangers, even if they speak

the same language (Wagley, 1969:55). Town endogamy,

different styles of dress, and dialect differences help

establish and maintain the identity of each town. The

rarity of intermarriage between towns and the isolation

of one town from another probably have been major

contributing factors in language divergence and the

establishment of dialect differences.

Primary ethnographic sources for the Mam area are

Oakes (1951a, 1951b), Valladares (1957), and Wagley (1941,









1949). In addition Wagley (1969) has written an excellent

summary of the characteristics of the Northwestern

Guatemalan area, which is mostly inhabited by Mam

speakers. The Southern Mam area has been almost ignored

(Vogt, 1969a:33). The very brief summary presented here

relies on the sources mentioned above and on personal

experience while doing fieldwork.

The people today are primarily subsistence farmers,

relying on the traditional maize, beans, and squash for

their sustenance. The area in which they live also

supports a wide variety of other crops which come from

both the New and Old Worlds, some of which supplement

the basic diet, and some of which are farmed for cash

(Wagley, 1969:50). The major occupation of the men is

to farm and provide food and shelter for their families,

while that of the women is to care for the house, children,

and provide some assistance with the planting or harvesting

as needed. Men, in addition to farming their own lands,

frequently travel to the coastal areas of Guatemala and

Mexico to work as seasonal labor on the large plantations--

one of the few ways they have to earn a cash income

(Oakes, 1951b:37). This labor, although common, is

viewed as a last resort in times of need, primarily because

of the poor working conditions and dreaded lowland

diseases which are absent or rarer in the highlands.

Weekly local markets in all towns and some aldeas

(hamlets) serve as centers for the exchange of goods.








Most items are bought and sold by women in these markets

(Valladares, 1957:59) except for a few things, such as

manufactured clothing or large animals, which are

traditionally sold by men. Some towns are noted for their

"traveling salesmen" who spend time attending markets in

the surrounding area to sell particular products from

their towns, but there is no actual full-time trader

class in the area (Wagley, 1969:61). There is also some

craft specialization by town in the Mam area, whereby a

particular town produces a single specialty item and

sells that product in the area. For instance, people

from Colotenango buy pots from Concepci6n Tutuapa, San

Miguel, and Ixtahuacan; buy mats from Jacaltenango and

Huehuetenango; thread, blankets, bags, and nets from

Concepci6n Tutuapa; and cotton cloths from Comitancillo

(Valladares, 1957:59). Where there are climate differences

between towns there may also be crop specialization and

crop exportation (Wagley, 1969:50). Craft specialization

does not extend to personal clothing, which is hand-woven

by women for their families, except in areas where

hand-woven cloth is being replaced by footloomed cloth

or manufactured menswear. There is an increasing tourist

market in hand-woven items, however.

The religion and ceremonial life of the Mam area has

been rather well documented in the various sources. It

is basically a complex synthesis of Catholic and

indigenous belief and ritual. No attempt will be made to








describe the complexities of the religious system here, but

it should be pointed out that ritual is often a rich source

for linguistic as well as anthropological data, and that

the connections between language and culture are sometimes

strikingly lucid in ritual. Thus anyone familiar with re-

ligion and ritual in the Mam area will find parts of

the grammar which will immediately bring to mind aspects

of the religious system. For instance, numbers are

intimately connected with the calendar, metaphor is

important in ritual as well as daily life, direction

and location are striking in both the grammar and the

ritual.

Men in the Mam area travel to the plantations and

other towns for commercial purposes. The former activity

places them in limited contact with outsiders, including

Ladinos and other Indians; the latter activity may take

them to the departmental capital in addition to other

towns, but it rarely takes them farther than that. There

are many men who have never been to the national capital,

which is a good day's travel by bus from most of the

Mam towns. Bus service to large parts of the Mam area is

infrequent and at times nonexistent, reducing possibilities

for long distance travel even further. Women are more

restricted in travel outside their towns, since they do

not as a rule participate in intertown marketing. An

unmarried girl does not travel alone, and a married

woman is usually tied down by children and household








duties. Women will travel between their houses and

the town center for the local market and church. The

local market is, in fact, an important social event where

men and women meet with their friends and transact all

sorts of business and where young people, of course,

court. The young people are exquisitely turned out on

these occasions--the girls with their most elaborate

blouses and hair styles, the boys as neat as possible.

Since a large portion of the Mam area is relatively

isolated in distance from Guatemala City, the people are

fairly removed from outside and government influences.

There are few Ladinos living in their towns, and less

tourism reaches Mam towns than, for instance, Quiche

or Cakchiquel towns. Bus service where available is

often infrequent and expensive; there are fewer schools

with fewer grades than in more central areas; and there

is less contact with government agencies and programs.

Furthermore, tension between Ladinos and Indians appears

stronger and more open than in towns closer to the capital.

In Huehuetenango, to take a superficial but indicative

example, Indians are forced to the back of the bus, while

this never happens in Sacatepequez or Chimaltenango.

Indians do not own any of the small businesses in

Ixtahuacan; Indians own a bus line, a hotel, several

small stores and more in Comalapa (Chimaltenango).

One of the obvious correlations to this isolation

and inaccessibility is that fewer Indians in the Mam area









are bilingual than in any other part of the country

except Alta Verapaz. Bilingualism among women is uncommon

and among men it is low. In the case of the latter group

it seems that while many men speak a little Spanish, it

is poor Spanish, sufficient only to carry out the most

necessary negotiations in the departmental markets, the

municipality, or the plantations. For various reasons,

few children complete even six years of schooling--the

reasons most often cited are that the parents need the

children at home, the schools are too far, the teachers

do not attend consistently or do not teach anything

when they attend, and that the children do not learn

anything anyway because the schools are conducted in

Spanish. Learning Spanish is highly valued, especially

for boys, because it is seen as advantageous in dealing

with the outside, especially in legal matters; but few

children learn much. In very recent years the government

has instituted a program of castellanizaci6n which uses

bilingual teachers to offer a pre-first-grade year of

education in Spanish literacy using materials prepared

in the native language and Spanish. The program has not

yet reached many of the schools in the Mam area. In places

where a good school exists (i.e., a school where Mam

children are taught sufficient Spanish so that they can

complete six years of education) parents are often

willing to make considerable financial sacrifice to send

their children to school. The reasons parents give for









not sending their children to school should not be taken

as an absence of value placed on schooling; quite the

contrary, the parents are merely making a realistic

evaluation of the benefits of poor education in a foreign

language by minimally motivated and prepared teachers.

The situation, then, is that Mam is a language spoken

by several hundred thousand people in Guatemala and

Mexico, and is the only language of many of these people.

It is not a written language, nor a national language, nor

a prestigious language. It has been relatively little

studied (compare linguistic work on Cakchiquel, Quiche,

or Yucatec), and the results of the few studies made

are fairly inaccessible to Mam speakers. Experiences

while conducting the fieldwork, however, point to a

deep interest on the part of Mam speakers in knowing how

to read and write in their own language and in learning

the grammar. The language is not dying and is unlikely

to disappear in the foreseeable future. Any linguistic

work, especially work which can eventually be shared

with the Mam speakers, is of tremendous importance.

It is the intention that the results of this analysis

will be made available to Mam speakers. Furthermore,

every bit of information about a relatively unstudied

language is of use to linguistic and anthropological

science.








0.2 RESEARCH


The fieldwork on which this analysis is based was

undertaken in Guatemala in two periods, from August

1971 to December 1973 and from June to September 1974.

During the first period the author was a linguist with

the Proyecto LingUistico Francisco Marroquin (PLFM)

in Antigua, Guatemala, under the auspices of the U.S.

Peace Corps. The responsibilities entailed by this position

were to teach linguistics to a group of twelve students

who were native speakers of Quiche, Cakchiquel, oi Mam;

to teach the Mam students how to produce various education-

al materials in their language and to supervise that

work; and to do the necessary linguistic analysis of

Mam for all other aspects of the work. During the second

part of the research the grammatical analysis of Northern

Mam was continued and a course in Mam derivational

morphology was taught to Mam speakers.

The data used for this analysis consist of a Mam-

Spanish dictionary compiled by the Mam students at the

PLFM, a substantial body of texts and dialogues

collected and transcribed by the author and the Mam

students and analyzed by the author, data on directionals

collected for three hundred transitive verbs, incidental

material gathered from educational pamphlets prepared

by the Mam students, and various materials elicited

directly by the author. All data is on file at the PLFM in

Antigua.









0.3 PERSONNEL


The research for this grammar was accomplished with

the extensive aid of two linguistically sophisticated

native Mam speakers, Juan Maldonado Andres and Juan

Ordo6ez Domingo. Both are from the town of San Ildefonso

Ixtahuacan and both began working with the PLFM and

studying their language in November, 1971. At the time

they were bilingual in Spanish and Mam and literate in

Spanish; since then they have participated in intensive

courses in Mam literacy, phonology, morphology, syntax,

Mayan grammar, and dictionary preparation. They have

prepared a bilingual Mam-Spanish dictionary, have collected

and transcribed texts in Mam, have written a number of

pamphlets of an educational nature in Mam, and have

written a paper in Spanish describing their work with

teaching literacy in Mam (Maldonado and Ordo~ez, 1974).

They have further contributed to the analysis of Mam

undertaken here by eliciting and self-eliciting material

on various grammatical themes, by checking and rechecking

lexical material with other people in the community, and

by participating in and initiating extensive discussions

of points of grammar with the author and other members

of the staff at the PLFM. It has always been the intent

to discuss, insofar as possible, the analysis of Mam

with Juan Maldonado and Juan Ord6nez in order to check

that analysis with the Mam experts.








Juan Maldonado is twenty-four years old and lives

in the aldea of Acal, San Ildefonso Ixtahuac6n. Both of

his parents are from the same town; his father is bilingual

in Spanish and Mam, and his mother is monolingual in

Mam. He has had nine years of formal education, all in

schools in his town, and is a subsistence farmer. He

has for a number of years been interested in community

development and has participated in the savings and loan

cooperative in his town, voluntary Spanish literacy

classes, and programs of Desarrollo de la Comunidad (a

community development agency).

Juan Ord6oez is twenty-one years old and lives in

the caserlo of Chupil, San Ildefonso Ixtahuacan. His

father is bilingual in Spanish and Mam; his mother is

monolingual in Mam; both are from Ixtahuacan. He

completed six years of formal education in his town and

then participated in a two-year agricultural course in

Chiantla, Huehuetenango. He also has given classes in

Spanish literacy.

Many other people of Ixtahuacan contributed to this

grammar by recording folklore, helping with data verifi-

cation, or working with the author and the Mam students

in elicitation sessions. A list of these people follows;

it is not a complete list of all who have been involved

in the work in that many others have made informal

contributions.











Eustaquio Garcia Ortiz

Jose Ord6nez Mendez

Andres Maldonado Morales

Juana Maldonado Andres

Juan Morales Ord6oez

Miguel Velasquez Morales

Sebastian Morales Maldonado

Diego Ramirez Maldonado

Maria Maldonado

Pedro Ord6nez Ortiz

Alonso Ortiz Maldonado

Francisco Maldonado Felipe

Jos6 Maldonado Visquez

Rafael Maldonado Visquez

Diego Domingo Felipe

Jose Perez Ord6nez

Miguel Morales Ortiz

Pablo Felipe G6mez


aldea

Granadillo

Chupil

Acal

Acal

Acal

Acal

La Cumbre

Laguneta

Chej oj

Chejoj

Vega San Miguel

Vega San Miguel

Chiquilild

Chiquilila

Papal

Papal

Papal

Poloja


0.4 PREVIOUS STUDIES


Early works on Mam are sparse--only a few vocabulary

lists and grammatical sketches have been made. The grammar

sketches have not been seen by the author; for a review

of them see Peck (1951). A bibliography of early works

on Mam can be found in The Handbook of Middle American

Indians, volume 5.









In recent years several grammatical studies have

been made. The first of these is a master's thesis by

Edward Sywulka (1948) in which the author briefly describes

the phonology and morphology of Man of San Juan Ostuncalco,

a Southern Mam town. Sywulka studied linguistics with

Pike, Nida, and Trager, and wrote his grammar according

to a modified tagmemic/descriptive framework. He lists

and briefly describes the phonemes and morphemes which

he found for Southern Yam. Sywulka's later sketch of

Mam (1966) uses the same framework but describes the Mam

of San Ildefonso Ixtahuacdn (Northern Mam). This sketch

does not include phonology (although the phonemes are

listed in a footnote and the author has by now decided

that vowel length is phonemic in Mam), but does include

sections on clause and sentence structure as well as

morphology. It is quite a brief description of Mam which

contains lists of some morphemes, notes on sentence

structure, and a spot/filler analysis of the verb clause.

A sample text is appended.

Dorothy Peck's master's thesis (1951) continues the

analysis begun by Sywulka and for data uses recordings

made by Manuel Andrade. Peck is concerned with the syntax

of Southern Mam. She includes an inventory of syntactic

units, a section on the distribution of classes which

is essentially a list of sentences or clauses containing

different elements, and a section on features of arrangement

of sentences. Sample texts are included. Peck also









makes her analysis according to a descriptive/tagmemic

framework.

The most complete of the recent Mam grammars is

that by Una Canger (1969). This analysis is a glossematic

grammar of the dialect of Mam spoken in Todos Santos

(Northern Mam, but quite different from other Northern

Mam dialects). Arranged according to glossematic theory,

the grammar gives phonological, morphological, and

syntactic information and is quite extensive and accurate.

Of particular interest are Canger's treatments of

underlying phonological shapes and verb structure. This

grammar was very helpful in making the present analysis.

There is also a modern teaching course in Mam

(Robertson, Hawkins, and Maldonado, n.d.) which includes

lessons, texts, and a Mam-Spanish-English/Spanish-

Mam-English dictionary. This is based on the Mam of

San Ildefonso Ixtahuacan. The principal author,

Robertson, has recently completed a dissertation on

pronoun distribution in seven Mayan languages, which

should include Mam, but this has not yet been seen.



0.5 SCOPE


This work is meant to be a descriptive grammar of

the dialect of Mam spoken in Ixtahuacan. Topics which

are covered are a brief description of the phonology;

grammatical process, which includes morpheme, word,








and root classes, and stem, phrase, and sentence forma-

tion; verb semantics, which discusses special semantic

and syntactic properties of the verb phrase; and grammati-

cal categories, which is a section on distinctive

organizational principles which govern the language.

No complete grammar of this dialect of Mam has

been written so far, and this grammar covers topics

which are not contained in any of the previous works on

Mam. The organization is fairly standard for a descriptive

grammar, with the addition of chapters on verb semantics

and grammatical categories. These are included in order

to explain and illuminate problems of wider interest

in Mam and certain grammatical structures necessary to

an understanding of the language. Description such as is

presented here is requisite to almost any further

study of the language because without an understanding

of basic structure no further steps can be taken.

The first three chapters should be of particular

interest to linguists and language students who need

to know details of Mam grammar. The last chapter should

be of more general interest to linguists and anthropologists

who are concerned with such problems as language universals,

language diversity, or world view as revealed through

linguistic organization. It is obvious by now that any

language can handle almost any problem; of continuing

interest is the variety or lack of variety in the choices

available to solve each problem and the ways in which









those resolutions can be correlated with cultural and

social choices.

















1. PHONOLOGY




1.1 PHONEMIC INVENTORY


The phonemic symbols used here and throughout are

a practical orthography designed for I"am by Terrence

Kaufman and used at the PLFM.

Consonants:
1)
lap: rr


W C CU ) H























Vowels : front back
High: i u (vowel length)
0 0 0 0 -3 > (d
(d W) a) a) 5 W 4- r-
e o (juncture)> >
rLow : a
-H Ct C> 0 >

Occlusive: p t tz ch tx ky k q 7

Glottalized b' t' tz' ch' tx' ky' k' q'
occlusive:
Fricative: s xh x j

Nasal: m n

Resonant: w 1 y

Flap: r

Spanish loans: b d g


Vowels: front back

High: i u : (vowel length)

e o (juncture)

Low: a








1.2 PHONEMIC DESCRIPTION


1.2.1 CONSONANTS


The occlusive phonemes are a series of eight simple

or affricated voiceless stops each having a different

point of articulation. The glottal stop will be discussed

in section 1.2.3. All the stops occur in initial,

medial, or final position and all require release in

final position. In the cases of /tz, ch, tx, ky, q/

this release is affrication, while for /p, t, k/ it

consists of aspiration. Release may also occur

optionally before other consonants in clusters. The

palatalized stop /ky/ and the velar stop /k/ have

restricted and partially complementary distribution.

/ky/ only occurs before front vowels and /a/, while /k/

.only occurs before back vowels and /a/. Both can occur

after front vowels and /a/; only /k/ occurs after back

vowels. The two phonemes therefore contrast before /a/

and after /i, e/ while in other vowel environments

there is no contrast. The occlusive phonemes with their

allophones and examples are:

/p/ [ph] finally [si:ph] /si:p/ 'tick'

[p] elsewhere [pu:x] /pu:j/ 'dust'

/t/ [th] finally [rI?th]/ri7t/ 'solid'

[t] elsewhere [ta?w] /ta7w/ 'pain'

/tz/ [i] [wlI] /witz/ 'hill, mountain'








/ch/ [6]
/tx/ [c]

/ky/ [kY]

/k/ [kh]
[k]

/q/ [qx]

[q]


finally
elsewhere

finally
elsewhere


[kuc] /kuch/ 'pig'

[Su:'] /b'u:tx/ 'boiled corn'
[kYaq ] /kyaq/ 'hot'

[ku?kh] /ku7k/ 'squirrel'
[Iko:'yG-] /xko:7ya/ 'tomato' t

[gwu:qx] /wu:q/ 'seven'
[qeP?] /qe7n/ 'gourd to keep tortillas
warm'


The glottalized occlusives are unit phonemes which

contrast with plain occlusives plus glottal stop.

Phonetically /tz', ch', tx', ky', k'/ are glottalized

stops, with glottalization occurring almost simultaneously

or even preceding the stop onset. /b', t', q'/ are
imploded stops. They are voiced or partially voiced in

initial or medial position and are voiceless in final

position. Before a pause they are released finally.
The distribution of /ky', k'/ is similar to that of

/ky, k/. The glottalized occlusive phonemes with their
allophones and examples are:

/b'/ [5] finally [sI5] /sib'/ 'smoke'

[6] elsewhere [a'j:] /b'a:/ 'mole'
/t'/ [] finally [sxe4] /xhjet'/ 'stomach of animals'
[c] elsewhere [du'dafn] /t'ut'an/ 'watery'

/tz'/ [,d] [I ud?] /tz'utz'/ 'coati'
/ch'/ [C ] [prc7] /poch'/ 'bedbug'


t [4] will be used here to indicate the allophone of /7/
which consists of falling pitch without actual closure.







/tx'/ [6*] ['C??] /tx'otx'/ 'earth, land'
/ky'/ [kY'] [kYaqx] /ky'aq/ 'flea'
/k'/ [k7] [ka:] /k'a:/ 'bitter'
/q'/ [cf] finally [sla':cf] /xhla:q'/ 'young man, boy'

[E] elsewhere [E?rn] /q'e7n/ 'booze'
Fricatives occur in all positions. /j/ is postvelar
in the environment of postvelar consonants and velar
elsewhere. The phonemes with their allophones and
examples are:


/s/ [s] [si:+] /si:7/ 'firewood'
/xh/ [s] [s :l] /xha:l/ 'frog'
/x/ [s] [sxa:1] /xja:l/ 'person'

/j/ [x] next to postvelars[qxa':] /qja:/ 'our house'
[x] elsewhere [xo:x] /jo:j/ 'crow'
Nasals occur in all positions. /m/ has Iml as an

allophone; the allophonic conditioning of /n/,is complex.
1. /Cn#/ is realized as [Cn#].
2. /nn#/ is realized as [n#].
3. /Vn#/ is realized as [Vn#] .
4. /n {-b'il}/ is realized as [nSIl].
5. /VnC (except /b'/) V/ is realized as [VnCV .'
6. /n Occlusive or /y// is realized as
[homorganic N Occlusive or /y/].
7. All other /n/ are realized as [n].


Examples:
1.
2.


[pd:?a n] /a:tz'n/ 'salt'
[taxblad:'n] /tajb'la:nn/ 'it's useful'








3. [pO?~n] /ptz'on/ 'sugarcane'
4. [gae:'n~ll] /q'a:nb'il/ 'medicine'

5. [ganpl've?] /xq'anpitz'/ 'a small bird'
but [qa'mbaxj /qamb'aj/ 'foot and lower leg'

[tqan] /tqan/ 'his/her foot'
6. [mpa:'ya]/mpa:ya/ 'my bag'

[sxe? k ] /sjenky/ 'guitar'
[NaFy] /q'any/ 'you, familiar (between males)'
[?@:'nfllj] /a:nq'b'il/ 'life'
[GCnkh /b'onk/ 'fat'

[?unth /unt/ 'brains'
7. [nmo:'xa] /nmo:ja/ 'my double thread'

[n?l] /ne7l/ 'sheep'
[?anu'ph] /anup/ 'silk-cotton tree'

[ngwi:'sa] /nwi:xha/ 'my cat'
As can be seen in the second example under (5) above
and the first example under (6) the discreteness between

/m, n/ breaks down before bilabial occlusives. In the
case of /qamb'aj/ 'foot'and lower leg' the underlying
form is discoverable through the possessed form /tqan/
'his/her foot'. If, however, the bilabial occlusive
is not separable, the underlying phoneme cannot be
recovered, for example: [skumbu:'l] /xkumb'u-:/ 'dove'
An example of /m/ in a non-neutralized environment is
[mo:s] /mo:x/ 'june bug'.
Resonants occur in all positions. /w/ is velarized
before back vowels and after /n/. The resonant








phonemes with their allophones and examples are:

/w/ [w] before back vowels, [ wo:4] /wo:7/ 'toad'
after /n/
[npwi:'~a] /nwi:xha/ 'my cat'

[w] elsewhere [waA:+x] /wa:7j/ 'tortilla'

/1/ [l] [la'.] /la:/ 'chichicaste'

/y/ [y] [ya^:] /ya:b'/ 'sick'
The flap occurs infrequently. A bilingual speaker

may trill the /r/ in Spanish loans with the trill, but

monolingual speakers never distinguish the flap and the

trill.
h
/r/ [r] [xQ a:'t ] /jora:t/ 'quickly'

[ifIth] /ri7t/ 'solid'

The combination of /t/ plus /x/ is written as /t-x/

to distinguish it from /tx/. This particular cluster only

occurs over morpheme boundaries.

In Spanish loans three additional consonants are

found: /b, d, g, /. /b/ also occurs in one native Mam

word, /baqa/ 'scarcely'. In old loans or in the speech of

monolinguals these phonemes may be changed to a native

Mam phoneme, usually the similarly articulated voiceless

stop or voiced resonant, but many words are often pronounced

with the Spanish phonemes. Example's:

/b/ [b] [ba:ikh] /ba:rk/ 'boat' (Spanish barco)

/d/ [d] [mu:'nde] /mu:nda/ 'world' (Spanish mundo)

/g/ [g] [ga?'na] /ga:na/ 'in vain' (Spanish gana 'desire')








Minimal Pairs:

P / b'

/pa:/ 'bag'

/b'a:/ 'mole'


t / t'

/ta:l/ 'her son (of a woman)'

/t'a:l/ 'liquid'


tz / tz'

/tzankl/ 'bunch of hair or thread without order,
lying there'
/tz'ankl/ 'something smooth like an orange, lying there'


ch / ch'

/chi71/ 'basket'

/ch'i71/ 'edible grasshopper'


tx / tx'

/txu:txan/ 'blister-like'

/tx'u:tx'/ 'granary'


ky X ky'

/kyaq/ 'hot'

/ky'aq/ 'flea'


k / k'

/uk/ 'a bug like a bedbug'

/uk'/ 'louse'









q / q'

/qe7n/ 'gourd to keep tortillas warm'

/q'e7n/ 'booze'


t / tz

/te:t/ 'toy to divert children'

/tze:t/ 'laugh'


t' / tz'

/t'ut'an/ 'squishy'

/tz'utz'/ 'coati'


tz / ch

/tza:k'/ 'toothy'

/cha:k'/ 'tall and skinny'


tz' ch'

/tz'o:k/ 'he/she came in'

/ch'o:k/ 'plow'


ch / tx

/chil/ 'rattle'

/txil/ 'quetzal tail'


ch' / tx'

/ch'ak/ 'mud'

/tx'a7k/ 'grain'










ch # ky

/tchi:xh/

/tkyi:xh/


ch' # ky'

/ich'/ '

/iky'/ '


ky / k

/ch'ikyl/

/chi:kl/


'its dirt'

'its fish'




mouse'

passed by'


'vertical'

'chicle'


/kyaq/

/ka7ch/


'hot'

'burst grain'


ky' / k

/nchme:ky'a/ 'my turkey'

/nchme:ka/ 'my brown wax'


ky / k'

/kya:/

/k'a:/


'grinding stone'

'bitter'


k q

/ku:kxh/ 'lightning bug'

/qu:q/ 'sandy farmland in cold climate'


k' / q'

/k'o:j/

/q'o:j/


'mask'

'fight, anger'










s t /

/se:t/

/te:t/

/tze :t/


tz

'place firewood in the fire'

'toy to divert children'

'laugh'


xh / ch

/xhiky/ 'rabbit'

/chiky'/ 'blood'


x / tx

/xi:n/ 'spider'

/txi:n/ 'little girl'


j X k

/jo:x/

/ko:x/


'first weeding of the corn'

'lame'


s X xh # x

/po:s/ 'peanut shell without seed'

/po:xh/ 'scarecrow'

/po:x/ 'single grub of a kind of large ant'


m / n

/mo:j/ 'double thread'

/no:j/ 'fill up'


1.2.2 VOWELS


There are ten vowels in Mam distinguished as to




27


point of articulation (front, mid, back, low, high)

and length (long, short). Long vowels tend to be higher

than short vowels. Vowels are also higher before /n/

and lower before /7/. In the environment of glottalized

consonants or glottal stops vowels are pronounced with

considerable vocal fry ("creaky voice") and long vowels

have a long low off-glide accompanied by a drop in

pitch before glottal stop. Low and mid vowels have a

high off-glide before palatals. The phonemes with

examples are:

/i/ [I] [?IS7] /ich'/ 'mouse'

/e/ [E] [CE?w] /che7w/ 'cold'
/a/ [al [6aph] /chap/ 'crab'

/o/ [G] [pf d] /poch'/ 'bedbug'
/u/ [u] [kud ] /kutz'/ 'humming bird'

/i:/ [i:] [?i:c] /i:ch/ 'chile'

/e:/ [e:] [Ge:] /b'e:/ 'road'

/a:/ [a':] [kYa^:] /kya:/ 'grinding stone'

/o:/ [o:] [xo:x] /jo:j/ 'crow'
/u:/ [u:] [?u:j] /u:tz/ 'cradle'

Short unstressed vowels which follow the stressed

vowel in a word tend to be neutralized to [e] (see 1.3
for a discussion of stress). The underlying form of these

vowels is unrecoverable unless the word undergoes

some morphophonemic change in another form which lengthens

or stresses the neutralized vowel. The neutralized




28



vowel creates problems for the practical orthography

in that it is not heard consistently as one of the short

vowels by the native speaker, nor is it heard as a

sixth short vowel. Consequently a new symbol is not

acceptable for writing a neutralized vowel, and the native

speaker uses /a/, /e/, or /i/ for these vowels, often

inconsistently. In tape transcriptions the enclitic

[ian] has been written /tzan/, /tzen/, /tzin/, or /tzn/

by the same transcriber. Whenever possible a neutralized

vowel will be written as /a/. It can not be indicated by

nothing (deleting the vowel altogether) because a

neutralized vowel contrasts with no vowel in final

position.

In roots and stems a short unstressed vowel

preceding the stressed vowel and following a consonant

tends to be dropped. Again, the dropped vowel is

unrecoverable unless it appears in another form which

undergoes appropriate morphophonemic changes. For instance,

the forms

/ma waq'na:ya/ 'I worked'

/aq'u:ntl/ 'work'

show that a /u/ has been dropped from the verb stem.

Similarly,

/ptz'on/ 'sugarcane'

/npa:tz'ana/ 'my sugarcane'

show a dropped /a/ in the root. This pair is also a good









example of vowel neutralization after a stressed vowel

(in the possessed form) which is recoverable when stress

moves to the otherwise neutral vowel (in the unpossessed

form). Vowel dropping leaves many consonant clusters,

which are a distinctive phonological characteristic of

Mam.

There are no vowel clusters of dissimilar vowels.

Consequently long vowels are not analyzed as geminate

clusters. Only one long vowel is permitted in a word.

Minimal Pairs:

i e

/iky'/ 'passed by'

/eky'/ 'chicken'


e a

/me7xh/ 'just developing ear of corn'

/ma7xh/ 'tobacco'


a o

/ch'ak/ 'mud'

/ch'ok/ 'magpie'


o u

/ko7k/ 'cacaxte (wooden back pack)'

/ku7k/ 'squirrel'


i: / e:

/nb'i:ya/ 'my name'

/nb'e:ya/ 'my road'









e: X a:

/b'e:/ 'road'

/b'a:/ 'mole'


a: / o: / u:

/q'a:q'/ 'fire'

/q'o:q'/ 'chilacayote (a type of squash)'

/q'u:q'/ 'quetzal (archaic)'


i / i:

/ch'im/ 'straw'

/ch'i:m/ 'pancreas'


e / e:

/b'ech/ 'sprout'

/b'e:ch/ 'flower'


a a:

/awal/ 'plant'

/awa:l/ 'planter'


o / o:

/ch'ok/ 'magpie'

/ch'o:k/ 'plow'


u / u:

/us/ 'fly'

/u:tz/ 'crib'








1.2.3 GLOTTAL STOP


The glottal stop is nonphonemic initially in the

word; all vowel initial words have a glottal onset. In

medial and final position glottal stop contrasts with

its absence and is phonemic. Medially if it follows a

consonant it distinctly occurs after the consonant.

There is only one example of glottal stop finally after

a consonant and in this case it is realized during or

slightly before the onset of the consonant. The example

is in the morpheme {-a} 'first person possessive enclitic'

which has an alternant /-y7/ after vowels.

Lnja':] /nja:y7/ 'my house'

Glottal stop after long vowels is realized as falling

pitch without actual cessation of breath (symbolized

here as [+J). Examples are:

/7/ [?] [?I'Fel] /i7tzal/ 'Ixtahuacan'

[+} [si:+] /si:7/ 'firewood'
Glottal stop at times behaves like a consonant and

at times like a vowel feature. The first person possessive

prefix for nouns is /n-/ before consonants and /w-/

before vowels. Generally vowel initial nouns lose the

nonphonemic glottal stop onset under possession and

prefix /w-/. A few nouns, however, do not lose the

glottal stop, in which case they prefix /n-/, just like

a consonant initial noun. In the unpossessed form these

words have no initial contrast with other vowel initial









words, so the /7/ is still not phonemic initially. It

must be inserted after possession for those words that

maintain it. All Spanish loans, unlike the pattern for

most Mam words, follow the pattern of maintaining glottal

stop under possession, probably because of analogy with the

more common consonant initial possession pattern.+

/anup/ 'silk-cotton tree'

/n7anupa/ 'my silk-cotton tree'

Furthermore, glottal stop can separate vowels, as can

any consonant.

/pe7e:t/ 'put within a fenced area'

After vowels and before consonants or finally, glottal

stop is more like a vowel feature. Vowel initial

suffixes or enclitics which occur after a vowel either

insert a /y/ glide between the vowels or synthesize the

vowels. This rule holds for a vowel followed by

glottal stop.

/y/ glide: /nja:ya/ 'my house' from /ja:/ 'house'

/nsi:7ya/ 'my firewood' from /si:7/ 'firewood'

Synthesis: /aq'ne:t/ 'work' from /aq'na-/ 'stem' +

/-e:t/ 'passive'

/che:7t/ 'grind corn' from /che:7-/ 'stem' +

/-e:t/ 'passive'



t In teaching Mam speakers to read and write, it is
necessary to teach them to write initial glottal stop by
rote, implying that it is nonphonemic in this position. At
the PLFM the Mam students thought it unnecessary.








Stress (1.3) falls on vowels followed by glottal stop

if there is no long vowel in the word. Since stress

rules in general are conditioned by vowel features such

as length, and other consonants do not have this effect

on stress, glottal stop here seems to be a vowel feature

rather than a consonant.

Minimal Pairs:

7 X absence

/ch'o7k/ 'rooster's comb'

/ch'ok/ 'magpie'


7 X q'

/ta:7/ 'his water'

/ta:q'/ 'his vine'


C7 X C'

/t7anup/ 'his silk-cotton tree'

/t'a:l/ 'liquid'



1.'2.4 JUNCTURE


Juncture is indicated by a space. It is defined both

phonologically and grammatically. Words have one and only

one stress and have no more than one long vowel.

Therefore juncture must occur somewhere between two

stresses or two long vowels in a segment. The aspirated

or affricated release of simple occlusives in final

position indicates juncture, as does the voicelessness or

nonrelease of the imploded occlusives. Furthermore, a








pause can generally occur at juncture, although in

rapid speech it usually does not occur. Aside from these

criteria, juncture can be determined grammatically.

Morphemes consist of prefixes, roots, suffixes, or

enclitics. Clitics are almost always postposed to the

word because of phonological and immediate constituent

criteria (the only exception seems to be qa 'plural',

which can be proposed to the word). Juncture therefore

occurs before roots or prefixes, and after roots,

suffixes, or enclitics. The only real problems in

juncture analysis are in the verb phrase: Are aspects

prefixes or words? Are directional roots or affixes?

Are Set B person markers prefixes or words? Some aspects

are phonologically bound and some are not (those that

contain vowels). The phonologically free aspects can

take enclitics, and so are written with juncture, while

the phonologically bound aspects are written without

juncture. Directionals are derived from free roots and

are proposed to the main verb in the verb phrase. Pause

can occur after directionals, and they can also receive

stress, although in connected speech they usually do

not. For these reasons and also because the word in Mam

is usually short, directionals are written with juncture.

Set B person markers all contain vowels and therefore

are not phonologically bound. However, Set A person

markers are phonologically bound and with the verb 'to go'

Set B person markers are also phonologically bound:









Set B to go

chin- ma chi:nxa 'I went'

ma txi 'he/she went'

qo- ma qo7x 'we went'

chi- ma che7x 'they went'

Therefore all person markers are written without juncture.

The major elements of the verb phrase are therefore

written as follows:

unbound aspect #
Set B + Directional # Set A + Stem + Encli-
bound aspect + tics


1.3 STRESS


Stress is not phonemic in Mam. Every word has one

stress, according to the following rules:

1. Stress falls on a long vowel in the word.

2. If there is no long vowel, stress falls on the

vowel preceding the last glottal stop in the

word.

3. If there is no long vowel and no glottal stop,

stress falls on the vowel preceding the last

consonant in the root.

4. If none of the above conditions apply, stress

falls on the only vowel in the root.

That is, stress is conditioned by long vowels and

glottal stop and never falls on suffixes unless they

contain long vowels or glottal stop. Examples:








1. [?agu:'ntl] /aq'u:ntl/ 'work'

[wagnan:yo] /waq'na:ya/ 'I worked'

2. Fpu?la'?] /pu71a7/ 'dipper'

3. [spl'kY?] /spiky'a/ 'clear'

[splIa'cf] /xpichaq'/ 'raccoon'

4. [tl'k?] /tlok'/ 'root'

[Ga'loe /b'ala/ 'maybe' ({-la} is an enclitic)


1.4 THE SYLLABLE

Syllables have as many as three consonants initially

and four consonants finally. The vowel can be long or

short, with or without glottal stop.

(C)(C)(C)V(:)(7 ()(C)(C)(C)(

That is, consonants can cluster up to three or four in

any position and vowels never cluster. Words may begin

or end with consonant or vowel. There are no apparent

restrictions as to which consonants may cluster. It

should be noted, however, that clustering is a result

of vowel dropping, or occurs over morpheme boundaries.

The only clusters which occur finally in root morphemes

are of the shape nC (see 2.3.7).



1.5 MORPHOPHONEMICS

Morphophonemic alternation primarily involves

vowel dropping, vowel neutralization, vowel synthesis,








/y/ insertion between vowels, glottal stop and glottalized

consonant alternation, the movement of glottal stop

toward long vowels, and nasal alternation.



1.5.1 VOWEL DROPPING


Short unstressed vowels occurring before the stressed

vowel in a root are often dropped. If the root is used

in a form in which stress is shifted to another vowel,

the dropped vowel will reappear. If no such forms occur,

the dropped vowel is not synchronically recoverable.

Examples:

/xjab'/ 'shoe'

/nxa:jb'aya/ 'my shoe'


/tzyu:l/ 'grab, verbal noun'

/tzuyb'il/ 'instrument for grabbing'

The first pair shows a dropped /a/ between /x/ and /j/;

the second pair shows a dropped /u/ between /tz/ and /y/.

Vowels are also always dropped between two /y/s.

For example, /xk6:7ya/ 'tomato' adds the enclitic /-ya/

under possession, and the resultant form is /nxko:7yya/

'my tomato'.



1.5.2 VOWEL NEUTRALIZATION


Short unstressed vowels occurring after the stressed

vowel in a word tend to be neutralized to [a]. If there









is a form in which the neutralized vowel receives

stress it can be recovered; if such a form does not exist

it is unrecoverable synchronically. Example:

[tpae:' ? an /tpa:tz'an/ 'his/her sugarcane'

[p/]?n /ptz'on/ 'sugarcane'

The second word in this pair shows that the underlying

form of the neutralized vowel in the first word is /o/.

In another example, the enclitic [ion] /tzan/ 'well

(connective)' never receives stress and therefore the

underlying form of the vowel is not recoverable.



1.5.3 VOWEL SYNTHESIS


If a vowel initial suffix or enclitic follows a

vowel final stem, the two vowels may be synthesized.

The particular suffixes which choose synthesization rather

than the insertion of a /y/ glide between the two vowels

are morphologically conditioned. {-e:t} 'passive'

requires synthesization:

/aq'na-/ 'work (stem)'

/aq'ne:t/ 'work (passive)'



1.5.4 /y/ INSERTION


In other cases, also morphologically conditioned,

if a vowel initial suffix or enclitic follows a vowel

final stem, a /y/ glide is inserted between the two

vowels. The person enclitics {-a} require /y/ insertion:








/ja:/ 'house'

/nja:ya/ 'my house'



1.5.5 GLOTTAL STOP AND GLOTTALIZED CONSONANT ALTERNATION


Glottal stop may alternate with glottalized consonants

in final position, usually in free variation. An exception

is the morpheme {-e:7} which derives intransitive verbs

from positional roots, and in final position always has

the form /-e:7/. If suffixes (not enclitics) are added,

it has the form /-e:b'/.

/txulch/ 'quiet'

/ma txule:7/ 'he/she became quiet'

/ktxule:b'al/ 'he/she will become quiet'

Examples of /7/ in free variation with glottalized

consonants are:

/we:ky'a/ u /we:y7/ 'it's mine'

/kub'/ n /ku7/ 'down (directional)'

/tjaq'/ n /tja7/ 'underneath it'

A very few verbs that begin with a glottalized consonant

lose that consonant in some forms, which may be similar

to the alternation described above.

/q'o:t/ 'give'

/q'o:ntza/ /antz/ 'give me!'


/q'i:t/ 'take/bring'

/ma txi wi:7na/ 'I took it'








Glottal stops which occur before glottalized

consonants usually disappear:

/ku7/ 'down' + /b'aj/ 'finish' -) /kub'aj/ 'finish down'

There are exceptions to this tendency, however, for example:

/-b'ji7b'il/ 'nominalizing suffix (#61)'

/txa7q'/ 'the action of crunching a flea'



1.5.6 MOVEMENT OF GLOTTAL STOP TOWARD LONG VOWELS


Glottal stop tends to move toward long vowels.

There are no words which have glottal stop after a short

vowel if there is a long vowel in the word. For example,

the morpheme {-7n} derives present participles from

transitive verbs, but only appears in this form if the

root has a short vowel. If the root has a long vowel

followed by a resonant, the glottal stop follows the long

vowel in the participle form; if the root has a long

vowel followed by a nonresonant, the glottal stop is

dropped in the participle form.

/b'iye:t/ 'kill'; /b'iyo7n/ 'killing'

/sjo:rat/ 'snore'; /sjo:7ran/ 'snoring'

/li:pat/ 'fly'; /li:pan/ 'flying'



1.5.7 NASAL ALTERNATION


Although words can end in /m/, there are a number

of words which change a base form /m/ in final position

to /n/. If a suffix is added to these words the /m/









reappears.

Examples:

/po:n/ 'incense'

/po:mal/ 'burn incense, perform rites'


/xb'a:lan/ 'clothes'

/xb'alami:l/ 'dress'

Final /n/ plus /1/ is reduced to /n/, even over

an intervening vowel (which is dropped).

Examples:

/po:n-/ 'arrive there' + /-al/ 'potential' -

/po:l/

/ta:n/ 'sleep' + /-al/ 'potential' /ta:l/














2. GRArMMATICAL PROCESS


2.1 MORPHEME CLASSES


Morphemes in Mam are either roots, clitics, or

affixes. Roots fall into several classes which are

matched by corresponding stem and word classes, except

for positionals, which are a root class only. The root

classes and their derivations are fully discussed in

sections 2.3, Root Classes; and 2.4, Stem Formation.

There are both preclitics and enclitics, and at

least one clitic which can be either proposed or postposed

to the word. Various clitics accompany words of any

class, and even some affixes. Clitics will be fully

discussed in sections 2.2, Word Classes (for the

paradigmatic person enclitics); 2.5, Phrase Formation

(person enclitics); and 2.6, Sentence Formation (syntactic

enclitics).

Affixes consist of both prefixes and suffixes,

and are inflectional or derivational. Inflection is

discussed under section 2.2, Word Classes; and 2.3,

Root Classes. Derivation is discussed under section

2.4, Stem Formation.








2.2 WORD CLASSES


Word classes are defined both inflectionally and

syntactically. They are verbs, nouns, adjectives, affect

words, and particles. Most of these include several

subclasses.



2.2.1 VERBS


All verbs are inflected for person and for aspect

or mode. Two major sets of prefixed allomorphs

indicate person: Set A and Set B. Set A serves as the

agent of transitive verbs and the possessor of nouns;

Set B is the patient of transitive verbs and the subject

of intransitive verbs and of pronouns. In certain

types of subordinate constructions, described in section

2.6, Set A may replace Set B as the patient of transitive

verbs or the subject of intransitive verbs. Accompanying

the sets of person prefixes are person enclitics.

