Citation
Changing animal utilization patterns and their implications

Material Information

Title:
Changing animal utilization patterns and their implications southwest Ecuador (6500 B.C.-A.D. 1400)
Creator:
Byrd, Kathleen Mary, 1949-
Publication Date:
Copyright Date:
1976
Language:
English
Physical Description:
viii, 155 leaves : ill., map ; 28cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Agriculture ( jstor )
Animals ( jstor )
Bones ( jstor )
Fish ( jstor )
Fishing ( jstor )
Food ( jstor )
Hunting ( jstor )
Peninsulas ( jstor )
Species ( jstor )
Vertebrates ( jstor )
Anthropology thesis Ph. D ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Ecuador ( lcsh )
Dissertations, Academic -- Anthropology -- UF ( lcsh )
Excavations (Archaeology) -- Ecuador ( lcsh )
Indians of South America -- Antiquities -- Ecuador ( lcsh )
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis--University of Florida.
Bibliography:
Bibliography: leaves 149-154.
Additional Physical Form:
Also available on World Wide Web
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Kathleen Mary Byrd.

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Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
025399027 ( AlephBibNum )
02888355 ( OCLC )
AAT5217 ( NOTIS )

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CH.!:i';IIIG AItIAL UTII.IZATION
PATTERilS AID THEIR IMPLICATIONS:
SOUTIlWEST ECUADOR (6500 B.C.-A.D. 1-:00)










BY

KATIFLEEI N.'ARY YRIPJ


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
INI PARTIAL FULFILIlIElIT OF THiE REQUITE:1EPTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY














UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


1976














ACKII'OWLEDGIIEINTS


In the course of this study numerous individuals have provided

guidance in the identification, analysis, and interpretation of the

material considered here. I would especially like to thank Elizabeth

Wing, my major professor, for always being available for consultation

and for reading several drafts of this report; laxine Margolis, Gerald

Milanich, William Maples, and David Webb, my committee members, for

reading ny dissertation and offering many helpful suggestions; Clifford

Evans, Donald Lathrap, Ronald Liptak, Gene NM-Dougle, Presley Norton,

Allison Paulsen, and Karen Stothert for making faunal collections from

coastal Ecudor available for analysis; Donald Lathrap and Jorge Mlarcos

for making it possible for me to visit sites in the area and collect

fishes; 'alter Auffenberg, Pierce Brodkorb, Carter Gilbert, and Fred

Thompson for aiding in the identification of some of The faunal remains

and suggesting useful readings; and my fellow students and the staff of

the Florida State Museum for their suggestions and encouragement.













TABLE OF CONTENTS


ACi OW EDG ENTS . . . . . . . . . . . ii

LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . .. . . . . v

LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . .. . vii

ABSTRACT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . viil

Chapter

I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . .. .. . . 1

II. NIUTRiTIONAL IEEDS AiD CALORIC REQUIREMENTS . . . . 10

III. IETHODOLOGY . . . . . . . . . . . 1S

IV. CHANGING CLIMATE AND THE ECOLOGICAL SETTING . . . .. 27

The Santa Elena Peninsula. . .. . . . . . 27
Climatic Change and Prehistoric Occupation of the
Santa Elena Peninsula . . . . . . . .. 31
Su imary . . . . . . . . .. . . 33

V. F'Ui.AL /Il.LYSIS AiD RECOliSTrUCTIOI . . . . . . 39

Pre-Valdivia . . . . . . . . . . . 40
Valdiv.ia . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
Post-Valdivia . . . . . . . . .. . . 72

VI. DISCUSSION . . . . . . . .. . . . 81

Protein Scarcity and Protein Acquisition . . . . 8]
Changes in Protein Exploitation and Subsistence
Orientation . . . . . . . . . ... 83
Hunting and Fishing Methods . . . . . . .. 91
Human Behavioral Patterns . . . . . . . 93
Internreal Comparison . . . . . . . . .. 95
Sum: ary . . . ...... .. . . .. .... . 97

AFPPi.II : A ... .. . .. . . . .. ... .. . . 99
B . . . . . . . .. . . . . 132
C . . . . . . . .. .. ... . . . . 141
D ............... .............. 143
E . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144
F . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146




iii








IIBLIOGJiJl'ilY . . 149

BIOG\RP;IICAI SKETCH . . . . . . 155














LIST OF TABLES


1. COMPARISON OF METHODS USED IN; ESTI'MATING LIVE EIGHT . . .

2. PERCENTAGE OF FOODS FROM AQUATIC AND TERRESTRIAL HABITATS I1MI.

3. PERCENTAGE OF FOODS FROM AQUATIC AID TERRESTRIAL -AkBITATS -


B IO; lASS


Page

25

84,


. . . . . . . . . . . 86


FAUNIAL LIST OGSE-80

FAULIAL LIST OGSE-33

FAULiAL LIST OGSE-63

FAUIIAL LIST OGSE-42

FAUIIAL LIST OGSE-62

FAUIIAL LIST OGSE-62C

FAUIL LIST OGSE-174

FAUNAL LIST VALDIVIA

FAUIIAL LIST LOMA ALTA

FAUNAL LIST LO;L\ ALTA

FAULil.L LIST REAL ALTO

FAUIA.L L. IST REAL ALTO

FAUNAL LIST REAL ALTO

FAUNAL LIST REAL ALTO

FAUNAL LIST REAL ALT':

FAUiIAL LIST REAL ALTO

FAUAI:L LIST REAL ALTO

FAUIIAL LIST F.C'dL ALTO

FAUNAL LIST REAL :.LTO


JII .

JIII . .

STRUCTURE 7

STRUCTURE 10

FEATURE 10

FEATURE 171

BURIAL LI .

STRUCTURE 8 -

FEATURE 101

FEATURE 10S

FEATURE 109


99

101

102

103

104

106

107

108

110

112

113

115

116

117

118

119

120

121

122


W. T.

* .

. .









Page

23. FAUNAL LIST REAL ALTO 1JOn,-FF.A'IUPJ; flATERIAL . . . . . 123


24. FAUNAL LIST OGSE-46D I4iACHALII.LA


FAUNAL LIST OGSL-46D

FALUTAL LIST OGSE-46D)

FAUNAL LIST OGCH-20

FAUilh LIST CGSE-46U

FAUl!IAL LIST OGSE-41E

FOOL) VALUES OGSE-80

FOOD VALUES OGSE-63

FOOD VALUES OGSE-63

FOOD VALUES OGSE-62C

FOOD VALUES VALDIVIA

FOOD VALUES OCSE-46D

FOOD VALUES OCSE-46U


E;IGOP.OY

TOfAL .

* . .



. . .

* . .




. . .

* . .


124

125

126

128

130

131

132

134

135

13G

137

138

140













LIST OF FIGURES


Page

SITE LOCATIONS WITHIN THE STUDY AREA . . . . . ... .

CLIMATE CHANGE: SiATA, ELENA PENINSULA . . . . ... 32

RELATIVE PERCENT OF PRINCIPAL VERTEBRATES OGSE-80 ..... 44

DISTRIBUTION OF HEIGHTS OF CAPTUFIED FISHES OGSE-80 ..... 45

RELATIVE PERCEIIT OF PRINCIPAL VERTEBRATES OCSE-63 . . .. 49

RELATIVE PERCENT OF PRINCIPAL VERTEBRATES OCSE-62 . . .. 55

DISTRIBUTION OF HEIGHTS OF CAPTURED FISHES OGSE-62 .... 56

RELATIVE PERCENT OF PRINCIPAL VERTEBRATES OGSE-62C ..... 57

DISTRIBUTION OF WEIGHTS OF CAPTURED FISHES OGSE-62C ..... 58

RELATIVE PERCENT OF PRINCIPAL VERTEBRATES VALDIVIA ... 61

DISTRIBUTION OF WEIGHTS OF CAPTJPRED FISHES VALDIVIA .... 62

P.ELATIVE PERCENT OF PRINCIPAL VERTEBRATES LO:-A ALTA .... 66

RELATIVE PERCENT OF PRINCIPAL VERTEBRAILS REAL ALTO (Mliddle). 69

RELATIVE PERCENT OF PRINCIPAL VERTEBRATES REAL ALTO (Late). 71

RELATIVE PERCENT OF PRINCIPAL VERTEBRATES OCSE-46D. . . 74

DISTRIBUTION OF WEIGHTS OF CAPTURED FISHES OCSE-46D . ... 75

RELATIVE PERCENT OF PRINCIPAL VERTEBRATES OGSE-46U . . 79

DISTRIBUTION OF WEIGHTS OF CAPTURED FISHES OGSE-46U ..... 80

AGRICULTURAL AND DEER HUNTING SEASONALITY . . . . ... 89














Abstract of Dissertation Presented to t:le Graduace Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Fequircimnts for the Degree of Doctor of Philooopliy


CIlL'lGIi;G A11I-LUL UTILIZ.ATION
PATTERIJS A.TD THEIR IMPLICATIO:iS:
SOUTHWEST ECUADOR (6500 B.C.-A.D. 1400)

By

Kathleen Iary Byrd

August 1976

Chairperson: Elizabeth S. Using
llajor Department: Anthropology


The purpose of this study is to determine subsistence practices

and related huri;n behavioral patterns for Valdivia Phase (3000 B.C.-

1500 B.C.) in:ihbitants of southwest Ecuador. This goal is accomplished

by an analysis of vertebrate, faunal remains and the application of

cultural, ecological research methods. A total of fifteen samples is

considered, including three pre-Valdivia, eight Valdivia, and four post-

Valdivia since. (6500 B.C.-A.D. 1400). For most of these sites faunal

lists with minimum numbers of individuals, nuriber of bone fragir.ents and

bone heights are included. In addition, biomi, s, edible meat, calories,

and protein estimates are computed for the principal sites. Based on

these analyses, questions concerning protein scarcity and protein acqui-

sition, changes in protein exploitation and subsistence orientation,

hunting aiid fishing methods, and human behavioral patterns for the

varcojs groups aru considered.


viii













CiAPTEn I
I I RODUCTIOU


1Ihatever is one's theoretical viewpoint, few. anthronologiscs today

would argue against a particular stage in cultural development in

which one or more cultural groups. shifted from a hunting-gathering

subsistence system to a sedentary one baseJ on agriculture. This

change in subsistence emphasis is an important shift because it laid

the foundations for later cultural evolution. With the domestication

of plants and an increasing reliance on cultigens, people become

more sedentary, populations increased, more complex: social, political,

and economic systems developed and in some areas urban centers and

civilizations arose. In the flew Uorld this initial shift from a

hunting-gathering econo:;,y to a sedentary agricultural one is referred

to as the Formative Stage.

The e:-act definition of the Formative Stage and chose traits that

are most diagnostic of it are the subjects of some debate. Gordon 2..

l1illey and Philip Phillips (195S:1.44) stress the presence of maize and/

or manioc agriculture an-' "... the successful socioeconomic integration

of such an agriculture into well-established sedentary village life" in

their definition of the Formative. James A. Ford indicates several

po.-sible o.cr-'.implifications in llilley and Phillip's definition and

offers a definition based more on certain artifact types. Ford (1969:5)

views the Formative








... as the 3000 years (or less in some regions)
during which the elements of ceramics, ground
stone tools, handmade figurines, and manioc and
maize agriculture were being diffused and welded
in the region extending from Peru to the eastern
United States.

1lhichever position is held, the salient points in each appear to be

the incorporation of agriculture and sedentism anJ their related cultural

characteristics into a new way of life. This new form sets the stage

for subsequent cultural evolution.

One of the earliest manifestations of the Formative Stage is the

Valdivia Phase of coastal Ecuador. This phase has received considerable

study in the last 25 years (Bischof and Gamboa 1972; Bushnell 1951;

Estrada 1956 and 1961; Hill 1966; Lanning 1976a; Lathrap and Ilarcos 1975;

rlegger.-, Evans, and Estrada 1965; Norton 1971; Paulsen 1971; Porras 1973;

Stothert 1974; Zvalnlos ;ieneendez 1970; Zevallos Menendez and Holm 3960).

For the most part, these studies have addressed themselves to the estab-

lishe2nt of the ceramic chronologies and they provide basic site

information as well as development of hypotheses concerning the origins

of the Formative of this region. Recently there has been a growing

interest in obtaining evidence of agriculture from these siLts. This line

of research has met with some success (Zevallos lienandez 1970) even

though nost plant remains--and thus direct evidence of agriculture--are

not wel] preserved in sites of this region.

.'ith few exceptions (Sar-ma 1974; Ileggers, Evans, and Estrada 1965)

little attention has been paid to the non-agricultural segment of

subsistence. The relatively high survival rate of animal bone provides

ample opportunities to study at least this aspect of the quest for food.

Detailed analysis of food bone refuse can provide information not only

on past dietary patterns, but also on the technology used to obtain the








a-iirals. Mihen bone analysis is coupled with human, ecological, research

methods, additional information on subsistence related, human behavioral

patterns may be revealed. This study attempts to arrive at a better

understanding of some Formative patterns through the analysis of the

vertebrate remains associated with eight Early ForTaitive (Valdivia)

sites in Guayas Province, Ecuador. To understand subsistence patterns

prior to the Early Formative, the vertebrate remains from three pre-

Veldivia sites are., analyzed. Past-Valdivia developments are indicated

by the remains from four additional sites (Fig. 1).

To achieve the aim of this study, i.e. to analyze the subsistence

practices and related human behavioral patterns of the Formative Valdivia

culture of the area, a modification of Julian II. Ste:rard's (1955)

cultural ecological procedures is applied to the archaeological material.

The natural environme-nt of the area and technology used to exploit the

food resources are examined.

Environments are not static, but are subject to change. Some

cnvironnen;al areas are relatively stable while others, due to their

location at the edge of two different and unstable climatic zones, are

particularly susceptible to environmental fluctuation. In all areas

changes in the climatic conditions can profoundly affect their animal

populations. Therefore, before any real understanding of resource use

within an area can be achieved, some attempt to reconstruct previous

envLronmental conditions is necessary.

Two lines of evidence can be used in attempting to deter.:ine the

technology employed to obtain the animals. First, the artifactual

remains themselves can be considered. Secondly, the animals fund in the

midden can he analyzed and, by using ecological and ethnological studies,









Fig. !


SITE LOCATIONS WITHIN THE STUDY AREA


FJ Pre-Voldivia Site
0 Valdivia Site

/' Post-Valdivia Site


r 1- 20 km
0 10 20 km


wmJ








the '.uniing and fishing methods effective in catching these animals

suggested. Coupling the environmental reconstruction with an analysis

of subsistence-related technology indicates which of the available

rcsourcze were ui.sed and ho'.i the people might have obtained them.

Having reconstructed the enviornment and the subsistence technology

of the culture, the second step of Steward's procedure can be attempted.

In this step, the human behavioral patterns connected with particular

technologies that are effective in catching certain animals are

examined. One method of viewing this is by utilizing game theory.

Game theory studies on ethnographic populations (Davenport 1971;

Gould 1972) have revealed people's attempt to maximize returns while

minimizing the time, the energy, and the risk involved in obtaining them.

On any given day the subsistence strategies adopted take into account

the :mount of time arid energy that will be expended in attempting to

achieve a certain economic goal. For e:-ample, will it take more time

and energy to track, kill, butcher, and carry back to camp a large

mammal or will more of the desired food be obtained and less time and

energy expended by spending the day fishing? Is the risk of not

obtaining food greater if the person hunts or if he or she fishes? Will

more proteins and calories be obtained by hunting or by fishing? The

abundance, ease of capture and nutritional and energy values of the

various resources will determine which strategies or combination of

strategies are most effective in obtaining the needed foods. Rodents

might be abundant and by using traps they may be easy to capture, but

they are snail in size and provide little meat. Deer are less abundant,

harder -o capture, but for each successful hunt a greater volume of meat

is obtained. Fishl might be very abundant and easy to capture, but are








relatively small, and when compared with mammals, have a lo'. caloric and

pr':,t,:in content. The strategy chosen by a people on a particular day

takes these factors into consideration.

Subsistence strategies are closely related to the hunan behavior

patterns of a people. Some procurement : tecchniques require relatively

large numbers of people, while others are more successful if carried out

individually. For example, in the South American tropical forest where

species densities are lot:, the maximum terrestrial hunting returns for

a population, as a whole, occur if the hunters, individually or in groups

of two or three, exploit several different areas. Using this method the

hunters maximize the possibilities that at least one of the areas hunted

will provide some game.

In areas with large gregarious herds, as in the North American

Creat Plains, communal hunting provided maximum returns for the time and

energy expended. In this region individual hunters could kill only a

relatively few animals before the herd scattered. If, on the other

hand, a coma.unal drive and jump is practiced, a larger number of animals

can be obtained. The same principle is applicable to fishing. letting

and poisoning of waters, in which large densities of fishes occur, result

in greater returns if a number of people cooperate in the operation. Hook

and line fishing, because of the relatively lo:' densities of carnivorous

fishes, provides greater return if the fishermen distribute themselves

individually or in small groups over a wider area.

The third step in Steward's procedure involves determining the

extent to which subsistence-related, human behavioral patterns effect

other aspects of culture. There are m.ny methods of studying this









relationship. One technique of reconstructing past cultural patterns is

through ethnographic analogy. Ideally, by comparing archaeologically

reconstructed exploitative patterns with a series of well research

ethnographic samples, it would be possible to suggest certain subsistence-

related, prehistoric cultural patterns. Unfortunately, good ecologically-

oriented ethnographic studies of the subsistence patterns of a large

series of groups, relying on different subsistence bases, have yet to be

undertaken. Until this is done, detailed correlations between certain

susbistence patterns and other aspects of a culture cannot be attempted.

Nevertheless, some generalizations can be made. A comparison of two

groups of people--one which relies primarily on aquatic fish resources,

and the other which depends on terrestrial forms for their animal

protein, suggests some of these general correlations.

Yolanda Ilurphy and Robert F. 11urphy (1974) have worked among tw:o

groups of ilundurucu Indians in Brazil, one savanna dwellers and the

other riverbank inhabitants. Both groups rely primarily on slash and

burn agriculture for their caloric and carbohydrate needs. ;Although

the savanna group fish, most of their animal food comes from hunting.

Both individual andr comm;nnal hunting are practiced. Yields obtained by

individual hunters vary and when a large animal is caught the ilundurucu

share it with other families in the village. One of the central focuses

of the savanna Nundurucu is the men's house and all its social roles,

duties, and functions. murphy and Murphy (1974:223) believe that

"... the need for cooperation in hunting utilizes general human fears is

shaping the institution of the man's house."

The OLTler MI.r'idurucu group moved to the ri.'ers primarily to exploit

the rubber trees. liere they rely on aquatic protein resources,









principally fishes. These Mlundurucu do not share animal protein.

The very nature of fishinlg--the in.lividualitv, of
the activity, tile ease of the catch, the time
available and necessary, the size of tle fisl
itself--all militate against collectivization of
the catch. And, hunting, does little to promote
broader social cohesion (Murphy and Murphy 1974.
190-191).

If the presence of institutions like mens' houses are causally

related to hunting conditions, i.e. low species density, high individual

risk, and large animal size and rapid spoilage, then, all other factors

being equal, groups living under these same conditions would be expected

to have similar functionally related institutions. In addition, certain

radisLribution channels would be anticipated. On the other hand, in

groups experiencing none of these pressures, i.e. fishing groups, an

institution of the men's house type would not be expected to occur, nor

would the same form of redistribution channels appear.

Elaborate and time consuming procurement or food production methods

also r.sggest certain social elements. Specialization requires an

exchange of materials in which the specialists are able to trade their

gcods for those that they are not able to obtain directly through their

i;n efforts. This leads to the developr.Ient of exchange systems and

Lthirr social and cultural ramifications.

In recent years, anthropologists have become concerned with various

points that Ste;iard did not treat, points that are revalent to the

present study (Vayda and Rappaport 1968). Particularly important among

these is the ecological dimension of hur.ian populations. ;iuman beings

do not li.'ve separated from all other living things, but are an active

component in the ecosystem and, as such, their very presence alters it.

People both effect and are affected by changes in the ecology of an









area. In subsistence-related Lerms, climatic changes can radically Lodi-

fy tile rypes and abundances of fod availability. A ricultural crops

thLit are gro.::t on rarginally productive lands are particularly sujcepjibl..

to linus l S freezes, diru.ghts, or floods. But hunting, fishing, and

a.tricultral tec.liCques c.so can alter an area. The plot cl.earin. and

peric-dic. shifts ini gardens practiced by slash and burn agriculturclists

contribute co the modification of the T-.viroimrnt. Tne :.echnizu-as

involved in slash end b-rn agriculture result in increasing forent-edge

conditions and therefore, species that prefer this type of habitat. At

the same tije,;e the area available fo- species that favor deep, undi.trubed

forests is decre-ised. Fish poiseni'.g 'OE pDc.!sI and acti'itiei such as

fire drives are other e:-:xmples of ecoloFical m.od!ifications by human

Sove l atiorns.

Recenc human ecological studie.; (lHarris 1965 Rappaport 196,-) have

sup- .orted Ste,'ird's basic assumption, i,'. tha;: there exists a causal

r;eaiio.;nhip betueer, basic suLibsitance sti-rategies and other aspects of

c-lture. A: successful subsistence str-ite-y is mandatory of a people are

t. survive. The pnrticuiar set. of stranegies adopted apiear to be

cauaally related to other a-pcects of a culituCe.

The remainder of this study applies these cultural, ecological

,tl:i.ods of analysis to the vertebra;e-related, subsiste-ce strategies

of the Valdivi'. Cultul.:, and Early For-aative manifestation of coastal

Ucuadcr. J'h- study attcm~tts to de-rive infonli ,ticn on certain animal-

rclated, sbsiU:-ter.e: techniqoues and Lhe corresponding human behavioral

pattei:.-s and to determiinc hoe' and why these techniques and patterns

c;iacgJd Lhrough timre.














CHAPTER IT
NUTRITIONAL NELDS AID CALORIC REQUIREMIENITS


In any complete study of people and their relationship to their

environment, simply listing the resources utilized does not provide an

adequate description of the importance of th12 various foods in the diet.

ifiether a people relied primarily on cooperative net fishing or on

solitary hunting or some combination of these strategies, the relative

importance of the animals and of the methods adopted to obtain them

greatly effects subsistence-related, cultural i.anifestations. Therefo.:e,

in studying subsistence systems some idea of the relative quantity and

quality of the various foods in the diet of the people, and of the

strategies employed to acquire these foods, is needed. This necessitates

consideration of both nutritional requirements and caloric need,.

Without the right (in the nutritional sense) kinds of foods, a

people will cease to function and die. ilu-nans have learned, probably

through trial and error, that the combinations of certain foods and ihe

adoption of certain methods of obtaining such enabled them to be healthy

and to reproduce. Th2 foods eaten by a people and the methods or

strategies adopted to obtain these foods differ greatly from area to

area, but to remain healthy all populations must fulfill their basic

nutritional needs.

Uith respect to human growth and metabolism, food serves two basic

purposes. It provides the structural material used in growth and main-

tenance of the body and it furnishes the energy that is needed in









metabolism. The first of these is referred to as the quality of the

food, i.e. the foods' chemical ingredients; the second as the quantity

of the food, i.e. its energy content (Sebrell and Haggerty 1967).

For proper growth and development certain elements and compounds

must be available to an organism from its food supply. Humans need the

organic compounds of carbohydrates, fats, proteins, and vitamins and

certain inorgainc minerals.

Carbohydrates, composed of the elements carbon, hydrogen, and

oxygen, vary in coriplexity from simple three-carbon sugars to complex :

polymers (Pike and Brown 1967). Carbohydrates are divided into simple

compounds, the monosaccharides and disaccharides of the sugars, and

complex compounds, the polysaccharides of cellulose and starches (Arlin

1972). Since the human digestive system is only able to digest a limited

amount of cellulose and most is passed out of the body largely unchanged,

cellulose is largely unimportant in human nutrition. The polysaccharide

plant starches provide the principal energy source for most human

populations. So important, in fact, that peoples are often categorized

according to their starch food, e.g. rice growers or maize horticultur-

alists (Arlin 1972).

Lipids (or fats) are made up primarily of carbon and hydrogen.

The triglycerides, compounds of glycerol and three fatty acids, are

important in terms of nutrition. It is in these forms that energy is

stored by animals and, to a lesser extent by plants (Arlin 1972).

Certain lipids furnish an energy source for cells, others function as

structural compounds, and still others as hormones (Pike and Brown 1967).

Proteins are composed of the basic organic elements carbon,

hydrogen, and oxygen, but in addition also contain nitrogen and sulfur.








The basic structural units of proteins are the amino acids. The amino

acids contain an amino group (-llii) and an acid group and have side

chains which are responsible for Lthe various chemical properties of the

acids (Arlin 1972). Although there are only about 20 amino acids, the

combination of amino acids present in any particular compound, its

position in the molecule, and the spatial arrangement of the molecules,

result in thousands of different kinds of proteins (Pike and Bro;;n 1967).

All foods contain some protein, but both the amount present and the

proportion of the various amino acids vary from one protein source to

another. In human nutrition, protein foods are required in order for

the body to obtain the amino acids necessary for its own protein

synthesis ;which, in turn, is needed for growJth and maintenance. Only

when all the necessary amino acids are available will the synthesis of

a particular protein occur. The lac: of one of che needed amrLino acids

vill result in the termination of the construction of that particular

protein. The human body can manufacture most of the amino acids if

enough nitrogen is present, but since the only available source of

nitrogen is protein, protein is therefore a necessary food constituent.

In addition, there are eight amino acids, the essential amino acids,

that cannot be synthesized. These must be supplied in the diet if

normal protein manufacture is to occur (Arlin 1972).

The other two classes of nutrients necessary for humans are vitamins

and minerals. The human body requires vitamins in trace amounts for

health and growth. Vitamins are all organic chemicals, but are

ot:heruise unrelated. Some vitamins cannot be synthesized in adequate

amounts by cells and must be ingested. Minerals, inorganic chemicals,

are also essential in small quantities for normal body development









(Arlin 1972). Of the 16 essential mineral elements, calcium, phosphor's,

sodium, iron and potassium are required in greatest quantities.

In addition to furnishing the building material for the body, food

also provides the energy that is needed in metabolism. This energy

requirement is measured in kilogrumn calories (Kcals. or Cals.) and is

defined as the amount of heat required to elevate the temperature of one

kilogram of water one degree centigrade. lihen oxidized within the cell,

one gram of protein provides four calories; one gram of carbohydrates four

calories; and one gram of fat nine calories.

In general, plants manufacture carbohydrates, store excess energy

as starch, and rely on cellulose for structure. Animals store energy as

fat, snthasize very little carbohydrates and often depend on a cal-

careous skeleton for support. They also require large amounts of protein

in the form of muscles for locomotion (Arlin 1972). These muscles

consist primarily of protein and fat with a high proportion of water.

Heat also functions as a source of vitamins and minerals.

With the exceptions of mill: and liver, only plants provide carbo-

hydraLes. Animal sources of foods are usually high in fats since

animals store their energy in this form. The actual amounts of fat

vary according to the organism and its condition. Poultry, for example,

provides less fat by weight than beef. Host species of fish are also

relatively low in fats. Certain invertebrates, e.g. oysters, crabs,

shrimp, clams, and lobster, are essentially fat-free. Fats occur in sig-

nificant ainouunts in plant foods only in seeds, nuts and fruits (Arlin

1972). Protein occurs in all foods whatever their origins. Some protein

foods, however, have a higher quality or biological value based on the

efficiency in which their proteins are digested and absorbed, and the









proportions in which the essential amino acids are present. Although

animal protein is both more abundant per unit weight (e.g. per 100

grams) and has a higher quality or biological value than almost all

plan12 protein, 301 of the world's protein comes from cereal grains and

/i40 from other plant sources. Since cereal grains are structured to provide

a complete food source for the sprouting plants, they contain starch,

protein, vitamins and minerals needed for growth of the plant. The primary

purpose of tubers and roots, on the other hand, is to store energy and

they do this in their starchy underground structures. This is an

important distinction when comparing the relative value of these two

food sources (e.g. wheat is about 12, protein, rice 8.7 and the potatoes

and nanioc contain only 2% or less (Arlin 1972).

Uith respect to protein, nutritional needs can be met in three ways.

First, a person can consume large amounts of food. This is the method

adopted by many rice-eating peoples. By consuming up to one pound of

raw rice per day a person can obtain 30 to 35 grams of protein.

In addition, rice is fairly adequate vith respect to amino acids.

Maize, on the other hand, is so deficient in sone essential amino acids

that no matter what volume is consumed it alone can never furnish the

protein necessary for hunan growth and maintenance. Most types of maize

Jack the vitamin niacin and the amino acids lysine and tryptophan (Arlin

1972).

Another method for obtaining an adequate amount of protein and

amino acids consists of adding a small amount of animal protein to the

diet. A small amount of meat or fish added to rice, beans or corn will

supplement the cereal protein to such a degree that "... it will

adequately sustain an individual of small stature" (Arlin 1972:242).









The third method that can be used to meet minimum. protein require-

ments involves the use of complementary vegetable proteins. For example,

the amino acids in cereals and legumes supplement each other and together

provide the essential amino acids needed. The presence of large pop-

ulations in Latin America, who live principally on a corn-bean diet

illustrates this third method.

Although three alternative methods of obtaining adequate proteins

are theoretically possible, not all of these methods are possible

alternatives for a given people living in a particular setting. Environ-

mental or ecological factors, combined with the level of technological

developments, favor the utilization of certain methods and preclude

others. In most cases, the most efficient way to fulfill nutritional

needs is through a combination of carbohydrate-rich plant foods and

protein-rich animal sources with both animals and certain plant parts

providing the fats needed.

IIct all the nutritional and caloric parameters of a prehistoric

diet car, be quantified. Some dimensions are more amenable to this

type of analysis than others. iiethods are no,. being developed to

ascertain the relative importance of plant and animal foods in the diet

of prehistoric populations (Crown 1973). The analysis of trace elements

in human bone provide the data base for this type of study. The techniques

used in trace elemental analysis are still in the process of being refined

and, unfortunately, could not be applied to the material from the

sites considered in this study.

Data from the animal remains from archaeological middens are more

readily available for a quantitative approach. The presumed nutritional

value of these remains can be viewed in two principal ways: the degree








to which they furnish the necessary calories or energy units for human

populations, and the degree to which they provide the required proteins.

An energetic or caloric view of an ecosystem furnishes the oppor-

tunity to see the system as a wholc. Since energy functions as a common

denominator for all trophic levels, a caloric approach to an ecosystem

provides an opportunity to view the net gains and losses for each element

of the entire system and is ideal for studying all parameters of the food

web. This method has a wide range of application, including politics,

economics, and religion (Odum 1971). Energy, however, is difficult to

measure. Even for a numerically mrall segment of the system--human pop-

ulations-many difficulties arise in attempLing to obtain adequate caloric

measuremencs. In addition, for a complete ecosystemic study, information

on all trophic levels is needed. This approach is not suitable when

remains from only one part of the food jweb is available. It is

important, however, not to lose sight of this energetic aspect of

subsistence and its ramifications.

