Front Cover
 Table of Contents
 Front Matter
 Back Cover


Digitization of this item is currently in progress.
Caribbean Review
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00095576/00021
 Material Information
Title: Caribbean Review
Physical Description: Serial
Language: English
Creator: Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University
Publisher: Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University
Place of Publication: Miami, FL
Publication Date: 1973
Copyright Date: 1980
Genre: serial   ( sobekcm )
 Record Information
Source Institution: FIU: Special Collections
Holding Location: FIU: Special Collections
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 1553369
System ID: UF00095576:00021

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Table of Contents
        Page 1
    Front Matter
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
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        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
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        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
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        Page 50
        Page 51
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        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
    Back Cover
        Back Cover 1
        Back Cover 2
Full Text

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OCT/NOV/DEC Seventy-Five Cents Vol. V No. 4
The Draining of Surinam, Which Way The U.S. Virgin Islands?, West Indian
Fiction is Alive and Well, The Dominican Invasion, Latin American
Economic Integration .


by Cyril Hamshere

"Who the first English-
man was to arrive in the Carib-
bean or visit South America
is not certain. It is possible that
there were English or Irishmen
among the motley crews of
Columbus, but if there were,
their names are unknown."
So begins one of the most
exciting accounts of the

history of British experience
in the Caribbean from the
sixteenth to twentieth century.
Cyril Hamshere's fast-moving,
illustrated narrative depicts
the great Tudor seamen
Hawkins, Drake, and their
successors during the age of
At better bookstores for $12.95

Harvard University Press
Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138

In this issue...

The Draining of Surinam, by Edward Dew. An analysis of the causes and results
of the Surinamese emigration to the Netherlands. Edward Dew teaches politics at
Fairfield University and is presently doing research in Surinam. Page Eight.

Which Way the U.S. Virgin Islands?, by Gordon K. Lewis. The political
predicament and alternatives of this American colony is explored. Gordon K.
Lewis' latest book, The Virgin Islands: A Caribbean Lilliput, was recently
published by Northwestern University Press. This article is excerpted from it. Page

West Indian Fiction is Alive and Well, by Eugene V. Mohr. Recent major works of
West Indian fiction are examined and found once again to be vibrant. Eugene V.
Mohr teaches English at the University of Puerto Rico. Page Twenty-Three.

Six Months in the West Indies in 1825, by H.N. Coleridge. How the West Indies
looked in the early nineteenth century to a British gentleman. Page Thirty.

Too Much Of A Good Thing, by Aaron Segal. The problem of overpopulation is
discussed through a review of recent major works on the subject. Aaron Segal
teaches government at Cornell and is a Caribbean Review Editor-At-Large. Page

Latin American Economic Integration, by Ramesh Ramsaran. The success and
failure of attempts at economic integration in Latin America are evaluated.
Ramesh Ramsaran, a native of Trinidad, is a research fellow in monetary studies,
University of the West Indies. He is presently doing research in the Bahamas. Page

The Dominican Invasion, by Jorge Rodriguez Beruff. The 1965 events are
analyzed in evaluating two recent books. Invasion turns out to be a better word
for what happened in the Dominican Republic than intervention, the commonly
used euphemism. Jorge Rodriguez, a native of Cuba, teaches at the University of
Puerto Rico. He recently spent a year in Perui researching the military and is
presently in England analyzing his results. Page Forty-Five.

Recent Books, by Neida Pagan. Caribbean Review continues to introduce its
readers to new books about the Caribbean, Latin America, and their emigrant
groups. Page Forty-Eight.

The Caribbean Guide. Caribbean Review helps Caribbean travellers become
acquainted with where to stay, what to see and what to eat. Page Fifty-Two.

The cover photo is of a poster by Eduardo Vera Cort6s, used as the 1970
Christmas greetings of the Division of Community Education of the
Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. Photo by Joel Kandel.

Seventy-five Cents
Vol. V No. 4

Barry B. Levine
Joseph D. Olander
Managing Editor:
Jose Keselman
Business Manager:
Joe Guzmbn
Associate Editors
For the English Speaking Caribbean:
Basil Ince
For the French Speaking Caribbean:
Gerard Latortue
For the Spanish Speaking Caribbean:
Olga Jimdnez de Wagenheim
For Central America:
Ricardo Arias
Ken Boodhoo
Celia Fernandez de Cintrbn
Herbert Hiller
Anthony P. Maingot
Aaron Segal
Assistant Editor:
Susan Sheinman
Executive Administrator:
Denise Robicheau
Art Director:
Andrew R. Banks
Neida Pagan
From the Dutch and Papiamentu:
Ligia Espinal de Hoetink
From the French and Creole:
Marlene Zdphirin
From the Spanish:
Adela G. L6pez

Caribbean Review, a quarterly journal dedicated to the Caribbean,
Latin America, and their emigrant groups, is published by
Caribbean Review, Inc., a non-profit corporation organized under
the laws of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. Mailing address:
Caribbean Review; G.P.O. Box C.R.; San Juan, Puerto Rico
00936. Unsolicited manuscripts (articles, essays, reprints, excerpts,
translations, book reviews, poetry, etc.) are welcome but should
be accompanied by a self-addressed stamped envelope. Copyright
C 1973 by Caribbean Review, Inc. All rights reserved.
Subscription rates: 1 year: $3.00; 2 years: $5.50; 3 years: $7.50;
Lifetime: $25.00. Air Mail: add $1.00 per year; $20.00, lifetime.
Payment in Canadian currency or with checks drawn from banks
outside the U.S. add 10 percent. Invoicing charge: $1.00.
Subscription agencies please take 15 percent.
Back Issues: Vol. 1, No. 1 & Vol. III, No. 1: $3.00 each. All other
back numbers: $2.00 each. New lifetime subscribers can receive all
back issues for an extra $15.00. In addition, microfilm and
microfiche copies of Caribbean Review are available from
University Microfilms, A Xerox Company, 300 North Zeeb Road,
Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106.
Advertising: Inquiries and orders for advertising space may be sent
directly to the magazine or to Cidia, Inc., Box 1769, Old San
Juan, Puerto Rico 00903, the agency through which they will be
contracted and processed.
International Standard Serial Number: PRISSN 0008-6525;
Dewey Decimal Number: 972.9 800.


Caribbean Review continues to expand. Jos6
Keselman becomes Managing Editor. A native
of Cuba, he teaches Political Science at
Florida International University. He is cur-
rently completing work on Cuban Revolu-
tionary Politics, 1920-1935. In order to
complete a book length manuscript on
Guatemala, Jos6 M. Aybar leaves the As-
sociate Editorship for the Spanish Speaking
Caribbean. He is being replaced by Olga
Jim6nez de Wagenheim. A Ford Fellow in
Latin American History at Rutgers University,
she recently co-edited with Kal Wagenheim,
The Puerto Ricans (Praeger, 1973, $12.50).
Ricardo Arias becomes Associate Editor for
Central America. A native of Panama, he
chairs the Department of Philosophy and
Religion at Florida International University.
With this issue, we also introduce five new
Editors at Large: Ken Boodhoo (a native of
Trinidad and Tobago, he teaches Political
Science at Florida International University);
Celia Fernandez de Cintr6n (she teaches social
psychology at the University of Puerto Rico
and has co-authored with Barry Levine, The
Burden of Poverty in Puerto Rico, University
of Miami Press, 1974); Herbert Hiller (former
Executive Director of the Caribbean Travel
Association, he teaches Alternate Tourism
Perspectives at Florida International Univer-
sity); Anthony P. Maingot, (he is Professor of
International Relations at the University of
the West Indies, Trinidad); Aaron Segal
(author of two books on the Caribbean and
past editor of Africa Report, he teaches
government at Cornell University and has
recently co-authored The Traveler's Africa -
Hopkinson & Blake, 1973, $12.95).
We hope to announce further plans soon.

Page 2 C.R. Vol. V No. 4




L6pez on Lewis

In the last few years there has been emerging
on the U.S. mainland a new generation of Puerto
Ricans. It is an angry generation; in part, the
product of the nightmarish ghettos of North
American cities. It is a generation which is
becoming increasingly aware that the struggle
against the prejudice and exploitation that Puerto
Ricans have been and are being subjected to in
the U.S. has to be fought and won in the U.S.,
and not in Puerto Rico. Arriving at this
realization had been a painful process. No doubt,
many Puerto Rican intellectuals on the island will
question its validity. Yet, only when it becomes
widespread among Puerto Rican intellectuals and
Puerto Rican youth on the mainland will we be
able to cope successfully with the problems which
afflict our people in this country. It was the
failure to recognize this, for example, that
brought about the demise of the Young Lords
Party, a demise which began when its members
put aside their promising efforts in the ghettos of
New York in order to become involved in the
struggle for Puerto Rican independence. They
should have realized that even if Puerto Rican
independence were to be achieved tomorrow,
there still would be hundreds of thousands of
Puerto Ricans who will continue to live, work,
and die in this country. The problems of these
Puerto Ricans will not be wiped out by any
change in the political status of Puerto Rico.
Puerto Rican independence, of which I am an
almost fanatical supporter, will not kill the rats
and roaches that infect the ugly tenements of the
urban ghettos into which so many Puerto Ricans
are crowded. Nor will independence end the low
wages, the unemployment, the police brutality,
the pains and the humiliations to which Puerto

Ricans are subjected in this country.
Even though Puerto Rican youth on the
mainland is becoming increasingly aware that the
struggle in the States had to be fought somewhat
differently from the struggle for Puerto Rican
independence, it is a youth that is proud of its
cultural roots and has developed an almost
insatiable appetite for knowledge about Puerto
Rico and its history. It is this appetite which has
brought about the creation of Puerto Rican
Studies departments in U.S. universities, and has
made possible the profitable lecture tours of
Puerto Rican scholars through North American
campuses; and it is this appetite which precipi-
tated the writing of my essay so critically received
by Gordon Lewis. In that essay (C.R. V, No. 2) I
emphasized the critical need for more literature
on Puerto Rico in English in English because
the majority of Puerto Rican students in the U.S.
have difficulty reading Spanish. This is a fact and
no longer a source of shame. A third-generation
Puerto Rican on the mainland can still be a
Puerto Rican without mastering the language of
our first colonial overlords.
Surprisingly as it may seem to those who
assume that all that Puerto Rican scholars do is to
study Puerto Rico, my major field of research and
publication is the economic and political history
of southern South America in the sixteenth and

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Foreword by
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SRoberto Clemente.
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drawn the true dimensions of this complex, extraor-
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C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec 1973 Page 3


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seventeenth centuries. Perhaps because of this
Lewis might feel that I do not have the "moral
right" (to use his own phrase) to be critical of
those whose main area of research is Puerto Rico.
If so, I disagree. I have read a great deal of what
has been written on Puerto Rico and I am
intelligent enough to discern what is good and
what is bad, and what is useful and what is not. I
have also been teaching Puerto Rican history to
Puerto Rican students in the U.S. mainland for
several years. It has been in the course of teaching
that I have come to perceive some of the needs of
those students. My essay was not designed
primarily to criticize some of the books on Puerto
Rico available in English (although that was
certainly on of its goals), but to summarize
briefly the history of the Puerto Rican diaspora,
point to some of the problems faced by Puerto
Ricans in the U.S., and outline the type of
literature which, as I perceive it, is needed to
meet the needs and demands of Puerto Rican
youth on the mainland. I should have emphasized
in my essay that whatever is written to meet
those needs should be written in clear language
and with the assumption that most Puerto Rican
students in the U.S. know little about the history
and the political complexities of Puerto Rico.
Gordon Lewis' own book on Puerto Rico is one
of the most important published in the post-war
period. I think that I made that clear in my essay.
But the vast majority of the students to whom I
have talked and who have read the book, find it
cumbersome, confusing, dull, and, therefore, of
limited value.
Lewis is particularly upset by my use of what
he calls "opprobrious epithets." Somewhat
bewildered by this, I consulted the dictionary, I
found that the words I used in my comments on
some of the books I mentioned in my essay mean
exactly what I meant them to mean. Some of the
books I described are cumbersome, and/or dull,
and/or simple-minded, and/or confusing, and/or
superficial. I did not damn them with faint praise,
and I did not praise others with civil leer. And I
do not agree with Lewis' assertion that a book,
like a woman, has to be accepted for what it is,
with all its faults and idiosyncracies. A woman,
like a book, can be interesting or dull, mediocre
or superior, beautiful ur ugly. I am sure that in
referring to the books of others, Lewis himself
has often used the so-called epithets he so
strongly criticises me for using. If he has not, then
he has achieved a degree of intellectual charity
which fortunately eludes the vast majority of us.
Lewis suggests that I am a nationalist
chauvinist. In the sense that I have perhaps too
strong an emotional attachment to Puerto Rico
and the Puerto Rican people, and that I resent
foreigners telling us how to think, I plead guilty

Page 4 C.R. Vol. V No. 4

to that charge. But my pride in my culture and in
the achievements of my people, and my belief
that Puerto Ricans constitute a nation and that
we should struggle on behalf of the survival of
that nation, do not extend to the level where I
believe that all that is Puerto Rican is good and all
Puerto Ricans are saints, and that all that is North
American is evil and all North Americans are
vulgar barbarians. Nor do they preclude my
willingness to accept that non-Puerto Ricans can
study Puerto Rico and make significant contribu-
tions to our understanding of the history and
culture of the island. If my essay emphasized
works by North Americans it is not because I
have a colonial mentality, as Lewis might believe,
but simply because the essay dealt primarily with
the literature on Puerto Rico available in English;
and although (as Lewis rightfully comments) the
literature available in English on Puerto Rico is
far larger than one might conclude after reading
my essay, the fact remains that the bulk of that
literature is the product of North American
writers and that some of it is thoughtful and
useful. If I were to reject this literature simply
because it is the product of North American
expatriates then I would indeed be an infantile
nationalist chauvinist deserving condemnation -
just as I would be if I rejected Lewis' works on
Puerto Rico simply because he happens to be an
English expatriate.
There are blatant contradictions in some of the
criticisms which Lewis has made of my essay and
me. He first suggests that I am a nationalist
chauvinist. A few paragraphs later he criticises me
for emphasizing the works of North American
expatriates. Then later on he chastises me for not
fully appreciating their work and for making
"ungracious" comments about several of their
Lewis seems upset by my suggestion that
Pedreira's Insularismo be translated into English
so that Puerto Rican students on the U.S.
mainland can read and understand the book. He is
upset because that book is, in his opinion, a
"neo-racist essay in nostalgic hispanidad." Pe-
dreira's essay is certainly nostalgic, and perhaps
neo-racist as well. But that does not negate the
fact that Insularismo is one of the most important
works in the intellectual history of Puerto Rico
and that it had a tremendous impact (pernicious,
perhaps) on a whole generation of Puerto Rican
intellectuals. It is because of the importance of
the book that I want my students to read it.
Would Lewis suggest that students of modem
German history not read Hitler's Mein Kampf
because it is blatantly racist? Would he suggest
that students of Bolivian history not read
Arguedas' Pueblo enfermo because it is neo-
racist? And would he suggest that students of

Spanish American letters not read Rodo's Ariel -
one of the most important and influential works
in the intellectual history of Spanish America -
because it is neo-racist and elitist in nature? If
Lewis' answer to these questions is positive, then
I truly pity his students.
In the course of his criticism Lewis puts me
down for what he calls my "naive acceptance of
Liebman's astonishing assertion that in 1964
Puerto Rican students were not oriented toward
leftwing or nationalist movements." In no place
in my essay did I indicate that I accept this
conclusion. I merely summarized what the book
is all about. But since Lewis has placed me in a
position where I feel obliged to take a stand on
Liebman's study of Puerto Rican student politics,
let me say that I do not find the book's
conclusions "astonishing" in the least. The fact
that there were student strikes in the 1930s and
1940s, that for many years the FUPI was at the
forefront of the struggle for Puerto Rican
independence, that students carried out an
admirable struggle against the ROTC program at
the University of Puerto Rico, and that many
Puerto Rican students have not forgotten the
memory of the Nationalist Party, does not negate
Liebman's conclusion that most Puerto Rican
students are neither leftwing nor involved in the
nationalist movement. It is a sad commentary on
the Puerto Rican student body, but a legitimate
commentary nevertheless. I believe that the
comments which Jose Emilio Gonzalez made in
1962 on Puerto Rican students were valid when
Liebman did his study and in many ways are still
valid today: 'Where is the youthfulness of our
young people?' Emilio Gonzalez asks. 'The best
of them study, and in doing so fulfill a task
worthy of de Hostos, who always loved the truth.
But these are few, very few. The rest perambulate
the corridors and the grounds of the University
campus, interminably chattering... They kill
time before time kills them. And so life passes by
for them, moving from one piece of fun to
another... Where are the great ideals whereby
one is wont to measure a young generation? Ask
any of these youngsters what he wants to do or
be. A good job in government or in a flourishing
commercial enterprise. Money. A house in an
exclusive urbanization. A wife. Television. Ice-
box. Hi-fi... It is a docile youth, worshipping
everything, accepting everything as long as it
carries with it the stamp of approval of
established political and economic author-
ity....'" (Cited in Gordon K. Lewis, Puerto
Rico: Freedom and Power in the Caribbean, p.
467). Perhaps the 600 students who Liebman
interviewed were, as Lewis suggests, the Puerto
Rican counterpart of the brave, stupid, and

C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec 1973 Page 5

A new voice in

the Caribbean

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Inter American Revista/Review...a dual-language journal of
scholarship and opinion, published quarterly by Inter American
University, San Juan, Puerto Rico. Provocative articles on history,
literature, political affairs, education, economics...plus book reviews,
poetry, short stories and major bibliographies. Past and future issues include
Eric Williams, Prime Minister of Trinidad, on Slavery and its Apologists.
Eugene V. Mohr, An Annotated Bibliography of Puerto Rican Literature in
English, 1923-1973. J. L. Dillard, author of "Black English," on Spanish-
English Language Contact in the American Southwest. Luis Diaz Soler,
University of Puerto Rico, on Relaciones Raciales en Puerto Rico.
Thomas Dale Stewart, of the Smithsonian, on Myths and Realities in
Amerindian Life. Angel Aguirre, Inter American University,
on Rena Marques and the Struggle of the Puerto Rican Theater.
Joshua Fishman, Yeshiva University, on The Sociology of Language.
Ram6n Cruz, Secretary of Education for Puerto Rico,
on El Reto Educativo en Puerto Rico. John Figueroa, Jamaican
poet, on West Indian Writers. Rub6n del Rosario, University of
Puerto Rico, on Puerto Rican Slang, plus much more...