Together the prefixes and enclitics comprise the full

person system, as follows:

Set A Set B Enclitics

1 singular n- a w- chin- a ya

2 singular t- 0 v tz- tz'- k k- a y ya

3 singular t- 0 tz- n tz'- n k-

1 plural q- qo- a s ya
exclusive
1 plural q- qo-
inclusive
2 plural ky- chi- a n ya

3 plural ky- chi-









The allomorphs are primarily phonologically conditioned.

{n- w-} /w-/ occurs before vowels; /n-/ before

consonants.

{0 4 tz- tz'- k- k--/ is used in the potential;

/tz-, tz'-/ occur before vowels in the non-

potential;

/tz-/ only occurs with the roots u:l 'arrive

here' and iky' 'pass by', while /tz'-/ occurs

with all other vowel initial roots and stems;

the prefix is unmarked before consonants in

the nonpotential.

{a' ya} /ya/ occurs after vowels, /a/ after consonants.

After vowels, /ya/ varies freely with the

forms /ky'a, y7/ for first person only.

Example of a transitive verb with Set A agent (0 patient):

Stem = tze:q'a- 'hit'

Elements are aspect, patient, agent, stem, enclitic.

ma 0.n.tze:q'a.ya 'I hit it'

ma 0.t.tze:q'a.ya 'you hit it'

ma 0.t.tze:q'a 'he/she hit it'

ma 0.q.tze:q'a.ya 'we hit it (not you)'

ma 0.q.tze:q'a 'we-all hit it'

ma 0.ky.tze:q'a.ya 'you-all hit it'

ma 0.ky.tze:q'a 'they hit it'

Example of an intransitive verb with Set B subject:

Stem = b'e:t- 'walk'

Elements are aspect, subject, stem, enclitic.








ma chin.b'e:t.a 'I walked'

ma 0.b'e:t.a 'you walked'

ma 0.b'e:t 'he/she walked'

ma qo.b'e:t.a 'we walked (not you)'

ma qo.b'e:t 'we-all walked'

ma chi.b'e:t.a 'you-all walked'

ma chi.b'e:t 'they walked'

Both second and third persons are indicated by

the same prefix, while first person is indicated by a

different prefix. Number is indistinguishable from

person. The prefixes, then, mark presence or absence of

first person in singular or plural. First person plural

exclusive forms refer to us (a group) as opposed to

you (another group), so the enclitic on the first

person forms excludes second person, not third person.

The enclitic used with the second person forms clearly has

a different function; that of marking the presence of

second person. Absence of an enclitic implies its

opposite. The functions of the prefixes and enclitics

can be shown as follows:

Prefixes Enclitics

A. +lsg A. -2sg

B. -Isg B. +2sg

C. +lpl C. -2pl

D. -Ipl D. +2pl








PreA + EncA Isg (+lsg, -2sg)

PreB + EncB 2sg (-lsg, +2sg)

PreB + 3sg (-lsg, -2sg)

PreC + EncC Ipl excl (+lpl, -2pl)

PreC ipl incl (+lpl, +2pl)

PreD + EncD 2pl (-ipl, +2pl)

PreD 3pl (-ipl, -2pl)

Note that PreA is always accompanied by EncA, because

the singularity of PreA demands exclusion of second

person.

Aspects are proposed to the verb. They are:

{ma} 'recent past'

{o} 'past'

{n-} 'progressive'

{ok} 'potential'

{x-} 'recent past subordinated'

{0-} 'past subordinated'

All but {ok} are obligatory. The aspects with vowels

( {ma}, {o}, {ok}) are phonologically independent and

may at times be separated from the verb or combine with

enclitics. The remaining aspects are phonologically

dependent and are never separated from the verb. {x-}

synthesizes with certain of the person markers in Set B:

x- + chin- xhin-

x- + tz-, tz'- s-

x- + chi- xhi-









In other environments it is realized as /x-/. {0-}

also synthesizes with Set B person markers, with the result

of subtracting the initial consonant of the person

prefixes:

0- + chin- in-

0- + tz-, tz'-, k- + --

0- + qo- o-

0- + chi- i-

Mode is indicated by suffixes which follow the

verb stem. These suffixes are different for transitive

and intransitive verbs, and serve to indicate potential

or imperative. They are:

Potential Imperative

Transitive: -a7 -m

Imperative: -1

{-1} follows the stem formative vowel (section 2.4.1)

and lengthens the vowel of a root which ends in a short

vowel (this refers to the root vowel, not the stem

formative). {-1} also synthesizes with the compounding

directionals {-x} 'away' and {-tz} 'toward':

ke:lax 'he will go out' k- (-lsgB) + e:l (go out)

+ -al (pot) + -x (away)

ke:latz 'he will come out' k- + e:l + -al + -tz

ko:kax 'he will go in' k- + o:k + -al + -x

ko:katz 'he will come in' k- + o:k + -al + -tz

kja:wax 'he will go up' k- + ja:w + -al + -x

kja:watz 'he will come up' k- + ja:w + -al + -tz









kb'elax 'he will go down' k- + kub' + -al + -x

kb'elatz 'he will come down' k- + kub' + -al + -tz

ka:jatz 'he will come back' k- + a:j + -al + -tz

kiky'ax 'he will go to the k- + iky' + -al + -x
other side'
kiky'atz 'he will come to k- + iky' + -al + -tz
this side'

With the potential mode the potential aspect {ok}

can be used optionally. No aspect is used with the

imperative mode. If a construction is neither potential

nor imperative, aspect is obligatory. The potential

mode is used very rarely with transitive verbs that do

not have directionals.

There are two major classes of verbs: transitive

and intransitive.


2.2.1.1 TRANSITIVE VERBS

Transitive verbs use Set B to indicate the patient,

Set A to indicate the agent, and the transitive forms

of the suffixes of mode. (Set A replaces Set B in

certain subordinate constructions; see 2.6.5.2.)

Transitive verbs can omit the agent entirely to express

an unknown or indefinite agent. With the imperative,

the person prefix for second person singular (PreB) is

omitted, as the unmarked imperative. The patient is

always present, although frequently indicated by the

prefix for non-first person singular (PreB) in which case

it is unmarked and unspecific.








Although there are two sets of prefixes to

indicate the agent and patient of a transitive verb, there

is only one set of enclitics, which refers to either

the agent or both the agent and the patient. If the

agent does not require an enclitic, then the patient

cannot have an enclitic. If the agent does require an

enclitic, then the patient may or may not be indicated

by the same enclitic. Consequently first person

involvement is clear, but there may be ambiguity as to

second person involvement. Partly because of this Mam

speakers prefer to use intransitive forms expressing

only the agent or the patient, especially if the patient

is not third person. The following table shows the

logically possible combinations of agent and patient

incorporated into the verb, and the actually realized

combinations.

Stem = tze:q'a- 'hit'

Elements are aspect, patient, agent, stem, enclitic

Logically Actual Forms: Gloss:
PFossible:

lsg 2sg
Sma 0.n.tze:q'a.ya 'I hit you/him/her/:
Isg 3sg

isg 2pl only possible with a directional (e.g. ok)

Isg -* 3pl ma ch.ok n.tze:q'an.a 'I hit you-all/them


it'


2sg l Isg

2sg 3sg

2sg Ipl excl

2sg 3pl


ma chin.t.tze:q'a.ya

ma 0.t.tze:q'a.ya

ma qo.t.tze:q'a.ya

ma chi.t.tze:q'a.ya


'you hit me'

'you hit him/her/it'

'you hit us'

'you hit them'


T










3sg

3sg

3sg

3sg

3sg

3sg

3sg


Ipl

Ipl

Ipl

Ipl


Ipl

lpl


2pl

2pl

2pl

2pl


3pl

3pl

3pl

3pl

3pl

3pl

3pl


-+ sg

- 3sg

p Ipl

- 3pl


- Isg

- 2sg

- 3sg

4 Ipl

Ipl

2pl

3- 3pl


excl










excl

incl


- Isg no

- 2sg no

- 3sg ma

- Ipl excl no

- Ipl incl ma

- 2pl no

- 3pl ma


excl 2sg
ma
excl 3sg

excl 2pl
ma
excl 3pl


incl 3sg ma

incl 3pl ma


ma chin.ky.tze:q'a.ya

ma 0.ky.tze:q'a.ya

ma qo.ky.tze:q'a.ya

ma chi.ky.tze:q'a.ya


not possible

not possible

ma 0.ky.tze:q'a

not possible

ma qo.ky.tze:q'a

not possible

not possible


'he/she/it hit
her/it'


him/


t possible

t possible

0.t.tze:q'a

t possible

qo.t.tze:q'a

t possible

chi.t.tze:q'a



0.q.tze:q'a.ya



chi.q.tze:q'a.ya



0.q.tze:q'a

chi.q.tze:q'a


'ho/she/it hit us-all'



'he/she/it hit them'



'we hit you/him/her/
it'


'we hit you-all/them'



'we-all hit him/her/
it'
'we-all hit them'


'you-all hit me'

'you-all hit him/
her/it'
'you-all hit us'

'you-all hit them'






'they hit him/her/it'



'they hit us-all'









Thus the pairs Isg 2sg, Isg 3sg;

Isg 2pl, Isg 3pl;

Ipl excl 2sg, Ipl excl 3sg;

Ipl excl 2pl, Ipl excl 3pl

are not different because there is no way to distinguish

the patient when the agent necessitates use of the enclitic.

Furthermore, the combinations 3sg Isg

3sg 2sg

3sg lpl excl

3sg 2pl

3pl Isg

3pl 2sg

3pl Ipl excl

3pl 2pl

are not realized because the agent does not take an

enclitic and therefore the patient cannot.

The combination 3pl 3pl seems to be impossible only

for semantic reasons; it is too confusing to specify

this combination through perfixes, so separate noun

phrases are used instead. Separate noun phrases can

always be used to indicate agent and patient, or to

clarify them, so that the morphologically impossible

combinations of agent and patient are still able to be

expressed in other ways.

One transitive verb se7- 'do' is defective and only

occurs with the interrogative particle ti: 'what?':

ti: q.se7 'what are we going to do?'









2.2.1.2 INTRANSITIVE VERBS

Intransitive verbs use only one set of person

markers to indicate the subject, and use the intransitive

forms of the suffixes of mode. The subject is normally

indicated by Set B person markers, but Set A is used

in certain subordinate constructions. There is a

subclass of intransitive verbs which can be called affect

verbs. Formally they are similar to other intransitive

verbs, but have a distinctive derivation (2.4 #33, #80)

and are also distinctive syntactically (2.6.5.2) and

semantically. They generally describe the manner in

which an action is performed, and therefore combine

verbal and adverbial functions. Examples:

leqeqe:n 'walk stooped over'

wit'it'i:n 'go running'

lach'ach'a:n 'go on all fours'

The forms of one intransitive verb xi7- 'go'

cannot be predicted. In the non-potential they are:

ma chi:n.x.a 'I went'

ma t.xi7 'he/she went'

ma qo7x 'we went'

ma che7x 'they went'

In the potential they are:

chin.x.e:l.a 'I will go'

k.x.e:l. 'he/she will go'

etc.








2.2.2 NOUNS


Most nouns can be possessed by Set A person prefixes

and person enclitics. They serve as the head of a noun

phrase and can be modified by adjectives.

Example of a possessed noun:

ja: 'house'

n.ja:.ya 'my house'

t.ja:.ya 'your house'

t.ja: 'his/her/its house'

q.ja:.ya 'our house (not yours)'

q.ja: 'our house (everyone)'

ky.ja:.ya 'you-all's house'

ky.ja: 'their house'

Example of a modified noun:

mati:j ja: 'big house'

jun ja: mati:j 'a big house'

There are a large number of common nouns which meet these

criteria. In addition there are a number of subclasses

of nouns.


2.2.2.1 RELATIONAL NOUNS

There is a small set of relational nouns which

indicate grammatical relationships between other nouns

in the sentence. The grammatical relationships are

generally those of case or location. Many of the

relational nouns are related to common nouns, usually









body parts. Relationals are always possessed unless

preceded by the interrogative particle al 'who?'. The

relationals (given in 3sg form) and the common nouns

to which they are related are:

Location: Relational Noun Common Noun

t.witz 'on' witz.b'aj 'fac

t-xe:l 'instead of' xe:l.b'aj 'rep
men
t-xo:l 'between' xo:l.b'aj 'int

t.txlaj 'beside'

t.i:b'(aj) 'over'

t.jaq' 'below' jaq'.b'aj 'cus

t-xe 'under' t-xe:7 'its

t.uj 'in'

t.wi7 'above' wi7.b'aj 'hea

t.txa7n 'at the edge' txa7m.b'aj 'nos

t.b'utx' 'at the corner'

t.tzi:7 'at the entrance' tzi:.b'aj 'mou

t.i7j.la 'around'

Case: t.i7j 'about, by'

(topic)

t.u:k.(al) 'with' t.u:k'al 'his
pan
(associative)

t.u7n 'by, because of,
with'
(agent, causative,
instrument)
t.e: 'to, of, at, for'

(dative, possessive,
benefactive, patient)
t.i:b'(aj) 'reflexive'


e'

lace-
t'
erval'





hion'

root'



d'

e'


th'


com-
ion'









Examples:

Location:

At jun el jun wo:7 at ta:l tuj jun a7.

'Once upon a time there was a toad that had its
offspring in the water.'

at jun el jun wo:7 dt ta:l
there is one time one toad there is its offspring

tuj jun a7
in one water


Jawle:t jun xaq kye:7yax tjaq' yo:xh tx'otx' tkub'.

'A precious stone appeared below the red earth.'

jawle:t jun xaq kye:7yax tjaq' yo:xh
it appeared one stone precious below red

tx'otx' tkub'
earth it went down


Ma:xtzan ktza:jal asta ma:x twi7 witz.

'Well, it has to come from there above the hill.'

ma:xtzan ktza:jal asta ma:x
well up to there it will come up to to there

twi7 witz
above it hill

Case:

Topic:

Ju:n txile:n ti7j axi7n ojtxa.

'An explanation about corn in the old days.'

ju:n txile:n ti7j axi7n ojtxa
one its explanation about corn before









Associative:

Nqo:kka te:na yo:lal tu:k' mati: Li:xh Pe:ls,

'And we started to talk with Andres Perez,'

nq:okka te:na yo:lal tu:k' mati:
we entered it is to talk with important

Li:xh Pe:ls
Andr6s Perez


Agent:

Ax leq'ch ma tza:j a7 kyu7na.

'Also you-all brought the water from far away.'

ax leq'ch ma tza:j a7 kyu7na
also from far away it came water by you-all


Causative:

Tokb'aj tzi:7 ch'el tu7n nima:l xaq.

'The beak of the parrot was finished because of the
rock.'

tokb'aj tzi:7 ch'el tu7n
it was finished beak parrot because of

nima:l xaq
big rock


Instrumental:

Ma aq'na:n Kye:l tu7n asdo:n.

'Miguel worked with a hoe.'

ma aq'na:n Kye:l tu7n asdo:n
he worked Miguel with hoe


Dative:

B'isan kye:tzanma ma txi7 qq'o7na kyaqi:lkax o:nb'il.

'Soon we gave them all the help.'








b'isan kye:tzanma ma txi7 qq'o7na kyaqi:lkax
soon well them man we gave it away all

o:nb'il
help


Possessive:

Per ente:r jun we:ky' ktzajal kyq'o7na.

'But you're going to give me mine whole.'

per ente:r jun we:ky' ktzajal kyq'o7na
but whole one mine you-all will give here


Benefactive:

Ma chitzye:t che:j te: kyajwi:l.

'The horses were rounded up for their owner.'

ma chitzye:t che:j te: kyajwi:l
they were rounded up horse for their owner


Patient:

Tne:jal ul a:j qo7ya awtorisa:7ral te: komite:.

'First we came to authorize (it) the committee.'

tne:jal ul a:j qo7ya awtorisa:7ral te: komite:
first came us to authorize it committee


Reflexive:

Nb'ajtzan qma7na qilqi:b'xa.

'And we were talking among ourselves.'

nb'ajtzan qma7na qilqi:b'xa
we were finishing talking among ourselves


2.2.2.2 MEASURE WORDS

Measure words are a class of nouns which are never

possessed and which describe specific measures of








quantity. In a phrase they are preceded by a number or

the interrogative particle jte7 'how many?', and are

usually followed by a noun referring to the substance

to be measured. Many are also common nouns; others are

only used as measures. There is'a fairly large number

of measure words in the language, and they have a high

degree of specificity.

Examples: Measure Word Common Noun

ba:s 'glassful (Sp)' ba:s 'glass'

ma71 'shot of liquor'

laq 'plateful' laq 'plate'

pixh 'piece'

txut 'drop' txut 'drop'


2.2.2.3 NAMES

Given names and surnames are only rarely possessed,

and are usually borrowed from Spanish. A very few Mam

names remain in use.

Examples: Given Names Surnames

Li:xh 'Andres' Pe:ls 'Perez'

Lo:xh 'Alonso' Tmi:nk 'Domingo'

Chep 'Jos' To:ntz 'Ord6fez'

Wa:na 'Juana' Tis 'Ortiz'

Mal 'Maria' Mna:l 'Maldonado'

Xwa:n 'Juan' Mi:ntz 'Mendez'

Li:na 'Catarina'

Wi:t 'Natividad'








2.2.2.4 TOPONYMS

Toponyms name places. Many of them are descriptive

compounds, and often the components cannot be synchronical-

ly recovered. Relational nouns for location figure

greatly in the compounds.

Examples:

Chna7jal 'Huehuetenango'

I7tzal 'Ixtahuacan'

Tuj Ch'yaq 'Tuchiac'

Jlajxa 'Mexico'

Meq'maja7 'Quezaltenango'


2.2.2.5 PRONOUNS

Pronouns maintain the same distinctions as do

nouns, but use person markers that are more like Set B

than Set A. There are essentially two different sets

of pronouns: one which functions as independent,

demonstrative, copulative, identificational, and

equative pronouns; and one which is locative or

existential.

The sets are:

Independent Locative

'this is X' 'X is (in a place)'

Isg (a:) q.i:n.a (a)t.i:n.a

2sg a:.ya (a)t.(a7.y)a

3sg a: (a)t.(a7)









Ipl excl (a:) qo7.ya (a)t.o7.ya

Ipl incl (a:) qo7 (a)t.o7

2pl a:.qa.ya (a)t.e7.ya

3pl a:.qa (a)t.e7

To make an equative pronoun a noun is substituted for

the demonstrative a: of the independent pronoun.

Example with a noun base:

'X is a person'

Isg xja:l.q.i:n.a

2sg xja:l.a

3sg xja:l

Ipl excl xja:l qo7.ya

Ipl incl xja:l qo7

2pl xja:l.qa.ya

3pl xja:l.qa

Example with an adjective base:

'X is tired'

lsg sikynaj q.i:n.a

2sg sikynaj.a

3sg sikynaj

Ipl excl sikynaj qo7.-ya

Ipl incl sikynaj qo7

2pl sikynaj.qa.ya

3pl sikynaj.qa

The demonstrative base is optional is the rest of

the pronoun is phonologically independent; that is, the

first person forms.









Note the optional /a/ which can begin the locative

forms. This frequently is used in the second and third

person singular forms, in which case the /a7/ element

is usually dropped. Consequently there are two common

forms for second and third person singular of the

locative pronouns:

2sg ata ta7ya

3sg at 1' ta7

Analysis shows that all the pronouns use the usual

set of enclitics to mark second person. The independent

pronouns include elements which mark +lsg and +lpl,

but have nothing for -Isg and -Ipl. The distinction

between singular and plural for non-first person is

indicated by the plural enclitic qa. The locative

pronouns have a locative element {t-} and then add the

first and non-first markers and the enclitics. The

person markers in both sets are probably related to

Set B prefixes.

Demonstrative Locative Set B

q.i:n- -i:n- chih-

0 0 -a7- 0

qo7 -o7- qo-

0 -e7- chi-

Examples of pronouns in-sentences:

...b'ix aya kye:qaj te7 ti7j Ra:nch.

'...and those who are in Turrancho.'








b'ix aya kye:qaj te7 ti7j Ra:nch
and those of them they are Turrancho


Ta7 ma:x ja:.

'He is in the house.'

ta7 ma:x ja:
he is up to house


Noqtzan pwaq at.

'Well, only the money is there.'

noqtzan pwaq at
well only money there is


Sikynaj qi:na.

'I'm tired.'

sikynaj qi:na
tired I


Tne:jal ul a:j qo7ya awtorisa:7ral te: komite:.

'First we came to authorize the committee '

tne:jal ul a:j qo7ya awtorisa:7ral te: komite:
first came us to authorize it committee


2.2.3 ADJECTIVES


Adjectives modify nouns and are not inflected in

any way. An adjective normally precedes the noun it

modifies. Variations in this structure are discussed

in section 2.5, Phrase Formation.

Examples:

Cha7x ki:n tib'la:1 twe:x po:xh.

'The color of the pants of the scarecrow is blue.'








cha7x ki:n tib'la:l twe:x po:xh
blue it looks its color his pants scarecrow


Ba:ysan we:ky' chitzanta kyaa q'ankyo:q.

'"I can," said the red lightning.'

ba:ysan we:ky' chitzanta kyaq q'ankyo:q
well good of me it said red lightning

There are two subclasses of adjectives: demonstratives

and numbers.


2.2.3.1 DEMONSTRATIVES

Demonstratives precede nouns and require other

adjectives to follow nouns. They are:

aj 'this, that'

ajaj 'this, that'

a: 'this, that'

b'ixh 'that (referring to females)'

naq 'that'


2.2.3.2 NUMBERS

Numbers precede nouns, never follow them, and

require that other adjectives follow nouns. The number

one also functions as an indefinite article. The

numbers are:

ju:n 1 junla:j 11 wi:nqan ju:n 21

kab' 2 kab'la:j 12 wi:nqan kab' 22

o:x 3 oxla:j 13 etc.

kya:j 4 kyajla:j 14

jwe7 5 ola:j 15








qaq 6 qaqla:j 16

wu:q 7 wuqla:j 17

wajxaq 8 wajxaqla:j 18

b'elaj 9 b'elajla:j 19

la:j 10 wi:nqan 20


winaq la:j 30

kya7wnaq 40

oxk'a:l 60

junmutx' 80

The numbers above twenty are only rarely used in

Ixtahuacan, and are not usually known by any but very

old speakers. Instead, Spanish numbers are borrowed.

It was not possible to elicit more than the numbers

given here. While the number system is undoubtedly

derived from the old base twenty Mayan system in which

each interval over twenty was counted on the way to the

next twenty (that is, twenty-one was one on the way to

forty), it has changed and disappeared so that the only

remnants are the original numbers from one to nineteen

and the numbers for twenty, forty, sixty, and eighty.

To all intents and purposes the number system is now

decimal.



2.2.4 AFFECT WORDS


Affect words describe an action, a movement, the

moment of doing something, or a sound or noise. They









always precede the verb. They are not onomatopoeic,

or only minimally so, but there are certain phonological

conventions which go with certain types of actions.

Momentaneous or abrupt actions are described by affect

words which usually terminate in a single consonant.

Longer actions may reduplicate the entire word, redupli-

cate part of the word, reduplicate the final consonant,

or may lengthen the vowel. Examples are:

Ni7m se:x xja:l tu7n che:j.

'Umph! the horse pushed the man.'

ni7m se:x xja:l tu7n che:j
umph he went out person by horse


Am jaq so:kx tlame:l kamu:n.

'Suddenly, bang! the bathroom door slammed.'

am jaq so:kx tlame:l kamu:n
suddenly bang it went in its door outhouse


jejeje:y 'the sound of laughter' (partial reduplica-
tion)
ch'aw ch'aw 'the sound of a hammar on metal' (complete
reduplication)
matz matz 'the action of scissors cutting hair'
(complete reduplication)
kall 'the movement of a flea walking beneath the body
hair' (reduplication of final consonant)
tzi:7r 'the action of shooting' (lengthened vowel)



2.2.5 PARTICLES


There are a very large number of particles with

various functions, including interrogatives, negatives,

affirmatives, conjunctions, locatives, temporals, manner








particles, exclamations, vocatives, adverbials, and

others. Particles by definition are never inflected

or derived, but they may be compounded and add enclitics.

Lists of the various particles follow--they are not

exhaustive. Note that many of the particles are

Spanish loans, primarily among the affirmatives,

conjunctions, other adverbials, and others.


2.2.5.1 INTERROGATIVES

Interrogatives usually function as introducers of

questions and also as introducers of various clauses

which answer the questions.

alkye: 'who?'

al 'who?'

al uj 'in what?'

al u:k'al 'with whom?'

al u7n 'by whom?'

al e: 'of whom?'

al 17J 'for, about whom?'

jtoj 'when?'

jatuma 'where?'

ja: 'where?'

jte7 'how much, many?'

tza7n 'how?'

ti: 'what?'

ti: tqal 'what?'

ti ti:l 'what?'









ti: qu7n

jniky'

niky 'pu:n

je7ky

kwa:nto


'why?'

'what time?'

'what size?'

'how are you?'

'when?' (Sp)


2.2.5.2 NEGATIVES

Most negatives are formed from a negative root

mi:, but they are not synchronically analyzable.

mi:7n 'no'

nla:y u mila:y 'it's not possible'

miju:n 'no one'

me7a:l 'no one'

tz'i:nan 'no one/nothing is here'

nti7 m miti7 'there isn't'

nya:7 miya:7 'it isn't'

nja:7 'it isn't'

na7x 'still not'

mi: % mi:x 'no'

mixti7 'there isn't'

ky'e:nan 'no one'

mi:ky' 'it isn't like that'

miwtla 'hope not'

i: n i:chaq 'it doesn't matter'

qami: 'if not'









2.2.5.3 AFFIRMATIVES

ja7ka

ok

ki:

jo:7

ba:y

bye :n

we:na


2.2.5.4 CONJUNCTIONS

b'ix

mo

i:

pera

ento:ns

pwe: s

yajtzan

mes

ax

sineke


2.2.5.5 LOCATIVES

(ma)chi:7w

tzlu:7

jlaj

lu:7

ma:x(a)

asta


'it's possible'

'yes'

'it's okay'

'yes, that's'it'

'okay' (Sp)

'good, okay' (Sp)

'good, okay' (Sp)




'and'

'or'

'and' (Sp)

'but' (Sp)

'then' (Sp)

'then, well' (Sp)

'and then'

'and (subordinator)'

'also'

'but rather' (Sp)




'there'

'here'

'on the other side'

'it's here'

'up to, over there'

'up to' (Sp)









2.2.5.6 TEMPORALS

ja71a

yajxa

ma:ky'

qa:71a

ma: yi:n

nchi7j

e:w

ch'ix

ojtxa

ya:

a:txax

b'isan

despwe:s

kukx

k'itxqe:

pri:mx

kuxi7

alpi:n

j omaj x

na:j


'now'

later'

'just now'

'afternoon'

'a little while ago'

'tomorrow'

'yesterday'

'right now'

'before'

'now' (Sp)

'a long time ago'

'soon'

'after' (Sp)

'still'

'a little while ago'

'early' (Sp)

'every little while'

'at last' (Sp)

'always'

'soon'


2.2.5.7 MANNER PARTICLES

kyja7 'like this'

iky 'like this'

jora:t 'quickly'

che:b'a 'slowly'








jonga:na 'strongly' (Sp)

tx'u7jb'an 'at full speed'

jona7wax 'instantly'

junya:7 'quickly'

e71akyim 'as quickly as possible'

b'a:ka 'little by little'

chi:x 'suddenly'

qit 'at times'

te:mb'ix 'always'

yalnax 'usually, simply'

kaba:l 'completely' (Sp)

ka:si 'almost' (Sp)

b'i7x 'all at once'

lije:r 'rapidly' (Sp)

q'ab'a:l 'by accident'

kix 'like this'

ga:na 'in vain' (Sp)


2.2.5.8 EXCLAMATIONS

a 'don't bother me!'

aju: 'exclamation, fear of cold water'

ak 'exclamation, fear of hot water or fire'

a:y 'oh!'

a7n 'don't bother me!'

a7ny 'what a shame!'

ena:n 'exclamation of fright'

e:q'a 'fat chance! (between men)'









kye7

i7y

yi:

ye

o:y

ja:7

kyi:7ra


2.2.5.9 VOCATIVES

o:m

q'any

q'oy7

ya:7

o:w

na:n

ta:t


'fat chance! (between women)'

'how filthy!'

'what's happening!'

'how nice'

'fat chance!'

'right!'

'ridiculous!'


'you (familiar between men)'

'you (familiar between men)'

'you (familiar between women)'

'you (familiar between women)'

'you (familiar between spouses)'

'mom, ma'am'

'dad, sir'


2.2.5.10 OTHER ADVERBIALS

o7kx 'only'

noq 'only'

so:la 'only' (Sp)

puro 'very' (Sp)

ma:s 'more' (Sp)

ch'i:n 'a little'

yi:n 'a little'

ni7xa 'a few'

mejo:r 'better' (Sp)

pyo:r 'worse' (Sp)









2.2.5.11 Other Particles

kuna 'goodbye (first speaker)'

ku: 'goodbye (second speaker)'

a:x 'the same'

par 'for' (Sp)

base:r 'it will be' (Sp)

b'a:nchaq 'thanks that'

mas bye:n 'rather' (Sp)

dya:y 'hi, what's up' (Sp)

jodi:da 'what a mess' (Sp)

elj 'in case'

kisan 'right'

maj 'time (vez)'

el 'time (vez)'

b'ala 'maybe'

qapa 'maybe'

je:7kyala 'who knows'

ku:ya 'who knows'

baqa 'hardly'

sabe:r 'who knows' (Sp)

ke: 'that' (Sp)

el(a7) 'when (subordin'ator)'

qa(ma) 'if'

aj 'when (subordinator)'

kye:7yax 'good, beautiful'

nema:s 'everyone else' (Sp)

porke: 'because' (Sp)









komo 'like' (Sp)

berda: 'right (rhetorical)' (Sp)

i: 'that (subordinator)'

i:l 'necessary'

jlu:7 'this one, that one'



2.2.6 ADVERBS


There are a few derived adverbs in Mam, which

because they are derived, are not particles. Their

derivation is described in 2.4.5. These words are

the heads of adverb phrases, and include directions and

time in the future and in the past.

Examples:

jawnax 'up'

ka:7j 'in two days'

jna:b'a 'a year ago'



2.2.7 REVIEW OF INFLECTION


In the charts that follow, certain conventions are

used. Double lines indicate juncture or places where

elements are separable from the rest of the word. +

indicates an obligatory element, while indicates an

optional element. The horizontal lines show that either

the first five aspects or mode is obligatory, but that

they do not co-occur. The aspect ok is optional with

the potential mode.










2.2.7.1 VERB INFLECTION

Transitive Verb:


Intransitive Verb:

Aspect SetB Stem Mode Enclitics
subject


ma

o



x-






ok

+


chin-

Otz-
tz'-I k-
qo-

chi-


a ya

a ya

a ya

a n ya
as ya


-1
(pot)


0
( imp)
+ + + +










2.2.7.2 NOUN INFLECTION


Possessed Noun:

Set A (possessor) Stem Enclitics


n-xw- a t ya

t- a ya

q- a ya

ky- a ya

+ + +


2.3 ROOT CLASSES


Roots form the nuclei of words. The classes of

roots are defined morphologically by the types of

affixes which occur with each class, or by the internal

changes which a root class may undergo during word

formation. The root classes are verb, positional,

noun, adjective, affect, and particle. Most roots belong

unequivocally to one class, but a few roots are

ambiguous as to class.



2.3.1 VERB ROOTS



2.3.1.1 TRANSITIVE ROOTS

Transitive roots are always bound and can form

transitive verbs without derivation. Example:









tzuy- 'grab'

ma 0.t.tzuy 'he grabbed it'


2.3.1.2 INTRANSITIVE ROOTS

Intransitive roots are always bound and can form

intransitive verbs without derivation. Example:

kyim- 'die'

ma 0.kyim 'he died'



2.3.2 POSITIONAL ROOTS


Positional roots are bound forms which must be

derived to form words, always with a change in class.

Some of the particular derivational affixes which form

words from positional roots are specific to this root

class, and most commonly form verbs or adjectives. The

adjectives thus formed indicate that something has

the position, form, or state described by the root, while

the verb indicates that something is becoming like or

is placed like that described by the root. Positional

roots have a semantic element in common; they generally

describe position, form, or state of an object, and

imply absence of movement. (For positional specific

derivation, see the chart in section 2.46; for more

on positionals, see 4.3.) Example:

tutz'- 'seated'

tutz'l 'seated (adjective form)'









2.3.3 NOUN ROOTS


Noun roots usually are free forms which form

nouns with no further derivation. There are a number of

subclasses of noun roots, defined by changes which

the root undergoes in either the possessed or absolute

form. (The numbers by which the noun root classes are

identified correspond to the numbers used in the Mam

dictionary being compiled at the PLFM in Antigua,

Guatemala.)


2.3.3.1 S1

These are roots which do not change under possession.

The root is a free form. Example:

k'o:j 'mask'

n.k'o:j.a 'my mask'


2.3.3.2 Sla

The root is a free form and the last vowel of the

root is lengthened under possession. It should be

noted that all noun roots of the shape CV7C fall into

this category, but there are many roots without glottal

stop which also lengthen the final vowel under possession.

Examples:

xaq 'stone'

n.xa:q.a 'my stone'


ne71 'sheep'

n.ne:71.a 'my sheep'









2.3.3.3 Sib

The penultimate vowel of the root is lengthened

under possession and the root is a free form. Because

unstressed vowels are often dropped or neutralized

(see 1.6.1 and 1.6.2), it is usually necessary to have

both forms to know the base form of the root. Example:

tz'lom 'plank'

n.tz'a:lma.ya 'my plank'

l|tz'alomjl base form


2.3.3.4 S2

The root is a free form and adds a suffix {-V(:)l}

for the possessed form. There are only four roots of

this class, all of which can also be possessed without

adding the suffix, suggesting that the class may be

disappearing in this dialect of Mam. Examples:

chiky' 'blood'

n.chiky'.e:l.a 'my blood'


xja:l 'person'

n.xja:l.al.a 'my person'


xi:naq 'man'

n.xinaq.i:l.a 'my man'


xu7j 'woman'

n.xu7j.al.a 'my wife'








2.3.3.5 S3

The root is a bound form. For the absolute form

is adds a suffix {-b'aj -j}, and drops that suffix

under possession. All the roots of this class are objects

which are usually possessed by humans. Most of the roots

that take {-b'aj} are body parts and relatives, while

most of the roots that take {-j} are articles of

clothing. General food terms fall into both categories.

Not all body parts, relatives, foods, and clothing

are in this class, and the semantic distinction

between the two suffixes is not perfect. Examples:

{-b'aj}

qam.b'aj 'foot'

n.qan.a 'my foot'


ya:.b'aj 'grandmother'

n.ya:7.ya 'my grandmother'

a:m. 'skirt'

wa:m. 'my skirt'
w.a:m.a 'my skirt'


lo7.j 'fruit (picked)'

n.lo7.ya 'my fruit'

Exceptions to the semantic categories:

{-b' aj }

txo7w.b'aj 'blanket'

xmu:j.b'aj 'shawl'

ky'itz.b'aj 'belt'









{-j }

i:m.j 'breast'

One word, pa:sb'il 'hat', falls into this cl-.ss although

the suffix in the absolute form is not {-b'aj -j}.

The suffix is {-b'il}, probably an instrumental (2.4.2),

but under possession it is dropped, just like other

articles of clothing: n.pa:s.a 'my hat'.


2.3.3.6 NEVER POSSESSED NOUN ROOTS

These roots are free forms which are never possessed,

primarily on semantic grounds; that is, the nouns

refer to things which are not considered possessable.

The class includes measure words, place names, and others,

many of which are natural phenomena. Examples:

kya7j 'sky'

laq 'plateful (measure word)'

che7w 'star'


2.3.3.7 ALWAYS POSSESSED NOUN ROOTS

These are bound forms which are always possessed,

usually and sometimes exclusively by a third person

possessor. Most of these roots refer to parts of objects

(non-human, and usually inanimate)." Some roots

belong to this class when they refer to objects and

belong to class S3 when they refer to people. All

relational nouns are of this class. Examples:

t.lok' 'its root'

t.b'aq' 'its seed'









2.3.4 ADJECTIVE ROOTS


Adjective roots are free forms which form

adjectives without derivation. Example:

yo:xh 'red'



2.3.5 AFFECT ROOTS


These are free forms which form affect words

without derivation. Some roots reduplicate entirely or

in part to form words. Example:

lem 'the action of closing'



2.3.6 PARTICLE ROOTS


These are free forms and by definition do not add

affixes to form words. They may take enclitics, however,

and there are also some compound stems. Example:

iky 'like this'



2.3.7 CANONICAL SHAPE OF ROOTS


The most common root shape is CVC, and most roots

end in C. Some root classes (verbs, positionals, affect

roots) are quite restricted as to shape. In the shapes

which follow, the first consonant can be considered

optional, giving vowel initial roots of the same shapes,

except for positionals, which never begin with a vowel.

Note that nC is the only possible cluster in final

position.









2.3.7.1 TRANSITIVE ROOT SHAPES


'burn up firewood'

'do'

'grab'

'singe'


2.3.7.2 INTRANSITIVE ROOT SHAPES

CV7 xi7-

CV:7 kye:7-

CVC b'aj-

CV7C tz'e7y-

CV:C ch'i:y-


2.3.7.3 POSITIONAL ROOT SHAPES

CVC pew-

CVnC wank-


2.3.7.4 NOUN ROOT SHAPES

CV: b'a:

CV:7 kya:7

CVC jos

CV7C ch'i7x

CV:C b'a:q

CV:7C mu:7n

CVnC chank

CV:nC pe:nky'

CV7V:C sa7a:n

CV:CV q'e:b'a


'go'

'reach, last'

'finish'

'burn'

'grow'




discoidd'

'in form of a ball'




'mole'

'type of caterpillar'

'egg'

'thorn'

'bone'

'seedling'

'instrument for rolling
thread'
'type of flower'

'part of a loom'

'type of tree'


CV

CV7

CVC

CV7C


se-

se7-

tzuy-

ch'i71-









CVCVC

CVCV: C

CV7CVC

CV:CVC

CCVC

CCV:C


chinab'

ky'ija:j

wi7tan

si:k'al

b'laq

jb'a:l


2.3.7.5 ADJECTIVE

CV7

CV:

CV:7

CVC

CV7C

CV:C

CVnC

CV7nC

CVCV:7

CV:CV

CVCVC

CVCV:C

CCVC

CCV7C


ROOT SHAPES

chi7

k'a:

ne:7

ch'ul

b'a7n

ju:ch'

b'onk

ri7nk

neqa:7

me:b'a

pak'at

mati:j

jyom

tx'le7j


'sweet'

'bitter'

'small'

'squishy'

'good'

'narrow'

'fat'

'like tiny birds without
feathers'
'near'

'poor'

'subsoil-like'

'big'

'hollow stick'

'hairless'


2.3.7.6 AFFECT ROOT

CVC

CV7C

CV:

CV:7


SHAPES

quy

txa7q'

pi:

ke:7


'movement of a worm'

'crunch (sound)'

'a call for turkeys'

'song of chickens'


'marimba'

'twine'

'cypress'

'oak'

'corn cob'

'rain'









CV:C

CV:7C


ku:w

tzi :7r


2.3.7.7 PARTICLE ROOT SHAPES

CV qa

CV7 kye7

CV: ti:

CV:7 jo:7

CVC ch'ix

CV7C tza7n

CV:C na:j

CV:7C mi:7n

CVCV baqa

CV:CV ma:xa

CV7CV ja71a

CVnC q'any

CVCVC b'isan

CVCV:C jora:t

CCV7 kyja7


'song of doves'

'action of shooting'




'if'

'fat chance!'

'what?'

'okay'

'now'

'how?'

'soon'

'no'

'hardly'

'up to'

'now'

'you (familiar between
men)'
'soon'

'quickly'

'like this'


2.4 STEM FORMATION


The topic discussed in this section is the formation

of stems through derivation. There is a large class of

derivational affixes which form new stems from roots

and stems by changing the stem class or the lexical

meaning of the root or stem to which they are added, or

both. The section is arranged according to the class









of the derived stem; a chart at the end also shows

which roots and stems can take which affixes. Information

about each affix is arranged according to the following

format:

1. number, morpheme, gloss

2. allomorphs and distribution

3. function

4. productivity

5. examples

6. other remarks


1) 1. {S-}

2. s- xh- x- ch- lexicallyy determined)

3. Derives noun, transitive, adjective, affect stems

from noun, transitive, adjective, and affect

roots or stems, usually with no change in

class. The change in meaning is usually very

slight, and seems to be mostly a change in

specificity of reference. These prefixes

provide a way to derive new vocabulary as needed.

4. Productive

5. Examples:

q'an 'ripe' (A) xhq'an 'yellow' (a)t



t The following abbreviations are used: T = transitive
root, I = intransitive root, P = positional root,
N = noun root, A = adjective root, AF = affect root,
t = transitive stem, i = intransitive stem, n = noun
stem, a = adjective stem, af = affect stem.









k'a: 'bitter' (A) xk'a: 'bile (n)

juk 'short and fat' (A) chjuk 'fat,
potbellied' (a)

toq' 'frog' (N) + xtoq' 'frog' (n)

wit'- 'jump' (T) xwit'- 'jump' (t)

che7w 'cold' (A) sche7w shiveringn' (a)


2) 1. Reduplication

2.

3. There are various forms of reduplication which

create stems of several classes and for which

there are not enough examples to generalize.

4. Nonproductive

5. Examples:

k'uxk'ub' 'a type of high grass' (n)

saqtz'utz'ub' 'partly dry' (a)

xko7j 'brown' (A) xkojkojte:7 'spiny plant,
yellow in color' (n)

pixhixhi:7 'a water bird' (n)

jet- 'uneven' (P) jetetje:7 'uneven'

waqlaq 'a type of bird' (n)



2.4.1 VERB FORMATION


3) 1. {-V:} 'stem formative'

2. 0 after stems or roots which end in a long vowel

or vowel glottal stop (CV:, CV:7, CVCCV:);

vowel length after roots which end in a short









vowel (CV);

-a after stems or roots which end in a consonant

and have a long vowel or vowel glottal stop

(CV:C, CV7C, CVCV7C);

-a: -u: n -o: after stems or roots which end

in a consonant and have a short vowel (CVC,

CVCC). The vowel chosen is lexically determined.