Protein functions as one of the basic nutrients and as such can

act as a limiting factor in population growth and culture development

(Carneiro 1961; Gross 1975). Protein can be measured and is amenable to

study based oni zooarchaeological data. It, like the caloric approach,

possesses some inherent drawbacks. ilost studies on the importance of

protein, have been carried out on United State populations under optimum

conditions. The requirements of prehistoric peoples conceivably could

have been different. Also, protein quality can deteriorate uith cooking,

but the rate is not constant. Considerable error could be introduced

if the zooarchaeological remains are viewed as raw, baked, or boiled

meat. The protein approach in analysing arcliaeological food bone does




1.7



furnish daca on the relative importance of various foods utilized to

pr-ovi e this basic nutrient.

Inhen calories and protein values of animals are considered together,

certain differences appear. In some cases certain animals \:ill provide

pr-oportionately more protein, but fe:jer calories, than another group of

animals. Ihen vietving archaeological food rei.ains quantitatively, it

should be remembered that calories and protein serve two, very different,

functions in the body. Both are required.















CHAPTER III
ilETHODOLOGY


Since protein is an essential nutritional requirement for growth

and development, its consumption and the methods used to obtain it are

an important human activity. Therefore, a study of protein foods

utilized provides significant data about a culture. To study this

aspect of Formative cultural manifestations in southwestern Ecuador, bone

refuse from eight sites of the Valdivia Phase is considered (Fig. 1).

Four of these sites are located on the Santa Elena Peninsula (OGSE-174,

OGSE-62, OGSE-62C, OGSE-42). Two other sites are situated farther north

along the Valdivia River, one at its mouth (Valdivia) and the other

about 15km upstream (Loma Alta). The seventh site, which because of

its two cultural divisions is considered as two sites, is east of the

Santa Elena Peninsula and five k:. upstream from Chanduy on the Rio

Verde (Real Alto). All sites are located in Cuayas Province, Ecuador.

These eight sites form the data base for the following reconstruction.

Seven additional sites are also treated here. These sites provide

a longer time frame and are included to indicate changing exploitation

patterns from pre-Valdivia through post-Valdivia times. Three of these

sites are pre-Valdivia (OGSE-80, OGSE-3S, OGSE-63) and four post-Valdivia

(OGSE-460, OGSE-46U, OGSE-41E, OGC11-20). Three are located on the

Santa Elena Peninsula, with the fourth being eastward along the Rio

Vcorde.









The faunal bone samples fror most of these sites are small and,

unless the field archaeologists indicated some anomaly, all the material

from a site is treated as one unit. In ti.o cases the excavations

revealed heterogeneous distributions of artifactual materials. For this

reason the Loma Alta sample is treated as two units, JII and JIII.

The presence of wall-trenches, pits, and burials at Real Alto necessitated

the analysis of this site in a number of discrete units.

Certain types of error are inherent in any method of analysis used.

Although many of these errors can be minimized by careful processing of

the materials, some sources of error remain. A cognizance of these

possible sources of inaccuracy is necessary to avoid misinterpretation.

In zooarcliaeological analysis, the error sources can be divided into

four types: initial deposition practices, post-depositional and pre-

excavational factors, excavation techniques, and analytical inaccuracies.

The way a people butchered their meat, cooked and served the food

and disposed of the refuse all effect the bone remains found in the site.

The practice of butchering in specialized areas or butchering large

animals at the kill site and returning to camp only parts of the carcass,

bias the sample. The location of the test pits in butchering areas

can result in a very different faunal reconstruction than the analysis of

other refuse materials. Food preparation techniques can also affect the

bone remains. Long periods of roasting or boiling of entire carcasses

or joints of great can weaken the structure of the organic constituents

of the bone and decrease its survival time (Chaplin 1971). Also dietary

practices such as consuming small animals whole, e.g. sardines or an-

chovies, or the grinding of Lhe bone into meal may eliminate material

from analysis. The disposal of the bone after cons-umption can result

in a further uneven distribution of the material. Large bones may have








been eliminated from the refuse areas by their use as raw materials in

t;'e manufacture of utilitarian, ritual, or decorative objects.

Secondly, even after deposition, the bones are still susceptible

to destruction through the activity of rodents and carnivores and by

weathering factors and soil conditions. The o.'erall effect of these

various factors and conditions vary from modifying the faunal composition

of the sample radically to causing very little change in the midden bones.

The third source of error, a controllable one, concerns the recovery

techniques. All too often excavators keep only certain bones, or, if

they use a screen, use one with so large a mesh size that it results

in the loss of many otherwise recoverable bones. These small, seemingly

insignificant bones often supply very detailed climatic information,

and through analysis of habit and habitat of the species represented,

may provide informative dati on procurement patterns and practices.

Finally, once back in the lab the level of identification depends

on the comparative material available for consultation. Especially in

areas here the taxonomy of the animals concerned has not been fully

refined, this level of analysis can result in inaccurate identification.

W\ichout adequate comparative materials many otherwise identifiable bones

can only be assigned to relatively high taxons, such as orders or

families. This is unfortunate, since identification to species level

for animals whose habits and habitats are :ell known can provide

detailed information on various aspects of a people's e:.ploitative

r.'eLhods.

In addition to identification, the analytical methods used can

result in erroneous reconstructions. Especially susceptible to error

are the methods used to determine the relative numbers and importance

of the species represented in the sample. Three methods are widely used









in the determination of the relative numbers of species and their

importance in the diet (ChlaplirL 1971); the minimum number of individuals

(I. il) method, the fragment method, and the icei.ht method. All three

methods contain some inherent problems, but, for a number of reasons,

the IllI method is used here (Appendix A). This method simply tabulates

for each tocal sample the most often recurring bone of a species, i.e.

four, distal, right humerii of deer represent four deer. Nevertheless,

the number of fragments and the wJeights represented by the various

species in all the samples, except Valdivia, are tabulated in the

Appendi::. These are included to provide the data needed for those

wishing to use a different method. The bone from the Valdivia

site is mineralized and for this reason \jas not weighed.

Once the -U1I is determined, the biomass, the total live weight

represented by each species, genus, family or order, is calculated for

each of the seven principal sites (Appendix: B). Samples from the other

sites were either too small or the nature of the samples such that

Liomass estincmtes would be misleading.

Several methods hr.-e been developed to estimate the size of animals

represented by the archaeological remains- (Irhite 1953; Reed 1963; Casteel

1974; S3:!ith 1975; Wing 1976a). Each method has its limitations (Uing

1976a), but because Casteel's method appears to be the most accurate for

the typ-s of animals considered here it was used. Casteel's method is

based on the relationship between skeletal weight or certain bone

measure;:.e-nts of an animal to the animal's live weight. By weighing the

i.lelo:0:ons of a series of animals of known live weight or measuring a

certain -.s:.letal element, it became possible to generate least square

regression curves. These curves utilize the formula









log y = m(log x) +b

where: y=live weight
m=slope of the line
x:skeletal weight
b=y-intercept of the log-
log plot

and indicate the reliability or the correlation coefficient (r) of the

estimate.

To generate the formulae employed .n this study, live weights and

hseletal weights from specimens at the Florida State Museun were used.

Least square regression curves were computed using skeletal weight and

live t:eights for mammals, birds, turtles, catfish, and perciform fishes

and on cervical centrun width on the perciform fishes and the largest

centrun :.idth on the sharks and snakes. These formulas are listed in

Appendi:: C. It should be noted that the number of specimens used in the

calculations of these curves in some cases are very small. For this

reason considerable error could be introduced into the live WeigIit

estimates.

Because of the variability in the types of zooarchaeological remains

it wa.- necessary to use different methods to arrive at live weight

estimates for different animals. The first method, the one that is

probably most accurate, uses the centrum width measurement and the

relevnnt formula (in Appendix C) to estimate live weight for the animal

concerned.

The second method is somewhat more complex due to the fact that

all the comparative specimens do not have accurate live weight data.

In order to arrive at the live weight estimates a series of comparative

skeletons of the species to be esLimated were weighed. The live weights

for these comparative skeletons ~:ere calculated using the formiulae









(Appendix C). The archaeological bone was then compared wiith the com-

parative skeletal series to dete-rmine which specimen it most resembled

in size. The live weight estimate, computed for the comparative specimen

closest to the archaeological bone in size, was used as an estimate for

hlhe archaeological bone as well. In some cases the archaeological bone

fell, in size, halfway between the two comparative specimens. In these

cases the average, estimated, live eight of the two specimens was used

for the estimated live weight of the archaeological bone.

A third r.ethod for estimating live weight was used in certain

cases where a series of comparative specimens were not available. In

these instances a proportion was set up relating some particular

measurement to skeletal weight for a comparative specimen and the

archaeological bciie. By this method the skeletal weight of the archaeological

material could be estimated. This calculated, skeletal w iicht was

then useCd in the relevant skeletal eight to live weight formula and

the live weight estimated.

In a very few instances nc mreasurabl. elements were present in the

archaeological sample and another method for estimating live weight had

to be used. This fourth method used the bone weight of the archaeological

material to represent the skeletal weight of the animal and employed the

formula for that class of animal. These estimates resulted in very low

estimates and are probably only slightly better than no estimates at all.

In several cases none of the above methods could be used. For

these animals, an estimate of average live weight from biological

stuides, wis used.

V.ie above methods were enploye.'d to determine the live weights for

the siLes discussed in this study. Another method for estimating live








:eight was alro attempted. This last method used tie archaeological bone

s:eight as skeletal weight and calculated live weight using tie relevant

formulae. This was done to determine if the live weights estimated by

this means differed significantly fiom the more complicated and tine

consuming method used in this study. The results of this comparison are

included in Table 1. As can be seen, when the live weight are calculated

by these two methods very different estimates are obtained. The different

values resulting from the two methods and magnitude of their inaccuracies

should be remembered when considering the estimates in Chapter 5. For

this study the first method is used for the principal calculations.

The live weight or biomass estimates provide the basis for sub-

sequent calculations. For seven sites where biomass calculations were

taken, bar graphs illustrate the relative importance in terms of IE1I and

biomass of the various species from the sites. Edible meat weights were

also conouted from the bionass figures. Data on file at the Florida

State museum m were utilized for these percentage of edible neat estimates.

Th-e entire animals, except the bones, was considered edible for all the

species with the exception of mammals. The weight of skin, in addition

to the bone of the marinals, is assumed to be inedible and, as such, was

subtracted from the calculated live weight to determine the edible portion.

Percentngea used in these edible meat calculations appear in Appendix D.

Having, in this manner, determined the edible meat weight, the calories

and protein values of the foods were computed based on the figures

published by -htt. and Merrill (1975) and Leung (1961) (Appendi:.: E).

When vie'.ing the resulting charts and graphs certain points should

be considered. The number of the individu3as (-D'!) of each species

in-.icate the abundances of that species. Large animals nay provide

considerable' food, but unless portions are distributed among members of















TABLE 1
C(.i'PArpITSO'I OF METHODS USED III ESTIIL'.TING LIVE l-EIGHT


Method I (used in this study)


Maiiunals Fishes
Calc. Calc.
live ut. live ut.

OGSE-SO 52494 61 33813 39
OGSE-63 129055 95 6530 5
OGSE-46D 8324 15 47005 85







Method II (live eight calc. from bone ut.)


I amma s Fishes
bone Calc. bone Calc.
__t. live wt.t. wt. live ut. ,


OGSE-SO
OGSE-63
OGSE-46D


256.00
425.24
28.35


4417
7387
475


82
90
5


49.75
38.38
344.03


979
800
8850


Formulas used in Method II
Mammals
Log (live /t.) = 1.0133 (log bone w:t.)
+ 1.2049
Fishes
Log (live Ut.) = 0.7775 (log bone -..t.)
+ 1.6717








the community or some type of preservation is attempted, the neat not

consumed will spoil. Smaller animals often supply a more reliable flow

of food than the occasional large kill. Diomass indicates, in ove-all

terms, the relative importance of a part Tular specie? in the diet.

\ie:-ing minimum numbers of individual and biorrass estimates together,

provides a more balanced picture of tha day-to-day e::ploitation of

animal protein foods.

Live weight or biomnass estimates do not necessarily indicate the

real value of a food source. Certain animals have a relatively high

biomass figure, but actually contain little edible meat, e. g. turtles.

'he edible meat weight, although balanced by the fact that it introduces

yet another estimate, is still a better indication of the actual food

consuLine. Assuming the estimates are accurate and that all the

potentially edible parts were actually eaten, nutritional compilations,

based on edible meat ;eights, suggest ho; efficient a particular food

was in fulfilling basic protein and caloric requirements. A close

consideration of the sizes of the animals, their feeding habits, and

the habitats tiry occupy, provide information on exploitation patterns

and procurement techniques.

The methods of identification anj quantified described above

furnish the bases for subsistence reconstruction of the sites considered

below.














CiLAPTER IV
CllNiGIllG CLI;'1ATE AND THE ECOLOGICAL SETTING


lluman populations do not live in a vacuum and, as many researchers

have pointed out, in order to arrive at an adequate understanding of a

people's culture it is necessary to view a society in its ecological

setting (Vayda and Rappaport 1968). This is particularly important if

the research centers around the causal relationships or interrelation-

ships between subsistence activities and the other aspects of culture.

Without an appreciation of the resource availabilities, densities, and

ecological patterns, subsistence strategies may appear incomprehensible.

In ethnological studies an analysis of the area, with respect to resource

availabilities and densities, seasonal abundances, productivity, and the

nutritional value of the various foods, can provide the needed informa-

tion to investigate the subsistence patterns. In archaeological

research the problem is not as easily resolved. In some instances data

exist which indicate that in the past the area of concern exhibited a

different faunal and, probably, floral composition than is present today.

The Santa Elena Peninsula is one such example.


The Santa Elena Peninsula

Today the Santa Llena Peninsula area is characterized by semiarid

steppes with the extreme wesLern part of the peninsula being an arid

desert (Tretartha 1962; Sheppard 1930). Further north and east, tropical

wet and dry savannas occur (Trewartha .1962). The vegetation is classi-

fied as ::erophvtic (Acosta-Solis 1970: Sverlson 1946). Annual grasses









thinly cover the sandy, soil of the area and small groves of d:arf trees

and rounded shrubs are present along the arro'os (Svenson 1946). The

average temperature at Ancon, on the peninsula, is 23.90C With a high

in March of 26.9C and a low in August of 21.4"C (Acosta-Solis 1970).

The average rainfall is 325 mr., i;ith 97': of the precipitation occurring

from January through April with March a particularly wet mornth (Acosta-

Solis 1970). The other months are virtually. rainless. These combinations

of conditions result in a cold, rainless, foggy season (May through

December) and a w arm, rainy season (January through April).

The relative positions of the equatorial counter-current and the

Peruvian, or IHumbolt, current appear responsible for these seasonal

conditions. The currents and their related winds also account for the

estL to east change from colder, drier coastal climates to the warmer,

x:etter area inland.

The PeCLr.'ian current originates in the South Pacific and flous

north along the Chilean and Peruvian coasts. The i.main current veers

west and aw-ay from the contingent at about 5S latitude, although one

branch e::tends northward almost to thE. equator (Tre'.wacrthn 1962; Schott

1932). Tne. current experiences an offshore movement which is

corpensated by up-.-elling of colder waters s from a greater depth (Trewartha

1962). This cold upuelled water appears to be one of the factors

responsible for the arid conditions, the relatively low air temperature,

and the fog or "girua" of the coast (Treuortha 1962).

The northern eaiiatorial counter-current and the smalll E Nino

cicrrr.t are "... genuinely tropical in origin and have a r,uch low.'er

salt content and much higher temperature... than those froi the south'

(Trc;.:arthia 196'2:24). This northern current extends in diminishing force




29



to 2S latitude, but generally heads west near the equator. Along the

Santa Elena Peninsula, its main force is felt from January through April

and brings with it the warmer temperatures, increasing rainfall and

storms of the rainy season (Acosta-Solis 1970; Sclott 1932).

Periodically the equatorial counter-current extends southward as

far as Callan, Peru, dislocating the cooler Peruvian current. This

results in torrential rains and massive flooding and erosion in the

normally desert coastal Peru area (Murphy 1926). These rare occurrences

seem to be due to the displacement of the "... equatorial convergence

zones, together with its disturbances .well to the south of its usual

position to the north of the equator" (Treuartha 1962:32). These

periodic shifts in currents appear also to have been important factors

during prehistoric times.


Evidence of Climatic Change

Although the climatic history of South America is known in broad

terms, information on more restricted locales is not always as readily

available. In certain areas, however, information on past climatic

conditions can be obtained. Reconstruction of the Recent climatic

conditions for the Santa Elena Peninsula and the ecological settings

of the area is possible, based on studies of an ocean core sample

(Hough 1953) and archaeological research (Lanning 1967).

Akkaraju V. N. Sarnma (1974) has attempted such a reconstruction.

He baser, his analysis on the relative percentage of "wet" or pluvial

indications, i.e. mollusks who inhabit mangrove habitats which require

alluvium from active rivers to grow, to the percentage of intertidal

species which he believes '... were used for foodstuffs more frequently

when the mangrove mollusks were absent" (Sarma 1974:129). lie further









correlates his findings with paleoccological evidence from other areas

of South Amaer:ica. He concludes

Therefore, by analyzing the distribution of
pluvial indicators, as opposed to dry-habitat
indicators in shell-midden contends, the broad
outlines of the climatic records \'ere obtained.
These pluvial periods seem to have occurred during
the following periods: Vegas (6500-5000 B.C.);
Valdivia (2650-1800 B.C. and 1700-1600 B.C.);
Engoroy Guangala (1850 B.C. (350? B.C.) A.D. 50)...
When all the breaks in the seriations of the Penin-
sula are compared with climatic evidences, it is
strongly suggested that periods when the Peninsula
showed no archaeological records at all :ere
periods of aridity. The reason seems to be that
the availability of water was a critical factor
and during arid phases people migrated to better
and inure hospitable regions (Sarma 1974:129-130).

Sarma assumes that the relative amounts of shells in the sites reflect

their abundance in the area. Although this might have been the case,

Sarma's reconstruction fails to take into account possible changing

resource utilization patterns or food taboos.

Allison C. Paulsen uses Sar ca's climatic shift model to explain

obvious gaps in the ceramic chronology and changes in the Santa Elena

Peninsula settlement pattern during the period from 500 B.C. to contact

(Paulsen 1971). Although Sarma's and Pauls2n's data appear mutually

supportive, a nore detailed review of an ocean core sample and zoo-

archaeological analysis discussed in this study suggests a somewhat

different model of climatic change.

The reconstruction represented here includes information gained

from an ocean core sample analyzed by Jack L. Hough (1953). Tihe core

sample was taken at 8056.2' latitude and 29005.2'W longitude, an area

roughly due ve;st of Chir.ibote, Peru. This core contained material dating

back. to 9)0,000 years ago, but of inr.erest here is the segment dating

from about 11,000 to the presen,-. An.-lysis of this sample showed the









presence of globigerina ooze, which according to !hough (1953) indicates

warmer waters than the area e::hibits today. In addition, there are

medium, dark brown, strata characteristic of conditions not much

different than those at present and a dark brown zone composed of

clays which were deposited during colder times. The core signifies wIrmer

periods at about 7000 to 5000 years ngo (5000 to 3000 B.C.) and during

two shorter inter-als, one at around 1900 years ago (A.D. 50) and the

other at 100 (A.D. 350). These zones of oo:-e indicate that the northern

tropical currents shifted radically southward at least as far as 9S

latitude with a corresponding dislocation of the Peruvian current. The

Santa Elena Peninsula then assumed a rrore tropical configuration due to

the south.'ard movement of the equatorial currents during these times.

Two areas of dark brown strata, suggesting colder conditions, arc

present in the segment of the core of interest here. One colder cycle

appears at about 3200 years ago (1250 B.C.) and another 2800 years ago

(850 B.C.). These periods represent a north:-ard shift in the position

of the convergence of the two currents. Ifnether this shift extended

far enough north to directly effect the Santa Elena Peninsula is

unkno-rn, but if it did, a colder and dryer climate would be expected.

-Uhen the core sample is correlated with animal habitat information and

human subsistence and settlement data the following reconstruction

results (Fig. 2).


Climatic Change and Prehistoric Occupation
of the Santa Elena Peninsula


6500 B.C.-5000 ;.C. Vegas Occupation

The earliest fatinal remains considered in this study were left by

the people defined in the Vegas Comple:. This preceranic group exploited















Figure 2
CLIIATE CIAl'GE:
SANTA ELEIIA PENINSULA


Reconstruction


Occupation
(Cultural)


A.D. 1000-1400

A.D. 800-11000

A.D. 600

A.D. 50

550 B,C.-A.D. 50

850-550 B.C.

1000-E50 B.C.

1600-1000 B.C.

3000-1600 B.C.

5000-3000 B.C.

6500-5000 B.C.


cool

warm

cool

w. arm

cool

cold

cool

cold

cool

warm

cool


savanna

tropical forest

savnna il

tropical forest

savanna

desert

savanna-desert

desert

savanna

tropical forest

savanna


Libertad

uninhabited

Guangala (coast)

Guangala

Engoro:y Guangala

uninhabited

Machalilla

uninhabited

Achallan and Valdivia

uninhabited

Vegas


Dates


Core
Sample








the -aingroves and coastal waters and also the savannas and forests of

the area as the faunal remains from sites of this period telsify. As

Sarma (1974) points out, the presence of mangrove-specific mollusks

indicates a moister environments during Vegas time than today. Uater must

have flowed nearly year round to provide the alluvium needed for the

growth of the mangrove swamps (lest 1956).

Date from the core sample suggest a relative cool climate during

this period. Although cool, the area was warmer and wetter than it is

today. Mangrove forests extended along the coast and savannas probably

covered the inland areas. The river valleys and other areas might have

supported some forest growth.


5000 B.C.-3000 I.C. Uninhabited

Although an extensive survey was conducted on the Santa Elena Pen-

in;sula (Lanning 1967), no evidence of occupation of the locale had bzen

found during this period. Sarma (1974) believes that this abandonment

of the peninsula was due to increasingly arid conditions. Hough's (1953)

ocean core sample, however, suggests that this period was a time of

increasing warmth, probably resulting from a southward shift of the

equatorial counter-current during this period. If this were the case,

the Santa Elena Peninsula would have experienced increased rainfall

instead of arid conditions and probably would have resembled parts of the

present humid tropical forest of Columbia.

Studies of human subsistence in tropical rain forests suggest that

for foragers and horticult.'ralists the quest for meat (i.e. protein) is

of primary concern (Carneiro 1961; Gross 1975; Lathrap 1973; Holmberg

1969). In the tropical rain forests, species densities are low and,

with the exception of a few terrestrial animals, most inhabit the high








forest canopy and are, therefore:, lird to obtain. Only along major

rivers, rich in aquatic protein resources, did large concentrations of

people occur (Meggers 1971). On the interfluvial areas and along rivers

with low nutrienit levels only small population aggregates were supported.

Gross (1975) has suggested that this is due to the very loi. carrying

capacity of tlese areas with respect to protein sources. Due to this,

many agriculturally productive, but protein-poor areas, experience lo:

population densities. The Vegas people, faced with the encroachment of

the tropical forest, presumably also experienced the pressures of protein

scarcity.

Presented wiLh this problem, the Vegas people had three alterna-

tives: (1) they could leave the area; (2) th-y could try to get along on

decreasing amounts of protein by radically reducing their numbers and

extending their ran:e; or, (3) they could move to the rivers and shores

to attempt to exploit the aquatic protein sources there. The rivers of

the vcstern -Andean coast support relatively few, riverine, fish species

(Eigennann 1921). The coastal area experiences a greater range and

abundance of fishes or sea food, but the Vegas groups did not appear to

have a technology adequate to exploit these marine resources to their

fullesc extent. They seem to have adopted the first alternative and

left the area.


3000 D.C.-1600 B.C. Achallan and Valdivia Occuoation

Betw:cen 3000 B.C. and 1600 B.C. the Santa Elena Peninsula w:as once

again inhabited. Early members of this Tligration brought with them the

Achallan Cultural Complex (Stothert 197'.). Another uave of people,

entering the area at Llih same time oi. a little later than the Ach.illans,

was the Valdivians. This latter group is reputed to have introduced








agriculture into the general area (Lathrap 1975). These new people

exploited many of the same habitats that the Vegas groups had found

productive. Both tli faunal rains and the ocean core sample clharacter-

ize a climnatic shiift back to the mangrove wooded coast and probably tile

inland savannas and forest of the Vegas period.


1600 B.C.-1000 B.C. Uninhabited

Based on the lack of archaeological evidence, this period is

believed to represent another time of abandonment of the Santa Elena

Peninsula (Sarma 1974). The ocean core indicates nuch colder waters

around 1250 D.C., presumably resulting from the northward shift of the

Peruvian current. The movement of this cold southern current into the

peninsula area could have brought about colder, drier conditions. The

increasing aridity rendered agricultural and hunting subsistence methods

increasingly inefficient, and evidently lead to the abandonr-ent of the

area.


1003 B.C.-850 B.C. Machalilla Occupation

Sarma (1974:117) suggests that the Hachalilla "... occupation of

the peninsula took place in an arid time and was brief." .nen correlated

with the core sample this cultural manifestation does fall betuilen two,

short, cold periods giving some support to Sarna's position. It should

he noted, however, that the area was sufficiently moist to support

mangroves (Sarma 1974).


850 B.C.-550 B.C. Uninhabited

Sarma interprets no break in occupation during this tine. The

core sample, ho.,ver, reflects another cold period aro'.nd 850 B.C.,








t.'lic'h as Fprobarbly of approximately the same intensity as the 1230 B.C.

episode. 'ihe Santa Elena Peninsula was abandoned during the former dry

period, and, although not conclusive in itself, a gap in Sarma' radio-

carbon dates support this as a possible third period of abandornment.

Paulson al:,o notes a gap of around 200 years in the ceramic occupation

of tle Santa Elena Peninsula Letween the Mac.halilla and En3oroy times,

but she dates this break at 1100 B.C.-900 B.L. (Paulsen 1971).


550 E.C.-A.D. 800 Engoroy and Guangala Occupations

Both Sarma (1974) and Paulsen (1971) see a continuous occupation

of the peninsula during this 1350 year span. Again during this period

mangrove species are found in the middens. The presence of a fox

(Ousicyon cf. sechurae) from a ridden of the early part of this span

(E.ugoroy) suggests that dry savannas or semi-deserts could have existed

inlanJ. Information on the terrestrial vertebrates of the later Guangala

period is not available. The only site analyzed from this time period

contained no terrestrial forms of food value.

For this general time range Hough's core sample indicates both a

coal reri.d formerly correlated on the Santa Elena Peninsula with

suvvannas and a 'a.riier span presumably similar to, but of shorter duration

than the 5000 B.C.-3000 B.C. episode. This warmer period would have

occurred around A.D. 100. This should have resulted in a return of

forest conditions. Neither Sarma nor Paulsen note any human displace-

ment. at this stage. Paulsen does indicate a move of people during

Guangla P-riod VI times. At A.D. 600 this resulted in the abandonment

of the inland sites located near man-made catch basins and the movement

of tlhe populations to thl, shore areas (Paulsen 1971).









'As indicated in the Pacific core sai-.ple, increasingly farmerr

conditions '.pre felt again around A.D. 800. Possibly the encroaching

hu-.iid tropical forest, which wouldl d be experienced ii1 the more nortlherly

Santa Elena Peninsula area earlier than A.D. 800, could have resulted,

as in the case of other tropical forest aILe;s, in more coimetition over

the increasingly scarse protein foods. This pressure miuht explain the

initial riovement of the Guangala people from the no-. protein-poor basin

areas to the r.ore protein-rich shore. This nay also account for the

ultimate Guangala abandonment of the peninsula.


A.D, 800-A.D. 1000 Uninhabited

Contrary to Sarma's reconstruction, 1Hough's analysis of the Pacific

core sample indicates that in this area. the equatorial counter-current

had again shifted south during this period, bringing :.ith it a return

of w.ar.m, moist conditions. Tropical forest vegetation preswuiably once

raorc covered the Santa Elena Peninsula and during this period the

Guang.la people appear to have abandoned the peninsula.


A.D. 1I00-A.D. 1400 Libcrtad Occupation

During this time period the Santa Elena Peninsula again supported

a human population, this time members of the Libert-d Culture. Although

cooler than the proceeding 200 years, the areas was still moist enough to

support mangrove stands. The only vertebrate, zooarchaeological col-

lection available contained no terrestrial species that could provide

cli.iatic indications. Based on the evidence of a ureceeding moist

climate nd the subsequent semii-arid and arid conditions ex:tant today,

presumably the Santa 'lcnl Peninsula was passing through a transitional

sava.'na stage.









S u mmary V

As Iloush's (1953) core sample indicates, the Santa Elena Penin-

sula %arS apparentlyy subjected to periods of high aridity resulting in

semii-d.cc-Lr,- cotditons 'ind to cpi-odes of ir.ceasing i.armth anJ moisture

lea'.ina to the development of humid, tropical forests. Th:z- arcltaeulogi.cal

evidence sugge.st. that both climatic c::tremnas generally resulted in the

ob,-ndonrjent of the area. Jitliout substantial change in the t'_chnoiogical

e:ploit.atiun base and the related modification in certain cultu-al

institutioLns, the various peoples were unable. to adequately utilize the

area'; available resources.

In aJdition to the radical climate changes described abu.ve, the

Sance hL .ena Pe'ninLsula, during its 7500 years of .sporadic human settlement,

undoubtedly e:spe-'ienced both seasonal and, at irrct-ular yerly inter .al:.,

minor climatic fluctuations as it does today. These would result from

relntivaly slight shifts in tlir po:;itiucns of itie ocean currents. The

overall effect of these minor episudes on the prAhistoric peoples need

not. have been great.

Although the Santa Elena Peninsula furnishes the main focus for the

reconstruction above, the focus of interest in this study encompasses a

soIme-..hat larger region. Areas a little further north would be affected

slightly earlier by any soutlharJ movement of the currents and late by

the northward displacement. Inland areas, both to the north and east,

:o.uid he slightly less influenced by either shifts, a result of their

co.itior.s relative to the currents and coastal winds.















CI~UPTER V
FAUIAL ANALYSIS AID RECONSTF.UCTIONI


Thei previous chapters presented the theoretical frarme'.-orl and

methodology for this study. This section concerns the identification

and analysis of the faunal material from the various sites. It is an

attempt to arrive at an understanding of past subsistence patterns and

exploitaLion techniques. The following chapter suLiaarizes these findings

for the cultural phases and identifies the subsistence-related, human

behavioral patterns practiced by the various populations.

For ease of presentaCion, the archaeological sites are divided

into three main groups, pre-Valdivia, Valdivia, and post-Valdivia. The

'Vldivia sectio;l is further divided into coastal and inland sites. For

each of the groups considered in this study, some general remarks on

th-. cultures as a whole, and particularly on other subsistence aspects

of the people, are included.