Please send me:
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innocent 600 cavalrymen of Tennyson's Charge
of the Light Brigade who could not recognize a
colonialist adventure even when they were
directly participating in it. But that is a criticism
of the students, not of Liebman and his work.
Lewis' comments on the book by Wells are
well-taken. Perhaps I gave the book undue praise
(though I still believe it has its uses). My failure to
mention the works of Sidney Mintz was an
oversight on my part and for that I apologize
both to Lewis and Mintz. My failure to mention
Oscar Lewis, however, was intentional and not
regretted, for I find Oscar Lewis' La Vida a
useless and harmful book. What, after all, did La
Vida contribute to our understanding of Puerto
Rico and Puerto Rican society? That there is
poverty in the island? That is no real
contribution. The vast majority of foreigners who
visit Puerto Rico and the vast majority of the
Puerto Ricans themselves (even those who have
not been initiated into the mysteries of the ivory
tower) know that there is poverty and suffering in
Puerto Rico. No, Oscar Lewis' La Vida
contributed almost nothing to our knowledge of
Puerto Rico and Puerto Rican society. On the
other hand, it has had harmful effects. Gordon
Lewis may not be aware of it, but there are in the
U.S. many people who bitterly dislike Puerto
Ricans; people to whom Puerto Ricans are dirty,
obscene, and barbaric; people to whom Puerto
Rican women are just so many cheap whores. La
Vida fed this bigotry and perhaps even gave it
some respectability. I can imagine the countless
times that the bigots who read La Vida (or at
least the more seedy sections of the book) said to
themselves: "I knew it; Oscar Lewis is right;
Puerto Rican women are whores." La Vida is a
pernicious book, a dirty book, a useless book.
The negative reaction of many Puerto Ricans to
the book was not, as my critic would have people
believe, a manifestation of the Puerto Ricans'
"pathological sensitivity." It was a perfectly
human, legitimate, and easily explainable reac-
tion. Gordon Lewis himself has recently described
La Vida as "a sort of peephole sociology that
gravely exaggerates the more pornographic
aspects of San Juan slum life" ("Puerto Rico:
Towards a New Consciousness," Latin American
Review of Books, Vol. I, p. 148). It is a marvelous
and accurate commentary.
Just beginning my academic career, I am
perhaps still naive enough to believe that there is
great value to the truth, and that it is far more
harmful than helpful to distort it or deny it.
Ordinarily I would be flattered that something I
have written has elicited the response of Gordon
Lewis, a scholar whom I hold in great esteem. I
am not disturbed by most of the criticisms he has

made of my essay and me, criticisms which were
probably written in a moment of blind anger over
my comments on his book and which for the
most part are infantile, unjustified, or both. But I
am upset by the condescending tone of his
response and by some of his comments on Puerto
Rican intellectuals. His references to Puerto Rican
intellectuals as a lumpenproletariat, to our alleged
"kept woman mentality," to our alleged
"pathological sensitivity," and to our failure to
do our "homework," may have some content of
truth, but they come in a patronizing tone which
I find personally insulting. I resent his setting
himself up on a pedestal and chastising us because
we have not acted as he would want us to act,
because we have not thought as he would want us
to think, because we have not done our
homework as he would want us to do it, and
because we have not emulated those he feels we
ought to emulate. We are tired of the Great White
Fathers who come to us from the outside with
the delusion that they have a monopoly over all
the avenues to truth and liberation. The future of
Puerto Rico will be mapped and worked out by
my generation of Puerto Ricans and the
generations which will come after it. Lewis and
other foreign expatriates may look at what we do;
they will certainly study and analyse us; they may
criticize or praise us; they may even try to tell us
what path we ought to take. But they will always
be mere observers, because although they may
have a deep understanding of Puerto Rico, and in
spite of contributions they may make to our
understanding of our past and our present, they
are and will always be foreigners in our land.
Adalberto L6pez, Director
Latin American and Caribbean Area
Studies Program
State University of New York at Binghamton
Binghamton, New York


When I agreed to submit the manuscript Puerto
Rico and the Caribbean to the Caribbean Review, I
requested that it should be made clear that the
work was the text of a luncheon talk given to the
Overseas Press Club of San Juan Puerto Rico in
December of 1972. The publication of this note
will comply with that request albeit somewhat
Thomas Mathews
Institute of Caribbean Studies
University of Puerto Rico
Rio Piedras, Puerto Rico

C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec 1973 Page 7

Leo Wong Loi Sing

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In December 1972, the Dutch Government, in
response to growing racial tension there, began to
consider legislating restrictions on the free flow of
immigration from the Western territories
(Surinam and the Netherlands Antilles). This
legislation, coming at a time of particularly heavy
Surinamese migration, may have the result of
simply reducing cultural conflict in one society to
see it exacerbated in another.
Surinam, for its limited population size of
384,900, is an unusually complex, culturally
plural, and socially stratified society. Its popula-
tion is culturally divided among East Indians
(Hindustanis 37%), Creoles (31%), Indonesians
(15%), Bush Negroes, (10%), and others (Chinese,
Europeans, Amerindians, etc. 7%). Regarding
the stratification of the society, one can easily
observe a sharp difference between the urban
(largely Creole) and rural (largely Hindustani and
Indonesian) poor on the one hand, and the
middle and upper class Creoles and Hindustanis in
Paramaribo and its immediate environs.
In the period between the 1963 and 1971
censuses, Hindustanis moved dramatically ahead
of Creoles in number because of the dispropor-
tionate emigration of the Creoles to the
Netherlands, combined with the greater fertility
of the Hindustanis. Even with the flow of
migrants, however, unemployment (mostly
Creole) in Surinam was estimated in 1972 at 30%.
Survey research by Speckmann and van
Page 8 C.R. Vol. V No. 4

By Edward Dew

Renselaar in 1959-60 revealed serious underlying
tensions between the two principal cultural
groups. Yet, compared to other culturally plural
societies in the Caribbean and elsewhere, Surinam
weathered the decade of the 1960s with no
outbreak of intercultural violence. This may be
explained in part by the political socialization
successfully imposed by the Dutch, accompanied
by 'sizable aid flows from the Netherlands in the
1950s and early 1960s, and by the more recent
and unprecedented migration of Creoles to the
Netherlands. In addition, as the electoral process
has prevented any cultural group from capturing a
majority of seats in the Staten (or legislative
council), intercultural governing coalitions have
been a necessity in Surinam since 1955.
My own survey research among members of the
Staten in 1971, revealed that a dramatic "status
reversal" was perceived by all legislators as having
occurred among the Hindustani and Creole
groups. That is, the status of Creoles was
perceived as dropping while that of Hindustanis
was seen as rising sharply above them in the
period from 1966 to 1971. Nevertheless, in
contrast to the status reversal of the past five
years, legislators foresaw a mutual progress for all
cultural groups over the next five years. One
might attribute this optimism to positive
expectations about the future of the "Dutch
One would anticipate, however, that the recent


:.-.* _,,
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incidence of racial discrimination in the Nether-
lands, followed by consideration of restriction of
Surinamese immigration, might change this
optimistic projection, and make the prospect of
cultural competition between Hindustanis and
"trapped" Creoles much more intense. The
Dutch, by acting discriminatorily towards the
Surinamese in the Netherlands, may simply be
exporting racism in general to Surinam.
Citizens of the Dutch Antilles and Surinam, by
virtue of membership in the tripartite Kingdom of
the Netherlands, are automatically Dutch citizens,
without differentiation. While both Surinam and
the Antilles have practiced some restriction on
the entrance to their countries of residents of the
other Kingdom partners, the government of the
Netherlands has never practied such restriction;
and the Surinamese and Antilleans have always
presumed the automatic right of entry to the
Netherlands. One of the many problems this has
created is that of measuring the flow of
intra-Kingdom migration, especially the number
of permanent migrants to the Netherlands. The
figure most frequently cited by both Dutch and
Surinamese authorities for Surinamese immigrants
to the Netherlands, as of January 1973, is 50,000,
or about 15% of the entire Surinamese popula-
The Social Affairs Department study indicated
that the annual volume of Surinamese migration
to the Netherlands had risen from 3,000 in 1969
to 10,000 in 1971. They further indicated that
the majority of migrants were between the ages of
15 and 30, with men and women about equally
represented. The 1971 Census estimated that the
ethnic composition of the overall emigration was
56% Creole, 23% Hindustani, 6% Indonesian and
15% "other" (most likely Europeans and
The tradition of migration from Surinam to the
Netherlands goes back to the 18th century,
according to Bagley: "House servants came with
their masters to the Netherlands, a practice
similar to that carried on by British colonialists in
the West Indies. What however is distinctive about
the Netherlands practice was that in addition
slaves were sent to Amsterdam to be trained for a
trade, or to gain a general education." Their
numbers included the illegitimate offspring of
Dutch colonialists and their Negro concubines,
and led to the development of a small, educated,
colored (kleurlingen) middle class, which, by the
time of World War I was generally expected to
constitute, or at least share in, the future ruling
elite of Surinam. But, as Van Lier points out, the
discrimination of the Dutch against Black
Surinamers left the kleurlingen in an insecure and
ambiguous situation. They mimicked the discrimi-
natory feelings of the Whites towards the Blacks;



CONTROIL is an expanded vermiculite, surface
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the oil, CONTROIL forms large solid lumps which

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2. Non-dusting and non-irritating to people.
3. Easy to handle. May be spilled out of
30 Ib. bag or blown by air.
4. Non-flammable.
5. Stable indefinitely; does not deteriorate
in storage.
6. Absorbs about 4 gallons of oil per
cubic foot.
7. Weighs about 7 1/2 pounds per
cubic foot.
8. Reacts with excess oil to form a
semi-solid sticky mass which can
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10. Floats on water for weeks.




P C Milagros Cabezas #10-14
Carolina Alta, P.R. 00630

C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec 1973 Page 9

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struggled unsuccessfully to be as White, cul-
turally, as the Whites; and, once the religious
missions of the Catholics, Hermhutters and others
began to extend the same benefits of education to
the Black masses, many coloreds sought refuge in
a racially less-conflicted setting in the
Netherlands. In Pettersen's terms, this temporary
(and permanent) migration of kleurlingen would
be considered as "innovative" and "free" in
contrast to the more "conservative" and
economically-oriented "mass" migration of the
present period. As late as 1963, survey research
among a small sample of Surinamese adults in
Amsterdam and other cities revealed that over
half had come to study, whereas only less than
one quarter came for economic reasons.
In an interview a few years ago, Dr. Jules
Sedney, the Creole Minister-President of
Surinam, explained the sudden rise in the flow of
migration between 1963 and 1969 as a political
response to the semi-authoritarian government of
Johan Adolf Pengel, the populist leader of the
Surinam National Party (NPS). In January 1973,
he was asked why the numbers of migrants had
doubled during his presumably more democratic
regime. He unblushingly explained the recent
migration in terms of the "push factors" of
Surinamese unemployment, insecurity, and low
wages; and the "pull factors" of the Dutch
standard of living, job opportunities, social
welfare benefits, family members already estab-
lished in the Netherlands, and the presumed
cultural affinity of many Surinamers for "de


Page 10 C.R. Vol. V No. 4

.' .;
, ,,?.

blanke top der duinen" ("the white tips of the
dunes," from an old Dutch song).
The report recently published by the Surinam-
ese Department of Social Affairs showed that
26% of the emigrants from Surinam to the
Netherlands were unemployed immediately be-
fore leaving, and 30% established residence with
family members upon arriving in the Netherlands.
The conclusions emphasized both the pull factor
of jobs and social benefits, along with the push
factor in Surinam of economic stagnation: "in
Nederland lukt alles; in Suriname lukt niets" ("in
the Netherlands everything succeeds; in Surinam
nothing does").
In addition to these factors, however, I would
like to argue that another factor is also involved -
the fear of economic and political power in
Surinam passing into Hindustani hands. As one
Dutch commentator put it, "it is unstomachable
(onverteerbaar) for the Creoles, as the oldest
inhabitants to be- ruled by the 'newcomers' -
i.e., the Hindustanis.
Elsewhere in the Caribbean, Lowenthal
describes the effects of emigration on the
"sending society" as including a depletion of
young male adults, especially the most skilled and
ambitious; a sharp decline in the ratio between
the able-bodied and the dependent population;
the abandonment of arable lands; a flow of
remittances that is inadequate compared to the
needs of those left behind; inadequate child
guidance in many families where grandparents or
other relatives inherit this responsibility; a poor
return on the educational investment where the
most educated leave; and administrative disorgani-
zation and inefficiency through high turnover of
skilled talent.
Revieweing Lowenthal's list of emigration
"costs," most have been cited as applying to
Surinam. Only the agricultural sector seems not
to have been affected by the migration. Here, the
government has been under steady pressure from
the Hindustanis and Indonesians to clear new
lands to relieve rural population pressures. With
the exception of the Coronie District, which is
largely Creole, the rural districts of Surinam are
mainly occupied by Hindustani and Indonesian
small-holders and tenants (as well as the tribal
Bush Negroes and Amerindians in the interior
and along the rivers). While there has been a
steady migration from all the districts to the
Paramaribo area, the net rural population has
remained steady or expanded in the 1960s.
What is significant in all this is that the Creole
population, like the declasse intellectuals and
artisans of feudal Europe, have been gradually
transformed into a proletariat in an Indian
peasant capitalist economy where Indians with
a strong foothold in the rural economy are

moving steadily into the urban fields of real
estate, commerce, transportation, medicine, law
and, increasingly, government all at the expense
of the Creoles. To escape this sense of sinking
status, one response has been emigration. After
all, Creoles have long prided themselves upon
speaking Dutch better (though perhaps in an
old-fashioned and formal version) than the Dutch
themselves. Educated to admire Dutch ingenuity,
perseverence, and culture, they may increasingly
have come to think of "de blanket top der
duinen" as the symbol of home as much as the
Dutch themselves.
There are, of course, clearly mixed feelings
about the drain of migrants to the Netherlands. A
sign at the Zanderij airport outside of Paramaribo
reads "will the last Surinamer who leaves please
put out the light? The steady loss of skilled
laborers to the Netherlands reportedly discour-
ages new investments; forces small companies to
close with a consequent loss of job opportunities
for unskilled workers; frustrates larger companies
with training programs, when their best "gradu-
ates" proceed to emigrate; and costs the
government needed development resources, as its
expenditures in education are seen merely as
promoting migration rather than growth.
Yet, while the leaders of both the Hindustani
and Creole cultural groups publicly lament the
emigration, they seem to be concerned about
solving its causes before they stem its flow. With
unemployment in Surinam estimated at about
30% of the work force, and with an estimated
6,000 to 12,000 new job seekers entering the
market each year, emigration is valued as a
safety-valve for socio-economic and political
strains. In particular, the Hindustani political

leaders stand to make a double profit from the
flow of emigrants. Since it mostly involves
Creoles, emigration strengthens the demographic
and, thus, electoral position of the Hindustanis,
while possibly reducing the chances of frustrated
Creoles developing the leadership talent capable
of a sustained attack on the established and
growing economic influence of Hindustanis in the
urban sector.
Obviously, the Creole leaders, for their part,
have supported the Dutch policy of unrestricted
migration. The Plenipotentiary Minister of
Surinamese Affairs in the Hague, Dr. J. Polanen, a
Creole, has discounted the loss of certain
professional skills (such as medical doctors), and
argues that savings and training accrued by
Surinamese in the Netherlands may yet be put to
service in the development of Surinam. As late as
October 1972, the only actions Creole leaders had
apparently been willing to take with regard to
migration were (1) to provide a better informa-
tional service to assist potential emigres, (2) to
register and monitor the movement of ex-
convicts, and (3) to institute better controls over
the movement of guardianless minors. This whole
area is worth careful study, however, as the
Creole position supporting emigration must
clearly be crosspressured by the realization that
its effect is to reduce those Creoles remaining in
Surinam to a position of political impotence and
dependence upon Hindustani good will.
Probably the biggest shock to the Dutchophile
Creoles has been the wave of blatantly racist
discrimination that they have encountered in the
Netherlands in the past year. As recently as 1969,
a study comparing Great Britain and the
Netherlands, reported a striking degree of

C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec 1973 Page 11


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tolerance towards Surinamers among the Dutch
working class. Nevertheless, by the summer of
1972, this had all changed. The Surinamese
community in Amsterdam had reportedly swollen
to 20,000, and in Rotterdam to 12,000.
Unemployment figures for Surinamers were close
to 1,000 in each city, and in certain areas within
and near these cities racial tensions between
Dutch and Surinamese have led to numerous
A number of Surinamese groups in the
Netherlands began to organize to protest this
discriminatory treatment. But their political
behavior, if anything, has only added more fuel to
the fire. They have adopted an increasingly
radical stance, championing Surinam's inde-
pendence, demanding reparations for three
centuries of exploitation, declaring solidarity with
the Palestinian guerrillas, and calling upon all
Surinamers to migrate to the Netherlands to make
their demands known! Less radical groups have
been lost in the shuffle, as have the vigorous
representations of the Surinamese Minister-
Plenipotentiary, who has tried repeatedly in long
interviews to state that the noisier groups did not
represent the average Surinamese migrant.
In Rotterdam, in September 1972, the city
council passed a law restricting to 5% the ratio of
"foreigners (vreemdelingen) to Dutch" allowed to

reside in any district in that city. Although this
rule was later rescinded under pressure from the
Hague, it represented the growing concern to
control immigration, or at least its effects. This
concern was finally expressed at the national level
in rumors in October 1972, that the government
was drafting legislation to restrict Surinamese and
Antillean immigration. In a television address to
the nation in December, Minister of Justice A.
Van Agt proposed a change to the Dutch
Constitution (Grondwet) on the matter of

According to the present article 4 of the
Constitution, everybody who possesses
Netherlandership has always had free en-
trance to Netherlands soil. Surinamers
possess that Netherlandership thanks to the
Statute of the Kingdom. Unless the talks
over a change of the Statute can lead to
another rule covering nationality pretty
quickly, I find it in the interests both of
the Netherlands and of the Surinamese
immigrants necessary that the above-
mentioned article of the Constitution be
changed to permit us to limit immigration.
If two classes of citizenship were established -
one for overseas lands and one for the
Netherlands people then legislation could be
introduced controlling the entry of the former.