3. a. The stem formative is obligatory in the

formation of certain verb words:

1) It occurs before the verbal noun suffix

{-1} and the agentive suffix {-1} (both

transitive and intransitive stems and roots).

2) It occurs before the intransitivizing suffix

{-n}, the participle suffix {-7n}, the

processive suffixes {-7kj}, {-7tz}, and the

passive suffix {-njtz}.

3) It occurs optionally for transitive roots in

the non-potential if the root shape is CVC,

and obligatorily for other shapes.

4) It occurs before the transitive imperative

{-m}.

b. The stem formative derives transitive stems

from noun, positional, and affect roots.

4. Productive

5. Examples:




Full Text

PAGE 1

MAM GRAWIAR IN OUTLINE By NORA CLEARMAN ENGLAND A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF THE UNI^/ERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1975

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Copyright ?y Nora Clearman England 1975

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To Prederica de Laguna for introducing me to anthropology

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to acknowledge the great assistance given me in the preparation of this dissertation byJuan Maldonado Andres and Juan Ordonez Domingo , native Mam speakers from San Ildefonso Ixtahuacan. They worked with me for over two years in the analysis of Mam, and much of the data collection and some of the analysis is specifically their work. Above all they had great patience in guiding me through the intricacies of their language. Dr. M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista vjas my advisor at the University of Florida, and I would like to thank her very warmly for her supervision of my graduate education. She has at all times been exciting to work under, and her understanding of the complexities of language has inspired all her students to look deeper and do more in their own work. It has indeed been a privilege to work with her. Dr. Terrence Kaufman directed my fieldwork and helped me to understand much about Mam and Mayan languages. Many of the terms used here and some of the format are his. It was a pleasure to work under someone who is as meticulous and as knowledgeable about Mayan languages as he. iv

PAGE 6

I would also like to thank my examining committee, whose members ai^e Dr. Hardman , Dr. William E. Carter, Dr. Charles Wagley, Dr. Norman Markel, and Dr. Alexander Moore, for their time and guidance. Finally, I would like to acknowledge the Proyecto ' Linguistico Francisco Marroquin, in Antigua Guatemala, for institutional support during the period in which I did my fieldv/ork, and the United States Peace Corps for support in the field from August, 1971 to December, 1973The linguistic students and staff at the Proyecto Linguistico Francisco Marroquin v;ere a pleasure to work with and provided both professional and informal assistance.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements • Iv Conventions and Abbreviations x Abstract jci 0. Introduction .1 . 1 The Language and the People 1 0. 2 Research 9 . 3 Personnel 10 0.4 Previous Studies 12 o .5 Scope 14 1 . Phonology 17 1 . 1 Phonemic Inventory 17 1.2 Phonem.ic Description l8 1.2.1 Consonants l8 1.2.2 Vowels 26 1.2.3 Glottal Stop 31 1.2.4 Juncture 33 1. 3 Stress 35 1.4 The Syllable 36 1 . 5 Morphophonemics 36 1.5.1 Vowel Dropping 37 1.5.2 Vowel Neutralization 37 1.5.3 Vowel Synthesis 38 1.5.4 /y/ Insertion 38 1.5.5 Glottal Stop and Glottalized Consonant Alternation 39 1.5.6 Movement of Glottal Stop Toward Long Vowels 40 1.5-7 Nasal Alternation 4l 2 . Grammatical Process 42 2 . 1 Morpheme Classes 42 2.2 Word Classes 43 2.2.1 Verbs 43 2.2.1.1 Transitive Verbs 48 2.2.1.2 Intransitive Verbs 52 2.2.2 Nouns 53 2.2.2.1 Relational Nouns 53 2.2.2.2 Measure Words 57 vi

PAGE 8

2.2.2.3 Name s 58 2.2.2.4 Toponyms 59 2.2.2.5 Pronouns 59 2.2.3 Adjectives 62 2.2.3.1 Demonstratives 63 2.2.3.2 Numbers '.'.'.63 2.2.4 Affect V/ords 64 2.2.5 Particles 65 2.2.5.1 Interrogative s 66 2.2.5.2 Negatives 67 2.2.5.3 Affirmatives 68 2.2.5.4 Conjunctions 68 2.2.5.5 Locatives 68 2.2.5.6 Temporals 69 2.2.5.7 Manner Particles 69 2.2.5.8 Exclamations 70 2.2.5.9 Vocatives 71 2.2.5.10 Other Adverbials 71 2.2.5.11 Other Particles 72 2.2.6 Adverbs 73 2.2.7 Review of Inflection 73 2.2.7.1 Verb Inflection 74 2.2.7.2 Noun Inflection 75 2 . 3 Root Classes 75 2.3.1 Verb Roots 75 2.3.1.1 Transitive Roots 75 2.3.1.2 Intransitive Roots 76 2.3.2 Positional Roots 76 2.3.3 Noun Roots 77 2.3.3.1 SI 77 2.3.3.2 Sla 77 2.3.3.3 Sib 78 2.3.3.4 S2 78 2.3.3.5 S3 79 2.3.3.6 Never Possessed Noun Roots 80 2.3.3.7 Always Possessed Noun Roots 80 2.3.4 Adjective Roots 8I 2.3.5 Affect Roots 81 2.3.6 Particle Roots 8I 2.3.7 Canonical Shape of Roots 81 2.3.7.1 Transitive Root Shapes 82 2.3.7.2 Intransitive Root Shapes 82 2.3.7.3 Positional Root Shapes 82 -2.3.7.4 Noun Root Shapes 82 2.3.7.5 Adjective Root Shapes 83 2.3.7.6 Affect Root Shapes 83 2.3.7.7 Particle Root Shapes 84 2.4 Stem Formation 84 2.4.1 Verb Formation 86 2.4.1.1 Transitive Stem Formation 88 2.4.1.2 Intransitive Stem Formation 99 vll

PAGE 9

2.4.2 Noun Stem Formation 106 2.']. 3 Adjective Stem Formation 115 2. i| .4 Affect Stem Formation 121 2.4.5 Derived Adverbial Formation 122 2.4.6 Hov; Roots And Stems are Derived (in Review) 124 2.5 Phrase Formation 130 2.5.1 Verb Phrases 130 2.5.1.1 The Transitive "Verb Phrase 132 2.5.1.2 The Intransitive Verb Phrase .... 135 2.5.2 Noun Phrases 137 2.5.2.1 Third Person Noun Phrases 137 2.5.2.2 Pronoun Phrases l47 2.5.3 Adverb Phrases lj^9 2.5-3.1 Adverbials l49 2.5.3.2 Adverbial Noun Phrases 150 2.6 Sentence Formation 151 2.6.1 Simple Sentences 151 2.6.1.1 Linking Sentences 152 2.6.1.2 Intransitive Sentences 154 2.6.1.3 Transitive Sentences 156 2.6.2 Variations of Simple Sentences 158 2.6.2.1 Negatives 158 2.6.2.2 Interrogatives 160 2.6.2.3 Passives I6I 2.6.2.4 Imperatives Ia3 2.6.3 Sentence Level Clitics l64 2.6.4 Compound Sentences 178 2.6.5 Conolex Sentences I80 2.6.5.1 Verbal Nouns I8O 2.6.5.2 Subordination with Set A Person Markers I8I 2.6.5.3 Subordination with Subordinate Aspects 187 Verb Semantics 1°1 3.1 Semantic Extensions of Directionals 193 3.2 Citation Form Directionals 196 3.3 Directional Distribution 202 Grammatical Categories 203 4.1 Verbal Categories 204 4.1.1 Tim.e .' 204 4.1.2 Direction • 209 4.1.3 Transitivity 210 4.2 Person Relationships 214 4.2.1 Person Marking 214 4.2.2 Case and Location 217 4.2.3 Body and Human Metaphor 220 Vlll

PAGE 10

4. 3 Description 223 4 . 4 Emphasis 227 4.5 General Considerations 229 Appendix : Text 236 Bibliography 253 Biographical Sketch .' 256 XX

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CONVENTIONS AiND ABBREVIATIONS [ ] phonetic representation / / phonemic representation (practical orthography) { } morpheme divides morphemes in examples and texts T transitive root I intransitive root N noun root A adjective root AP affect root P positional root t transitive stem 1 intransitive stem n noun stem a adjective stem af affect stem underlining with numbers refers to phrases 1 ^ — ^_J braces under words indicate clauses (Sp) Spanish loan Dashes before or after a morpheme indicate that it is bound. Words or morphemes underlined in discursive passages are always in the phonemic orthography.

PAGE 12

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy MAM GRAMMAR IN OUTLINE By Nora Clearman England June, 1975 Chairman: M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista Major Department: Anthropology Mam is a Mayan language spoken by several hundred thousand indigenous people in highland Guatemala and Chiapas. It has the third largest number of speakers in the Mayan family, but has been relatively little described, even compared to other Mayan languages. This grammar is a description of the phonology, grammatical processes, verb semantics, and grammatical categories in Mam. It is based on data collected during more than two years of fleldwork in Guatemala. The phonology chapter contains a phonemic analysis of the language and a description oT the major morphophDnemic processes. The grammatical processes chapter describes morpheme, work, and root classes; and stem, phrase, and sentence formation. XI

PAGE 13

Root classes are verbs, posltlonals, nouns, adjectives, affect vrords, and particles. Of these all but posltlonals are matched by stem and word classes. V/ord classes are verbs, nouns, adjectives, affect v;ords, derived adverbials, and particles. Phrases types are noun, verb and adverb. Simple sentences are linking, intransitive, or transitive; in addition there are compound and complex sentences. Inflection of nouns and verbs is described under word classes, while derivational affixes are described under stem formation. In addition there are a number of clitics, which are described under word classes, phrase formation, and sentence formation. After the description of the grammatical processes, a chapter is devoted to verbal semantic categories as revealed through the use and distribution of dlrectionals in the verb phrase. A final chapter Is devoted to a discussion of the grammatical categories which are defined by the organizational principles of the language. This includes discussion of verbal categories, person relationships, description, and emphasis. An appendix gives a text in Mam, broken dovm Into morpheme segments and with both a literal interlinear and a free translation. Xll

PAGE 14

0. INTRODUCTION . 1 THE LANGUAGE AND THE* PEOPLE Mam is a Mayan language spoken in highland Guatemala in the departments of Huehuetenango , San Marcos, and Quezaltenango and also In Chiapas, Mexico. It is one of the twenty-four to thirty extant Mayan languages (Kaufman, 197^a:3it), and belongs to the Greater Mamean branch of the Eastern Mayan languages. Greater Mamean, which includes Teco, Ixll, Aguacatec, and Mam, split off from the Greater Quichean branch in approximately l400 B.C., and Mam proper has been a distinct language since about 500 A.D. (Kaufman, 197^b). There are approximately 350,000 speakers of Mam today (Kaufman, 197^a:85), which makes it the third largest Mayan language after Quiche and Cakchiquel. There is considerable dialect variation within the language; almost every town where Mam is spoken has a different dialect (there is even some variation within tovms, primarily on a geographical basis), and the differences between major dialect areas are such that intelligibility is greatly reduced. The data on which this grammar is based are from the town of San Ildefonso Ixtahuac^n,

PAGE 15

Huehuetenango , Guatemala, where a dialect of Northern Mam is spoken. These data are representative of general processes which can be found In other dialects of Northern Mam. Specific details v/lll differ on all levels of the grammar, however. The Mam people live In a part of the Guatemalan highlands which they have occupied continuously since long before the Spanish Conquest, perhaps from as early as 500 A.D. (Kaufman, 1973)Huehuetenango, partially occupied by Mam people today, may in fact have been the center of early Mayan dispersal, about 2600 B.C. (Vogt, 1969b). The area, in short, has a very long history of occupation by the Mam people and their forebears, both before and after the Spanish Conquest. Many of the present day towns ( municipios ) originated before the Conquest (Valladares, 1957:28) and each has a separate and distinct identity v;hereby people from one town regard people from other towns as strangers, even if they speak the same language (Wagley, 1969:55)Town endogamy, different styles of dress, and dialect differences help establish and maintain the identity of each town. The rarity of intermarriage between towns and the Isolation of one town from another probably have been major contributing factors in language divergence and the establishment of dialect differences. Primary ethnographic sources for the Mam area are Oakes (1951a, 1951b), Valladares (1957), and Wagley (19^1,

PAGE 16

19^9). In addition Wagley (1969) has written an excellent summary of the characteristics of the Northwestern Guatemalan area, which is mostly Inhabited by Mam speakers. The Southern Mam area has been almost ignored (Vogtj 1969a: 33). The very brief summary presented here relies on the sources mentioned above and on personal experience v.'hile doing fieldwork. The people today are primarily subsistence farmers, relying on the traditional maize, beans, and squash for their sustenance. The area in which they live also supports a wide variety of other crops which come from both the New and Old Worlds, some of v/hich supplement the basic diet, and some of which are farmed for cash (Wagley, 1969:50). The major occupation of the men is to farm and provide food and shelter for their families, while that of the v/omen is to care for the house, children, and provide some assistance with the planting or harvesting as needed. Men, in addition to farming their own lands, frequently travel to the coastal areas of Guatemala and Mexico to work as seasonal labor on the large plantations — one of the few ways they have to earn a cash income (Oakes, 1951b: 37). This labor, although comm.on, is viewed as a last resort in times of need, primarily because of the poor working conditions and dreaded lowland diseases which are absent or rarer in the highlands. Weekly local markets in all towns and some aldeas (hamlets) serve as centers for the exchange of goods.

PAGE 17

Most items are bought and sold by women in these markets (Valladares, 1957:59) except for a few things, such as manufactured clothing or large animals, which are traditionally sold by men. Some towns are noted for their "traveling salesmen" who spend time attending markets in the surrounding area to sell particular products from their towns, but there is no actual full-time trader class in the area (Wagley, 1969:61). There is also some craft specialization by town in the Mam area, whereby a particular town produces a single specialty item and sells that product in the area. For instance, people from Colotenango buy pots from Concepcidn Tutuapa, San Miguel, and Ixtahuac^n; buy mats from Jacaltenango and Huehuetenango; thread, blankets, bags, and nets from Concepcion Tutuapa; and cotton cloths from Comitancillo (Valladares, 1957:59). Where there are climate differences between towns there may also be crop specialization and crop exportation (V/agley, 1969:50). Craft specialization does not extend to personal clothing, which is hand-woven by women for their families, except in areas where hand-woven cloth is being replaced by footloomed cloth or manufactured menswear. There is an increasing tourist market in hand-woven items, however. The religion and ceremonial life of the Mam area has been rather well documented in the various sources. It is basically a complex synthesis of Catholic and indigenous belief and ritual. No attempt will be made to

PAGE 18

describe the complexities of the religious system here, but it should be pointed out that ritual is often a rich source for linguistic as viell as anthropological data, and that the connections between language and culture are sometimes strikingly lucid in ritual. Thus anyone familiar with religion and ritual in the Mam area will find parts of the grammar which will immediately bring to mind aspects of the religious system. For instance, numbers are Intimately connected with the calendar, metaphor is important in ritual as well as daily life, direction and location are striking in both the grammar and the ritual. Men in the Mam area travel to the plantations and other towns for commercial purposes. The former activity places them in limited contact with outsiders, including Ladinos and other Indians; the latter activity may take them to the departmental capital in addition to other towns, but it rarely takes them farther than that. There are many men who have never been to the national capital, which is a good day's travel by bus from most of the Mam towns. Bus service to large parts of the Mam area is Infrequent and at times nonexistent, reducing possibilities for long distance travel even further. Women are more restricted in travel outside their towns, since they do not as a rule participate in intertown marketing. An unmarried girl does not travel alone, and a married woman is usually tied down by children and household

PAGE 19

duties. Women will travel between their houses and the tovm center for the local market and church. The local market is, in fact, an important social event where men and women meet with their friends and transact all sorts of business and vjhere young people, of course, court. The young people are exquisitely turned out on these occasions — the girls with their most elaborate blouses and hair styles, the boys as neat as possible. Since a large portion of the Mam area is relatively isolated in distance from Guatemala City, the people are fairly removed from outside and government influences. There are few Ladinos living in their towns, and less tourism reaches Mam towns than, for instance. Quiche or Cakchiquel towns. Bus service where available is often infrequent and expensive; there are fewer schools with fewer grades than in more central areas; and there is less contact with government agencies and programs. Furthermore, tension between Ladinos and Indians appears stronger and more open than in towns closer to the capital In Huehuetenango, to take a superficial but indicative example, Indians are forced to the back of the bus, while this never happens in Sacatepequez or Chimaltenango. Indians do not own any of the small businesses in Ixtahuacan; Indians own a bus line, a hotel, several small stores and more in Comalapa (Chimaltenango). One of the obvious correlations to this Isolation and inaccessibility is that fewer Indians in the Mam area

PAGE 20

are bilingual than in any other part of the country except Alta Verapaz. Bilingualism among women is uncommon and among men it is low. In the case of the latter group it seems that while many men speak a little Spanish, it is poor Spanish, sufficient only to carry out the most necessary negotiations in the departmental markets, the municipality, or the plantations. For various reasons, few children complete even six years of schooling — the reasons most often cited are that the parents need the children at home, the schools are too far, the teachers do not attend consistently or do not teach anything when they attend, and that the children do not learn anything anyway because the schools are conducted in Spanish. Learning Spanish is highly valued, especially for boys, because it is seen as advantageous in dealing with the outside, especially in legal matters; but few children learn much. In very recent years the government has instituted a program of castellanizacion which uses bilingual teachers to offer a pre-first-grade year of education in Spanish literacy using materials prepared in the native language and Spanish. The program has not yet reached many of the schools in the Mam area. In places where a good school exists (i.e., a school where Mam children are taught sufficient Spanish so that they can complete six years of education) parents are often willing to make considerable financial sacrifice to send their children to school. The reasons parents give for

PAGE 21

not sending their children to school should not be taken as an absence of value placed on schooling; quite the contrary, the parents are merely making a realistic evaluation of the benefits of poor education in a foreign language by minimally motivated and prepared teachers. The situation, then, is that Mam is a language spoken by several hundred thousand people in Guatemala and Mexico, and is the only language of many of these people. It is not a written language, nor a national language, nor a prestigious language. It has been relatively little studied (compare linguistic work on Cakchiquel, Quiche, or Yucatec), and the results of the few studies made are fairly inaccessible to xMam speakers. Experiences while conducting the fieldwork, however, point to a deep interest on the part of Mam speakers in knowing hov7 to read and write in their own language and in learning the grammar. The language is not dying and is unlikely to disappear in the foreseeable future. Any linguistic work, especially work which can eventually be shared with the Mam speakers, is of tremendous importance. It is the intention that the results of this analysis will be made available to Mam speakers. Furthermore, every bit of information about a relatively unstudied language is of use to linguistic and anthropological science .

PAGE 22

0.2 RESEARCH The fieldv;ork on v/hich this analysis is based was undertaken in Guatemala in two periods, from August 1971 to December 1973 and from June to September 197^. During the first period the author was a linguist with the Proyecto Lingiiistico Francisco Marroquin (PLFM) in Antigua, Guatemala, under the auspices of the U.S. Peace Corps. The responsibilities entailed by this position were to teach linguistics to a group of twelve students who were native speakers of Quiche, Cakchiquel, or' Mam; to teach the Mam students how to produce various educational materials in their language and to supervise that work; and to do the necessary linguistj.c analysis of Mam for all other aspects of the work. During the second part of the research the grammatical analysis of Northern Mam was continued and a course in Mam. derivational morphology was taught to Mam speakers. The data used for this analysis consist of a MamSpanish dictionary compiled by the Mam students at the PLFM, a substantial body of texts and dialogues collected and transcribed by the author and the Mam students and analyzed by the author, data on directionals collected for three hundred transitive verbs, incidental material gathered from educational pamphlets prepared by the Mam students, and various miaterials elicited directly by the author. All data is on file at the PLFM in Antigua.

PAGE 23

20 0.3 PERSONNEL The research for this grammcLr was accomplished with the extensive aid of two linguistically sophisticated native Mam speakers, Juan Maldonado Andres and Juan Ordonez Domingo. Both are from the tovm of San Ildefonso Ixtahuac^n and both began working with the PLFM and studying their language in November, 1971. At the time they were bilingual in Spanish and Mam and literate in Spanish; since then they have participated in intensive courses in Mam literacy, phonology, morphology, syntax, Mayan grammar, and dictionary preparation. They have prepared a bilingual Mam-Spanish dictionary, have collected and transcribed texts in Mam, have written a number of pamphlets of an educational nature in Mam, and have written a paper in Spanish describing their work with teaching literacy in Mam (Maldonado and Ordonez, 197^). They have further contributed to the analysis of Mam undertaken here by eliciting and self-eliciting material on various grammatical themes, by checking and rechecking lexical material with other people in the community, and by participating in and initiating extensive discussions of points of grammar with the author and other members of the staff at the PLFM. It has always been the intent to discuss, insofar as possible, the analysis of Mam with Juan Maldonado and Juan Ordonez in order to check that analysis with the Mam experts.

PAGE 24

11 Juan Maldonado is twenty-four years old and lives in the aldea of Acal, San Ildefonso IxtahuacSn. Both of his parents are from the same town; his father is bilingual in Spanish and Mam, and his mother is monolingual in Mam. He has had nine years of formal education, all in schools in his town, and is a subsistence farmer. He has for a number of years been interested in community development and has participated in the savings and loan cooperative in his town, voluntary Spanish literacy classes, and programs of Desarrollo de la Comunidad (a community development agency). Juan Ord5nez is twenty-one years old and lives in the caserio of Chupil, San Ildefonso Ixtahuacan. His father is bilingual in Spanish and Mam; his mother is monolingual in Mam; both are from Ixtahuacan. He completed six years of formal education in his town and then participated in a two-year agricultural course in Chiantla, Huehuetenango. He also has given classes in Spanish literacy. Many other people of Ixtahuacan contributed to this grammar by recording folklore, helping with data verification, or working with the author and the Mam students in elicitation sessions. A list of these people follows; it is not a complete list of all who have been involved in the work in that many others have made informal contributions.

PAGE 25

12 Eustaqulo Garcia Ortiz Jose Ordonez Mendez Andres Maldonado Morales Juana Maldonado Andres Juan Morales Ordonez Miguel Velasquez Morales Sebastian Morales Maldonado Diego Ramirez Maldonado Maria Maldonado Pedro Ordonez Ortiz Alonso Ortiz Maldonado Francisco Maldonado Felipe Jose Maldonado Vasquez Rafael Maldonado Vasquez Diego Domingo Felipe Jose Perez Ordonez Miguel Morales Ortiz Pablo Felipe Gomez aldea Granadillo Chupil Acal Acal Acal Acal La Cumbre Laguneta Che j o j Chejoj Vega San Miguel Vega San Miguel Chiquilila Chiquilila Papal Papal Papal Poloja 0.4 PREVIOUS STUDIES Early works on Mam are sparse — only a few vocabulary lists and grammatical sketches have been made. The grammar sketches have not been seen by the author; for a review of them see Peck (1951). A bibliography of early works on Mam can be found in The Handbook of Middle American Indians, volume 5.

PAGE 26

13 In recent years several grammatical studies have been made. The first of these is a master's thesis by Edward Sywulka (19^8) in v:hich the author briefly describes the phonology and morphology of Mam of San Juan Ostuncalco, a Southern Mam town. Sywulka studied linguistics with Pike J Nida, and Trager, and v/rote his grammar according to a modified tagmemic/descriptive framework. He lists and briefly describes the phonemes and morphemes which he found for Southern Mam. Sywulka' s later sketch of Mam (1966) uses the same framework but describes the Mam of San Ildefonso Ixtahuacdn (Northern Mam) . This sketch does not include phonology (although the phonemes are listed in a footnote and the author has by now decided that vowel length is phonemic in Mam) , but does include sections on clause and sentence structure as well as morphology. It is quite a brief description of Mam which contains lists of some morphemes, notes on sentence structure, and a spot/filler analysis of the verb clause. A sample text is appended. Dorothy Peck's master's thesis (1951) continues the analysis begun by Sywulka and for data uses recordings made by Manuel Andrade . Peck is concerned with the syntax of Southern Mam. She includes an inventory of syntactic units, a section on the distribution of classes which is essentially a list of sentences or clauses containing different elements, and a section on features of arrangement of sentences. Sam.ple texts are Included. Peck also

PAGE 27

lil makes her analysis according to a descriptive/tagmemic framework. The most complete of the recent Ham grammars is that by Una Ganger (1969)This analysis is a glossematic grammar of the dialect of Mam spoken in Todos Santos (Northern Mam, but quite different from other Northern Mam dialects). Arranged according to glossematic theory, the grammar gives phonological, morphological, and syntactic information and is quite extensive and accurate. Of particular interest are Ganger's treatments of underlying phonological shapes and verb structure. This grammar was very helpful in making the present analysis. There is also a modern teaching course in Mam (Robertson, Hawkins, and Maldonado , n.d.) which includes lessons, texts, and a Mam-Spanish-English/SpanishMam-English dictionary. This is based on the Mam of San Ildefonso Ixtahuacan. The principal author, Robertson, has recently completed a dissertation on pronoun distribution in seven Mayan languages, which should include Mam, but this has not yet been seen. 0.5 SGOPE This work is m.eant to be a descriptive grammar of the dialect of Mam spoken in Ixtahuacan. Topics which are covered are a brief description of the phonology; grammatical process, which includes morpheme, word.

PAGE 28

15 and root classes, and stem, phrase, and sentence formation; verb semantics, which discusses special semantic and syntactic properties of the verb phrase; and grammatical categories, which is a section on distinctive organizational principles which govern the language. No complete grammar of this dialect of Mam has been written so far, and this gramm.ar covers topics which are not contained in any of the previous works on Mam. The organization is fairly standard for a descriptive grammar, with the addition of chapters on verb semantics and grammatical categories. These are included in order to explain and illuminate problem.s of wider interest in Mam and certain grammatical structures necessary to an understanding of the language. Description such as is presented here is requisite to almost any further study of the language because without an understanding of basic structure no further steps can be taken. The first three chapters should be of particular interest to linguists and language students who need to know details of Mam grammar. The last chapter should be of more general interest to linguists and anthropologists who are concerned with such problems as language universals, language diversity, or world view as revealed through linguistic organization. It is obvious by now that any language can handle almost any problem; of continuing Interest is the variety or lack of variety in the choices available to solve each problem and the ways in which

PAGE 29

16 those resolutions can be correlated with cultural and social choices.

PAGE 30

1. PHONOLOGY 1.1 PHONEMIC INVENTORY The phonemic symbols used here and throughout are a practical orthography designed for Mam by Terrence Kaufman and used at the PLFM. Consonants :

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18 1.2 PHONEMIC DESCRIPTION 1.2.1 CONSONANTS The occlusive phonemes are a series of eight simple or affrlcated voiceless stops each having a different point of articulation. The glottal stop will be discussed in section 1.2.3. All the stops occur in initial, medial, or final position and all require release in final position. In the cases of /tz, ch, tx, ky , q/ this release is affrication, while for /p , t, k/ it consists of aspiration. Release may also occur optionally before other consonants in clusters . The palatalized stop /ky/ and the velar stop /k/ have restricted and partially complementary distribution. /ky/ only occurs before front vowels and /a/, while /k/ only occurs before back vowels and /a/. Both can occur after front vowels and /a/; only /k/ occurs after back vowels. The two phonemes therefore contrast before /a/ and after /I, e/ while in other vov/el environments there is no contrast. The occlusive phonemes with their allophones and examples are: /P/ [P^] finally [si:ph] /si:p/ 'tick' [pj elsewhere [pu:x] /pu:j/ 'dust' /t/ [th] finally [rlPt'^] /ri7t/ 'solid' [t] elsevjhere [ta?w] /ta7w/ 'pain' /tz/ [)^] [wl)zf] /witz/ 'hill, mountain'

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19 /ch/ 16] [kuc] /kuch/ 'pig' /tx/ [c] [6u:cJ /b'u:tx/ 'boiled corn' /ky/ [k^] [k^aq^-J /kyaq/ 'hot' /k/ [k^] finally [ku?k^] /ku7k/ 'squirrel' [kj elsewhere [^ko:'4-ya] /xko:7ya/ 'tomato' t /q/ [q*] finally [^wu:q-] /v;u:q/ 'seven' [q] elsewhere [qe?ri] /qe7n/ 'gourd to keep tortillas warm' The glottalized occlusives are unit phonemes which contrast with plain occlusives plus glottal stop. Phonetically /tz', ch', tx', ky ' , k'/ are glottalized stops, with glottalization occurring almost simultaneously or even preceding the stop onset. /b ' , t', q'/ are Imploded stops. They are voiced or partially voiced in initial or medial position and are voiceless in final position. Before a pause they are released finally. The distribution of /ky ' , k'/ is similar to that of '/ky, k/. The glottalized occlusive phonemes with their allophones and examples are: /b'/ [&] finally [sig] /sib'/ 'smoke' [6] elsewhere [6a^:] /b'a:/ 'mole' /t'/ [cf] finally [sxe^] /xhjet'/ 'stomach of animals' [
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20 /tx'/ [c''] [c^fic^ /tx'otxV 'earth, land' /ky'/ [k^''] [k^^'aq^] /ky ' aq/ 'flea' /k'/ [k^] [k''a':] /k'a:/ 'bitter' /qV [d finally [sla'^rcf] /xhla:q'/ 'young man, boy' [§;] elsewhere [feePn] /q'e7n/ 'booze' Fricatives occur in all positions. /j/ is postvelar in the environment of postvelar consonants and velar elsewhere. The phonemes with their allophones and examples are: /s/ /xh/ /x/ /j/ s] [si: 4-] /si:7/ 'firewood' [sa^:l] /xha:l/ 'frog' s] [sx^:l] /xja:l/ 'person' x] next to postvelars [qx^:] /qja:/ 'our house' x] elsewhere [^o-^] /Jo=j/ 'crow' Nasals occur in all positions. /m/ has |m| as an allophone; the allophonic conditioning of /n/ is com.plex, 1. /Cn#/ is realized as [Cn#] . 2. /x\xi#/ is realized as \p-^^ • 3. /Vn#/ is realized as [Vn#J •' 4. /n {-b'il}/ is realized as [nfill] . 5. /VnC (except /b'/) V/ is realized as [VnCV] .' 6. /n Occlusive or /y// is realized as [homorganic N Occlusive or /y/] . 7. All other /n/ are realized as [n] . Examples : 1. [ps^if^^n] /artz'n/ 'salt' 2. [taxblsf": 'n] /tajb'larnn/ 'it's useful'

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21 3. [p2^ r2n] /ptz'on/ 'sugarcane' 4. [ga't'nfill] /q'a:nb'll/ 'medicine' 5[^ianplV''] /xq'anpltz'/ 'a small bird' but [qa'mbexj /qanb'aj/ 'foot and lower leg' [tqan^ /tqan/ 'his/her foot' 6. [jnpa!*: 'ya]/mpa:ya/ 'my bag' |_sx£n k J /sjenky/ 'guitar' [gany] /q'any/ 'you, familiar (between males)' [?a^:'ncffill] /a:nq'b'il/ 'life' [Cfink^J /b'onk/ 'fat' [?unt ] /unt/ 'brains' 7. [nmo:'xa] /nmo:ja/ 'my double thread' [n£?l] /ne71/ 'sheep' [?anu'p ] /anup/ 'silk-cotton tree' [n^i : ' sa^ /nwi:xha/ 'my cat' As can be seen in the second example under (5) above and the first example under (6) the discreteness between /m, n/ breaks down before bilabial occlusives. In the case of /qamb'aj/ ' foot and lower leg' the underlying form is discoverable through the possessed form /tqan/ 'his/her foot'. If, however, the bilabial occlusive is not separable, the underlying phoneme cannot be recovered, for example : [skum6u:'l] /xkumb'u":!/ 'dove'. An example of /m/ in a non-neutralized environment is [mo:s] /mo:x/ 'June bug'. Resonants occur in all positions. /w/ is velarized before back vowels and after /n/. The resonant

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22 phonemes v.'ith their allophones and examples are: cr /w/ [^] before back vowels, [ V;o : 4-^ /wo: 7/ 'toad' after /n/ [ngwi:'s3] /nwi:xha/ 'my cat' [w] elsewhere [v/a*: -l-x] /wa:7j/ 'tortilla' /I/ [l] [la'^.] /la:/ ' chichicaste ' /y/ [y] [ya.'-.'b] /ya:b'/ 'sick' The flap occurs infrequently. A bilingual speaker may trill the /r/ in Spanish loans with the trill, but monolingual speakers never distinguish the flap and the trill. /r/ [r] [xf2ra:'t ] /jora:t/ 'quickly' [i^I?t^] /ri7t/ 'solid' The combination of /t/ plus /x/ is written as /t-x/ to distinguish it from /tx/. This particular cluster only occurs over morpheme boundaries. In Spanish loans three additional consonants are found: /b , d, g, /. /b/ also occurs in one native Mam word, /baqa/ 'scarcely'. In old loans or in the speech of monolinguals these phonemes may be changed to a native Mam phoneme, usually the similarly articulated voiceless stop or voiced resonant, but many words are often pronounced with the Spanish phonemes . Example's : /b/ [b] [ps^itk^] /ba:rk/ 'boat' (Spanish barco ) /d/ [d] [mu:'nds] /mu:nda/ 'world' (Spanish mundo) /g/ [s] [ga^:'ne] /ga:na/ 'in vain' (Spanish gana 'desire')

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23 Minimal Pairs : p 7^ b' /pa:/ 'bag' /b'a:/ 'mole' t ?^ t' /ta:l/ 'her son (of a woman)' /t'a:l/ 'liquid' tz / tz' /tzankl/ 'bunch of hair or thread without order, lying there' /tz'ankl/ 'something smooth like an orange, lying there' ch 7^ ch' /chlTl/ 'basket' /ch'iyi/ 'edible grasshopper' tx 7^ tx' /txu:txan/ 'blister-like' /tx'u:tx'/ 'granary' ky 7^ ky ' /kyaay 'hot' /ky'aq/ 'flea' « k 7^ k' /uk/ 'a bug like a bedbug' /uk'/ 'louse' . .

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24 q / q' /qe7n/ 'gourd to keep tortillas v;arm' /q'e7n/ 'booze' t ;^ tz /te:t/ 'toy to divert children' /tze:t/ 'laugh' t' ^ tz' /t'ut'an/ 'squishy' /tz'utz'/ 'coati' tz ^ ch /tza:k'/ 'toothy' /cha:k'/ 'tall and skinny' tz' • ch' /tz'o:k/ 'he/she came in' /ch'otk/ 'plow' ch 7^ tx /chll/ 'rattle' Axil/ 'quetzal tall' ch' 5^ tx' /ch'ak/ 'mud' /tx'a7k/ 'grain'

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25 ch i^ ky /tchl:xh/ 'its dirt' /tkyl:xh/ 'its fish' ch' ?^ ky' /ich' / 'mouse ' /iky'/ 'passed by' ky 7^ k /ch'ikyl/ 'vertical' /kyaq/ 'hot' /chi:kl/ 'chicle' /kaTch/ 'burst grain' ky' / k /nchmerky'a/ 'my turkey' /nchme:ka/ 'my brown wax' ky 5-^ k' /kya:/ 'grinding stone' /k'a:/ 'bitter' k 7^ q /kurkxh/ 'lightning bug' /qu:q/ 'sandy farmland in cold climate' k' / q' /k'o:j/ 'm.ask' /q'o:j/ 'fight, anger'

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2G s ?^ t / tz /se:t/ 'place firewood in the fire* /te:t/ 'toy to divert children' /tze:t/ 'laugh' xh 7^ ch /xhiky/ 'rabbit' /chiky'/ 'blood' X 7^ tx /xa:n/ 'spider' /txi:n/ 'little girl' j /^ k /jo:x/ 'first weeding of the corn' /ko:x/ 'lame' s 7^ xh T^ X /po:s/ 'peanut shell v;ithout seed' /po:xh/ 'scarecrow' /po:x/ 'single grub of a kind of large ant' m / n /morj/ 'double thread' /no:j/ 'fill up' 1.2.2 VOWELS There are ten vowels in Mam distinguished as to

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27 point of articulation (fronts mldj back, low, high) and length (long, short). Long vowels tend to be higher than short vowels. Vov;els are also higher before /n/ and lower before /?/. In the environment of glottalized consonants or glottal stops vowels are pronounced with considerable vocal fry ("creaky voice") and long vowels have a long low off-glide accompanied by a drop in pitch before glottal stop. Low and mid vowels have a high off-glide before palatals. The phonemes with examples are : /i/ [l] [?I5^] /ichV 'mouse' /e/ [e] [ce?v;] /che7w/ 'cold' /a/ [a] [cap'^] /chap/ 'crab' /o/ [fl] [pQc^] /poch'/ 'bedbug' /u/ [u] [kojzf''] /kutz'/ 'humming bird' /!:/ [i:] [?i:c] /i:ch/ 'chile' /e:/ [e:] [6e:] /b'e:/ 'road' /a:/ [a*^:] [k'^a'^:] /kya:/ 'grinding stone' /o:/ [o:] [xo:x] /jo:j/ 'crow' /u:/ [u:] [?u:)zf] /u:tz/ 'cradle' Short unstressed vowels which follow the stressed vowel in a word tend to be neutralized to [a] (see 1.3 for a discussion of stress) . The underlying form of these vowels is unrecoverable unless the word undergoes some morphophonemic change in another form, which lengthens or stresses the neutralized vowel. The neutralized

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28 vowel creates problems for the practical orthography in that it is not heard consistently as one of the short vowels by the native speaker, nor is it heard as a sixth short vowel. Consequently a nevi symbol is not acceptable for writing a neutralized vov/el, and the native speaker uses /a/, /e/ , or /i/ for these vov/els, often inconsistently. In tape transcriptions the enclitic [^8n] has been v;ritten /tzan/, /tzen/, /tzin/, or /tzn/ by the same transcriber. Whenever possible a neutralized vowel will be written as /a/. It can not be indicated by nothing (deleting the vowel altogether) because a neutralized vov;el contrasts with no vowel in final position. In roots and stems a short unstressed vowel preceding the stressed vowel and following a consonant tends to be dropped. Again, the dropped vowel is unrecoverable unless it appears in another form which undergoes appropriate morphophonemic changes. For instance, the forms . . /ma waq'na:ya/ 'I worked' /aq'u:ntl/ 'work' show that a /u/ has been dropped from the verb stem. Similarly, /ptz'on/ 'sugarcane' /npartz'ana/ 'my sugarcane' show a dropped /a/ in the root. This pair is also a good

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29 example of vowel neutralization after a stressed vowel (in the possessed form) v:hich is recoverable when stress moves to the otherwise neutral vowel (in the unpossessed form). Vowel dropping leaves many consonant clusters, which are a distinctive phonological characteristic of Mam. There are no vowel clusters of dissimilar vowels. Consequently long vowels are not analysed as geminate clusters. Only one long vov/el is permitted in a word. Minimal Pairs : 1 ?^ e /iky'/ 'passed by' /eky'/ 'chicken' e 7^ a /meTxh/ 'just developing ear of corn' /ma7xh/ 'tobacco' a ?^ o /ch'ak/ 'mud' /ch'ok/ 'magpie' o 7^ u /ko7k/ 'cacaxte (wooden back pack)' /ku7k/ 'squirrel' 1: 7^ e: /nb'irya/ 'my name' /nb'e:ya/ 'my road'

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30 e: / a: /b'e:/ 'road' /b'a:/ 'mole' a: ?^ o : 7^ u: /q'a:q'/ 'fire' /q'o:q'/ ' chilacayote (a type of squash)' /q'u:q'/ 'quetzal (archaic)' i p^ 1: /ch'im/ 'straw' /ch'i:m/ 'pancreas' e 7^ e : /b'ech/ 'sprout' /b'e:ch/ 'flower' a 7^ a: /awal/ 'plant' /awa:l/ 'planter' o 7^ o : /ch'ok/ 'magpie' /ch'o:k/ 'plov;' u / u: /us/ 'fly' /u:tz/ 'crib'

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31 1.2.3 GLOTTAL STOP The glottal stop is nonphonemic initially in the word; all vowel initial words have a glottal onset. In medial and final position glottal stop contrasts with its absence and is phonemic. Medially if it follows a consonant it distinctly occurs after the consonant. There is only one example of glottal stop finally after a consonant and in this case it is realized during or slightly before the onset of the consonant. The example is in the morpheme {-a} 'first person possessive enclitic' which has an alternant /-y7/ after vov:els . Ipjac:}] /nja:y7/ 'my house' Glottal stop after long vov/els is realized as falling pitch without actual cessation of breath (symbolised here as [^-J). Examples are: 77/ [?] [?I'?«^el] /i7tzal/ 'Ixtahuaccfn' [+] [si: 4-] /si: 7/ 'firewood' Glottal stop at times behaves like a consonant and at times like a vowel feature. The first person possessive prefix for nouns is /n-/ before consonants and /w-/ before vowels. Generally vowel initial nouns lose the nonphonemic glottal stop onset under possession and prefix /w-/. A few nouns, however, do not lose the glottal stop, in which case they prefix /n-/, just like a consonant initial noun. In the unpossessed form these words have no initial contrast with other vowel initial

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32 words, so the 77/ is still not phonemic initially. It must be inserted after possession for those words that maintain it. All Spanish loans, unlike the pattern for most Mam words, follow the pattern of maintaining glottal stop under possession, probably because of analogy with the more common consonant initial possession pattern. t /anup/ 'silk-cotton tree' /nTanupa/ 'my silk-cotton tree' Furthermore, glottal stop can separate vov;els, as can any consonant. /pe7e:t/ 'put within a fenced area' After vowels and before consonants or finally, glottal stop is more like a vowel feature. Vowel initial suffixes or enclitics which occur after a vowel either insert a /y/ glide between the vowels or synthesize the vowels. This rule holds for a vowel followed by glottal stop. /y/ glide: /nja:ya/ 'my house' from /ja:/ 'house' /nsl:7ya/ 'my firewood' from /si: 7/ 'firewood' Synthesis: /aq'ne:t/ 'work' from /aq'na-/ 'stem' + /-e : t/ 'passive ' /che:7t/ 'grind corn' from /che:7-/ 'stem' + /-e:t/ 'passive' t In teaching Mam speakers to read and write, it is necessary to teach them to write initial glottal stop by rote, implying that it is nonphonemic in this position. At the PLFM the Mam students thought it unnecessary.