Each site is then considered. Appendix A contains the detailed

inFo;rm-tion on species present and their ri I, their number of tragmen::s,

and their bone weights. Appendix B tabulates the biomass, edible ieat,

calories and proccins estimated for certain of the sites. The text of

this chapter provides summary observations on the species present and

their relative ir,-;ortance in fulfilling the people's nutritional needs.

Thi:3S sugg,'st- tlih value of the various vertebrate resources in the diet

of the people. No::t, the technology used to obtain Lhe food resources

are e:;iamined. hiere available, artifactual evidence, i.e. projectile








pFoints, fishhookls, etc., is considered, but the discussion of exploitat-

tion techniques largely depends on the habits and habitats of the

princional species present. Information on the relative importance of the

various .ninal. and on their habits and !habitat preferenrcs provide the

basis for observation of possible subsistence-related, 'human behavioral

par~terns.


Pre-Valdivia

llaterials from three sites on the Santa Elena Peninsula provide the

data for the pre-Valdivia group. T-o of these sites exhibit Vegas

affiliations while one has been assigned to the newly defined Achallan

Complex (Stotlhect 1974).


Vegas Complex

The prececraric, Vegas Complec:. represents some of the earliest

archaeological material yet discovered on the Santa Elana Peninsula.

Dated at be ;ueen 6500 B.C. and 5000 3.C., this cultural manifestation

consists primarily of shell riddens located along the western section of

the peninsula (Stothart 1974). Excavators have uncovered several types

of stone tools fraro Vegas period middens including side- and end-scrapers,

flake knives, gravers, denticulates and spokeshaves (Willey 1971).

Heav.%- ducy choppers, grindstones, and hammerstones also have baen found

(Scothere t974). No bifaces or stone projectile points have as yet

been uncovered.

In his sumr-nry of the \'egas Complex, Gordon R.. \illey states that

... the shoreline sites are shell middens which
offer our only direct evidence of marine subsistence-
and LInnLng suggests that the former midden dwellers
might have followed a seasonal round of winter








shellfishing at the beach and summer plant gathering
and fishing along the streams (Uilley 1971:262).

As is seen belo-., this does not appear to be entirely the case. From

the faunal sample from the two Vegas sites analyzed, both sea turtle and

marine fishes :.:e; identified in considerable number's. Although these

samples provide no evidence to either support or refute seasonal occu-

pation of the Vegas sites, a seasonal Fhift in subsistence emphasis is

cot.aon for manj, largely Iunting and gathering peoples. It should be

noted, however, that today and presumably for some time in the past, the

western slopes of the Andes and the coastal strip have been characterized

by a relatively impoverished, freshwater, fish fauna (Eigenmann 1921).

AIL' certaii climatic factors characteristic of the area cause p-.riodic

desiccation of the Santa Elena Peninsula. This results in the destruction

of the meager, freshwater, fish fauna. It is interesting to note that,

with the exception of two, fresh.iater catfish, no fre3hwater fonrs were

found in any of the middens considered in this study. Although this

could s.I;rply reflect cultural selection of marine forms, it might

indicate tlh exceptionally lo densities of freshwater fish populations

and, therefore, little or no advantage in fishing t.he freshwater streams.


OGRE 2-80

The cemairns from OGSE-SO represent the largest, pre-Valdivia, bone

sample available for analysis. It is, therefore, particularly important.

OGSE-SD is located about 3.5 km from the sea and is a shell midden site

with a Vogas occupation overlaid by a shallo:.- Valdivia deposit. Three

different types of burials ere found in the midden. Kare- Stothert,

the excavator of the site, believed two of these were of Vegas affiliation.

The third she identified as possibly an intrusive "'aldivian burial type.








Faunal remains. This Vegas ridden contained the bones of a wide

variety of vertebrates, including humans. The human remains slho' no

in!dicarions of cannibalism. The human bones crre. sc-atcered in the midden, a

pactern ch!aracterisitic of food refuse, but it is ransoned that, since

che midcden functioned as a burial area, these human bones could '.cll

represent burials that were dislodged by later internents. For these reasons,

the human bones are not viewed as food remains and have been deleted from

consideration. The only other evidence of the use of vertebrates for

other than or in .addition to food purposes was the presence and location

of a large number of fox teeth (Stothert 1974). The teeth were included

in a burial as grave goods. Other vertebrate remains found at the sit.e-

presumably represent Vegas food items.

In terms of numbers of individuals, rodents are the most abundant

ri:nmmal collected for food. This large number of rodent remains is

surprising due to the nearly total lack of these animals in other midden

samples considered in this study. The rodents from OSSE-SO are a small,

rat-like animal and, although numerous contributed relatively litLle

i'.eat to the aboriginal diet if they were in fact used as food and not

merely incidental to the site.

The fox remains constituted both more individuals and more meat

than the rodents, but not all the remains of the fox can be assumed to

be food refuse. Stothert, while excavating the Vegas type III burials

nio;:ed tlihee, conical, piles of fox teeth distributed around one human

skeleton. Analysis o[ fox teeth from the total CGSE-80 sample and the

calculaticn of the minii.um number of individuals (;.UI) they represent

indicates that the excavated portion of this site contained the remains

from at least 27 fox:es. 'Then the nI is calculated on skeletal parts,









other than teeth, at lea3t four individuals are represented. The !GII of

fouLr undoubtedly represents a more reliable estimate of the importance

of fc:.: as a food source at this site. For this reason subsequent cal-

culations of the dietary inportcnce of tile fo:; is based on a 1GII of four.

Although less numerous than either rodents or foxes, the deer

provided by, f3r more edible meat (/1't) than an,' other vertebrate source.

Thie size of the deer bones arc rather small and are probably from the

relatively small, brocket deer (Maza3-.a). Other n-~Lals found in the

midden that are both less numerous and presumably of less nutritional

importance include rabbit, weasel, and an unidentified fox-like mamiial.

These animals functioned as additional meat sources for the Vegas

inh bitb L ant .

Although na:rmals represented tle most important vertebrate food

(c. 59" of the edible meat), fish also contributed considerable meat to

the diet (40?). Catfish and drur.i were particularly abundant, although

the less common shark, snook, jack, and tuna actually supplied more meat

providing more proteins and calories. Additional fish sources were ray,

snJ'ap etr, grouper, and mullet.

The Vegas material contained several] other vertebrates including

fro,. snakEe, sea turtle, an-1 parrot. These remains represent a minor

food component of the diet. Figure 3 suimnarizes the IOII, biomass, edible

ime 2t, calories, and protein estimar.es for this site.


Reconstructed huntigc and fishing untteris. Although there exists

little artifactual evidence of stone or bone hunting and/or fishing

equipmen-lt, somn ob-ecrv' nations on procurement techniques can be made using

the principal faunal reinains themselves. The Vegas people apparently

huI-itcd fox for two principal reasons, for food and for the teeth that ::ere












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inter-red ithl one of the burials at the site. This suggests some type

or specialized hunting or at least the retention of the teeth of this

animal. The em-phasis on fox: hunting becomes particularly apparent when

tlie OCSE-30 remains are compared with those Froi.i other sites where fo:.

bones are uncommon or absent.

No direct evidence exists to indicate lhoiw the Vegas people

obtained either these foxes or the single deer fo-ind at the site. Several

possible methods could have been effective in capturing these animals.

These methods include the use of so-m type of projectiles or traps of

cither the snare or death fall types.

The rodents are basically nocturnal animals and forage from the

late afternoon to early, morni.n-3. This time span generally represents a

period of low hunting activity by the human predators. The rodents are

also of relatively small size (about 80 grams live weight), and, as such,

direct hunting methods, e.g. single stalking of the animals, uould result

in little return for the energy expended. Trapping would probably

represent the most productive method for obtaining these small, nocturnal

animals. They might have been attracted to the rubbish around the camp

and trapped there.

Most of the fishes found in the midden are indiscriminate carni-

vores and readily take a baited hook. This method could have been

utilized to catch them. The mullet, a fish that cannot be easily caught

with a baited hook, must have been ta:e-n by another method, possible by

spearing or hand-catching or, as the .southern United States blacks do,

by wrapping filamentous algae around hookls (Wing 1976b). Although some

of the fishes are fairly large, about 9500 grams, nost are smaller,

under 700 grams, with the majority in the 100 to 200 grains range (Fig. 4).








lo evidence, such as large numbers of herds of terrestrial animals or

schooling fish species, which night incjcnte that the people practiced

cooperative hunt ing and/or fishing was found in the sanole. In fact,

the fish- remains suggest that cooperative fishing ?:os not practice..

Fisherman working singly or in small groups probably were the most

efficient way of obtaining the fishes represented ini tih ldilden.


G05-_3.

The shell midden OCSE-38 is the other Vegas Complex site consLdered

in this study. Like OGSE-80, this site is located on the Santa Elena

Peninsu-la. it is situated, however, nearer to the shoreline. Originally

it w:as expected that this site could demonstrate either close similarities

with OGSEI-30, indicating a general subsistence exploitation pattern

despiLte slight differences in ecological setting for V.'as sites, or a

different resource foc'i sugge;-tive of a modiEication of subsistence

base to take advantage of the more readily available resources. UnfortunatCly,

the suall size of ti-h OGSE-33 s.anple makes it impossible to test either

hy1pothes is.

Faunal remains. The siall sample from OGSE-33 does indicate that

these Vegas people utilized nmany of the sarne resources as the CGSE-SO

group including fox and rodent and the marine forms, catfish, jack,

mullet, and sea Lurcle. This site did include the pufEer, a fish absent

fron tlhe other Vegas' midden. Due to the extremely sm-all size of this

sample no biomass, edible meat weigh:, calories or protein estimates

were attempted for this site. It would seem, however, that terrestrial

forms or the sea turtle were probably the most important food sources.








.,'Cil:llan Complex

Thir: Acha;lla:. represents a recently defined cultural complc;:.

Stother: believes, based on her world at OCSE-63, that the Achallan

"... sbo:jed some technological impoverishment" (Stotlert 1974:14) when

co.Fpared to the Vegas group, but had added rather crude ceramics to

their cultural inventory. To date only one ;ite, OGSE-63, has been

assigned to this comple:-. Its assignation is based on detailed lithic

analysis (Stothert 1974) and it has been carbon dated at around 2700 .. C.

Stothert believes this date too recent and suggests the middle of the

4th millennium B.C. as more accurate.


OGSE-63

This site is located along the Rio Achallan on the Santa Elena

Peninsula. Stothert suggests that originally the site consisted of a

ring of small middens containing shell.

As in the case of OGSE-33, the zooacchaeological sample from this

site is small. Nevertheless, since it represents the only material from

this period, and could be viewed as intermediate between Vegas and Valdivia,

biomass, edible meat, calories, and protein estimates are computed

(Fig. 5). Because of the small sample size these estimates could include

considerable error.

Faunal remains. Ifhen this Achallan material is compared with

earlier Vegas samples certain dissimilarities appear. This is

particularly evident he en e:-:amining the mammal remains. LThile tie two

Vegas sites exhibited a wide subsistence base, the Achallan people were

more selective. The fox and rodent, that are well represented in the Vegas

faunal samples, are lacking in the OCSE-63 material. Deer is the only
















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mo.mal pre.-ent at this site. By a comparison of the sites of the bones

two specie.- of deer appear in the midden, the larger uhlite-tailed deer

and the smaller bracket.

The amrph.i.bcns, snakes, and bird bone pr-een'- in the Vegas sites

are missing from the Achallan sample. This mihtl: be the result of the

small size of the sample. The fish.s e-:ploited are nut unarkedly

different in type than those from Vegas sites and .res'r..bly represent

a continuation of Vegas-like fishing patterns.


Valdivia Phase

The Valdivia Phase represents the early' Formative manifestation in

Lcu.dor and one of the earliest Formative phases in the geu UJorld. As

such, it provides an excellent opportunity to study the gradual shift

from nomadic hunting and gathering to sedentary horticulture. How this

shift came about and under what conditions it occurred is the interest

of many researchers.

Some scientists believe that early sedentisL.u ias possible on the

Ecuadorian coast because of the abundant and- reliable food found in the

coastal area, i.e. shellfish and fish (r'eggers 1966). These researchers

note that, at the same tine as early Valdivia, coastal Peruvian groups

were already cultivating beans, squash, bottle gourd:. and cotton (Lanning

1.976b). They suggest that rhe early, Valdivians h:,d more or less permanent

settlements on 'he coast where they c;ploited the local food resources

andc possibly, like their Peruvian neighbors to the south, engaged in

incipient agriculture (!'egsers 1966).. The Vallivian people theoretically

suuolemeinted lheir macina protein resources by occasional huntLin" trips

inlanEd.









Other researchers (Lathrap 1975) believe that the Valdivia people

were engaged in substantial agricultural practices as early as Valdivia

I ti-mes (c, 3400 B.C.) and were well established by Valdivia III (c. 2500

B.C.). These archaeologists find support for this hypothesis in the

location of the sites, the presence of storage pits and grinding

implements.

The presence oF agriculture and its importance in the diet is an

interesting question, but one that is difficult to study. Conditions on

the periodically wet Guayas coast result in poor preservation of plant

remains and, to date, no direct evidence of substantial agriculture for

this period has heen unearthed. Indirect evidence (Lathrap and Marcos

1975) and analogies with other areas of the sane time period (Ileggers

1966) suggest thlt the early Valdivians could have practiced agriculture

at least in its incipient forms. Presumably, increasing reliance was

placed on agricultural crops through time. Although plant foods including

agricultural products are important components in a diet, animal protein

sources are as important, if not more important, than plant foods in

supplying needed nutrients, especially protein. .What protein sources

the Valdivians used and how' they obtained the animals is the question

that is considered here.

Certain similarities are found in all the Valdivia sites studies

below', but it wouldd be erroneous to speak of a "Valdivia hunting and

fishing pattern". Considerable differences are evident among the sites,

especially .whien comparing the Santa Elena Penirnsula sites with those

either inland or farther north. Some of these differences are undoubted-

ly attributable to local biological and ecological factors, such as the









presence of lhabitats particularly favored by certain species, while

other differences are inore easily explained as resulting from cultural

patte-rns nd practices.


Coastal Sites

Zooarchaeological materials weree available from five coastal

san:ples, four of which ereue located on the Santa Elena Peninsula and

the fifth is to the north at the mouth of the Valdivia River. Two of

these samples came from one site, OSSE-62 (numbered OGSE-62 and OCSE-

62C). OGSE-62C was assigned to the middle Valdivia (Stothert 1975)

subphase, while OCSE-62 is simply listed as Valdiv.ia. These two

samples could have been regarded as one unic, but they are considered

individually here. It was felt thac cre'acing these samples individually

provided the opportunity to study tie variability within a site. For

this reason biomass and food value estimates, as well as relative

number charts and fish size graphs, are constructed for each sample.

The other cto Santa Elena Peninsula sites were too small for any kind

of reliable estimates. Faunal lists and a short description of the

remains are included for these sites. The fifth 'aldivia site, the one

from which this cultural phose takes its nam.ie, is considerably different

from the Santa Elena Peninsula sites both in species present and the

size of the individuals. Material from this site suggest a slightly

different subsistence emphasis.


00t.-42

OCSE-42 represents the Valdivia Phase I occupation on the Santa

Elena Peninqula. Based on ceramic similarities and date:; from the Phase









I, Lama Alta site, OGSE-42 was occupied around 3400 B.C. (Bischof 1972),

although the actual dates, based on shell, were late- (Stothert 1974).

LKncen Stothert, the excavator of the ridden, believes that this site

waz occupied for a fairly short period of time and that the middec

deposit itself nay have been in the form of a ring, as in the case

of the Achallan Complex site CGGSE-63 (Stothert 1974).

Lh.en the animal bones from this sire were first submitted for

analysis it was thought that this material might slhow a subtle shift in

exploitation emphasis. If this shift in protein utilization had occurred

it mriht be correlated with the introduction of a neu culture type whhich

possessed at least incipient agriculture. Although thE nacerial fro.i

CS:E--42 contains sone elements suggesting a shift, i. e. decreasing

amounts of terrestrial forms, the sample \:as so snall that this apparent

change may be the result of the sampling itself.

Fauna1. re-mains. The species found in the midden material include

brocket deer and marine catfish, snook, drum, and sea turtle.


OG:E-62 (O3SE-G2C)

CGSE-62 is situated abcut 100 meters south of the Achallan ComLplex:

site, OGSE-63, discussed above. Occupation at this site began during

ValdiviaL Phase III times (c. 2500 B.C. Lanning 1968) and continued

through Valdivia V (Stc.therL 1974). .s in the case of OCSE-63 and OGSE-

:2, the miidden at OGSE--62 ',as distributed in a form suggestive of a ring

of sxall deposits (Stothert 1974).

Although similar to Achlallan in location and settlement, here

sinmilaricies stop. OGSE-62 (OGSE-62C) had both a much more elaborate.

ceracr.ic inventory and, more important for this study, a very different









protein base. This latter difference is not explainable on site location

along ;ince both sites are situated relatively close to each other.

Although a sll.;.c .n the climate, in the highly variable Santa Elena

Penin!sula area, could explain the different numbers of species present,

the difference could also be due to a shift of c::ploitarion emphasis.


OGSE-62

Faunal remains. Ihe vertebrate faunial remains from OGSE-62 are

alrmst entirely mac-ine (93.9' HIJI). Principal abundant species include

the catfish (41.9%) and the prunts (31.4%). Other important fishes

represented here were the grouper, jacks, snappers, and porgies (Fig. 6).

Due to the larger sizes (Fig. 7) of these numerically fewer fish, the

groupers, jacks, snappers, and porgies contributed more meat than the

catfish and the grunts. Both numerically and nutritionally minor

components of the diet are the sea turtle and a mammal. The true

nutritional importance of these last two animals are considerably

underestimated due to the method of calculating their live ',eight, but

the relative importance of these resources, versus fish, is probably

not too accurate.


OCSE-62C

Faunal remains. The material from OGSE-62C resembles in many

respects che proceeding sample. nevertheless, these remains include

proportionally more catfish (63.6?') and fewer grunts (25%) than at

OGSE-62 (Fig. S). Also fewer species are represented. Due to the overall

size distribution (Fig. 9) third fishes from OGSE-62C actually contributed

more meat in ;weight than those in the 0GSE-62 sample. i:uinerically minor

species in this sample included the snook, grouper, jack, and porgy.








































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O.,SE--62 and OGS.-62C

Reconstructed hunting and fishing patterns. eihen CG3.-62 and

OGS.;-G.C are compared, several differences become evident. Particularly

noticeable is the wider range of species present in the OGSE-62 sa-.ple

which ;rLe absent from OGSE-62C. These species account for 9.4, of the

IC'I from CGSE-62. This need not be a- im-portant as it first appears.

All the species represented in rhe samples (with the exception of mullet)

are inshore carnivores and can he taken with a baited boo!: and line.

Shell fishhooks have been found in Valdivia midJens and these hooks range

in size from sbcut 1.8 cm. by 2.0 cm. to 2.5 cm. by 2.8 cm. (Ieggers,

Evans, and Estrada 1965). The seemingly disproportionate reprasentatioii

of certain forms could simply represent fish caught on.a day or season of

Tlhe year when "the snappers v'ere running" or result from a particular

fisherman's atLachment to a particularly good fishing area.

Ancthcr method had to be used to catch the mullet. Bullets are

herbivores and as such ace not readily taken by a baited hook and line.

One effective method for catching this fish is using nets either of the

gill net or seine type. This could result in the capture of large

numbers of this schooling species. Weirs and traps could also result in

numbers of mullets as well. In any event, only two individuals of this

species were identified from the samples. If nets or some other collective

techniques had been regularly used on this abunJant species more

individuals would be expected. This suggests that none of these methods

were employed. The Valdivian fisherman could have resorted to spearing,

or ihand catching or algae-baited hook to catch these herbivorous animals.









OGSI:-174

OGSE-174 represents nnotl--r Santa ELer.a Peninsula midden. No

sub'hhase association is available for this Valdivia site. If, ho-wever

OGSE--42 and OGSE-62 are representative of Santa Elena Peninsula coastal

middens, the relatively large representation of mammal remains suggests

Ln early Valdivia affiliation.

Faunal remains. Although three deer were identified from this site

only one is assignable to a species, i.e. Odocoileus, the other deer

material was either too fragmentary or of a size that made species

correlations impossible. The marine resources represented in this midden

re3e,nble those front other sites discussed. Again the catfish and the

grunt are parLicularly abundant. Snook, jack, and sea turtle also occur.


Valdivia

The Valdivia site material is the only Valdivia coqstel site outside

the Santa Elena Peninsula area considered in this study. This site is

located north of the peninsula and at the mouth of the Valdivia

River (Fig. 1). The ceramic and lithic material from this site formed

the bases for the original description of the Valdivia Phase (leggers,

Evans and Estrada 1965).

Faunal remains. The vertebrate fauna from the Valdivia site differs

somewliat from those discussed above. At this site terrestrial species

include the peccary and two types of deer, the ;fliite-tai]ed, and the

brocket. Based on comparisons of the size of the deer bones, the larger

white-tailed deer appears more co:rmmon in the i uidden. Catfishi are still

a common fish in the midden, but at Valdivia snook is also abundantly

represented (Fig. 10). :More neat 'was available to thl people from

snook and deer sources than all other sources combined (Fig. 11).









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Reconstructed hunting and fishing patterns. The technique used to

o.btni.n the terrestrial forms is difficult to determLine. As yet no stone

or bone projectile points have been uncovered in Valdivia middens.

Perishable wooden projectiles or traps and deathfz;lls are techniques that

could have been used.

All the fish species from the Valdivia midden sample are inshore

carnivores and will take a hook. 11o herbivorous forms are included in

the remains. If herbivorous forms had been present in numbers, another

or additional method of fishing, e.g. cooperative netting, might have

been suggested. The fish bones from this site, then, present a picture

of individual fishermen exploiting the inshore or shoreline waters .ith

baited hooks and lines. Further evidence for this is the shell fishliooks

that have been found at Valdivia. Although boats could have been used,

there is no evidence to suggest that they would have been needed to

obtain the fishes present.

One difference in this site, compared with other sites, is the

proportionally greater representation of large fish, particularly snook,

and the low numbers of smaller animals-. The lack of smaller species is

pL-obably in part due to the excavation techniques used. The relatively '

large representation of snook, undoubtedly, results from fishing the

estuary that is believed to have existed near the site during Valdivia

times (Ileggers, Evans, and Estrada 1965). This sort of ecological

setting would have been particularly attractive to the snook.


Inland Sites

Zooarclih ological materials from two, inland Valdivia sites were

available for analysis, the Loma Alta site, located about 15 kim. upstream

from the Valdivia site, and the Real Alto site situation about 5 km.









from the rea along the Rio Verde. Loma Alta represents an ea:!.y

Valdivia site (Ihase I) while the principal occuJpntion at Real Altu

occurred from Valdivia I1T through VIII times (Harcos 1975). In an

attempt to study, chlanIe through time this latter site w.ns divided into

two groups, a middle Valdi'.ia component represented by ITIi-V ceramics and

a later Valdivia indicated by VT-VIII ceramic types.

Excavations at Loma Alta and Real Al-o revealed a discontinuous

distribution of faunal r..aterial in pits, burials and house structures,

which necessitated a different approach to the material. Since there

was no w'ay of knowing hwJ many pits were associated with any particular

house floor, it was impossible to provide ,n-, kind of meaningful

co-bination of features and, therefore, the units were treated individually.


Lo.-,a Alta

nTe Loma /Alta site contains a uijer variety of vertebrates than

any other site considered in this study:. Representatives of all the

vertebrate classes are present. This indicates a wide subsistence base.

Ho dcubt sone of this results from the location of the site in a presumed

foriested area, although other factors also are evident. Tle types and

i.u.'bers of the remains oere not evenly distributed throughout the site.

The JII unit has more catfish, while JIII contained more deer (Fig. 12)

Faunal ria'ins. Not all the remains from the Loma Alta site

coiistituted food items. 'he large number of human bones in the sample

suggest that at least some of these bones represent burials rather

[lirt food remains. The dog also may represent something other than, or

in addition to, a food item. The dogs could have served a variety of function.









either as guard dogs, hunting dogs, caiap scavengers or pets. The

burned condition of .some of the bones suggest that the dog also ended

up as food.

At Lo;:a '-.lta the t'ro samples analyzed contained the sane principal

ania.rls, but in very different proportions, Since there was no v'ay of

c!eteriniinng which sample -..as rore representative of the site as a

whole, it was felt that no biormass estimates should be attempted.

c:.-ever-, the size of the species present, and their relative numbers,

suggest that terrestrial forms, especially the deer, were the principal

protein sources. The Valdivia hunters obtained both principally

forest-edge and/or savanna animals such as the white-tailed deer, agouti,

and rabbit and rrerumibl: deep forest inhabitants, the brocket deer and

the tanir. Peccary, opossum, an:! the carnivores, the riountain lion

and the fox vere also hunted. Several small rodents, and an armadillo

represent other mnammals captuLred. The Valdivians- at Lor a Alta; also caught

birds, as the considerable numbe- of bird remains froi the site indicates.

Additional animals include snakc, land turtle, and frog.

Of parLicular interest, though of seemingly minor imp-ortance, are

the fish remains from Lo-im Alta. All the fish species represented in

the riidden are of marine forms. It is estimated that Loma Alta is 15 kLm.

(9.3 miles) fro.-n the sea and, therefore, from the marine habitat where

these fishes are found.

r.aconstruction of hunting and fishing patterns. There is good:

evidence for he seasonal e:.pl.oitation of deer. The fauna.-l sample from

Lo.in Alta contained nine mandible fragments representing a minimum of si::

deer. Lased on tooth eruption (Scv.erin'..hauz 1949), one individual wJas















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betwo-in fnor and seven months old, t'.:. others were around 15 i.onths,

two 17 months and one was an adult. The deer that could be aged in

r.onthsL indicate n deer hunting season confined to about a five i'ionth

period. This could be interrupted as a seasonal occupation of the site

or a restricted ie-riod of exploitation of deer possibly revolving

around other seasenally-regulatcd activities. The latter possible seems

Pore likely. A people who seasonally moved into the area -'ould be

unlikely to engage in trade with coastal areas for their fish or to

send om.e people out into the hills to hunt while others travel the

15 Ikm. down to the shore to fish. Loma Alta is more likely to represent

at leyat a semi-sedentary village engaged in an exchange system w'ith

coastal groups for marine resources, perhaps with Llhe Valdivia since

itself.

Exchange systems are complex sets of social obligations and

reciprocal arrangements which need some impetus for develomenLt. They

generally develop because of the need for scarce and desired resources.

Could protein scarcity have acted as the impetus for the establishment

of trade with the coastal areas? Although it is not possible to say

with any certain.ty whether this was the case, possible evidence for

this exists. Among the faunal remains from the Lma Alta site there were

a large proportion of human bones, especially of fetal or infant

individuals. A total sample of four fetuses or infants, representing

in age seven months, seven and a half rionths and mid-ninth month for

the fetuses and a baby within its first year (Miaples 1974'), were found

in the fainal samples. Could this large and disproportionate number

of fetus'.?s and .infant remains indicate low. nutritional levels re.-ultin;








.in sr.ontLLLeous abortions (liulinski 1976) or infant icjle e ;which is corLrion

in many protein poor areas suLch as the Aimazon? Could c:'arJ for fish

with the coastal sites be an attempt o obtain more animal protein?


Real Alto

Rl:2a- tIco it. the last Vnldivin si.tu considered here. Donald

.aticrap, director of the excavation at the site, states that its location

indicates a river valley rather than marine focus. ile beli.'eve that

Real Alto represents an a5riculttural village based on n.,ize cultivation

(Lath-ir.p 1975).

Because of the long occupation at Peal Alto and tne cultural

shifts that are evident between middle and later Valdivia times, the

material from this site .las separated into t:o groups. Not all the

rat'erial front Pl.a) Alco was analyzed but only a sample from certain

features lhese u;its :ere chosen because of their phase affiliations,

size of tho somples and lac'- of obvious evidence of intrusion. iate-rials

from five different units =ere considered for the earlier cultural

division. Two of these .were materials from the floors of structures

(St.ructu-'es VII and X), two were from features (Features 10 and 171),

and one ;as fror. thle fill of a burial pit (Burial LI).

Faunal remains. The bone from the vario-us units w'.ere identified

arnd the relative numbers of the various species computed. The results

of th.e ;lI comi.ilat-ions are indicated on Fig. 13 and Fig. 14. The

s:uipl s exhibit considerable variation. In most instances, in Mliddle

valdivi a times, catfish represented the main component of the sample in

tero-s of l.r;I with the drunis thle most numerous species represented in one



















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sample. Drum is also of considerable importance in several of the other.

samples as uell. Deer are prose.it in all. the units an d birds and sLa

turtles and an occasional snake also occur.

Lecausc of the uneven distribution of the fauna 1 re7-ins in tn-

nuii2?rous pits., occupation floors, ;all trenches and burials :tt the site,

biomass estimates were not attempted. There was no :,ay of determining

which h and how many pits riere conitemmporaaeous with esch house floor or

even thi initial volumes of the various features. Since there %was not

any means of correlating pits and floors and other features, it was felt

that any biomass estimates would result in an erroneous representation

and indicate a greater accuracy than the material warranted. Although

bio:nass estimates were nor undertaken for this site, deer undoubtedly

represents the most important, single food source in terms of the amount

of meat provided. Fish, ho:-.ever, especially the raarine catfish, provide

a more constant food source.

.Then the sr.terial from Mliddle Valdivia samples is compared with later

Valdivia material a shift in emphasis become.z apparent. Material from

thei Structure VIIT wall trench, Features 101 and 10G and general non-

feature ridden material indicates a greater exploitation of catfish

in later Valdivia times (Fig. 14).

Reconstruction of hunting and fishing patterns. As in the casE of

Loma i.lta the question of trade or specialized hunting and/or fishing

arises. It could be argued that if Real Alto like Lona Alta was

primarily an agricultural village most of its daily activities would d

be related to agricultural pursuits. Fish could be obtained by e::change.

It should be noted, lihn;ever, that 5 km is not a very great distance to go




































































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co obtain food. This is at the outer limits, but within the range

indicated l.y E. S. iiggs and C. Vita-Fitnzi (1972) as the c:-:ploitable

distance For hort[culturalists. Also, it would be possible for the village

to have specialized fishermen who could exchange parts of cheir catch

for agricultural goods. Real Alto's nearness to the coast does not

seem to result in the same sorts of pressures discernable at Loma -lta.

h.Trether exchanged between villages, obtained by specialists, or caught

by the Valdivia horticulturalist, fishing techniques similar to tliose

practiced by the coastal fishermen were presumable used. These would

include baited hooks and lines for the carnivorous, inshore fishes found

at this site. There are again some herbivorous remains ini the sample

(mullet and sea chub), but their n'lmbers are veiy low and co not

necessarily suggest nets or traps.