Caribbean Review has been
to virtually every nation and
colony in the West Indies
and Latin America.

We've delved into myriad
disciplines, from politics and
fiction, on through econom-
ics, cinema and race rela-

We've introduced our read-
ers to over 2500 books.

Our regular readers may dis-
agree as to their favorite art-
icle. Some will recall the
Albizu & Matlin analyses of
the theatrics of Puerto Rican
politics. Others will prefer
the in-depth interview with
Peruvian novelist Mario Var-
gas Llosa, or the perceptive
critique of Model Cities by
Howard Stanton.

Still others may opt for the
poetry of Jorge Luis Borges,
or the fiction of Agustin YA-
fiez, Ren6 Marques or Pedro
Juan Soto.

Moritz Thomsen's account of
"Living Poor" in Ecuador, or
Carlos Castaneda's study of
mind-expanding drug use
among the Yaqui Indians, or
the proclamation of Colom-
bian priest -revolutionary Ca-
milo Torres, or the discussion

by Lloyd Best of Black Pow-
er in Trinidad may also rank
as favorites among many

Or Gordon Lewis' piece on
the anatomy of Caribbean
vanity, or Anthony Maingot's
on the new Caribbean his-
tory, or any one of the his-
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Few readers, we find, agree
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Won't you join them, and us,
by sending in your subscrip-

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C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec 1973 Page 13


. '

Kingdom Statute, granting full independence to
the Netherlands Antilles and Surinam, was too far
off to meet the needs of the present problem. In
defense of his position, he quoted a heavy volume
of letters demanding some government action
against "that brown scum" ("dat bruine tuig")
that had been received by his Ministry.
His speech produced a wave of heated debate
in the Dutch papers and Parliament, as Dutchmen
questioned the depth of their alleged racism, and
compared their situation to that in England.
Apparently the only thing preventing the Dutch
from acting on the legislative program proposed
by Van Agt is the absence of a government. Four
months after the national elections of November
1972, there has yet to emerge a new Cabinet with
a working majority in the Parliament.
While the effects of emigration on Surinam are
hard to ascertain, the likely effects of a Dutch
restriction upon the migration are less hard to
anticipate. Both Hindustani and Creole leaders in
Surinam were quick to criticize Van Agt's
proposal. In particular, Minister-President Sedney
referred to restriction as a "lapmiddel" ("make-
shift solution") which thinly disguised its racism
behind an alleged "concern" for Surinam's own
Page 14 C.R. Vol. V No. 4

welfare. Discrimination in the Netherlands, he
said, is a Dutch problem and must be solved
there. However, if immigration restriction is their
way of solving it, then it would merely add to the
problems that Surinam is already plagued with. If
the Netherlands was really concerned, they would
increase their aid to Surinamese development
from its present annual level of 50 million
(Dutch) guilders to 200 million, thus sufficiently
offsetting the countervailing flow of profits and
skilled personnel (which he called "our foreign
aid to the Netherlands").
As the effects of eventual restriction were
being pondered, a wave of strikes in both the
public and private sectors began in January 1973
in Paramaribo and surrounding industrial areas.
By early February most of the major economic
enterprises (bauxite, lumber, hotels, construction,
banks and factories) were affected. Telephone
and telegraph communications with the outside
world were severed for several days and have,
apparently, never fully been restored; some public
services (customs, garbage collection and schools)
were closed down, while others (water, hospitals,
television) were each affected in some other way.
Paramaribo began to resemble an armed camp,
with streets reportedly barricaded, stores boarded
up, and large crowds described as moving from
Ministry to Ministry demanding that the govern-
ment resign. The issues at stake involved wages,
job security and/or other benefits, as well as
sympathy for the earlier strikers. Since the four
union federations had engaged in bitter rivalries
with one another in the past, their coordinated
leadership of the strikes constituted something of
a novelty, possibly ending the fragmentation
among Creoles that has plagued Surinam politics
for two decades or more.
As the strikes entered their third month, the
government threatened strikers with fines, dismis-
sal, or worse. But it was not able to break their
solidarity. With the press and radio either neutral
or pro-government, the unions have organized
their own news media, utilizing the facilities of
the Marxist-Leninist Centrum in Paramaribo, and
have escalated the rhetoric of struggle into a
general attack on economic and political colo-
nialism. Dutch labor unions, for reasons that
remain ambiguous, have contributed substantial
strike funds to the workers, and the possibility of
protracted conflict is evident.
Can these events be attributed at all to the
Dutch consideration of immigration restriction? I
doubt if any direct link-up can be made between
these events, though one is tempted to compare
the present turmoil in Surinam with the
convulsive breakdown of the West Indies
Federation or the racial violence in British Guiana

which also followed closely (in 1962) upon a
decision (by the British) to seek a restriction of
colored immigration. Among the factors that
conditioned, or prepared, large sectors of the
populations of each country for such disruptive
action, this factor cannot be excluded from
What is interesting about all this is that the
racial tensions between Creoles and Hindustanis
have remained fairly much under control, even
though the conflict ultimately involves largely
Creole unions pitted against a Hindustani-
dominated government. Perhaps the issue is clear
enough to gratify any open feelings of racial
hostility, but it is significant that there have been
only a few reports of the looting of Hindustani
businesses. The only loss of life was that of a
young Bush Negro, shot while looting a store (one
evidently owned by a non-Hindustani). The
government's reaction was to declare a period of
national mourning, to lower all flags to half-mast,
and to fly his body back to his birthplace (on the
Tapahony River) for a full tribal burial.
Also blunting the racism of the situation is the
fact that much of the strikers' antagonism has
been directed at the Creole allies of the dominant
Hindustani party (VHP), the Progressive National
Party (PNP), who share an equal number of
ministries with the Hindustanis. The PNP could
well force the government's collapse if there were
major defections by PNP ministers or members of
the Staten. Ironically enough, the only major
defection occurred within the Hindustani party,
as one Hindustani "crossed the aisle" to declare
his solidarity with the strikers and Opposition in
the Staten.
Obviously, a more general explanation of
Surinam's present turbulence must be found in
the frustrations of an over-educated, socially
mobilized population, suffering from its small
size, and its political, economic and cultural
dependency upon outside forces. One can
understand and sympathize with the position of
the Hindustani leader, Jaggernath Lachmon, who
argues that Surinam cannot afford to break its
ties with the Netherlands and risk even greater
turmoil. But one can also understand and
sympathize with the Creole radicals' argument
that only the "shock of independence" can create
the new mentality needed for economic develop-
ment to resume. On several occasions in 1971
while in Surinam, I was told the current joke that
if Surinam were to have a referendum on
independence, 90% of the people would be for it.
But in the subsequent decision to choose one's
nationality (presuming a free choice in the
matter, as the Indonesians were given in 1948),
"125% would choose to be Dutch." The problem



/- *P

Leo Wong Lol Sing
of identity and the frustrations of dependency
become manifest in such a story.
The draft Statute that was proposed by the
Netherlands for consideration in the tripartite
Kingdom conference in March 1973, would give
to the people of Surinam and the Antilles their
own nationalities, in contrast to their present
Dutch nationality. "The present inhabitants of
the former colonies would be allowed to choose
the nationality of their parents or of the country
in the realm of the Netherlands where they were
resident on January 1 this year (1973)." Little
else would be changed for the interim, but
ultimate independence within a Dutch Common-
wealth would be provided for each country
before 1980. It is my belief that there will be
little support for this "transitional Statute" from
either of the western territories unless it is
accompanied by a substantial increase in the level
of economic assistance forthcoming from the
Netherlands. As Minister-Plenipotentiary Polanen
has argued, "within the Common Market, all walls
are being dropped to make free movement
possible. Shall you at the same time put up walls
against your own Kingdom partners? A positive
answer by the Dutch to this question may be
self-indicting on at least two counts: racism and
economic exploitation. *

C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec 1973 Page 15

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In many ways the central malaise of life in the
Virgin Islands is their continuing status as an
"unincorporated territory" of the United States.
What that means, essentially, is that in the
absence of precise congressional grants of rights,
citizenship in the islands does not carry with it
the full plenitude of rights which inheres in
citizenship in any of the fifty states. That
differentiation is a result of the fact that the
Constitution of the United States does not extend
of its own force to unincorporated territories
under American jurisdiction. In the absence of
the enactment of a bill of rights by Congress, only
some properties of the national Constitution
apply to the islands. What rights they do enjoy
flow from the general fact that there are certain
fundamental rights protected by the Constitution
which apply to the islands of their own force and
therefore are not dependent for their viability on
Page 16 C.R. Vol. V No. 4

-'U By Gordon K. Lewis

a specific congressional grant.
The point to underline is that the islands
continue to be governed by the political science
of "congressional government" government,
that is, by an instrumentality in which they have
no membership and over which they have no
control save that of moral suasion. That
instrumentality not only exercises a major
decision-making power over most aspects of
territorial life, but despite the growth of internal
self-government it also exercises other powers
such as, anomalously, the right to determine the
electoral basis of the territorial legislature.
Congressman Burton's remark in the 1967
hearings, "We are still the governing board, so to
speak, of the territories," aptly summarizes the
position. It is doubtful if an instrumentality more
unfitted for such a role the governance of
dependent areas could possibly exist. The

oral Bai

Sandy Point

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Grapetma Bay
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average congressman must of necessity respond to
a priority of obligations: first to his constituency,
second to the national interest, and only last of
all to the peculiar interests of the dependencies.
He must be specially motivated to make himself
an authority on the problems of people who,
after all, are not constituents but merely colonial
clients, as it were. The seniority rule means that
the chairmanships of the strategic committees,
from the viewpoint of those clients, are filled on
the basis of considerations quite removed from
those problems. Senator Tydings in one period
and Senator Butler in another personified, in their
patriarchal attitudes to the Virgin Islands, the sort
of irreparable damage that can result. The Virgin
Islands, then, like Guam and American Samoa,
must always wait at the end of the line. In its
domestic setting Congress moves at a glacial pace.
It moves at a pace even more glacial when it
comes to needful legislation for the overseas
The territory, in brief, is altogether at the
mercy of Congress. Even when the congressional
system provides a friend at court-such as in the
person of Congressman Aspinall as chairman of
the House Interior Committee it is the result of
accident, not of policy. The same is true of the
various federal agencies that control and supervise
so much of the territorial activities. Everything
that the territory gets is given as a favor, not as a
matter of right. It is perhaps the small, odd
exemplifications of this generally humiliating
condition that hurt the islanders' pride as much as
anything: the fact, for example, that the islands,
like the other dependent territories, are not
regarded as United States territory for the
purposes of drug control in international traffic,
or the fact that what passes for a territorial flag is
nothing more than a copy of the U.S. Navy

ensigns, made the islands' official emblem by
naval order in 1921. Caribbean colonial history
has a long record of riots triggered by such
apparently minor irritants. The record could still
repeat itself in the Virgins.
Congressional rule for the islands means, in
essence, at best a government of benevolent
paternalism shared by the Interior Department
and the appropriate congressional committees.
Granted the nature of American executive-
legislative relationships, those two agencies have
never managed to adopt a common, coherent
policy toward the dependency. If Assistant
Secretary Carver's speech of 1960 is taken as the
ideal statement of Interior policy, Washington
sees itself as engaged in a partnership with St.
Thomas, making itself responsible only for
matters imbued with federal substance. Congress,
contrariwise, has oscillated between outright
neglect and overweening paternalism.
Congressional government thus means that the
islands are ruled by what Alpheus Snow termed
an "oligarchy of strangers" in his remarkably
acute study of 1902 on the deficiency of
Congress as an instrument for colonial administra-
tion, The Administration of Dependencies. This
has been demonstrated in a number of ways. It is
evident in the way in which members of Congress
lecture Virgin Islanders about the habit of
bringing their troubles to Congress, without
appreciating the fact that that habit has been
forced on the islanders by their colonial status.
The hypocrisy involved in such an attitude has
not been lost upon the more acute members of
the dependent society. It is also evident in the
fact that nothing is more calculated to drive the
average congressman into an apoplectic fit than
the suggestion on the part of any Virgin Islander
that the case should be taken to the United
Nations. It is evident even further in the fact that
although there is an inexorable pull toward
statehood in the American system, with each
territory gradually developing into a state of the
Union, that tendency has somehow been
frustrated in the Virgin Islands case; and it has
not escaped the notice of some Virgin Islanders
that the frustration may be related to the fact
that the majority of the islanders belong to the
Negro race. The end result is that whereas in the
period immediately after 1945 the Virgin Islands
were in the vanguard of movements toward
self-government in the Caribbean area, today they
are at the very rear. As their Caribbean neighbors
move toward full independence this anomalous
status will become more and more unsatisfactory
and intolerable. The old Crucian ladies who
recently told an interviewer, remembering the
days of the 1917 transfer, "Hamilton Jackson
told us we know who we got, but we don't know
C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec 1973 Page 17

who we are going to get," were prophetically
There has been much talk about what a recent
conference has termed the "evolving status" of
the Virgin Islands. A great deal of it is full of a
glib optimism, especially on the part of those
stateside academicians who have made themselves
knowledgeable on the subject. But at least two
things ought to be remembered before that
optimism is accepted. In the first place, in the
process of their constitutional development the
islanders have been forced by Congress to pass
tests not imposed on others. The frequently
invoked test of "maturity," for example, has
seriously delayed that development because, as a
yardstick, it is vague, ambiguous, and subjective.
In much the same way Henry Wells, in the same
conference, could infer the absence of both a
"viable" political community and a "qualified"
political leadership without even attempting to
define those terms, while Austin Ranney could
imply that a "viable" political system in the
islands ought to follow the Western-style
popular-democratic system in which program
replaces ideology.
Such disquisitions force the Virgin Islanders
into a narrow strait jacket of norms and value
judgments that arise, historically, out of the
comparatively limited experience of the Anglo-
American party system over the last century or
so. No effort is made to ask whether that
experience is pertinent to the problems of a
Caribbean colonial society emerging from a quite
different historical experience. Consequently,
Virgin Islanders are endlessly lectured by visiting
congressmen and academic mandarins about the
general desirability of the Washington model. But
it is, doubtful, for example, if the separation of
powers doctrine is at all practical in such a
Lilliputian society, any more than to speak in
comparative Caribbean terms the doctrine of the
anonymity of the civil servant is practical in the
tiny societies of the former British West Indian
islands, characterized by such high degrees of
social intimacy, to which the Westminster model
has likewise been so uncritically exported. In
both cases the metropolitan model has been
transferred by the imperial officialdom to the
dependent colonial society as a sacred article of
faith; and if the colonials have failed to learn the
lesson they have been denied their final
graduation ceremonies.
The second observation to be made on the
thesis of "evolving status" is that the phrase itself
presupposes a gradualist development of constitu-
tional status in which each step, one improving on
the other, has presumably taken place in response
to some prearranged grand policy shaped by
Washington. Yet it would be difficult to think of

a thesis more fictional in character when
compared with the real story. In actual fact, there
has been no progressive movement, in a style of
social Darwinism, from lower to higher levels.
Civil government in 1931 was, admittedly, an
improvement on naval government in 1917. But
the Organic Act of 1954 was in many ways
retrogressive, adding new federal controls over the
local governing entities rather than enlarging the
promise of self-government contained in the
earlier act of 1936. Nor was advance, when it
came, the fruit of a forward-looking statecraft on
the part of a beneficent federal government. It
was, on the contrary, as Assistant Attorney
General James Bough pointed out in 1968, the
result of continuous agitation in the islands and
persistent pressure on Washington by means of
innumerable petitions, resolutions, and delega-
tions to the federal capital. The island forces have
had to fight, frequently at the cost of much
anguish and bitterness, every inch of the way
against the lethargy and obstructionism of the
Washington governmental labyrinth. To call this
in any way an "evolutionary" process is to place
an interpretation upon the record not warranted
by the facts.
Reading the history of that struggle brings out
the astonishingly heavy-handed attitude of
Congress to island aspirations. The general tone
has been schoolmasterish: Virgin Islanders must
learn to "behave," to have "respect" for
Congress, in return for which good behavior they
will receive their prize when the head office so
decides. But what is equally astonishing is that
Virgin Islanders themselves, despite their read-
iness to fight hard for what they want, have been
generally compliant in the face of that attitude.
The lengths to which the islanders will go in order
to please or placate Congress must be seen to be
believed; it constitutes a veritable Uriah Heep-like
posture of fawning appeasement. Any show of
militancy on the part of the more daring spirits in
their midst is immediately met by pained
admonitions to "behave" on the part of the more
cautious elements. The angry reactions, to take
only a single instance, of Senators de Lugo and
Lawaetz to the Unity Party protest march of
1958 are symptomatic: that action, they urged in
shrill tones, was one of power-mad and
small-minded politicians calculated to alienate
even the most friendly of congressmen. The
contrast, indeed, between congressional arrogance
and Virgin Islands deference is so marked that it
requires an effort at explanation.
In part, what is at work here is the obsession
with what Washington says and does. Everyone
looks to Washington for aid, guidance, inspira-
tion. Everything local is thus seen not in terms of
local values and experience but through the

Page 18 C.R. Vol. V No. 4



The purpose of the Centro is to train future
leaders of their professions within
the context of a multicultural and
interdisciplinary community.
The Centro directly serves two groups of

1. Graduate students seeking professional
training in theology and religion and
in clinical psychology, including
specialization in drug addiction.