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33 Stress (1.3) falls on vowels follov/ed by glottal stop if there is no long vowel in the v;ord. Since stress rules in general are conditioned by vowel features such as length, and other consonants do not have this effect on stress, glottal stop here seems to be a vovjel feature rather than a consonant. Minimal Pairs : 7 • absence /ch'o7k/ 'rooster's comb' /ch'ok/ 'magpie' 7 7^ q' /ta:7/ 'his water' /ta:q'/ 'his vine' C7 7^ C /t7anup/ 'his silk-cotton tree' /t'a:l/ 'liquid' 1,2.M JUNCTURE _ Juncture is indicated by a space. It is defined both phonologically and grammatically. Words have one and only one stress and have no more than one long vowel. Therefore juncture must occur somewhere between two stresses or two long vov;els in a segment. The aspirated or affricated release of simple occlusives in final position indicates juncture, as does the voicelessness or nonrelease of the imploded occlusives. Furthermore, a

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34 pause can generally occur at juncture, although In rapid speech It usually does not occur. Aside from these criteria, juncture can be determined grammatically. Morphemes consist of prefixes, roots, suffixes, or enclitics. Clitics are almost always postposed to the word because of phonological and immediate constituent criteria (the only exception seems to be oa 'plural' , which can be preposed to the word). Juncture therefore occurs before roots or prefixes, and after roots, suffixes, or enclitics. The only real problems in juncture analysis are in the verb phrase: Are aspects prefixes or words? Are directionals roots or affixes? Are Set B person markers prefixes or words? Some aspects are phonologically bound and some are not (those that contain vowels). The phonologically free aspects can take enclitics, and so are written with juncture, v;hile the phonologically bound aspects are written without juncture. Directionals are derived from free roots and are preposed to the main verb in the verb phrase. Pause can occur after directionals, and they can also receive stress, although in connected speech they usually do not. For these reasons and also because the word in Mam is usually short, directionals are written with juncture. Set B person markers all contain vowels and therefore are not phonologically bound. However, Set A person markers are phonologically bound and with the verb 'to go' Set B person markers are also phonologically bound:

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35 Set B to go chinma chitnxa 'I went' ma txl 'he/she went' qoma qo7x 'we went' chima che7x ''they went' Therefore all person markers are written without juncture. The major elements of the verb phrase are therefore written as follov;s: unbound aspect # Set B + Directional # Set A + Stem + Encllbound aspect + tics 1.3 STRESS Stress is not phonemic in Mam. Every word has one stress, according to the following rules: 1. Stress falls on a long vowel in the word. 2. If there is no long vowel, stress falls on the vowel preceding the last glottal stop in the word. 3. If there is no long vowel and no glottal stop, stress falls on the vowel preceding the last consonant in the root. 4. If none of the above conditions apply, stress falls on the only vowel in the root. That is, stress is conditioned by long vowels and glottal stop and never falls on suffixes unless they contain long vowels or glottal stop. Examples:

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36 1. [?agu:'ntl3 /aq'u:ntl/ 'work' [wa^na^iya]] /waq'narya/ 'I worked' 2. [pu?la'?] /pu71a7/ 'dipper' 3. [spl'ky"©] /spiky 'a/ 'clear' [splca'cfj /xpichaq'/ 'raccoon' H. [tlj^'k?] /tlok'/ 'root' [8a' Is] /b'ala/ 'maybe' ({-la} is an enclitic) 1.^ THE SYLLABLE Syllables have as many as three consonants initially and four consonants finally. The vowel can be long or short, with or without glottal stop. (C)(C)(C)V(:)(7)(C)(C)(C)(C) That is J consonants can cluster up to three or four in any position and vowels never cluster. Words may begin or end with consonant or vowel. There are no apparent restrictions as to which consonants may cluster. It should be noted, however, that clustering is a result of vowel dropping, or occurs over morpheme boundaries. The only clusters which occur finally in root morphemes are of the shape nC (see 2.3.7). 1.5 MORPHOPHONEMICS Morphophonemic alternation primarily involves vowel dropping, vowel neutralization, vowel synthesis.

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37 /y/ insertion between vov/els, glottal stop and glottalized consonant alternation, the movement of glottal stop toward long vowels, and nasal alternation. 1.5.1 VOV/EL DROPPING Short unstressed vowels occurring before the stressed vowel in a root are often dropped. If the root is used in a form in which stress is shifted to another vowel, the dropped vowel will reappear. If no such forms occur, the dropped vowel is not synchronically recoverable. Examples : /xjabV 'shoe' /nxa:jb'aya/ 'my shoe' /tzyu:l/ 'grab, verbal noun' /tzuyb'il/ 'instrument for grabbing' The first pair shows a dropped /a/ between /x/ and /j/; the second pair shows a dropped /u/ between /tz/ and /y/. Vowels are also always dropped between two /y/s . For example, /xk6:7ya/ 'tomato' adds the enclitic /-ya/ under possession, and the resultant form, is /nxko:7yya/ 'my tomato' . 1.5-2 VOWEL NEUTRALIZATION Short unstressed vowels occurring after the stressed vowe 1 in a word tend to be neutralized to [s] . If there

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38 is a form in which the neutralized vowel receives stress it can be recovered; if such a form does not exist it is unrecoverable synchronically . Example: [tpa!": ' jzf''ari] /tpa:tz'an/ 'his/her sugarcane' [pjd''nnl /ptz'on/ 'sugarcane' The second word in this pair shows that the underlying form of the neutralized vowel in the first word is /o/. In another example, the enclitic [jz^Sti] /tzan/ 'well (connective)' never receives stress and therefore the underlying form of the vowel is not recoverable. 1.5.3 VOWEL SYNTHESIS If a vowel initial suffix or enclitic follows a vowel final stem, the two vowels may be synthesized. The particular suffixes which choose synthesization rather than the insertion of a /y/ glide between the two vowels are morphologically conditioned. {-e:t} 'passive' requires synthesization: /aq'na-/ 'work (stem)' /aq'ne:t/ 'work (passive)' 1.5.4 /y/ INSERTION In other cases, also morphologically conditioned, if a vowel initial suffix or enclitic follows a vowel final stem, a /y/ glide is inserted between the two vowels. The person enclitics {-a} require /y/ insertion:

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39 /ja:/ 'house' /nja:ya/ 'my house' 1.5.5 GLOTTAL STOP MD GLOTTALIZED CONSONANT ALTERNATION Glottal stop may alternate with glottalized consonants in final position, usually in free variation. An exception is the morpheme {-e:?} which derives intransitive verbs from positional roots, and in final position always has the form /-e:7/. If suffixes (not enclitics) are added, it has the form /-e:b'/. /txulch/ 'quiet' /ma txul e : 7 / 'he/she became quiet' /ktxul e :b ' al/ 'he/she will become quiet' Examples of /?/ in free variation with glottalized consonants are: /werky'a/ -v /we:y7/ 'it's mine' /kub'/ "v /ku7/ 'down (directional)' /tjaq'/ "^ /tja7/ 'underneath it' A very few verbs that begin with a glottalized consonant lose that consonant in some forms, which may be similar to the alternation described above. / q' o : t/ 'give' / q'o:n tza/ "^ /antz/ 'give me I ' / q' i : t/ 'take/bring' /ma txi wi:7na/ 'I took it'

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i^O Glottal stops which occur before glottaQized consonants usually disappear: /ku7/ 'down' + /b'aj/ 'finish' -> /kub'aj/ 'finish down' There are exceptions to this tendency, however, for example: /-b'ji7b'il/ 'nominalizing suffix (ffSl)' /txa7q'/ 'the action of crunching a flea' 1.5.6 MOVEMENT OF GLOTTAL STOP TOV/ARD LONG VOWELS Glottal stop tends to move toward long vov/els. There are no words which have glottal stop after a short vowel if there is a long vowel in the word. For example, the morpheme {-7n} derives present participles from transitive verbs, but only appears in this form if the root has a short vowel. If the root has a long vowel followed by a resonant, the glottal stop follows the long vowel in the participle form; if the root has a long vowel followed by a nonresonant, the glottal stop is dropped in the participle form. /b'iye:t/ 'kill'; /b'iyoTn/ 'killing' /sjo:rat/ 'snore'; /sjo:7.ran/ 'snoring' /li:pat/ 'fly'; /li:pan/ 'flying' 1.5.7 NASAL ALTERNATION Although words can end in /m/, there are a number of words which change a base form /m/ in final position to /n/. If a suffix is added to these words the /m/

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m reappears . Examples : /po:n/ 'incense' /po:mal/ 'burn incense, perform rites' /xb'a:lan/ 'clothes' /xb'alaml:!/ 'dress' Pinal /n/ plus /I/ is reduced to /n/, even over an intervening vowel (which is dropped) . Examples : /po:n-/ 'arrive there' + /-al/ 'potential' ^ /po:l/ /ta:n/ 'sleep' + /-al/ 'potential' ^ /ta:l/

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2. GRAMI-IATICAL PROCESS 2.1 MORPHEME CLASSES Morphemes in Mam are either roots, clitics, or affixes. Roots fall into several classes which are matched by corresponding stem and word classes, except for positionals, which are a root class only. The root classes and their derivations are fully discussed in sections 2.3, Root Classes; and 2.4, Stem Formation. There are both precl^tics and enclitics, and at least one clitic which can be either preposed or postposed to the word. Various clitics accompany words of any class, and even some affixes. Clitics will be fully discussed in sections 2.2, Word Classes (for the paradigmatic person enclitics); 2.5, Phrase Formation (person enclitics); and 2.6, Sentence Formation (syntactic enclitics) . Affixes consist of both prefixes and suffixes, and are inflectional or derivational. Inflection is discussed under section 2.2, Word Classes; and 2.3, Root Classes. Derivation is discussed under section 2.4, Stem Formation. 42

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^3 2.2 WORD CLASSES Word classes are defined both Inf lectionally and syntactically. They are verbs, nouns, adjectives, affect words, and particles. Most of these Include several subclasses 2.2.1 VERBS All verbs are inflected for person and for aspect or mode. Two major sets of prefixed allomorphs Indicate person: Set A and Set B. Set A serves as the agent of transitive verbs and the possessor of nouns; Set B is the patient of transitive verbs and the subject of intransitive verbs and of pronouns. In certain types of subordinate constructions, described in section 2.6, Set A may replace Set B as the patient of transitive verbs or the subject of intransitive verbs. Accompanying the sets of person prefixes are person enclitics. Together the prefixes and enclitics comprise the full person system, as follows: Set A Set B Enclitics 1 singular

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^k The allomorphs are primarily phonologically conditioned. {n'\, v;-} /w-/ occurs before vowels; /n-/ before consonants . {0 'x, tz% tz '-x/ k-} /!:-/ is used in the potential; /tz-, tz'-/ occur before vowels in the nonpotential; /tz-/ only occurs with the roots u:l 'arrive here' and iky' 'pass by', while /tz'-/ occurs with all other vowel initial roots and stems; the prefix is unmarked before consonants in the nonpotential . {k '\' ya} /ya/ occurs after vowels, /a/ after consonants After vowels, /ya/ varies freely with the forms /ky'a, y7/ for first person only. Example of a transitive verb with Set A agent (0 patient): Stem = tze :q'a 'hit' Elements are aspect, patient, agent, stem, enclitic. ma 0.n.tze :q'a.ya 'I hit it' ma 0.t .tze:q'a.ya 'you hit it' ma 0.t.tze:q'a 'he/she hit it' ma 0.q.tze:q'a.ya 'we hit it (not you)' ma 0.q.tze:q'a -'we-all hit it' ma 0.ky .tze:q'a.ya 'you-all hit it' ma 0.ky.tze:q'a 'they hit it' Example of an intransitive verb with Set B subject: Stem = b'e:t 'walk' Elements are aspect, subject, stem, enclitic.

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^5 ma chin.b'e:t.a 'I walked' ma 0.b'e:t.a 'you walked' ma 0.b'e:t 'he/she walked' ma qo.b'e:t.a 'we v/alked (not you)' ma qo.b'e:t 'we-all walked' ma chl.b'e:t.a 'you-all walked' ma chi.b'e:t 'they walked' Both second and third persons are Indicated by the same prefix, while first person is indicated by a different prefix. Number is indistinguishable from person. The prefixes, then, mark presence or absence of first person in singular or plural. First person plural exclusive forms refer to us (a group) as opposed to you (another group), so the enclitic on the first person forms excludes second person, not third person. The enclitic used with the second person forms clearly has a different function; that of marking the presence of second person. Absence of an enclitic implies its opposite. The functions of the prefixes and enclitics can be shown as follows:

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i}6 PreA + EncA -> Isg ( + lsg, -2se) PreB + EncB -> 2sg (-Isg, +2sg) PreB -^ 3sg (-Isg, -2sg) PreC + EncC -> Ipl excl (+lpl, -2pl) PreC -^ Ipl incl (+lpl, +2pl) PreD + EncD -> 2pl (-Ipl, +2pl) PreD -> 3pl (-Ipl, -2pl) Note that PreA is always accompanied by EncA, because the singularity of PreA demands exclusion of second person. Aspects are preposed to the verb. They are: {ma} 'recent past' {o} 'past' {n-} 'progressive' {ok} 'potential* {X-} 'recent past subordinated' {0-} 'past subordinated' All but {ok} are obligatory. The aspects with vowels ( {ma}, {o}, {ok}) are phonologically Independent and may at times be separated from the verb or combine with enclitics. The remaining aspects are phonologically dependent and are never separated from the verb. {x-} synthesizes with certain of the person markers in Set B X+ chin-» xhinX+ tz-, tz'-> sX+ chi-V xhi-

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^7 In other environments it is realized as /x-/. {0-} also synthesizes vrlth Set B person markers, vrith the result of subtracting the initial consonant of the person prefixes : 0+ chin-> in0+ tz-, tz*-, k-5— 0+ qo^ o0+ chl-y 1Mode is indicated by suffixes which follow the verb stem. These suffixes are different for transitive and intransitive verbs, and serve to indicate potential or imperative. They are: Potential Imperative Transitive: -a? -m Imperative : -1 — {-1} follows the stem formative vowel (section 2.4.1) and lengthens the vowel of a root which ends in a short vowel (this refers to the root vowel, not the stem formative). {-1} also synthesizes with the compounding directlonals {-x} 'away' and {-tz} 'toward': ke:lax 'he will go out' k(-IsgB) + e:l (go out) + -al (pot) + -X (away) ke:latz 'he will come out' k+ e:l + -al + -tz ko:kax 'he will go in' k+ o:k + -al + -x ko:katz 'he will come in' k+ o:k + -al + -tz kja:wax 'he will go up' k+ ja:w + -al + -x kja:watz 'he will come up' k+ ja:w + -al + -tz

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i|8 kb'elax 'he will go down' k+ kub ' + -al + -x kb'elatz 'he will come down' k+ kub' + -al + -tz ka:jatz 'he will come back' k+ a:j + -al + -tz kiky'ax 'he will go to the k+ iky' + -al + -x other side' kiky'atz 'he will come to k+ iky' + -al + -tz this side' With the potential mode the potential aspect {ok} can be used optionally. No aspect is used with the Imperative mode. If a construction is neither potential nor imperative, aspect is obligatory. The potential mode is used very rarely with transitive verbs that do not have directionals . There are two major classes of verbs: transitive and intransitive. 2.2.1.1 TRANSITIVE VERBS Transitive verbs use Set B to indicate the patient. Set A to indicate the agent, and the transitive forms of the suffixes of mode. (Set A replaces Set B in certain subordinate constructions; see 2.6.5.2.) Transitive verbs can omit the agent entirely to express an unknown or indefinite agent. With the imperative, the person prefix for second person singular (PreB) is omitted, as the unmarked imperative. The patient is always present, although frequently indicated by the prefix for non-first person singular (PreB) in which case it is unmarked and unspecific.

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49 Although there are two sets of prefixes to indicate the agent and patient of a transitive verb, there is only one set of enclitics , which refers to either the agent or both the agent and the patient. If the agent does not require an enclitic, then the patient cannot have an enclitic. If the agent does require an enclitic, then the patient may or may not be indicated by the same enclitic. Consequently first person involvement is clear, but there may be ambiguity as to second person Involvement. Partly because of this Mam speakers prefer to use intransitive forms expressing only the agent or the patient, especially if the patient Is not third person. The following table shows the logically possible combinations of agent and patient incorporated into the verb, and the actually realized combinations . Stem = tze :q' a'hit' Elements are aspect, patient, agent, stem, enclitic Logically Actual Forms : Gloss : possible : ma 0.n.tze :q'a.ya 'I hit you/him/her/lt ' only possible with a directional (e.g. ok ) ma ch.ok n.tze:q'an.a 'I hit you-all/them' 2sg -> Isg ma chin. t .tze :q' a.ya 'you hit me' 2sg ^ 3sg ma 0. t . tze :q'a.ya 'you hit him/her/it' 2sg -* Ipl excl ma qo .t .tze :q' a.ya 'you hit us' 2sg -> 3pl ma chi .t .tze :q' a.ya 'you hit them'

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50 3sg -> Isg 3sg -> 2sg 3sg -)3sg not possible not possible ma 0. t .tze :a *a 3sg -y Ipl excl not possible 3sg -> Ipl incl ma qo.t.tze:q'a 3sg -V 2pl not possible 3sg -y 3pl ma chi . t . tze :q 'a Ipl excl -y 2sg Ipl excl -y 3sg Ipl excl -y 2pl Ipl excl -> 3pl •ma 0.q .tze rq'a.ya 'he/she/it hit him/ her/it' 'he/she/it hit us-all' 'he/she/it hit them' 'v/e hit you/him/her/ it' ma chi.q. tze rq'a.ya 'we hit you-all/them' Ipl incl -> 3sg ma 0.q.tze:q'a Ipl incl -> 3pl ma chi .q, tze :q' a 'we-all hit him/her/ it' 'we-all hit them' ma chin.ky . tze :q' a.ya 'you-all hit me' 2pl ->. Isg 2pl -> 3sg ma 0.ky .tze :q' a.ya 2pl -y Ipl excl ma qo.ky .tze :q' a.ya 2pl -> 3pl ma chi .ky .tze :q' a.ya 'you-all hit them' 'you-all hit him/ her/it' 'you-all hit us' 3pl -^ Isg 3pl -> 2sg 3pl -»3sg not possible not possible ma .ky . tze : q' a 3pl -> Ipl excl not possible 3pl -»Ipl incl ma qo.ky .tze :q'a 3pl + 2pl not possible 3pl -+ 3pl not possible 'they hit him/her/it' 'they hit us-all'

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51 Thus the pairs Isg ^ 2sgj Isg -> 3sg; Isg -> 2pl, Isg -^ 3pl; Ipl excl -+ 2sgj Ipl excl ^ 3sg; Ipl excl -> 2pl, Ipl excl -v 3pl are not different because there Is no way to distinguish the patient when the agent necessitates use of the enclitic Furthermore, the combinations 3sg ^ Isg 3sg -> 2sg 3sg ->• Ipl excl 3sg -y 2pl 3pl -y Isg 3pl -> 2sg 3pl -y Ipl excl 3pl ^ 2pl are not realized because the agent does not take an enclitic and therefore the patient cannot. The combination 3pl -> 3pl seems to be impossible only for semantic reasons; it Is too confusing to specify this combination through perf ixes , so separate noun phrases are used instead. Separate noun phrases can always be used to indicate agent and patient , or to clarify them, so that the morphologically impossible combinations of agent and patient are still able to be expressed In other ways. One transitive verb se7 'do' is defective and only occurs with the Interrogative particle ti : 'what?': ti : q.se? 'what are we going to do?'

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52 2.2.1.2 INTRANSITIVE \TIRBS Intransitive verbs use only one set of person markers to indicate the subject, and use the intransitive forms of the suffixes of mode. The subject is normally indicated by Set B person markers, but Set A is used in certain subordinate constructions." There is a subclass of intransitive verbs which can be called affect verbs. Formally they are similar to other intransitive verbs, but have a distinctive derivation (2.4 #33, #80) and are also distinctive syntactically (2.6.5.2) and semantically . They generally describe the manner in which an action is performed, and therefore combine verbal and adverbial functions. Examples: leqeqe:n 'walk stooped over' wit'it'irn 'go running' lach'ach'arn 'go on all fours' The forms of one intransitive verb xi7 'go' cannot be predicted. In the non-potential they are : ma chirn.x.a 'I went' ma t.xi? 'he/she went' ma qo7x 'we went' ma cheTx 'they went' In the potential they are: chin.x.e:l.a 'I will go* k.x.erl. 'he/she will go' etc.

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53 2.2.2 NOUNS Most nouns can be possessed by Set A person prefixes and person enclitics. They serve as the head of a noun phrase and can be modified by adjectives. Example of a possessed noun: Ja: 'house' n.jar.ya 'my house' t.ja:.ya 'your house' t.ja: 'his/her/its house' q.ja:.ya 'our house (not yours)' q.ja: 'our house (everyone)' ky.ja:.ya 'you-all's house' ky.ja: 'their house' Example of a modified noun: mati:j ja: 'big house' jun ja: mati:j 'a big house' There are a large number of common nouns which meet these criteria. In addition there are a number of subclasses of nouns. 2.2.2.1 RELATIONAL NOUNS There is a small set of relational nouns which indicate grammatical relationships between other nouns in the sentence. The grammatical relationships are generally those of case or location. Many of the relational nouns are related to common nouns, usually

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5^ body parts. Relationals are alv7ays possessed unless preceded by the interrogative particle al 'who?'. The relationals (given in 3sg form) and the common nouns to which they are related are: Case Relational

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55 Examples : Location : At jun el jun wo : 7 at ta:l tuj jun a7 . 'Once upon a time there was a toad that had its offspring in the water. ' at jun el jun v/o:7 at ta:l there is one time one toad there is its offspring tuj jun a7 in one water Jawlert jun xaq kye:7yax t j aq ' yo:xh tx'otx' tkub ' . 'A precious stone appeared below the red earth.' jawle:t jun xaq kye:7yax tjaq' yo:xh it appeared one stone precious below red tx'otx' tkub' earth it went down Ma:xtzan ktza:jal asta ma:x twi7 witz. 'Well, it has to come from there above the hill.' ma:xtzan ktzarjal asta ma:x well up to there it will come up to to there twi7 witz above it hill Case : Topic : Ju:n txile:n ti7j axl7n ojtxa. 'An explanation about corn in the old days.' ju:n txllern ti7j axi7n ojtxa one its explanation about corn before

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56 Associative : Nqorkka te:na yo:lal tu:k * matl: Ll:xh Perls, 'And we started to talk with Andres Perez,' nqiokka te:na yo:lal tu:k' matl: we entered It is to talk with important Li :xh Pe :1s Andres Perez Agent : Ax leq'ch ma tza:j a? kyu7na . 'Also you-all brought the water from far away.' ax leq'ch ma tza:j a? kyu7na also from far away it came water by you-all Causative : Tokb ' aj tzi:7 ch'el tu7n nima:l xaq. 'The beak of the parrot was finished because of the rock. ' tokb'aj tzi:7 ch'el tu7n it was finished beak parrot because of nlma:l xaq big rock Instrumental : Ma aq'narn Kye:l tu7n asdo:n. 'Miguel worked with a hoe.' ma aq'na:n Kye:l tu7n asdo:n he worked Miguel with hoe Dative : B'lsan kye rt zanma ma txl7 qq'o7na kyaql:lkax ornb'il 'Soon we gave them all the help.'

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57 b'lsan kye;tzanma ma txi7 qq'o7na kyaqirlkax soon well them man we gave it away all o :nb ' il help Possessive : Per ente:r jun we : ky ' ktzajal kyq'o7na. 'But you're going to give me mine whole.' per ente:r Jun we:ky' ktzajal kyq'oTna but whole one mine you-all will give here Benef active : Ma chitzye:t che:j te : kyajwirl. 'The horses were rounded up for their owner.' ma chitzye:t che:j te : kyajwi:l they were rounded up horse for their ov;ner Patient : Tnerjal ul a:j qo7ya awtorisa:7ral te : komite:. 'First we came to authorize (lt_) the committee.' tnerjal ul a:j qo7ya awtorisa :7ral te : komite: first came us to authorize it committee Reflexive : Nb'ajtzan qma7na qil qi :b ' xa. 'And we were talking among ourselves.' nb'ajtzan qma7na qilqi :b'xa we were finishing talking among ourselves 2.2.2.2 MEASURE WORDS Measure words are a class of nouns which are never possessed and which describe specific m.easures of

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58 quantity. In a phrase they are preceded by a number or the interrogative particle jte? 'how many?', and are usually followed by a noun referring to the substance to be measured. Many are also common nouns; others are only used as measures. There is a fairly large number of measure words in the language, and they have a high degree of specificity. Examples : Measure V/ord Common Noun bars 'glassful (Sp)' ba:s 'glass' ma71 'shot of liquor' laq 'plateful' laq 'plate' pixh 'piece' txut 'drop' txut 'drop' 2.2.2.3 NAMES Given names and surnames are only rarely possessed, and are usually borrowed from Spanish. A very few Mam names remain in use. Examples: Given Names Li:xh 'Andres' Lo:xh 'Alonso' Chep 'Jos€' Wa:na 'Juana' Mai 'Maria' Xwa:n 'Juan' Lima 'Catarina' Wilt 'Natividad' Surnames Pe:ls 'Perez' Tmi:nk 'Domingo' To:ntz 'Orddnez' Tis 'Ortiz' Mna : 1 ' Maldonado ' Mlrntz 'M€ndez'

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59 2 . 2 . 2 . i| TOPONYMS Toponyms name places. Many of them are descriptive compounds, and often the components cannot be synchronically recovered. Relational nouns for location figure greatly in the compounds. Examples: ' Huehuet enango ' 'Ixtahuac^n' 'Tuchlac' 'Mexico' 'Quezaltenango' ChnaTjal lytzal Tuj Ch'yaq Jlajxa Meq'maja? 2.2.2.5 PRONOUNS Pronouns maintain the same distinctions as do nouns 3 but use person markers that are more like Set B than Set A. There are essentially two different sets of pronouns: one which functions as independent, demonstrative, copulative, identificational , and equative pronouns; and one which is locative or existential. The sets are: Independent 'this is X' Isg (a: ) q.i :n.a 2sg a: .ya 3sg a: Locative 'X is (in a place) ' (a) t . i :n.a (a)t.(a7.y)a (a)t.(a7)

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60 Ipl excl (a:) qo7.ya (a)t.o7.ya Ipl Incl (a:) qo7 (a)t.o7 2pl a:.qa.ya (a)t.e7.ya 3pl a: .qa • (a) t .e7 To make an equatlve pronoun a noun is substituted for the demonstrative a_2_ of the independent pronoun. Example with a noun base : 'X is a person' Isg xja:l q.i:n.a 2sg xjarl.a 3sg xja:l Ipl excl xja:l qo7.ya Ipl incl xja:l qo7 2pl xjail.qa.ya 3pl xja:l.qa Example with an adjective base: 'X is tired' Isg sikynaj q.i:n.a 2sg sikynaj . a 3sg sikynaj Ipl excl sikynaj qo7.ya Ipl incl sikynaj qo7 2pl sikynaj .qa.ya 3pl sikynaj .qa The demonstrative base is optional is the rest of the pronoun is phonologlcally independent; that is, the first person forms.

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61 Note the optional /a/ which can begin the locative forms. This frequently Is used In the second and third person singular forms. In which case the /a?/ element is usually dropped. Consequently there are two common forms for second and third person singular of the locative pronouns: 2sg ata '^ taYya 3sg at '^' ta? Analysis shows that all the pronouns use the usual set of enclitics to mark second person. The Independent pronouns Include elements which mark +lsg and +lpl, but have nothing for -Isg and -Ipl. The distinction between singular and plural for non-first person is indicated by the plural enclitic oa. The locative pronouns have a locative element {t-} and then add the first and non-first markers and the enclitics. The person markers in both sets are probably related to Set B prefixes. Demonstrative Locative Set B q.i :n-

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62 b'ix aya kye:qaj te? tl7j Ra:nch and those of them they are Turrancho Ta7 ma:x ja: . 'He is in the house.' ta7 marx J a: he is up to house Noqtzan pwaq at . 'Well, only the money is there . ' noqtzan pwaq at well only money there is Sikynaj qi :na . ' I'm tired. ' sikynaj qi:na tired I Tnerjal ul a:j qoYya awtorisa:7ral te: komite : . 'First we came to authorize the comittee.' tne:jal ul a:j co7ya awtorisa:7ral te : komite: first came us to authorize it committee 2.2.3 ADJECTIVES Adjectives modify nouns and are not inflected in any way. An adjective normally precedes the noun it modifies. Variations in this structure are discussed in section 2.5j Phrase Formation. Exam.ples : Cha7x ki:n tib'la:l twe:x po:xh. 'The color of the pants of the scarecrow is blue . '

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63 cha7x kl:n tib'lail twe:x po:xh blue it looks its color his pants scarecrow Ba:ysan we:ky' chitzanta kyaq q'ankyo:q. *"I can," said the red lightning.' barysan v/e:ky' chitzanta kyaq q'ankyo:q well good of me it said red lightning There are two subclasses of adjectives: demonstratives and numbers. 2.2.3.1 DEMONSTRATIVES Demonstratives precede nouns and require other adjectives to follow nouns. They are: aj 'this, that' ajaj 'this, that' a: 'this, that' b'ixh 'that (referring to females)' naq 'that' 2.2.3.2 NUMBERS Numbers precede nouns, never follow them, and require that other adjectives follow nouns. The number one also functions as an indefinite article. The numbers are: ju:n

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6k qaq 6 qaqla:j l6 wu:q 7 wuqlarj 17 wajxaq 8 wajxaqla:J l8 b'elaj 9 b'elajlarj 19 la:j 10 wlrnqan 20 ' winaq la:j 30 kya7wnaq 40 oxk'a:l 60 junmutx' 80 The numbers above twenty are only rarely used in Ixtahuacan, and are not usually known by any but very old speakers. Instead, Spanish numbers are borrowed. It was not possible to elicit more than the numbers given here. V/hile the number system is undoubtedly derived from the old base twenty Mayan system in which each interval over twenty was counted on the way to the next twenty (that is, twenty-one was one on the way to forty), it has changed and disappeared so that the only remnants are the original numbers from one to nineteen and the numbers for twenty, forty, sixty, and eighty. To all intents and purposes the number system is now decimal. 2.2.i| AFFECT VJORDS Affect words describe an action, a movement, the moment of doing something, or a sound or noise. They

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65 always precede the verb. They are not onomatopoeic, or only minimally so, but there are certain phonological conventions which go with certain types of actions. Moment aneous or abrupt actions are described by affect words which usually terminate in a single consonant. Longer actions may reduplicate the entire word, reduplicate part of the word, reduplicate the final consonant, or may lengthen the vowel. Examples are: Ni7m se:x xja:l tu7n che:j. ' Umph I the horse pushed the man.' ni7ni se:x xja:l tu7n che:j umph he went out person by horse Am jag so:kx tlamerl kamu:n. 'Suddenly, bang I the bathroom door slammed.' am jaq so:kx tlame:l karaurn suddenly bang it went in its door outhouse jejeje:y 'the sound of laughter' (partial reduplication) ch'aw ch'aw 'the sound of a hammar on metal' (complete reduplication) matz matz 'the action of scissors cutting hair' (complete reduplication) kail 'the movement of a flea walking beneath the body hair' (reduplication of final consonant) tzl:7r 'the action of shooting' (lengthened vowel) 2.2.5 PARTICLES There are a very large number of particles with various functions, including interrogatives , negatives, affirmatives, conjunctions, locatives, temporals, manner

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66 particles, exclamations, vocatives, adverbials, and others. Particles by definition are never inflected or derived, but they may be compounded and add enclitics Lists of the various particles follov/ — they are not exhaustive. Note that many of the particles are Spanish loans, primarily among the affirmatives, conjunctions, other adverbials, and others. 2.2.5.1 INTERROGATP/ES Interrogatives usually function as introducers of questions and also as introducers of various clauses which answer the questions. alkye : 'who?' al 'who?' al uj 'in what?' al u:k'al 'with whom?' al u7n 'by whom? ' al e: 'of whom?' al i7J 'for, about whom?' jtoj 'when?' jatuma 'where?' Ja: 'where?' jte7 'how much, many?' tzaTn 'how?' ti: 'what?' ti: tqal 'what?' ti till 'what?'

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67 tl: qu7n 'why?' jniky' 'what time?' nlky'pu:n 'what size?' je7ky 'how are you?' kwa:nto 'when?' (Sp) 2.2.5.2 NEGATIVES Most negatives are formed from a negative root mi: , but they are not synchronically analyzable. mi:7n 'no' nla:y ^ mila:y 'it's not possible' raiju:n 'no one' me7a:l 'no one' tz'irnan 'no one/nothing is here' nti7 '\> mitl7 'there isn't' nya:7 ^ miya:7 'it isn't' nja:7 'it isn't' na7x 'still not' mi : -x, mi :x 'no ' mixtl7 'there isn't' ky'e:nan ^ no one' mi:ky' 'it isn't like that' miwtla 'hope not' 1: -v i:chaq 'it doesn't matter' qami : ' if not '

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68 2.2.5.3 AFFIRMATIVES ja7ka 'it's possible' ok 'yes' ki : 'it's okay' jo: 7 'yes, that's' it' ba:y 'okay' (Sp) bye:n 'good, okay' (Sp) we:na 'good, okay' (Sp) 2.2.5.^ CONJUNCTIONS b'ix

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69 2.2.5.6 TEMPORALS ja71a yajxa ma:ky ' qa:71a ma : y 1 : n nchlTj e :w ch' ix ojtxa ya: a:txax b'isan despwe : s kukx k' Itxqe : pri :mx kuxl7 alpi:n j oma j X na:J 'now' 'later' 'Just now' 'afternoon' 'a little while ago' 'tomorrow' •yesterday' ' right nov7 ' 'before ' 'now' (Sp) 'a long time ago' ' soon' 'after' (Sp) 'still' 'a little while ago' 'early' (Sp) 'every little while' 'at last' (Sp) 'always ' 2.2.5.7 MANNER PARTICLES kyja7 'like this' iky 'like this' jora:t 'quickly' che:b'a 'slowly'

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70 jonga:na 'strongly' (Sp) tx'u7jb'an 'at full speed' jonaTwax 'instantly' Junya:? 'quickly' eTlakyim 'as quickly as possible' b'a:ka 'little by little'* chi:x 'suddenly' qit 'at times' termb'ix *alv;ays' yalnax 'usually, simply' kaba:l 'completely' (Sp) ka:si 'almost' (Sp) b'lYx 'all at once' lije:r 'rapidly' (Sp) q'ab'a:! 'by accident' kix 'like this' ga:na 'in vain' (Sp) 2.2.5.8 EXCLAMATIONS a 'don't bother me.'' aju: 'exclamation, fear of cold water' ak 'exclamation, fear of hot water or fire' a:y ' ohi ' aYn 'don't bother me I ' a7ny 'what a shame I ' ena:n 'exclamation of fright' e:q'a 'fat chancel (between men)'

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71 kye7 'fat chancel (between women)' 17y 'how filthyl ' yl : 'what's happening!' ye 'how nice ' o :y ' fat chance! ' ja:7 'right ! ' kyi:7ra 'ridiculous!' 2.2.5.9 VOCATIVES o:m 'you (familiar betv;een men)' q'any 'you (familiar between men)' q'oy7 'you (familiar between women)' ya:7 'you (familiar between women)' o:w 'you (familiar betv;een spouses)' na:n 'mom, ma'am' tart 'dad, sir' 2.2.5.10 OTHER ADVERBIALS o7kx

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72 2.2.5.11 Other kuna ku : a :x par base :r b ' a :nchaq mas bye:n dya:y jodi :da elj klsan maj el b'ala qapa Je:7kyala ku:ya baqa s ab e : r ke : el(a7) qa(ma) aj kye :7yax nemacs porke : Particles goodbye (first speaker)' goodbye (second speaker)* the same ' for' (Sp) it will be' (Sp) thanks that ' rather' (Sp) hi, what's up' (Sp) what a mess ' (Sp) in case ' right' time ( vez ) ' time ( vez ) ' maybe ' maybe ' who knows ' who knows ' hardly' who knows' (Sp) that' (Sp) when (subordln'ator) ' if when (subordinator) ' good, beautiful' everyone else' (Sp) because' (Sp)

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73 komo 'like' (Sp) berda: 'right (rhetorical)' (Sp) i: 'that (subordinator) ' i:l 'necessary' jlu:7 'this one, that one' 2.2.6 ADVERBS There are a few derived adverbs in Mam, which because they are derived, are not particles. Their derivation is described in 2.4.5. These words are the heads of adverb phrases, and include directions and time in the future and in the past. Examples : j awnax ' up ' ka:7j 'in two days' jna:b'a 'a year ago' 2.2.7 REVIEW OF INFLECTION In the charts that follow, certain conventions are used. Double lines indicate juncture or places where elements are separable from the rest of the word. + Indicates an obligatory element, while ± indicates an optional element. The horizontal lines shov; that either the first five aspects or mode is obligatory, but that they do not co-occur. The aspect ok is optional with the potential mode.

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7^ 2.2.7.1 VERB INFLECTION Transitive Verb: aspect ma o nX+ Set B patient ok chintz'-'v^kqochiSet A ap-ent tqkyStem Mode -a7 (pot) -m (imp) Intransitive Verb Enclitics a 'V ya a '\^ ya a 'V ya a '^^ ya Aspect

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75 2.2.7.2 NOUN INFLECTION Possessed Noun: Set A

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76 tzuy'grab' ma 0.t.tzuy 'he" grabbed it' 2.3.1.2 INTRANSITIVE ROOTS Intransitive roots are always bound and can form intransitive verbs without derivation.^ Example: kyim'die' ma 0.kyim 'he died' 2.3.2 POSITIONAL ROOTS Positional roots are bound forms which must be derived to form words, always with a change in class. Some of the particular derivational affixes which form words from positional roots are specific to this root class, and most commonly form verbs or adjectives. The adjectives thus formed indicate that something has the position, form, or state described by the root, while the verb indicates that something is becoming like or is placed like that described by the root. Positional roots have a semantic element in common; they generally describe position, form, or state of an object, and imply absence of movement. (For positional specific derivation, see the chart in section 2.46; for m.ore on positionals, see 4.3.) Example: tutz''seated' tutz'l 'seated (adjective form)'

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77 2.3.3 NOUN ROOTS Noun roots usually are free forms which form nouns with no further derivation. There are a number of subclasses of noun roots, defined by changes which the root undergoes in either the possessed or absolute' form. (The numbers by which the noun root classes are identified correspond to the numbers used in the Mam dictionary being compiled at the PLFM in Antigua, Guatemala. ) 2.3.3.1 SI These are roots which do not change under possession The root is a free form. Example: k'o:j 'mask' n.k'o:j.a 'my mask' 2.3.3.2 Sla The root is a free form and the last vowel of the root is lengthened under possession. It should be noted that all noun roots of the shape CV7C fall into this category, but there are many roots without glottal stop which also lengthen the final vowel under possession, Examples: xaq 'stone' n.xa:q.a 'my stone' ne71 'sheep' n.ne:71.a 'my sheep'

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78 2.3.3.3 Sib The penultimate vowel of the root is lengthened under possession and the root is a free form. Because unstressed vov/els are often dropped or neutralized (see 1.6.1 and 1.6.2), it is usually necessary to have both forms to know the base form of the root. Example: tz'lom 'plank' n. tz' arlma.ya 'my plank' ||tz'alomi|j base form 2.3.3.4 S2 The root is a free form and adds a suffix {-V(:)l} for the possessed form. There are only four roots of this class, all of which can also be possessed without adding the suffix, suggesting that the class may be disappearing in this dialect of Mani. Examples: chiky' 'blood' n. chiky ' .e : l.a 'my blood' xja:l 'person' n.xja:l.al.a 'my person' xi:naq 'man' n.xinaq. i :l.a 'my man' xu7j 'woman' n.xu7j.al.a 'my wife'

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79 ^.3.3.5 S3 The root is a bound form. For the absolute form is adds a suffix {-b'aj '\. -j } , and drops that suffix under possession. All the roots of this class are objects which are usually possessed by humans. Most of the roots that take {-b'aJ} are body parts and relatives, while most of the roots that take {-j} are articles of clothing. General food terms fall into both categories. Not all body parts, relatives, foods, and clothing are in this class, and the semantic distinction between the two suffixes is not perfect. Examples: {-b'aj> qam.b'aj 'foot' n .qan. a 'my foot ' yar.b'aj 'grandmother' n.ya:7.ya 'my grandmother' izAl a:m.j 'skirt' w.arm.a 'my skirt' loY.j 'fruit (picked)' n.lo7.ya 'my fruit' Exceptions to the semantic categories: { -b'aj } txoTw.b'aj 'blanket' xmu:J.b'aj 'shawl' ky'itz.b'aj 'belt'

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80 l:m.j 'breast' One word, pa:sb ' 11 'hat', falls Into this class although the suffix in the absolute form is not {-b'aj "^ j } . The suffix is {-b'il}, probably an instrumental (2.4.2), but under possession it is dropped, just like other articles of clothing: n.pa :s .a 'my hat'. 2.3.3.6 NEVER POSSESSED NOUN ROOTS These roots are free forms which are never possessed, primarily on semantic grounds; that is, the nouns refer to things which are not considered possessable. The class includes measure words, place names, and others, many of which are natural phenomena. Examples: kya7j 'sky' laq 'plateful (measure word)' che7w 'star' 2.3.3.7 ALWAYS POSSESSED NOUN ROOTS These are bound forms which are always possessed, usually and sometimes exclusively by a third person possessor. Most of these roots refer to parts of objects (non-human, and usually inanimate).* Some roots belong to this class when they refer to objects and belong to class S3 when they refer to people. All relational nouns are of this class. Examples: t.lok' 'its root' t.b'aq' 'its seed'

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81 2.3.4 ADJECTIVE ROOTS Adjective roots are free forms v;hich form adjectives without derivation. Example: yo:xh 'red' 2.3.5 AFFECT ROOTS These are free forms which form affect words without derivation. Some roots reduplicate entirely or in part to form words . Example : lem 'the action of closing' 2.3.6 PARTICLE ROOTS These are free forms and by definition do not add affixes to form words. They may take enclitics, hov;ever, and there are also some compound stems. Example: iky ' like this ' 2.3.7 CANONICAL SHAPE OF ROOTS The most common root shape is CVC , and most roots end in C. Some root classes (verbs, positionals, affect roots) are quite restricted as to shape. In the shapes which follow, the first consonant can be considered optional, giving vowel initial roots of the same shapes, except for positionals, which never begin with a vowel. Note that nC is the only possible cluster in final position.