Po3 -Valdivia

r!aterial from only four post-Valdivia samples was available for

analysis. These samples included remains from four cultural phases;

Haclhalilla and Engoro, bones, Guangala phase material and the late

Libertad remains. Three of the samples are from the Santa Elena

Peninsula, the fourth is from the Rio Verde Valley.


:lachaliila and Engorov Phases

OCSE-46D

This site contains both HIachalilla and Engoroy phase material, but

vr-ry srmll samples of each. In addition, a larger sa.nple from this site

was also included, but had a mixed Mlachallla and Engoroy association.

The material from this site was, therefore, treated in three units;









IMachalilla material, Engoroy remains, and all the bone from the site

together Biompas estimates, fisl species size and nutritional values

were calculated for the site as a whhole (Fig. 15). The faunal lists for

each unit are in Appendix A.

The hiachalilla Phase represents an introduction of some net traits

into the study area. Some researchers see the introduction of a new

people, in part, contemporaneous with the Valdivia Phase inhabitants.

They believe that Machalilla represents a site-unit intrusion into the

area and that the Ilachalillans lived more or less harmoniously with their

Valdivia neighbors (Ileggers, Evans, and Estrada 1965). Other archaeo-

3ogists feel that the Ilachalilla people lived later than the Valdivians

and in fact developed out of the earlier Valdivia Phase (Lathrap 1967;

Wliley 1971).

Faunal remains. The IHachalilla fish remains from OCSE-46D do not

differ in type from those of other Santa Elena Peninsula sites,

although some different species are represented. Catfish are still the

most abundant species. Other species, not found in previously

discussed Santa Elena Peninsula sites, include the dog and the agouti.

The Engoroy material, sometimes included under the Chorrera Phase

heading, represents the only late Formative material available for

iaalyt.is. Tie Chorrera Phase is stated to have evolved out of the

Ear'li.er Macbhlilla and to represent a subsistence shift from sea food

resources to agricultural crops (Willey 1971). Fairly good evidence for

contact w:itlh lesoaimericn is also available for this phase (HIeggers 1966).

Although some sites of Engoroy -Chorrera affiliation might indicate

a decreasing importance in marine foods, this does not seem to be the

case with the Engoroy inhabitants at OGSE-46D. At this site marine




74








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vertebrates continued to be widely exploited. The remains indicate that

a vider variety of species iere exploited by the Engoroy Lilan by the

earlier Hachalilla people. Terrestrial deer and fox were also taken.

/gain there is evidence of doY.

Because of the small size of the Machalilla and Engoroy samples

and their basic similarities with respect to the types of species present

and their relative numbers, the material from these t.'o samples were

combined with the other faunal remains from OCSE-46D. -igures 15 and .16

represent these combinations. The results of the calculations indicate

that marine resources were of primary importance both numerically and

nutritioially. Although the deer estimates in this set of calculations

was based on bone weight and is, therefore very lo;-, the smali number

of deer bones and the abundance of aquatic resources suggest that deer

\as probably not overly important in the diet. Most of the primary

species exploited by these peoples were those also utilized by previous

groups. In general, the size of the fish captured appears to have

increased compared with previously discussed Santa Elena Peninsula sites

(Fig. 16). This might have resulted from the introduction of larger

fishlihooks during "achalilla times.


OCC'l-20

The other Machalilla site considered in this study is OGCH-20. It

Is located on the Rio Verde, about five kilometers upstream from Chanduy.

This site is of interest since it represents an inland Machalilla

occupation, one that is in the same vicinity as Real Alto, the middle

and late Inland Valdivia site discussed above. The people at the site

presumably utilized the Rio Verde valley in the same manner as the

Valdivian, i.e. by cultivating crops.









Faunal remains. The faunal sample from the site differs from the

;eal Alto material in having an additional mammal, the fox. This

exploitation of masiaials other than dear %as also evidenL at the coastal

OG.SE--46D site. This differs from the general Valdivia exo:-loitation pa3.tera.

Tie Valdivians, when they exploited any mammals at all, relied on deer.

Thil other faunal remlair.s included large numribers of fish. As in most

cases consider-ed in this study, marine catfish was by far the most

abundant fish. Also of importance were the drums and to a lesser ex.:tern

the grunts.


Guangala Phase

The Guangala Phase represents Lhe local iianifectation of the

P.egiunal Developmental Peri'od. C:arateristics of his:ii period include

"... differentiation in sociopolitical organization, florescence in art

style and elaboration in technology" (Mecger3 1966:67)

At Guailnala sites maize agriculture appears to be -:idespre~ a as the

presence of mane and metate frangents indicate. Interior incised pottery

bo.71,e suggest that manioc or peppers %.ere also grown (Meggers 1966).

:1arine resources continued to be utilized by coastal groups, whilee deer

-.~'2-e hunted in the inland sices (Meggers 1966). Shell fishhooks and

atlacl nooks have been found in the nidderns.


OGSE-A,6U

Faunal remains. Tha Guangala faunal material from this site shof.s

a pronounced marine focus. All the idcncifiable remains are of marine

fishes. Particjulrly abundant in the milden are the marina catfish,

al though grunts and puffers are also nurierous. In terrni of actual









jl:;:ritio0ial and caloric values, the single shiL-k from the midden appears

of primary ir,portance. There is no doubt that these Guangalans made

inch Iore use of the available marine vertebrates than the earlier

I-.achalilla and Engoroy peoples who had settled in about the sane area.


Libertad Phase

The last site representative of the post-Valdivia vertebrate

exploitation on the Santa Elena Peninsula is a very small sample from

a Libertad Phase site, OGSE-41E.


OGSE-41E

Faunal remains. This site is located near the sea and represents

a Finale phase occupation. The small test conducted into this midden

resulted in very few bones. The sample is again mainly fishes, with

grurita the nost abundant form. With the exception of a snall barracuda

all the species present ihad been found in other Santa Elena Peninsula

sites. Of the very snall sample only one bone could be tentatively

identified as mammal, all other identifiable bones were of fish (Fig. 17).










































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CILAPTER VI
DISCUSSION


Over a period of seven or eight thousand years the southwestern

coast of Ecuador has served as the home for numerous peoples. Some of

these groups were simple hunters and gatherers, while e others were

advanced agriculturalists with well developed ceramics and art styles.

Although these populations differed radically in many aspects of their

cultures, they all faced the same basic problem hou to obtain adequate

amounts of protein, fats, carbohydrates, vitar.ins, minerals, and calories.

To fulfill these basic needs these peoples relied upon a variety of

different foods. The relative importance of the various foods differed

frcn group to group.


Protein Scarcity and Protein Acquisition

A variety of different subsistence strategies can be practiced by

peoples to obtain adequate protein for healthy growth and development

(See Chapter II). These strategies include the consumption of large

quantities of protein-rich plant foods, the consumption of complimentary

plant foods, or the consumption of a combination of plant and animal

fooIs.

Although these strategies are all possible alternatives in most

areas, in any given area one strategy is more efficient in fulfilling

nutritional and caloric needs. Animal bone was present at all the sites

examined in this study. This indicates that the subsistence strategy

chosen by these groups included the consumption of animal foods.









In areas whe:e protein is abundant, protein acquisition may have

little direct effect on the culture, but uwhbre iL is limited the obtaining

of protein can greatly influence other aspects of culture. In such

cases tlih need for protein may result in the dispersal of the population

(Holmberg 1969, Carneiro 1973), increase hostilities between groups

cor.petiiig over the same limited resource, development of reciprocal

relations between members within the villages (Gross 1975), or lead

to the formation of long distance exchange networks.

Archaeologically, the degree to which a people were obtaining

adequate amounts of protein, can be reflected in the human osteological

remains. Protein deficiency can limit population growth by increasing

the incidence of miscarriages, spontaneous abortions, and high infant

mortality (llulinski J976). It may further result in the adoption of

population-regulating mechanisms such as female infanticide. Even for

those individuals who survive to maturity, protein deficiency can effect

the overall growth and stature of the individual. By e.an'ining the

human bone remains from a site some indication of how successful a

people were in obtaining protein can be determined.

Thu indicators of protein deficiency may not be readily recognized

by the field excavator. Studies on human growth and stature require

knowledge of human osteology and a familiarity with different growth

patterns. Also, human fetal and infant bones are very different from

adult bone and can be easily missed by excavators not trained in human

osteology. Unless a physical anthropologist is present during excavation

and removes the fetal and infant bones from the sample, the lack of fetal

and infant remains in a faunal sample probably means there were few at

the site. Their presence in large numbers in the faunal remains suggests

nutritional stress.








At the Valdivia period, Loan Alta site a proportionally large

nuriber of human fetal and infant remains were uncovered (Chapter V).

This is interpreted as an indication th.t these inland people were living

under conditions of protein stress. In an apparent attempt to overcome

Lhis deficiency the inland Loma Alta people tried to obtain additional

r-roteiin by utilizing marine resources. Theyl did this by acquiring f isl

from the coast, probably by means of exchange.

This tyne of exchange between inland and coastal peoples has been

noted in other areas. The exchange between valley and coastal sites was

evident as early as Period 7 (2500-1700 B.C.) in coastal Peru (ilasi:ish

et al 1975). During this period Richard MIacileish believes that the

coastal fishermen "... sent marine protein foods into the valley and

received cultivated plant foods in return" (Mlaclleish et al 1975:33).

Hone of the other sites considered in this study exhibited the same

high proprotion of human fetal and infant remains as was present at Lora

Alta. This could indicate that protein deficiency was not a problem at

these sites. Their location near the protein-ricl coastal waters is

probably responsible for this.


Chaaigees in Protein E:xploitation and Subsistence Orientation

The relative importance of terrestrial, as opposed to aquatic

resources, used b- the prehistoric peoples of the study area varied.

During sore cultural phases, terrestrial resources were more important,

while at others aquatic animals were irore significant in the diet.

Tncse changing patterns of protein exploitation and subsistence

are summarized in Tables 2 and 3. The relative IiniimLum number of

intdi. ideals of terrestrial and aquatic animals represented in samples from








TABLE 2
PERCENTAGE OF FOODS F.O:I AQUATIC AIJ'
TE[RI:STRIAL. "A-'dITATS n1!I


Santa Elcna Peninsula


Pre-Valdivia Valdivia


Post-Valdivia


OGSF- OCSE- OGSE- OGSE- OGSE- OGSE- OGSE-
80 63 174 62 62C 46D 46U


aquatic % 55 75 82 99 99 87 98


terrestrial 7 45 25 18 1 1 13 2


sample size 56 12 17 86 SS 48 66


Ilorth of the
Santa Elena P.


Valdivia


Coast Inland
Valdivia Loma Alta


Jll J1ll


aquatic % 88 ,.69 26


terrestrial % 12 _31 74


sample siz- 89 133 23


East of the
Santa Elena P.


Post-
Valdivia Valdivia




Real Alto OCCH20

Early Late
St. VII St. VIII


95 97 96.8


5 3 3.2


133 116 281.0


~








the principal sites considered in this study are presented in Table 2.

This first set of calculations indicates how intensively the vertebrates

from the two exploitation areas were utilized by the various cultural

groups. 'The second table (Table 3) illustrates the amount of meat

obtained from these two sources.

Estimates of tlhe weight of the aquatic and terrestrial forms were

based on the weight of the archaeological bone. The bone weight .as

used in the formulas in place of the skeletal weight and the formulas

for skeletal weight to live weight from Appendi:-: C was used. The

perciform fish formula was employed to estimate aquatic resources, the

ma;rrial formula was used for the terrestrial animals. The only site

for which estimates of live weight were not computed in this manner

was the Valdivia site. The bones from this site were partially mineralized,

so weight calculations would be extremely inaccurate. For this site, the

estimates calculated in Chapter V were used.

The data presented in Tables 2 and 3 illustrates a steady shift in

subsistence orientation on the Santa Elena Peninsula. Early cultural

groups relied more on terrestrial animals, while the Valdivia peoples

depended more on aquatic forms. The early post-Valdivia people again

hunter terrestrial animals, but later groups shifted back to almost

e:cclusive auatic oe.-ploitation.

The inland and northern sites sho,' a somew.:hat different orienta-

tion. At these Valdivit sites terrestrial resources are more numerous

and provide far :.lore m2at than aquatic vertebrates. Even at these

sites aquatic resources were widely e::ploited.

Several factors could be responsible for the chan.ning subsistence

patterns described here. These include the introduction of agriculture








TABLE 3
PERCEi'AGCI OF FOODS FROM AQUATIC AIL; TR'I'r'.STRJ.AL
,\BITATS EIO:-.3SS


Santa Elana Peninsula


Pre-Valdivia Valdivia Pocst-Vald'ivia


OGSE- OGSE- OGSE- OCSE- OCSE- OGSE- OGSE-
80 63 174 62 62C 46D 46U


aquatic % 5 ]0 24 99 99.7 95 99.7


terresLrial % 95 90 76 1 0.3 5 0.3


total
bior.:a3s (g) 21300 5435 9007 7955 9124 12372 5273


North of the
S :nta Elena P.


Va Idivia


Coast


inland


Valdivia Loma Alta


East of the
Santa Elena P.


Valdivia


Post-Va d ivia


inland
Real Alto OCCH-20


Jll J111


aquatic%


terrestrial %'


total bio
r.Eass (g)


29 9 16


71 91 84


538951 68915 54633 36567


St.VIIT


St VIII


22013









and the changing climatic conditions. I propose that the change in

emphasis between pre-Valdivia and Valdivia tines is linked to another

subsistence shift, probably the introduction of agriculture.

Although there is little direct evidence of agriculture, indirect

evidence such as storage pits, grinding iiiplements and the locations of

che sites indicates that agriculture had been introduced into the area

and was being practiced during Valdivia times. Crops,e.g. corn, require

periods of fairly intensive cultivacion and care. During these periods

there is less time to devote to other subsistence activities such as

hunting and fishing. ';iis often results in the scheduling of subsistence

activities :.ith certain periods of time devoted to one strategy, i.e.

the cultivation of agricultural crops, and other tines devoted to other

pursuits. This scheduling can ta':e the form of gardening at one time

during the day and hunting and/or fishing at another or a seasonal cycle

of cultivation supplemented by limited hunting and/or fishing in areas

near the village at one period of the year with extensive Punting and

fishing more prevalent in another season.

There is evidence of scheduling from one Valdivia site. At Loma

Alta all the deer that could be aged indicate that they probably were

killed during a particular time of year. This suggests that deer hunting

wns more or less restricted to a particular season.

Although there has been little research conducted on the breeding

cycles of deer in coastal Ecuador, studies on the white-tailed deer from

Venezuala irdicaLe that these species breed year round with a peak in

rating during the dry season (Grokx 1972). The gestation period for

Iorth American Ihite-tailed deer is between 195 and 212 days, with an

average around 202 days (Lowery 197"). If the Ecuadorian deer follow








the sar.,e cyclef, the peak rating would be between Hay and December, the

dry season of present-day coastal Ecuador. This would result in peak

births beL'ue.2; October and July. Since the survival rate of the fa:..ns

xyould be greatest for those born during rainy season, when the lactating

does have abundant food resources, Lho peak in birth and survival of

most fawns- would be expected from January through April. If Janaury is

assumed to be the birth month of the deer at the Loma Alta site, the

individuals that could be aged were killed anywhere from April to

September (Fig. 19). At the other extreme, if they were born at the

end of the rainy season (April) the range would be from July to December.

The onset of the rainy season is also a time of peak agricultural

activities. During this period presumably little time would be available

to engage in substantial hunting endeavors. Instead, more time would be

spent in the planting, cultivating and harvesting of the crops. The

length of this period of agricultural activity is largely dependent on

the crops planted. For corn, anywhere from three to four months would

be devoted to the cultivation and harvesting of this crop. If the crop

Was planted at the onset of the rainy season, January through April

would be devoted to its cultivation.

L.hen the deer hunting season, as indicated from the Loma Alta

material, is compared with the period of corn cultivation a yearly

scheduling of economic activities is suggested. The data on Fig. 19

illustrate this. Agricultural activities, i.e. corn cultivation, uould

be restricted to the rainy season of JanLuary through April with deer

hunting practiced anywhere from April through December.

In addition to th" scheduling of econo.-ic activities, the incro-

duction of agriculture can also result in tl'e expansion of the possible




















En
-I









oI



vCD




4i44


riL-

F4
*14C
to -I




















'4l

A 0A
1 G C C
'-4 1- C1 I

'i-1 J1 C
-4-
o .I I


3~f -cr::c Q~
I-, Ri
t4~4







s- '3 '3


0T 0

Ci i



c. r3~Oo"r








sul'sistence base with the introduction of newi cops and an increase in

population size resulting in the shrinkage of the territory exploited by

th-_ inhabitants of a site. This has bean seen ethnographically when

the radius of the ex:p]oitation spheres of the hunters and gatherers

(10 mni.) is compared to the area exploited by horticulturalists (radius

5 I.k.) (OLiggs and Vita-Finzi 1972). This decrease in exploitation area

results in proportionately less terrestrial animals available to hunt.

It would encourage a shift to other protein foods. In the study area

T believe this to have taken the form of increased use of the previously,

underexploited, aquatic vertebrates.

Another possible factor which may explain the shift in subsistence

patterns is climatic change. TheI Santa Elena Peninsula is and has been

an area that is particularly susceptible to climatic fluctuation (Chaitar

IV). In the past there have been several periods much wetter or dryer

than today. Because of the close relationship between climate, flora,

and. faunra, a shift in climatic conditions can profoundly alter the

resources available for exploitation. This necessitates the use of

alternative methods of exploitation, a change to different resources,

or an abandonment of the area.

During periods of extreme wetness or dryness the Santa Elena Penin-

sula was uninhabited (Chapter IV). Presumably under these environmental

conditions, the people were either unw-illing or unable to make the

adjustments necessary in order to continue living in the area. During

tines of minor climatic change extreme action such as the abandonment of

the area might not be necessary. During these periods, by exploiting a

slightly different subsistence base, a people could continue to live

in an area.









As noted in Chapter IV, the ilachalilla and Engoroy peoples occupied

thne peninsula during times of fluctuating cl.iTatic conditions. Immediately

previous to ilachalilla occupation the climate of the Santa Elena Penin--

sula 'w.as very cold and dry. During i'achalilla times it became somewhat

warme:-- but still remained cool and relatively dry. Cold and very dry

conditions existed between the Machalilla and Engoroy occupations and

the climate was cool and dry again in Engoroy times.

As illustrated above (Chapter V) the Iachalilla and Engoroy groups,

considered here, exploited a slightly different subsistence base than

previous groups. I would suggest that this exploitation pattern results

from slightly different climatic conditions and, therefore, different

species availability and densities.

It might be argued that the introduction of a ne-I people, who

utilized a different resource base, is responsible for the different

subsistence pattern reflected in the bone remains. I believe that, since

the sare resource configuration is present during both the aclhalilla and

the later Engoroy times, the migration of new people with a different

e::ploitation pattern cannot be used to explain these difference.


Hunting and Fishing Methods

liow a people obtained their animal protein is another important

aspect of subsistence studies. The faunal composition of a site often

indicates what methods were used to obtain the fishes present. For

example, if the habit and habitats of the fishes that are available in

the area are known, inferencea about the ncLhoaIs used to catch them can

be r--ade.

T.he coastal waters of Ecuador today contain many different types

of ilarine fishes. Estuaries and inshore waters are inhabited by large




Full Text

PAGE 1

CHMGING ANDIAL UTILIZATION PATTERNS AND THEIR IIIPLICATIONS : SOUTHWEST ECUADOR (6500 B.C.-A.D. 1^00) BY K/iTHLEEN ViARY 3YRL A DISSERTzNTION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUI'JCIL OF 1 THE UI«VERSITY OF FLORIDA ' IN PARTI/i FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE I DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1976

PAGE 2

UNIVERSITY OF FLORID* 3 1262 08666 408 2

PAGE 3

ACICNOWLEUGIIENTS In the course of this study numerous individuals have provided guidance in the identification, analysis, and interpretation of the material considered here. I would especially like to thank Elizabeth Wing, my major professor, for always being available for consultation and for reading several drafts of this report; Maxine Margolis , Gerald llilanich, \v'illiam Maples, and David Webb, my committee members, for reading my dissertation and offering many helpful suggestions; Clifford Evans, Donald Lathrap , Ronald Liptak, Gene McDougle, Presley Norton, Allison Paulsen, and Karen Stothert for mstking faunal collections from coastal Ecudor available for analysis; Donald Lathrap and Jorge Marcos for making it possible for me to visit sites in the area and collect fishes; Walter Auffenberg, Pierce Brodkorb , Carter Gilbert, and Fred Thompson for aiding in the identification of soma of the faunal rcm.ains and suggesting useful readings; and mjj^ felloxj students and the staff of the Florida State Museum for their suggestions and encouragement. 11

PAGE 4

TABLE OF CONTENTS ACIO-IOVJLEDGMENTS il LIST OF TABLES V LIST OF FIGURES vii ABSTRACT viii Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION 1 II. NUTRITIONAL NEEDS AND CALORIC REQUIREMENTS 10 III. METHODOLOGY 18 IV. CHANGING CLItlATE AND THE ECOLOGICAL SETTING 27 The Santa Elena Peninsula 27 Clinatic Change and Prehistoric Occupation of the Santa Elena Peninsula 31 Summary 38 V. FAUNAE ANALYSIS AND PvECONSTRUCTION 39 Pre-Valdivia 40 Valdivia 50 Post-Valdlvia 72 VI, DISCUSSION 81 Protein Scarcity and Protein Acquisition 81 Changes in Protein Exploitation and Subsistence Orientation 83 Hunting and Fishing Methods 91 Human Behavioral Patterns 93 Interareal Comparison 95 SumiTiary 97 APPENDIX A .. . . , 99 B 132 C 141 D 143 E 144 F 146 XIX

PAGE 5

BIBLIOGRAPHY ;IL49 BIOGRAPHICAH SKETCH 255 IV

PAGE 6

LIST OF TABLES Page 1. COMPARISON OF METHODS USED IN ESTIl'IATING LIVE WEIGHT 25 2. PERCENTAGE OF FOODS FROM AQUATIC AND TERRESTRIAL HABITATS MNI . 84 3. PERCENTAGE OF FOODS FROM AQUATIC AND TEPRESTRIAL HABITATS BIOILASS 86 4. FAUNAL LIST OGSE-80 99 5. FAUNAL LIST OGSE-38 101 6. FAUNAL LIST OGSE-63 102 7. FAUNAL LIST OGSE-42 103 8. FAUNAL LIST OCSE'62 104 9. FAUNAL LIST OGSE-62C 106 10. FAUN/J. LIST OGSE-174 107 11. FAUNAL LIST VALDIVIA 108 12. FAUNAL LIST LOMA ALTA JII 110 13. FAUNAL LIST LOMA ALTA JIII 112 14. FAUNAL LIST REAL ALTO STRUCTURE 7 113 15. FAUNAL LIST REAL ALTO STRUCTURE 10 115 16. FAUNAL LIST REAL ALTO FEATURE 10 116 17. FAUNAL LIST REAL ALTO FEATURE 171 117 18. FAUNAL LIST P^AL ALTO BURIAL LI 118 19. FAUNAL LIST REAL ALTO STRUCTURE 8 W.T 119 20. FAUNAL LIST REAL ALTO FEATURE 101 120 21. FAUNAL LIST REAL AI.TO FEATURE 108 121 22. FAUNAL LIST REAL ALTO FEATURE 109 122 V

PAGE 7

Page 23. FAUN/J. LIST REAL ALTO NON-FEATURl-: MATERIAL 123 24. FAUNAL LIST OGSE-46D MACHALILLA 124 25. FAUIIAL LIST OGSE-46D ENGOROY 125 26. FAUNAL LIST OGSE-46D TOTAL 126 27. FAUNAL LIST OGCH-20 128 28. FAUNAL LIST CGSE-46U 130 29. FAUNAL LIST 0GSE-41E 131 30. FOOD VALUES OGSE-80 132 31. FOOD VALUES OGSE-63 134 32. FOOD VALUES OGSE-63 135 33. FOOD V/U.UES OGSE~62C 136 34. FOOD VALUES VALDIVIA 137 35. FOOD VALUES OGSE-46D 138 36. FOOD VALUES OGSE-46U 140 VI

PAGE 8

LIST OF FIGURES Page 1. SITE LOCATIONS WITHIN THE STUDY AREA 4 2. CLE'IATE CHANGE: SANTA ELENA PENINSULA 32 3. RELATIVE PERCENT OF PRINCIPAL VERTEBPATES OGSE-80 44 4. DISTRIBUTION OF InFEIGHTS OF CAPTURED FISHES OGSE-80 45 5. PvELATIVE PERCENT OF PRINCIPAL VERTEBRATES OGSE-63 49 6. RELATIVE PERCENT OF PRINCIPAL VERTEBRATES OGSE-62 55 7. DISTRIBUTION OF \n[EIGHTS OF CAPTUPZD FISHES OGSE-62 56 8. PvELATIVE PERCENT OF PRINCIPAL VERTEBRATES OGSE-62C 57 9. DISTRIBUTION OF WEIGHTS OF CAPTURED FISHES OGSE-62C 58 10. RELATIVE PERCENT OF PRINCIPAL VERTEBRATES VALDIVIA 61 11. DISTRIBUTION OF WEIGHTS OF CAPTURED FISHES VALDIVIA 52 12. RELATIVE PERCENT OF PRINCIPAL VERTEBRATES LO^LA ALTA 66 13. RELATIVE PERCENT OF PRINCIPAL VERTEBRATES REAL ALTO (Middle). 69 14. RELATIVE PERCENT OF PRINCIPAL VERTEBRATES REAL ALTO (Late). . 71 15. RELATIVE PERCENT OF PRINCIPAL VERTEBRATES OGSE-46D , 74 16 . DISTRIBUTION OF WEIGHTS OF CAPTURED FISHES OGSE-46D ...... 75 17. RELATIVE PERCENT OF PRINCIPAL VERTEBFxATES OGSE-46U 79 18. DISTRIBUTION OF VJEIGHTS OF CAPTURED FISHES OGSE-46U 80 19. AGRICULTURAL AND DEER HUNTING SEASONALITY 89 VI 1

PAGE 9

Abstract: of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirexnants for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy CHANGING MI^L\L UTILIZATION PATTERNS MD TliEIR IMPLICATIONS: SOUTHWEST ECUADOR (6500 B.C.-A.D. UOO) By Kathleen Mary Byrd August 1976 Chairperson: Elizabeth S. Wing Major Department: Anthropology The purpose of this study is to determine subsistence practices and related huraan behavioral patterns for Valdivia Phase (3000 B.C.1500 B.C.) inhabitants of southwest Ecuador. This goal is accom.plished by an analysis of vertebrate, faunal remains and the application of cultural, ecological research methods. A total of fifteen samples is considered, including three pre-Valdivia, eight Valdivia, and four postValdivia site-(6500 B.C.-A.D. 1400). For most of these sites faunal lists with minimum numbers of individuals, number of bone fragments and bone weights are included. In addition, biomass, edible meat, calories, and protein estimates are computed for the principal sites. Based on these analyses, questions concerning protein scarcity and protein acquisition, changes in protein exploitation and subsistence orientation, hunting and fishing methods, and human behavioral patterns for the various groups are considered. vxxi

PAGE 10

CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION VJhatever is one's theoretical viewpoint, few anthropologists today would argue against a particular stage in cultural development in which one or more cultural groups, shifted from a hunting-gathering sybsistence system to a sedentary one based on agriculture. This change in subsistence emphasis is an important shift because it laid the foundations for later cultural evolution. With the domestication of plants and an increasing reliance on cultigens, people become more sedentary, populations increased, more complex social, political, and economic systems developed and in some areas urban centers and civili-iations arose. In the NexsT World this initial shift from a hunting-gathering economy to a sedentary agricultural one is referred to as the Formative Stage. The exact definition of the Formative Stage and those traits that are most diagnostic of it are the subjects of some debate. Gordon R. V7illey and Philip Phillips (1958:144) stress the presence of maize and/ or manioc agriculture and "... the successful socioeconomic integration of such an agriculture into well-established sedentary village life" in their definition of the Formative. James A. Ford indicates several possible oversimplifications in Willey and Phillip's definition and offers a definition based more on certain artifact types. Ford (1969:5) views the Formative

PAGE 11

... as the 3000 years (or less in some regions) during whidi the elements of ceramics, ground stone tools, handmade figurines, and manioc and maize agriculture were being diffused and vjelded in the region extending from Peru to the eastern United States. vrnichever position is held, the salient points in each appear to be the incorporation of agriculture and sedentism and their related cultural characteristics into a new X'/ay of life. This new form sets the stage for subsequent cultural evolution. One of the earliest manifestations of the Formative Stage is the Valdivia Phase of coastal Ecuador. This phase has received considerable study in the last 25 years (Bischof and Gamboa 1972; Bushnell 1951; Estrada 1956 and 1961; Hill 1966; Lanning 1976a; Lathrap and Marcos 1975; Meggers, Evans, and Estrada 1965; Norton 1971; Paulsen 1971; Porras 1973; Stothert 1974; Zevallos Menendez 1970; Zevallos Menendez and Holm 1960). For the most part, these studies have addressed themselves to the establishment of the ceram.ic chronologies and they provide basic site information as well as development of hypotheses concerning the origins of the Formative of this region. Recently there has been a growing interest in obtaining evidence of agriculture from these sites. This line of research has met with some success (Zevallos Menendez 1970) even though most plant remains — and thus direct evidence of agriculture — are not wel]^ preserved in sites of this region. V.'ith few exceptions (Sarma 1974; Meggers, Evans, and Estrada 1965) little attention has been paid to the non-agricultural segment of subsistence. The relatively high survival rate of animal bone provides ample opportunities to study at least this aspect of the quest for food. Detailed analysis of food bone refuse can provide information not only on past dietary patterns, but also on the technology used to obtain the

PAGE 12

animals. I'Jhen bone analysis is coupled with human, ecological, research methods, additional information on subsistence related, human behavioral patterns may bo revealed. This study attempts to arrive at a better understanding of some Formative patterns through the analysis of the vertebrate remains associated with eight Early Formative (Valdivia) sites in Guayas Province, Ecuador. To understand subsistence patterns prior to the Early Formative, the vertebrate remains from three preValdivia sites are; analyzed. Post-Valdivia developments are indicated by the remains from four additional sites (Fig. 1). To achieve the aim of this study, i.e. to analyze the subsistence practices and related human behavioral patterns of the Formative Valdivia culture of the area, a modification of Julian II. Stevmrd's (1955) cultural ecological procedures is applied to the archaeological material. The natural environoient of the area and technology used to exploit the food resources are examined. Environments are not static, but are subject to change. Some environmental areas are relatively stable while others, due to their location at the. edge of two different and unstable climatic zones, are particularly susceptible to environmental fluctuation. In all areas changes in the climatic conditions can profoundly affect their animal populations. Therefore, before any real understanding of resource use v;ithin an area can be achieved, some attempt to reconstruct previous environmental conditions is necessary. Two lines of evidence can be used in attempting to deterraine the technology employed to obtain the animals. First, the artif actual remains themselves can be considered. Secondly, the animals found in the midden can be analyzed and, by using ecological and ethnological studies.