2. Men and women already at work who
wish to up-date their skills, and, with the
perspective of other fields of knowledge,
to reflect upon and to deepen their
understanding of their vocation.

The Centro combines an insistence on
professional competency with the
awareness that professional disciplines
are means towards understanding men and
ways of affirming a common humanity.
Although the Centro has concentrated on
the disciplines within the purview of its
participating faculties, it seeks to introduce
perspectives from other social sciences and
from the humanities which may build
a genuinely multi-disciplinary educational
Both the student body and the faculty of the
Centro are drawn from a wide variety
of cultural backgrounds. Their interactions
frequently highlight the importance of different
cultural approaches and foster a flexibility
and an awareness of the world difficult
to achieve in monocultural settings










I __

distorted prism of the metropolitan values and
experience. This produces both a profound
self-distrust, almost self-contempt, in the colonial
person and a readiness at the slightest provocation
to raise a hymn of praise to all things American.
Thus the communal psychology of a dependent
people under colonialism leads to drastic
self-abasement. It corrodes self-respect. It blunts
the edge of any sentiment for freedom. Some of
the ultra-patriotic declarations of loyalty to flag
and constitution by native witnesses give the
impression that on occasion some Virgin
Islanders, political leaders as well as private
citizens, live on their knees. In part, the
phenomenon here under discussion is the
outcome of the atmosphere of profound un-
certainty in which the islanders live. What
Congress gives, Congress can take away. Where so
much of insular livelihood depends on special
privileges enacted by congressional legislation
there is always the fear that the privileges may be
whittled down or even abandoned for reasons
extraneous to Virgin Islands considerations.
All this helps to explain why there has never
been a Virgin Islands risorgimento of anticolonial
nationalism, with independence as its aim. For
years even the slightest mention of self-govern-
ment or autonomy provoked a negative reaction
from the islanders, because they felt that it was
an indirect affront to their pride as U.S. citizens.
The same sentiment now accompanies any
mention of independence. The 1965 Constitu-
tional Convention thus adopted a resolution on
status in which it declared itself "unalterably
opposed" to independence and in favor of the
closest association with the United States as an
"autonomous territory," although that term was
in no way fully defined. There can be little doubt
that the resolution reflects the feelings of the
effective majority of the islanders.
Any keen observer of the Caribbean scene is
driven to reflect that there are other peoples in
the area that have suffered from the blight of the
colonial psyche and have nevertheless moved on
to independence. Why have the Virgin Islands not
followed suit? The answer, apart from those
already offered, lies perhaps in a comparative
analysis between the Danish and the American
colonial legacies. Whereas the Spanish in Puerto
Rico left behind them a powerful Hispanic
imprint on people and culture, in the Virgins the
Danish heritage was weak and impermanent. The
persistency of that legacy in Puerto Rico,
especially in language, gave Puerto Rican
nationalism a linguistic base that has been absent
in the Virgins. The cultural-ethnic homogeneity
of Puerto Rican life, at the same time, as
contrasted with the heterogeneity in the composi-
tion of the Virgin Islands society conferred upon

Puerto Ricans a common sense of cultural
nationality, of puertorriquenidad, which Virgin
Islanders have lacked; it is suggestive that the
term "native Virgin Islander" still signifies only
that section of the polyglot society that is
native-born in the islands.
What, in any case, are the status alternatives?
There is, to begin with, statehood, with the
islands possibly gaining that goal as a unit joined
to Puerto Rico. There is the possibility of union
with the British Virgin Islands, where cultural
similarities and economic interdependency lend
credence to the "single group" theory. There is
the idea of remaining annexed to the United
States but at the same time seeking a relationship
of "closer association" with the immediately
neighboring West Indian territories, so much alike
ethnically. Should any of these alternatives prove
impossible, mainly because of opposition within
the United States or, in the case of union with the
British Virgins group, from the United Kingdom,
there is the final possibility of independence,
which would leave the islands free to choose
whatever type of larger Caribbean alliance they
might want.
Statehood, to begin with, would probably not
be financially feasible. While the present grants-
in-aid and matching funds payments would
continue, the new burden of federal income tax
would almost certainly be an impossible one for
the territorial treasury to take on. Apart from the
consideration that Congress is not even beginning
to consider the possibility, it is doubtful if many
islanders have seriously thought out the wider
implications. In constitutional terms, it would
mean absorption into the centralized federal
governmental structure in which, to employ the
phrase of Justice Roberts, the individual states are
not so much coequal partners as they are
administrative districts of the federal government.
It is no longer the case, as it was fifty years ago,
that federalism permits the state to become a
laboratory of social and economic experimenta-
tion. Even more portentous is the consideration
that statehood would accelerate the processes of
cultural absorption, for the advent of statehood
would mean an immediate influx of Americans
seeking opportunities in new places. Most of them
would be white, and this would help to tip the
racial balance in the islands even more against the
native group.
Statehood, then, is at the moment illusory. For
Charlotte Amalie, union with the British Virgins
group, to create a "greater Virgin Islands," seems
more plausible. Norwell Harrigan's pioneer work,
"A Study of the Inter-Relationships between the
British and United States Virgin Islands," has
discussed the matter for the first time in detail.

Page 20 C.R. Vol. V No. 4

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The lengthy brief presented by the governor of
the British Virgin Islands in 1954 to a visiting
congressional committee at Roadtwon spelled out
the essential facts of the case. About one-third of
the St. Thomian population at that time were of
British Virgin Islands stock. Economically, St.
Thomas was the "town" and the British Virgins
were the "country" of a single economic
community. Some two centuries of continued
intercourse, at every level, between the peoples of
the twin entities had produced a single ecological
system which was then threatened by the
arbitrary application of U.S. naturalization and
immigration legislation. The brief, of course,
simply argued for a humane application of that
legislation to meet a peculiar situation. It did not
draw the logical conclusion that the economic
and cultural intermixture could only end in some
form of amalgamation.
The idea of "closer association" with at least
the Eastern Caribbean area is logical in the sense
that historically and culturally the Virgins belong
to that area. The very title of Darwin Creque's
book-The U.S. Virgins and the Eastern Carib-
bean- testifies to that link. The annual report of
the governor in 1940 insisted that "the language,
the mores, the political organization, the planter
system of agriculture, all owe more to the British
West Indies than to the Danish State." The
American influence, of course, has balanced that,
while the later immigrant influx from the
Leewards has in turn counterbalanced the
American impact. The historical past of the
Virgins is indelibly Caribbean. But so is the
present. Thus, the intra-Caribbean movement of
the populations of the Leewards and British
Virgins to the American islands is only one of the
latest in a series that go back for centuries; the
movement can be seen as corresponding, in the
immigrants' condition of voluntary servitude, to
the entry of Chinese and Indian indentured labor
into the area in the nineteenth century; while
even the movement of white continentals to the
islands reproduces, in modern guise, the old
Caribbean distinction between the "Creole"
(native Virgin Islander) and the "homelander"
(continental). The enforced bilateralism of the
American connection, in which practically every-
thing trade, education, movement of persons -
has concentrated in the direction of the United
States, means that this Caribbean aspect has been
neglected, even turned away from. There is the
consideration, not the least important, that an
independent Virgin Islands would become a
natural candidate for membership in those
embryonic forms of regional cooperation which,
in the long run, must come to constitute a
Caribbean Economic Community.
To the degree that the islands persist in their
Page 22 C.R. Vol. V No. 4

schizoid role trying to be North American and
Caribbean at one and the same time the
ambivalence will create increasingly acute prob-
lems. Their comparative economic prosperity will
be envied by other Caribbean economies. But
their subordinate constitutional status will con-
tinue to be lowly regarded as the price they must
pay, apparently, for that privileged condition. To
the extent that they are satisfied with that status,
profoundly humiliating as it is, the progressive
forces within the Caribbean area will come to see
them as the Judas-traitor of the cause. This all
adds up to a politics of opportunism. It means
cooperation with the American presence and an
effort to make the best of both worlds. This kind
of opportunism, it is true, can be defended as a
necessary policy arising out of self-interest and
Where the tiny Virgin Islands will elect to stand
on this transcendental issue of Caribbean life,
now or in any of the future Caribbean crises, still
remains to be seen. It might be premature to
assert dogmatically that the Virgin Islands habit
of appeasing Washington has by now gone so far
that the answer to that question is already
determined. Politics is not always, in a vulgar
pragmatic sense, the art of the possible. It is
sometimes the art of the seemingly impossible.
No Caribbean scholar in the 1950s would have
dared predict the emergence of socialist Cuba.
The whole Caribbean area is in ferment, from
Cuba to the Guianas. It is inconceivable that the
so-called American Caribbean (Puerto Rico and
the Virgin Islands) should remain permanently
insulated from that process. There is still time for
both Puerto Ricans and Virgin Islanders to begin
to honor the message of Sir Grantley Adams'
admonition to the leaders of the old Anglo-
American Caribbean Commission in the West
Indian St. Thomas conference of a generation

We wish to say to you, Sir, that the age of
the plantation system is gone, and equally
we wish to say that the age of having us as
military or naval outposts of empire is also
gone. We West Indians are determined to
take you at your word and to say, as you
have said in the joint statements of your two
governments, that the object of this
Commission is that the West Indies should
be run by West Indians of whatever race or

That objective still constitutes the West Indian
destiny. By historical legacy and geographical
location Virgin Islanders, as much as any other
Caribbean people, have a moral obligation to seek
its fulfillment. *

The National Ballet of Jamaica, 1972. Photo by Peggo Cromer.




By Eugene V. Mohr

In the sixties many readers of West Indian fiction
wondered whether the great achievement of the
previous two decades would continue. Edgar
Mittelholzer's copious output had ended. George
Lamming, John Hearne, Samuel Selvon and Vic
Reid had written nothing for years. Some of the
younger writers, whose one or two books had
shown promise, have no sign of pushing that
promise to fulfillment.
Criticism had developed a backward-looking
habit, dwelling on innovations no longer new and
on authors who had passed into classics, as if the
literature of the region had already been written.
Had the literary raw materials of the West Indies
been played out? Had West Indian writers
nothing else to say?
The first quarter of the seventies suggests

C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec 1973 Page 23

answers to these questions with the publication of
more than half a dozen works of fiction which
have unquestionable merit and which explore new
areas of expression, structure and content.
Especially interesting in terms of the direction of
West Indian fiction are new books by four of the
best known novelists of the English-speaking
Caribbean: George Lamming, V. S. Naipaul,
Samuel Selvon and Wilson Harris.

Lamming, after a ten-year silence, has recently
published two new works almost at once: Water
and Berries (Longman, 1972) and Natives of My
Person (Holt-Rinehart-Winston, 1972). Though
both fit loosely under the concept of fiction, they
are radically different types of books, correspond-
ing to the two different modes, novel and epic, in
which Lamming writes. Water and Berries is, like
Season of Adventure, a novel. Natives of My
Person, like In the Castle of My Skin, is more
satisfactorily classed as epic in the scope of its
intentions, stateliness of language and largeness of
characterization. But it is an epic constructed of
unknown names, unfamiliar places, obscure
meanings, ultimate ambiguity.
The narrative frame of Natives of My Person
emerges indirectly from juxtaposed montages of
journal entries, dialogue, interior monologue and
authorial reporting. The central character is the
Commandant, an idealistic hero of the Kingdom
of Lime Stone whose ambition is to return to the
island of San Crist6bal ("formerly Black Rock"),
scene of his earlier conquests over the Indians,
and establish a society utopian in its goals of
freedom and human development. "Whatever you
were before, the question now is what you must
become," he tells his suspicious crew, men driven
by escape from something behind rather than
pursuit of possibilities ahead.
The ship they sail on, the Reconnaissance, is
piloted by Pinteados, a desertor from "the rival
continent of Antarctica." Unknown to the men, a
sister ship, the Penalty, carries a cargo of women,
including the wives and sex partners some of the
officers are fleeing. Foremost among the women
is the Commandant's lover, wife of Tate de Lysle,
the Lord Treasurer of the House of Trade and
Justice, institutionalization of the intolerant
mercantile forces which have supplanted the
ancient nobility of Lime Stone. Tate de Lysle
never appears directly in the narrative, but his
presence is felt throughout as a counterfoil to the
figure of the Commandant. His presence weighs
heavily, too, in the lives of officers Stewart and
Surgeon, and his wealth and power make him a
grudging figure of emulation among the crew.
The diversity of viewpoints ard motivations
represented among the intertwining past and
Page 24 C.R. Vol. V No. 4

present lives of officers and crew would require
an extraordinary force of understanding to
reconcile. The men are not equal to the demand;
even the Commandant succumbs to the tyranny
of appearances. The Reconnaissance ends its
journey ignominiously at the island of Dolores,
within a day's sail of San Crist6bal, where the
women from the Penalty sit in a cave waiting
vainly for the sister-ship, speaking with a wisdom
inaccessible to the men, concluding that, "We are
a future they must learn."
Not even the story line of Natives of My Person
can be adequately summarized. The book, like
the ocean on which it is set, has beneath the
surface network of events unchartable depths of
psychology and time. Family histories, forgotten
memories, the growth of nations, symbols of
health and disease, life and death all are
brilliantly wrought into a fascinating vision of the
human experience. It is not an easy book to come
to terms with. The unsympathetic reader will feel
that Lamming's rhetoric often smothers his
thought, that the incessant figures of speech and
sound effects are more than human nature can
bear. The prose is, in fact, like Renaissance prose
in its richness and pride and in its flaws. By and
large it is extremely impressive, with passages and
incidents so memorable that they ring like
quotations from the classics. The long section on
the Commandant and his beloved, for example,
couched in sea metaphors rising and falling, is one
of the most beautiful and perceptive descriptions
of human love in modern literature. Natives of
My Person is not just another good book: it is a
major work of art.
On the other hand, Water and Berries, written
in what I have called the novel mode, is a
pretentious, disappointing pot pourri of violence,
racism, Caribbean politics, black-white sex rela-
tions and suggestions of allegorical and symbolic
meanings which never satisfactorily jell into real
The story, set in London, centers on Teeton,
Derek and Roger artist, actor and musician -
emigr6s from the Caribbean island of San
Crist6bal. The most interesting and fully drawn
character is Teeton, whose relationship with his
landlady, the Old Dowager, is much the best part
of the book. But Teeton's membership in the
Secret Gathering, a group dedicated to promoting
revolution in San Crist6bal, is never really
integrated into the plot. And the strange girl
Teeton meets in the park and the even stranger
story of her origins lack all feeling of probability.
Finally, Teeton's brutral murder of the Old
Dowager after she has taken him to a small island
in the Orkneys to prevent his arrest on a murder
charge is a strangely gratuitous act.

Oil by Raymond Jacques

Le Colibri

Galerie D'Art

If you'd like to find out more about us
(about our artists, our stock, our prices,
etc.) then just drop us a line....

Herv6 Mehu, Directeur
Le Colibri Galerie D'Art
27 Rue Pan Americaine
Petion Ville, HAITI

Look what a
about us:

recent reviewer said

For many years painting in Haiti
remained submerged as a dormant talent.
Recently Haitian painting has experienced
a renaissance. The revival is largely the
result of tourism and the promotion of Le
Centre d'Art.
Herve Mehu, who used to be the
Assistant Director of Le Centre d'Art but
who now runs his own art gallery on the
Rue Pan Americaine in Petionville,
cautions that the real Haitian contribution

ht the pain Ing medium ii ; in prnmilit e art
I he concept ol primritI e art doesn't mean
' lossil ,rl thit one ltinds in ea\es but
present -dd. product ion So h\ then do
iht-\ call it primiti\ e
As he puls it
S.. at the le\el ol picturdl or sculptural
lechnique uur artist do ni t bother
Iheimn eles % ith lcoin entionial rules h.i
render and express a created universe
rotallN ignorant id formal and rigid
lacadcm'nilrn, Ite. seize upon I ealitl
through the primitlle \ ision that the\ ha\e
of it. The\ paint scenes .It lile whichh ap-
pear giotesque to us at first sighl because
they do not correspond to the balanced
image that we hade ol the worldd Three
dimensional space is turned upside di;\,n
No more depth breadth. or height -unJi
lornms ol extreme mobil;y count to the
point of sometimes giving the illusion of
swarming animated, manifold life.
"The vivid, irridescent colors add a
touch of the bizarre to these forms which
throw them into relief. This predominance
of raw color has often intrigued the critics
of art who have finally recognized that
they are the expression of an enveloping
luminosity fixing everything in the
majesty, if not the magic, of the tropical
sun. This contributes to establishing the
close correspondence between art and
daily life, and better arouses our emotions
and makes us appreciate the 'multiple
splendors of life'."
Haitian poverty has sent her people into
the streets to look for their daily needs.
One sees them walking to and fro, carrying
things here and there, selling things in the
streets. They somehow don't seem
resigned to the meager fruits their
economy wants to assign them. The Afro-
Haitian popular folk culture reflects this
vitality, this active attempt not to accept
Frankly, the paintings that I liked best
not only demonstrate this folk vitality in
form but also in content. We bought two
paintings from Herve. They are both of
street scenes. The larger one by
Raymound Jacques shows a village street
over-flowing with men and women
engaged in the labors of market buying
and selling. The other one by Gilbert
Desird is of a street scene beneath a house-
filled mountain and boat-filled lake. Here
people are just walking back and forth
with no commerce involved.
In both cases the perspective is lousy but
the color just great. In the first one the
figures are fuller and more detailed while
the other has figures that are but stylized
lines and filled-in forms. Both are
miraculously endowed with life.