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82 2.3.7.1 TRANSITIVE ROOT SHAPES CV seCV7 se7CVC tzuyCV7C ch'i71'burn up firewood' 'do' ' grab ' 'sin,c:e ' 2.3.7.2 INTRANSITIVE ROOT SHAPES CV7 xl7CV:7 kye:7CVC b ' a j CV7C tz'e7yCV:C ch'l:y.got

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83 cvcvc

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CV:C CV:7C ku :w tzl :7r 2.3.7.7 PARTICLE ROOT SHAPES 8k ' song of doves ' 'action of shooting* cv

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85 of the derived stem; a chart at the end also shovrs which roots and stems can take vrhich affixes. Information about each affix is arranged according to the following format : 1. number, morpheme, gloss 2. allomorphs and distribution 3. function 4. productivity 5. examples 6. other remarks 1) 1. {S-} 2. s-v xh-v X0/ ch(lexically determined) 3. Derives noun, transitive, adjective, affect stems from noun, transitive, adjective, and affect roots or stems, usually with no change in class. The change in meaning is usually very slight, and seems to be mostly a change in specificity of reference. These prefixes provide a way to derive new vocabulary as needed. 4. Productive 5. Examples: q'an 'ripe' (A) -> xhq ' an 'yellow' (a)t t The following abbreviations are used: T = transitive root, I = intransitive root, P positional root, N = noun root, A = adjective root, AF = affect root, t = transitive stem, i = intransitive stem, n = noun stem, a = adjective stem, af = affect stem.

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86 k'a: 'bitter' (A) -> xk'a: 'bile (n) juk 'short and fat' (A) ^ chjuk 'fat, potbellied' (a) toq' 'frog' (N) ^xtoq' 'frog' (n) v;it''jump' (T) ^ xwit''jump' (t) che7w 'cold' (A) ^ scheTw 's-hivering' (a) 2) 1. Reduplication 2. 3. There are various forms of reduplication v:hich create stems of several classes and for which there are not enough examples to generalize. ^. Nonproductive 5 . Examples : k'uxk'ub' 'a type of high grass' (n) saqtz'utz'ub ' 'partly dry' (a) xko7j 'brown' (A) -> xkojkojte:? 'spiny plant, yellow in color' (n) pixhixhi:? 'a water bird' (n) jet'uneven' (P) -> jetetje:? 'uneven' waqlaq 'a type of bird' (n) 2.il.l VERB FORMATION 3) 1{-V:} 'stem formative' 2. after stems or roots which end in a long vowel or vowel glottal stop (CV:, CV:7, CVCCV:); vowel length after roots which end in a short

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87 vov;el (CV); -a after stems or roots which end in a consonant and have a long vovjel or vowel glottal stop (CV:C, CV7C, CVCV7C); -a: 'V -u : a, -o : after stems or roots which end in a consonant and have a short vowel (CVC, CVCC). The vowel chosen is lexically determined. 3. a. The stem formative is obligatory in the formation of certain verb words : 1) it occurs before the verbal noun suffix {-1} and the agentive suffix {-1} (both transitive and intransitive stems and roots) 2) It occurs before the intransitivizing suffix {-n}, the participle suffix {-7n}, the processive suffixes {-7kj} , {-7tz}, and the passive suffix {-njtz}. 3) It occurs optionally for transitive roots in the non-potential if the root shape is CVC, and obligatorily for other shapes. 4) It occurs before the transitive imperative {-m}. b. The stem formative derives transitive stems from noun, positional , and affect roots. 4. Productive 5. Examples:

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88 Root or Stem Verbal Noun na'think' (T) -> na:l 'to think' tzoqpi:'set free' (t) -> tzoqpirl 'to set free'' b'irtz 'song' (N) -»b'i:tzal 'to sing' si7w'gather firewood' (t)-> sl7wal 'to gather firewood' naj'occupy a house' (T) ^ naja:l 'to occupy a house' b'iy'kill' (T) -^ b'iyo:l 'to kill' chuk'dissolve' (T) ->chuku:l 'to dissolve' b'e:t'walk' (I) ->b'e:tal 'to walk' 6. Some CVC roots go to CV:C in the nonpotential and change the stem formative so as to be consistent with shape. A few CVC roots pattern throughout like CV:C stems. Example: tzoj'cough' -> tzojal 'to cough' (not tzoja:l) 2.^.1.1 TRANSITIVE STEM FORMATION A) 1. {-b'a:} 'transitivizer' 2. -b'a: 3. Derives transitive stems from positional roots, with the meaning 'put or leave in such a way'. 4. Productive 5. Examples: mutz'upside down' (P) ^ mutzb'a:'put upside down' (t) tzal'to one side' (P) -> txalb'a:'put to one side' (t)

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89 wank'in form of ball' (P) -^ wankb'a:'put in form of ball' (t) 5) 1. Lengthened vowel ' transitlvlzer ' 2. Lengthened vovrel 3. Derives transitive stems from ^positional and affect roots, with the meaning 'do it in such a way ' . 4. Productive 5. Examples: mok''crouched' (P) ^ mo:k''crouch' (t) b'otz'wrapped up' (P) ^ b'ottz'wrap up' (t) qin'stretched' (P) -> qi:n'stretch' (t) lach' 'a big step' (AF) ^ la:ch''walk with big steps' (t) pis 'action, break something thin and dry' (AF) ^ pi:s'break something thin and dry' (t) qech 'noise of grinding' (AF) ^ qe:ch'grind' (t) 6) 1. {-la:} 'applicative' 2. -la after V7 ; -la: elsewhere. 3. Derives transitive stems from noun roots and stems. 4. Nonproductive 5. Examples: a? 'water' (N) ^ a71a'water' (t) a:m'skirt' (N) -^ amla:'use a skirt' (t) pa:sb'il 'hat' (n) ^ pasb'la:'use a hat' (t)

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ma:kb'il 'tool' (n) ->makb'la:'use tools' (t) u:w'necklace' (N) ^ uwla:'use a necklace' (t) 6. Requires shortening of the preceding vowel. 7) 1. {-v;a} 'applicative' 2. -wa 3. Derives transitive stems from noun roots. 4. Nonproductive 5. Example: si7 'firewood' (N) -> siTwa'gather firewood' (t) 8) 1. {-ya} 'applicative' 2 . -ya 3. Derives transitive stems from noun roots. 4. Nonproductive 5. Examples: b'e: 'road' (N) ^ b'erya'fix roads' (t) ja: 'house' (N) -v ja:ya'roof a house' (t) 9) l.{-yi:} 'applicative' 2. -yi: 3. Derives transitive stems from noun roots. ^. Nonproductive 5. Example: me:b'a 'orphan' (N) ^ meb'ayi:'care for orphans' (t) 10) 1. {-b'e:} 'causative' 2. -b'e:

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91 3. Derives transitive stems from transitive, intransitive J and unidentified roots. A. Nonproductive 5. Examples: aj'want' (T) -> ajb'e:'want' (t) oq'flee' (I) -> oqb'e:'abandon' (t) *sas^ sasb'e:'feel pulse, touch, weigh in hands ' (t ) *xal-> xalb'e:'step over' (t) *xjuk'-> xjuk'b'e:'guide, teach how to work' (t) 11) 1. {-cha:} 'causative' 2. -cha: 3. Derives transitive stems from positional, affect, and unidentified roots. 4. Nonproductive 5. Examples : b'ow'swollen part' (P) -> b'owcha:'cause to fall' (t) k'ow'sound of knocking (AF) -»k'owcha:'knock on door' (t) *xmuk-> xmukcha:'joke' (t) 12) 1. {-chi:} 'causative' 2. -Chi: 3. Derives transitive stems from unidentified roots 4. Nonproductive 5. Example:

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92 '^ch'up-y ch'upchi:'wash the head' (t) 13) 1. {-chu:} 'causative' 2. -chu: 3. Derives transitive stems from positional, affect, and unidentified roots. 4. Nonproductive 5. Examples: b'iq''grain thrown down' (P) -> b'iq'chu:' swallov; something v/hole' (t) *k'ap-^ k'apchu:'split firewood' (t) q'am ' sound of breaking cane' (AF) -v q'amchu:'break branches' (t) t'ab' 'action of snapping at something' (AF) -> t'ab'chu:'snap at something in the air' (t) 1^) 1. {-k'u:} 'causative' 2. -k'u: 3. Derives transitive stems from affect and unidentified roots. M. Nonproductive 5. Examples: jas 'speech in a soft voice' (AF) -> jask'u:'say softly' (t) *taq-> taqk'u:'cut wood' (t) 15) 1. {-le:} 'causative' 2. -le:

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93 3. Derives transitive stems from intransitive and unidentified roots. 4. Nonproductive 5. Examples: iky''pass' (I) -^Iky'le:'insult' (t) *itz'-> itz'le:'stay up late' (t) 16) 1. {-li : } 'causative' 2. -li: 3. Derives transitive stems from unidentified roots ^. Nonproductive 5. Examples: *eGhaq-* echaqli:'check' (t) *xpap-> xpapli:'criticize, blaspheme' (t) 17) 1. {-lu:} 'causative' 2. -lu: 3. Derives transitive stems from unidentified roots 4. Nonproductive 5. Example: *xmej-> xmejlu:'plead' (t) 18) 1. {-mu:} 'causative' 2 . -mu : 3. Derives transitive stems from unidentified roots 4. Nonproductive 5. Example: *taq^ taqmu:'cut sticks into many equal pieces' (t)

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94 19) 1. {-na:} 'causative' 2. -na: 3. Derives transitive stems from unidentified roots. 4. Nonproductive 5. Examples: *tz'iy-> tz'iyna:'line up' (t) *maj-> majna'lend' (t) 20) 1. {-ne:} 'causative' 2 . -ne : 3. Derives transitive stems from unidentified roots. 4. Nonproductive 5. Example: *q'ax-> q'axne:'v/arm oneself by the fire' (t) 21) 1. {-pi:} 'causative' 2 . -pi: 3. Derives transitive stems from positional, transitive, affect, and unidentified roots. 4. Nonproductive 5 . Examples : tunk'tree without point' (P) -^ tunkpi:'fell' (t) wiq''in form of ball' (P) -^ wiq'pi:'take a root, rock out of the dirt' (t) tuch''work land badly' (T) -y tuch'pi:'work land badly' (t) *tzaq-> tzaqpi:'jump' (t) yutz 'fright' (AF) ^ yutzpi:'frighten' (t)

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95 22) 1. {-pu:} 'causative' 2. -pu: 3. Derives transitive stems from positional, transitive, affect, and unidentified roots. 4. Nonproductive 5. Examples : jll'hidden under the brush' (P) -> jllpu:'cause to slip; put in, e.g. machete in sheath' (t) qltz''tight' (P) ^ qltz'pu:to tie' (t) *seky'-> seky'pu:'frighten' (t) chak''someone asleep in front of house' (P) chak'pu:'make someone fall' (t) jas 'action of cutting in one blow' (AF) -> jaspu:'cut with one blow' (t) jlq'pull up just germinating plants' (T) ->jiqpu:'pull up plants with entire root' (t) 23) 1. {-q'i:} 'causative' 2. -q'i: 3. Derives transitive stems from unidentified roots. 4. Nonproductive 5. Example: *mul-> mulq'i:'sink' (t) 24) 1. {-q'u:} 'causative' 2. -q'u: 3. Derives transitive stems from positional, affect.

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96 and unidentified roots. 4. Nonproductive 5. Examples : plch''head down' (P) -> plch'q'u:'let fall head down' (t) tzib' 'moment of spilling' (AP) -> tzib'q'u:'spill' (t) pat'thrown down' (P) -^ patq'u:'turn (something flat J or earth) (t) 'fb'al-> b'alq'u:'roll down' (t) *b'll^ b'ilq'u:'swallow' (t) 25) 1. {-sa:} 'causative' 2. -sa: after stems with short vowels; -sa elsewhere. 3. Derives transitive stems from adjective and Intransitive roots and stems. 4. Semiproductive 5 . Examples : nim 'a lot' (A) -^ nimsa:'make big' (t) no:j'fill' (I) -^ nojsa:'fill it' (t) tx'e71 'toasted' (A) -^ tx'eTlsa'toast it' (t) 26) 1. {-tzl:} 'causative' 2 . -tzi : 3. Derives transitive stems from unidentified roots. 4. Nonproductive 5 . Examples :

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97 *ab'-> ab'tcl:'order ahead' (t) *b'al->b'altzl:'roll up (e.g. string)' (t) 27) 1. {-tz'u:} 'causative' 2. -tz'u: 3. Derives transitive stems from affect, transitive, and unidentified roots. 4. Nonproductive 5. Examples : jap 'action of shutting something rapidly' (AF) -> japtz'u:'shut door, chest' (t) *mel->meltz'u:'turn over; close eyes; exchange' (t) paq'baste, hem' (T) -^ paqtz'u:'fold (e.g. cloth)' (t) qo7p 'action of lighting a fire or the reflection of light' (AF) ^ qoptz'u:'light instantly, illuminate' (t) tarn 'action of cutting' (AF) -> tamtz'u:'cut something solid' (t) 28) 1. {-we:} 'causative' 2 . -we : 3. Derives transitive stems from unidentified roots. 4. Nonproductive 5. Example: *tzaq'-* tzaq'we:'answer' (t) 29) 1. {-naje:7} 'repetitive'

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98 2. -naje:7 3. Derives transitive steins from transitive stems and roots, and positional roots. H. Nonproductive 5. Examples : qej'lie down' (P) ^ qejnaje:?'lie down every little while' (t) qe:l'run' (t) -> qelnaje:?'run every little while' (t) 6. Requires dropping of preceding long vowels-. 30) 1. {-7kj} 'processive' 2. -kj after a short stem formative; -7.-.kj after a short stem formative preceded by a resonant, in which case the glottal stop precedes the resonant; -7kJ elsewhere, with shortening of the stem formative . 3Derives transitive stems from transitive and Intransitive stems, adding the meaning 'go and do it' . 4. Productive 5 . Examples : b'i:t2a'sing' (t) -> b'i:tzakj'go and sing' (t) ma'say' (T) -^ ma7kj'go and say' (t) b'e:ta'walk' (1) -^ b'e:takj'go and walk' (t) 6. Requires the stem formative.

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99 31) 1. {-7tz} 'processive imperative' 2. -tz after short stem formatives; -7...tz after short stem formatives preceded by a resonant, in v;hich case the glottal stop precedes the resonant; -tz, elsewhere, with shortening of the stem formative . 3. Derives transitive stems from transitive and intransitive stems, adding the meaning 'go and do iti ' . 4. Productive 5Examples : ila'see' (t) -^ la7tz'go and seel' (t) qe:la'run' (t) -> qe:71atz'go and run I' (t) tze:q'a'hit' (t) ^ tzerq'atz'go and hit I ' (t) 6. Requires the stem formative. 2.4.1.2 INTRANSITIVE STEM PORIMTION 32) 1. {-n} 'intransitivizer' 2. -n 3. Derives intransitive verbs from transitive stems. 4. Productive 5. Examples: aq'na:'work' (t) -> aq'na:n'work' (i) ki:'look at' (t) -^ ki:n'look' (i) wa:7'eat (tortilla)' (t) -^ wa:7n'eat (tortilla)' (i) 6. Requires the stem formative.

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100 33) I. {-;n} 'affect' 2. -:n 3. Derives affect verbs from ?.ffect steins (see 2.^.^) ^. Productive 5' Examples : wit''standing' (P) -> wit'it'i 'action of going running' (af) -^ wit 'it 'i :n'go running' (i) pal'lying down' (P) -y palala 'action of floating' (af) -^ palala:n'go floating' (i) 3^) 1. {-ax} 'vertitive' 2. -i:x after roots or stems of two syllables; -ax elsev/here. There are some exceptions, and all adjectives formed by the suffix {-V-|_C2V-j_ :n} (72) take -ax. 3. Derives intransitive stems from adjective roots or stems . ^. Productive 5. Examples: saq 'white' (A) -^ saqax'become white' (i) xq'irlan 'green' (a) -> xq'ilanirx'become green' (i) ni:w 'dirty' (A) -> ni :wax'become dirty' (i) 6. -i:x requires shortening of long vowels in the stem. 35) 1. {-e:7} 'vertitive' 2. -e:b' before vowel initial suffixes (not

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101 enclitics) ; -e:7 elsewhere 3. Derives intransitive stems from positional roots. k. Productive 5. Examples : paq'lying dovm' (P) -> paqe:7'lie dov;n ' (1) tutz''sitting' (P) -^ tutz'e:?'sit down' (1) txal'put to one side' (P) -> tzale:7 'go or put to one side' (i) 36) 1. {-b'aj} 'passive' 2. -b'aJ 3. Derives intransitive stems from transitive roots and stems and unidentified roots. 4. Productive 5 . Examples : to:q'cut' (t) -> to:qb'aJ'be cut' (i) 11'see' (t) -> ilb'aj'\/ lab'aj'be seen' (i) *putz^ putzb'aj'be better' 6. These forms require a directional and do not permit an agent in the sentence. 37) 1{-e:t} 'passive' 2. -at after CV:C; -t after some CV:, CV:7 stems; -e:t elsewhere. 3. Derives intransitive stems from transitive stems and roots.

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102 4. Productive 5. Examples : aq'n'work' (t) -^ aq'nert'be worked' (1) b'irtz'sing' (t) -v b'irtzat'be sung' (i) lo:'eat fruit' (t) -> lo:t'be eaten' (i) 6. There is never an agent in the sentence. -e:t requires dropping of any preceding vowel. 38) 1. {-j} 'passive' 2. -1 after CVC ; -j after CV:C. 3. Derives intransitive stems from transitive roots and stems, adjective roots, and unidentified roots. 4. Productive 5. Examples: till'water' (t) ->ti:lj'be watered' (i) yu;p'put out fire' (t) -> yu:pj'be put out' (1) *me:l-> me:lj'be without comfort' (i) *q'oJ->• q'ojl'be angry' (i) *qoj-> qojl'be overfull' (1) 39) 1. {-njtz} 'passive' 2 . -n j t z . 3. Derives intransitive stems from transitive stems. H. Semiproductive 5 • Examples : tzerq'a'hit' (t) -»tze:q'anjtz'be hit' (i)

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103 o:na'help' (t) ->o:nanjtz'be helped' (i) b'lyo:'kill' (t) -> b'lyornjtz'be killed' (1) 6. Some people In the town use these forms and some do not. There can be a third person agent in the sentence. The stem formative is required, i|0) 1. {-b'a} ' Intransltivizer' 2. -b'a 3. Derives intransitive stems from adjective and unidentified roots. H. Nonproductive 5. Examples: *ky'ix-> ky'ixb'a'be wounded' (i) kyaq 'red' (A) -> kyaqb'a'be angry' (i) 41) 1. {-ch} 'intransltivizer' 2. -ch 3. Derives intransitive stems from transitive stems. 4. Nonproductive 5. Example: yu:k'move it' (t) -»yukch'move' (i) 6. Requires shortening of a preceding long vowel. 42) 1. {-chaj} 'intransltivizer' 2. -chaj 3. Derives Intransitive stems from positional and unidentified roots. 4. Nonproductive

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104 5. Examples: b ' ow'swollen place' (P) -^ b'owchaj'fall' (i) *q'ip-> q'ipchaj'slip (the hand)' (i) 43) 1. {-paj } ' intransltivlzer' 2. -paj 3. Derives intransitive stems from positional and unidentified roots. H. Nonproductive 5. Examples : v/it''standing' (P) -> wit 'paj'jump' (i) *tzoq-> tzoqpaj'escape' (i) lit''stretched' (P) ^ lit'paj'stretch' (1) *seky'-> seky'paj'bo frightened' (i) *loq-> loqpaj'wilt' (i) qin'stretched' (P) -> qinpaj'stretch' (i) hh) 1. {-t} 'intransitivizer' 2. -t 3. Derives intransitive stems from adjective roots and unidentified roots. H. Nonproductive 5. Examples: *meq'* meq't'be hot' (i) «lab'-> lab't'bother' (1) *q'aj-> q'ajt'call, say' (i) *siky^ sikyt'be tired' (i)

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105 *tx'uj^ tx'ujt'flee' (1) b ' a7n 'good' (A) ->b'ant'be well; learn' (i) ^5) 1. {-tz'aj} 'intransitivlzer ' 2. -tz'aj 3. Derives intransitive stems from positional roots. 4. Nonproductive 5. Example: jom'empty stomach' (P) -> jomtz'aj'be empty' (i) 46) 1. {-tz'aq} 'intransitivlzer' 2. -tz'aq 3. Derives intransitive stems from unidentified roots 4. Nonproductive 5. Example: *kutz^ kutztz'aq'fall' (i) 47) 1. {-7...al} 'specific termination' 2. -7. . -al 3Derives intransitive stems from intransitive roots of motion, adding specificity of end point of action« 4. Nonproductive 5 . Examples : e:l'go out' (I) -> e:71al'go out to a specific point' (i) a:j'return' (I) -> a:7jal'return from a specific point' (i)

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106 ja:w'go up' (I) ^ ja:7wal'go up to a specific point' (i) o:k'go in' (I) ->o:7kal'go In to a specific point' (1) kub''go down' (I) -> kub ' al'go down to a specific point' (1) 2.4.2 NOUN STEM FORMATION 48) 1. {aj-} 'agent' 2. aj3. Derives noun stems from noun roots. 4. Productive 5. Examples: q'l:j 'day' (N) -^ ajq'lrj 'diviner' (n) me:s 'table' (N) -> ajme:s 'practitioner' (n) che:j 'mule, horse' (N) -> ajcherj 'mule driver' (n) ml:s 'mass' (N) -> ajml:s 'Catholic' (n) po:n 'Incense' (N) -> ajpo:n 'person of traditional beliefs' (n) b'i:tz 'song' (N) -> ajb'l:tz 'singer' (n) 49) 1. {aj-} 'native' 2. aj3. Derives noun stems from toponyms. 4. Semiproductlve 5 . Examples : Xhni:l ' Colotenango' -> ajxhnlrl 'person from Colotenango' (n)

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107 Pe:tz'al 'San Rafael Petzal' -> ajpe:tz'al 'person from San Rafael' (n) ChnaTjal 'Huehuetenango' -> ajchnaTJal 'person from Huehuetenango ' (n) Kwi:lb' 'Cuilco' ->ajkwi:lb' 'person from Cullco' (n) 50) 1. {-1} 'agentive' 2. Lengthens the ultimate vowel of a root which ends in a short vowel (not the stem formative); -1 elsev/here. 3. Derives noun stems from transitive and some Intransitive stems. 4. Productive 5. Examples: yo:la'speak' (t) -> yo:lal 'speaker' (n) aq'na:'work' (t) -> aq'na:l 'worker' (n) wa:7'eat' (t) -> wa:71 'someone who eats tortillas' (n) b'e:ta'walk' (i) ->b'e:tal 'walker' (n) 6. Requires the stem formative. 51) 1. {-e:nj} 'patient' 2. -e:nj 3. Derives noun stems from transitive stems and roots 4. Productive 5Examples: b'ly'kill' (T) ^ b'lye:nj 'killed person' (n) txik'cook' (T) -> txike:nj 'that which is cooked' (n) chem'weave' (T) ^ cheme:nj 'that which is woven' (n)

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108 52) 1. {-b'll} 'instrumental' 2. -b'il 3. Derives noun stems from transitive roots or stems, intransitive, positional, and unidentified roots . 4. Productive 5 . Examples : luk'pull up' (T) -> lukb'il 'instrument for pulling up' (n) o:q''cry' (I) -> o:q'b'il 'something which causes crying' (n) tutz'''sitting' (P) -> tutz'b'il 'something for sitting' (n) po:m'perform rites' (t) -> po:mb'il 'place for performing rites' (n) 6. Indicates either the instrument for doing the action or the place where the action is performed. 53) 1{-b'e:n} 'resultant locative' 2. -b'e:n 3. Derives noun stems from transitive roots or stems, and positional roots. 4. Productive 5. Examples : ju:s'burn' (t) -> jusb'ern 'burned place' (n) aq'n'work' (t) -> aq'anb'ern 'worked place' (n) qej'lying down' (P) ->qejb'e:n 'place where one has lain down' (n) 54) 1. {-b'an} 'remainder'

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109 2. -b'an 3. Derives noun stems from transitive roots or stems, and positional roots. A. Semiproductlve 5. Examples : ' ' wa:7'eat' (t) ^ wa:b'an 'remains of food' (n) tx'a'chew' (T) ^ tx'ab'an 'something chewed one tirae' (n) sji:l'slip' (t) -> sji:lb'an 'where something has slipped once' (n) xpe71'plane wood' (t) ^ xpeYlb'an 'wood shavings ' (n) lo'eat fruit' (T) ^ lob 'an 'bits of fruit' (n) qej'lying down' (P) -> qejb'an 'where someone has lain dov;n' (n) 6. The noun indicates that which remains after completing the action. 55) 1. {-1} 'verbal noun' 2. Lengthens the ultimate vowel of a root which ends in a vowel (not the stem formative) ; -1 elsewhere. 3. Derives a verbal noun from transitive and some intransitive stems . 4. Productive 5 . Examples : yo:la'speak' (t) -> yo:lal 'to speak' (n) aq'na:'work' (t) -> aq*na:l 'to work' (n) wa:7'eat' (t) -> wa:71 'to eat' (n)

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110 b'e:ta'walk' (1) -> b'e:tal 'to walk' (n) 6. Requires the stem formative. 56) 1. {-an} 'ordinal' 2. -1 with the root ne : j 'first'; -an with other numbers. 3. Derives noun stems for ordinal numbers from the cardinal numbers. 4. Productive 5. Examples: tnerjal 'first' tkab ' an 'second' to:xan 'third' etc . 6. The ordinal numbers are always possessed. 57) 1. {-a:l} 'abstract noun' 2. -a:l after a stem or root with one short vowel; -al '^ -il after a stem or root with one long vowel; -i:l after a stem or root with two vowels. There are some exceptions. All forms insert a /y/ glide if they occur after a vowel. 3. Derives abstract noun stems from any class of root except particles and affect roots, usually from adjectives. 4. Productive

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Ill 5. Examples: q'aq 'black' (A) -> tq'aqarl 'blackness' (n) yo:xh 'red' (A) -> tyo:xhal 'redness' (n) a? 'water' (N) -> ta7yil 'the liquid part, e.g. egg-white' (n) xtaq'al 'coals' (n) ^ t-xtaq'anl:l 'coals from the firewood in general' (n) b ' a7n 'good' (A) -> tb'a:nal 'goodness' (n) q'ay'rot' (I) ^ tq'ayll 'rottenness' (n) 6. Most abstract nouns are always possessed, but not all. Common exceptions are: ya:b' 'sick' (A) -* ya:b'il 'sickness' (n) jb'a:l 'rain' (N) -+ jb'a:lil 'rainy season' (n) nim 'a lot' (A) -> nimarl 'big, important' (a) q'i:j 'sun' (N) -* q'l:jal 'dry season' (n) There are apparently some words which add the suffix twice and reduce it to la: 1 or li :1 : q'i:j 'sun' (N) -> q'ijli:l 'dry spell in the rainy season' (n) ti:b' 'reflexive relational noun' (n) -> tib'la:! 'form, appearance' (n) 58) 1. {-ab'i:l} 'abstract noun' 2. -ab'i:l 3. Derives noun stems from adjective roots. 4. Productive 5. Examples: la7j 'lying' (A) ^ tlajab'i:! 'lies' (n) lo:k 'crazy' (A) ^ tlokab'i:l 'craziness' (n)

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112 tzit 'stuffed' (A) ^ttzltab'i:! 'fullness' (n) 6. The derived noun is always possessed. This suffix apparently has exactly the same function as the abstract noun suffix a :1 , and on many roots they vary freely. Some roots require ab ' i : 1 , hov/ever. Long vowels in the stem are shortened. 59) 1. {-le:n} 'abstract noun' 2 . -le :n 3. Derives abstract noun stems from transitive and Intransitive roots and stems. 4. Productive 5 . Examples : kya:j'remain' (I) ^ tkyajlern 'lateness' (n) o:kx 'enter' (i) -> tokxle:n 'entrance' (n) b'i:tz'sing' (t) -» b'ltzlern 'his singing' (n) to:q'break' (t) -> toqlecn 'fracture' (n) 6. The nouns are usually, but not always, possessed. Preceding long vowels are shortened. 60) 1. {-Ie7n} 'abstract noun' 2. -Ie7n 3. Derives noun stems from any class of root or stem except particles and affect words. 4. Productive 3Examples :

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113 q'o:j 'anger' (N) -> q'ojle7n 'state of fighting' (n) sikyt'be tired' (1) -»slkytle7n 'tiredness' (n) mati:j 'big' (A) ^ tljle7n 'old age' (n) kab''wound' (T) -y kab'leTn 'wound' (n) 6. Indicates the state signified by the stem or root. Preceding long vowels are shortened. 61) 1. {-b'ji7b'il} 'nomlnalizer ' 2. -b'ji7b'il 3. Derives noun stems from adjective stems vzhich usually have the suffix b 'a: jal (71), without a change in meaning. ^. Nonproductive 5 . Examples : kib'b'a:jal 'visible' (a) -> kib'jl7b'il 'ease of seeing' (n) achb'a:jal 'happy' (a) ^achb 'aji7b 'il 'happiness' (n) b'e:yb'il 'poor' (a) ^ b ' eyb ' j i7b ' il 'poverty' (n) moyb'a:Jal 'easy to dominate' (a) -*moyb'ji7b'il 'domination' (n) 6. The suffix is clearly related to the suffix b ' a: jal j but not analyzable. 62) l.'{-b'al} 'nominalizer' 2. -b'al 3. Derives noun stems from transitive stems. ^. Nonproductive

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11^ 5. Example: b'irnch'arrange, do' (t) -v b'lrnchb'al 'arrangement' (n) 63) 1. {-b'atz} 'nomlnalizer' 2. -b'atz 3. Derives noun stems from transitive roots. 4. Nonproductive 5. Example: xl:m'think' (t) -^xirnb'atz 'thought' (n) 64) 1. {-1} 'nominalizer' 2. -1 3Derives noun stems from intransitive roots. 4. Nonproductive 5. Examples: ja:w'go up' (I) ^ ja:wl 'ascent' (n) kub''go down' (I) -^ kub ' 1 'descent' (n) 65) 1. {-tl} 'nominalizer' 2. -tl 3. Derives noun stems from unidentified roots. 4. Nonproductive 5. Example: *aq'un^aq'u:ntl 'work' (n) 66) 1. {-tz} 'nominalizer' 2. -tz 3. Derives noun stems from transitive and intransitive

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115 roots. 4. Nonproductive 5. Examples: iq'carry' (T) -> iqtz 'load' (n) q'aTj'ride a horse' (T) -> q'a7jtz 'bench (for mounting horses) '(n) o:k'enter' (I) -> no:ktz 'entrance' (n) 2.i|.3 ADJECTIVE STEM FORMATION 67) 1. {-7n} 'participial' 2. -h after a short stem formative; -7...n after a short stem formative preceded by a resonant, in which case the glottal stop precedes the resonant; -7n elsewhere. 3. Derives the past participle from transitive stems. 4. Productive 5 . Examples : sb'i:t'a'rip' (t) -> sb'i:t'an 'ripped' (a) ju:la'suck sweets' (t) -y ju:71an 'sucked' (a) txaqo:'light' (t) -> txaqo7n 'lit' (a) 6. Requires the stem formative. If the stem formative is a long vowel, it is shortened. 68) 1. {-na} 'participial' 2. -na 3. Derives the past participle from some transitive

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116 and intransitive roots or stems. ^. Productive 5. Examples: yu:p'put out fire' (t) -> yupna 'put out' (a) to:q'break' (t) -* toqna 'broken' (a) kyim'die' (I) -^ kyimna 'dead' (a) no:j'fill' (I) -> nojna 'full' (a) 6. Requires shortening of a preceding Ion vowel. 69) 1. {-naj } 'participial' 2. -naj 3. Derives the past participle from transitive and intransitive roots and stems, and unknov/n roots. 4. Nonproductive 5. Examples: *mal•> chmalnaj 'humid' (a) yu:p'put out fire' (t) -> yupnaj 'put out' (a) xo:p'perforate' (t) -> xopnaj 'perforated' (a) q'a:y'rot' (I) ^ q'aynaj 'rotten' (a) 6. Requires shortening of preceding long vowels. 70) 1. {-1} 'positional adjective' 2. -ch after /I/ terminal roots and sometimes after /I/ initial roots ^ -1 elsewhere. 3. Derives positional adjectives from positional roots A. Productive.

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117 5Examples: tutz'l 'seated' koxhl 'lying down' txulch 'quiet' molch 'crouching' lach'l 'standing with feet apart' leq'ch 'far' 71) 1. {-b'a:jal} 'facility' 2. -b'a:jal 3. Derives adjective stems from positional and transitive roots and transitive stems, 4. Productive 5. Examples: txik'cook' (T) -> txikb'a:jal 'easy to cook' (a) b'i:nch'do' (t) ^ b ' inchb 'a : jal 'easy to do' (a) tutz''sitting* (P) ->tutz'b'a:jal 'easy to seat' (a) 6. Requires shortening of preceding long vowels. 72) 1. {-ViC2V-^:n} 'facility' 2. -V^C2V^:n 3. Derives adjective stems from transitive roots or stems. 4. Productive 5. Examples: to:q'break' (t) ->toqoqo:n 'breakable' (a) ll:ch''break' (t) -^ lich'ich'i:n 'breakable' (a)

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118 mo:l'burn' (t) -> mololorn 'easily v/ilted' (a) 6. Requires shortening of preceding long vowels. 73) 1. {-chaq} 'distributive' 2. -chaq on all numbers and some quantity words; -kaj optionally on kab ' '2', ox '3'; -kyaj optionally on kyaj 'V; -7ix optionally on ox '3'. 3Derives distributive adjectives from numbers and some other quantity words. h. Productive 5 . Examples : jweTchaq 'five to each, five for one, five by five J five each' Qaqchaq sects k'um wu7na. 'I bought the squash for 6
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119 7M 1. {-ka} 'atenuator' 2. -ka 3. Derives adjective stems from adjective and noun roots . 4. Productive 5. Examples: neqa:7 'close' (A) ->neqa:7ka 'a little close' (a) b'aTn 'good' (A) -vb'aTnka 'a little good' (a) spirky'an 'clear' (a) -> spi:ky'anka 'a little clear' (a) chib ' aj 'meat' (n) -> noqax chib'ajka 'meat that's so-so' (a) 75) 1. {-maj } 'emphatic' 2 . -maj 3. This is added to the participle formed by 7n to give emphasis, without change in class or other change in meaning. 4. Productive 5Examples : tx'e:7man 'cut' -v tx'e:7manmaj 'cut' aq'na7n 'worked' -> aq'na7nmaj 'worked' sb'i:t'an 'ripped' -^ sb'i:t'anmaj 'ripped' 76) l.{-an} ' adjectivizer • 2 . -an 3. Derives adjective stems from noun roots. 4. Productive

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120 5. Examples: xaq 'stone' (N) ->xaqan 'made of stone' (a) tz'i:s 'garbage' (N) -» tz'l:san 'clean' (a) tx'otx' 'earth' (N) -> tx'otx'an 'made of earth' (a) lo:q' 'adobe' (N) ^ lo:q'an 'made of adobe' (a) 77) 1. {-an} 'adjectivizer ' 2. -an 3Derives adjective stems from transitive roots or stems and unidentified roots. 4. Nonproductive 5. Examples: *t'ut'-> t'ut'an 'squishy' (a) ju:k'burn' (t) -> ju:kan 'burnable' (a) *b'u:n->b'u:nan 'soft ground' (a) *lu:b'-> lu:b'an 'stretchy' (a) 78) 1. {-C2_aj} 'adjectivizer' 2. -C^aj 3. Derives adjective stems from positional and unidentified roots. 4. Nonproductive 5. Examples: *chap-> chapchaj 'tasteless' (a) lln'laid out' (P) -> linlaj 'laid out' (a) *meq'^ meq'maj 'hot' (a) *maq-> kyaqmaqmaj 'stuttering' (a)

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121 *txub'-> txub'txaj 'tasty' (a) *k'at-> xhk'atk'aj 'content' (a) 2.^.i| AFFECT STEM FORMATION 79) 1. {-an} 2. -an 3. Derives affect stems from positional roots, transitive roots and stems, and affect roots. 4. ? 5. Examples: qit'untied' (P) ^ qitan 'the action of coming loose' (af) qor 'noise of a turkey' (AF) ->qoran 'noise of a turkey' (af) qltz''squeak' (T) -+ qitz'an 'the squeak that the bed makes (e.g.) when it Is moved' (af) 80) 1. {-V-lC2V^} 2. V^C^Vi 3. Derives affect stems from positional, affect, and unidentified roots. 4. Semiproductive 5. Examples: txul'quiet' (P) -»txululu 'action of walking without speaking' (af) qitx' 'noise that pigs make with their teeth' (AF) ->qitx'itx'i 'grinding of teeth' (af) wit''standing' (P) -> wit'it'i 'action of going running' (af)

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122 *wul-» wululu 'noise of several people talking' (af) 6, These forms are the bases from which affect verbs are derived (#33). 81) 1. {-ch} 2. -ch 3. Derives affect stems from positional and unidentified roots. 4. Nonproductive 5 . Examples : qej'lying down' (P) ^ qe j ch 'the action of lying down' (af) *qora-»qomch 'the sound of v.'ater falling in a jar' (af) 2.4.5 DERIVED ADVERBIAL FORMATION 82) 1. {-nax} 'direction' 2. -nax 3. Derives directions from intransitive verbs of motion. 4. Nonproductive 5. Examples: j a : w'go up ' ( I ) -»j awnax ' up ' e:l'go out' (I) -V elnax 'west' o:k'go in' (I) -> oknax 'east' u:l'arrive here' (I) -> ulnax 'close' kub''go down' (I) -^ kub'nax 'down'

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123 6. Requires shortening of preceding" long vowels. 83) 1. 'time In future' 2. 3. Derives time In future from numbers and number compounds. ^. Nonproductive 5. Examples (only these exist): ka:7j 'In two days' oxj 'In three days' koj ' In four days ' qu:b'x 'In a week' (seven days) kyajlotj 'in two weeks' (fourteen days) wi:nq'aj 'In three weeks' (twenty days) jnab' 'In a year' kob'ab' 'In two years' oxab ' 'In three years' 8^) 1. 'time In past' 2. 3. Derives time in the past from number and number compounds . 4. Nonproductive 5. Examples (only these exist) : kab'aje: 'day before yesterday' oxoje: 'three days ago' qub ' xe : 'a week ago' (seven days)

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12iJ kyajloje: 'two v/eeks ago' (fourteen days) v:inq'aje: 'three weeks ago' (twenty days) jna:b'a 'a year ago' kob'a:b'a 'two years ago' oxa:b'a 'three years ago' 2.4.6 HOW ROOTS AND STEMS ARE DERIVED (IN REVIEW) So far eighty-four derivational affixes have been found. Of these, only thirty-eight are productive. Many of the nonproductive affixes seern to have the same function (for instance, all of the causatives), but because they are nonproductive it is impossible to decide if the functions were once somewhat different or not. It will also be noted that many of the nonproductive affixes with similar functions have closely related phonological shapes. For instance, all of the 'applicative' suffixes begin with resonants , while the 'causative' suffixes have sets which begin with the same consonant and have several different vowels. In the latter case vowel dissimilation seems to have been at least part of the reason for the proliferation of forms, but such dissimilation is not consistent in the forms today. Analyzing the base forms of these apparently related affixes is a problem for the historical linguist. The productive affixes have little overlap in

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125 function. Most of them either have very different functions, or go with different roots, or are distinguished seraantlcally. A few are not apparently different, however, such as #57 and #58, both of v/hich derive the abstract noun from adjectives. Where no difference in the function of the affixes was indicated In the above listing, none was found. The charts vfhich follow review the derivational process, by root or stem class. Productive affixes are Indicated by (vr) , semlproductlve affixes are indicated by (s), and affixes not marked with either are nonproductive. Root or Stem Derived Stem By Class Class transitive -> transitive 1) s-'^^xh-^x-'^^ch(pr) 3) stem formative (pr) 10) -b'e: 'causative' 21) -pi: 'causative' 22) -pu : 'causative' 27) -tz'u: 'causative' 29) -naje:7 'repetitive' 30) -7kj 'processive' (pr) 31) -7tz 'processive (pr) imperative ' transitive -> intransitive 52) -n 'Intransitivlzer ' (pr) 36) -b'aj 'passive' (pr)

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l26 Root or Stem Derived Stem Class Class transitive intransitive noun adjective -> affect stem intransitive ->transitive 37 38 39 41 50 51 52 53 54 55 59 60 62 63 66 67 68 69 71 72 77 79 10 15 25 -e:t 'passive' (pr) -j 'passive' (pr) -njtz 'passive' (s) -ch ' intransitivizer' -1 'agentlve' (pr) -e:nj 'patient' (pr) -b'll 'instrument' (pr) -b'e:n 'locative' (pr) -b ' an 'remainder' (s) -1 'verbal noun' (pr) -le :n 'abstract noun' (pr) -le7n 'abstract noun' (pr) -b ' al 'nominallzer ' -b'atz 'nominallzer' -tz 'nominallzer' -7n 'participial (pr) -na 'participial' (pr) -naj 'participial' -b'a:jal 'facility' (pr) -VlC2V-^:n 'facility' (pr) -an ' adjectivlzer ' -an (?) -b'e: 'causative' -le : 'causative ' -sa: 'causative' (s)

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127 Root or Stem Derived Stem By Class Class intransitive -^ transitive 30) -7kJ 'processlve' (pr) 31) -7tz 'processive imperative' (pr) -> intransitive ^7) -7..-al 'specific end' -^ noun 50) -1 'agentive' (pr) 52) -b'il 'instrument' (pr) 55) -1 'verbal noun' (pr) 57) -a:l 'abstract noun' (pr) 59) -le:n 'abstract noun' (pr) 60) -le7n 'abstract noun' (pr) 64) -1 'nominalizer ' 66) -tz 'nominalizer' -> adjective 68) -na 'participial' (pr) 69) -naj 'participial' -> adverbial 82) -nax 'direction' positional ->transitive 3) stem formative (pr) 4) -b'a: ' transitlvizer' (pr) 5) -V: 'transitlvizer' (pr) 11) -cha: 'caus.ative' 13) -chu: 'causative' 19) -na: 'causative' 21) -pi: 'causative' 22) -pu : 'causative' 24) -q'u: 'causative' 29) -naje:7 'repetitive' -> intransitive 35) -e:7 'vertitive' (pr)

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128 Root or Stem Derived Stem By Class Class positional -y intransitive ^2) -chaj ' intransltivlzer ' ^3) -paj 'intransltlvizer' ^5) -tz'aj 'intransltlvizer' " ^°^^ 52) -b'll 'instrument' (pr) 53) -b'e:n 'locative' (pr) 54) -b'an 'rem.ainder' (s) 57) -a:l 'abstract noun' (pr) 60) -le7n 'abstract noun' (pr) -^adjective 70) -1 'positional adjective' (pr) 71) -b'a:jal 'facility' (pr) 78) -C^aj 'adjectivizer' -> affect stem 79) -an (?) 80) -V-^C^V^ (s) 81) -eh noun ^ transitive 3) stem formative (pr) 6) -la: 'applicative' 7) -wa 'applicative' 8) -ya 'applicative' 9) -yi: 'applicative' 1) s-'\^xh-'\>x-'\jch(pr) 48) aj'agent' (pr) 49) aj'native' (s) 57) -a:l 'abstract noun' (pr) 58) -ab'i:l 'abstract noun'(pr) noun

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129 Root or Stem Derived Stern Class Class noun -> noun -> adjective adjective -> transitive -* intransitive affect noun adjective adverbial transitive By 60 74 76 25 34 38 40 44 1) 56 57 58 60 61 1) 73 74 75 83 84 3) 5) 11 13 14 -le7n 'abstract noun' (pr) -ka 'atenuator' (pr) -an 'adjectivizer ' (pr) -sa: 'causative' (s) -ax 'vertitlve' (pr) -j 'passive' (pr) -b ' a ' intransltivlzer ' -t 'intransltivlzer' s-^ xh-n.x-A/Ch(pr) -an 'ordinal' (pr) -a:l 'abstract noun' (pr) -ab'l:l 'abstract noun'(pr) -le7n 'abstract noun' (pr) -b'ji7b'll 'nominalizer ' s-^xh-^x-^ ch(pr) -chaq 'distributive' (pr) -ka 'atenuator' (pr) -maj 'emphatic' (pr) 'time in future' 'time in past' stem formative (pr) -V: ' transitivizer ' (pr) -cha: 'causative' -chu: 'causative' -k'u: 'causative'

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130 Root or Stem Derived Stem By Class Class affect -* transitive 21) -pi: 'causative' 22) -pu: 'causative* 2h) -q'u: 'causative' 27) tz'u: 'causative' -> intransitive 33) -:n 'affect' (pr) ^ affect 79) -an (?) 80) -ViC^V^ 2.5 PHRASE FORMATION Mam has verb, noun, and adverb phrases. 2.5.1 VERB PHRASES There are two types of verb phrases: transitive and Intransitive. The elements in the verb phrase have already been discussed (2.2.1), with the major exception of directionals . Directionals are auxiliary elements in the verb phrase which indicate direction of movement and are derived from intransitive verbs of motion. The simple directionals and the verbs from which they derive are: Directional : Intransitive Verb : xi 'away from' xi7 'go' tzaj 'toward' tza:j 'come' ul 'there to here' u:l 'arrive here'

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131 'here to there' ' dovm ' po :n kub' ja:w e:l o :k: kyaj" 'returning from here' a:j 'arrive there' ' go dov/n ' 'up' out 'in' 'remaining' 'passing' iky' b'aj 'go up' go out ' ' go in ' ' remain ' 'return ' 'pass by' 'finish' pon kub' Jaw el ok kyaj aj iky' b'aj 'complete' The primary derivational process involved is that a long vowel in the verb form shortens in the directional. Xi and tza j commonly combine with other directionals , according to the semantics, to add the elements 'away' or 'toward'. They are suffixed to the directional v;hich they modify and xl has the allomorph -x while tzaj has the allomorph -t_^ in this position. Eleven compound directionals are formed in this way: < kub ' + xi < kub ' + tzaj < jaw + xi < jaw + tzaj < el + xi < el + tzaj < ok + xi < ok + tzaj ku7x

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132 iky'x 'passing to other side' < iky' + xi iky'tz 'passing to this side' < iky' + tzaj The first directional in such a compound drops a final /I/ or /w/. In rarer cases other directionals combine with each other, for example: 17pan 'passing there' < iky' + pon japan 'up there' < jaw + pon ajk 'returning doxvn' < aj + kub ' ku7xb ' aj 'down there complete' < kub' + xi + b'aj etzb'aj 'out here complete' < el + tzaj + b'aj Directionals can be a part of the verb phrase, in which case they have an effect on the structure of the phrase . 2.5.1.1 THE TRANSITIVE VERB PHRASE The simple transitive verb phrase without directionals has a structure as shown in the following chart. In all the charts, double lines indicate juncture or places where elements are sepat^able from the phrase ^ + indicates an obligatory element while ± indicates an optional element. The horizontal lines show that either the first five aspects or mode is obligatory, but that they do not co-occur. The aspect ok is optional with the potential mode.