PAGE 14

tha hunting and fishing methods effective in catching these animals suggested. Coupling the environmental reconstruction v/ith an analysis of subsistence-i-elated technology indicates which of the available resources were used and how the people might have obtained them. Having reconstructed the enviornment and the subsistence technology of the culture, the second step of Steward's procedure can be attempted. In this step, the human behavioral patterns connected with particular technologies that are effective in catching certain animals are examined. One method of viewing this is by utilizing gaiue theory. Game theory studies on ethnographic populations (Davenport 1971; Gould 1972) have revealed people's attempt to maximize returns while minimizing the time, the energy, and the risk involved in obtaining them. On any given day the subsistence strategies adopted take into account the amount of time and energy that will be expended in attempting to achieve a certain economic goal. For example, will it take more tim.e and energy to track, kill, butcher, and carry back to camp a large mammal or \\/ill more of the desired food be obtained and less time and ensrge expended by spending the day fishing? Is the risk of not obtaining food greater if the person hunts or if he or she fishes? Will more proteins and calories be obtained by hunting or by fishing? The abundance, ease of capture and nutritional and energy values of the various resources v;ill determine which strategies or combination of strategies are most effective in obtaining the needed foods. Rodents might be abundant and by using traps they may be easy to capture, but they are small in size and provide little meat. Deer are less abundant, harder to capture, but for each successful hunt a greater volume of meat is obtained. Fish might be very abundant and easy to capture, but are

PAGE 15

relatively small, and when compared with mammals, have a low caloric and protp.in content. The strategy chosen by a people on a particular day takes these factors into consideration. Subsistence strategies are closely related to the hunan behavior patterns of a people. Some procurement techniques require relatively large numbers of people, while others are more successful if carried out individually. For example, in the South American tropical forest where species densities are low, the maximum terrestrial hunting returns for a population, as a whole, occur if the hunters, individually or in groups of two or three, exploit several different areas. Using this method the hunters maximize the possibilities that at least one of the areas hunted will provide some gams. In areas with large gregarious herds, as in the North American Great Plains, communal hunting provided maximum returns for the time and energy expended. In this region individual hunters could kill only a relatively few animals before the herd scattered. If, on the other hand, a communal drive and jump is practiced, a larger number of animals can be obtained. The same principle is applicable to fishing. Netting and poisoning of waters, in v/hich large densities of fishes occur, result in greater returns if a number of people cooperate in the operation. Hook and line fishing, because of the relatively low densities of carnivorous fishes, provides greater return if the fishermen distribute themselves individually or in small groups over a wider area. Tne third step in Steward's procedure involves determining the extent to which subsistence-related, human behavioral patterns effect other aspects of culture. There are many m.ethods of studying this

PAGE 16

relationship. One technique of reconstructing past cultural patterns is through ethnographic analogy. Ideally, by comparing archaeologically reconstructed exploitative patterns v/ith a series of well research ethnographic samples, it xjould be possible to suggest certain subsistencerelated, prehistoric cultural patterns. Unfortunately, good ecologicallyoriented ethnographic studies of the subsistence patterns of a large series of groups, relying on different subsistence bases, have yet to be undertaken. Until this is done, detailed correlations between certain susbistence patterns and other aspects of a culture cannot be attempted. Nevertheless, some generalizations can be made. A comparison of two groups of people — one which relies primarily on aquatic fish resources, and the other which depends on terrestrial forms for their animal protein, suggests some of these general correlations. Yolaiida Murphy and Robert F. Murphy (1974) have \Jorked among two groups of Mundurucu Indians in Brazil, one savanna dxvjellers and tlie other riverbank inhabitants. Both groups rely primarily on slash and hum agriculture for their caloric and carbohydrate needs. Although the Si^vanna group fish, most of their animal food comes from hunting. Both individual and communal hunting are practiced. Yields obtained by individual hunters vary and when a large anim.al is caught the ilundurucu share it with other families in the village. One of the central focuses of the savanna Mundurucu is the men's house and all its social roles, duties, and functions. Murphy and Murphy (1974:228) believe that "... the need for cooperation in hunting utilizes general human fears is shaping the institution of the men's house." The other Mundurucu group moved to the rivers primarily to exploit the rubber trees. Here they rely on aquatic protein resources.

PAGE 17

principally fishes. Tliese Mundurucu do not share animal protein. The very nature of fishing — the individuality of the activity, the ease of the catch, the time available and necessary, the size of the fish itself — all militate against collectivization of the catch. And, hunting, does little to promote broader social cohesion (Murphy and Murphy 1974: 190-191). If the presence of institutions like mens' houses are causally related to hunting conditions, i.e. low species density, high individual risk, and large animal size and rapid spoilage, then, all other factors being equal, groups living under these same conditions would be expected to have similar functionally related institutions. In addition, certain redistribution channels v;ould be anticipated. On the other hand, in groups experiencing none of these pressures, i.e. fishing groups, an institution of the men's house type would not be expected to occur, nor would the same form of redistribution channels appear. Elaborate and time consuming procurement or food production inechods also suggest certain social elements. Specialization requires an exchange of materials in v/hich the specialists are able to trade their goods for those that they are not able to obtain directly through their own efforts. This leads to the development of exchange systems and their social and cultural ramifications. In recent years, anthropologists have become concerned with various points that Steward did not treat, points that arc revelent to the present study (Vayda and Rappaport 1968). Particularly important among these is the ecological dimension of human populations. Human beings do not live separated from all other living things, but are an active component in the ecosystem and, as such, their very presence alters it. People both effect and are affected by changes in the ecology of an

PAGE 18

area. Tii subsistence-related terirs , cliraatic changes can radicaj-ly modify the types and abundances of food availability. Agricultural crops thji.t are grown on liiarginally product5.ve la\ids are particularly susceptibl?to unusual freezes, droughts, or floods. But hunting, fishing, and agricultural techniques also can alter an area. The plot clearing and periodic shifts in gardens practiced by slash and burn agriculturalists contribute to the inodif ication of the environment. The techniques involved in slash and burn agriculture result in increasing forest-edge conditions and therefore, species that prefer this type of habitat. At the same time, the area available for species that favor deep, undistrubed forests is decreaised. Fish poisoning of pcn.ls and activities such as fire drives are other examples of ecological modifications by human populations. Recent hutnan ecological studie'j (Harris lS65j Rappaporfc 1968) have supported Stevrard's basic assumption, i.e. that there exists a causal relationship bet^zeen basic subsistence strategies and other aspects of culture, A successful subsistence strategy is mandatory of a people are tc survive. The particular set of strategies adopted appear to be causal Ly related to other aspects of a culture. The repuiinder of this study applies these cultural, ecological ;-ethods of analysis to the vertebrate-related, subsistence strategies of the Valdivia Culture, and Early Forjative manifestation of coastal Ecuador. The study attempts to derive information on certain animalrelated, subsisten::e techniques and the corresponding humr.n behavioral patterns and to determine how and V7hy these techniques and patterns changed through time.

PAGE 19

CHAPTER II NUTRITIONAL NEEDS AND CALORIC REQUIREMENTS In an)' complete study of people and their relationship to their environment, simply listing the resources utilized does not provide an adequate description of the importance of th^ various foods in the diet. Wliethar a people relied primarily on cooperative net fishing or on solitary hunting or some combination of these strategies, the relative importance of the animals and of the methods adopted to obtain thera greatly effects subsistence-related, cultural manifestations. Therefore, in studying subsistence systems some idea of the relative quantity and quality of the various foods in the diet of the people, and of the strategies employed to acquire these foods, is needed. This necessitates consideration of both nutritional requirements and caloric needs. Without the right (in the nutritional sense) kinds of foods, a people V7l]l cease to function and die. Humans have learned, probably through trial and error, that the combinations of certain foods and the adoption of certain methods of obtaining such enabled them to be healthy and to reproduce. The foods eaten by a people and the methods or strategies adopted to obtain these foods differ greatly from area to area, but to remain healthy all populations must fulfill their basic nutritional needs. With respect to human growth and metabolism, food serves two basic purposes. It provides the structural material used in growth and maintenance of the body and it furnishes the energy that is needed in 10

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11 netabolism. The first of these is referred to as the quality of the food, i.e. the foods' chemical ingredients; the second as the quantity of the food, i.e. its energy content (Sebrell and Haggerty 1967). For proper groxjth and development certain elements and compounds must be available to an organism from its food supply. Humans need the organic compounds of carbohydrates, fats, proteins, and vitamins and certain inorgainc minerals. Carbohydrates, composed of the elements carbon, hydrogen, and oxygen, vary in complexity from simple three-carbon sugars to complex poljTtiers (Pike and Brown 1967). Carbohydrates are divided into simple compounds, the. monosaccharides and disaccharides of the sugars, and complex compounds, the polysaccharides of cellulose and starches (Arlin 1972). Since the human digestive system is only able to digest a limited amount of cellulose and most is passed out of the body largely unchanged, cellulose is largely unimportant in human nutrition. The polysaccharide plant starches provide the principal energy source for most human populations. So important, in fact, that peoples are often categorized according to their starch food, e.g. rice growers or maize horticulturalists (Arlin 1972). Lipids (or fats) are made up primarily of carbon and hydrogen. The triglycerides, compounds of glycerol and three fatty acids, are important in terms of nutrition. It is in these forms that energy is stored by animals and, to a lesser extent by plants (Arlin 1972). Certain lipids furnish an energy source for cells, others function as structural compounds, and still others as hormones (Pike and Brown 1967). Proteins are composed of the basic organic elements carbon, hydrogen, and oxygen, but in addition also contain nitrogen and sulfur.

PAGE 21

12 The basic structural units of proteins are the amino acids. The amino acids contain an amino group (-NII^) and an acid group and have side chains which are responsible for the various chemical properties of the acids (Arlin 1972). Although there are only about 20 amino acids, the combination of amino acids present in any particular compound, its position in the molecule, and the spatial arrangement of the molecules, result in thousands of different kinds of proteins (Pike and Jlrown 1967) . All foods contain some protein, but both the amount present and the proportion of the various amino acids vary from ona protein source to another. In human nutrition, protein foods are required in order for the body to obtain the amino acids necessary for its own protein synthesis which, in turn, is needed for growth and maintenance. Only when all the necessary amino acids are available will the synthesis of a particular protein occur. Tlie lack of one of the needed amino acids will result in the termination of the construction of that particular protein. The human body can manufacture most of the amino acids if enough nitrogen is present, but since the only available source of nitrogen is protein, protein is therefore a necessary food constituent. In addition, there are eight amino acids, the essential amino acids, that cannot be synthesized. These must be supplied in the diet if normal protein manufacture is to occur (Arlin 1972), Tlie other two classes of nutrients necessary for humans are vitamins and minerals. The human body requires vitamins in trace amounts for health and growth. Vitamins ?re all organic chemicals, but are otherwise unrelated. Some vitamins cannot be synthesized in adequate amounts by cells and must be ingested. Minerals, inorganic chemicals, arc also essential in small quantities for normal body development

PAGE 22

13 (Arlin 1972). Of the 16 essential mineral elements, calcium, phosphorus, sodium, iron and potassium are required in greatest quantities. In addition to furnishing the building material for the body, food also provides the energy that is needed in metabolism. This energy requirement is measured in kilogram calories (Kcals. or Cals . ) and is defined as the amount of heat required to elevate the temperature of one kilogram of water one degree centigrade. Wlien oxidized within the cell, one gram of protein provides four calories; one gram of carbohydrates four calories; and one gram of fat nine calories. In general, plants manufacture carbohydrates, store excess energy as starch, and rely on cellulose for structure. Animals store energy as fat, synthesize very little carbohydrates and often depend on a calcareous skeleton for support. They also require large amounts of protein in the form of muscles for locomotion (Arlin 1972). These muscles consist primarily of protein and fat with a high proportion of water. Meat also functions as a source of vitamins and minerals. With the exceptions of milk and liver, only plants provide carbohydrates. Animal sources of foods are usually high in fats since animals store their energy in this form. The actual amounts of fat vary according to the organism and its condition. Poultry, for example, provides less fat by weight than beef. Most species of fish are also relatively low in fats. Certain invertebrates, e.g. oysters, crabs, shrimp, clams, and lobster, are essentially fat-free. Fats occur in significant amounts in plant foods only in seeds, nuts and fruits (Arlin 1972). Protein occurs in all foods whatever their origins. Some protein foods, hoxvever, have a higher quality or biological value based on the efficiency in which their proteins are digested and absorbed, and the

PAGE 23

14 proportions in which the essential amino acids are present. Although animal protein is both more abundant per unit weight (e.g. per 100 grams) and has a higher quality or biological value than almost all plant protein, 30% of the world's protein comes from cereal grains and 40% from other plant sources. Since cereal grains are structured to provide a coniplete food source for the sprouting plants, they contain starch, protein, vitamins and minerals needed for growth of the plant. The primary purpose of tubers and roots, on the other hand, is to store energy and they do this in their starchy underground structures. This is an important distinction when comparing the relative value of these two food sources (e.g. wheat is about 12% protein, rice 8% and the potatoes and manioc contain only 2% or less (Arlin 1972). With respect to protein, nutritional needs can be met in three ways. First, a person can consume large amounts of food. This is the method adopted by many rice-eating peoples. By consuming up to one pound of raw rice per day a person can obtain 30 to 35 grams of protein. In addition, rice is fairly adequate with respect to amino acids. Maize, on the other hand, is so deficient in some essential amino acids that no matter what volume is consumed it alone can never furnish the protein necessary for human grox^th and maintenance. Most types of maize lack the vitamin niacin and the amino acids lysine and tryptophan (Arlin 1972). Another method for obtaining an adequate amount of protein and amino acids consists of adding a small amount of animal protein to the diet. A small amount of meat or fish added to rice, beans or corn will supplement the cereal protein to such a degree that "... it will adequately sustain an individual of small stature" (Arlin 1972:242).

PAGE 24

15 The third method that can be used to meet minimum p]"otein requirements involves the use of complementary vegetable proteins. For example, the amino acids in cereals and legumes supplement each other and together provide the essential amino acids needed. The presence of large populations in Latin America, who live principally on a corn-bean diet illustrates this third method. Although three alternative methods of obtaining adequate proteins are theoretically possible, not all of these methods are possible alternatives for a given people living in a particular setting. Environmental or ecological factors, com.bined with the level of technological developments, favor the utilization of certain methods and preclude others. In most cases, the most efficient way to fulfill nutritional needs is through a combination of carbohydrate-rich plant foods and protein-rich animal sources with both animals and certain plant parts providing the fats needed . Not all the nutritional and caloric parameters of a prehistoric diet can be quantified. Some dimensions are more amenable to this type of analysis than others. Methods are now being developed to ascertain the relative importance of plant and animal foods in the diet of prehistoric populations (Brown 1973). The analysis of trace elements in human bone provides the data base for this type of study. The techniques used in trace elem.ental analysis are still in the process of being refined and, unfortunately, could not be applied to the material from the sites considered in this study. Data from the animal remains from archaeological middens are more readily available for a quantitative approach. The presumed nutritional value of these remains can be viewed in two principal ways : the degree

PAGE 25

16 to which they furnish the necessary calories or energy units for human populations, and the degree to which they provide the required proteins. An energetic or caloric view of an ecosystem furnishes the opportunity to see the system as a whole. Since energy functions as a common denominator for all trophic levels, a caloric approach to an ecosystem provides an opportunity to view the net gains and losses for each element of the entire system and is ideal for studying all parameters of the food weh. This method has a wide range of application, including politics, economics, and religion (Oduin 1971). Energy, however, is difficult to measure. Even for a numerically small segment of the system — human populations-many difficulties arise in attempting to obtain adequate caloric measurements. In addition, for a complete ecosystemic study, information on all trophic levels is needed. This approach is not suitable v;hen remains from only one part of the food weh is available. It is important, however, not to lose sight of this energetic aspect of subsistence and its ramifications. Protein functions as one of the basic nutrients and as such can act as a limiting factor in population growth and culture development (Carneiro 1961; Gross 1975). Protein can be measured and is amenable to study based on zooarchaeological data. It, like the caloric approach, possesses some inherent drawbacks. Most studies on the importance of protein, have been carried out on United State populations under optimum conditions. The requiremen'is of prehistoric peoples conceivably could have bean different. Also, protein quality can deteriorate v;ith cooking, but the rate is not constant. Considerable error could be introduced if the zooarchaeological remains are viewed as raw, baked, or boiled meat. The protein approach in analysing archaeological food bone does

PAGE 26

17 furnish data on tha relative importance of various foods utilized to provide this basic nutrient. Wlien calories and protein values of animals are considered together, certain differences appear. In some cases certain animals will provide proportionately more protein, but fewer calories, than another group of animals. VJhen viewing archaeological food remains quantitatively, it should be remembered that calories and protein serve two, very different, functions in the body. Both are required.

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CHAPTER III METHODOLOGY Since protein is an essential nutritional requirement for growth and development, its consumption and the methods used to obtain it are an important human activity. Therefore, a study of protein foods utilized provides significant data about a culture. To study this aspect of Formative cultural manifestations in southwestern Ecuador, bone refuse from eight sites of the Valdivia Phase is considered (Fig. 1). Four of these sites are located on the Santa Elena Peninsula (OGSE-174, OGSE-62, OGSE-62C, OGSE-42) . Two other sites are situated farther north along the Valdivia River, one at its mouth (Valdivia) and the other about 15km upstream (Loma Alta) . The seventh site, which because of its two cultural divisions is considered as two sites, is east of the Santa Elena Peninsula and five km. upstream from Chanduy on the Rio Verde (Real Alto). All sites are located in Guayas Province, Ecuador. These eight sites form the data base for the following reconstruction. Seven additional sites are also treated here. These sites provide a longer time frame and are included to indicate changing exploitation patterns from pra-Valdivia through post-Valdivia times. Three of these sites are pre-Valdivia (OGSE-80, OGSE-38, OGSE-63) and four post-Valdlvia (OGSE-46D, 0GSF.-46U, 0GSE--41E, OGCn-20) . Three are located on the Santa Elena Peninsula, with the fourth being eastward along the Rio Verde. 18

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19 Tlie faunal bone samples from, most of these sites are small and, unless the field archaeologists indicated some anomaly, all the material from a site is treated as one unit. In txjo cases the excavations revealed heterogeneous distributions of artif actual materials. For this reason the Loma Alta sample is treated as two units, JII and JIII. The presence of wall-trenches, pits, and burials at P^eal Alto necessitated the analysis of this site in a number of discrete units. Certain types of error are inherent in any method of analysis used. Although many of these errors can be minimized by careful processing of the materials, som.e sources of error remain. A cognizance of these possible sources of inaccuracy is necessary to avoid misinterpretation. In zooarchaeological analysis, the error sources can be divided into four types: initial deposition practices, post-depositional and preexcavational factors, excavation techniques, and analytical inaccuracies. The way a people butchered their meat, cooked and served the food and disposed of the refuse all effect the bone remains found in the site. The practice of butchering in specialized areas or butchering large animals at the kill site and returning to camp only parts of the carcass, bias the sample. The location of the test pits in butchering areas can result in a very different faunal reconstruction than the analysis of other refuse materials. Food preparation techniques can also affect the bone remains. Long periods of roasting or boiling of entire carcasses or joints of meat can weaken the structure of the organic constituents of the bone and decrease its survival time (Chaplin 1971). Also dietary practices such as consuming small animals whole, e.g. sardines or anchovies, or the grinding of the bone into meal may eliminate material from analysis. The disposal of the bone after consumption can result in a further uneven distribution of the m.aterial. Large bones may have

PAGE 29

20 been eliminated from the refuse areas by their use as raw materials in the manufacture of utilitarian, ritual, or decorative objects. Secondly, even after deposition, the bones are still susceptible to destruction through the activity of rodents and carnivores and by weathering factors and soil conditions. The overall effect of these various factors and conditions vary from modifying the faunal composition of the sample radically to causing very little change in the midden bones. The third source of error, a controllable one, concerns the recovery techniques. All too often excavators keep only certain bones or, if they use a screen, use one with so large a mesh size that it results in the loss of many otherv^ise recoverable bones. These small, seemingly insignificant bones often supply very detailed climatic information, and through analysis of habit and habitat of the species represented, may provide informative data on procurement patterns and practices. Finally, once back in the lab the level of identification depends on the comparative material available for consultation. Especially in areas where the taxonomy of the animals concerned has not been fully refined, this level of analysis can result in inaccurate identification. Without adequate comparative materials many otherwise identifiable bones can only be assigned to relatively high taxons, such as orders or families. This is unfortunate, since identification to species level for animals whose habits and habitats are well knov/n can provide detailed information on various aspects of a people's exploitative methods . In addition to identification, the analytical methods used can result in erroneous reconstructions. Especially susceptible to error are the methods used to determine the relative numbers and importance of the species represented in the sample. Three methods are v/idely used

PAGE 30

21 in the detemination of the relative numbers of species and their importance in the diet (Chaplin 1971) ; the minimum number of individuals (MNI) method, the fragment method, and the wei;jht method. All three methods contain some inherent problems, but, for a num.ber of reasons, the MNI method is used here (Appendix A). This method simply tabulates for each total sample the most often recurring bone of a species, i.e. four, distal, right humerii . of deer represent four deer. Nevertheless, the number of fragments and the weights represented by the various species in all the samples, except Valdivia, are tabulated in the Appendix. These are included to provide the data needed for those wishing to use a different method. The bone from the Valdivia site is mineralized and for this reason was not weighed. Once the IWl is determined, the biomass, the total live weight represented by each species, genus, family or order, is calculated for each of the seven principal sites (Appendix B) . Samples from the other sites x^7ere either too small or the nature of the samples such that biomass estimates ^^/ould be misleading. Several methods have been developed to estimate the size of animals represented by the archaeological remains (White 1953; Reed 1963; Casteel 1974; Smith 1975; Wing 1976a). Eacli method has its limitations (Wing 1976a), but because Casteel's method appears to be the most accurate for the types of animals considered here it was used. Casteel's method is based on the relationship betvjeen skeletal weight or certain bone measurements of an animal to the animal's live weight. By weighing the skeletons of a series of animals of known live weight or measuring a certain skeletal element, it became possible to generate least square refrression curves. These curves utilize the formula

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22 log y = ra(log x) +b v/here: y=live weight m=slope of the line x=skeletal weight b=y-intercept of the loglog plot and indicate the reliability or the correlation coefficient (r) of the estimate. To generate the formulae employed in this study, live weights and skeletal weights from specimens at the Florida State Museuia were used. Least square regression curves were computed using skeletal x<7eight and live v;eights for mammals, birds, turtles, catfish, and perciform fishes and on cervical centrum width on the perciform fishes and the largest centrvira v/idth on the sharks and snakes. These formulas are listed in Appendix C. It should be noted that the number of specimens used in the calculations of these curves in some cases are very small. For this reason considerable error could be introduced into the live weight estimates. Because of the variability in the types of zooarchaeological remains it was necessary to use different methods to arrive at live weight estimates for different animals. The first method, the one that is probably most accurate, uses the centrum width measurement and the relevant formula (in Appendix C) to estimate live weight for the animal concerned . The second method is somev;hat more complex due to the fact that all the comparative specimens do not have accurate live weight data. In order to arrive at the live weight estimates a series of comparative skeletons of the species to be estim.ated I'jere weighed. The live weights for these comparative t^keletons v:ere calculated using the formulae

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2.3 (Appendix C) . The archaeological bone was then compared vrith the comparative skeletal series to determine which specimen it most resembled in size. The live weight estimate, computed for the comparative specimen closest to the archaeological bone in size, was used as an estimate for the archaeological bone as well. In some cases the archaeological bone fell, in size, halfv/ay bet^/een the tvzo comparative specimens. In these cases the average, estimated, live weight of the two specimens was used for the estimated live vjeight of the archaeological bone. A third ifiethod for estimating live weight was used in certain cases where a series of comparative specimens were not available. In these instances a proporation was set up relating some particular measurement to skeletal weight for a comparative specimen and the archaeological bone. By this method the skeletal weight of the archaeological material could be estimated. This calculated, skeletal weight was then used in the relevant skeletal weight to live weight formula and the live v;eight estimated. In a very few instances no measurable elements xjere present in the archaeological sample and another method for estimating live weight had to be used. This fourth method used the bone weight of the archaeological material to represent the skeletal weight of the animal and employed the formula for that class of animal. These estimates resulted in very low estimates and are probably only slightly better than no estimates at all. In several cases none of the above methods could be used. For these animals, an estimate of average live weight from biological stuides, was used. Tlie above m.ethods were employed to determine the live weights for the sites discussed in this study. Another method for estimating live

PAGE 33

24 weight was also attempted. This last method used the archaeological bone weight as skeletal weight and calculated live weight using the relevant formulae. This was done to determine if the live weights estimated by this means differed significantly from the more complicated and time consuming method used in this study. The results of this comparison are included in Table 1. As can be seen, when the live weight are calculated by these two methods very different estimates are obtained. The different values resulting from the two methods and magnitude of their inaccuracies should be remembered when considering the estimates in Chapter 5. For this study the first method is used for the principal calculations. The live weight or biomass estimates provide the basis for subsequent calculations. For seven sites where biomass calculations were taken, bar graphs illustrate the relative importance in terms of IKI and biomass of the various species from the sites. Edible meat x/eights were also computed from the biomass figures. Data on file at the Florida State Museum vera utilized for these percentage of edible meat estimates. Tn?. entire animals, except the bones, was considered edible for all the species with the exception of mammals. The weight of skin, in addition to the bone of the mamjaals, is assumed to be inedible and, as such, was subtracted from the calculated live xveight to determine the edible portion. Percentages used in these edible meat calculations appear in Appendix D. Having, in this manner, determined the edible meat weight, the calories and protein values of the foods were computed based on the figures published by Watt and Merrill (1975) and Leung (1961) (Appendix E) . Wien viewing the resulting charts and graphs certain points should be considered. The number of the individuals (:L\'I) of each species indicate the abundances of that species. Large animals may provide considerable food, but unless portions are distributed among members of

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25 TABLE 1 COMPARISON OF METHODS USED IN ESTIMATING LIVE WEIGHT Method I (used in this study) Marnmals Calc. live wt. % Fishes Calc. live wt. % OGSE-80 OGSE-63 OGSE-45D 52494 61 129055 95 8324 15 33813 6530 47005 39 5 85 Method II (live v;eight calc. from bone V7t.) Mammals bone Calc. wt. live wt. % Fishes bone Calc. wt. live wt. % OGSE-80 OGSE-63 0GSE-46D 256,00 425.24 28.35 4417 7387 475 r 82 90 49 . 75 38.38 344.03 979 800 8850 18 10 95 Formulas used in Method II Mammals Log (live wt.) = 1.0133 (log bone v;t.) + 1.2049 Fishes Log (live wt.) = 0.7775 (log bone wt.) + 1.6717

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26 the community or some type of preservation is attempted, the meat not consumed will spoil. Smaller animals often supply a more reliable flow of food than the occasional large kill. Biomass indicates, in overall terms, the relative importance of a particular species in the diet. Viewing minimum numbers of individual and biomass estimates together, provides a more balanced picture of the day-to-day exploitation of animal protein foods. Live x^eight or biomass estimates do not necessarily indicate the real value of a food source. Certain animals have a relatively high biomass figure, but actually contain little edible meat, e. g. turtles. The edible meat weight, although balanced by the fact that it introduces yet another estimate, is still a better indication of the actual food consumed. Assuming the estimates are accurate and that all the potentially edible parts were actually eaten, nutritional com.pilation3 , based on edible m.eat weights, suggest how efficient a particular food was in fulfilling basic protein and caloric requirements. A close consideration of the sizes of the animals, their feeding habits, and the habitats they occupy, provide information on exploitation patterns and procurement techniques. The methods of identification and quantified described above furnish the bases for subsistence reconstruction of the sites considered below.