Susan Sheinman.
writing in Caribbean Traveler

--- --

Derek is not very convincing either, when,
playing the role of a corpse, he proceeds to rape
his white leading lady as the curtain rises before
an (understandably) astonished first-night
Roger comes off best in the matter of
motivation. His insistence that his white wife have
an abortion (amid uncertainties about whether he
really believes the child is his or whether he
simply cannot face the prospect of fathering a
child that is half white) is well handled and is
fundamental to the developments leading to her
mysterious death in Teeton's room. And Roger's
subsequent resort to arson, though melodramatic,
is not incredible.
The basic flaw in Water and Berries is the
book's failure to embody its meaning in an
acceptable fiction. The surface-level credibility is
constantly breaking down under the demands of a
series of ideas that never become convincing, or
even significant. As a result, the book is not
satisfying either as story or as thesis; the two
aspects get in each other's way.
For a completely successful merger of fiction
and meaning we turn to In A Free State (Andr6
Deutch, 1971), a collection of stories and journal
entries which explore V.S. Naipaul's most
persistent concern -the experience of apartness,
of not belonging, of being "free." The collection
is titled after the longest story, which takes place
in a recently free African nation during a
politico-tribal disturbance involving the murder of
a once-powerful king and the terrifying genocide
directed against his people. Although the
background of the story is African, the
protagonists are English. Bobby, a homosexual,
high-ranking civil servant, and Linda, oversexed
but curiously unappealing wife of another English
government official, drive from a meeting in the
Capitol to their Collectorate in the south, a place
of isolation and security for the expatriates
working there. The trip is interrupted twice: first
by a night spent at a decaying hotel run by a
bitterly anti-African old settler, and later by a
sadistic beating Bobby receives from a group of
African soldiers.
The story is, of course, about a political
situation, but it is also about the "free state" and
concomitant aloneness of persons who cannot
surrender their individuality for the security and
bondage of belonging. This question of human
freedom is shown to be exceedingly complex and
susceptible to self-delusion. Bobby, for example,
left England to find what he thought was freedom
and acceptance in Africa. Yet his deepest
emotional involvement with Africa seems to lie in
the mutually incommunicative sexual encounters
he has with the kinky haired boys who so excite
him. And it is Bobby who feigns unconsciousness
Page 26 C.R. Vol. V No. 4

when his wrist is stomped by the African soldier
he had refused to give his watch to.
"In A Free State" is an intelligent, expertly
written study of human psychology and post-
colonial politics. It is also a depressing story
about uniformly disagreeable people in another
"area of darkness."
More in the manner of Naipual's early satire is
"One Out of Many," whose punning title reflects
the together-apartness theme described above.
Santosh, personal servant to an Indian govern-
ment official, accompanies his employer from
Bombay to a diplomatic appointment in Washing-
ton, D.C. Santosh's hilarious perceptions of
hippies, western clothes, Blacks, supermarkets,
oriental-religion freaks and so forth are superb
examples of one of the great devices of satire-
the view of familiar things through the eyes of
innocence. But Santosh is much more than a
mouthpiece for social comment. In his nearly
absolute aloneness in Washington and in his
gradual withdrawal from his own past and
adoption of western mores without penetration
into the western ethos he becomes a sympa-
thetic, serious figure evoking universal response.
The most haunting selection in the book is
"The Tramp at Piraeus," subtitled "Prologue,
From a Journal." As the introductory piece it
brilliantly presents Naipaul's basic concerns in the
person of a shabby, aging Englishman, a
self-styled citizen of the world who "knew that
he was odd," a man who "looked for company
but needed solitude." This brief story is a brilliant
existentialist statement, an extraordinarily
moving study of cruelty, pain and survival. There
are few examples of literature, in any language,
which say so much, so effectively, so quickly.
The only story in the collection with West
Indian characters is "Tell Me Who to Kill." It is
about a weak, improvident man who squanders
his life in England while living off an older
brother who followed him there to help him in
his studies, which never take place. It is an
uncompromising tale of almost unrelieved
meanness, ingratitude and defeat, a tale in which
even generosity and hope seem pointless.
The "Epilogue" is again in the form of a
journal. With the subtlest ambiguity it presents
the possibility and simultaneously questions the
meaningfulness of intervention in other lives,
other states.
In a Free State is not likely to be nominated V.
S. Naipaul's masterpiece, though it certainly
contains his best short fiction. More clearly than
any previous work it defines the vision at the
heart of his various writings, an essentially
negative vision illumined by remarkable virtuosity
of structure and style.
Wilson Harris has drawn upon his knowledge of

the Guyanese interior and of Amerindian
archeology to recreate Carib and Arawak nyths in
The Sleepers of Roraima: A Carib Trilogy (Faber
and Faber, 1970) and The Age of the Rainmakers
(Faber and Faber, 1971), consisting of four
stories. The materials must have been immensely
congenial to Harris, himself a maker of myths.
Indeed, the reader never knows, reading these
stories, how much of the mythology is
Amerindian and how much is Harrisonian, despite
the author's occasional references to sources and
A book-jacket announcement describes The
Sleepers of Roraima as "one of the most
immediately attractive and engaging (books) Mr.
Harris has written." This is silly. Harris's latest
two books, like their eight predecessors, are not
immediately anything except baffling, and
"engaging" is surely one of the last modifiers one
should think of applying to his work. These are
difficult books. The syntax is all lucidity and
grace, but the images carry one through

The National Ballet of Jamaica, 1972. Photo by Peggo Cromer.

reconstructed memories and archetypes that defy
summary or paraphrase. They demand the
attention paid to serious poetry, and they offer
similar rewards.
Wilson Harris is unquestionably a writer of
genius, but his audience will always be small. The
uniformity of his style and approach, since Palace
of the Peacock, has been paralleled by a uniform
excellence in all his works and an absolute refusal
to make concessions to his readers. If he has, as
an artist, changed little over the past thirteen
years, the most remarkable thing about his work
has been the retention of that brilliant creativity
of language and imagination which justifies his
high position among writers of literature in
Of Samuel Selvon's latest published work
Those Who Eat the Cascadura (Davis-Poynter,
1972), Louis James has said that "there is a sense
of creative short-windedness." I felt the same
general reaction to The Plains of Caroni
(MacGibbon and Gee, 1970), Selvon's first novel
C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec 1973 Page 27


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in five years. In some ways The Plains of Caroni is
an advance over Selvon's earlier novels, but it
does not fulfill his earlier promise.
The earlier books were limited by formlessness
of plot, superficial characterization, repetitious-
ness and and at times excessive exploitation of
dialect. But these limitations were balanced by a
certain l6an of language and spirit, experimenta-
tion, and contact with a broad, vividly pictured
social canvas. Both the strengths and the
weaknesses have been cut back in The Plains of
Written against the background of Trinidad's
present-day sugar industry, the novel marks a
clear improvement in discipline in Selvon's
writing. The plot is firmly structured around the
relations between Romesh, just out of the
university, and his possessive and ambitious
mother, Seeta. The story moves along the line of
Romesh's growth toward personal independence
through a love affair with the white Petra (an
affair encouraged by Seeta because of its
potential for upward mobility), growing profes-
sional commitment, and the climactic discovery
that his real father is the cane-cutter Balgobin,
Seeta's husband's brother. A sub-plot dealing with
the Company's efforts to mechanize cane-cutting
is skillfully interwoven with the lives of the main
characters but marred by a melodramatic climax
in which the drunken Balgobin hacks away at the
new harvester with his old machete in the middle
of the night.
Except for Seeta, who is forceful and well
drawn, the main characters are uninteresting,
sometimes improbable. The affair between
Romesh and Petra lacks any sign of passion; their
dialogue is smooth but not spontaneous. Bal-
gobin, a crucial figure in both plot and sub-plot,
seems more like a prop than a personality.
Also noticeable in The Plains of Caroni is a
changed attitude toward the author's homeland.
Selvon's pre-1965 Trinidad was inefficient and
undeveloped, but delightful and funny and warm.
In The Plains of Caroni a disillusioned, sometimes
bitter voice breaks into the narrative time and
again to comment on the independent Trinidad of

At one time, in a keep-Trinidad-tidy
bid, the government put out dustbins
all over the city. They were kicked in
and dented and thrown about, wrecked
and beaten before they could collect
any rubbish. Those that survived only
added to the sordid appearance, hardly
ever full enough to be emptied, people
preferring to toss their waste about the
streets and pavements.

This negative attitude toward the place parallels

the lack of 6lan already noted in the novel. And
who can say that the two are not related?
Perhaps, like his countryman Naipaul, Selvon will
one day turn elsewhere to find materials for his
West Indian writing is alive and well. The
amount and quality of the work produced by
four of the most prestigious West Indian writers
over the past few years has been impressive. If
poetry and drama had been considered and
novels by younger writers like Orlando Patterson
and Shiva Naipaul the overall picture would
have been exciting indeed.
There seems to be a turning away from the
social observation of the West Indian scene which
figured so prominently in the novels, for example,
of Mais, Mittelholzer, Hearne and the younger V.
S. Naipaul. Of the novelists discussed above, only
Selvon continues to explore this vein.
The reasons for this shift in subject matter are
interesting to speculate about. One reason,
certainly, is that the resources of the West Indian
scene are limited as subjects for serious writing. It
is hard to see how V. S. Naipaul could have gone
on writing about Trinidad after the series of
books culminating in A House for Mr. Biswas.
One wonders, too, if too narrow a commitment
to local themes is not responsible for the long
periods in which talented and successful writers
like Vic Reid and John Hearne have published
nothing. For even publishing opportunities must
be to some extent limited by choice of a West
Indian setting, since West Indian writers depend
upon non-West Indian readers for the sale of their
books. The West Indies have produced many good
writers, but relatively few readers.
This leads to the related consideration of what
the term "West Indian writer" means. Does
writing about Carib myths make Harris a West
Indian writer? What about Naipaul, whose latest
book contains only one story about West
Indians? And what about Jean Rhys outside of
Wide Sargasso Sea? Place of origin, not any
characteristic of their writing, seems to be what
brings these writers together under a common
A final observation to be made about the
books mentioned above is the slight attention
they pay to the theme of race. Race is a major
element in Water and Berries, but it occurs here as
a factor in the protagonists' perception of
themselves rather than as a social or political
condition. Only Naipaul singles out Blacks in
"One Out of Many" and "In a Free State" as
culturally distinguishable from other groups. This
is hardly surprising, however; apartness is what he
writes about, and the whole bent of his mind is
analytic. He also sets Italians, Arabs, Indians and
Chinese apart. *
C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec 1973 Page 29





By H. N. Coleridge

Largely because of illness, H. N. Coleridge in an
attempt to seek a more pleasant climate than
England's, visited the West Indies. The result of
this journey is Six Months in the West Indies in
1825. The following selection is an extract from
that book concerning Planters and Slaves and his
observations of the institution of slavery as it was
practised in the British colonies of the West
Coleridge's somewhat impressionistic account
appears to be influenced by some degree of
concern for the slaves a concern, it may be
noted, not shared by many of his country-men at
that time. Regardless of this concern, though, he
is quite willing to "acquit the planters" of any
charges regarding mistreatment of slaves. How-
ever, in his conclusion he supports the position of
eventual emancipation.
- Ken I. Boodhoo
I hope and believe that the time is almost come
when the cause of religion and real philanthropy,
as it respects the West Indies, will be placed on its
true footing; and it is highly worthy of the
counsels of England to see that this cause be

Page 30 C.R. Vol. V No. 4

speedily disencumbered of the trammels which
prejudice, ignorance and hypocrisy have respec-
tively heaped upon it. In setting about the
conversion of more than 800,000 black slaves
into free citizens, we must act sensibly and
discreetly; especially we must begin with the
beginning, for it is not a matter of decree, edict,
or act of Parliament; there is no hocus pocus in
the thing, there are no presto movements. It is a
mighty work, yet mighty as it is, it must be
effected, if at all, in the order and by the rules
which reason and experience have proved to be
alone effectual. If we attempt to reverse the order
or to alter the mode, we shall not only fail
ourselves but make it impossible that any should
I do not expect to move the convictions of
those who measure the improvement of the
colonies by the reports of a Methodist missionary,
and I am quite hopeless of those whose sole
concern it seems to be make a speech at the
Freemasons' Tavern, and who can put up with the
admiration which issues from between fans and
reticules. But there is, I trust, a large though more
silent body of wise men, who are neither
Methodists nor Abolitionists, who get up no
reports and make no speeches, but as Englishmen,
of no party but that of England, will keep an
anxious and a patient eye on a vast though
remote branch of the empire, and will. not suffer
the just rights of white or black to be destroyed
by the ignorance or the wickedness of faction.
This body is the people, and their voice will be
heard through every thing. It is the voice of a
monarch. But let not the colonists imagine
because there has been a natural reaction against
the puerilities of the African Institution, that
therefore the pleaded cause of the planters is
sheerly triumphant in England;... they should
know that the excesses of Macqueen are as justly
reprobated as those of Stephen, and that neither
pieces of plate, nor slaughtered men of straw, nor
even grants of money can divert the serious gaze
of enlightened philanthropy from the very
recesses of their dwellings. England expects them
as well as her other sons to do their duty, and the
expectations of England are not to be wilfully
frustrated with impunity.
From the general and prominent charge indeed
of cruelty, active or permissive, towards the
slaves, I for one acquit the planters. I have been in
twelve of the British colonies: I have gone round
and across many of them, and have resided some
months in the most populous one for its size in
the whole world. I have observed with diligence, I
have inquired of all sorts of people, and have
mixed constantly with the colored inhabitants of
all hues and of every condition. I am sure I have
seen things as they are, and I am not aware of any

I would not have a Slave to till my ground
To carry me, to fan me while I sleep,
And tremble when I wake, for all the wealth
That sinews bough-t and sold, have ever earo'd.
We have no Slaves at home-why then abroad P

other bias on my mind, except that which may be
caused by a native hatred of injustice, and a
contempt and a disdain of cant and hypocrisy.
The tone of my remarks will probably not gain
for me the favor of either party, but it may
induce many to listen, whom the profession of a
sheer white or black system would certainly
The truth is, there is much to praise and much
to condemn; and the present state of society in
the West Indies is of that mingled and peculiar
character that it is very difficult for any one to
conceive a just notion of it without personal
investigation and personal contact with it. Least
of all can an untravelled Englishman understand
its nature; fortunately for him, Slavery is a mere
notional term to his mind, and he associates with
the term whatever he has heard or read in prose
or verse concerning it in the east or in the west, in
the north or in the south. He knows the strict
definition of slavery, but knows not that so
defined it has never permanently existed in the
world. He is told that the slave is the absolute
property of the master, but knows not that really
the slave is scarcely more the absolute property of
his master than the master is of his slave. Of the
relations between master and servant, of the pride
of protecting and of the gratitude for protection
given, of the daily habits of intercourse, of the
sense of mutual dependence, of natural affection
C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec 1973 Page 31

and of natural kindness, of all those nameless and
infinite emotions of fear and hope and love,
which though light as air itself are strong as, yea
stronger than, links of iron, of all these things
which defeat the definition of slavery, and make
it to be an exact lie, the inhabitant of England
knows nothing. He thinks the bondage of the
West Indies a monstrous exception to the general
freedom of mankind; he knows not that such has
existed in every country of the earth, and does
still exist in most of them. Of the slaves of Egypt,
of Greece and of Rome he has read and forgotten;
of the vilains of his own land perhaps he has not
read; of the serfs of Russia, of Poland, of
Bohemia and of Hungary he has never heard; of
the slaves of Africa, and of the slaves of Asia he
knows nothing; and the kidnapping and floggings
of those who won Trafalgar and Waterloo are
happily for England clothed in such a robe of
glory that Englishmen cannot see through the
makesty of its folds.
I would not sell my birthright for a mess of
pottage, yet if my birthright were taken from me,
I would fain have the pottage left. So I scorn with
an English scorn the creole thought that the West
Indian slaves are better off than the poor
peasantry of Britain; they are not better off,
nothing like it; an English laborer with one shirt is
worth, body and should, ten negro slaves, choose

them where you will. But it is nevertheless a
certain truth that the slaves in general do labor
much less, do eat and drink much more, have
much more ready money, dress much more gaily,
and are treated with more kindness and attention,
when sick, than nine-tenths of all the people of
Great Britain under the condition of tradesmen,
farmers and domestic servants. It does not enter
into my head to speak of these things as
constituting an equivalent, much less a point of
superiority, to the hardes shape of English
freedom; but it seems to me that where English
freedom is not and cannot be, these things may
amount to a very consolatory substitute for it. I
suspect that if it were generally known that the
slaves ate, drank and slept well, and were beyond
all comparison a gayer, smarter and more familiar
race than the poor of this kingdom, the
circumstances of their labor being compulsory,
and in some measure of their receiving no wages
for it, would not very painfully affect the
sympathies of the ladies and gentlemen of the
African Institution and the Anti-Slavery Society.
I say, in some measure the slaves receive no
wages, because no money is paid to them on that
score, but they possess advantages which the
ordinary wages of labor in England doubled could
not purchase. The slaves are so well aware of the
comforts which they enjoy under a master's
purveyance that they not unfrequently forego
freedom rather than be deprived of them. A slave
beyond the prime of life will hesitate to accept
manumission. Many negros in Barbados, Grenada
and Antigua have refused freedom when offered
to them; "what for me want free? me have good
massa, good country, plenty to eat, and when me
sick, massa's doctor physic me; me no want free,
no not at all." A very fine colored woman in
Antigua, who had been manumitted from her
youth, came to Captain Lyons, on whose estate
she had formerly been a slave, and entreated him
to cancel, if possible, her manumission, and
receive her again as a slave. "Me no longer young,
Sir, and have a daughter to maintain! This
woman had always lived by common prostitution,
a profession which usually indisposes for labor,
and yet she was importunate to return to slavery.
Surely she must have known the nature of that
state and the contingencies to which she exposed
herself by returning to it at least as well as any
gentleman in England. Every one who has been in
Barbados knows, as I have said before, that many
of the wretched white creoles live on the charity
of the slaves, and few people would institute a
comparison on the respectability of the two
classes. The lower whites of that island are
without exception the most degraded, worthless,
hopeless race I have ever met with in my life.
They are more pressing objects for legislation