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133 Aspect

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13^ (Imperative) Patient

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135 ku7x ^ kax J ax -> jx jatz ->jtz el -V al ex ax etz -> atz ok -> k oktz -V ktz okx -> kx kyaj ^ kaj 2.5.1.2 THE INTRANSITIVE VERB PHRASE The simple Intransitive verb phrase without directionals has the following structure: Aspect

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136 With directionals Aspect

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137 Examples : Simple intransitive verb phrase: ma chinb'e:ta 'I walked' ma chin b*e:t a aspect subject stem (mode) enclitic Intransitive verb phrase with directionals : ma jaw b'i:t'j 'it exploded' ma j aw b ' i : t ' j aspect subject direc(mode) (compound stem enclitic tional directional) (ok) qojarwaxa 'we will come up' (ok) qo ja:w al x a aspect subject stem mode compounding enclitic directional Imperative : chlmok'e :kaxa 'crouch dovml' chl mok'e:7 ku7 x a subject stem direcmode compounding enclitic tional directional 2.5.2 NOUN PHRASES There are two main types of noun phrases : third person noun phrases and pronominal phrases. 2.5.2.1 THIRD PERSON NOUTvI PHRASES The head of a third person noun phrase is a third person noun. Third person noun phrases indicate the subject, agent, or patient of the verb, or the noun possessor. The immediate constituent structure of the noun phrase follows :

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138 < :=) o w Eh O W K E-H o Eh CO P-i O Eh w Eh H 00 o o 0) ca 0) vo Eh < M Q W LTN > -p U m C o B 0) Q

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139 Numbers In parentheses on the table are keyed to the follov/ing discussion. If there are no other elements before the noun the adjective precedes it. In this position the adjective may actually be functioning as a pronoun phrase (2.5-2.2), but since the person is unmarked on a third person pronoun, and translation does not reveal a difference in structure, the reordering may not indicate a change in structure. A few adjectives commonly precede nouns even if they are also preceded by other elements; these are mat i : j 'big', nim 'a lot', ni : 'small', and tal 'small'. 1) Noun : The noun consists of any simple or compound noun stem. It may be the only element of the noun phrase. Nouns can be conjoined by the particles b 'ix 'and' or mo 'or'. Examples: Ma tz'o:kx we : ch . 'The fox went in. ' ma tz'o:kx we : ch It went in fox Nti7 o:k ninq' i : j . 'There wasn't a celebration . ' nti? o :k ninq'i : j there isn'.t it went in celebration Ma chitzyu:n xi :naq . 'The men grabbed it.'

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1^0 ma chitzyu:n xi:naq they grabbed men T17jla qa wltz b'lx chik'u:! . . . •Behind the hills and forests . . . ' tl7jla qav/itz b'lx chlk'u:l behind hills and forest 2) Possessor : If the noun Is possessed It Is Inflected for the possessor by Set A prefixes and is followed by another noun phrase which indicates the possessor. If the second noun is deleted it can be specified by a noun classifier which is attached to or follows the possessed noun. (See the end of this section for a discussion of the noun classifier.) The objects of relational nouns are always the possessors of these nouns (2.2.2.1). Examples: At tnarbll. 'It is his thought.' at tna:b'il there is his thought Ntzaj tma7n nma:na. ' My father said it' ntzaj tma7na nma:na he said it away my father ... ma : X t_j a : x j a : 1 . ' . . .up to the person 's house. ' ma:x tja: -xja:l up to his house person

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I4l tuj XQ : eh 'in the well' tuj xo:ch Its inside well twitz swe7j_ ' his head the old man ' twitz sv;e7j his head old man (noun classifier referring to deleted nma : na 'my father') The possessor may also be possessed in the same way, giving a string of possessed nouns. Examples: twa: tb'anal axi7n 'his food of good corn' twa: tb'anal axi7n his food its goodness corn tuj kywitz xja:l 'in the people's heads' tuj kywitz xja:l its insldes their heads person 3) Plural Clitic : There is a clitic q^a which is optional to Indicate plural. It usually precedes the noun. Examples: Nti7 a[aqpwa:q. 'There isn't any of our money.' nti7 qaqpwa:q there isn't our money plural ti7j gab ' e : 'on the roads'

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1^2 tl7j qab'e: on it roads ^1) Adjectives : A noun can be modified by an adjective or conjoined adjectives. The adjective precedes the noun unless there are other elements preceding the noun, specifically a demonstrative, number, other noun or pronoun, a negative, or other particles. In this case the adjective follows the noun. Exceptions are mati:j 'big', nlm 'a lot', nij_ 'small', and ta^ 'small', which can follow or precede the noun even if there are other elements preceding it. Adjectives can be conjoined by the particles b 'ix 'and' or mo 'or'. Adjectives must be conjoined by one of these particles; they cannot be listed. There are almost never more than two adjectives conjoined in this way. Examples: q'ayna lo7j ' rotten fruit' q'ayna lo7j rotten fruit nuch b'ix sib ' tx'ya:n ' small and gray dog' nuch b'ix sib' tx'ya:n small and gray dog spiky 'a twitz tx'otx' ' clear morning'

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1^3 spiky' a tv/itz tx'otx' clear above It earth ju:n twi :xh sag *a white cat ' ju:n twirxh saq one his cat white tu:k' tib'la:! cha7x b ' ix nk'ant 'with its blue and brilliant color' tu:k' tib'la:l chaYx b'ax nk'ant with it its color blue and burning kab ' mati : j x j a : 1 'two important men' kab' mati:j xja:l two important person ju:n kastirwa mati : j 'a big punishment' ju:n kasti:wa mati:j one punishment big 5) Number : Number precedes the noun. The number one is also the indefinite article. The number one has the following allomorphs : jun before an unpossessed noun; ju:n before a possessed noun or with no noun. Examples : at ju:n njarya 'it is my ( one ) house'

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un at jun ja: 'it is a house ' at ju:n 'it's one ; there's one ' Ju:7n 'each' is also derived from j u : n 'one' and behaves like any other number. The ordinal numbers are not like cardinal numbers because the ordinal numbers are possessed nouns and therefore are in the noun position (see 2.4.2 #56 for their derivation). Numbers are not used in a noun phrase which is headed by an ordinal number. Examples: at gag xja :1 'there are six people' at gag xja:lthere is six person jun : tx 'yarn g'ag ' one black dog' jun tx'yarn g'ag one dog black kab ' twitz axlTn ' two grains of corn' kab' twitz axi7n two its head corn ju:7n xo : ch 'each well'

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1^15 6) Measure : Measure words form a constituent v;ith number and together they modify the noun. Measure words are alv/ays preceded by numbers or the interrogative particle jte? 'how much, how many?'. Examples:' jun lag ka:lt 'a plateful of soup' kab' ma71 tk'aTya q'e7n 'two shots of booze' kab' ma71 tk'aTya q'e7n two shot your drink booze 7 ) Demonstratives : The demonstrative is the first element in the noun phrase. Demonstratives which function in the noun phrase are aj_ or ajaj 'this, that', b 'ixh 'this, that (female)', and nag 'this, that'. Examples: aj kab ' sama:n ' these two weeks' aj matirj k'uxb'il ' that big tool' nag ju:7nqa xja:l 'all those people' nag ju:7naga xja:l that each plural person aj aj o:x tx'ya:n sag 'these three white dogs'

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li|6 Noun Classifier : A third person noun may be further specified by one of a set of enclitics which serve as noun classifiers and act like pronouns. The enclitics are only used when the noun or noun phrase to which they refer is deleted, in which case they follow the constituent immediately preceding the deleted element. Most of the noun classifiers are derived from common nouns. They are: Noun Classifier Common Noun jal

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1^7 tkule:n telq'a7nma pv:aq because he (man) stole money (refers' to deleted Makal Tls 'Marcos Ortiz') 2.5.2.2 PRONOUN PHRASES Pronoun phrases can serve the same functions as noun phrases and in addition can be the only constituent in a sentence. Pronoun structure of both the independent and locative sets of pronouns is discussed in 2.2.2.5; pronominal phrases functioning as simple sentences are discussed in 2.6.1.1. There are no elements in the pronoun phrase other than the pronoun, the noun classifier and the plural enclitic. Third person pronouns are often further specified by the addition of a noun classifier, especially if the pronoun is an independent pronoun. The plural clitic is only used with the third person plural of the independent pronouns, and is obligatory in this case. Examples: Pronoun Alone : A:x qo7ya nau:l b'i:nchal tete : . 'We came to fix it.' a:x qo7ya nqu:l b'i:nchal tete: the same we we came to fix it te7 neqa:7 yi:n ' those who are a little closer' te7 neqa:7 yi:n they are close a little

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li|8 Baqa at_ kab'rna at amb'il kyi7j . ' There are hardly two men who have time.' baqa at kab'rna hardly there is two men (noun classifier) at amb'il kyi7j there is time by theiti At na:n V/i:t? Ti :na . ' Is Natividad there ? I'm here . ' at na:n wi:t ti:na is there ma'am Natividad I'm here aja Lo:xh Tmirnk b'ix qi :na 'that Alonso Domingo and !_' aja Lo:xh Tmimk b'ix qi :na that Alonso Domingo and I Pronoun + Noun Classifier : A:tzan swe7j aj q'il twitzxax. ' It's he (old man) who plans.' a:tzan sweTj aJ q'il twitzxax well it's old man who giver his head Pronoun + Plural : a:tzanqa nja:w tx'otx' kyuTn tu7n traktorr ' those who lift the dirt with tractors' aitzanqa nja:w tx'otx' kyu7n well they it is going up 'earth by them tu7n trakto:r by it tractor Pronoun + Plural + Noun Classifier : Baqa ax a:qama iqa:nan ti7j o:nb'll. 'They (man) hardly asked for help.'

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1^19 baqa ax a:qama iqa:nan tl7j hardly also they men they asked for about it o : hb ' 1 1 help 2. 5. 3 ADVERB • PHRASES Adverb phrases consist of or are Introduced by adverbial words (particles, 2.2.5; some adjectives, 2.2.3; affect words, 2.2.4; or derived adverbials, 2.4.5), or consist of noun phrases with adverbial functions. 2.5.3.1 ADVERBIALS Most adverbials are used alone or in a string with other adverbials. A few introduce phrases; for example, the locative particle ma:xa 'until, up to' has a toponym or place as its object, as does asta 'until, up to'. Examples : B 'ala ja7ka chitzan q'ankyorq. '" Maybe so " said the lightning' b ' ala ja7ka chitzan q'ankyoiq maybe yes well he said lightning Ka;si ma: 7 txi b ' a j ma:x Tuj Ch'yaq. 'It's almost finished up there in Tuchiac. ka:si ma: 7 txi b'aj ma:x tuj ch'yaq almost it finished up there Tuchiac Atx o:x ta:nka tu7n tb'ant ja71a . 'There are still three tanks which have to be made now.'

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150 ^^^ o:x tarnka tujn tb ' ant ja71a there is still three tank that is made now Nog git tjav; b'lrt'j na: j . ' Only at tines it explodes guickly . ' nog qit tjaw b'iit'j na:j only at times it explodes up quickly 2.5.3.2 ADVERBIAL NOUN PHRASES An adverbial noun phrase is always headed by one of the relational nouns (2.2.2.1). It has the same structure as any other noun phrase, with reduced elements. The possible elements are: possessor noun possessor Set A As with other noun phrases the possessor may itself be possessed, resulting in a noun phrase which contains other noun phrases. Adverbial noun phrases indicate location or time. Examples: ma:tagx tel spiky'a twitz tx'otx' te : pri :m 'from when it gets light in the morning ' ma:tagx tel spiky'a twitz tx'otx' te: pri:m It had risen clear its face earth in the morn-; ing Na7x tku7x b ' aj kymaquTna tjag' tx'otx' ? 'You-all still haven't buried it under the ground ?' na7x tku7x b'aj kymagu7na tjag' tx'otx' still not they buried it down away under it earth

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151 To:ns matzan tz'o:kx we:ch tuj tja: toky' xaq . 'Then the fox went In his house in the hole In the rock . ' to:ns matzan tz'o:kx we:ch tuj then well he entered away fox in it tja: toky' xaq his house its hole rock Nti7 a? tzi kyja: . 'There isn't water by their house . ' nti7 a? tzi kyja: there isn't water its entrance their house Ma:x tokx ma: ti:h' pwe:nt tuj kyqa7 . 'There it is above the bridge by the hot springs .' ma:x tokx ma: ti:b' pwe:nt up there it enters there above it bridge tuj kyqa? in it hot water 2.6 SENTENCE FORMATION This section describes simple sentences and their constituents J sentence level syntactic enclitics and their functions, and complex and compound sentence formation. 2.6.1 SIMPLE SENTENCES There are three types of simple sentences: linking. Intransitive, and transitive. The types are defined by the constituents which occur with each.

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152 2.6.1.1 LINKING SENTENCES The single necessary constituent in a linking sentence is a pronoun phrase of either the locational or independent type. The pronoun contains the subject, indicated by the person markers, and the linker. If the pronoun is of the independent type, the linkage is of a copulative or equative nature, while if the pronoun is locative the linkage is of a locative or existential nature . The base of a copulative or equative pronoun is the attribute, and consists of a demonstrative, other adjective, or noun (2.2.2.5). The attribute is not necessarily part of the base, however, but may consist of a separate phrase or embedded sentence. The base of a locative pronoun signals its type. The pronoun is usually accompanied by a locative phrase. If there is no locative phrase, then the sentence is existential, and the locative marker signals the existence of the person indicated by the person markers. Third person subjects can be specified in a separate noun phrase (and usually are). Examples: Equative : (+ attribute + subject) Xja:l qi:na. ' I am a person. ' Saq. •It is white. '

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153 Sikynaja. 'You are tired. ' Locative: (+ subject + locative) Te7 ti7j Ra:nch. 'They are (in) Turrancho.' Tzlu:7 at jun aq'u:ntl. •Here is work. ' To7 neqa:7. 'We are near. ' Existential : (+ subject) Ti :na. • I am . ' At pwaq. 'There is money . ' Other constituents which can occur v;ith linking sentences are temporals and other adverb phrases not including those that indicate manner. Examples: Baqa at amb ' i 1 . 'There's hardly time.' baqa at amb'il hardly there is time At jun aq'u:ntl ojtxa . 'There was work before . ' at jun aq'urntl ojtxa there is one work before

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15^ B* ala at qaq xja:l. . ' Maybe there are six people.' b'ala at qaq xja:l maybe there Is six person Sikynaj qi:na j_a71a_. 'I'm tired now. ' sikynaj ql:na ja71a tired I'm now It Is Important to note that the pronouns do not always act as links in this type of sentence. The Independent pronouns can also indicate the actors in place of noun phrases. Linking sentences, however, require pronoun phrases. If the subject is further specified by a noun phrase it follov/s the pronoun phrase. Temporals come last in the sentence, other adverblals are first, and locatives may come first or last . 2.6.1.2 INTRANSITIVE SENTENCES Intransitive sentences are headed by intransitive verbs (2.2.1.2 and 2.5.1.2). These are inflected for aspect or mode and for subject. In addition the intransitive sentence may include a noun phrase indicating the subject. Examples: (In these and similar examples the numbers refer to the underlined phrases. Note that the English phrase order is different from the Mam, and that the numbers refer back to the Mam.)

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155 Ma b ' e : t xu7j • 1 2 "The woman walked 1 ' 2 1 subject verb Chinxe :1a . 1 'I will go. ' 1 verb Other constituents which may occur in the intransitive sentence are the adverbials (locative, manner, temporal, other adverbials) and relational noun phrases indicating locative, causative, instrument, associative, topic, and benefactive (2.2.2.1). Adverbials generally occur first or last in the sentence. The subject follows the intransitive verb, and the relational noun phrases follow the subject. If there are a number of relational noun phrases in the sentence they apparently occur according to a preferred order, all the details of which are not understood. The order is: Locative + Instrumental + Associative + Benefactive One of these elements can precede the verb for emphasis. Examples : Ma aq'na:n Kye :1 tjaq' kjo7n tu7n asdo:n tu:k' Chep . 12 3 ^ 5 ' Miguel worked in the cornfield with a hoe with Jose . ' 2 1 3 ^ 5 subject verb locative instrument associative

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156 tza:laj xj a : 1 tl7J tpa : . 12 3 "Tlie person was happy about his bag . ' 2 13 subject verb topic Nne : tztzanta nlma:l axl7n ja71a , 1 2 3 ' The corn comes out now. ' 2 1 3 subject verb temporal Ikytzanjo ma : 7 t z a : j kyq'o:j xja:l . 12 3 ' ' The anger of the people came like this . ' 3 2 1 subject verb manner Kjapane : Ixta a7 ma:x tuj Ch'yaq . 12 3 "The water will arrive up there in Tuchiac ' 2 1 3 subject verb locative 2.6.1.3 TRANSITIVE SENTENCES Transitive sentences are headed by a transitive verb (2.2.1.1 and 2.5.1.1) which is inflected for aspect or mode and for agent and patient. The transitive sentence may include noun phrases for agent and patient. Examples: Ma kub ' kytzyu7n xi :naq che : j . 1 2 ' 3 * The men grabbed the horse . ' 2 13 agent verb patient

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157 Ma chlnok ttze:q'ana . 1 ' You hit me . ' 1 verb The transitive sentences can include all possible sentence constituents. In addition to those already listed for intransitive sentences these include the agent and patient, and the dative (indirect object, expressed by a relational noun phrase headed by the relational noun -ej_) . Normal ordering of these constituents is: verb + agent + patient + dative As with intransitives , adverbials usually occur before the verb or last in the sentence, and other relatlonals follow the dative. Examples: Ma txi tyek'an Chep u7j te : ti7jxja:l tu7n tqan q'a:q ' . 1 2 3 ' 5 5 ' Jose showed the book to the man by the firelight. ' 2 1 3 ^ 5 agent verb patient dative instrumental Ma b ' a j taq'na7n Chep tjaa' kJo7n tu :k' Xwa:n te : xja:l . 1 2' 3 ^ 5 ' Jose worked in the cornfield vfith Juan for the person . ' 2 1 3 ^ 5 agent verb patient associative benefactive B ' i s an kye : tzanma ma txi 7 qq'o7na kyaqi:lkax o:nb'il 12 3 ^ ' Soon vie gave them all the help . ' 132 ^ temp, verb dative patient

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158 2.6.2 VARIATIO'TS OF SIMPLE SENTENCES The creation of negatives, interrogatlves , passives, and Imperatives from simple sentences is described here. 2.6.2.1 NEGATIVES Negation of any part of the sentence occurs through use of the appropriate negative particle. The negative particle usually occurs first in the sentence or part being negated. See section 2.6.5 for some aspects of negation peculiar to complex sentences. The following examples illustrate the use of negative particles with various types of sentences. 1) Equative Pronouns : Negated by nya: 7 or mya :7 . Xi:naq qi:na. ' I am a man.' Nya:7 xi:naq qi:na. 'I am not a man.' 2) Locative and Existential Pronouns : Negated by mi7a :1 if they refer to people. Mi7a:l takes the place of the locative and is inflected in the same way. Ti:na tzlu:7. 'I am here.' iyii7a:l qi:na tzlu:7. 'I'm not here.' At a tzlu:7. 'You're here.' Mi7a:la tzlu:7. 'You're not here.' 3) Locative and Existential Pronouns : Negated by nti7 or miti7 if they refer to third person non-human noun phrases .

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159--At chlb'aj. 'There Is meat.' Nti7 chlb'aj. 'There Isn't meat.' At a? tzl qja:y7. 'There's water by our house.' Ntl7 a? tzl qja:y7. 'There isn't water by our house.' 4)I' Intransitlve and Transitive Sentences : Negated by nti7 or mltl7_, or by mi :7n . Mi :7n implies the potential and does not need to be marked as such. Nti7 only occurs with the nonpotential in simple sentences, and even then often requires subordination (see 2.6.5.3). tz'etz nlaq'o7na. 'I bought it.' Ntl7 o tz'etz nlaq'o7na. 'I didn't buy it.' Ma chinb'erta. 'I walked.' Nti7 ma chinb'erta. 'I didn't walk.' Ktza:jal jb'a:l ja71a. 'It will rain today.' Mi:7n tza:j jb'arl ja71a. 'It won't rain today.' 5) Imperatives : Negated by ml :7n . B'e-.ta. 'Walkl' Ml:7n b'e:ta. 'Don't walk!' Tzyu:ma. 'Grab it.'' Mi : 7n tzyu:ma. 'Don't grab it I' 6) Negation of Certain Words and Constructions : waja 'I want' nky'17ya 'I don't want'

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160 (Both of these are verbs which take all Set A prefixes for person". ) ju:7n 'each one' mlju:n 'no one, nothing' ja7ka 'it's possible' nla:y 'it's not possible' kukx 'still' na7x 'still not' jo: 7 'yes' mi:7n 'no' 7) In addition, the negative particle mi : can combine with other particles to form negatives. Examples: iky' 'like this' miky ' 'not like this' qa 'if qami : 'if not' 2.6.2.2 INTERROGATIVES There are two types of interrogatives : yes/no questions and information questions. Yes/no questions can be indicated by the interrogative enclitic pa or by rising intonation on the last word in the question, rather than the declarative falling intonation. Example: At a:tz'an. 'There is salt.' At a:tz'an? 'Is there salt?' Atpa a:tz'an? 'Is there salt?' Information questions are Introduced by one of the interrogative particles (2.2.5.1) • There are no other basic changes in the sentence. The use of interrogatives in complex sentences is discussed in section 2.6.5. Examples :

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161 Jatuma tzajal qi:7n t-xe:l kypwa:qa? ' Where are we going to get the replacement of their money? ' jatuma tzajal qi:7n t-xe:l kypwarqa where will we get its replacement their money Ti: tz'okx qse7n? ' What are we going to do?' ti: tz'okx qse7n what do we do Jte7 tzan pwaq jaka txi ti-:7n? ' How much money can he take?' jte7tzan pwaq jaka txi ti:7n well how much money is it possible he takes away Tza7n ta7ya? ' How are you?' tza7n ta7ya how are you 2.6.2.3 PASSIVES Passive derivation is discussed in section 2.4.1,2 (#36 39). So far four different passive suffixes have been identified, and each has a somewhat different function {-e:t} (37) forms the medio-passive . The action occurs without an agent. It should be noted here that all transitive verbs can drop the agent to express an unknown agent , without any further change in structure. The difference between a medio-passive formed with {-e:t}

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162 and an agentless transitive verb is very slight. Examples : ma ttzuy 'he grabbed it' (transitive) ma tzuy '"they" grabbed it' (agentless transitive) ma tzyert 'it was grabbed (by someone)' (medio-passlve) {-j } (38) forms a passive which can occur v;ith an agent (expressed by the relational noun u7n ) . If the agent is not used, it implies that there is no agent, not that there is an unknown agent. Examples: ma ku7x tyu:pana 'he put it out' (transitive) ma ku7x yu:pj 'it went out (by itself)' (passive) ma ku7x yu:pj wu7na '1 put it out' (passive, agent) {-njtz} (39) forms passives which can take a third person agent but no other agent. Again, the absence of a noun phrase indicating agent implies absence of an agent. Examples: yu:panjtz 'it was put out (by itself)' (passive, no agent) yurpanjtz q'a:q' tu7n xja:l 'the fire was put out by the person' (passive, agent) These constructions are used by some people but not by others in the town. All, however, accept constructions with {-njtz} of the following type: nach tk'a:njtz a7 'it's bad to drink water' ml:b'an twa:7njtz 'It's not edible'

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163 In these constructions the sentence containing the verb with -njtz is subordinated to a sentence consisting of a pronominal phrase, and is the subject of the phrase: nach tk' a:njtz pronoun phrase subordinated' it's bad that water is drunk -b ' aj (36) forms passives which always occur with directionals and never take agents. Examples: xi7 to:qb'aj tal tze:7 'the tree was cut' xi7 to:qb'aj tal tze:7 it was cut small tree tzul q'ab'aj 'it is left there' 2.6.2.4 IMPERATIVES Imperative formation is described in section 2.2.1, 2.5.1.1, and 2.5.1.2. The imperative verb usually occurs first in the sentence (although adverbials may precede it), and other changes are those noted in the formation of the verb phrase. The imperative occurs with a full person paradigm, although the second person forms are the most common. Examples: Kyyo :ma ma : j an ! ' Look for workers (you-all) I ' Ku :7txqaya ja71al 'Go away for ever now I '

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164 Chl mok' e :kaxa kyja7wl ' Crouch dovm like this (you-all)I' Ghurxhaq kyl : 7ntz xb'u7qa je7yl 'Hurry and bring your rags (you-all)I' 2.6.3 SENTENCE LEVEL CLITICS There are a number of enclitics with syntactic functions. They operate within phrases, within simple sentences, or within complex and compound sentences, and will be described here as a group. Some are related in both form and meaning to words or affixes ; others are not. The enclitics are described according to the following format: 1. number, form 2. related words or affixes, if any 3. functions, glosses 4. examples 1) 1. X 2. a:x 'the same' • 3. This enclitic has at least four functions, or there are four homophonous enclitics: a) Means 'the same' and occurs v;ith relational nouns and the particle iky 'like this'. b) Means 'only' and occurs with numbers and the particles o7k and nog 'only'.

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165 c) Means 'still' and occurs with the pronoun at 'there is', the negative particle ntl_7 'there isn't', and the particle kuk ( kukx 'still' ) . d) Means 'always' and occurs iirith negatives, several particles, and verbs. ^. Examples: a) kyu7nxla xja:l 'by the same people' kyuYnxla xja:l by them the same person ax ax71kyx aja tnarchal at kyu:kalma 'also it's the same inconvenience with the men' ax ax7ikyx aja tna:chal also like this the same that badness at kyu:kalma there is with them men(noun classifier) b) nimpatzan jun sye:ntx ne : 7 'well, it's not much, only a hundred' nimpatzan jun syerntx ne:7 well big one hundred only small qama tz'ok tq'o:n ti:b' ju:nx xja:l 'if only one person will give' qama tz'ok tq'o:n ti:b' ju:nx xja:l if he will give in himself only one person noqx kye:ka ' only for them'' noqx kye:ka only for them

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166 c) per atx ch'l:ntl taj 'but it still wants a little more' per atx ch'i:ntl taj but still there is a little more it wants atx o:x tarnka 'there are still three t ^tx o:x tarnka still there is three tank anks ntlTx kub' tuj kywitz nema:stl xjarl 'the rest of the people still did not accept it ntl7x kub' tuj still there is not it went down in it kywitz nema:stl xja:l their head the rest person d) pera tzu:lx tu7n ju:n tb'a:nal 'but it always comes in good condition' pera tzurlx tu7n ju:n tb'arnal Dut It always comes by one its goodness artzan irlxna 'it's always necessary' a:tzan i:lxna well it is always necessary jomajx kyaqi:l q'i:j ' always every day' jomajx kyaqirl q'i:j always all day 2) 1. tl 2. 3. 'again, other'

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167 k. Examples: Nxi7 tk'antl txu:b'aj txqantl a?. 'The mother was drinking again another quantity of water. ' nxiy tk'antl txu:b'aj txqantl she was drinking again mother a lot again a7 water Nqe :xtzantla q'ama:l te : kye : qu:k'ala. 'And we went out again to tell the others.' nqe:xtzantla q'ama:l te: well we v/ent out again to tell it kye: qu:k'ala them with us OYktzan ntza:j tchi: kyl7j xja:l ti7jaj ch'l :ntl. 'The people are afraid only because of another bit (of money) . ' o7ktzan ntza:j tchi: kyi7j xja:l well only it comes its fear to them person ti7jaj ch'i:ntl about it another little bit b ' ix ju:nt]^ wiq xaq 'and another type of rock' b'±x ju:ntl wiq xaq and another type rock 3) 1. jo 2. aj 'this, that'; jo: 7 'yes, that's it' 3. Demonstrative, 'this, that' 4 . Examples :

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168 a:tzanj_o ' this is it' mya:7io_ ' that 's not it' q' 1 :ntzajo 'bring that I ' iky j o ' like that ' tuj xo:chj_o 'in that well' 4) 1. ka 2. 3. Means 'but'. It is a sentence level conjunction. The Spanish pero has also been borrowed, but the two can never be used together. 4. Examples : Ma chiinxa aq'na:l b'ala mi:ka_ chin7u;la. 'I'm going to work, but maybe I won't come here.' ma chi:nxa aq'na:l b'ala ml:ka chin7u:la I vflll go to v/ork maybe but no I arrive here Noqax nimka jun aq'u:ntl tiTjaj . ' But there's so much work on this.' noqax nimka jun aq'urntl tiTjaj still but a lot one work about it B'alq'aje:? qanimarl tuj sesyorn, nkub'katzan tuj qwitzma. 'They wavered in the meeting, but at last they accepted it . ' b'alq'aje:? qanima:l tuj sesyorn they wavered those in it meeting nkub'katzan tuj qwitzma but it went down in it our head man

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169 5) 1. tzan 2. 3. Means 'well, then'. This is a sentence level coordinator which maintains the flow betv^een sentences . 4. Examples: Ntza: j tzan nqoku7 tzan te:na yo:lal tu:k'alma. 'And then we started, well, to talk with him.' ntza:jtzan nqokuTtzan well it was coming well we were going down te:na yo:lal tu:k'alna it is to talk with it man (classifier) A: tzan nb'antl ti7j ja71a. 'Well, that's what is being arranged now.' a: tzan nb'antl ti7j Ja71a well it is it is made again about it now 6) 1. taq 2. 3Perfective; indicates that an action is complete when another action occurs. Taq occurs with separable aspects or with particles. The other clause in the sentence is dependent on the clause which contains t aq . 5. Examples: 0:taq b'aj wa:7n xi q'o7n tk'a:7. 'He had eaten v:hen they gave the drink.'

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170 o:taq b ' a j wa:7n xi q'o7n tk'a:7 he had eaten when It gave his drink 0: taq b ' a j wa:7n ok ttzaj q'o7n tk'a:7. 'He will have eaten when they give the drink.' o:taq b ' a j v;a:7n ok ttzaj q'o7n tk'a:7 he had eaten when it gives away his drink Kyja7 taq tojlarn xi q'amo7n ju:ntl aq'urntl te: 'He was going to rest when they gave him another job . ' kyja7taq tojlain xi q'amo7n jurntl like this had rested it gave another aq'u:ntl te: work him Ch' i :n taq txi7 sajtz i:lan V7i7ja. 'He had walked a little when they scolded me.' ch'iintaq txi7 sajtz i:lan wi7ja he had gone a little it scolded about me 7) 1. la 2. 3. Indicates doubt. 4. Examples : Abe :r ma:xala. 'Who knov/s until v/hen. ' abe:r ma:xala who knows until when Ma:7tzan po:n yi:n qochiwlajo ma:x qxo:la. 'Let us say that it has arrived among us.*

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171 ma:7tzan po:n yl:n qochiwlajo well nov; It arrived a little let us say that ina:x qxo:la until among us Per ortla. tz'o:k tya:b'jal tne:jal. 'But maybe it was damaged from the beginning. ' per ortla tz'o:k tya-.b'jal but maybe it entered its illness animal tne : jal first 8) 1. wt and w(a)la 2. 3. These two enclitics indicate contrary to fact. The /t/ in vrt probably comes from the perfective • tag and indicates that the action would have happened in relation to another action. The wt_ therefore marks the 'if clause in a conditional sentence. The la of v;(a)la is the enclitic la which indicates doubt, and this form is used in the 'then' clause of a conditional sentence. Both forms occur in the conditional potential. 4. Examples: 0:taq wala chinb'aj wa:7na xhurl noqawttzaj kyma7n o:r. 'I would have been finished eating when they arrived if they had told me the time.'

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172 ortaqwala chinb'aj wa:7na I would have finished eating xhu:l noqawt tzaj kyma7n o:r when they arrived if only they said hour Ma w la chinwa:7na noqawt tzaj kyma7n o:r. 'I would have eaten if they. told me the time.' mawla chinwa:7na noqawt tzaj kyma7n o:r I would have eaten if only they said hour Ma wla aq'na:na ntl7wt tkub' tto:qan tq'ab'a. 'You would have worked if you hadn't broken your hand. ' mawla aq'na:na nti7wt tkub' tto:qan you would have worked If not you broke tq' ab ' a your hand Aj a:wt_ tzaj tma7na aj tnerjal. 'You could say the first part.' aJ a:wt tzaj tma7na aj tne:jal that could you say that first Ma:7tzan po:n yi:n qochi wlaj o ma:x qxo:la, 'Let's say that it arrived among us.' ma:7tzan porn yi 'n well now it arrived a little qochiwlajo ma:x qxo:la let us say that until among us 9) 1. pa 2. 3. This enclitic has two functions:

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173 a) Interrogative, used to indicate yes/no questions. b) 'even' A . Examples : a) B'aTnpala jun aq'u:ritl? •Will the work be good?' b'aTnpala jun aq'u:ntl good? one work U:lpa? 'Did he arrive?' Xja":lpa? 'Is It a person?' b) Miky ' Ipa txi7 t-xe :wal Ich' wuYna tuj xo:chjo, 'I didn't even perceive the odor of the mouse In that well. ' mlky'lpa txl7 t-xe :wal ich' wu7na not even It went its odor mouse by me tuj xorchjo In it that well A rlpatzan qa tky'17ya mi:wttzan sati:7na. 'Well, if you don't even want it you shouln't have brought it.' arlpatzan qa tky'17ya mirwttzan well even if you don't want well should not sati:7na you brought 10) 1. na 2. 3. Emphatic, affirmative. 4. Examples:

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17^ Ba:ya ma:7na, tz'e:tz o:x naq'ati: bye:t te sye :nt . 'Well, now, they did get three bills of a hundred. ' ba:ya ma:7na tz'ertz o:x naq'ati: good nov/ it did get three those bye:t te : syernt bill of 100 I:lxna. 'Yes, it's always necessary.' Atna. ' Yes , there is.' Ma kub'na tutz'e:7. 'Yes, he sat down.' 11) 1. :7 2. 3. Emphatic. This lengthens the vowel and adds glottal stop to a word being emphasized. 4. Examples: Ma: 7 po:n tzi kyja: . 'Now it arrived at the house.' ma:7 po:n tzi kyJa: now it arrived its entrance their house OjJZtzan txi7 maqu:tjal tjaq' tx'otx'. 'Well, now it was buried in the ground.' o:7tzan txi7 maqu:tjal tjaq' well now it was buried animal under it tx'otx' earth Baqa ch'i^JZn. 'It's scarcely a little . ' B'ala ja^ka. 'Maybe yes. '

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175 12) 1. Set A emphatics, preposed 2. Same forms as Set A person prefixes. The w allomorph of first person singular is always used. 3. Used on already possessed nouns to emphasize possession. Person enclitics are deleted, but the forms are understood as if they were present, so they only refer to first person exclusive or second person. 4. Examples : wnja: 'my; house' ttja: ' your house' 2_qja: 'our house (not yours)' kylyja : ' you-all ' s house' 13) 1Set A emphatics, postposed 2. Same forms as Set A person prefixes. The w allomorph of first person singular is always used. 3. These are used on nouns and verbs to emphasize the possessor, the agent, the patient, or subject They are postposed to the stem immediately before the person enclitics, which are required. Therefore again only first person exclusive and second person can be emphasized in this v^7ay . 4. Examples:

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176 Noun nja:wa 'irn/ house' tja:t_a ' your house' qjar^a ' our house (not yours)' kyjarkya ' you-all' s house' Transitive Verb, Agent Emphasis ma ntze:q'awa '!_ hit it* ma ttze:q'a;^a ' you hit it' ma qtze:q'aq^a 'we_ hit it (not you)' ma kytze :q' akya ' you-all hit it' Transitive Verb , Patient Emphasis ma chlnttze ;q' awa 'you hit me ' ma ntze:q'at_a 'I hit you ' ma qottzerq'a^a 'you hit us ' ma chiqtze :q'akya 'we hit you-all ' Intransitive Verb, Subject Emphasis ma chlnb'e:twa 'I walked' ma b'e:tt_a ' you walked' ma qob'eitg^a 'we walked' ma chib 'e :tkya ' you-all walked' 1^) 1. chaq 2. -chaq 'distributive' (see 2. 4. 3, #73). 3. This has been found so far with interrogatlves , and apparently functions like the distributive. 4. Examples :

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177 Ja : chaq tzantuma kb'el qe:7 ju:n? 'Where then will each be constructed?' ja: chaqtzantuma kb'el qe: 7 ju:n well where each will be constructed one A:x qo7ya tl : chaq tqal aq'u:ntl taj tl : chaq tqal pa:lt? 'We're the same ones who do whatever work and whatever error.' a:x qo7ya ti:chaq tqal aq'u:ntl the same we whatever what work taj tl:chaq tqal pa: It It wants whatever what error 15) 1. ta 2. 3. Apparently another emphatic. 4. Examples : Mati:jta nlma:l xaq. 'The rock is very big. ' mati:jta nima:l xaq very big big rock Atta a7 po:n. 'The water did arrive.' atta a? po:n there is water it arrived Komo tb'a:nalta nima:l axi7n ta7 Liberta:. 'Because there's very good corn in La Libertad.' komo tb'a:nalta nima:l axi7n ta7 like its goodness that corn it is Liberta: La Libertad

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178 16) 1 . ch 2. Chi'say', intransitive verb. 3. Quotative enclitic. Usually the full verb form is used, but the enclitic can be substituted, if the referent is third person singular. h. Examples: At jun xaqch. '"There's a rock," he says . ' B'aTnch. '"It's good," he says.' The enclitics can combine. As far as has been determined, they combine according to the following order: :7

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179 are half Spanish loans (ij_, pera , ento :ns , pwe : s , slneke ) . Examples: Ento :nstzan la nb ' a j nlma:l tk'alo:n titb'jal, b ' ix nxl7 jak'u7njal ento :ns b'17xla to:qjal. ' Then maybe it started to be tied up all by itself and it was pulled, and then all at once it broke.' nb'aj nimarl tk'alorn ti:b'jal ^ -^^ — — — it was finishing big one tying up itself animal nxi7 jak'u7njal ^ V ^ it pulled away animal b'i7xla to:qjal ^^— — — —^ all at once it broke animal B'a7n chichi tzan xjarl, pera a:xaxta pwaq . 'That!s fine said the people then, but what's important is the money.' b'

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180 2.6.5 COMPLEX SENTENCES Three of the principal ways In v;hich subordinated clauses are Indicated are 1) by the use of a verbal noun phrase, 2) by the substitution of Set A person markers for Set B person markers (2 .2 . 1. 1 , 2.2.1.2), and 3) by the use of the subordinate aspects {x-} or {0} (2.2.1). These subordinate constructions are described here. 2.6.5.1 VERBAL NOUNS One verb can be subordinated to another by use of a verbal noun. The independent verb is always an intransitive verb of motion or the intransitive verb te_rn'be in a place'. The following subordinated verb is formed by the verbal suffix {-1} (2.^1.2 #55). It must be followed by a noun phrase indicating patient. The first noun may be followed by a noun phrase for the subject; the agent is always deleted in the verbal noun phrase because it is the same as the subject of the intransitive verb. Adverbials, if any, accompany either clause. Other noun phrases headed by relational nouns can follow the verbal noun. Examples: Nqu:l b'irnchal tete:. 1 2 3~ ' We came to arrange it . ' 1 2 3 verb verbal noun patient

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l8l Tne : jal ul a:j qo7ya awtorlsa:7ral te : komite : 12 3 5 5 tuj ChnaTjal . ' First we came to authorize the committee 13 2 ^ 5 time subject verb verbal noun patient in Huehuetenango . ' locative Nchlku? te:n xja :1 bela :ral te : jun we :ch . 1 2 3 ^ ' The people began to watch the fox. ' 2 13 ^ subject verb verbal noun patient Nchork te:n ta :1 o :q* al tl7j . 12 3 4 ' The offspring started to cry about her . ' 2 13 5 subject verb verbal noun topic 2.6.5.2 SUBORDINATION WITH SET A PERSON MARKERS When one clause is subordinated to another by use of Set A person markers, then these markers take the place of Set B (patient of the transitive verb or subject of the intransitive verb) in the base sentence. Some of the conditioning factors which require this type of subordination are quite clear; others are not yet well understood. 1) Set A is always substituted for Set B in a clause introduced by the relational noun -u7n, with the meaning 'in order to; so that'. Examples:

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182 Ya: nku7tzan.qxl:7mana ti7j tu7n te:tz ornb'il. •And we were thinking about It so that help would c ome . * ya: nku7tzan qxl:7mana ti7j tu7n now we were thinking about it so that te:tz ornb'il it v/ould arrive help Ti:tzan tqal mo: da kb'ante:! qu7n tu7n tjaqe:t xaq? 'What are we going to do in order to open the rock?' tl:tzan tqal mo:da kb'ante:l qu7n tu7n well what what manner will do by us so that tjaqe:t xaq it is opened rock Nkub' tq'a:q' xja:l tu7n tmeq't twa:7. 'The person was making a fire so that he could heat his tortillas.' nkub' tq'a:q' xja:l tu7n it was going down his fire person so that tmeq't twa : 7 be heated his tortilla 2) Set A subordination always occurs with the particles ok 'when, potential' and aj_ 'when, nonpotential' , and sometimes with the particle kwanto 'when'. These particles can be deleted. Examples: Ok tku7x kyawa7n xja:l kjo7n b'i7x nxi7 che:naq' ti7j 'When the people plant the cornfield at the same time beans are put in.' ok tku7x kyawa7n xja:l kjo7n when they plant down person cornfield b'i7x nxi7 che:naq' ti7j all at once it is going bean about it

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183 tzarlaj xja:l tl7j tpa : aj_ t^kanert prl:mx. 'The person v;as happy about his bag when it was found soon. ' o tza:laj xja:l ti7j tpa: aj he was happy person about It his bag when tkane:t prirmx it was found early Kwanto tkane:t sa:nt te : lYtzal... ' When the patron saint of Ixtahuac^n was found...' kwanto tkane:t sa:nt te: i7tzal when it was found patron saint of Ixtahuacan Nchi7o:q' t_po:n kytxu:7. 'They were crying when their mother arrived.' nchi7o:q' tpo:n kytxu:7 they were crying when she arrived their mother 3) Subordination by Set A affixes always occurs after affect words or affect verbs. Examples: Palala:n t_iky' nima:l ich'. 'The big rat passed by floating.' palala:n tiky' nima:l ich' floating it went by big one rat Malala:n t-xi7 tze:7 ja71a. 'Now the tree vient swelling. ' malala:n t-xi7 tze:7 ja71a swelling it went tree nov; Ch'uq t_e:l t-xa:jb'a. 'Ch'uql he took off his shoes.'