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CIIAPTER IV CILANGING CLII4ATE AND THE ECOLOGICAL SETTING Human populations do not live in a vacuum and, as many researchers have pointed out, in order to arriize at an adequate understanding of a people's culture it is necessary to view a society in its ecological setting (Vayda and Rappaport 1968) . This is particularly important if the research centers around the causal relationships or interrelationships between subsistence activities and the other aspects of culture. Without an appreciation of the resource availabilities, densities, and ecological patterns, subsistence strategies may appear incomprehensible. In ethnological studies an analysis of the area, with respect to resource availabilities and densities, seasonal abundances, productivity, and the nutritional value of the various foods, can provide the needed information to investigate the subsistence patterns. In archaeological research the problem is not as easily resolved. In some instances data exist which indicate that in the past the area of concern exhibited a different faunal and, probably, floral composition tVian is present today. The Santa Elena Peninsula is one such example. The Santa Elena Peninsula Today the Santa Elena Peninsula area is characterized by semiarid steppes with the extreme western part of the peninsula being an arid desert (Trev/artha 1962; Sheppard 1930). Further north and east, tropical wet and dry savannas occur (Trewartha 1962). The vegetation is classified as xerophytic (Acosta-Solis 1970; Svenson 1946). Annual grasses 27

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28 thinly cover the sandy soil of the area and small groves of dwarf trees and rounded shrubs are present along the arroyos (Svenson 19A6) . The average temperature at Ancon, on the peninsula, is 23.9°C with a high in March of 26.9°C and a low in August of 21.4°C (Acosta-Solis 1970). The average rainfall is 325 mm, with 97% of the precipitation occurring from January through April with March a particularly wet month (AcostaSolis 1970). The other months are virtually rainless. These combinations of conditions result in a cold, rainless, foggy season (May through December) and a v;arm, rainy season (January through April). The relative positions of the equatorial counter-current and the Peruvian, or Ilumbolt, current appear responsible for these seasonal conditions. The currents and their related winds also account for the west to east change from colder, drier coastal climates to the vjarmer, wetter area inland. The Peruvian current originates in the South Pacific and flows north along the Chilean and Peruvian coasts. The main current veers west and away from the continent at about 5°S latitude, although one branch extends northward almost to the equator (Trewartha 1962; Schott 1932). The current experiences an offshore movement v;hich is compensated by upwelling of colder waters from a greater depth (Trewartha 1952). This cold upxsrelled water appears to be one of the factors responsible for the arid conditions, the relatively low air temperature, and the fog or "garua" of the coast (Trewartha 1962). The northern equatorial counter-current and the small El Nino current are "... genuinely tropical in origin and have a much lower salt content and much higher temperature... than those from the south" (Trewartha 1962:24). This northern current extends in diminishin,':' force

PAGE 38

29 to 6°S latitude, but generally heads x^est near the equator. Along the Santa Elena Peninsula, its main force is felt from January through April and brings with it the vjarmer temperatures, increasing rainfall and storms of the rainy season (Acosta-Solis 1970; Schott 1932). Periodically the equatorial counter-current extends southward as far as Callao, Peru, dislocating the cooler Peruvian current. This results in tox"rential rains and massive flooding and erosion in the norm.ally desert coastal Peru area (Murphy 1926). These rare occurrences seem to be due to the displacement of the "... equatorial convergence zones, together with its disturbances well to the south of its usual position to the north of the equator" (Trex-7artha 1962:32). These periodic shifts in currents appear also to have been important factors during prehistoric times. Evide nce of Clima t ic Change Although the climatic history of South America is known in broad terms, information on more restricted locales is not alwaj's as readily available. In certain areas, hov/ever, information on past climatic conditions can be obtained. Reconstruction of the Recent climatic conditions for the Santa Elena Peninsula and the ecological settings of the area is possible, based on studies of an ocean core sample (Hough 1953) and archaeological research (Lanning 1967). Akkaraju V. N. Sarma (1974) has attempted such a reconstruction. He bases his analysis on the relative percentage of "wet" or pluvial indications, i.e. mollusks v;ho inhabit mangrove habitats which require alluvium from active rivers to grow, to the percentage of inter tidal species which he believes "... ^^7ere used for foodstuffs more frequently w-hcn the mangrove mollusks v;ere absent" (Sarma 1974:129). He further

PAGE 39

30 correlates his findings with paleoecological evidence from other areas of South America. He concludes Therefore, by analyzing the distribution of pluvial indicators, as opposed to dry-habitat indicators in shell-midden contents, the broad outlines of the climatic records vjere obtained. Tliese pluvial periods seem to have occurred during the following periods: Vegas (6500-5000 B.C.); Valdivia (2650-1800 B.C. and 1700-1600 B.C.); Engoroy Guangala (1850 B.C. (850? B.C.) A.D. 50)... VThen all the breaks in the seriations of the Peninsula are compared with climatic evidences, it is strongly suggested that periods when the Peninsula showed no archaeological records at all were periods of aridity. The reason seems to be that the availability of water v/as a critical factor and dtiring arid phases people migrated to better and more hospitable regions (Sarma 1974:129-130). Sarma assumes that the relative amounts of shells in the sites reflect their abundance in the area. Although this might have been the case, Sarma' s reconstruction fails to take into account possible changing resource utilization patterns or food taboos. Allison C. Paulsen uses Sarma' s climatic shift model to explain obvious gaps in the ceramic chronology and changes in the Santa Ele-aa Peninsula settlement pattern during the period from 500 B.C. to contact (Paulsen 1971). Although Sarma' s and Paulsen's data appear mutually supportive, a more detailed review of an ocean core saiaple and zooarchaeological anal^-sis discussed in this study suggests a somewhat different model of climatic change. The reconstruction represented here includes information gained from an ocean core sample analyzed by Jack L. Hough (1953). The core saraple V7as taken at 8°56.2' latitude and 29°05.2'W longitude, an area roughly due vzest of Chirabote, Peru. This core contained material dating back to 990,000 years ago, but of interest here is the segment dating from about 11,000 to the present. Analysis of this sample showed the

PAGE 40

31 presence of globigerina ooze, \7hich according to Hough (1953) indicates warnier waters tlian the area exhibits today. In addition, there are medium, dark brown, strata characteristic of conditions not much different than those at present and a dark brown zone composed of clays which were deposited during colder times. The core signifies vjarmer periods at about 7000 to 5000 years ago (5000 to 3000 B.C.) and during two shorter intervals, one at around 1900 years ago (A.D. 50) and the other at 100 (A.D. 850). These zones of ooze indicate that the northern tropical currents shifted radically southward at least as far as 9°S latitude with a corresponding dislocation of the Peruvian current. The Santa Elena Peninsula then assumed a more tropical configuration due to the southward movement of the equatorial currents during these times. Tv70 areas of dark brovm strata, suggesting colder conditions, are present in the segment of the core of interest here. One colder cycle appears at about 3200 years ago (1250 B.C.) and another 2800 years ago (850 B.C.). These periods represent a northward shift in the position of the convergence of the two currents. Whether this shift extended far enough north to directly effect the Santa Elena Peninsula is unknown, but if it did, a colder an.d dryer climate v;ould be expected. VJhen the core sample is correlated with animal habitat information and human subsistence and settlement data the following reconstruction results (Fig. 2) . C limatic Change and Prehistoric Occupation of the Santa Elena Peninsula 6500 B.C. -5000 B.C. Vegas Occupation The earliest faunal remains considered in this study were left by the people defined in the Vegas Complex. This preceramic group exploited

PAGE 41

32 Figure 2 CLIl^lATE CIIAI'IGE: SANTA ELENA PEI^INSULA Dates Core

PAGE 42

33 the mangroves and coastal waters and also the savannas and forests of the area as the faunal remains from sites of this period testify. As Sarma (1974) points out, Che presence of mangrove-specific mollusks indicates a moister environment during Vegas time than today. Water must have flowed nearly year round to provide the alluvium needed for the growth of the mangrove swamps (West 1956) . Data from the core sample suggest a relative cool climate during this period. Although cool, the area was warmer and wetter than it is today.' Mangrove forests extended along the coast and savannas probably covered the inland areas. Tlie river valleys and other areas might have supported some forest growth. 5000 B.C. -3 000 B.C. Uninhabited Although an extensive survey was conducted on the Santa Elena Peninsula (Lanning 19G7) , no evidence of occupation of the locale had been found during this period. Sarma (1974) believes that this abandonment of the peninsula was due to increasingly arid conditions. Hough's (1953) ocean core sample, however, suggests that this period was a time of increasing warmth, probably resulting from a southward shift of the equatorial counter-current during this period. If this were the case, the Santa Elena Peninsula would have experienced increased rainfall iivstead of arid conditions and probably would have resembled parts of the present humid tropical forest of Colimibia, Studies of human subsistence in tropical rain forests suggest that for foragers and horticulturalists the quest for meat (i.e. protein) is of primary concern (Carneiro 1961; Gross 1975; Lathrap 1973; Holmberg 1969). In the tropical rain forests, species densities are low and, with the exception of a few terrestrial animals, most inhabit the high

PAGE 43

34 forest canopy and are, therefore, hard to obtain. Only along major rivers, rich in aquatic protein resourcas, did large concentrations of people occur (Meggers 1971). On the interfluvial areas and along rivers with ]o\;7 nutrient levels only small population aggregates V7ere supported. Gross (1975) has suggested that this is due to the very low carrying capacity of these areas with respect to protein sources. Due to this, many agriculturally productive, but protein-poor areas, experience low population densities. The Vegas people, faced with the encroachment of the tropical forest, presumably also experienced the pressures of protein scarcity. Presented v/ith this problem, the Vegas people had three alternatives: (i) they could leave the area; (2) they could try to get along on decreasing amounts of protein by radically reducing their numbers and extending their range; or, (3) they could move to the rivers and shores to attempt to exploit the aquatic protein sources there. The rivers of the western /jndean coast support relatively few, riverine, fish species (Eigenmann 1921) . The coastal area experiences a gi-eater range a.nd abundance of fishes or sea food, but the Vegas groups did not appear to have a technology adequate to exploit these marine resources to their fullest extent. They seem to have adopted the first alternative and left the area. 3000 B.C.irjQO B.C. Achallan and Valdivia Occupation Between 3000 B.C. and 1600 B.C. the Santa Elena Peninsula was once again inhabited. Early members of this migration brought V7ith them the Achallan Cultural Complex (Stothert 1974). Another v/ave of people, entering the area at the same time or a little later than the Achallans, was the Valdivians. This latter group is reputed to have introduced

PAGE 44

35 agriculture Into the general area (Lathrap 19 75). These new people exploited many of the same habitats that the Vegas groups had found productive. Both the faunal remains and the ocean core sample characterize a climatic shift back to the mangrove v/ooded coast and probably the inland savannas and forest of the Vegas period. 1600 B.C. -1000 B.C. Uninh abited Based on the lack of archaeological evidence, this period is believed to represent another time of abandoninent of the Santa Elena Peninsula (Sarma 1974) . Tlia ocean core indicates much colder -waters around 1250 B.C., presumably resulting from the northward shift of the Peruvian current. The movement of this cold southern current into the peninsula area could have brought about colder, drier conditions. The increasing aridity rendered agricultural and hunting subsistence methods Increasingly inefficient, and evidently lead to the abandonment of the area . 1000 B.C. -850 B.C. Machalilla Occupation Sarma (1974:117) suggests that the Machalilla "... occupation of the peninsula took place in an arid time and was brief." Vrnen correlated I'/ith the core sample this cultural manifestation does fall bet\'7een two, short, cold periods giving some support to Sarma' s position. It should be noted, however, that the area vras sufficiently moist to support mangroves (Sarma 1974). 850 B. C. -550 B.C. Uninhabited Sarma interprets no break in occupation during this time. Tlie core sample, hoi'ever, reflects another cold period around 850 B.C.,

PAGE 45

36 vjhich was probably of approximately the saiae intensity as the 1230 B.C. episode. The Santa Elena Peninsula v/as abandoned during the former dry period, and, although not conclusive in itself, a gap in Sarraa' radioca7."bon dates support this as a possible third period of abandonnant. Paulsen also notes a gap of around 200 years in the ceramic occupation of the Santa Elena Peninsula between the Machalilla and Engoroj' times, but she dates this break at 1100 B.C. -900 B.C. (Paulsen 1971). 550 B.C.-A.D. 800 Engoroy and Guangala Occupations Both Sarma (1974) and Paulsen (1971) see a continuous occupation of the peninsula during this 1350 year span. Again during this period Eiangrove species are found in the rjiddens. The presence of a fox (Pus i cy on cf . sechurae) fro.:n a midden of the early part of this span (l.ugoroy) suggests that dry savannas or semi-deserts could have existed inland. Information on the terrestrial vertebrates of the later Guangala period is not available. The only site analyzed from this time period contained no terrestrial forms of food value. For this general time range Hough's core sample indicates both a cool period formerly correlated on the Santa Elena Peninsula with savannas and a vrarmer span presumably sim.ilar to, but of shorter duration than the 5000 B.C. -3000 B.C. episode. This vzarmer period would have occurred around A.D. 100. This should have resulted in a return of forest conditons. Neither Sarma nor Paulsen note any human displacement at this stage. Paulsen does indicate a move of people during Guangala Period VI times. At A.D. 600 this resulted in the abandonment of the inland sites located near man-made catch basins and the m.ovement of the populations to the shore areas (Paulsen 197.1).

PAGE 46

37 iVij indicated in the Pacific core saiuple, increasingly warmer conditions were felt again around A.D. 800, Possibly the encroaching hunid tropical forest, which X'/ould he experienced iu the more northerly Santa Elena Peninsula area earlier than A.D. 800, could have resulted, as in the case of other tropical forest areas, in more competition over the increasingly scarse protein foods. This pressure might explain the initial movement of the Guangala people from the now protein-poor basin areas to the more protein-rich shore. This may also account for the ultimate Guangala abandonment of the peninsula. A.D, 800-A.D. 1000 Uninhabited Contrary to Sarma's reconstruction. Hough's analysis of the Pacific core sample indicates that in this area the equatorial counter-current had again shifted south during this period, bringing with it a return of \7arm, moist conditions. Tropical forest vegetation presuiaably once more covered the Santa Elena Peninsula and during this period the Guangala people appear to have abandoned the peninsula. A.D. 1000-A.D. 1400 Liberta d Occupation During this time period the Santa Elena Peninsula again supported a huiTian population, this time members of the Libertad Culture. Although cooler than the preceeding 200 years, the areas was still moist enough to support mangrove stands. The only vertebrate, zooarchaeological collection available contained no terrestrial species that could provide climatic indications . Based on the evidence of a preceeding moist climate and the subsequent semi-arid and arid conditions extant today, presumably the Santa Elena Peni-asula was passing through a transitional savanna stage.

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38 Su mmary As Hough's (1953) core sample indicates, the Santa Elena Peninsula V7as apparently subjected to periods of high aridity resulting in semi-desert coriditons cind to episodes of increasing v/armth and moisture leading to the development of humid, tropical forests. Tiie archaeological evidence suggests that both climatic extremes generally resulted in the abandonraent of the area. Without substantial changes in the technological exploitation base and the related modification in certain cultural institutions, the various peoples were unable to adequately utilize the area's available resources. In addition to the radical climate changes described above, the Santa Elena Peninsula, during its 7500 year's of sporadic human settlement, undoubtedly experienced both seasonal and, at irregular yearly intervals, minor climatic fluctuations as it does today. Tliese v^.'ould result from relatively slight shifts in the positions of the ocean currents. The overall effect of these minor episodes on the prehistoric peoples need not have been great. Although the Santa Elena Peninsula furnishes the main focus for the reconstruction above, the focus of interest in this study encompasses a somevhat larger region. Areas a little further north would be affected slightly earlier by any southward movement of the currents and later by the northward displacement. Inland areas, both to the north and east, vould be slightly less influenced by either shifts, a result of their positions relative to the currents and coastal winds.

PAGE 48

CHAPTER V FAIRIAL ANALYSIS AKD RECONSTRUCTION The previous chapters presented the theoretical fraiQework and methodology for this study. This section concerns the identification and analysis of the faunal material from the various sites. It is an attempt to arrive at an understanding of past subsistence patterns and exploitation techniques. The following chapter sunmarizes these findings for the cultural phases and identifies the subsistence-related, human behavioral patterns practiced by the various populations. For ease of presentation, the archaeological sites are divided into three main groups, pre-Valdivia, Valdivia, and post-Valdivia. '.Che Valdivia section is further divided into coastal and ixiland sites. For each of the groups considered in this study, some general remarks on the cultures as a vzhole, and particularly on other subsistence aspects of the people, are included. Each site is then considered. Appendix A contains the detailed info5m?tion on species present and their MNI , their number of fragments, and their bone weights. Appendix B tabulates the biomass , edible meat, calorics and proteins estimated for certain of the sites. The text of this chapter provides summary observations on the species present and their relative importance in fulfilling the people's nutritional needs. This suggests thfvalue of the various vertebrate resources in the diet of the people. Next, the technology used to obtain the food resources are examined. VHiere available, artif actual evidence, i.e. projectile 39

PAGE 49

40 pol-ai.s, fishhooks, etc., is considered, but the discussion of exploitattion techniques largely depends on the habits and habitats of the principal ppecies present. Information on the relative importance of the various aniraalf. and on their habits and habitat preferences provide the basis for observation of possible subsistence-related, human behavioral patterns . Pre-Valdivia Materials from three sites on the Santa Elena Peninsula provide the data for the pre-Valdivia group. 'I\jo of these sites exhibit Vegas affiliations v/hile one has been assigned to the newly defined Achallan Complex (Stothert 1974). V e g as Complex The preceramic, Vegas Complex represents some of the earliest archaeological material yet discovered on the Santa Elena Peninsula. Dated at between 6500 B.C. and 5000 B.C., this cultural manifestation consists primarily of shell middens located along the v/estern section of the peninsula (Stothert 1974). Excavators have uncovered several types of stone tools from Vegas period middens including sideand end-scrapers, flake knives, gravers, denticulates and spokeshaves ('/Jilley 1971). Keav>duty choppers, grindstones, and ham_merstone3 also have been found (Stotheri: 1974). No bifaces or stone projectile points have as yet been uncovered. In his summary of the Vegas Complex, Gordon R. Willey states that . . . the shoreline sites are shell middens v;hich offer our only direct evidence of marine subsiste.nceand Lanning suggests that the former midden d\7ellers might have followed a seasonal round of './inter

PAGE 50

41 shellfishing at the beach and summer plant gathering and fishing along the streams (Willey 1971:262). As is seen below, this does not appear to be entirely the case. From the faunal sample from the two Vegas sites analyzed, both sea turtle and itiarine fishes V7ere identified in considerable numbers. Although these samples provide no evidence to either support or refute seasonal occupiition of the Vegas sites, a seasonal shift in subsistence emphasis is common for many largely hunting and gathering peoples. It should be noted, however, that today and presumably for some time in the pasr, the western slopes of the Andes and the coastal strip have been characterized by a relatively impoverished, freshwater, fish fauna (Eigenjaann 1921). Also certain climatic factors characteristic of the area cause periodic desiccation of the Santa Elena Peninsula. This results in the destruction of the meager, freshwater, fish fauna. It is interesting to note that, with the exception of two, freshwater catfish, no freshwater forms were found in any of the middens considered in this study. Although this could simply reflect cultural selection of m.arine forms, it might liidicate the exceptionally loxj densities of freshxN/ater fish populations and, therefore, little or no advantage in fishing the freshwater streams. OG HE-80 The remains from OGSE-80 represent the largest, pre-Valdivia, bone sample available for analysis. It is, therefore, particularly important. OGSE-80 is located about 3.5 km from the sea and is a shell midden site v;ith a Vegas occupation overlaid by a shallow Valdivia deposit. Three different types of burials were found in the midden. Karen Stothert, the excavator of the site, believed two of these were of Vegas affiliation. The third she identified as possibly an intrusive Valdivian burial type.

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42 ZHHBiiLl^iliiEi' I'hio Vegas midden contained the bones of a wide varict).of vertebrates, including humans. The human remains show no indications of cannibalism. The human bones were scattered in the midden, a pattern characterisitic of food refuse, but it is reasoned that, since the midden functioned as a burial area, these human bones could well represent burials that were dislodged by later interments. Tor these reasons, the human bones are not viewed as food remains and have been deleted from consideration. The only other evidence of the use of vertebrates for other than or in addition to food purposes was the presence and location of a large number of fox teeth (Stothert 1974). The teeth were included in a burial as grave goods. Other vertebrate remains found at the site presumably represent Vegas food items. In terms of numbers of individuals, rodents are the most abundant mammal collected for food. This large number of rodent remains is surprising due to the nearly total lack of these animals in other midden samples considered in this study. The rodents from OGSE-SO are a small, rat-like animal and, although numerous contributed relatively little meat to the aboriginal diet if they were in fact used as food and not merely incidental to the site. The fox remains constituted both more individuals and more meat than the rodents, but not all the remains of the fox can be assumed to be food refuse. Stothert, while excavating the Vegas type III burials no;:6c three, conical, piles of fox teeth distributed around one human skeleton. Analysis of fox teeth from the total OGSE-80 sample and the calculation of the minimum number of individuals (MNI) they represent indicates that the excavated portion of this site contained the remains from at least 27 foxes. Ifnen the MNI is calculated on skeletal parts.

PAGE 52

43 other than teeth, at leaat four individuals are represented. The lElI of four undoubtedly represents a more reliable estimate of the importance of fox as a food source at this site. For this reason siibsequent calculations of the dietary importance of the fox is based on a 14NI of four. Although less numerous than either rodents or foxes, the deer provided by far more edible meat (41%) than any other vertebrate source. The size of the deer bones are rather small and are probably from the relatively small, brocket deer ( Mazaaa ) . Other mammals found in the midden that are both less nuraerous and presumably of less nutritional importance include rabbit, weasel, and an unidentified fox-like mammal. These animals functioned as additional meat sources for the Vegas inhabitants . Although mairjuals represented the most important vertebrate food (c. 59% of the edible meat), fish also contributed considerable meat to the diet (40%). Catfish and drum were particularly abundant, although the less common shark, snook, jack, and tuna actually supplied more meat providing more proteins and calories. Additional fish sources were ray, snapper, grouper, and mullet. The Vegas material contained several other vertebrates Including frog, snake, sea turtle, and parrot. These remains represent a minor food component of the diet. Figure 3 suiranarizes the IDII , biomass, edible meat, calories, and protein estimates for this site. Reconstruc ted hu nting and fishing patterns . Although there exists little artifactual evidence of stone or bone hunting and/or fishing cqui.pment, soma observations on procurement techniques can be made using the principal faunal remains themselves. The Vegas people apparently hunted fox for two principal reasons, for food and for the teeth that were

PAGE 53

/f4 CO m I—

PAGE 54

45 CN Z . o -Q -Q o —r— O CVJ O E o IO CO Q Z) h< O ^ X o o 00 LiJ CD O 4usDjaj

PAGE 55

46 interred with ona of the burials at the site. This suggests Gonie type of specialized hunting or at least the retention of the teeth of this animal. The emphasis on fox hunting becomes particularly apparent when the OGSE-30 remains are compared with those from other sites \;here fox bones are uncommon or absent. No direct evidence exists to indicate hoxv the Vegas people obtained either these foxes or the single deer found at the site. Several possible nethods could have been effective in capturing these animals. These methods include the use of soma type of projectiles or traps of either the snare or death fall types. The rodents are basically nocturnal animals and forage from the late afternoon to early morning. This time span generally represents a period of low hunting activity by the human predators. The rodents are also of relatively small size (about 80 grams live v;eight) , and, as such, direct hunting methods, e.g. single stalking of the animals, would result in little return for the energy expended. Trapping would probably represent the most productive method for obtaining these sm.all, nocturnal animals. They might have been attracted to the rubbish around the camp and trapped there. Most of the fishes found in the midden are indiscriminate carnivores and readily take a baited hook. This method could have been utilized to catch them. The mullet, a fish that cannot be easily caught with a baited hook, must have been taken by another method, possible by spearing or hand-catching or, as the so'.ithem United States blacks do, by wrapping filamentous algae around hooks (Wing 197f>b) . Although some of the fishes are fairly large, about 9500 grams, most are smaller, under 700 grams, with the majority in the 100 to 200 grans range (Fig. 4).

PAGE 56

47 No evidence, such as large nmTibers of herds of terrestrial animals or schooling fish species, which might indicate that the people practiced cooperative hurting and/or fishing was found in the sample. In fact, the fish remains suggest that cooperative fishing was not practiced. Fisherman working singly or in small groups probably v/ere the most efficient vzay of obtaining the fishes represented in the midden. OGSS-3 8 The shell midden OGSE-38 is the other Vegas Complex site considered iu this study. Like OGSE-80, this site is located on the Santa Elena Peninsula, It is situated, however, nearer to the shoreline. Originally it was expected that this site would dem.onstrate either close similarities x/ith OGSE-80, indicating a general subsistence exploitation pattern despite slight differences in ecological setting for Vegas sites, or a different resource focus suggestive of a modification of subsistence base to take advantage of the more readily available resources. Unfortunately, the small size of the OGSS-33 sample m.akes it impossible to test either hypothesis . F aunal remains . The small sample from OGSE-38 does indicate that these Vegas people utilized many of the same resources as the OGSE-80 group including fox and rodent and the marine forms, catfish, jack, mullet, and sea turtle. This site did include the puffer, a fish absent from the other Vegas midden. Due to the extrem-ely small size of this sample no biomass, edible meat weight, calories or protein estimates were attempted for this site. It would seem, hovrever, that terrestrial forms or the sea turtle were probably the most important food sources.

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48 Aclicillau Complex Tho Acha.llau represents a recently defined cultural complex. Stothert believes, based on her work at OGSE--63, that the Achallan "... showed some technological impoverishment" (Stothert 1974:14) when coinpared to the Vegas group, but had added rather crude ceramics to their cultural inventory. To date only one site, OGSE-63, has been assigned to this complex. Its assignation is based on detailed lithic analysis (Stothert 1974) and it has been carbon dated at around 2700 B. C Stothert believes this date too recent and suggests the middle of the 4th millennium B.C. as more accurate. OG SS-63 This site is located along the Rio Achallan on the Santa Elena Peninsula. Stothert suggests that originally the site consisted of a ring of small middens containing shell. As in the case of OGSE-38, the zooarchaeological sample from this site is small. Nevertheless, since it represents the only material from this period, and could be viewed as intermediate between Vegas and Valdivia, biomass, edible meat, calories, and protein estimates are computed (Fig. 5) . Because of the small sample size these estimates could include considerable error. Faunal remains . Wien this Achallan material is compared with earlier Vegas samples certain dissimilarities appear. This is particularly evident when examining the mammal remains. VJhile the tx^jo Vegas sites exhibited a vjide subsistence base, the Achallan people v-'ere nore selective. The fox and rodent, that are v/cll represented in the Vegas faunal samples, are lacking in the OGSE-63 material. Deer is the only

PAGE 58

49 "// 'V. "O «>., '(? •'^/c. cn m LU LU > O or ""^ :. LU Llla_ (^ o lO O O cc D_ LJ > _J LU DC ^ o o E o "cQ 0> O CO D JQ -a CO n o" o o

PAGE 59

50 inar.>mal present at this site. By a comparisoa of the sizes of the bones two species of deer appear in the midden, the larger white-tailed deer ar-.d the smaller urocket. The araphibiaas, snakes, and bird bone present in the Vegas sites arc nissing from the Achallan sample. This might be the result of the small size of the sample. The fishes exploited are not markedly different in type than those from Vegas sites and presuraably represent a continuation of Vegas-like fishing patterns. V aldivia Phase The Valdivia Phase represents the early Formative manifestation in Ecuador and one of the earliest Form.ative phases in the Mew VJorld . As such, it provides an excellent opportunity to study the gradual shift from nomadic hunting and gathering to sedentary horticulture. How this shift came about and under what conditions it occurred is the interest of many researchers. Some scientists believe that early sedentism was possible on the Ecuadorian coast because of the abundant and reliable food found in the coastal area, i.e. shellfish and fish (i-Ieggers 1966). These researchers note that; at the same tine as early Valdivia, coastal I'eruvian groups V7ere already cultivating beans, squash, bottle gourds and cotton (Laaaing '1976b). They suggest that the early Valdivians had more or less permanent settlements on the coast where they exploited the local food resources and possibly, like their Peruvian neighbors to the south, engaged in incipient ,'griculture (jfeggers 1966),The Valdivian people theoretically supplemented their marine protein resources by occasional hunting trips inland.

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51 Other researchers (Lathrap 1975) believe that the Valdivia people were engaged in substantial agricultural practices as early as Valdivia I tiTTies (c, 3400 B.C.) and were well established by Valdivia III (c. 2500 B.C.). These archaeologists find support for this hypothesis in the loc?tion of the sites, the presence of storage pits and grinding implements . The presence of agriculture and its importance in the diet is an interesting question, but one that is difficult to study. Conditions on the periodically xjet Guayas coast result in poor preservation of plant remains and, to date, no direct evidence of substantial agriculture for this period has been unearthed. Indirect evidence (Lathrap and Marcos 1975) and analogies with other areas of the same time period (Meggers 1966) suggest that the early Valdivians could have practiced agriculture at least in its incipient forms. Presumably, increasing reliance vjas placed on agricultural crops through time. Although plant foods including agricultui-al products are important components in a diet, animal protein sources are as important, if not more important, than plant foods in supplying needed nutrients, especially protein. Vlhat protein sources the Valdivians used and how they obtained the animals is the question that is considered here. Certain similarities are found in all the Valdivia sites studies below, but it V70uld be erroneous to speak of a "Valdivia hunting and fishing pattern". Considerable differences are evident among the sites, especially when comparing the Santa Elena Peninsula sites with those either inland or farther north. Some of these differences are undoubtedly attributable to local biological and ecological factors, such as the

PAGE 61

52 piresence of li-bitats particularly favored by certain species, while other differences are luore easily explained as resulting frora cultural patterns and practices. Coastal Sites Zooarchaeological materials were available from five coastal samples, four of which V7ere located on the Santa Elena Peninsula and the fifth is to the north at the mouth of the Valdivia River. Two of these samples came from one site, OGSE-52 (numbered OGSE-62 and OGSE62C) . OGSE-62C xjas assigned to the middle Valdivia (Stothert 1975) subphase, while OGSE-62 is simply listed as Valdivia. These two samples could have been regarded as one unit, but they are considered individually here. It was felt that treating these samples individually provided the opportunity to study the variability within a site. For this reason biomass and food value estimates, as well as relative number charts and fish size graphs, are constructed for each sample. ITie other two Santa Elena Peninsula sites were too small for any kind of reliable estimates. Faunal lists and a short description of the remains are included for these sites. The fifth Valdivia site, the one from which this cultural phase takes its name, is considerably different from the Santa Elena Peninsula sites both in species present and the size of the individuals. Material from this site suggest a slightly different subsistence emphasis. O GSE-42 OGSE-42 represents the Valdivia Phase I occupation on the Santa Elena Peninsula. Based on ceramic similarities and dates from the Phase

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53 I, Loma Alta site, OGSE-42 was occupied around 3400 B.C. (Bischof 1'572), although the actual dates, based on shell, were later (Stothert 19 74). Karen Stothert, the excavator of the midden, believes that this site was occupied for a fairly short period of time and that the midden deposit itself may have been in the form of a ring, as in the case of the Achallan Complex site CGSE-63 (Stothert 1974). Vfnen the animal bones from this site were first submitted for analysis it was thought that this material might show a subtle shift in exploitation emphasis. If this shift in protein utilization had occurred it might be correlated with the introduction of a new culture type v;hich poGsessed at least incipient agriculture. Although the material from GGSE~42 contains some elements suggesting a shift, i, e. decreasing amounts of terrestrial forms, the sample v;as so small that this apparent change may be the result of the sam-pling itself. Faunal remains . The species found in the midden material include brocket deer and marine catfish, snoolc, drum, and sea turtle. 0GSE-&2 (OGSE-62C) OGSE-62 is situated about 100 meters south of the Achallan Complex site, OGSE-63, discussed above. Occupation at this site began during Valdivian Phase III times (c. 2500 B.C. Lanning 1968) and continued through Valdivia V (Stothert 1974). As in the case of OGSE-63 and OGSE42, the midden at OGSE-62 was distributed in a form suggestive of a ring of small deposits (Stothert 1974) . Although similar to Achallan in location and settlement, here similarities stop. OGSE-62 (0GSE-62C) had both a much more elaborate cerarfxic inventory and, more Important for this study, a very different

PAGE 63

54 protein base. This latter difference is not explainable on site location along since both sites are situated relatively close to each other. Although a shift in the climate, in the highly variable Santa Elena Peninsula area, could explain the different nurabers of species present, the difference could also be due to a shift of exploitation emphasis. OGS E-62 F aunal remains . The vertebrate faunal remains from OGSE-62 are almost entirely marine (98.9% IINI) . Principal abundant species include the catfish (41.9%) and the grunts (31.4%). Other important fishes represented here were the grouper, jacks, snappers, and porgies (Fig. 6). Due to the larger sizes (Fig. 7) of these numerically fewer fish, the groupers, jacks, snappers, and porgies contributed more meat than the catfish and the grunts. Both numerically and nutritionally minor components of the diet are the sea turtle and a mammal. The true nutritional importance of these last two animals are considerably underestimated due to the method of calculating their live weight, but the relative importance of these resources, versus fish, is probably not too accurate, OGSE-62C Faunal remains . The material from OGSE-62C resembles in many respects the proceeding sample. Nevertheless, these remains include proportionally more catfish (63.6%) and fewer grunts (25%) than at OGSE-62 (Fig. 8). Also fewer species are represented. Due to the overall size distribution (Fig. 9) the fishes from OGSE-62C actually contributed more meat in weight than those in the OGSE-62 sample. Numerically minor species in tliis sample included the snook, grouper, jack, and porgy.