Page 32 C.R. Vol. V No. 4

than the slaves, were they ten times enslaved.
I know perfectly well that there are many
persons scattered throughout our numerous
colonies who do inwardly cling to their old
prejudices, and very likely mourn in secret over
the actual or designed reformations of the present
day. But in almost every island there is a majority
of better mind, so powerful in numbers and
respectability that it not only puts to silence men
of the ancient leaven, but even compels them,
through fear of shame, to become the ostensible
friends of amelioration. Surely there is nothing
extraordinary in this; the owners of estates in the
West Indies are a changeable body, they go to
England, they visit the United States, they tour in
Europe. Is it according even to the most
unfavorable estimate of human conduct, that a
youth educated at Oxford or Cambridge, the
naval or military officer who has retired from his
profession, the merchant, the physician, persons
of whom in England no one would dare to
whisper a reproach, should one and all, as soon as
they have landed in Carlisle Bay or St. John's
Harbour, be transformed at once into such
monsters of avarice and bloodthirstiness that the
once glorious Wilberforce could not find any pity
for them, if they were all stabbed at night by
black men on their pillows of slumber?
But slavery creates the change: slavery infects
the air which they breathe and the soil which
they tread; slavery hardens their hearts and
darkens their understandings! True; slavery did
all this formerly, does so sometimes now, and has
a natural tendency to do as much always. Then
slavery is a bad system? To be sure a very bad
system; who says it is a good one? Certainly none
of the planters with whom I am acquainted, and
most certainly not the author of this book. But

are temptations never resisted, nay sometimes
dared and conquered and made the vantage
ground of virtue? Is not this the case with
temptations even more seductive to human
weakness than starving a man who gives me bread,
and lashing a woman who stoops and sweats to do
me service? Consider the subject, Gentlemen of
the Institution, with a moment's calmness. Make
a few analogies with yourselves. Put off the
accusing spirit for a day and cry Hush! to the
devil of party which distracts the natural
rectitude of your hearts. You have gained a great
notoriety with moderate talents and much
declamation; you have succeeded by appealing
with assiduity to the easily entreated sympathies
of the human, of the English of the female
bosom; you have talked of Christianity with some
who scantily believe in Christ, you have spoken
when you could not be answered, and have really.
condescended to soothe your ears, which were
yet tingling with the coughing of men, in the soft
applause of that delicate fraction of the ladies of
the Metropolis who frequent your tavern in
Queen Street.
You say the planters have gross prejudices, and
defend them in the face of reason and justice!
They do so, though I hope and indeed think they
are shaking them off gradually. The planters are
acrimonious! They are, for they are mortal men.
The system should be abolished! Pardon me;
hardly at present, I think.
The question lies between our fingers. We all
profess an intention of ameliorating the condition
of the slaves, and a wish to raise them ultimately
to an equality with the rest of the citizens of the
empire. The dispute is about the means. Now
unless we are infatuated by the mere sound of a
word, we must acknowledge that the power of


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C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec 1973 Page 33

doing whatsoever a man pleases, if unaccom-
panied with some moral stimulus which shall
insure habitual industry and correct the profligate
propensities of savage nature, is so far from being
a step in advance that it is rather a stride
backwards; instead of being a blessing it is plainly
a curse. The body of the slave population do not
at present possess this moral stimulus. Emancipa-
tion therefore would not put them in the road to
become good citizens.
What must be done then? Manifestly this one
single thing; we must create a moral cause in
order to be able to abolish the physical cause of
labor: we must bring the motives which induce an
English rustic to labor to bear upon the negro;
when the negro peasant will work regularly like
the white peasant, then he ought to be as free.
How are we to originate this moral stimulus?
By various means.

Living Poor
A Peace Corps Chronicle
Moritz Thomsen. An account of a 48-year-old
farmer's four years as a Peace Corps volunteer
in a small village in Ecuador. "As a compelling
portrait of poverty (Living Poor) is a great
success. Since most of the world does live in
poverty, it seems ironic that we need a book to
tell us what it is like to live that way, but surely
we do. (This book) puts across with startling
clarity the human side of poverty economics."
Foreign Service Journal. 280 pp., illus. $6.95

A History of the Dominican Republic
Selden Rodman. "An outstanding book on the
Dominican Republic and its pre-Columbian
predecessor, part of which was known to the
Tainos as Quisqueya." --American Political
Science Review. 212 pp., illus., map. $6.95

Caribbeana 1900-1965
A Topical Bibliography
Lambros Comitas. With more than 7,000
references to scholarly writings published
during this century, this volume is "an im-
pressively comprehensive bibliography of the
non-Hispanic Caribbean, the only such com-
pilation extant." --Choice. 930 pp., map. $15.00

Sweat of the Sun and Tears of the Moon
Gold and Silver in Pre-Columbian Art
Andre Emmerich. "A comprehensive work in
which the author has brought together for the
first time most of what is at present known about
pre-Columbian gold and silver of all areas and
all periods. Beautiful and informative."
American Journal of Archaeology. 240 pp., 228
illus., 4 in color, map. $15.00

Seattle and London

I. By education; that is to say, by teaching
every child to read; by providing Bibles and
Prayer-books at moderate prices; by building or
enlarging churches, or increasing the times of
service, so that every one may be able to worship
in the great congregation once at least on the
II. By amending the details of existing slavery;
that is to say, by thoroughly expurgating the
colonial codes, by enacting express laws of
protection for the slaves, by reforming the
judicatures, by admitting the competency of slave
evidence; by abolishing Sunday markets at all
events; by introducing task-work; by declaring
females free from corporal punishment.
III. By allowing freedom to be purchased at
the market price.

To the evidence of slaves and the purchase of
freedom there is great opposition. My excellent
friend Mr. Coulthurst, who once entertained an
opinion in favor of the first, was so shocked at
the mass of perjury which it seemed to occasion
that he now more than doubts the propriety of its
admission. The answer is twofold; first, that the
evil will decrease every day in proportion to the
advance of education, and second, that it is
necessary to confer by anticipation certain
privileges on the slave in order to give room to his

Page 34 C.R. Vol. V No. 4

mind to expand, and to propose a bounty to good
conduct by stimulating his endeavours to add
personal credibility to his legal competency.
There seem to be two points deserving
consideration, and a decision upon them will be a
decision on the entire question. Will the legal
competency of slave evidence be dangerous to the
whites? Will it be advantageous to the blacks?
First, we must bear in mind that even in this
country it is not impossible for a man to become
the victim of a conspiracy; but then, to produce
such an event, there must be extraordinary
malignity in the intentions, extraordinary caution
and depth in the measures of the accusers and
extraordinary misfortune in the accused. That
what may take place in England may take place in
the West Indies is admitted; but as the case is an
exception here, what is there to demonstrate or
render probable that it will be otherwise than an
exception there? In spite of all that may be said
of the general imbecility of discrimination and of
the imperfect conception of the obligations of
veracity in the minds of the negros, it must still
remain true that in exact proportion as any
number of witnesses are stupid or regardless of
facts they will present a larger scope for
cross-examination and more obvious means of
detecting their false-hood. In this country indeed
legal advisers are to a certain extent parties and
accomplices; in the colonies every white man, as a
white man, would be opposed to the designs of
conspiring slaves. If any number of slaves could
carry on an accusation of a white man to his
execution, they must carry it through the
multiplied barriers, of attomies, counsel, judge,
jury and Governor. They could in few cases effect
such a procession unless their cause were just; it is
next to impossible they should do so if the charge
were wholly without foundation.
Secondly, the enactment of the competency of
this sort of evidence would be a golden gift from
the planter, a fountain of joy to the slave, a
speechless, invisible yet ever present check on the
passions of power. Without repealing any law,
without destroying any institution, without
exacting any sacrifice and without inflicting any
humiliation, this measure alone would go farther
in protecting, conciliating, dignifying the slave
than any other single act within the reach of man.
It is objected indeed that if slaves were rendered
competent to give evidence, the continual
necessity of rejecting it as false or nugatory would
increase the prejudice against them, degrade them
in their own eyes, and in the end create a deep
and habitual distrust of the sincerity even of their
descendants who might in reality deserve no such
suspicion. This is excessively refined. It assumes
such a generality of lying or mental imbecility on
the part of the slave population as is neither



Wouldn't you

other be here than almost anywhere?
rather be here than almost anywhere?

We would like to keep this beach
as it is well, maybe a couple of dozen
people sunbathing, snorkeling, fishing, or
just splashing about wouldn't take
away from the beauty of the white beach and
the crystal clear water. We also have
another thirty odd beaches just like this one.
We have freeport shops for rare bargains.
Dutch, French, and oriental food will make
you forget your waistline. Then we have
really great hotels, large and small,
all designed to make your vacation in
Sint Maarten a gracious and memorable one.

Sint Maarten Tourist Board
St. Maarten, N. A.

C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec 1973 Page 35

countenanced by experience nor even possible in
theory. For what planter is there who does not
possess one, two, three, a dozen slaves whose
words he would as readily credit as those of
scores of persons who are legal witnesses in Great
Britain? And why should the falsehood or the
dulness of Cato, Caesar and Quaco determine a
colonial jury against the probable and intelligible
testimony of other and different slaves, any more
than the smiling perjuries of our Ilchester dozen
render unworthy of belief the good natured
natives of Somersetshire? Would it be even
strictly just to set down every voter in Ilchester as
a liar? I trow not.
In the foregoing observations I have contended
for the simple position that servile condition shall
not of itself disqualify a man to give evidence;
this point once established, the slave will become
subject to all the rules which affect the
competency and credibility of free witnesses. He
may with great advantage even be submitted to
other tests which with judicious management may
be rendered not only certificates of competency
but also incitements to the earning and preserving
of credibility. For this purpose no better mode
can be devised than the establishment of parish
and plantation registers, an entry in which should
be proof of competency; in this manner the slave,

knowing in whose discretion the power of
qualifying rested, would naturally learn to
connect his duty to his master and his respect to
the clergyman with his ambition to raise himself
in the scale of society. This would be an
association pregnant with practical good; it would
be an ever-living corrective of contingent
licentiousness, a ready barrier to insubordination,
a leading, a punishing, yet a guardian spirit, Fire
to the good and Cloud to the bad till it brought
them from the house of bondage through the
wilderness of moral darkness even to the borders
of that pleasant land of Light and Liberty which
we have promised to them.
A right to purchase freedom I consider to be of
supreme importance. I do not wish the price to be
low; on the contrary it should be so high as to
render the attainment of freedom a difficult task.
It should demand industry and long habits of
temperance; it should be so rated that, in
ordinary cases, no slave could obtain it without a
certainty of having passed through that probation
which alone can render it a blessing to him. As
long as there is no such right, the other means of
improvement must lose half of their efficacy,
because they are deprived of almost the whole of
their object. Set up the statue of liberty in the
perspective, however distant, and all that is good
and honest and spiritual in the slave, whether
inborn or implanted, will immediately find scope
and develop vigor in the virtuous pilgrimage to
her shrine. The chaplet which the slave shall win
by the sweat of his brow will be laurel to his
ambition and nepenthe to his fatigue.
The emancipations consequent on the es-
tablishment of this right would of necessity be
hardly earned, and therefore probably accom-
panied by strength and sobriety of character. The
evils contingent on a sudden revolution would be
wholly avoided; the slave would only cease to
labor by compulsion, when he had become willing
to labor for hire; he would in short in most cases
continue bond till he had proved himself fit to be
free. The individual freedmen, unconnected with
each other, would form no combinations would
constitute no distinct class, but would sink into
the mass of the rest of the society, and assume its
feelings as they had obtained its privileges. The
Spanish slave, if I mistake not, has for a long time
possessed a right of purchasing emancipation, and
it is probable that to this chiefly amongst other
causes has been owing the superior tranquillity of
the immense countries of America formerly
belonging to the crown of Castile. From the days
of Las Casas, who originated the introduction of
negros into America, to the present there have
been fewer servile insurrections in the Spanish
colonies than have taken place in the British West
Indies within the last thirty years. *

Page 36 C.R. Vol. V No. 4




book covers record

jackets illustrations

Calle Coil y Toste No. 322
Hato Rey, Puerto Rico

TOO MUCH OF A San Miguel de All


By Aaron Segal
PERIALISMO. Jose Consuegra.
245 pp. Editorial Galerna. Bue-
nos Aires. 1969.
CA. David Chaplin ed. 287
pp. Lexington Books, D.C.
Heath, Lexington.
AMERICA. J. Mayone Stycos,
418 pages, McGraw-Hill, New
Clinton, William S. Flash, R.
Kenneth Godwin, editors -
156 pages, D. C. Heath, Lexing-
ton, Massachusetts. 1972.
POLICY. Edwin D. Driver, 202
pages, D. C. Heath, Lexington,
Massachusetts. 1972.

Is fecundity a basic threat to
human survival? Is there room
on planet earth for a world
population nearing four billion

which is growing at more than
two per cent annually? Given a
world population consisting of
40 per cent or more of persons
under the age of 20, what are the
chances of providing food, shel-
ter, education, and employment
to present and future young-
sters? Those who worry about
population have succeeded in
having 1974 designated by the
United Nations as World Popula-
tion Year with a series of
conferences scheduled to drama-
tize the alleged problem.
The worriers by no means
share the same concerns as is
demonstrated in these latest
additions to what has become a
sizeable mountain of books on
population. Some, like Robert
McNamara of the World Bank,
and many economists, planners,
and other "teenicos" are primari-
ly worried that excessive rates of
population increase will nullify
any significant improvement in
the standard of living of much of
the world's population. Their
argument is that rapid fertility
combined with very young popu-

ende, Mexico, 1972. Photo by Peggo Cromer.

lations places inordinate strains
on savings, capital formation, job
markets, food supplies, and
government expenditures on
education and social services.
The result is a treadmill in which
at best the poor by running very
fast can keep slightly ahead of
increasing numbers and at worst
may stagnate, or fall behind.
Another set of population
worriers consist of medical and
public health personnel who see
the effects of excessive child-
bearing, illegal and badly per-
formed abortions, malnutrition
in large families, and other
human suffering which they
attribute to fertility. Like the
proponents of women's
liberation, the public health
personnel argue that all human
beings should have the right to
decide if, and when, and how
many children they choose to
bear. The emphasis is on family
planning as an individual right
rather than the economists' pur-
suit of "population control" as a
deliberate means of reducing
fertility in order to facilitate
economic growth.
A final set of worriers consists
for the most part of ecologists
who fear the combined con-
sequences of population and
C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec 1973 Page 37

economic growth for the en-
vironment. The most effective
exponents of this view are Jay
Forrester and his colleagues at
MIT whose computer simulation
model of the future of the world
(Limits of Growth) predicts
environmental disaster within
100 years unless and until there
is both world zero population
growth (ZPG) and zero economic
growth (ZEG). The advocates of
ZEG and ZPG mostly focus on
the rich countries who are the
major culprits, according to their
Those who worry about popu-
lation have a field day with Latin
America. Population is increasing
by 3 per cent annually, the
highest rate in the world. Age
distribution is extremely skewed
with nearly 50 per cent of the
population under 20 in many
countries, a colossal burden -on
social services. Urbanization is
accelerating with 50 per cent of
the population already in cities
of 100,000 or more whose
shantytowns are mushrooming.
Is there cause for worry about
world and/or Latin American
population growth? Jos6 Con-
suegra, a left-wing Colombian
economist thinks not. He argues
that science, technology,
planning, and enormous natural
and human resources can permit
Latin America to prosperously
shelter a population 50 times
greater than present figures
(which he faile to cite). He sees
the population worriers as im-
perialist national powers running
international organizations laced
with a handful of bought Latin
American disciples. He sees them
as a front for the profit-making
activities of US pharmaceutical
companies peddling birth-control
pills. Their purpose is to throw
up a smoke screen to divert
attention from what Consuegra
considers to be the real causes of
poverty in Latin America -
structural dependence on foreign
private capital, foreign credit and
trade, and local land, property
and business-owning elites who
Page 38 C.R. Vol. V No. 4

are both greedy and incom-
A good case can be made that
population growth is not a
fundamental obstacle to
economic growth, at least in
Latin America. Brazil and
Mexico with the most rapid
increases in population have also
experienced the most rapid
economic growth. Argentina and
Uruguay with the lowest fertility
have had the least economic
growth since 1950. The relation-
ships between population growth
and economic development are
complex and mutually inter-
dependent and many population
worriers simplistically and fal-
laciously equate lower fertility
with higher standards of living.
However Consuegra wastes space
by refuting Malthus, contending
that population densities are low
in South America (as if densities
for a continent really matter
when half the population already
lives in a handful of cities), and
attacking comic books like Bat-
man for undermining Latin
American culture. Ignorant of
demography and recent empirical
work on population and eco-
nomic growth, Consuegra is
content to cite the Soviet Union
and China as examples of succes-
sful planned economic growth,
seemingly unaware that China is
passionately committed to tough
population control measures to
lower fertility and that in the
Soviet Union abortion is legal
and utilized on a massive scale.
J. Mayone Stycos is an
American sociologist who is the
doyen of empirical studies of
fertility in Latin America. His
latest book, a joint effort with
his- students, surveys attitudes
primarily in Colombia and
Honduras, toward... personal
fertility and population problems
among university students,
professors, parish priests, and
low-income mothers. There are
also discussions of Catholic
Church attitudes and their ef-
fects, Cuban Marxist thought on
population, and U.S. government

policies. The results are uneven
and scattered but point towards
a clear conclusion. Most Latin
American elites, whatever their
religious convictions or public
attitudes, are privately limiting
the size of their own families
through the practice of contra-
ception. Most urban low-income
women in Latin America would
like to do the same but have
little or no access to cheap,
reliable and safe contraceptive
services and facilities. A curious
combination of left-wing intel-
lectuals, right-wing conservative
nationalists, Catholic Church
encyclicals, and governmental
neglect and inefficiency denies
family planning to the urban
poor while permitting the im-
portation and private sale of pills
and other devices for the rich.
One effect is a shockingly high
incidence of illegal abortions,
often so badly performed that
hospitals are flooded with their
The incidence of illegal abor-
tions and their devastating ef-
fects on health and medical
services have provided an open-
ing for the public health worriers
about population. They have
convinced governments in Chile,
El Salvador, and even in 1972 in
Mexico to provide publicly sup-
ported family planning services.
These are defended politically on
the grounds that legal family
planning will reduce the number
of illegal abortions without
making a case for national
population control to speed-up
economic growth. Only in the
Dominican Republic, Barbados,
Jamaica, and Trinidad, are gov-
ernments committed to popula-
tion control as a national policy.
Elsewhere family planning
services on a limited scale are
provided either by private local
associations, usually with exten-
sive external aid, or through
government channels.
Government policies are dis-
cussed in the hodge-podge book
edited by Chaplin. The most
useful chapters have appeared

elsewhere and are general discus-
sions of what governments can
and should do about individual
fertility, whether in rich or poor
countries. Professor Stycos offers
an insightful previously pub-
lished chapter on how popula-
tion control in Latin America has
come to be a major goal of the
U.S. government, often with
disastrous misunderstandings and
setbacks for its acceptance by
Latin Americans. Vivian Epstein
contributes a chapter which
hastily and inadequately sketches
Latin American government
population policies, but misses
the fundamental distinction
between population control and
family planning advocates. Since
the premise of family planning is
that individuals should be helped
to have the number of children
that they want, it takes indi-
vidual desires rather than na-
tional considerations as its
standard. If, as in many parts of
the world, individuals continue
to desire large families, whether
for income security in their old
age, to offset risks of infant
mortality, or other reasons, then
populations will continue to
grow with or without gov-
ernment family planning pro-
Can and should governments
deliberately discourage indi-
viduals from having children? If
so what means above and beyond
family planning services are
available? Edwin Driver, a
sociologist at the University of
Massachusetts with extensive
experience in India, offers a
thoughtful book of essays to
explore this subject. He cogently
analyzes social policies such as
the legal age of marriage, ease of
divorce, military service, and
income tax, which indirectly
influence human fertility in the
United States and elsewhere.
There is a detailed and infor-
mative if somewhat tedious
survey of teaching about popula-
tion in major United States law
schools and social science facul-
ties. A similar survey of Latin

San Miguel de Allende, Mexico, 1972. Photo by Peggo Cromer.