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184 ch'uq te:l t-xa:jb'a ch'.uql it went out his shoe Xumaja t_e:x b'a:q kyu7n. 'XumI they threw the bones I' xumaja te:x b'a:q kyuTn xumI It went out bone by them 4) The particles b'a:ka 'little by little', qlt 'at times', and ±j_ 'that' always require Set A subordination. Examples : Noq git t_ja:tz nima:l a7 . 'Only at times did the water come out.' noq qit tja:tz nima:l a? only at times it went up away big one water B'ix baqa qit £ojla:n. 'And at times we hardly rested.' b'ix baqa qit qojlarn and hardly at times we rested B'a:ka tzan twe? ju:n tajla:l qu7na. 'Little by little we got up the quantity.' b'arkatzan twe? ju:n tajlarl qu7na well little by little it stood one quantity by us B' a:ka t_japan te: v;i:nqan la:j. 'Little by little it rose to thirty.' b'arka t japan te : wl:nqan la:j little by little it rose to it twenty ten I : tja:tz ml:j mange :ra lj_ t_-xi7 tzi kyjarqaj. 'Half the hose has to be taken up so that it goes to their houses . '

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185 i: tja:tz mirj mange -.ra i: t-xi7 that it goes up half hose that It goes tzl kyja:qaj its entrance those their houses 5) The negative particle naTx 'still not' always requires Set A subordination. Examples: • NaTx tzan tex qlaq'o7n k'uxb'ila noqtzan. 'We still haven't bought the tool.' na7xtzan tex qlaq'oTn k'uxb'ila noqtzan well still not we bought out tool well only Na7x t^po :n a7 • 'The water has still not arrived.' na7x tpo:n a7 still not it arrived water 6) Relative clauses frequently take Set A subordination, but also are subordinated by the subordinate aspects. The differences in distribution are not well understood. Examples: jun serkya:n t_o:kx lu:7' 'a serpent that is in here' jun serkya:n to:kx lu:7 one serpent that is in here B'a7ntzan qxi7 lol tete:. 'It is good that we see it.' b'a7ntzan qxi7 lol tete: vjell good that we go to see it Chep To:ntz t_jax ti:b'aj qja:y7 'Jose Ordonez who is above our house'

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186 chep to:nt2; tjax ti:b'aj qja:y7 Jose Ordonez he goes up above it our house chq'ala:j t_oktz tumal kyja: tl: Lo:xh Lip •the plain vjhere the house of Alonso Felipe is' chq'alarj toktz tumal kyja: tl: plain it enters where their house big lo:xh lip Alonso Felipe masa:t kyki :nx xhli:kyj 'the deer that they sav; standing' masa:t kyki:nx xhli:kyj deer that they saw standing 7) The particles kyja? 'like this', asta 'up to, until', and ma:x 'up to, until' sometimes take Set A subordination, but also occur v/ithout subordination or with the subordinate aspects. The circumstances under which they require Set A subordination are not clear. Examples: asta tiky'al ka:nan tzi a? 'until it arrived at the edge of the sea' asta tiky'al ka:nan tzi a7 until it arrived passing its entrance water ma:x t_okx ma: ti:b' pwe:nt tuj kyqa? 'it is up there above the bridge at the hot springs' ma:x tokx ma: ti:b' pwe:nt tuj until it enters up to above it bridge in it kyqa? hot water

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187 kyja7 tzan t_te:nx •it's like that' kyjaTtzan tternx well like that it is 2.6.5.3 SUBORDINATION WITH SUBORDINATE ASPECTS Another type of subordination is 'marked by use of the aspects {x-} 'near past' or {0} 'past' in the subordinate clause. While it is easy to identify the subordinate markers and it is clear that subordination is occurring, the conditioning factors of this type of subordination are not clear. Almost all factors present with these aspects can also occur with subordination by Set A prefixes, or v/ithout subordination. Set A subordination never occurs at the same time v;ith these aspects. It should be noted that this type of subordination only occurs with the near past and past aspects, so that the same sentences in the progressive or potential will not be subordinated. 1) The most common use of the subordinate aspects is in relative clauses. The differences between these and relative clauses with Set A subordination are not clear. Examples: xja:l s_akyi:7n 'the people that they brought' xja:l sakyl:7n person that they brought

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188 A:tzanjo _etz tl:7nma. 'This is that which he brought' a:tzanj*o etz ti:7nma this is that which he brought man tmarcht _jaw ti:7n 'the machete vjhich he lifted' tmarcht jaw ti:7n his machete which he lifted kab ' sama:n xqote:n ma: elnax 'the two weeks when we vjere there' kab' sama:n xqotern ma: elnax two week vihen we are up to west hoq ch'inne:7 _e:l 'only a little that it opened' noq ch' inne : 7 e :1 only a little small that it went out kab' katekyi:sta _i7ok lape:7 qi7ja 'two catechists who followed us' kab' katekyi:sta i7ok lape:7 qi7ja two catechists who followed about us nlm xkypi :k 'it is a lot that they damaged' nim xkypi:k a lot that they damaged 2) Interrogative particles sometimes take the subordinate aspects, although they also take nonsubordlnate constructions (see 2.6.2.2). Examples:

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189 Ja s_a:ja qchi? tu7na? 'Where did you get our meat?' ja .'J. sa:ja qchi? tu7na where it returned our meat by you Porke xhib 'antky? 'How did they prepare?' porke xhib ' antky how did they make it 3) The negative mitiT or nti? can be followed by these aspects, but not always (see 2.6.2.1). Example: Miti7 xhikumpli : 7ranq ' a . 'They did not complete it.' mlti7 xhikumpli :7ranq' a no they completed it young man 4) Other examples: asta a:xqaq'a xhikyim 'until they themselves died' asta a:xqaq'a xhikyim until the same ones they died Ma:taq nchimb'e:ta s_ok nki:n wi:b'a tu:k' Jun xja:l 'I was walking when I met a person.' ma:taq nchimb'e:ta sok nki:n wi :b ' a tu:k' I had walked when I saw myself with him jun xja:l one person Kwanto s_o:kl tzlu:7 xku7 kyiyiji7n. 'When he arrived there they took care of him. '

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190 kwanto so:kl tzlu:? xku7 kylyijiyn when he went In there they took care of ikytzan xb'aj tma7na 'like that which you just said' ikytzan xb'aj tmaYna well like that you said Pwe:s s_aj wi:7na. 'Well, I brought it. ' pwe:s saj wi:7na well I brought it Toms xhe:ltl jaTla. ''Then they went now.' to:ns xhe.-tlt jajla well they went again now

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3. VERB SEMANTICS Verbal semantic categories as revealed through directional use are important to an understanding of how Mam works. The structure of the verb phrase with and without directionals was described in section 2.5-1; what remains to be done is an analysis of how directionals are used and what is their relation to verb semantics. Most transitive verbs in Mam almost require directionals. While theoretically possible to use these verbs without a directional, the native speaker much prefers to use one, and even has difficulty accepting forms without directionals for some verbs. Therefore in eliciting a finite transitive verb, the form given almost always Includes a directional. If the form is requested without a directional, the native speaker invariably responds with an intransitive rather than transitive form. With repeated eliciting it appears that each verb chooses a single preferred directional for the finite citation form, and that there is general consensus among speakers as to which directional should be used for this form. The specific directional chosen by each verb depends on semantics; it agrees with the basic meaning of the verb. Other 191

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192 dlrectionals may be used with the verb and will affect the meaning in some way. Not all verbs can take all dlrectionals; the particular dlrectionals which can go with any verb are also dictated by verb semantics. An example of a verb with each of the twelve simple dlrectionals and eleven compound dlrectionals follows. The verb stem is i :7n'bring/take'. ma t2ci^ wi': 7na ma tzaj wi : 7na ma tzul^ v;i :7na ma pon wi : 7na ma kub ' wi :7na ma ku7x wi :7na ma ku7t 2 wi:7na ma jaw wi :7na ma J ax wi : 7na ma jatz wi :7na ma tz'el_ v/i :7na ma tz 'ex wi :7na ma tz' etz wi:7na ma tz' ok wi : 7na ma tz' okx wi:7na ma tz ' oktz V7i:7na ma kyaj wi :7na ma tz'aj_ wi :7na ma tz' ajtz wi:7na 'I took it' 'I brought it' 'I brought it here' 'I took it there' 'I lowered it from someone's back' 'I took it down' 'I brought it down' 'I lifted it on something' 'I took it up' 'I brought it up' 'I took it away from something' 'I took it out ' 'I brought it out' 'I took it east' ' I took it inside ' 'I brought it inside' 'I detained it' 'I took it on my return' 'I brought it on my return'

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193 ma tziky' wl:7na 'I passed by bringing it' ma tz iky'x wi:7na 'I took it to the left' ma tz iky ' tz wi:7na 'I brought it from the left' ma b ' a,1 wi : 7na 'I took, brought, or remained with everything' There are three ways of looking at the problem of analyzing the semantics of verbs and directionals : 1) an examination of the semantic extensions of directionals as they are used with different verbs, 2). an analysis of the semantic class of each verb through the directional it takes in the citation form, and 3) an analysis of the distribution of occurrence of the different directionals with the different verbs. The analysis which follows is based on 300 transitive verbs which were elicited with all possible directionals. 3.1 SEMANTIC EXTENSIONS OF DIRECTIONALS An examination of each directional as it is used with different verbs shows that the motion referred to by the directional can be of various types. It can refer to the motion made with emphasis on the agent, the patient, the Instrument, or even some abstract participant. This depends on the particular verb and the context. Some directionals also have extended meaning beyond the basic direction they generally describe. Xi has the basic meaning of motion away from a

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19^ point (generally the speaker) but also is used in the very general sense of 'go and do something', which of course derives directly from the related intransitive verb. In this more general sense x±_ indicates incipience or intent and is one of the mosf neutral directionals with regard to actually describing direction. It is one of the most frequently used elements, and can occur with a number of verbs which do not permit other directionals. B ' aj , which is the only member of the class which does not refer specifically to direction, is almost equally general in occurrence. El indicates motion toward the west in addition to motion outward, just as ok indicates motion toward the east and motion inward. This is related to the use of the verbs e :1 and o:k for sunset and sunrise respectively (the exit and entrance of the sun). AJ_ basically means 'return from here' but also can indicate motion behind or to the back. Ajtz 'return from there' is also used for repeated action. If aj_ means starting there and then returning to there, and the addition of /-tz/ adds the element 'from there to here', then we have an action that began there, returned there, and then returned here; that is, it was repeated. Kyaj in its sense of 'leave here' includes the notion of completive; something is left behind and for that the action must be complete. B'aj is another type

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195 of completive in that it generally refers to the performance of the action on everything. Iky' X 'pass to the other side' also indicates motion from right to left, vfhile iky ' tz 'pass to this side' indicates motion from leftto right. It can be assumed from this that the right side, which is considered the strong side, is also thought of as being closer to the person, so 'toward' indicates to the right side while 'away' indicates to the left. It should be noted here that c&.lling this class of verbal auxiliaries dlrectionals implies that they are analytically one semantic class and furthermore that they have something to do with movement and direction of movement. Formally the auxiliaries are one class — they are all derived from intransitive verbs, behave similarly in relation to the verb phrase, and fill the same position in the verb phrase. It might be argued that kyaj 'remaining' and b 'aj 'complete' do not Indicate movement and that the analysis of the dlrectionals as a class is faulty, but in fact these two dlrectionals are in accord with the semantic characteristics of the class. Kyaj 'remaining' can be viewed as the absence of movement, and b 'aj 'complete' as the cessation of movement. The fact that they are formally like other dlrectionals and are identified as members of the class by Mam speakers adds weight to this interpretation .

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196 3.2 CITATION FORM DIRECTIONALS An analysis of v;hich directional is used by each verb for the finite citation form reveals categories of verbs based on the semantic content of associated movement. Because dlrectionals are stylistically almost mandatory with transitive verbs, it seems that movement may be the most important factor in the semantic organization of verbs in Mam. The discussion which follows points out some of the groups of verbs of similar semantic content which agree in their choice of directional . The dlrectionals which are most frequently used in the citation form are xl^ 'away', kub ' 'down', jaw 'up', el 'out', ok 'in, and b ' aj 'complete'. Xi_ and b ' a j are the most general of the dlrectionals, as noted previously, and account for over one third of the citation forms analyzed. The other four frequently cited dlrectionals account for most of the rest of the forms. It is interesting to note that these four dlrectionals correspond to the four cardinal directions of the ancient Mayans: up, down, east, and west. Mam apparently classifies its verbs as being either general or specific with relation to direction of movement, and then divides the verbs with specific directions according to the four cardinal directions of the Mayan system..' There are several dlrectionals which are not

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197 listed as the citation form for any of the verbs analyzed: ul, pon , and iky ' tz . Others have only one or tv;o examples, such as iky' , iky' x , aj_, a j t z , etz , jax , and oktz . The remaining tzaj , kujx, ku7tz , jatz , ex , okx, and kyaj have a number of examples each. Xi 'away' and b 'aj 'complete-' as "the most general of the directionals are cited for verbs that are not strongly associated with any direction or for verbs that are themselves so general as to be equally associated with nearly all directions. Practically the only cases in elicitation where choice of a directional for the citation form vias not clearcut was with these verbs; the native speaker sometimes varied between xl_ and b ' aj . Examples of verbs which are not strongly associated with any direction are suTyat 'fall in love', xpuTrat 'bubble', and tza:k'at 'laugh'. Examples of verbs which are associated with all or most directions are q'i :t 'take/bring', q'o :t 'give', and nuk'e :t 'arrange in order'. It is suggested here that the prevalence of the use of xl_ and b ' a j in the citation forms is due to their functions in indicating incipience or completion of the action, and that these functions set them apart from the other directionals. On one level they function like other directionals; on another level they are constituents which apply to all verbs without

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198 regard to movement. Therefore those verbs which use xl or b 'aj in the citation form are verbs which are not strongly associated with a particular directional which would take precedence over the concepts of incipience or completion. Because xl_ and b 'aj are semantically unmarked with regard to direction when they are used as incipience or completion, they are easily interchanged, which led to cases of indecision for the citation form directional. This did not happen with any other directionals . Xi and b'aj are therefore base constituents which can be superceded by more specific directionals. It is possible to make some general statements about those verbs which semantically are closely associated with a particular direction. In many cases a num.ber of different verbs which express closely related actions all choose the same directional in the citation form, thereby underlining the systematic nature of the choices. The identification of such a subcategory serves to isolate the semantic factor common to its members which is, in essence, a distinctive feature of verbal semantic organization. The categories revealed by each directional will now be examined. Tzaj 'toward' is used with verbs that express a direct action toward the speaker, such as xo :kat 'pull with a hook', tz'u:lat 'embrace', or sky 'e:rat 'stripe'.

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199 Tzaj Is al.so used vrlth verbs that produce a resultant action toward the speaker, such as txakej_t, 'call' (the person called moves tovmrd the speaker) , jaye :t 'look for' (that found is near the speaker), or slTwat 'gather firewood' (the firewood is brought home). Kub ' 'down' and its compounds kuTx and ku7tz are used with verbs which as is expected indicate action performed with a downward motion or resulting in downward motion. Among these are many verbs which indicate cutting, breaking, or deforming; filling; and fighting or using violence. Other examples include yu :pat 'put out fire, light', mu : q ' at 'cover', awa:t 'plant', and pitxe : t 'pick fruit'. Jaw 'up' and its compounds jax and J atz are used with verbs that Indicate action usually performed with an upward motion. Included are various verbs for looking for objects on or under the ground, for pulling up plants or digging, for cleaning or wiping, and for carrying babies without a carrying cloth. Other examples are qa: tat 'belch', sch' i :1 'read', and pule: t 'dip up water'. El 'out' and the related ex and etz are used with a large number of verbs which all indicate some form of stripping or removing the outer covering of an object. This includes verbs for shelling corn, shucking corn, defoliating, stripping sugarcane, undressing, picking bananas or corn from the stalk.

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200 stripping bark or wood, peeling bananas or animal hide, etc. In all oases an outer covering is removed or moved outward from the object so that the inner core shows. Other verbs which choose these dlrectlonals are verbs for stretching, pushing, and grinding, all of which involve motion outward. Further examples are ch'exo:l 'lend', k'a:yat 'sell', laq'ett 'buy', ch'u:l 'nurse', and tz'ub'at 'kiss'. In the case of 'buy' the object moves outward from its source toward the agent, while with 'sell' the object moves outward from Its source away from the agent. ~ A large and Interesting class of verbs choose ok 'in' and the related okx and oktz in the citation form and indicate actions of various sorts performed on the body. These Include touch, punch or beat someone, pinch, tickle, cure, bewitch, give the evil eye, frighten, anoint, blacken the face, dress, console, and tease. The emphasis is on the object on which the action Is performed rather than the agent of the action, and it is Interesting to note that supernatural, mental, and physical actions are grouped similarly. Other verbs which choose these dlrectlonals are verbs for tying up and for burning something. Further examples are q'ajtze :t 'knock on door', chme : t 'gather', ^ame:t 'receive', and naje:t 'occupy a house'. Verbs which choose kyaj 'remain' in the citation

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201 form have no outstanding semantic similarities. They are xalb 'e : t 'step over something', ju:lat 'burn for fun', lame :t 'close door', sch'o7pat 'v/hinny', and qe7e :t 'accept responsibility'. Aj_ 'returning from here' is only chosen by qlTpat 'loosen', and ajtz 'returning from there' by qi7pat 'repent'. Iky ' 'passing' and iky ' x 'passing to the other side' are chosen by q 'e71at 'cross over', q ' eb 'at 'cross over', and yuch 'pe :t 'fell'. The relation of these last to the semantic content of the verb is clear. The preceding summary shows clearly that the semantic content of a verb in Mam dictates the choice of directional for the finite citation form of the verb. Those directionals chosen do not interfere with the basic semantic content; they complement or repeat it. In that sense they are redundant, but they serve to illuminate the semantic organization of the verbs. That organization is one vjhich is obviously peculiar to Mam and not at all predictable from the point of view of another language. Categories, once noted and revealed by the choice of directionals, are coherent. The broadest categories defined are apparently three: 1) those verbs which are not associated with direction, 2) those verbs which are associated with almost all directions, and 3) those verbs which are associated strongly with a particular direction. Most of the last class are associated with one of the four

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202 cardinal directions: up, down, east, and west. 3.3 DIRECTIONAL DISTRIBUTION The third aspect of analyzing verb semantics through directional use is to examine the distribution of the directionals with the different verbs. This will not be discussed here is detail, but certain avenues of inquiry can be indicated. A rapid study of the data shows that certain broad categories can be isolated by the distribution of the directionals. There are verbs which combine with almost all directionals; these are generally verbs of motion, unspecific, and intrinsically transitive. Other verbs take few directionals and seem to be of tvio types; either very specific verbs of motion or verbs which do not Involve motion and are not intrinsically transitive. A study of this is valuable in terms of the grammatical and semantic conditions of transitivity in Mam. It is also probable that a careful study can reveal many more subcategories which in conjunction with categories revealed by the analysis of the citation form directionals may provide more information about covert categories of Mam verbs.

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4. GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES This chapter is an overview of some of the major grammatical categories found in Mam. These categories depend on organizational principles and themes which are specific to the language, and crosscut the "levels" of grammatical analysis. They are therefore discussed entirely apart from that organization. Material from various parts of the grammar is here brought together in order to expose structural principles which are defined by the language and which are the basis for expression in the language. The primary reason for a separate discussion of grammatical categories is that they are not necessarily obvious in the analysis which has been presented thus far. Since the expression of a grammatical category is found scattered in relevant sections throughout the grammar, both the analysis of the categories and the presentation of evidence for that analysis must be made apart from a traditional structuring of the grammar. The categories to be discussed below are organized according to verbal categories, including time, direction, and transitivity; person relationships, including person marking, case and location, and body and human 203

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20^1 metaphor; description; and emphasis. 4.1 VERBAL CATEGORIES ij.1.1 TIME Time is Indicated in various ways , among them by the aspects (2.2.1), mode suffixes (2.2.1), temporal particles (2.2.5-6), some other particles (2.2.5), and by derived adverbials (2.4.5). Of these only the particles and adverbials directly specify time, but all have something to do with time in addition to other functions . Elements which indicate time (sometimes in addition to other functions) are: Aspects : o 'past' 0'past subordinate' ma 'near past' X'near past subordinate' n'progressive' ok 'potential' Mode : -a7, -1 'potential' Temporals : J a? la 'now' a:txax 'a long time ago'

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205 ojtxa

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206 'In three weeks' 'in. .a year' 'in two years' 'in three years' 'day before yesterday' 'three days ago' • 'a week ago' 'two weeks ago' 'three weeks ago' 'a year ago' 'two years ago' 'three years ago' 'when (nonpotential) ' 'when (potential) Because either mode or aspect is obligatory in any transitive or intransitive sentence (2.6.1), it is postulated that time is a basic sentence constituent. Linking sentences do not have m.ode or aspect, but time nevertheless is a constituent in these sentences . Without further marking, a linking sentence refers to the indefinite present, for example: At jun wo :7 • 'There is a toad.' The addition of an adverbial phrase may clarify the time involved, for example:

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207 At jun wo :7 ojtxa. 'There was a toad before.' Or, the linking sentence takes its time from the context of sentences which go before or after (or the entire narrative context), for example:' At jun xja:l jun el xi?. 'There was a person who went.' at jun xja:l jun el xi7 L ^ . ^ ^ ) t'here is a person one tine went In this case the time of at 'there is' in the first clause is determined by j un el 'one time' and aspect (past subordinate) in the second clause. The indefinite present which is the unmarked time of a linking sentence is also the unmarked time in a verbal sentence with naspect (progressive). Exam.ple : npo:n a7 'the water is arriving there' npo:n a7 is arriving there water As with linking sentences, sentences with naspect are further clarified by the addition of adverbials or by context. Examples: ya: npo:n a7 'the water was arriving there' ya: npo:n a7 now is arriving there water A:tzan ok nb'i7na kuxi7 nja:w nima:l. 'According to what I heard, every little while it ^ broke . '

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?08 a:tzan ok nb'i7na ^ , ' ^ ^ ^ this is what I heard kuxl7 nima:l n J a : v/ every little v;hlle It Is going up big one In this example time in the last clause is governed by aspect (past subordinate) in the second clause. A reviev; of the time indicators helps analyze the system: Time past near past ma, x present nfuture ok Aspects Mode o, 0Particles artxaxj ojtxa, e :w k ' itxqe : , ma :ky ' ja71a a7, -1 nchi7j ya: Time Subordinates Negatives Adverbs Others "^ time in past > nti7 aj unmarked linkers past near past present future ok ml:7n time in future Other temporals can be used in any time to add specificity Looking at mode, the subordinators , and the negatives, a principal division can be made between future and nonfuture. Nonfuture time is further divided into past, near past, and present (the unmarked category). Time Future Npnfuture past near past present

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209 Note that the imperative mode is outside the time system. Thus although time is not specifically marked, it is present in various ways in all sentences, and therefore must be considered a basic constituent. 4.1.2 DIRECTION Direction of movement is indicated by the directional verbal auxiliaries (2. 5-1; 3), by locative particles (2.2.5-5) J and by the derived adverbials formed with nax (2.4.5 #82). Enough has been said about the verbal directlonals in Chapter 3 to show how powerful they are. The directlonals either operate In the verb phrase, as has been described, or can operate in adverbial phrases through addition of the suffix nax . Examples : Ktzarjal a? wu7na ma:x jawnax . 'I will bring the water u£ there.' ktzatjal a? v;u7na ma:x jawnax will bring water by me up to there up Ikytzan te:nj qe:y7 ma: elnax. 'Like that we are there to the west . ' ikytzan te:nj qe:y7 ma: elnax like that it is us up* to there west Direction of movement is also indicated by the locative particles chl :7w 'there', tzlu:7 'here', j la j 'on the other side', lu :7 'it's here', ma:x 'up to, over there', and asta 'up to'. The only Spanish borrowing among these is asta 'up to', which Is also

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210 used in the temporal sense of 'until'. The importance of the directionals and the other ways in which direction of movement can be expressed make this a significant grammatical category in Mam. Location of objects is a separate category which x-Till be discussed in 4.2.2. i|.1.3 TRANSITIVITY The often frustrating behavior of transitive verbs suggests that there is more to transitivity in Mam than is immediately obvious. It is clear that the division of verbs into transitive and intransitive is maintained at all levels, from roots (2.3-l)5 to stems (2 . ^i . 1) , to words (2.2.1), to the phrase (2.5-1), and finally the sentence (2.6.1.2; 2.6.1.3). Transitive verbs, however, are almost never used without directionals. Eliciting a simple transitive verb is very difficult, and it is usually not acceptable to use one in a sentence, The insistence on directionals with transitive verbs is useful in making a semantic analysis of the verbs, and it has been suggested (3-3) that there are "degrees" of transitivity which can be analyzed through directional use. The only verbs which have been found in texts as simple transitives are: aj'want' il'see' ky'lT'not want'

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211 While there are other transitive verbs that can occur without directionals (although not many), they rarely do. There are also a number of transitive roots or stems which only occur as derived intransitives with -n (#32) or passives with e:t (#37). Examples: kan e : t 'be found' a:nq'an 'live' ajb'ia:nan 'use' jurkan 'burn' j uk ' e : t 'be played (on the marimba)' Almost all transitives which occur with directionals can also occur as intransitives with -n or passives with -e: t . These forms usually do not have directionals, although they can. It is curious that the intransitive forms with -n can always express a patient or agent, or both. The patient or agent can be indicated by a noun phrase following the verb, but only if there is no confusion as to reference (since the verb only marks one person) . To clarify person reference relational noun phrases are used to indicate the agent or patient. u7n is used for the agent; -ej_ or 17 j for the patient. Examples : nchik'arn a7 'They are drinking water.' they are drinking water patient (noun)

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212 nchiyoilan xja:l 'The people are talking.' they are talking person agent (noun) ma chitzyu:n xl:naq che:J 'The men caught the horses.' they caught man horse agent patient (noun) (noun) ky'ixk'aj q'i:n kyu7n swe7j 'It was damaged by the man. ' it is damaged it gets by them man agent (relational noun phrase) ma:7 chlnimom te: 'Now they pushed it.' now they pushed it patient (relational noun phrase) ky'aq chichorn qi7j 'The fleas eat us.' flea they eat us agent patient (noun) (relational noun phrase) The fact that intransitivized transitive verbs can still have both an agent and patient would suggest that the underlying transitive nature of the root or stem still predominates in the derived form. Verbs which have intransitive roots can also be used transitively merely by adding a relational noun phrase for the agent or patient. Examples: o kub ' 'It went down.' twi:xh o kub' te : ich' 'His cat killed mice,' his cat it V7ent down at it mouse agent patient

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213 ktza:jal a7 'The water will come.' ktzarjal a? wu7na 'I will bring water.' it will come water by me subject agent no:k 'It is coming in.' no:k ju:n tne:jal chemb'll qu7na 'We had the it is coming in one first meeting by us first subject agent meeting.' Transitivity, then, seems to depend more on the person constituents than on the form of the verb. It also depends on verb semantics, as the study of directional use suggests. Directionals are almost mandatory with transitive verbs, and many transitive verbs occur with many of the possible directionals. Others, however, occur with very few directionals. Some of these are very specific verbs of motion and therefore obliged to occur with certain directionals. Others, however, apparently do not occur with many directionals because they are not semantically transitive (although formally they are) and therefore do not have the flexibility with regard to movement that other transitives have, or do not occur transitively very often. Examples: wa:j'laugh' (only occurs with xi_ 'away', ok_ ' in ' , and okx ' in away ' ) xo:'obey' (only occurs with xl_ 'away', ^x 'out away', ok 'in', and b ' a j 'complete') qi7p'repent' (only occurs with x±_ 'incipient' and b 'aj 'complete')

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21H q'aq'withstand pain' (only occurs with xi 'incipient', kub' 'down', and b:_aj_ 'complete') Those transitive roots and stems which never occur transitively are unable to do so because semantically they do not belong to the class.. There seem, then, to be verbs which are intransitive, but may at times be used with both agent and patient, which always involves a change in the semantics. There are also verbs which are transitive and can maintain their semantic transitivity even when made intransitive by derivation— they need only occur with agent and patient to assert that transitivity. Finally, there are verbs which although formally transitive are not semantically transitive and are either never used transitively, or are sometimes used transitively, but only with a very limited set of directlonals . The semantic organization of transitivity thus does not parallel the grammatical organization, although there Is considerable overlap between the two. 4.2 PERSON RELATIONSHIPS 4.2,1 PERSON MARKING As has been shown in 2.2.1, Mam person prefixes, both Set A and Set B, mark presence and absence of first person singular and plural, while the person

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215 enclitics mark presence and absence of second person singular and plural, and third person is the unmarked category. Set A is used for the agent of transitive verbs, the possessor of nouns, and also replaces Set B in certain subordinate constructions (2.6.5.2). Set B, on the other hand, is used for the patient of transitive verbs, the subject of intransitive verbs, and the subject of pronouns (2.2.2.5). Thus the two sets are in complementary distribution. The prefixes used in combination with the person enclitics yield seven distinct persons: first, second, and third singular; first plural exclusive and inclusive; and second and third plural. There is additional evidence that the differential marking of the first, second, and third persons is of importance in the grammatical organization of person relationships. Although seven person are distinguished, the components are not equally marked. First person is marked strongly by prefixes, second person more weakly by enclitics, and third person is unmarked. Only in combination does the complete system emerge. Furthermore, there are situations in which the complete system does not operate. Emphasis by preposing or postposing Set A person markers (2.6.3) is only possible for four of the seven persons: first and second singular, first plural exclusive.

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?16 and second plural. This is because in the case of preposed Set A emphatics the person enclitics are dropped but understood as if present, while with the postposed emphatics the person enclitics are obligatory. Therefore marking of both first and second persons is obligatory with the emphatics and only four persons are distinguished. Example: ( j a : 'house') Preposed Postposed Gloss WR-ja: nja:wa 'my^ house' ttja: tjarta ' your house' qqja: qja:qa ' our house' kykyja: kyja:kya ' you-all's house' Furthermore, as was seen in 2.2.1.1, complete agent and patient incorporation in transitive verbs Is impossible because of the limitation imposed by having only one enclitic to refer to person, while two different prefixes indicate person. Therefore if the agent Is first person exclusive (requiring an enclitic) and the patient is non-first person, it is unclear whether the patient Is second person (requiring an enclitic) or third person (no enclitic). Also, those verbs which do not have enclitics cannot have patients that do have enclitics, because the enclitic refers primarily to the agent, and only secondarily to the patient. As a consequence, first person Involvement is always clear in all constructions, second person Involvement is less clear (for example. In transitive

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217 verbs) , and third person involvement may not be Indicated at all (for example, in emphatic person marking) . Therefore the analysis suggested by the structure of person marking has consequence in the actual grammatical organization of person relationships. Not all persons can be used in all constructions. Brief mention should be made of number. Number is an inseparable obligatory element in the person system, and is a basic sentence constituent. Although nouns are not obligatorily marked for number (they may take the optional plural enclitic ^) , the verb or pronoun is obligatorily marked for number. All sentences contain either a verb phrase or a pronoun phrase referring to the main actors, so number is present. Other actors are indicated by relational noun phrases, which are always possessed and therefore also contain number. It is interesting to note that the plural enclitic 3a. is obligatory in one construction — the non-first person plural of the independent pronoun (2.2.2.5), which is otherwise indistinguishable from the singular. Therefore in the only place where number marking by prefixes breaks down, the usually optional plural enclitic becomes obligatory. ^.2.2 CASE AND LOCATION The subject of an intransitive verb and the agent

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218 and patient of a transitive verb in simple sentences are noun phrases headed by the noun which is the subject, agent, or patient. All other case relationships and most locative relationships (only excepting those which are indicated by locative particles) are indicated by noun phrases headed by a relational noun (2.2.2.1). In derived sentences the subject, agent, or patient may also be indicated by a noun phrase headed by a relational noun. To review, the relational nouns and their functions are: Location : t.witz t-^xe :1 t-^xo : 1 t . txlaj t.i:b'(aj) t . j aq ' t-xe t.uj t.wi? t .txa7n t.b'utx' t.tzl:7 t.lTj.la Case : t.i7j t.u:k' (al) t.u7n •on'

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219 t.e: 'dative, possessive, benef active, patient' t.i:b'(aj) 'reflexive' The main difference between case and location Is that case indicates relationships between the actors in a sentence and location indicates relationships between the actors and places. Since Mam makes no formal structural distinction between the two types of grammatical relationships, they analytically belong to the same category. Note that one of the relational nouns, t . 1 :b ' (aj ) J is used to express both locative and case relationships, while another, t . 17j > is only modified slightly to fit into both categories. The only differences are that the locative relational nouns are somewhat more concrete in reference — many of them are related to common nouns (usually referring to body parts), while only one of the case relationals ( t .u:k'al ) is related to a common noun. Furthermore, the category of location is also indicated by a small group of locative particles (2.2.5-2). These also serve as indicators of direction of movement, however, and this dual function is an expression of the connection between direction and location. The elaboration of the case/locative system makes it an important category. It is also crucial to an understanding of the system to note that all words which express relationships of this type are always

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220 possessed nouns , not particles or function words or anything else. The relationships between actor or between actors and places are basically possessive relationships . The Importance of the case/locative system is underscored by the possibility of deriving nouns which indicate actors in at least four of these relationships: agent, patient, instrument, and resultant locative (2.4.2 #50, 51, 52, 53). Thus from the verb aq ' na : 'work' can be derived: aq'na:l 'worker' (agent) aq'ne:nj 'that which is worked' (patient) aq'nab'il 'tool' (Instrument) aq'anb'e:n 'place where work has been done' (locative) 4.2.3 BODY AND HUMAN METAPHOR Mam is a language which not only permits metaphorical or semantic extensions of human body parts and attributes to refer to nonhumans ; it positively delights in it. Thus many of the relational nouns (2.2.2.1) which indicate grammatical relatiohships are always possessed forms of common nouns referring to body parts. Examples: t . witz 'on' witz .b ' aj 'face' t.wlT. 'above' wlj.b'aj 'head'

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221 t . txa7n 'at the edge' txaTm .b 'aj 'nose' t . tzi :7 'at the entrance' t z 1 : . fa ' a j 'mouth' Also, several of the nouns from class S3 (2.3.3.5) which are normally possessed by humans have closely related pairs which are always possessed or comjnon nouns and show semantic extensions to nonhumans . Examples : b ' aq ' . b ' a j 'testicle' t . b 'aq' 'its seed' kya: .b ' aj 'moler' kya: 'grinding stone' ma:m .b ' aj 'father' t.ma_m 'male animal' mi : j . b ' a j 'waist' t . mi : j 'its middle' mi : j 'half mu : X . b ' a j 'navel' mu:x 'very small tortilla' This process can work in reverse, where a common noun refers to a general object, and an always possessed noun formed from it refers to a human attribute. Examples: i :yaj 'seed' t . iyaj .1:1 'his ancestors' ab ' q ' i : 'year' t. ab'q'i: .yil 'his age' b'e : 'road' t . b'e : .yal 'his part (hair)' Another area of extension is with the words txu:b ' aj 'mother', ya:b 'aj 'grandmother', and ma : mb ' a j 'father'. These family relationships are extended to refer to several important natural phenomena. In these cases they are always possessed by first person plural Inclusive; that is, they are things which occur in the form which indicates possession by all of us (the entire

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222 community). Examples: qya:7 (xja:w) 'our grandmother the moon' qma:n (q'i:j) 'our father the sun' qma:n (q'ankyoiq) 'our father lightning' qtxu:7 (axl7n) 'our mother corn' qtxu:7 (a7) 'our mother water' qtxu:7 (jb'a:l) 'our mother rain' qtxu:7 (q'e7n) 'our mother liquor' Qtxu:7 'our mother' also refers to measles. The explanation given for this is that since qtxu:7 refers to corn, and measles is regarded as a punishment to children for mishandling corn, therefore the disease is also called qtxu :7 . ' Many lexical items are referred to by complex noun phrases of the possessed noun plus noun type (see 2.5.2.1 for noun phrase formation). Frequently these phrases involve body parts and the metaphorical extensions thus produced are fascinating and very productive. Examples: tq'ab' tze:7 'branch' (hand of a tree) twltz tx'otx' 'world' (face of the land) twitz a7 'river' (face of water) tq'ab' a7 'river' (hand of water) tb'aq' witzb'aj 'eye' (seed of the face) tq'ab' che7w 'frost, dew' (hand of cold) tpa:s qamb ' aj 'toenail' (hat of the foot)

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223 tpa:s q'ab'aj 'fingernail' (hat of the hand) tqan q'a:q' 'flame' (foot of fire) tqan J a: 'pillar' (foot of the house) tq'ab' kamixhj 'shirt sleeve' (hand of the shirt) tq'ab' xaq 'canyon' (hand of rock) twitz tqan 'height' (face of its foot) As can be seen in the above examples and processes for extending meaning of nouns with a human referent, such extension is a rich source for metaphor and lexical formation in Mam. ^4.3 DESCRIPTION Mam has quite a variety of ways for describing actions and objects, some of them rather unusual. Adjectives, of course, describe nouns, and are not at all unusual. In addition positional roots, affect words, affect verbs, and measure words all have descriptive properties. Positional roots (2.3-2) describe the position, form, or state of an object, and imply absence of movement. Their most interesting characteristic is that they are the only root class which is not matched by a stem or word class; they must be derived into verbs or adjectives before they are words. They have distinctive derivation and semantic properties. The positional adjectives derived by -1 (#70) describes an