PAGE 64

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PAGE 65

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57 = Hr=1E T *-

PAGE 67

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59 O GSS--62 and 0GSE-62C Reconstructed hunting and f is hing patterns . Ifhen 0G3E-62 and OGSn-GP.C are compared, several differences become evident. Particularly noticeable is the wider range of species present in the OGSE-62 sample which are absent from 0GSE-62C. These species account for 9.4% of the 14NI from CGSE-62. This need not be as important as it first appears. All the species represented in the samples (with the exception of mullet) are inshore carnivores and can be taken with a baited hook and line. Shell fishhooks have been found in Valdivia middens and these hooks I'ange in size from about 1.8 cm. by 2.0 cm. to 2,5 cm. by 2.8 cm. (Meggers, Evans, and Estrada 1965). The seemingly disproportionate representation of certain forms could simply represent fish, caught on. .a day or season of the year when "the snappers were running" or result from a particular fisherman's attachment to a particularly good fishing area. Another method had to be used to catch the mullet. Mullets are herbivores and as such are not readily taken by a baited hook and line. One. effective method for catching this fish is using nets either of the gill net or seine type. This could result in the capture of large numbers of this schooling species. Weirs and traps could also result in numbers of mullets as well. In any event, only two individuals of this species were identified from the samples. If nets or some other collective techniques had been regularly used on this abundant species more individuals would be expected. This suggests that none of these methods were, employed. The Valdivian fisherman could have resorted to spearing, or hand catching or algae-baited hook to catch these herbivorous animals.

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60 OGSt':-174 OGSE-174 represents another Santa ELena Peninsula raidden. No subphase association is available for this Valdivia site. If, however 0GSE--42 and OGSE-62 are representative of Santa Elena Peninsula coastal middens, the relatively large representation of mairmial remains suggests £'.n early Valdivia affiliation. Faunal remains . Although three deer were identified from this site only one is assignable to a species, i.e. Odocoileus , the other deer material was either too fragmentary or of a size that made species correlations impossible. The marine resources represented in this midden resemble those from other sites discussed. Again the catfish and the grunt are particularly abundant. Snook, jack, and sea turtle also occur. Valdivia The Valdivia site matei"ial is the only Valdivia coastal site outside the Santa Elena Peninsula area considered in this study. This site is located north of the peninsula and at the mouth of the Valdivia River (Tig. 1). The ceramic and lithic material from this site formed the bases for the original description of the Valdivia Phase (Meggers, Evans and Estrada 1965) . Faunal remains . The vertebrate fauna from the Valdivia site differs somewhat from those discussed above. At this site terrestrial species include the peccary and tiro types of deer, the white-tailed, and the brocket. Based on comparisons of the size of the deer bones, the larger v/hite-'tailed deer appears more common in the midden. Catfish are still a common fish in the midden, but at Valdivia snook is also abundantly represented (Fig. 10). More meat was available to the people from snook and deer sources than all other sources combined (Fig. 11).

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63 Reconstructied hunting and fishing patterns . Tlie technique used to obtain the terrestrial forms is difficult to determine. As yet no stone or bone projectile points have been uncovered in Valdivia middens. Perishable wooden projectiles or traps and deathfalls are techniques that could have been used. All the fish species from the Valdivia midden sample are inshore carnivores and will take a hook. No herbivorous forms are included in the remains. If herbivorous forms had been present in numbers, another or additional method of fishing, e.g. cooperative netting, might have been suggested. The fish bones from this site, then, present a picture of individual fishermen exploiting the inshore or shoreline waters with baited hooks and lines. Further evidence for this is the shell fishhooks that have been found at Valdivia. Although boats could have been used, there is no evidence to suggest that they would have been needed to obtain the fishes present. One difference in this site, compared with other sites, is the proportionally greater representation of large fish, particularly snook, and the low numbers of smaller animals. Tlie lack of smaller species is probably in part due to the excavation techniques used. The relatively large representation of snook, undoubtedly, results from fishing the estuary that is believed to have existed near the site during Valdivia times (Meggers, Evans, and Estrada 1965). This sort of ecological setting xjould have been particularly attractive to the snook. Inland Sites Zooarchaeological materials from tv/o, inland Valdivia sites were available for analysis, the Loma Alta site, located about 15 Vjii. upstream from the Valdivia site, and the Real Alto site situation about 5 km.

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64 trom the sea alopg the Rio Verde. Loraa Alta representa an early Voldivia site (Phase I) while the. principal occupation at Real Alto occurred fron Valdivia III through VIII times (Marcos 1975). In an atteiapt to study change through time this latter site was divided into two groups, a middle Valdivia component represented by III-V ceramics and a later Valdivia indicated by VI-VIII ceramic types. Excavations at Loma Alta and Real Alto revealed a discontinuous distribution of faunal material in pits, burials and house structures, which necessitated a different approach to the m.aterial. Since there was no way of knowing how many pits v;ere associated with any particular house floor, it vjas impossible to provide any kind of meaningful combiuation of features and, therefore, the units were treated individually. Lo.na Alta Tlie Loma Alta site contains a wider variety of vertebrates than any other site considered in this study. R.epresentatives of all the vertebrate clas^ses are present. This indicates a wide subsistence base. No doubt some of this results from the location of the site in a presumed forested area, although other factors also are evident. Tlie types and numbers of the remains vzere not evenly distributed throughout the site. The JII unit has more catfish, v/hile JIII contained more deer (Fig. 12) Faunal remain s . Not all the remains from the Loma Alta site constituted food items. The large nimiber of hunian bones in the sample suggest that at least some of these bones represent burials rather than food remains. The dog also may represent something other than, or in addition to, a food item. The dogs could have served a varietv of function;

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65 either as guard clogs, hunting dogs, camp scavengers or pets. The burned condition of some of the bones suggest that the dog also ended up as food. At Loma Alta the two sar.iples analyzed contained the same principal animals, but in very different proportions. Since there was no \7ay of determining which sample was wore representative of the site as a vrhole, it was felt that no biomass estimates should be attempted. However, the size of the species present, and their relative numbers, suggest that terrestrial forms, especially the deer, were the principal protein sources. The Valdivia hunters obtained both principally forest-edge and/or savanna animals such as the v/hitetailed deer, agouti, and rabbit and presumably deep forest inhabitants, the brocket deer and the tapir. Peccary, opossum, and the carnivores, the mountain lion and the fox v/ere also hunted. Several small rodents, and an armadillo represent other mammals captured. The Valdivians at Loma Alta also caught birds, as the considerable number of bird rem.ains from the site indicates. Additional animals include snake, land turtle, and frog. Of particular interest, though of seemingly minor importance, are the fish remains from Loma Alta. All the fish species represented in the midden are of marine forms. It is estimated that Loma Alta is 15 kia, (9.3 miles) from the sea and, therefore, from the marine habitat where these fishes are found, F.a const ruction of hunting and fishing patterns . There is good evidence for the seasonal exploitation of deer. The faunal sample from Loma Alta contained nine mandible fragments representing a minimum of six deer, Lased on tooth eruption (Severinghaus 1949), one individual was

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66 CN LU O CO z CO CN Z

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67 betrreen four and seven months old, two others v/ere around 15 months, tv;o 17 months and one was an adult. The deer that could be aged in months Indicate a deer hunting season confined to about a five month period. This could be interrupted as a seasonal occupation of the site or a restricted period of exploitation of deer possibly revolving around other seasonally-regulated activities. The latter possible seems m.ore likely. A people x.7ho seasonally moved into the area x/ould be unlikely to engage in trade xsrith coastal areas for their fish or to send r.oine people out into the hills to hunt v;hile others travel the 15 km. down to the shore to fish. Loma Alta is more likely to represent at least a serai-sedentary village engaged in an exchange system with coastal groups for marine resources, perhaps with the Valdlvia site itself. Exchange systems are complex sets of social obligations and reciprocal arrangements which need some impetus for development. They generally develop because of the need for scarce and desired resources. Could protein scarcity have acted as the impetus for the establishment of trade v/ith the coastal areas? Although it is not possible to say with any certainty vzhether this was the case, possible evidence for this exists. Among the faunal remains from the Loma Alta site there were a large proportion of human bones, especially of fetal or infant individuals. A total sample of four fetuses or infants, representing in age seven months, seven and a half months and mid-ninth m.onth for the fetuses and a baby within its first year OMaples 1974) , were found in the faunal samples. Could this large and disproportionate number of fetuses and infant remains indicate low nutritional levels resulting

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68 ?.n spontaueous abortions (Mulinski 1976) or infanticide wtiich is coirjaon in u'.aa^' protein poor iireas sach as the Amazon? Could trade for fish vjith ;:ha coastal sites be an atte.npt to obtain raore animal protein? Real Alto Real I^lto la the last Valdivia site considered here. Donald I,athrap, director of the excavation at the site, states that its location indicates a river valley rather thaii marine focus. He believes that Real Alto represents c.n agricultural village based on naize cultivation (Lathrap 1975). Because of the long occupation at Real Alto and the cultural shifts that are evident between middle and later Valdivia times, the material from this site was separated into two groups. Kot all the material from Real Alto was analyzed but only a sample froni. certain features. Tliese units vrere chosen because of. their phase affiliations, size of the samples and lack of obvious evidence of intrusion. Materials from five different units were considered for the earlier cultural division. Two of these were materials from the floors of structures (Structures VII and Z) , two were from, features (Features 10 and 171) , and one was from the fill of a burial pit (Burial LI) . Faunal r emains . The bone from the various units were identified and the relative numbers of the various species computed. The results of the iilJI compilations are indicated on Fig. 13 and Fig. 14. The samples exhibit considerable variation. In most instances, in lliddle Valdivia times, catfish represented the main component of the sample in terms of 1-INI with the drums the most numerous species represented in one

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69 CO &J0 cn cr m UJ > — K O _J _^ Z UJ X CO

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70 sample. Drum is also of considerable importance in several of the other samples as v^ell. Deer arc present in all the units and birds and sea turtles and an occasional snake also occur. Because of the uneven distribution of the faunal regains in the nuip.erous pits, occupation floors, wall trenches and burials at the site, biomass estimates were not attempted. There was no way of determining which and how many pits were contemporaneous with each house floor or even the initial volumes of the various features. Since there was not any means of correlating pits and floors and other features, it was felt that any biomass estimates x^ould result in an erroneous representation and indicate a greater accuracy than the material v/arranted. Although biomass estimates were not undertaken for this site, deer undoubtedly represents the most important, single food source in terms of the amount of meat provided. Fish, however, especially the marine catfish, provide a more constant food source. Ulien the material from Middle Valdivia samples is compared with later Valdivia material a shift in emphasis becomes apparent. Material from the Structure VIII wall trench. Features 101 and 108 and general nonfeature midden material indicates a greater exploitation of catfish in later Valdivia times (Fig. 14). R econstruction of hunting and fishing patterns . As in the case of Loma Alta the question of trade or specialized hunting and/or fishing arises. It could be argued that if Real Alto like Loma Alta was primarily ' an agricultviral village most 6f its daily activities would be related to agricultural pursuits. Fish could be obtained by exchange. It should be noted, however, that 5 km is not a very great distance to go

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71 CO LU CD UJ hq: LU > CI O < < LiLU O cr LU O CC LU I— < _J LU O) ro L "

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72 to obtain food. This is at the outer limiLs, but within the range indicated by E. S. Higgs and C. Vita-Finzi (1972) as the exploitable distance for horticulturalists . Also, it v/ould be possible for the village to have specialized fishermen who could exchange parts of their catch for agricultural goods. Real Alto's nearness to the coast does not seem to result in the same sorts of pressures discernable at Loca Alta. Tftiether exchanged between villages, obtained by specialists, or caught by the Valdivia horticulturalist , fishing techniques similar to those practiced by the coastal fishermen were presumable used. These would include baited hooks and lines for the carnivorous, inshore fishes found at this site. There are again some herbivorous reniains in the sample (mullet and sea chub), but their numbers are very low and do not necessarily suggest nets or traps. Pos t-Valdivia Material from only four post-Valdivia sam.ples was available for analysis. These samples included remains from four cultural phases; Machalilla and Engoroy bones, Guangala phase m.aterial and the late Liber tad remains. Three of the samples are from the Santa Elena Peninsula, the fourth is from the Rio Verde Valley. Machali lla and Engoroy Phas ^es^ OCSE-46D This site contains both Machalilla and Engoroy phase material, but vr.ry small samples of each. In addition, a larger sample from this site was also included, but had a mixed Machalilla and Engoroy association. The material from this site was, therefore, treated in three units;

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73 Machalilla material, Engoroy remains, and all the bone from the site together . Biomass estimates , fish species size and nutritional values vere calculated for the site as a whole (Fig. 15). The faunal lists for each unit are in Appendix A. The Machalilla Phase represents an introduction of some new traits into the studj' area. Some researchers see the introduction of a new people, in part, contemporaneous with the Valdivia Phase inhabitants. They believe that Machalilla represents a site-unit intrusion into the area and that the Machalillans lived more or less harmoniously with their Valdivia neighbors (Meggers, Evans, and Estrada 1965). Other archaeologists feel that the Machalilla people lived later than the Valdivians and in fact developed out of the earlier Valdivia Phase (Lathrap 1967; V7iley 1971). Faunal remains . The Machalilla fish remains from OG3E-46D do not differ in type from those of other Santa Elena Peninsula sites, although some different species are represented. Catfish are still the most abundant species. Other species, not found in previously discussed Santa Elena Peninsula sites, include the dog and the agouti. The Engoroy material, sometimes included under the Chorrera Phase heading, represents the only late Formative material available for analysis. Tlie Chorrera Phase is stated to have evolved out of the Earlier Machalilla and to represent a subsistence shift from sea food resources to agricultural crops (Willey 1971). Fairly good evidence for contact with Mesoamerica is also available for this phase (Meggers 1966) . Although some sites of Engoroy-Chorrera affiliation might indicate a decreasing importance in marine foods, this does not seem to be the case with the Engoroy inhabitants at OGSE-46D. At this site marine

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75 O z [^

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76 vertebrates contiiiued to be widely exploil:ed. The remains indicate that a v'ider variety of species vzere exploited by the Engoroy than by the earlier Hachalilla people. Terrestrial deer and fox were also taken. Again there is evidence of dog. Because of the small size of the Hachalilla and Engoroy samples and their basic similarities with respect to the types of species present and their relative numbers, the material from these two seimples v/ere com.bined with the other faunal remains from OGSE-46D. Figures 15 and 16 represent these combinations. The results of the calculations indicate that marine resources were of primary importance both numerically and nutritionally. Although the deer estimates in this set of calculations was based on bone weight and is, therefore very lov?, the small number of deer bones and the abundance of aquatic resources suggest that deer v/as probably not overly important in the diet. Most of the primary species exploited by these peoples were those also utilized by previous groups. In general, the size of the fish captured appears to have increased compared with previously discussed Santa Elena Peninsula sites (Fig. 16). lliis might have resulted from the introduction of larger fishhooks during Hachalilla times. O GCH-20 The other Hachalilla site considered in this study is OGCH-20. It is located on the E.io Verde, about five kilometers upstream from Chanduy. Tills site is of interest since it represents an inland Hachalilla occupatiou, one that is in the same vicinity as Real Alto, the middle and late inland Valdivia site discussed above. The people at the site presumably utilized the Rio Verde valley in the same manner as the Valdivian, i.e. by cultivating crops.

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77 Faun a l remain s. The faunal saiiiple from the site differs from the ileal Alto material in having an additional mammal, the fox. This exploitation of mamirials other than dear was also evident at the coastal OGSE-46D site. This differs from the general Valdivia exploitation pattern. The Valdivians, when they exploited any mammals at all, relied on deer. Theother faunal remains included large numbers of fish. As in most cases considered in this study, marine catfish was by far the raost abundant fish. Also of importance were the drums and to a lesser extent the grunts . Guangala Phase The Guangala Phase represents the local manifestation of the P.egional Developmental Period. Characteristics of this period include "... differentiation in sociopolitical organization, florescence ia art style and elaboration in technology" (Heggers 1966:67). At Guangala sites maize agriculture appears to be widespread as the presence of mano and metate fragments indicate. Interior incised pottery bowls suggest that manioc or peppers vrere also grown (Meggers 1966). Marine resources continued to be utilized by coastal groups, v/hile deer v-'ere hunted in the inland sites (Meggers 1966) . Shell fishhooks and atlarl nooks have been found in the middens. OGSE-4 6U Faunal remains . The Guangala faunal material from this site shows a pronounced marine focus. All the identifiable remains are of marine fishes. Particularly' abundant in the midden are the marine catfish, although grunts and puffers are also numerous. In terms of actual

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78 n'ltiritioiial and caloric values, the single shark from the midden appears of primary importance. There is no doubt that these Guangalans made much more use of the available m.arine vertebrates than the earlier Machalilla and Engoroy peoples who had settled in about the same area. Liber tad Phase The last site representative of the post-Valdivia vertebrate exploitation on the Santa Elena Peninsula is a very small sample from a Liber tad Phase site, 0GSE-41E. 0GSE-41E Faunal remains . This site is located near the sea and represents a single phase occupation. The small test conducted into this midden resulted in very few bones. The sample is again mainly fishes, x^ith grunts the most abundant form. With the exception of a small barracuda all the species present had been found in other Santa Elena Peninsula sites. Of the very small sample only one bone could be tentatively identified as mammal, all other identifiable bones were of fish (Fig. 17)

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80 CO Z ? id-S ^ o rO O E a o> o JC 00 X CO u_ Q LU OC Z) IQ< O ll O I— X (3 LU o 3 C/) I LlJ CO o !uq:>joj

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CHAPTER VI DISCUSSION Ov3r a period of seven or eight thousand years the southwestern coast of Ecuador has served as the home for numerous peoples. Some of these groups were simple hunters and gatherers, vjhile others were advanced agriculturalists with well developed ceramics and art styles. Although these populations differed radically in many aspects of their cultures, they all faced the same basic problem how to obtain adequate amounts of protein, fats, carbohydrates, vitamins, minerals, and calories, To fulfill these basic needs these peoples relied upon a variety of different foods. The relative importance of the various foods differed from group to group. Protein Scarcity and Protein Acquisition A variety of different subsistence strategies can be practiced by peoples to obtain adequate protein for healthy growth and development (See Chapter II) . These strategies include the consumption of large quantities of protein-rich plant foods, the consumption of complimentary plant foods 3 or the consumption of a combination of plant and animal foods . Although these strategies are all possible alternatives in most areas, in any given area one strategy is more efficient in fulfilling nutritional and caloric needs. Animal bone vjas present at all the sites examined in this study. This indicates that the subsistence strategy chosen by these groups included the consumption of animal foods. 81

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82 In areas where protein is abundant, protein acquisition may have little direct effect on the culture, but where ic is limited the obtaining of protein can greatly influence other aspects of culture. In such cases the need for protein raay result in the dispersal of the population (Holmber^ 1969, Carneiro 1973), increase hostilities between groups competing over the same limited resource, development of reciprocal relations between members within the villages (Gross 1975) , or lead to the formation of long distance exchange netv/orks. Archaeologically , the degree to which a people were obtaining adequate amounts of protein, can be reflected in the human osteological remains. Protein deficiency can limit population growth by Increasing the incidence of miscarriages, spontaneous abortions, and high infant mortality (Mulinski 1976). It may further result in the adoption of population-regulating mechanisms such as female infanticide. Even for those individuals who survive to maturity, protein deficiency can effect the overall growth and stature of the iiidividual. By exam.ining the human bone remains from a site some Indication of how successful a people v/ere in obtaining protein can be determined. The indicators of protein deficiency may not be readily recognized by the field excavator. Studies on human growth and stature require knowledge of human osteology and a familiarity with different growth patterns. Also, human fetal and infant bones are very different from adult bone and can be easily missed by excavators not trained in human osteology. Unless a physical anthropologist is present during excavation and removes the fetal and infant bones from the sam.ple, the lack of fetal and infant remains in a faunal sample probably means there were few at the site. Their presence in large numbers in the faunal remains suggests nutritional stress.

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83 At ths Valdivia psx-iod, Loma Alta site a proportionally large number of human fetal and infant remains were uncovered (Chapter V) . This is interpreted as an indication that these inland people were living under conditions of protein stress. In an apparent attempt to overcome this deficiency ttie inland Loma Alta people tried to obtain additional protein by utilizing marine resources. They did this by acquiring fish from the coast, probably by means of exchange. This tj^pe of exchange betxjeen inland and coastal peoples has been noted j.n other areas. The exchange between valley and coastal sites v>7as evident as early as Period 7 (2500-1700 B.C.) in coastal Peru (MacNeish et al 1975). During this period Richard MacNeish believes that the coastal fishermen "... sent marine protein foods into the valley and received cultivated plant foods in return" (MacNeish et al 1975:33). ITone of the other sites considered in this study exhibited the same high proprotlon of human fetal and infant remains as was present at Loma Alta. This could indicate that protein deficiency was not a problem at these sites. Their location near the protein-rich coastal waters is probably responsible for this. Ch anges in Protein Exploitation and Subsist ence Orientation The relative importance of terrestrial, as opposed to aquatic resources, used by the prehistoric peoples of the study area varied. During som.e cultural phases, terrestrial resources \iare more important, while at others aquatic animals were more significant in the diet. These changing patterns of protein exploitation and subsistence are summarized in Tables 2 and 3. The relative minimum number of individuals of terrestrial and aquatic animals represented in samples from

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84 TABLE 2 PERCENTAGE OF FOODS FROII AQUATIC AND TERRJiSTRIAI. I-LABITATS FiNI Santa Elena Peninsula Pre-Valdivia Valdivia Pes t-Valdivia OGSEOGSEOGSEOGSEOGSEOGSEOGSE80 63 174 62 62C 46D 46U aquatic % 55 75 82 99 99 87 98 terrestrial % 45 25 18 13 sample size 56 12 17 86 88 48 66 North of the Santa Elena P. East of the Santa Elena P. Valdivia

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85 the principal sites considered in this study are presented in Table 2. This first set of calculations indicates how intensively the vertebrates from the tuo exploitation areas were utilized by the various cultural groups. The second table (Table 3) illustrates the amount of ineat obtained from these two sources. Estimates of the weight of the aquatic and terrestrial forms were based on the weight of the archaeological bone, llie bone weight was used in the formulas in place of the skeletal weight and the formulas for skeletal weight to live weight from Appendix C was used. The perclform fish formula was employed to estimate aquatic resources, the mammal formula was used for the terrestrial animals. The only site for which estimates of live weight were not computed in this manner was the Valdivia site. The bones from this site were partially mineralized, so weight calculations would be extremely inaccurate. For this site, the estimates calculated in Chapter V were used. The data presented in Tables 2 and 3 illustrates a steady shift in subsistence orientation on the Santa Elena Peninsula. Early cultural groups relied more on terrestrial animals, while the Valdivia peoples depended more on aquatic forms. The early post-Valdivia people again hunter terrestrial animals, but later groups shifted back to almost exclusive aquatic exploitation. The inland and northern sites show a somewhat different orientation. At these Valdivia sites terrestrial resources are more numerous and provide far more meat than aquatic vertebrates. Even at these sites aquatic resources were vzidely expJ.oited. Several factors could be responsible for the changing subsistence patterns described here. These include the introduction of agriculLure

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86 TABLE 3 PERCEN'i'AG)': OF FOODS FROM AQUATIC AND TERRESTRIAL HABITATS BI0MA35

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87 and the changing climatic conditions. I propose that the change in eaiphasis betv;sen pre-Valdivia and Valdivia times is linked to another subsistence shift, probably the introduction of agriculture. Although there is little direct evidence of agriculture, indirect evidence such as storage pits, grinding implements and the locations of the sites indicates that agriculture had been introduced into the area and was being practiced during Valdivia times. Crops, e.g. corn, require periods of fairly intensive cultivation and care. During these periods there is less time to devote to other subsistence activities such as hunting and fishing. This often results in the scheduling of subsistence activities with certain periods of time devoted to one strategy, i.e. the cultivation of agricultural crops, aiid other times devoted to other pursuits. This scheduling can take the form of gardening at one time during the day and hunting and/or fishing at another or a seasonal cycle of cultivation supplemented by limited hunting and/or fishing in areas near the village at one period of the year vrith extensive hunting and fishing more prevalent in another season. There is evidence of scheduling from one Valdivia site. At Loma Alta all the deer that could be aged indicate that they probably were killed during a particular time of year. This suggests that deer hunting \7as n'lore or less restricted to a particular season. Although there has been little research conducted on the breeding cycles of deer in coastal Ecuador, studies on the v/hite-tailed deer from Venezuala indicate that these species breed year round vjith a peak in mating during the dry season (Brokx 1972). The gestation period for North American wtiite-tailed deer is between 195 and 212 days, with an average around 202 days (Lowery 1974). If the Ecuadorian deer follow

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88 tha sar.is cycle, the peak nating would be between May and December, the dry season of present-day coastal Ecuador. This would result in peak births betV'/een October and July. Since the survival rate of the fawns vrould bo greatest for those born during rainy season, when the lactating does have abundant food resources, the peak in birth and sur^/ival of most fawns would be expected from January through April. If Janaury is assumed to be the birth month of the deer at the Loma Alta site, the individuals that could be aged were killed anyi/nere from April to September (Fig. 19). At the other extreme, if they were born at the end of the rainy season (April) the range would be from July to December. The onset of the rainy season is also a time of peak agricultural activities. During this period presumably little time would be available to engage in substantial hunting endeavors. Instead, more time would be spent in the planting, cultivating and harvesting of the crops. The length of this period of agricultural activity is largely dependent on the crops planted. For corn, anyvjhere from, three to four months would be devoted to the cultivation and harvesting of this crop. If the crop was planted at the onset of the rainy season, January through April would be devoted to its cultivation. \\'hen the deer hunting season, as indicated from the Loma Alta material, is compared with the period of corn cultivation a yearly scheduling of economic activities is suggested. The data on Fig. 19 illustrate this. Agricultural activities, i.e. corn cultivation, vjould be restricted to the rainy season of January through April with deer hunting practiced anyv/here from April through December. In addition to the scheduling of economic activities, the introduction of agriculture can also result in the expansion of the possible

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89 o > o M O O (X

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90 subsistence base with the introduction of new crops and an increasa in population size resulting in the shrinkage of the territory exploited by th-i inliabitants of a site. This has bean seen ethnographically when the radius of the expl.oitation spheres of the hunters and gatherers (10 1cm.) is compared to the area exploited by horticulturalists (radius 5 kiT:.) (Iliggs and Vita-Finzi 1972). This decrease in exploitation area results in proportionately less terrestrial animals available to hunt. It would encourage a shift to other protein foods. In the study area J. believe this to have taken the form of increased use of the previously, underexploited, aquatic vertebrates. Another possible factor x/nich may explain the shift in subsistence patterns is climatic change. The Santa Elena Peninsula is and has been an area that is particularly susceptible to climatic fluctuation (Chapter IV) . In the past there have been several periods much wetter or dryer than today. Because of the close relationship between climate, flora, and fauna, a shift in climatic conditions can profoundly alter the rcsoip-cas available for exploitation. Tliis necessitates the use of alternative methods of exploitation, a change to different resources, or an abandonment of the area. During periods of extreme wetness or dryness the Santa Elena Peninsula was uninhabited (Chapter IV) . Presumably under these environmental conditions, the people x^?ere either unwilling or unable to make the adjustments necessary in order to continue living in the area. During tines of minor climatic change extreme action such as the abandonment of the area might not be necessary. During these periods, by exploiting a slightly different subsistence base, a people could continue to live in an area.

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91 As noted in Chapter IV, the llachalilla and Engoroy peoples occupied the peninsula during times of fluctuating climatic conditions. Immediately previous to Machalilla occupation the climate of the Santa Elena Peninsula was very cold and dry. During llachalilla times it became somex
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92 numbers of sclnoling, plankton-f eedind herrings and anchovies plus smaller schools of herbivorous mullet. Also presciit are the carnivorous catTishes, snook, groupers, jacks, and snappers. Other estuarine and iuj^^hore fishes include the deutritus feeding mojarras and gobies, and the drums, grunts, bonefish, and porgies x;ho feed primarily on invertebrates, Son.e fish(-s are located furthier out from the shore. These include the tunas, halfbeaks and flyingfishes and the dolphinfish. Because of the different habits of these various fishes, fishing techniques efficient in obtaining one type would not necessarily be successful in catching another form. The use of weirs would result in the c-Hpture of both the schooling herbivores and the solitary carnivores. Traps are effective in catching fishes who feed on the type of bait used in the traps or those who favor close protected crevasses to hid or rest in. This last group mistakes the traps for safe resting places. Nets are nora efficient on schooling species, such as herring, anchovies or luullet. Netting results in the capture of large numbers of these aniinals. Sait.ed hook and line fishing selects for carnivores. Hook and line fishing can be either w^ith a single line or v/ith a trot line, a series of hooks set out along a line. Tliere is abundant evidence that carnivorous fish were x/idely exploited by prehistoric inhabitants considered in this study. Nevertheless, largely missing from the sites are the herbivores and schooling species, e.g. mullet, herring, anchovy, and half beak, which are abundant in the area today. The lack of any substantial nu^r.bers of these animals indicates that methods, such as nets, efficient in obtaining large numbers of these animals, were not used. It also appears that weirs were not employed. If weirs had been used a more balanced herbivor-carnivore

PAGE 102

93 ratio could be expected in the catch. This is not represented in the raiddens . Because of the high percentage of carnivores and the very low number of herbivores, I propose that the principal fishing method was baited hook and line. The large number of shell fishhooks from sites of the various phases support this position. The hunting methods are a good deal harder to reconstruct. No artif actual evidence is available to indicate x^jhich techniques were used. If rodents were in fact hunted and not incidental to the site, there is some evidence that traps x-7ere employed, especially on the rodents from the pre-Valdivia component. Since these rodents are small, nocturnal animals traps would be the most efficient way to capture them. Other taethods, e.g. stalking and shooting or spearing require more time and energy. There would be little return for the energy expended in these methods. For the other animals presumably projectiles, deathfall type traps, or snares were usedAs far as can be determined there is surprisingly little change in the hunting and fishing techniques used by the various human populations to obtain their animal protein. The proportions of the various resource change, but species represented remain essentially the same. Hum.an Behavioral Patterns Based on the faunal remains considered in this study, txvro aspects of human behavior patterns are identifiable. The first concerns selective hunting and fishing practices, the second solitary versus cooperative activities . There is good evidence of selective hunting and fishing represented in the faunal remai.ns from two sites. At one pre-Valdivia site a

PAGE 103

94 largs number of fox teety used as grave goods indicate that fox or at least fox teeth were ritual objects. Since a large nuniber of foxes were represented at this one site and almost totally lacking at others, I balie'/a this infers selective hunting of fox. Some evidence is available that indicates an increase in selective fishing in the E.eal Alto material. The late Valdivia material from this site includes far more catfish than the middle Valdivia remains. It is impossible to determine whether this difference is due to some type of climatic shift resulting in increased availability of the catfish, to a purposeful selection by the people, or to the incroducti.on of a new fishing technique not discernible in the remains. With respect to solitary versus cooperative activities, I would suggest that most of the fishing was done solitarily or by very small groups of fishemien. Large numbers of fishermen exploiting the same area \7ith baited hooks and line xv-ould result in competition over the relatively dispersed carnivorous fishes and fewer fish would be taken by the group as a v/hole. If the fishermen distributed themselves over a wider area, greater returns would be epxected. If cooperative net fishing had been practiced, larger numbers of the schooling species would have been caught. This, however, was apparently not done. As a further indication of solitary practices other aspects of the culture can be considered. There is alm.o3t no evidence of any largescale cooperative activities on the Santa Elena Peninsula. No evidence of monumental architecture or large scale irrigation works that could require cooperative efforts has been discovered. Because of its apparent sporadic and irregular nature (Chard 1950) even long distant trade does not necessarily indicate large cooperative endeavors. These

PAGE 104

trading ventures could have been short term and have takan place as seldoai as onca in a lifetime. Ihe only possible evidence of cooperative activities is the walk-in walls or catch basin, the first of vhich X\>ere built in Engoroy times. Paulseii suggests that these basins v/ere used in conjunction with some type of intensive agriculture (Paulsen 1971) , presumably in response to more arid conditions. The question here is whether these basins x^ere constructed by large numbers of people working jointly or by many small groups or single individuals v/orking on just one section of the basin at a time. Today on the Santa Elena Peninsula numerous x^7ells are sunk into the bottom of the catch basins. These xv-ells are relatively shallow and no cooperative effort would be needed to maintain them. Possibly a similar techiiiqus, i.e. the excavation of wells, was practiced in the past and the present large size of the basins represent many centuries of these practices. Interareal Contparison llhen the material in this study was compared with sites farther south, certain dissimilarities became evident. Michael Edward lloseley believes that the central coast of Peru experienced three different stages in their cultural evolution during the period he examined. He (1975:3 9) states: The prehistoric populations of coastal Peru underV7ent a process of fundamental economic and social change befc/een roughly 3600 and 1500 B.C. A hunting and gathering way of life was replaced by fishing and littoral collecting vjhich in turn was displaced by irrigation agriculture. Moseley bases his reconstruciton on site location and floral and faunal 1' em a ins .