American universities might be a
useful exercise.
Driver is aware of the enor-
mous implications of govern-
mental direct involvement with
human fertility and in a splendid
chapter illustrates the huge gap
between what many population
worriers believe are the "real-
ities" of family life in rural India
and the facts. Similar glaring gaps
between the assumptions held by
U.S. foreign aid officials and
their Latin American counter-
parts and the realities of urban
lower-class life in Latin America
have impeded many a family
planning program. For instance,
in one Latin American city
family planning clinics combined
contraceptive and cancer detec-
tion services but without the
knowledge or consent of their
mostly low-income clients. When
cancer was detected clients were
notified by mail and asked to
report to the National Cancer
Institute. Within a short time the
family planning clinic was vir-
tually empty as women made the
logical association between a visit
to the clinic and being informed
that they had cancer.

The book, Political Science in
Population Studies, also seeks to
analyze what governments can
and should do about fertility,
but much less ably than Driver.
There is an excess of boring
pontification about what polit-
ical science has to offer, and too
little empirical research. Jason
Finkle provides an excellent
discussion of population control
programs in India and Pakistan,
Theodore Lowi a useful analysis
of emerging population policies
in the U.S., and Lyle Saunders a
good survey of what political
research is needed. The other five
chapters are a bust, fit reading
only for political scientists with a
taste for jargon.
Latin America as well as the
rest of the world do have
population problems, although
pre-industrial urbanization and
skewed age distribution are often
overlooked in favor of undue
preoccupation with fertility.
Whatever one thinks about
population control and world
ZPG with or without ZEG (I
personally am opposed to both),
individuals everywhere should as
a matter of human right be
C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec 1973 Page 39

I, C





A Correspondent's
View of Mexico,
and El Salvador

Paul P. Kennedy was The New
York Times' chief correspondent
in Mexico and Central America
between 1954 and 1965, when the
area, his "middle beat" was a
bubbling political cauldron. His
story provides insight into the
historical background and social
milieu of the region as well as
memorable descriptions of
events and personalities.

1971 235 pp. Photos
Cloth $8.50



1234 Amsterdam Avenue
New York, N.Y. 10027

Page 40 C.R. Vol. V No. 4

enabled to plan their families.
Whether governments should
deliberately seek to reduce fertil-
ity is primarily a function of
their internal politics. If an when
they opt for population control,
as most Asian governments in-
cluding China have done, but few
in Africa or Latin America, then
foreign governments and inter-
national organizations can and
should be of limited and modest
assistance. Even then more
generous foreign aid, monetary,
and trade policies which will
raise incomes will probably do
more to lower fertility in Latin
America than any number of
boxes of condoms or pills
shipped in by the U.S. or the
Raising standards of living and
reducing infant mortality for the
poor are the keys to helping
them decide of their own voli-
tion to reduce their own family
sizes. Some governments like
Algeria or Brazil argue that lower
fertility will be an almost
automatic outcome of rapid
industrialization and economic
development and that there is no
need for government sponsored
contraceptive services. They may
be right, although it may take
20-30 years before this happens,
and during that interval popula-
tions may double. Those who
believe that some new birth-
control device or method will do
the trick, especially if combined
with sophisticated advertising
techniques, are probably wrong.
Individuals will have fewer
children when they are confident
that those they bear will live and
enjoy access to education and
employment. Governments
which are concerned about the
welfare of their people should
strive simultaneously to raise
incomes, extend social services,
and make contraceptive facilities
available. But there is no need
for a "hard-sell" effort since the
first priority of lowering infant
mortality as a precondition of
fertility reduction will mean that
in many countries population

growth rates should increase for
a decade or a generation. The
evidence from Chile, Trinidad,
Singapore and elsewhere in-
dicates that if and when infant
mortality is pulled down, educa-
tion and incomes of the poor
raised, and contraceptive services
made widely available, that
fertility does fall rapidly, perhaps
by half within ten years. There
are no apparent short-cuts and it
is equally foolish for U.S. aid
officials to believe that adver-
tising and technology can
provide them and for Latin
American elites to postpone
facing up to the problems. *


Selected and introduced
by John Figueroa
A fascinating two-volume anthology of
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Short biographical details on the writers
are included, together with a number of
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Volume 1
Dreams and Visions
Provides an admirable introduction to the
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Volume 2
The Blue Horizons
This volume contains a wider selection of
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Volume 1 45p (U.K ) papl;r 120 pai;:
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Mexican Children, 1972. Photo by Peggo Cromer.



POLICY. Joseph Grunwald, Mi-
guel S. Wicnezek and Martin
Carney. pp. 216. The Brookings
Institution, Washington, D.C.

The early sixties saw the birth of
two integration groupings in
Latin America the Latin
American Free Trade Association
(LAFTA) and the Central Ameri-
can Common Market (CACM),
both of which were seen by
many as leading ultimately to
one larger movement encompas-
sing all of Latin America. Much

to the surprise of skeptics who
saw little potential for trade
among the coffee and banana
producing republics of Central
America, the CACM made re-
markable progress, increasing
"the value of intra-regional trade
almost eightfold between 1960
and 1968. The exports of mem-
ber countries to their CACM
partners increased from four per
cent of their foreign trade in
1956 and seven per cent in 1960
to twenty-five per cent in
1968 . .". The eruption of
open conflict between El Salva-
dor and Honduras in July of
1969, however, brought a halt to
efforts aimed at furthering the

By Ramesh Ramsaran
process. LAFTA comprised as it
is of members with great dif-
ferences in sizes and levels of
development has found it much
more difficult to implement its
trade liberalisation program. Dis-
satisfaction with its rate of
progress is reflected in the
decision by some of the lesser
developed countries to form
another grouping (the Andean
Group) which is committed not
only to the removal of intra-
trade restrictions, but also to the
harmonisation of policies in a
number of areas critical to the
long term transformation of their
economies. One such area which
has generated a great deal of



Acutely aware of the problems in
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tions: Is Cuban socialism working?
Are the people really better off than
before Castro? What's happening
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education? Is there any freedom
and popular participation or is
Castro an iron-fisted Stalin? What
is replacing traditional capitalistic
incentives-and does it work? To
get the answers, Reckord moved
freely and spoke to the people
themselves-to street cleaners,
farmers, mechanics, students,
teachers, doctors, and factory
workers as well as government
officials. His remarkable report on
these interviews, spiced with the
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through all the myth and propa-
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Page42 C.R. Vol. V No. 4

discussion is the role of foreign
investment in the development
effort. The United States at-
titude toward the Andean For-
eign Investment Policy is very
much reminiscent of its earlier
attitude toward the Intergration
Industries Program in Central
America, which it initially op-
posed on the grounds of discrimi-
nation against U.S. investment.
Latin American integration is
at the cross-roads. Its course
from here on would depend on
an understanding of its scope, its
nature, its objectives and its
implications both by policy
makers within the region and by
countries outside of it, who
provide assistance in one form or
another. The posture of the
latter group is particularly impor-
tant. Despite a heavy reliance on
foreign aid the role of external
factors in the process of regional
integration has never been articu-
lated. External resources made
available to the region have been
used to serve a number of
conflicting policy objectives. The
United States in particular which
furnishes the bulk of assistance
to Latin America, under various
aid programs, has consistently
pursued lending policies at vari-
ance with the objective of an
integrated Latin America, despite
frequent expressions of support
for the integration movement
since the middle of the sixties.
In "Latin American Integra-
tion and U.S. Policy" the authors
make a valiant attempt not only
to remove some of the miscon-
ceptions that have crept into the
discussion on the economic
integration of the area, but
manages with a great deal of
success to put the subject in a
perspective that is certain to
generate a more fruitful ap-
proach to the idea. In content
this work is a laudable contribu-
tion to the current dialogue on
Latin American development.
For simplicity in style and
language in dealing with a
number of complex issues it is a
remarkable achievement.

-W, T_






cults of the




and haiti
by george e.


Revised and augmented
version of The Shango Cult
in Trinidad

Institute of Caribbean Studies
Box BM
University of Puerto Rico
Rio Piedras, Puerto Rico



Marketing Research


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The book which is the joint
effort of three authors who have
had wide experience in Latin
America, is the climax of several
years research started in 1966
"as a policy paper on the issues
to be debated at the 1967
meeting of Western Hemisphere
heads of state at Punta del Este,
Uruguay." The volume is divided
essentially into two parts. The
first is largely confined to an
examination of the achieve-
ments, problems and prospects
of the various integration groups
in the Hemisphere, while the
second is taken up with the need
for a review of U.S. policies
towards the Latin American
region generally and the integra-
tion efforts in particular. It is
this latter half on which prime
interest is focused.
The United States' commercial
ties with Latin America and the
strategic importance of the latter
to its security have traditionally
formed the basis of a special'
relationship between the Hemi-
sphere's Super Giant and the
relatively poorer republics to the
south. Events in Latin America
are therefore watched with par-
ticular interest from the north,
and a conflict in perception is
not infrequently manifested in
overt intervention in the affairs
of the countries of the Hemi-
sphere. The history of the region
is replete with instances of such
interference. In more recent
years U.S. aid has been particu-
larly employed to blunt the

growing nationalism of the
region rather than in support of
the lofty .objectives to which it
openly pledges support. The
pattern of aid to the region has
come more and more to depend
on conformity to U.S. interests
rather then on structural reforms
and strategies necessary for ac-
celerating the pace of develop-
ment in Latin America. As such
the contribution of foreign assist-
ance in re-orienting the
traditional economy towards a
state geared for higher levels of
production and selfsustaining
growth has been far below what
was anticipated. In fact some
would conclude that the contri-
bution of foreign aid to these
objectives has been negative since
the region's dependence on for-
eign resources to implement
development programs and serv-
ice past debts has grown more
intense in recent years. For many
countries of the region the debt
service (including amortisation)
to earnings from exports of
goods and services ratio is cur-
rently running at over 30%.
United States policy towards
Latin American integration has
also been characterized by this
attitude of short-sighted self
interest and this was particularly
reflected in their initial posture
which was totally concerned
with the treatment that would be
meted out to foreign capital in
any integration grouping rather
than with the inherent merits of
such a move from a Latin

NEW YORK. NY 10022 12121 980 3340

C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec 1973 Page 43

by John M. Baines,
by Juan Mejia Baca
As a study of the impact of one
man's life on those of his
contemporaries and on the history of
his country, this book is both a
political biography of the famous
Peruvian revolutionary, Jose Carlos
Mariategui (1895-1930) and an
analysis and critique of his ideology
and the influence of that idealogy on
Mariategui and the Myth is the first
book-length study in English of a
Latin American radical in whose life
and work there is increasing
interest, partly as a result, no doubt,
of events in Latin America since
World War II, and especially since
Castro's revolution. Though the
extent of the influence of
Mariategui's legacy in these
developments has yet to be fully
assessed, he is undoubtedly one of
the foremost intellectual precursors
of the Latin American radicalism of
the 1960's and 1970's. $7.50

by Robert M. Bernardo,
by Irving Louis Horowitz
In 1966 the proponents of "moral
incentives," led by "Che" Guevara,
triumphed over the more liberal
economic planners who wished to
emulate the Yugoslav and pre-1968
Czechoslovak methods of develop-
ment. Essentially, moral incentives
meant that the worker was to be
motivated entirely by his commit-
ment to the society and his fellow
citizens, and remuneration in the
form of money and other "material"
awards was to be phased out of
Cuban society.
"The book ably probes the nature
of the challenge that confronted the
island's architects in their attempt to
create a 'new Cuban man' motivated
by moral incentives." --Ramon
Eduardo Ruiz, The New York Times.
Drawer 2877
University, Alabama 35486

Page 44 C.R. Vol. V No. 4

American perspective. U.S.
ambivalence and sometimes open
hostility toward the idea of
integration for Latin America
persisted through the fifties to
the mid-sixties when a noticeable
shift in attitude seemed to have
taken place. "The resurgence of
military governments and the
waning fear of Castro had crip-
pled the Alliance for progress,
leaving the Johnson administra-
tion without much of a Latin
American policy ....". From a
position of antagonism towards
integration the U.S. policy
shifted enough to place it among
the countries that signed the
Declaration of Presidents at
Punta del Este in 1967 for the
creation of a Latin American
Common Market by 1985.

Aid policies however, have not
been modified to lend credence
to this apparent change of heart:
.... assistance is currently
geared to national development,
each economy competing indi-
vidually for U.S. aid. Not only
has integration assistance to
Latin America been very meager,
but national bilateral aid has
often worked against integra-

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tion." Even though the need for
the financing of multi-national
projects in the Latin American
context was explicitly recognized
in the Charter of Punta del Este
as far back as 1961, financial
assistance remains responsive to
political whims rather than eco-
nomic necessity.
The need for a reformulation
of the economic assistance pro-
gram is not the only factor
affecting the progress of Latin
American integration. The crea-
tion of greater trading opportuni-
ties can also assist in accelerating
the process of trade liberalisa-
tion. "The specter of trading
deficits deters many Latin Amer-
ican countries from joining
wholeheartedly in the integration
While recognizing the urgent
need for a review of United
States policy towards the region,
the authors make the fundamen-
tal point "that problems of
regional integration must be
solved by Latin Americans them-
selves; they will ultimately have
to come to grips with the
politically complex issues of
virtually adjusting their eco-
nomic policies and of accepting a
certain degree of regional policy
making." In the final analysis it
is this approach that is going to
decide whether Latin American
integration remains a matter of
futile countless meetings and
conferences, or becomes a truly
meaningful instrument for
bringing about the necessary
structural changes for sustained
economic progress.