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224 object which has the position, form, or state referred to by the, positional root. The intransitive verb derived by e : 7 (#35) from positional roots refers to something becoming like the position, form, or state described by the positional root. The transitive verb derived by b 'a : (#4) from positional roots means that an object is put or left in the position, form, or state described by the positional root, and the transitive verb derived by -j_ (#5) from positional roots means do the action such that the position, form, or state described by the root will result. A number of examples of positional adjectives follow to give an Idea of the breadth of the descriptive power of the root class . The examples selected are all those in the corpus beginning with /b'/. Examples: b ' aql 'wilted' b'at'l 'a bunch of light things' b'ejl 'small pots, babies, or puppies (short fat things) when sitting' b'eql 'a bag or net just lying there' b'esl 'something which has increased (e.g., something which is cooking and has boiled up) ' b'ewl 'a puppy just lying there' b'iq'l 'a grain just lying there' b'irl 'having open eyes' b'oq'l 'rope or twine with very coarse fibers'

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225 b'orl 'small people with big stomachs' b'otz'l 'wrapped up' b'owl 'swollen part of the body, or a ball of something ' b'unl 'rested animals' b'u71 'piled up' The positional roots are quite specific in their description. Equally specific are affect words (2.2.4, 3.3.5), which describe sounds, actions, or movements. The class of affect words is rather large and frequently used. A number of examples, this time all beginning with /tz/, follows to illustrate the variety and specificity of the affect words. Examples: tzak' 'action of putting something like peanuts or toasted com in the mouth' tzej 'the action of doubling up the body' tzeky' 'the sound of a pebble hitting the floor, or a stick on a gourd, etc' tzeq' 'the action or sound of hitting someone' tziq' 'the action of a horse kicking or of shelling corn with a stick' tzlirr 'the sound of only d little bit of water falling' tzoj tzoj 'the sound of coughing' tzoj 'the moment of lifting something' tzokkk 'the sound of dry leaves'

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226 tzub' 'the action of spitting' tzuk' 'the sound of eating toasted tortillas or other toasted foods' Affect verbs (2.2.1.2) are derived ultimately from positional and affect roots, (and some unidentified roots) and have a wide range of specific meanings just as do the positionals and affect roots. They function as verbs with the addition of adverbial descriptive qualities and are therefore a distinctive subclass of intransitive verbs. They also have distinctive syntactic properties (2.6.5.2). That such a class of verbs with combined verbal/adverbial functions exists in Mam is of itself interesting, and the particular actions which the verbs describe add considerable descriptive power to the language. Examples: tz'linkiki:n 'walk around naked' t'ilili:n 'go walking quickly' leqeqe.-n 'go walking crouched down' kyexexe:n 'go hopping' jowowo:n 'go pulling and scraping' Measure words (2.2.2.2) describe quantities. They also are quite specific in reference, so that almost anything which can be measured has its own measure word to describe the type of measure used, the type of container, and the thing measured. Examples: k'laj 'measure of firewood' to71 'bundle of long skinny things'

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227 tzma:7 ' gourdf ul (of liquid)' qe7n 'container of tortillas' laq 'plateful' ma71 'shot of liquor' txqan 'a lot (of anything)' txut 'drop' pixh 'piece (of anything)' che71 'bundle of long skinny things' pula7 'bottle gourd full of water' xhi:7na ' gourdf ul of any drink' chi71 'basketful (of anything)' Mam seems to be extraordinarily rich in the ways it can describe specific and detailed types of things and actions. The preceding examples illustrate the major ways in which such description works. 4.i| EMPHASIS There is a sufficiently large number of ways in which various parts of the Mam sentence can be emphasized that it seems worthwhile to briefly review the types of emphatics at once. All of them serve to affirm part of the sentence and have no other apparent semantic content. Most of the emphatics are enclitics :7 (enclitic #11) Emphasizes or stresses the separable aspects, adjectives, and particles. Example:

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228 ma porn 'it arrived' ma: 7 po:n ' now it arrived' na (enclitic #10) Means 'yes' at the sentence level. Example : ilx 'it's necessary' llxna ' yes , it's necessary' Set A preposed emphatics (enclitic #12) Affirms noun possession. Example: njarya 'my house' wnja: 'm^. house' Set A postposed emphatics (enclitic #13) Affirms person involvement. Example: ma chib'erta 'you-all walked' ma chib'e:tk^a ' you-all walked' ta (enclitic #15) Emphatic at the sentence level (?). Example : at a7 po:n 'water arrived' atta a7 po:n 'water did arrive' -maj_ (suffix #75) Emphasizes participles. Example: aq'na7n 'worked' aq'na7n maj ' worked ' In addition, any word can receive paralinguistic emphasis, which usually involves lengthening a long vowel, exagerrating the pitch drop of a long vowel

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229 followed by glottal stop, and increasing vocal fry. There may also be an initial rise in vowel pitch, followed by a drop. Stylistic and syntactic emphasis is too complex to describe at this point, but one of the main ways in which it is accomplished is through reordering of the sentence constituents to place emphasized constituents before the verb. The use and placement of sentence enclitics, especially the conjoining enclitics, may have something to do with stylistic emphasis, as would repitltion, re-explanation, and similar devices. ^.5 GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS The preceding discussion has hopefully illuminated some of the gramjnatical categories which were found to be of significance while undertaking an analysis of the grammar of Mam. After prolonged contact with the language it became apparent that these categories were central to an understanding of how the language works; indeed, much of the analysis of the language itself was possible only after the grammatical categories had become somewhat clearer to the investigator. It seemed unlikely that a grammatical analysis such as that presented in the first two chapters would lead others to a similar understanding of the underlying grammatical categories in the language, so they have been presented

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230 in a separate chapter. Many of the categories are not unique to Mam or even to Mayan language; many may well be universal categories. The particular details of how the categories are expressed and used are, however, language specific. It is hoped that the preceding discussion can be of benefit to an understanding of the genius of one particular language, and also of value to those who are interested in universal linguistic principles. The major impetus in the consideration and discovery of grammatical categories was provided by the concept of the linguistic postulate, as proposed by M.J. Hardman. Linguistic postulates have been defined by Hardman as: . . . those recurrent categorizations in the language which are most directly and most tightly tied to the perceptions of the speakers, those elements which, while language imposed, are so well imposed that speakers consider them just naturally part of the universe . . . The most powerful postulates are those involved in the obligatory grammatical system ... Typically, a postulate is realized at several levels either simultaneously, in complementary distribution, or both, depending on the context . . . they tend to remain after divergence. (Hardman, in press) A constant awareness of the existence of linguistic postulates led directly to the discovery of the grammatical categories described here. The linguistic postulate involves two very important parts: first, that there are categorizations in the language which are realized at several levels, and second, that these

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231 categorizations are tied to perceptions of the speakers and are therefore correlated to cultural behavior. Therefore the discovery of the linguistic postulates of the language involves first the discovery of the grammatical categories and then the correlation of these with other behavior. While not necessarily linguistic postulates themselves, the grammatical categories described in this chapter are at least evidence for the existence of linguistic postulates and suggest directions of research for the analysis of linguistic postulates. In order to actually discover the linguistic postulates of Mam the researchers must become nearly as familiar with the cultural and social organization as they are with the linguistic organization, and then must synthesize the two. Excellent ethnographic data or extensive experience living in the area where the language is spoken, or preferrably both, are necessary. One of the fruitful places to look for cultural correlates to the linguistic categories in the Mayan area is in the sphere of ritual. An illustration from the analysis of grammatical categories of Mam will help clarify the dimensions of the problem and the avenues of inquiry to explore it. The illustration presented here involves the unity of person and place within the grammatical system. Humanity and location are linked structurally on various levels of the grammar. Throughout the grammar

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232 and especially in the discussion of grammatical categories it is clear that case (person relationships) and location ' (relationships between person and place) are united in the grammatical substructure of Mam. Noun Inflection : Most locative relationships and all case relationships are expressed principally by phrases headed by relational nouns. These are always possessed nouns in which the possessor refers to the place or person being related. Therefore inf lectionally case and location are handled similarly, and both are expressed as possessive relationships . Verb to Noun Derivation : There are derivational suffixes which derive certain actors (agent, patient, and instrument) from verbs and one suffix which derives a resultant locative from verbs. Furthermore, the suffix which derives the Instrumental (#52) in fact expresses a locative with certain verbs, depending on the semantics. Thus while its most common function is to derive the instrument, it also derives locatives with no other changes. The locative and case relationships are therefore handled similarly in derivational processes, and actually overlap to some extent. Pronoun Structure : Pronoun sets have one form for locative or existential

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233 relationships and another for independent. Identifier, copulative, or equative relationships. What is interesting here is that location enters into the pronoun relationships, and in fact is treated exactly the same as existence. Again location is not distinct from other person relationships. Metaphor: Finally, human metaphor is a rich and productive area for lexical and semantic extension, and many of these extensions refer to places and parts of objects with terms that are human in origin. Human body parts especially figure in such metaphor. This linking of humanity and location in so much of the grammatical structure suggests that place is but another actor in the Mam system, on the same level as actors such as the agent, the Instrument, or the patient. The next obvious step in an analysis of person/location unity as a linguistic postulate is to look for cultural correlates. Ritual behavior should presumably reflect the system. Probably the most fascinating source for ritual in the Mam area is Maude Oakes' The Two Crosses of Todos Santos (1951b), and a study of the data presented there certainly supports the hypothesis that location is closely tied up with other actors in ritual expression. Of particular interest is the place of the hills and

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23^ mountains in ritual. The mountains are places of worship, in Todos Santos they represent the most important days of the Mam calendar, and are the homes of the gods (Oakes, 1951b: 71). These gods are known as the "masters of the hills" and although Oakes identifies them as residing in the hills, it might be somewhat more accurate to identify the gods as being the hills, or equal to the hills. This would fit better with the lack of separation in Mam between location and other actors and the extension of human attributes to places and objects. Thus some of the most Important ritual personnel are identified with places. In addition, although Oakes never concentrates on location as such, it is apparent that location enters into the ritual she describes in such things as the placing of objects and people during ceremonies, the ordering of people and actions, and the equation of places and objects (such as the shaman-priest's table, the hills, and so on) with other ritual participants. Ritual is but one area where correlates to linguistic postulates can be found, and the preceding example shows how some of the grammatical categories described here can be correlated with such behavior to establish the existence and the ramifications of such postulates. Obviously much study remains to be done in this area, but it is clearly one of the most fruitful areas of

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235 research In language and culture. It is not, however , easy to do, and depends on excellent linguistic and ethnographic analysis and the time and experience with the language and culture to be able to synthesize them. It is hoped that this grammar will provide some of the necessary linguistic analysis to form the basis for studies of this type.

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APPENDIX: TEXT The story presented here was told by Maria Maldonado, an extremely gifted storyteller. Juan Maldonado transcribed the story and translated it into Spanish, and the author analyzed it and translated it into English. The text, broken down into morpheme segments, and a literal interlinear tranlation are presented first; a free translation follows. Sentences are numbered for ease in reference between the translations. 1) T.17J Me:b'a About it Orphan 2) A.t jun kwe:nt x.el n. q' am. a.7n. a ja71a There is one story I will tell away now f;'^ ju-n t.yo:l n.ya:7.ya ku7 t.q'am.a.7n there is one her word my grandmother she told down t.uk'a.x n.txur.ya. 3) Ke : noq qit with her my mother. That only at tim.es q.ok xub' .tza.7n.a ojtxa pwes mi : 7n ke : kyja7.tzan it scared us in before well no that well like this tern b'aj ky.i7j t.ku7.1e:n kwanda it is finish about them its place to go down when ojtxa t.71tz'.j t.wltz mu:nt. k) Kye a.t before it is born its face world. That there is jun me:b'a n.xi7 pasya:7r.al t.uj t.zl:7 one orphan he was going to spend time in it its mouth 236

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237 ma:r. 5) Entorns n.xi? t.kl.7n a.t jun tal sea. Then he was seeing there Is one small alemaj per masa:t 't.b'l: t.a7 t.uj xja:w. animal but deer Its name It is in it moon. 6) Ento:ns despwe:s n.ku7 t .pensai7r' . a.n t.i7j Then after he was thinking down about it ento:ns n.xi7.tzan n.xi7 u:b!.a.l then well he was going he was going to kill t.et.e: tal masart t.uj xja:w. 7) Kabarl it small deer in it moon. Exactly karmb'r.a.n me:b'a n.ku7.tz t.u:b'.a.n t.u7n he won orphan he was killing down toward by its jun ajla:j chi.tzan q'urn.j kyja7.w one reed well they say it is said like this aj tz'itab' t.b'i: chi.tzan kyja7.w. this catapult its name well says like this. 8) Entorns txuk xi7 masa:t t.uj ma:r ::\_ Then directly it went deer in it sea ento:ns n.chi.tza:j kab'.a k'Q7xh aj then they were coming two buzzard this ma:yan ky.b'i: kyaq t.7ij ky.wi7. .buzzard with red head their name red on it their heads 9) Aj a:.qa.ya ami: wo b'a7n.wt This you-all friend would it not be good ky.o:k.ky.a t.e: w.amirw.ya? 10) Nla:y you-all enter of it my friend? Is it not possible ch.ork.a t.e: n.ma:jan.a? 11) Nla:y you-all enter of it my worker? Is it not possible tzaj ky.i:.7n.a ju:n n.katmb'.a ma.:7 t.xi7 you-all bring here one my prize just now it went t.uj a7? 12) Pera nla:y.x tz.iky'.tz in it water? But it is not possible it passes here w.w.u7n. 13) Nn.ok tern me:b'a o:q*'ia.l t.i7j. by me. He was in orphan to cry about it. 1^) Ml:7n b ' a j t.k'u7j.a me:b'a pwes jaka No finish your stomach orphan well yes

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238 tzaj q.i:.7n.a chi.chl.tzan ky.e: ma:yan we bring it here well they said of them red-headed buzzard kyjaT.w aj .qa maryan k'o7xh. like this these red-headed buzzard buzzard. 15) Ento:ns put.tzan ky.kub' ma:yan Then well splat they went down red-headed buzzard t.uj t . ib ' aj ma:r q'ir.l t.ka:mb' me:b'a in it on it sea to bring his prize orphan 16) Jow.owo.rn t.iky'.tz jow.ov;o.:n Pulling and scraping passed it here pulling and scrapt.iky'.tz asta t.iky'.al ka:n.a.n Ing passed it here until it v;ill find passing by t.zi a?. 17) Ento:ns n.tzaj.tzan t . i : . 7n its mouth water. Then well he was bringing it here o tza:laj merb'a. I8) Je7y.tzan me:b'a now he was content orphan. V/ell good orphan ma.: 7 tz.u:l t.ka:mb'.a yaj.tzan q.e:.ky' just now it came your prize and v/ell to us tqal.tzan k.t.aq'a.n.a q.er.ky'? 19) Mi:7n ma:xa well what you will give to us? No up to ch.el a:nq'.a.n.a t.i7j t.uj.xa ju:n.tl you-all will live on it up to in it one other tyermp ju:n.q'.xa t.b'i: chl.tzan kyja7.w. time one complete its name well he said like this. 20) Entorns we:n chi.chl.tzan ky.e: Then good they said of them ma:yan ya: ja71a a:.tzan aj alemaj red-headed buzzard now now well this this animal t.e7 t.jaq' monta:nya ja71 a:.qa.tzan. they are under it mountain nov/ well they are. 21) Despwe:s nn.u:l.tzan me:b'a t.uk'a After well he was coming orphan with him meb'a.yi.l t.e: n.tzaj t.i:.7n person who cares for orphans him he was bringing it here

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239 n.ja.x t.txlk.o.Tn. 22) Ma ch.u:l he was cooking it up away. Just now they came meb'a.yi.l t.e: b'et.al j.merb'a ki.n.a. foster parent him walking this orphan lookl ja s.a:J.a q.chl? t.u7n.a? 23) Pv^es where did you return our meat by you? Well s . a j w.i;,.7n.a a.t ju:n n.kamb'.a chl.tzan I brought it there is one my prize he said kyja7.w. 2 4) Ya: despwe:s n.ja.pan like this . Now after it was arriving above tzq'arj t.u7n n.b'aj.tzan ky.cho.7n cooked by him well they were finishing eating it meb'a.yi.l t.e: a.tzan t.e: noq ok Joq.e:7 foster parent him well this of him alone he sat in t.witz ja: nti7 tzaj q'o.7n ch'in its face house there is not gave him here a little t.chl7 t.u7n meb^a.yi.l t.e:. his meat by him person who cares for orphans him. 25) Ky.jon.arl meb'a.yi.l t.e: b'aj.ka.x They alone foster parent him but finished ky.u7n aj.tzan.j b'a:q n.b'aj.tzan ky.u7n. by them well this bone well was finished by them. 26) Xum.aja t.e:.x b'a:q ky.u7n b'ix Zing.' it went out away bone by them and t.o:k me:b'a chm^.o:.! t.et.e:. 27) he entered orphan to gather it. N. chi .b ' aj .tzan t.chm.o.7n me:b'a asta Well he was finishing gathering them orphan until nn.ok te:n me:b'a wo:ns.l t.et.e: t.b'aq'.al he was into orphan to toast it ' its bones masa:t i: despwe:s n.ku7 t .pensa:7r'.a.n. deer and after he was thinking down. 28) A:. tzan. j ajaj a.t jun luga:r t.wi7 Well this this there is one place on it tz'aqo7n t.b'i: ja71a. 29) N.xi7 t.mun.a.7kj its name now. He was going to plant

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240 me:b'a.jQ n.xl7 t .mun. a.7kj merb'a.jo. this orphan he was going to plant this orphan. 30) N.xl7.tzan mun.a.l t.e: tza7n.x.tz ky.te:n.ka He was going to plant it everything t.awal me:b'a j.7aj itza:j narpixh his crop orphan this vegetable turnip tza7n.x te:n.ka qa.j itzarj t.e7 t.jaq' like everything these vegetable they "are under it k'u:l b'ix j.7aj nn.ok xukb'a:kaj fields and this was entering (type of vegetable) t.b'i: t.xaq me:b'a. 31) Kyja7.tzan its name its leaf orphan. Well like this nn.ork.a t.awal meib'a.jo. 32) Ento:ns it was entering his crop this orphan. Then despwe:s t.uj.tzan t.ne:j.al q'i:j a':, jo after well in it first day this ky.ja:7w.al b ' a j awal.qa j.7a:.jo t.uj they came up finished crops this in it t.ka:b'.an q'i:j. 33) Ky . ja: 7w.al. Jal ajaj xhja7w second day. It came up animal this possum a.ya tal we : ch tza7n.x tern.ka tal kla:se this small fox like everything small class tal txkup t.e7 t.jaq' k'u:l t.awal small animal they are under it woods his crop me:b'a.qa chl.tzan kyja7.w. 34) T.uj.tzan t.o:x.an orphans he says like this. Well in it third q*i:j ke : a:.tzan ky.ja:7w.al tal masa:t pwes day that this they came up small dees well o.xax tza:laj me:b'a we :na a:.tzan ky.kir.n.x now he was content orphan good well this they were seen t.awal t.a:71an txi t.ki.7n tal masa:t. his crop his animal he saw away small deer. 35) Xhli:ky.j ky.xi7 t.xi t.ki.7n entorns Germinated they were when he saw away then o tza:laj t.u7n t.la:j. 36) Despwers he was content because of it its reason. After

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241 ya: n. chl. ch'i :y .tzan t.a:71an n. chi .ch'l :y . tzan now well they were growing his animal they were growing n.chl. chm.e :t . tzan t.a:71an ja71a. 37) well they were gathered his animal now. N.b'aj t .b 'i :nch.a.n jun kora:l a:. tzan t.korarl He finished making one fence well that its fence masart entorns n.b'aj. tzan t .b ' i :nch.a .n. 38) Ento:ns deer then well he finished making it. Then ya: n.tza tzoq.paj ky.i7j meb'a.yi.l t.e: now he suggested here at them foster parent him pwes a.t t.chi.b'aj w.urk'al.a ja7ka well there is his meat with me yes it can chi. b' an it ky.q'a.n.tz ky.xb'u:7q.a tzalu:7. they are made give it here I your rags here. 39) Xb'u7q per chi.b'aj n.b'an.t w.u7n.a It is a rag but meatit is made by me nya:7 ti. :7.1a tqal.ta chi. tzan q'u:n.J it is not what what well he said it was said chi. tzan t.e: me:b'a kyja7.w ok t.ma.7n. well he said of it orphan like this he said in. 40) A:x.pa t.ok.lern me:b'a maj xb'u7q jlu:7 It is certain orphan that rag this n.tza: ky.chm.o.7n tx'aq.an ky.xb'u:7q ja:.chaq they gathered here old their rags where each t.a7 chu:.chaq txak.o : .n. j . a me:b'a. 4l) Jak it is hurry cook this I orphan. It can b'an.t t.u7n.a? Ja:7k. 42) Ok. tzan tza t.i:.7n be done by you? It can. When he brought it here me:b'a n.ku7 t.ju:s.a.n iqujin t.ku7 me:b'a orphan he burnt it down and he ran down orphan asta q'i.l jun t ' al t.a:71an t.e: ky.chi7 until to get one liquid its chicken of it their meat meb'a.yi.l t.e:. 43) A:. pa xb'u7q n.b'anit foster parent him. Is that rag is made t.u7n.a me:b'a? 44) Pwes a:. jo. B'ix.tzan.la by you orphan? Well that is it. And well

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2A2 n.kub* kwernt t.l7j t.iYj ne:b'a ky.uYn were guarding down at him at him orphan by them meb'a.yi.l t.e:. A5) Ya: ma po:n.tl foster parent him. Now he arrived here again me:b'a il.o.l t.e: ya: tz'irnan.qa kab ' . 1 orphan to see it now they were not there two other t.a:71an o:.taq ch.etz ilq'.a.Yn ky.uTn.x his animal they had robbed him by them the same meb'a.yi.l t.e:. H6) Ma ka:n.a.n.l ju:n.l foster parent him. When he met again one other el me:b'a tz 'i :nan. l.qa kab ' alemaj . time orphan they were not there again two animal. 47) Ti:.tzan tqal mo:da? nn.ok te :n me:b'a Well what what manner? he was there in orphan pensa:7r.a.l t.i7j. 48) Pwes xb 'u7q.xax.w.a to think about it. Well rag I n.b'an.t w.u7n nya:7 chi.b'aj.w.a kyja7.tzan is made by me it is not meat I well like this tern.t kyja7.w chu:.chaq ky.l:.7n.tz xb'u7q.a it is like this hurry bring here rag je7y. 49) N.ja.pan jun k'il kyq.a7 then. He was putting up there one pot hot water t.uk'.a Jun k'il xb'u7q t.uj. 50) Entotns with it one pot rag in it. Then n.xi7 tzoq.paj me:b'a tz'l:nan.xa. b'an.t. he was escaping away orphan never it was done. 51) Mi:7n par tza7n b'an.t t.u7n.a me:b'a? No but how it was done by you orphan? 52) Mi:7n par a.t jurn.l mo: da l.o.7n No but there is another manner seen w.u7n.a kyja7 n.te:7n.a. 53) N.xi7 by me like this it is. He was going y.o.l kab ' . a chap t.zi a7 to look for two crab its edge water n .ch.u: l.ky .a txqan n.chi.ku7 . x. tzan they were arriving here a lot well they were going down away

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2^3 chap t.zl q'a:q' b ' Ix lu : t.kyq.a? crab Its edge fire and there its hot water n.loq.na. 5^) Ento:ns n. ch.e7x. tzan was boiling. Then well they were going chi.mok' .e: .ka. X. a kyja7.w kyjaT-tzan crouch down away you-alll like this well like this te:n k.b 'an. t .e :1. t .a q.chi? kyja7.w there is it will be made our meat like this chi.mok' .e: .ka.x. tzan. a. . 55) N.chi.kuT.x well crouch down away you-alll Well they went down tzan.x.ky .te :n.ka t.ajwil.ja: n. chi.kuT.x mok' .e :? . everything its owner house they were crouching down, 56) N. Chi. ja: . tz. tzan porn.j chap JaTla Well they were exploding up there crab now t.uj t.b'a? ky.witz. 57) Asta b'i7x in it its seed their face. Until all at once ku7 lo7tz.a.n t.zi ky.witz t.u7n It was closed down its edge their face by him -t.ajwil.ja: o7k.san te:n.jo. 58) Ya its_ owner house well only this is it. Now despwe:s n.ku7 t.b'i:s.a:.n ju:n.tl ya naj.tzan after he was being sad down another now well no t.o:k.l a:. jo. 59) Ya n.xi7 tzoq.paj.l It entered again that. Now he was leaving away again me:b'a q'i.l chi.b'aj pwes tzlp t.er.x.j orphan to get meat well whoosh I it went out ajaj xb'u7q t.u7n. 60) Nn.ok no:j t.l7j that rag by him. He was finding in at it jun ka:b' t.jaq' k'u:l pwes nn.ul t.i:.7n one beehive under it brush, well he was bringing it here ky.witz meb'a.yi.l t.e:. 6l) in front of them foster parent him. Or.t.tzan chi.tzak.j.a meb'a.yi.l t.e: t . ok t.ki.7n. •They had been destroyed foster parent him when he saw in. 62) To:ns nn.ul. tzan t.i:.7n ka:b' -_ Then well he was bringing here beehive

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24^ Ja: s.a t.l:.7n.i.ya me:b'a? 63) A:wt where did you bring it here orphan? If only ch'irn q.qo? le:q'..a.l t.witz jj.tze:7 a little we were to lick its surface this tree jatuma s . a t . i : . 7n.i.ya. 64) Pwes qa ky.aj.a where you brought it here. Well if you-all want ch.eTx.a a.t t.tze:? chi.tzan q'urn.j you-all go it is there its tree well lie said it was said kyja?. 65) N.ch.iky' t.u:k'a meb'a.yi.l like this. They were passing with him foster parent t.e: asta n.chi.ja.pan t.q'o.Tn t.wi? him until he was giving them up there above it Jun tze:7. S6) Saberr jniky'.purn jun tze:7 one tree. V/ho knows v/hat size one tree matl:j jun tze:7 chi.tzan q'urn.j. big one tree well they say it is said. 67) N. chi.ka.n.a.n n. chi. ja.pan. tzan They were arriving well they were going up there t.u7n t.wi7 tze:7. 68) Jotx t.a:j.tz by it on it tree. BoomI he came back here me:b'a asta n.kub'.al t.witz tx'otx' orphan until he was coming down its surface earth n.tzer.n. 69) Ch'uq t.erl t-xa:jb';a he was laughing. Clunk I it went out his shoes nn.otk txpa:tz'.a.n t.ku7j matiij tze:7. he was hitting its stomach big tree. 70) Mal.ala.:n t7xi7 tze:7 ja71a max. tzan It went swelling tree nov; until no t.u7n ky.ku7.tz xja:l chi.tzan. that they went down here person they say. 71) Ento:ns a:. tzan. Despwe:s n.ku7 t .pensa :r ,a.n Then that was. After he was thinking down ti: chi.b' .e :l.atz.ya? 72) Mejo:r qi:na what will they come down here? Better I txak.o.l ya:7.yj. 73) A:, tzan ya:7.yj will call grandmother. This grandmother

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245 nn.o:k xja:w. 7^) N.xl7 txak.o.l t.e: ya:7.yj was In moon. He went to call her grandmother t.uk' marlrmp. 75) We:na n. tza : j .tzan. t with it marimba. Good well she was coming ya:7.yj ch'ix. taq. tzan t.pon ka:n.a.n grandmother well almost when she arrived there t.xl7 t.ki.7n yary.yj lu:7 qa.xja:! noq she saw away grandmother there the people only te:n.l t.ja.x.qa ma: t.wi7 tze:7. there is they are up up to above it tree. 76) N.xl7 tzoq.paj ya:7.ya jejeje: .ya. jo She was going grandmother ho ho ho cried n.ya:7.tzan qa.w.w.a:l.qa. j mati:J u:ch' t . zi grandmother my children big cry baby its edge ky.witz. 77) 07k. san t.xi t.ki.7n iky. jo their face. Well only when she saw it like that xhqittt.tzan ky.er.x a:.qa.tzan. 78) Aj skittering they went out there. This xma:xh t.e 7 ja71a a:.qa.tzan aj mo:na monkey they are now they are this monkey a: . tzan.qa. jo . 79) To:ns kyja7.tzan te:n il.e:t that is they. Then like this it is are found qa.j.morna. 80) A.:7.qa.ya mati:j ju:das mati:j these monkeys. Oh youl big damned big tzu7w.qa.ya mati:j trampo:s nya:7-la me:ra w.a:l.qa.ya. ingrates big cheat it is not real my children, 81) Ja71a ky.xi7.ya lu: ky.wa:.ya t.wltz Now go I . there your food its fruit chi:71aj lu: ky.wa:.ya t.witz ana:q' (type of tree) there your food its fruit (a plant) ku:7.tx.qa .ya ja71a chi.tzan ya:7.yj. go down there I now well she said grandmother 82) 07k. san te:n n.ch.e:x xhqittt.tzan Only it is they were going skitterring ky.e:71. 83) Ja71a nn.aj.tz tzoq.paj.l they left. Now he was coming back again

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2i|6 me:b'a.tl mi:7n.ajo ya:7-ya t.xl7.ya a.t.x orphan again no this grandmother go I there Is kab'.l.nl w.a:lan.a t.e? l.a.Jtz.a. 84) Jatumal two other my animal they are go and seel Where merb'a jatumal? turk'a.x marl:mp t.ok. orphan where? with It marimba she went. 85) N.ku? ne:j me:b*a t.u:k'a.x He was going down quickly orphan with It mari:mp ya:7.ya t.u:k' marlrmp. 86) marimba grandmother with it marimba. T.XI7 t.kl.7n.tl ya:7.yj lu:.qa kab ' When she saw away again grandmother there were two. masa:t ky.ki:.n.x xhli:ky.j t.xl7 deer that were seen out of the ground it went ky.wi7 t.uj ky.korail. 87) T.xl7 t.kl.7n.tl their heads in it their corral. He saw away again merb'a xhliky.leqe7 t.a:71an me:b'a. orphan they were out of the ground his animal orphan. 88) Entorns n.tzaj Jejeje:y ya:qa leje:r Then she was coming ho ho ho hardly nice jun.t.a t.a:71an yaiqa.na t.b'arn.al o7k.x.san one your animal hardly its goodness well only t.xi ky.ki.7n j.7iky.jo tlllll.tzan ky.erl when they saw it like that well scampering they went out ja71a. 89) Kye a:.tzan.qa.j masa:t t.e7 aqaj now. That these are deer they are those which ij.e7x oq t.uj ky.kora:!. 90) A: . tzan.qa. Jo they went flee in it their corral. Well those t.e7 t.Jaq' montarnya a:.tzan.qa.j i-kye they are under it mountain those are they stayed kol.ert kab' o:x ne:7 a:.tzan.qa.j aj were saved two three small those are that chirp t.e7 alema.7n ky.u7n xjarl ja71a. goat they are domesticated by them person now. 91) Ar.tzan.jo o7k.x.tzan tern.j kab'a n.yorl.a.jo That is well only it is two my word

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2^7 b'l.Tn w.u7n.a ky.yoil aj ojtxa xja:l heard by me their word that before person ky.yo:l chma : m . b ' a j ar.tzan.jo b'i,7n w.u7n.a their word grandfathers this is heard by me o7k.x.san te:n.jo x.el .n .q' am. a. 7n. a. well only that is I will say away. FREE TRANSLATION 1) About an orphan. 2) There's a story I'm going to tell you now, that my grandmother and my mother told. 3) It always scared us before, but no, this is what happened when the world was formed a long time age. 4) There was an orphan who went to spend time by the sea. 5) And then he saw that there was a small animal, called a deer, that was in the moon. 6) So he began to think about it, and he thought, and he went to kill the small deer in the moon. 7) The orphan was successful, he killed it with a reed, which is called a catapult, according to the story. 8) Then the deer fell into the sea, and then two buzzards with red heads came. 9) "You, friends, couldn't you be my friends?" 10) "Couldn't you be my helpers?" 11) "Couldn't you bring my prize that fell in the water?" 12) "I can't get it out." 13) And he began to cry about it. 1^) "Don't worry, orphan, we can bring it," said the buzzards with red heads like that, those red-headed buzzards. 15) Then, splat I fell the buzzards in the sea, to get the orphan's

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2i|8 prize. 16) They brought It pulling and scraping, pulling and scraping, until it arrived at the edge of the sea. 17) So they brought it and the orphan was happy. 18) "Okay, orphan, now we brought your prize, so for us, what will you give us?" 19) ''no, you will live with this, until another time," he said. 20) "That's okay," said the buzzards, and now these animals are in the mountains, that's where they are, 21) Then the orphan went with the people who took care of him and brought the deer and cooked it. 22) When his foster parents came from their trip, "Look, orphan, where did you get our meat?" 23) "Well, I brought it, here is my prize," he said like that. 24) And then he cooked it, and his foster parents ate it up, and he sat alone in the corridor of the house, and his foster parents didn't give him any meat. 25) The family alone finished it, they finished it all except for the bones. 26) Zing: they threw the bones, and threw the bones, and the orphan gathered them up. 27) The orphan finished gathering them, and he began to toast the deer bones and afterwards he began to think. 28) There is a place that's called Twi7 Tzaq'o7n now. 29) He went to plant, he went to plant there. 30) The orphan went to plant his crop, the vegetables, the turnips, all the vegetables that there are in the fields, and that which is called xukb'a:ka.1 , or orphan's leaf. 31)

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2^19 Because of this it is called orphan's crop. 32) Then after the first day, these crops germinated, the possums, the foxes, all the types of animals in the woods, and because of this they say orphan's crop. 3^) On the third day the little deer germinated, and the orphan was content because he could see his animals, his little deer. 35) They had been born when he saw them, so he was happy about it. 36) And after this his animals were growing, and growing, and were reproducing. 37) He made a fence, the fence of the deer, and he made it. 38) And then he said to the people who took care of him, "Well, I have meat, you can fix it, give me your rags." 39) "It's a rag, but I'll turn it into meat, and nothing else," he said, he said he could do it. 40) "Really, orphan? This is a rag," and they gathered their old rags from where they were, "Hurry and cook them, orphani" 41) "Can you do it?" '*Sure." 42) So the orphan got it and he burned it and the orphan ran to get a chicken for his broth, for the meat for his foster parents. 43) "That's it." And his foster parents were checking on the orphan. 45) Now when the orphan arrived to see, two of his animals weren't there, they had stolen them, the same foster parents. 46) When the orphan came another time, two animals weren't there again. 4?) "What's this?" And the orphan started to think about it. 48) Well

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250 I'm making rags Into meat but not really. It's like this, so hurry and bring the rags then. ^9) He put on a pot of hot water, with a rag in the pot. 50) Then the orphan left, because it would never cook. 51) But no, "How did you do it, orphan?"52) But no, "I know another way to do it, it's like this." 53) He went to look for two crabs at the edge of the water, and he brought a lot and put the crabs by the fire, and there was the boiling water. 54) "So crouch down like this, like this our meat will be cooked, so crouch down." 55) And all the people of the house went down, and crouched down. 56) And then the crabs exploded in their eyes. 57) Until all at once the owners of the house closed their eyes, that's all. 58) Then he was thinking about another thing, but he didn't do it. 59) And the orphan went to get meat, then whoosh! he spread out the rag. 60) He found a beehive in the woods, and he brought it for his foster parents. 6I) In that time he saw that his foster parents were destroyed. 62) Then he brought the beehive, "Where did you get it, orphan?" 63) "If only we could lick a little on the surface of the tree where you got it." 64) "Well, if you want to go, the tree is there," he said. 65) He took his foster parents and raised them up in the tree. 66) Who knows what slse tree, they say it's a big tree. 6?) They got there, and they went up. 68) Boom! the orphan

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251 came down, and when he got to the ground he was laughing. 69) Clunkl he took off his shoes and hit the trunk of the big tree. 70) The tree swelled up until the people couldn't get down, they say. 71) That's what happened. Then he started to think, "How will they get down?" 72) "I'll call grandmother." 73) The grandmother was the moon. 7^) He went to call the grandmother with the marimba. 75) Good, and the grandmother came, now the grandmother was just arriving, and when the grandmother saw that the people were up there in the top of the tree, 76) grandmother went "Ho ho ho," grandmother cried, "My children with the big crying eyes." 77) Only that when she saw them, they went skittering (in the trees). 78) These are the monkeys that there are now, these are the monkeys, these are. 79) Now that is how the monkeys came to be. 80) "Oh you damned, Ingrates, cheats, you're not my real children." 81) "Now go I There's your food the fruit of the chi :71aj , of the ana :q' , go away I" said the grandmother. 82) And only this, they went skittering, they went away now. 83) And the orphan came back, "Look, grandmother, go and see two more animals that I have still." 84) "Where, orphan, where?" 85) And they left quickly, the orphan and the grandmother and the marimba. 86) And when the grandmother saw it again, there were two deer that she saw out of the ground in the corral. 87) And

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252 when the orphan saw his animals were out of the ground, when the grandmother saw the orphan's animals were out of the ground, 88) she came crying, "Ho ho ho, your animals are hardly nice, they're hardly good," and when they saw that, they left scampering off now. 89) Those are the deer that there are, those that fled from the corrals. 90) Those are the ones that are in the mountains, and those that stayed were two or three small ones, which are the goats that now are domesticated by people. 91) That's all, these are my only words that I know, words of the ancestors, words of the grandfathers, that's all that I've heard, that's all I will say.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Ganger, Una. I969. Analysis in Outline of Mam, a Mayan Language. University of California, Berkeley, dissertation. Gook, Walter A., S.J. 1969. An' Introduction to Tag-memic Analysis. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston., Day, Ghristopher. 1972. The Jacaltec Language. (Indiana University Publications, Language Science Monographs, vol. 12) Bloomington : Indiana University, Hardman, M.J. 1972. Postulados lingiiisticos del idioma aymara. (El reto del multilinguismo en el Peru, ed, by Alberto Escobar, pp. 35-^6.) Lima: Institute de Estudios Peruanos . . (in press) Linguistic Postulates and Applied Anthropological Linguistics. (Papers on Linguistics and Ghild Language in Memory of Ruth Hirsch Weir, ed. by M.J. Hardman and Vladimir Honsa.) The Hague: Mouton. Hockett, Gharles P. 1958. A Gourse in Modern Linguistics. New York: Macmillan. Kaufman, Terrence. 1971. Tzeltal Phonology and Morphology, (University of California Publications in Linguistics, 61.) Berkeley: University of California Press. . 1973. New Mayan Languages in Guatemala: Sacapultec, Sipacapa, and Others. Unpublished manuscript. . 1974a. Idiomas de mesoamerica. (Seminario de Integration Social, 33-) Guatemala: Editorial Jose de Pineda Ibarra. . 1974b. Issues in the Classification of the Mayan Languages, Substantive and Otherwise. Unpublished manuscript. Maldonado Andres, Juan and Juan Ordonez Domingo. 197^. 253

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25^ Practlcas y experiencias obtenidas en programmas de alf abetlzaclon efectuados en una comunldad Indigena del area mam. Unpublished manuscript. McQuown, Norman, ed. 1967. Handbook of Middle American Indians, Volume 5, Linguistics. Austin: University of Texas Press. Nida, Eugene A. 19^6. Morphology: The Descriptive Analysis of Words. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press. Oakes, Maud, 1951a. Beyond the V/lndy Place. New York: Parrar, Straus, and Young. . 1951b. The Two Crosses of Todos Santos. (Bollingen Series, 27) New York: Pantheon Books. Peck, Dorothy Miller. 1951The Formation of Utterances in the Mam Language. Hartford Seminary Foundation thesis . Pike, Kenneth L. 19^7. Phonemics: A Technique for Reducing Languages to V/riting. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press . Robertson, John S., John A. Hawkins, and Andres Maldonado . n.d. Mam Basic Course. U.S. Peace Corps. Sywulka, Edward Frederick. 19^8. The Morphology of the Mam Language of Guatemala, C.A. University of Oklahoma thesis. . 1966. Mam Grammar. (Languages of Guatemala, ed. by Marvin Mayers. Janua Linguarum, series practica, 23, pp. 178-195.) The Hague: Mouton. Valladares, Leon A. 1957. El hombre y el maiz: etnografia y etnopsicologia de Colotenango. Guatemala: Universidad de San Carlos. Vogt, Evon Z. ed. 1969a. Handbook of Middle American Indians, Volume 7, Ethnology, Part I. Austin: University of Texas Press. . 1969b. Zinacantan: A Maya Community in the Highlands of Chiapas. Cambridge: Belknap Press. Wagley, Charles. 19^1. The Economics of a Guatemalan Village. American Anthrooological Association Memoir 58. . 1949. Social and Religious Life of a Guatemalan

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255 Village. American Anthropological Association Memoir 71. . 1969. The Maya of Northwestern Guatemala. (The Handbook of Middle American Indians, Volume 7, Ethnology, Part I, ed. by Evon Z. Vogt, pp. 46-68.) Austin: University of Texas Press.

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Nora Clearman England was born in Washington, D.C. on November 8, 19^6. She was educated in the New York State public school system and graduated from high school in I963. She received her B.A. from Bryn Mawr College in 1967, with a major in anthropology. She owes her introduction to and initial interest in anthropology and linguistics to the fine teaching of Dr. Frederica de Laguna, Dr. Jane Goodale , and Dr. Nancy Dorian, all at Bryn Mawr College. She began graduate studies at the University of Florida in anthropology in I968, and received the M.A. in 1971After that she spent several years working on linguistics in Guatemala, and returned to graduate school in 19 7^. Her work since that time has been directed toward the completion of the Ph.D. in anthropology with specialization in linguistics at the University of Florida. 256

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I certify that I have read this study and that In my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is 'fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ^^^^^^T-Alexandef Mocre , Jr. i, ( Associate Professor of Anthropology I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. (^Xv^^-^-^^^ Charles Wagley Graduate Research Professor of Anthropology This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Department of Anthropology in the College of Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. June, 1975 Dean, Graduate School

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I certify that I have read this study and that In my opinion It conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and Is ' fully adequate, in scope and of Doctor I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. William. E. Carter Professor of Anthropology I certify that I have read this study and that in ray opinion It conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ^'U^U'^'-a^ /t ^ /^'g^/C^'^C^ Norman M. Harkel Professor of Speech