PAGE 105

96 As the dates indicate, lloseley's materials is roughly contemporaneous with the Valdivia Culture of southwest Ecuador. The Valdivia Culture, however, does not exhibit the same type of development. I/liereas the (c. 3600 B.C.), coastal inhabitants of Peru relied primarily on the aea for their animal protein, the early Valdivians exploited both aquatic and terrestrial resources and, if Lathrap is correct, practiced agriculture. Even when compared with the earlier Vegas peoples, whose primarily hunting and gathering way of life was similar in this respect to Moseley's Lithic Stags, the exploitation focus of the two groups v/as quite different. The principal protein source for the Vegas people V7as terrestrial vertebrates, although aquatic forms were also exploited. Tae Lithic Stage Peruvian peoples pradominant-ly utilized marine protein, primarily seal. Presumably, agriculture increased in importance through time in southwest Ecuador as in coastal Peru. Fishing, however, continued and possibly increased in importance for the coastal Ecuador inhabitants considered in this study. Even for the more inland groups fishing remained imi^crtant, although terrestrial vertebrates were the primary animal food. As indicated above, the shifts in exploitation patterns were not the same in southwest Ecuador as they were in Peru. Several factors could be responsible for this. Probably the most important factor is the different ecological systems in the t^jo areas. Ivhi'l the Peruvian coast is largely a desert, Ecuador is mors a savanna and during segments of the prehistoric era was probably wetter than it is today. In addition, the Peruvian coast was undoubtedly more strongly influenced by the cold Peruvian current. These tv/o, different, climate conditions

PAGE 106

97 result'.ed in diveriDe resource availabilities and densities and led to alternate si'.bsistence strateg5.es. Summary The purpose of this study V7a3 to deternine subsistence practices and related, human behavioral patterns for Valdivia Phase inhabitants of southwestern Ecuador. This goal was accomplished by an analysis of vertebrate faunal remains and the application of cultural, ecological research methods. A total of fifteen samples were considered, including three pre-Valdivia, eight Valdivia, and four post-Valdivia sites. Based on the faunal remains from these sites, several conclusions can be made. First, the overall hunting and fishing emphasis changes during the 7900 years under consideration. Early peoples relied heavily upon terrestrial vertebrates. Later groups, beginning with the Valdivians exploited marine vertebrate resources more ejctensively. This shift in emphasis, from terrestrial to aquatic foods, appears to be roughly contemporaneous with the introduction of agriculture. Second, the remains from one site suggest that some type of exchange network existed between coastal and inland groups. This network resulted in marine fish protein being imported to one inland site. It could have been an attempt to alleviate conditions of protein scarcity. Third, there is limited evidence of seasonal exploitation of deer. Fourth, throughout the time periods considered here, fishing techniques appeared to have remained essentially the same. The very efficient fish nets lised by many coastal people were never adopted by the prehistoric southwestern Ecuadorians. The baited hook and line seem.s

PAGE 107

93 to have been tliG principal method used. No evidence of communial fishing is evident froin the faunal remains. The resuli:s of this study indicate several productive avenues for future research. Particularly informative would be an analysis of sites further north, east, and inland. These sites would have been less effected by the shifts of the Peruvian Current and the resulting climatic changes and would probably reflect a somewhat different subsistence base.

PAGE 109

100 TALBE 4 Continued

PAGE 110

10 i TABLE 5 FATOIAL LIST OGSE-38 MNI No. Fras, Bone Ut. % % ICJI Frag. % Bone Wt, Axii^-like B agra p anamens j.s cf. Ariidae unid Siluriformes Caranx sp. Mug 11 sp. Tetraodontidae unid. Osteichthyes verts. misc. TOTAL Osteichthyes Cheloniidae TOTAL Reptilia unid. ilodentia D usic yon cf. sechurae cf. Pus icy OR sp. unid. Mammalia TOTAL Itammalia unid. bone TOTAL FOOD BONE 1

PAGE 111

102 TABLE 6 FAUN.AI. LIST OGSE-63

PAGE 112

103 TABLE 7 FAUIJAL LIST OGSE-42

PAGE 113

104 TABLE 8 TAUNAL LIST OGSE-62 MNI Albula yu lpes Ariv.s -lika Bngre panainensit B agre cf. panamensi s Bagre sp. cf . Bagre A.riidae Siluriforraes (in part) uniJ. Siluriformes cf. Centropomus sp. I^IycLcroperca cf. xenarcha Serranidae cf . Serranidae Caranx hippos Caranx cf. hippos Cara nx sp. Vomer cf . declivifrons Carangidae Lu<'. janus sp . cf. Lu t janus sp. Anisotremus sp. Hpeiuulon sp. Orth opristis sp. cf. Orthoprisr-i s sp. Pomadasyidae cf. Pomadas3"i.i;>e Ca l£.-iug cf . 1Ayso.Tius Cynoscion sp , M ugil cepha lus M ugil sp. cf . ilugil sp. Scoinbridae cf. Scorabridae identifiable Osteichthyes unid. Osteichthyes verts. misc. TOT/lL Osteichthyes Chelonlidae cf. Chaloniidae TOTAL Reptilia No. Frag. Bone Wt . % % Frag. % Bone Wt. 1

PAGE 114

105 TABLE 8 Continued ... .

PAGE 115

106 TABLE 9 FAUK/d. LIST OGSE-62C

PAGE 116

107

PAGE 117

108 TABLE 11 FAUNAL LIST VALDIVIA

PAGE 118

109 TABLE 11 Continued

PAGE 119

110 T/vBLE 12 FAUKAX LIST LOI'lA ALTA, JII

PAGE 120

1.11 TABLE 12 Continued

PAGE 121

ii:

PAGE 122

113 TABLE 14 FAUNAL LIST REAL ;AT0, STRUCTUPvE 7 VAn No. Frag. Rone Wt. % Frag. % Bone Wt , Orecuolobidae Carclaarhinidae Rajif ormes TOTAL Chondrichthyes Ariuslike Satire panamensis Bagx'e sp. Ariidae Siluriformes Batracoididae Centropor a'as sp. Caraux h ippo s Caranx sp. cf. Selen e sp, Carangidae cf . Carangidae Lutjanus sp . cf . Lutjan us sp. Pom.idasyidae cf. Pomadasyidae Eairdi ella sp. Cynos c ion sp . cf . Cynoseion sp. I-arimus sp . Ilicropogon sp , Paralonchurus sp, Kyphosidae Labridae Mugil sp. cf . Mugil sp. unid, fish verts, misc. TOTAJ. Osteichthyes Chelouiidae TOTAL Rep till a unid . Aves TOTAL Aves 1

PAGE 123

114 TABLE 14 Continued

PAGE 124

115 TABLE 15 FAUNAL LIST REAL ALTO, STRUCTURE 10

PAGE 125

116

PAGE 126

117 TABLE 17 FAUNAL LIST REAL AI.TO, FEATURE 171 _ -

PAGE 127

118

PAGE 128

119 T/J3LE 19 FAUIIAL LIST REAL ALTO, STRUCTURE 8 WALL TRENCH M^I No. Frag. Bone Vc. Ml'II % Frag. % Bone Wt. Orectolobidae Carcharhinidae TOTAL Chondrichthyes Ariuslike Bagre uanamensis Bagre sp . Ariidae Siluriformes Batraclioididae C entropomus sp. cf . Serranidaa cf. Caraiigldae Pomadasyidae cf. Pomadasyidae cf . Cynos cion sp . Par a lonc hurus sp . Mug 11 sp . unid. Osteichtliyes verts. misc. TOTAL Osteichthyes Cheloriiidae TOTAL Reptilia cif. Aves TOTAL Aves Odocoileiis sp. cf . Mazama sp. Cervidae cf. Cervidae ui-dd. large Mananalla mediu.Ti size r'anii.ialia TOTAL MaiPJnalia unid. bone TOTA.L FOOD BONE 1

PAGE 129

120 TABLE 20 FAUl>iAL LIST REAL ALTO, FEATURE 101

PAGE 130

121 TABLE 21 FAUNAL LIST REAL ALTO, FEATURE 108

PAGE 131

122 TABLE 22 FAUK/J. LIST REAL ALTO, FEATURE 109 —

PAGE 132

123 TABLE 23 FAUI^AL LIST REAL ALTO, NON-FEATURE MATERIAL .

PAGE 133

\lk

PAGE 134

125

PAGE 135

126

PAGE 136

127 TABLE 26 Continued

PAGE 137

128 TA15LE 27 FAUNAL LIST OGCR-20 MNI No. Frar Bone lit. % % Frag. Carcharhinidae Chondrichthyes TOTAL Chondrichthyes Angui 1 1 i f o rme s Ariuslike Eagre pa nane nsis Bagra sp. Siluriformes Ari.idae Batracoididae Ce. nt:ropomus sp. Sarranidae Carangidae Lilt na nus sp . Poruadasyidae cf, Poiaadasyidae CalaGius sp . Cynoscion Lari mus sp. sp. cf. Larlmiis sp Micropogon sp . cf. Sciaenops Sciaenidae Lahridae cf . Labridae M ugll sp . Scombridae Balis tidae Tetraodontidae unid. Osteichthyes vert, misc. TOTAL Osteichthyes Chcloniidae TOTAL Reptilia cf . Aves TOTAL Aves Dusic3'oa sp. Cervidae iTicdiLra size llarunialia unid. MariTmalia TOTAL Mammalia % iJone Ut. 1

PAGE 138

L29 TABLE 27 Continued — ^ -• '

PAGE 139

130 TABLE 28 FAUNAL LIST OGSE-46U MNI No. Fra; Bone Ut. 1-INI % Frag. % Bone VJt. Carcharhinidae

PAGE 140

131

PAGE 142

133 1 o

PAGE 143

134

PAGE 144

135 CS! r3 W Cl I w > w pq n o -3; o o H o 1

PAGE 145

136

PAGE 146

;i37 00 w > " o > 1 o

PAGE 147

138

PAGE 148

139 1 o

PAGE 149

1^0

PAGE 150

j^PPENDIX C FORIIULAE FOR ESTIMATING LIVE WEIGHT sharks: sample size = 5 Lo.s y = 4.2183 (log x) 0.6197 where y = live v;eight in graras X = dorsal-ventral centrum diameter in mn, 4 = 0.9994 Log y = 4.6686 (log x) 1.0817 where y = live weight in grams X = lateral centrum dia^neter in mn. r = 0.9965 rays: proporation method used catfish: sample size = 5 Log y 0.8248 (log x) + 1.5470 where y = live weight in grams X skeletal weight in grams r = 0.9580 perciformes: sample = 6 Log y = 2.7802 (log x) + 0.6785 where y = live weight in grams X = anterior atlas centrum lateral diameter in mn. r = 0.9908 Log y 2.2601 (log x) + 0.9807 where y = live ^^7eight in grams X = centrum diameter for cervicals 2 thru 8 in mn. r 0.9834 Log y = 0.7775 (log x) + 1.6717 v;here y = live weight in grams X = skeletal weight in grams r = 0.9543 other fishes -perciformes forraulae used aiiipliibiaus -Anurans: proportion method used 141

PAGE 151

Ik2 turtles: sample size = 9 Log y = 0.831 (log x) + 0.82.29 where y = live weight in grams X =-skeletal weight in grams r = 0.9424 snake: sample size = 7 Log y = 2.7160 (log x) •!1.1018 V7here y live vjaight in grams X = centrum diameter in mn. r = 0.8978 birds: sample size = 26 Log y = 0.8212 (log x) + 1.2402 where y live weight in grains X skeletal weight in grams r = 0.9734 rabbit: used estimate of 1.5 kg, agouti: used estimate of 5.0 kg peccary: used estimate of 24 kg. other marr-ials; Log y = 1.0133 (log x) + 1.2049 vrhere y = live weight in grams X = skeletal vjeight in grams r = 0.9832

PAGE 152

/iPPEKDIX D

PAGE 153

APPENDIX E Scientific Name Food Values DescripCal./ Protein/ tion 100 g. 100 g. Reference Carcharhinidae Dasyatidae Albula vulpes Caranj-'idae raw raw raw /jiguilliformes

PAGE 154

145 Sci-27it:if ic Name Food Values

PAGE 155

APPENDIX r Scientific Kcime Coinmon Name Orectolobidae Carcliarhinldaa Suhyrna s p . Dasyatidae Rajif ormes Chondrichthyes A Ibula vulpes Angi.llifonues Clupeidae Engraulidae Siluriformes (in part) Siluriformes Ariu3-like Bagr^ panamensis Bagre Ariidae Batrachoididae Exocoetidae Stroxi gylura sto.lz manni Ceui tro porau s Epi nephelus M y teroperc a S3rj;anidae Caranx Cararix j^^JJ^os Hemic atran x V omer Selane Caraac;idae Coryphaenidae Lut;.janii£ Gerreidae /in isotrem us Kaenu lon Or_thopris_ti£ Pomadasyidae Cg.lj.'r.ms i) airdiella Cyr.oscion Larimus Carpet Sharks Requiem Sharks Hammerhead Shark Stingrays Skates and Rays Cartilaginous Fishes Bonefish Eel Herring Anchovy Freshwater Catfish Catfish Sea Catf i sh Chilhuil Sea Catfish Sea Catfish To ad fish Halfbeak and Flyingfish Needlefish Snook Sea Bass, Grouper Grouper Sea Basses, Groupers Jack Crevalle Jack Jack Moonfish, Jack Lookdown , Jack Jacks , Pomp an OS Dolphinfish Snappers No j arras Grunts Grunts Grunts Grunt Porgy Drum Seatrout, Drum Drum Drum, Croaker ue

PAGE 156

147 Odouto scion Paralonchurus Sciaenidae Kyphosidae Cirrhites Cirrhitidae Labridae Mug 11 Mu gil cephalus Spb^raena b arracuda EleoLridae Gobiidae Sccmbridaa Auivis Balis Lidae Tetrodontidae Osteichthyes Urura, Croaker Drum Drum Sea Chub Hawkf ish Hawk fish Wrass Mullet Striped Mullet Barracuda Sleeper Gobies Mackerels and Tunas Mackerel Triggerf ish Puffers Bony Fishes Buforiidae Ranidae Anuran Amphibia Toad Frog Toads and Frogs Amphibians Emydidae Lepidochelys Cheloniidae Cons trictor c onst rictor E'23. coi'^-strictor Dcymar chon c orals Eothrops Serpentia RepLilia T.Uia• Tinamidae P elecanus occidentalis Anatidae But CO Accipitridae Falco p eregrinus Cracidae Laridae ColuiTibidae Psittacidae Passeriformes Aves Box and Water Turtles Sea Turtle Sea Turtles Indigo Snake Snake Reptile Tinamou Brown Pelican Duck Ha^vks Peregrine Falcon Cur as sow Gull Pigeon Parrot Song Birds Birds Didelphadae Homo sapiens Das y p us Sylvilag us Sciurus Sciuridae Pr oechim ys Opossum Man Armadillo Rabbit Squirrel Squirrel Spiny rat

PAGE 157

148 Cricetinae Dasyprocta ^^o ut j^ Rode.ntia Mustelidae Pus icy on Canis f ami l iaris Canidae Felis concolor Tapiru3 O docoileus I'lazama Cervidae Tayassu Mammalia Rodents Agouti Rodents Weasel Fox Dos Dogs and Wolfs Mountain Lion Tapir I-Ihite-tailed Deer Brocket Deer Deer Peccary Mamnials

PAGE 158

BIBLIOGIli\PirY Acosta-Solis , K. 1970 Georgrafia y Ecologia de las Tierras .'^jrides dal Ecuador. Institute Ecuatoriana de Ciencias Karuales Contribucion No. 72, Enero 1970, Quito, Arlin, Ilarian Thompson 1972 Tha Science of Nutrition . The Macmillan Co. New York. Bischof, Henning 1972 ITie Origins of Pottery in South America Recent Radiocarbon Dates from Southwest Ecuador, Atci del XL Congresso Intemazional Degli Americanist. Roma/Genova. Bischof, Henning and Julio Viteri Gamboa 1972 Pre-Valdivia Occupations on the Southwest Coast of Ecuador. Araerican Antiquity , Vol. 37, pp. 548-55. Brokx, P. A. 1972 Age Determination of Venezualan \fliite-Tailed Deer, Journal of ^'Jil dlife Management , Vol. 36, llo. 4, pp. 1060-1067. Lawrence, Kansas. Brown, Antioxiette Belco 1973 Bone Strontium Content as a Dietary Indicator in Huiaan Skeletal Population. Dissertation, University of Michigan. Bushnell, G. H. S. 1951 The Archaeology of the Santa Elena Peninsula of South-West Ecuador, Occasion al Publications of the Cambridge Museum o f Arch aeology and Ethnol ogy, No. 1. Cambridge. Carneiro, Robert L. 1961 Slash-and-Burn Cultivation Among the Kuikuru and its Implications for Cultural Development in' the Amazon Basin, An thropologica , Supplement No. 2, pp. 47-65. Caracus . Casteal, Richard VJ. 1974 A Method for Estimation of Live Ueight of Fish from the Size of Skeletal Remains, American Antiquity , Vol. 39, No. 1, pp 94-97. V/ashington. Chaplin, P^. E. 1971 The Study of Anima l Boae s from Archaeological Sites . Seminar Press. New York. 149

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150 Chard, Chester S. 1950 PtcColumbian Trade Between Worth and South A.iierica. K roaber Anthropological Society Paper s, No. 1, University of California. Berkeley. Davenport, William C. 1971 Jamaican Fishing: A Game Theory Analysis, In Peoples and Cult ures of the Caribbean ed. by Michael H. Horowitz. American Museum of Natural History, The Natural History Press. Garden City, New York. Eigenraann, Carl H. 1921 The Nature and Origin of the Fishes of the Pacific Slope of Ecuador, Peru and Chile. Proc. of Am. Phil. Soc . Vol. LX, No. 4, pp. 503-523. Philidelphia. Estrada, Emilio 1956 Valdivia un sitio arqueologico formative en la costa de la Provincia del Guayas , Ecuador, Publicacion del Museo V ictor F.milio Estrada , No. 1. Guayaquil. 1961 Nusvos elementos en la Cultura Valdivia: Sus posibles contactos Transpacif icos . Publicacion del Sub-comite j. Ecuato riano de /jitropologia . Guayaquil. Ford, James A. 1969 A Comparison of Formative Cultures in the Americas: Diffusion or the psychic unity of man. Smithsonian Contribut ion s to Aixthropo lo.^y , Vol. 11. Washington. Could, Peter R. 1972 (original 1963) Man Against his Environment: A Game Theoretic Framework, Man, Space, and Environment , pp. 147165. ed. by Paul W. English and Robert C. Mayfield. Oxford University Press. New York. Gross, Daniel R. 1975 Protein Capture and Cultural Development in the Amazon Basin, Ani erican Anthropologist . Vol. 77, No. 3, pp. 526-549. V.'ashington. Harris, Marv/in 1966 The Cultural Ecology of India's Sacred Cattle, Anthro£ologx> '^ol. 7, pp. 51-59. Chicago. Hlggs, E. S. and C. Vita-Finzi Current 1972 Prehistoric Economies: A Territorial Approach, In Papers in Economic Prehistory , ed, by E. S. Higgs. Univ. Press. Cambridcte . Hill, Bets:1966 A Ceramic Sequence for the Valdivia Complex, Guayas Province, Ecuador. Master's Essay, Columbia University. New York.

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151 Kolmbsrg. Allan R. 1969 Nomads of the Lon g Bov;: The Sirloao of Eastern Bolivia . The Natural History Press. Garden City, New York. Hough, Jack L. 1953 Pleistocene Climatic Record in a Pacific Ocean Core Sample, Journal of Geology, Vol. 61, pp. 252-262. Chicago. I.anningj Edward P. 1967a Archaeological Investigations on the Santa Elena Peninsula Ecuador. Report to the National Science Foundation on ?>.esearch carried out under Grant GS-402, 1954-65. 1 1967b Per u Before the Incas . Prentice-Hall, Inc. Englewood Cliffs, N. J. 1968 Investigaciones Arqueologicas en la Peninsula de Sta. Elena, Ecuador: Informe por la Case de la Cultura Ecuatoriana. Manuscript. Lathrap, Donald W. 1967 Pvcview of "Early Forrnative Period of Coastal Ecuador: Valdivia and Machalilla Phases", /jaerican Anthropologist , Vol, 69, No. 1, pp. 96-98. Washington. 1973 The "Hunting" Econonics of the Tropical Forest Zone of South America: An Attempt at Historical Perspective. In Peoples an d Cultures of Native South Araerica ed. by Daniel R. Gross. The Natural History Press. Garden City, New York. 1975 Personal Communications. Lathrap, Donald VJ. and Jorge G. Marcos 1975 Informe Preliminar Sobre las Excavaciones del Sitio Real Alto por la Mis ion Anthropologica de la Universidad de Illj.nois, Revista de la Universi d ad Catolica , Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Ecuador, Numero rionograf ico: Arquelogia, Ano III, No, 10, Novembre, 1975. Quito. Leung, Woot-Tsuen Wu 1961 Food Composition Table for Use in Latin /ijnerica . National Institutes of Health. Bethesda. Lowery, George H., Jr. 1974 T he Mammals of Louisiana and Its Adjacent Haters . Louisiana State University Press. Baton Rouge, Louisiana. MacHeish, Richard S. Thomas C. Patterson and David L. Bro^vTnan 1975 The Central Peruvian Prehistoric Interaction Sphere. Papers of t he P.obert S. Peabody Foundation for Archaeology . Vol. 7. /iiidover. Maples, Willlain 1974 Personal ComTiuini cat ions .

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152 Marcos, Jorge 1975 Personal ComKiunlcations. Meggers, Bettj' J. 1965 Ec uado r. Praeger Publishers, Inc. Nav; York. 1971 ^i.iazonla : Man and C ultur e in a Counterfeit Paradise. Aldine Publishing Co. Chicago. ~ Meggers, Betty J., Clifford Evans, and Erailio Estrada 1965 Early Forraative. Period of Coastal Ecuador: The Valdivian and Machalilla Phases. Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology , Vol. 1, Smithsonian Institution. Washington. Moseley, Michael Edward 19 75 The Maritime Foundations of Andean Civilization . Cummings Archaeology Series, Cummings Publishing Company, Menlo Park, California. Mulinski, T. M. J. 1976 The Use of Fetal Material as a Measure of Stress at Grasshopper Pueblo. Paper Presented at the 1976 meeting of the Society for American Archaeology. St. Louis. Murphy, Robert Cushman 1926 Oceanic and Climatic Phenomena Along the West Coast of South America During 1925. Geo graphical Review , Vol. XVI, No. 1, January, pp. 26-54. New York, Murphy, Yolanda aiid Robert F. Murphy 1974 " Woman of the Forest . Columbia University Press. Hew York. Norton, Presley 1971 A Preliminary Report on Loma Alta and the Implications of Inland Valdivia A. Paper presented at the Primer Simposio de Correlaciones Anthropologicas Andino-Mesoamericano, 25-31. Julio. Salinas, Odum, K. T. 1971 Ene rgy, Pox^er and Environm ent. Wiley Intersciance. New York. Paulsen, Allison C. 1971 Environment and Empire: Climatic Factors in Prehistoric Andean Culture Change. Paper presented at the 36th Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, Norman, Oklahoma. Pike, R. and M. Brown 1967 N!itjii^oni_JVn_jrit^sgrated Approach. John Wiley and Son. New York.

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153 Porras, Pedro I. 1973 El Encanto, un sitio insular de la Fase Valdivia asociad o a un conchero auulas . Serie La Puna I. Museo Francisco Piana. Guayaquil. P<.appaport, Roy A. 1958 Pigs for the Ancestors: P-itual in the Ecology of a New Guineas People . Yale University Press. New Haven. Reed, C. A. 1963 Osteo-archaeology . In Science in Archaeology, ed. by E. S. niggs and Don Broth-^/ell, pp. 204-216. Thames and Nudson; Nev7 York. Sarma, A. V. N. 1974 Holocene Paleoecology of South Coastal Ecuador. Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, Vol. 118, No, 1, pp. 93-134. Philadelphia. Schott, Gerhard 1932 The Humboldt Current in Relation to Land and Sea Conditions on tiie Peruvian Coast, Geography , Vol. XVII, pp. 87-98. London. Sebrell, William H. and Jamas J. Haggerty 1967 Food and Nutrition . Time Incorporated. New York. Reveringhaus J C. VJ. 1949 Tooth Development and Wear as Criteria of Age in VJhiteTailed Deer. Journal of Wildlife Management , Vol. 13, pp. 195-241. Lawrence, Kansas. Sheppard, G. 1930 Notes on the climate and physiography of southwestern Ecuador, Geographical Pvevievr , Vol. 20, pp. 445-453. New York. Smith, Bruce D, 1975 Middle Mississippi Exploitation of Animal Populations. Anthropological Papers, Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, ^mn Arbor. Steward, Julian H. 1955 Th eory of Culture Change: The Methodology of Multilinear Evo lution . University of Illinois Press. Urbana. Stothert, Karen E. 1974 The Early Prehistory of the Sta. Elena Peninsula, Ecuador: Continuities betvreen the Perceramic and Ceramic Cultures. Paper presented to the XLI Congress of Americanists, Mexico City, Mexico. 1975 Personal Comm.unications .

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154 Svenson, K. K. 1946 Vegetation of the coast of Ecuador and Peru and its relation to that of the Galapagos Islands, Contribution No. 104, Brooklyn Botanic Gar den. New York. Trewartha, Glen T. 1962 'fhe Earth's Problem Climates . University of Wisconsin Press. Madison. Vayda, Andrew P. and Roy A. Rappaport 1968 Ecology, Cultural and Non-Cultural, Introduction to Cultural Anthropology , Ed. by J. A. Clifton Houghton Mifflin. Boston. VJatt, Bernice K. and Annabel L, Merrill 1975 (original 1963) Handbook of the Nutritional Contents of Foods . U.S.D.A. Agricultural Handbook No. 8, Dover PublicatiQns , Inc. New York. VJest, Robert C. 1956 Mangroves Swamps of the Pacific Coats, Annals A^soc. of Amer . Geographers , Vol. 46, Nol 1, pp. 89-121. ^^ite, Theodore E. 1953 A Method of Calculating the Dietary Percentage of Various Food Animals Utilized by Aboriginal Peoples. American Antiquity , Vol. 18, No. 4, pp. 396-98. Salt Lake. Willey, Gordon R. 1971 An Introduction to American Archaeology. Vol. T\7o South /juerica . Prentice Hall, Inc. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey. Willey, Gordon R. and Phillip Phillips 1958 Method and T neory in American Archaeology . University of Chicago Press. Chicago. Wing, Elizabeth S. 1976a Ways of Going From a Sliver of Bone to a Calorie. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology. St. Louis. 1976b Personal Communications. Zevallos Menendez, Carlos 1970 La Agricultura en el Formativo Temprano del Ecuador (Cultura Valdivia) . Casa de la Cultura Ecuatoriana , Nucleo de Guayas. Guayaquil. Zevallos Menendez, Carlos y Olaf Holm 1960 Excavaciones arqueologicas en San Pablo Editrial Casa de la Cultura Ecuatoriana (Nucleo del Guayas). Guayaquil.

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BIOGRAiHICAL SKETCH Kathleen Mary Byrd v/as born on February 2, 1949 in Staraford, Conneccicut, the daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Daniel liyrd of New Canaan, Connecticut. The oldest of txjo children, she attended elementary and secondary schools in New Canaan and Stamford, After two years at the College of St. Elizabeth in New Jersey, she traiisf erred to Marquette University in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, where she majored in anthropology. Subsequent to her graduation from Marquette. in 1971 with a B.A. degree, she entered the graduate program, at Louisiana State University in Baton Rouge, Louisiana. At this institution she continued her study of archaeology and developed an interest in zooarchaeology and preViistoric subsistence patterns. She received her M.A. degree froa that university in 1974. VJhile still completing her thesis she transferred to the University of Florida to continue her study of anthropology and particularly archaeology and zooarchaeology , During the Interim she made two archaeological field trips to South America, one to Argentina and the other to Ecuador. The latter trip resulted in her dissertation research. She is presently a candidate for the Doctor of Philosopiiy degree in anthropology at the University of Florida. 155

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I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforns to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fullyadequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Elizabeth S. Wing, Chairperson Associate Professor of Anthropology I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforns to acceptable standards of scholarly presentB,tion and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. i/:lLj2-vi-d Williara P.. Maples ,/ Associate Professor of Anthropolog;^I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. \ ^^-/ .' -^\\s^A> -\ ;-^^ -> Maxine L. Margolis Associate Professor oi T^ Anthropology conforms adequate Doctor o certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully , in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of f Philosophy. Jei-^ld T. Milanich /Ag«ista.nt Professor of Mthi'opclogy

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I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptahle standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. S. David V7ehh Professor of Zoology and Geology This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Department of Anthropology in the College of Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. August, 1976 Dean, Graduate School


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