SI.A.U. Box 451
San German, Puerto Rico

consulting services
to firms established
in the Caribbean.
Telephone: 892-1043

soo qulb '
SbFa iddo (' 2320 o000


TION. Abraham F. Lowenthal,
246 pp. Harvard University Press,

SION. Carlos Maria Gutidrrez,
pp. 172, Monthly Review Press,

The recent events in the Domini-
can Republic seem to mark the
completion of a full cycle in that
country's politics. The death of
Colonel Caamafio, both heroic
and apparently unnecessary,
signifies the dramatic end of a
period spanned by the events
leading to the U.S. invasion of
1965, the invasion itself, the rise
to power of Balaguer and the
policies of his government and
the U.S. toward the Dominican
Republic. For those of us who,
while not being Dominicans,
were profoundly affected by
having to observe, impotently,
the imperialist invasion of
another Latin American country.
It is important to understand the
present make-up of the Domini-
can society as well as the
prospects for change in the
future. The recently published
books by Lowenthal and
Guti6rrez should be expected to
provide us with such a pos-

By Jorge Rodriguez Beruff
sibility. These books, however,
although differing in scope,
quality and outlook, fail, for
different reasons, to serve that
Abraham Lowenthal forms
part of the U.S. liberal tradition.
A Harvard graduate and a politi-
cal scientist, he has been par-
ticularly interested in U.S.
foreign policy toward Latin
America and the Caribbean and
has published a number of
articles dealing with the Domini-
can Republic. His previous work
has been critical of the U.S.
involvement in Dominican poli-
tics and particularly of the 1965
invasion. He observed the 1965
events on the spot and became
engaged in field research im-
mediately afterwards.
Lowenthal draws his material
from a number of primary and
secondary sources. In addition to
his extensive bibliography, most-
ly of interpretative works, he
lists 128 interviews of those
involved in the events of 1965.
He also had priviledged access to
classified U.S. documents and
On the basis of his data, he
undertakes a detailed and almost
hour by hour account of the
political situation in the Domini-
can Republic during the crucial
week of the "crisis." The
account spans the breakdown of
the Reid Cabral government, the

rise of an armed popular move-
ment in which were imbedded
the seeds of a social revolution,
the U.S. military invasion and
the consequent establishment of
the "international security
zone." The perceptions and res-
ponses of U.S. officials that
determined the exact nature of
the invasion figure prominently
in his account. The word "inter-
vention" in the title of the book
is in fact, a polite euphemism for
"invasion." This must become all
the more clear from the author's
view that the U.S. has never
desisted from intervention, in
one form or another, throughout
the history of the Dominican
Republic since the 19th century.
Lowenthal presents his
opinion of the 1965 invasion in
the opening sentence of his
book, "I regard the U.S. military
intervention in the Dominican
Republic as a tragic event. .."
Nevertheless, he makes known
that here "I am examining what
happened and trying to explain
why, not evaluating the results or
speculating on what might have
been done." Despite these pro-
testations his assessment concern-
ing what interests the U.S. was
pursuing and the alternatives that
were open to the U.S. policy
influence his analysis at its very
At a general level, his explana-
tion of the invasion hinges on the
historical involvement of the
U.S. in the Caribbean and the
attitudes this has generated in
the minds of the U.S. policy
makers. Following a brief but
impressive description of pre-
vious U.S. involvement in the
D.R. (e.g. the U.S. even con-
trolled the Dominican Customs
until 1947), he makes the some-
what surprising statement that,
"Positive economic and military
interests .... do not account for
the history of intense American
involvement in Dominican af-
fairs .... All through the history
of American relations with the
Caribbean runs a thread of
C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec 1973 Page 45

Inter American University
of Puerto Rico
San German Campus

The Department of
Economics and Business
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development in the
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Page 46 C.R. Vol. V No. 4

_( ; F

unwanted engagement. The U.S.
government has been much more
concerned about how to with-
draw .... than with how to
intervene." Why then the con-
tinued involvement in the
Dominican Republic and the rest
of the Caribbean for many
decades." To him the main
security concern has been
preemptive: the exclusion from
the Caribbean of all external
influences a la the Monroe
Doctrine. This has had as its
corollary the need to maintain
internal "political stability", i.e.
the need to prevent a "second
This attempt to dissect
American interest into its com-
ponents and to place them in
order of importance is at best a
less than convincing academic
exercise. In the first place, it
blurs the intimate interdepen-
dence between different "in-
terests". Was sugar solely of
economic importance? Second-
ly, it ignores the specific motiva-
tion in regard to each individual
country. For example, didn't
conquest and military concerns
loom large in the colonization of
Puerto Rico? And, lastly, it
overlooks the shift of different
but interrelated U.S. interests
over time. For example, do
"political stability" and "foreign
influence" mean the same in the
19th century as in the Cold War
era, or, for that matter, during
the heyday of the Cold War and
the present? But, more impor-
tantly, by separating the U.S.
interests in the Caribbean from
its global interests (a notion
subsumed under the integrative
concept which he evades) the
picture that emerges is distorted.
It is the perception of the
North American security interest
crystallized in attitudes and
traditional axioms among the
U.S. policy makers that must
explain the Dominican "mis-
take". The "lingering on" of
these axioms lead not only to
uncritical analogies between one
particular case (Cuba) and an-

other (the Dominican Republic)
but also to an explanation of one
in terms of the other. Despite the
crucial importance of this state-
ment to his explanation of the
invasion, Lowental fails to dis-
cuss whether there was a
significant gap between the
"real" interests of the U.S. in the
Caribbean and the attitudes of
U.S. policy makers. In the course
of his description, he makes
sufficiently clear how these at-
titudes filtered the information
available focusing attention on
the "communist danger". He
fails however, to answer the
wider and more fundamental
question: Could the U.S. have
permitted any form of social
revolution to take place in the
Dominican Republic?
Furthermore, any explanation
of U.S. policy stemming from
the notion that commonly held
attitudes bind together in the
decision-making process a motley
group of CIA agents, military
attaches, embassy personnel,
ambassadors and ex-ambassadors,
presidential advisors and the
President himself with
seemingly divergent interests and
priorities is insufficient. The
implication that a change in
attitudes would result in greater
circumspection in the future is
highly suspect. Fortunately,
however, Lowenthal notes that
attitudes are organizationally
determined and, happily, does
not attempt an easy recipe for
altering the "attitudinal founda-
tion" of U.S. foreign policy.
While his explanation of the
Dominican invasion on a general
level is by no means beyond
debate, his interpretation of
more concrete processes, such as
the conflicts among U.S.
agencies, represents an important
contribution to our understand-
ing. But the real importance of
the book lies in the punctilious
description of the events and
decisions leading to the invasion
and immediately following it.
Thus, although much remains to
be done in the realm of theory,

all future work will have to draw
heavily on Lowenthal's contribu-
Carlos Guti6rrez, is a jour-
nalist. He has previously been on
the staff of the well-known
Uruguayan journal, Marcha. His
sympathies are evidently with
the Dominican revolutionary
movement. In 1969, when the
Pacheco Areco regime put him in
prison, he wrote a book of
poetry that earned him a Casa de
las Amdricas award. His contact
with Dominican affairs seems to
have been derived from aa
journalistic assignment in that
country during 1971. The
articles he wrote then, with a few
notes added, form the backbone
of his book.
Guti6rrez's concerns are at the
same time wider and more
limited than those of Lowenthal.
His aim is to "contribute a few
facts to document a situation
that those more authoritative
will be able to analyze in depth"
and to "transmit a current image
of socio-political reality". But his
subject matter ranges from the
repression unleashed by the
Balaguer regime with the support
of the U.S. government to a
discussion of the Dominican
political parties and the Domini-
can economy.
The Dominican Republic:
Rebellion and Repression
provides few fresh insights into
the workings of the Balaguer
regime. The monumental policy
of extermination of the constitu-
tionalist and left leadership, the
atmosphere of repression, the
intra-left strife instigated by the
regime, and the most blatant and
evident signs of North American
penetration are not new to those
who have followed Dominican
events. They are, however, a
useful reminder to those outside
of the Caribbean with a limited
access to information on the
Dominican Republic and the
continuity in U.S. policy since
the 1965 invasion. We expected
Guti6rrez, as a Marxist, to
provide us with some insights

into the new forms of
dependence of the Dominican
Republic, but he fails to do so
apart from a few general com-
ments. His data on foreign
investment, for example, is six
years out of date. He however,
does provide some information
on the external links with the
U.S. of such disparate institu-
tions as the police, the trades
union movement, the political
parties and certain "academic"
Perhaps the most interesting
part of his book consists of the
five interviews he includes with
leaders of the left. His interview
with Dr. Jimendez Grull6n, a
recently radicalized social
democrat, makes clear that the
generational conflict will never
develop in a country where old
age has such vitality. Also inter-
viewed are a leader of the MPD, a
Camilista catholic youth, Juan
Bosch and Isa Conde of the PCD.
The Dominican Republic
raises yet again the question of
the usefulness of a current events
book for our understanding of a
reality that changes so fast, as is
the case of the Dominican
Republic. Seen from the perspec-
tive of an attempt to break the
blockade of information imposed
by the U.S. news agencies,
Guti6rrez's articles are very im-
portant. But the book is not, and
does not pretend to be, a
profound interpretation from a
left viewpoint of post-invasion
Dominican politics and society.
That book remains yet to be
written. *



BOX 22494. U.P.R.

For information write:
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Urb. Sagrado Corazon
Rio Piedras, P.R. 00926
or telephone:
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C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec 1973 Page 47

WRITINGS. Francis Macnult. 472 pp. Ams
Press, 1972. $17.50. A reprint of the 1909

zalez. 94 pp. U. of Arizona Press, 1973. The
life of an American-Mexican.

CLEMENTE. Kal Wagenheim. Foreword by
Wilfrid Sheed. Praeger, 1973. $6.95. The life
of Puerto Rico's famous baseball player.

FANGIO. Juan Manuel Fangio. Denis
Jenkinson, editor. Norton, 1973. $8.50.
Argentina's greatest car racer.

Gerassi. Doubleday, 1973. $3.95. For ages
Noll and A. Phillip McMahon. 200 pp.
Russell and Russell, N.Y.; 1973. $12.00
First published in 1910.
Moor,. 220 pp. Teachers College Press,
Columbia University, 1973. $9.50 cloth;
$4.95 paper. The diverse careers of various
THEY CALL ME JACK. Sandra Weiner. 60
pp. Pantheon, 1973. $4.50. The story of a
boy from Puerto Rico.
THE CARIBBEAN. Regina Crimmins,
editor. Cornerstone Library, (N.Y.), 1973,
Taylor, editor. 274 pp. Praeger, 1973,
LATIN AMERICA. Philip Evanson. 141 pp.
Pendulum Press, Conn., 1973. $1.45.
THE SEVENTIES. Sven Lindquist. Trans-
lated by Keith Brandfield. 291 pp. Penguin
Books, 1972. $2.45.
Geography and Travel

Prepared with the cooperation of Holiday.
159 pp. Random House, 1973. $1.95.

WORKING PAPERS. 481 pp. International
Ocean Institute at the Royal University of
Malta, 1973.

COINS OF COLOMBIA. Alcedo Almanzar.
97 pp. Almanzar's coins of the World (San
Antonio), 1973. $3.00.

CRAFTS OF MEXICO. Marian Harvey.
MacMillan, 1973. $12.95. A tour through
Mexico's traditional handicraft regions.


opo s. by Neida Pagan

Molina. 2 Vols. AMS Press, 1973. $27.50.
With notes from the Spanish and French
versions, and an appendix containing
copious extracts from the Araucana of Don
Alonzo de Ercilla. Originally published as
two separate works 1782, 1787.
AMERICA. R.P. Morrison. 550 pp. Long-
man, 1973. $24.00. The structural geology
of South America.
Wise. Doubleday / Anchor, 1973. $3.95.

GRAPHY. Gilbert J. Butland 464 pp. Wiley
(N.Y.) 1972. $8.50.

MEXICO. Prepared with the cooperation of
the editors of Holiday. 128 pp. Random
House, 1973. $1.95.

SEA. Hal Burtun. Viking, 1973. $7.95. An
hour to hour description of the tragic
voyage from the time the cruise ship left
F. Mary. 304 pp. Doubleday, 1973. $7.95.
Port Royal, Jamacia.
WILD LIFE. Christina Wood. Taplinger,
1973. $7.95. An expedition to rescue 5,000
wild animals about to be drowned because
of a new dam in Surinan.
James Norman and Margaret Fox Schmidt.
272 pp. Dolphin Books, 1973. $1.95. First
published in 1959.

Alistair Home. 349 pp. Viking Press, 1973.
SLAVE TRADE. David Turnbull. 574 pp.
AMS Press 1973. $17.50. Reprint of 1840
YANK IN YUCATAN. Rolfe F. Schell. 309
pp. Island Press (Florida), 1973. $2.95. A
guide to Eastern Mexico.
History and Archaeology

ROCKY MOUNTAINS. George Frederick
Ruxton. 332 pp. Rio Grande Press, 1973.
$10.00. Reprint of the 1847 edition.

McKown. 95 pp. McGraw Hill, 1973. $4.95.
Traces the history of Puerto Rico from its
discovery by Columbus to its future.

II. Alvah Wilgue. 1973. $20.00 Published in
1941 under the title: "The development of
Hispanic America."

DESTINY. Joseph Allen Stust. 202 pp.
Westerntore Press (Los Angeles), 1973.

Stephens Brown. 118 pp. Ginn, 1972.

Joseph A. Stont, Jr. Swallon Press
(Chicago), 1973. $10.00; $3.95 paper.

mer Welles. 1058 pp. Arno Press, 1972.
$48.00. A detailed history of the Dominican

TORY. Joseph S. Tulchin. 529 pp. Harper
and Row, 1973. $5.95. Modern Period.

WORLD OF THE MAYA. Ruth Karen. 222
pp. Four Winds Press, 1973. $6.73. Juvenile

TIONS, 1808-1826. John Lynch Norton
(N.Y.), 1973. $12.50. Latin American wars
for independence.

AMERICA. Clarence Henry Harine. 371 pp.
Peter Smith (Mass.), 1973. $6.00. History
and politics in Latin America.

SUGAR AND SLAVES. Richard S. Dunn.
U. of North Carolina Press, 1973. $11.95.
The rise of the planter class in the English
West Indies, 1674-1713.


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Page 48 C.R. Vol. V No. 4

CARIBBEAN COOKBOOK. Geoffrey AMIGO, AMIGO. Francis Clifford. Coward
Holder. 95 pp. Viking Press, 1973. $6.95. McCann & Geoghegan, 1973. $6.95. A novel
set in the volcanic mountains of Guatemala.

TEMALA. Richard E. Moore. Scarecrow
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Farr. Scarecrow Press, 1973.

Art, Architecture & Music
HAITI SINGING. Harold Courlander. 273
pp. Cooper Sg. Pub., 1973. $10.00. Reprint
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AND ITS PERFORMERS. Peter Bloch. 197
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Anthropology and Sociology
Armando Morales. 141 pp. R.E. Burdick
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American police conflict.
ISLAND PEOPLE. Gregson Davis. Photos
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original Arawak and Carib natives and the
imported African plantation-slaves under
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Frutkin. Center for Advanced International
Studies, U. of Miami, 1973. $3.95. A study
of the work and influence of Aimb C6saire,
poet and political leader of Martinique.
CADASTRE. Aim6 Cesaire. Translated by
Emile Snyder and Stanford Upson. Third
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paper. A collection from the Martiniquan
artist's poetry from 1945 to 1950.
DOORS AND MIRRORS. Hortense Carpen-
tier, ed. 456 pp. Viking, 1973. $3.50.
Fiction and poetry from Spanish America,
AMERICA. Selected and Adapted by
Dorothy Sharp Carter. 126 pp. Harcourt
Brace Jovanovich, 1973. $4.75.
ELQUI. Marie-Lise Gazarian-Gautier. 145
pp. Editorial Crespillo. (Buenos Aires),
1973. The life and work of the famous
Chilean poet, winner of the 1945 novel
prize in literature.
Eleanor Heckert. Doubleday, 1973. $7.95,
Adventure, romance, politics; goes a bit
overboard on historical fact.
pp. Barnes and Noble, 1973. $9.50.
Gaskin. 384 pp. Fawcett Crest (Greenwich,
Conn.), 1973. $1.25. A novel set in England
and the Caribbean.
WE ARE CHICANOS. Philip D. Ortego,
editor. 330 pp. Pocket Books (N.Y.), 1973.
$1.25. An anthology of Mexican-American

C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec 1973 Page 49


S ruitem r
El Efa rtal, I r.

accIToa sur Mt
*AN JUAN, P. U. aOM 1

- -

Language and Literature

Dolores Litsinger. 222 pp. American Book
Co. (N.Y.), 1973.
AMERICANS. Patricia de Garza. 96 pp. J.
Messner (N.Y.), 1973. $5.50. About the
causes of Mexican Inmigration to the U.S.

NORTHERN MEXICO BEfore 1750. Ralph
Leon Beals. 225 pp. Cooper Sg. Pub., 1973.
$7.50. Reprint of the 1932 edition.
CRAB ANTICS. Peter J. Wilson. 258 pp.
Yale U. Press, 1973. $10.00. The social
anthropology of English-Speaking Negro
Societies of the Caribbean.

JUAN LA LAGUNA. James D. Sexton. 72
pp. Latin American Center, U. of California,
1973. $2.50.
Osuna. 312 pp. AMS Press, 1973. $15.00.
Reprint of the 1923 edition originally
presented as the author's thesis at Columbia

LATIN AMERICA. Richard L. Cummings
and Donald A. Lemke. 357 pp. Scarecrow
Press, Press, 1973. $10.00.


Health and the
Developing World


Based on the work of a survey team
sponsored by the Rockefeller Foun-
dation, this forthright book is ad-
dressed to the task of providing
adequate health care for entire
populations. Dr. Bryant examines
health programs and the obstacles they
nust overcome, mainly in Africa, Latin
America. and Asia. His recom-
mendations for realistic solutions to
world health problems are essential
reading for anyone concerned with
public health and with the future of
emerging countries.

.3*Ol pages. illustrations. tables. $10.00

Cornell University Press

TZINTZUNTZAN. George M. Foster. 297
pp. Greenwood Press, 1973. $35.00. Re-
print of the 1948 ed.

AMERICAN. David J. Weher, editor. U. of
New Mexico Press, 1973. $12.00 cloth;
$4.95 paper. Essays probing the roots of the
Mexican American experience in the South-
west and providing a much needed pers-
pective on pre-twentieth century history.
Straus. Harper and Row, 1973. $16.00.
Analyses the myths of South American
THE GREAT WHITE LIE. Jack Gratus. 324
pp. Monthly Review Press, 1973. $8.50.
Slavery, emancipation and changing racial
AND TODAY. Carleton Beals. Illustrated by
Marianne Greenwood. Abelard-Schuman
(N.Y.), 1973. For juveniles.
1795-1940. George Kubler. 71 pp. Green-
wood Press, 1973. A population study based
upon tax records and census reports.
Reprint of the 1952 edition.
Livie Isauro Duran, comp. 585 pp. Mac
Millan, 1973. $5.95.
SOCIAL CHANGE. Stefan A. Halper and
John R. Sterling. 219 pp. St. Martins Press
(N.Y.), 1972. $8.95. Social Conditions in

"A rewarding study."

Foreign Affairs.

"...a bench mark study."
Journal of
Developing Areas.


Essays on Guatemalan
National Social Structure,
By Richard Newbold Adams

xiv, 553 pages $10.00

Box 7819
AusnI, Texas 78712

SOCIEDADES. Herald Leward. 436 pp.
McGraw Hill, 1973. $7.50. Civilization and
social conditions in Latin America.

THE LOST ONES. Eugene B. Brady
International U. Press (N.Y.), 1973. $22.50.
Social forces and mental illness in Rio de
HOME). Mario C. Moorhead. United Peoples
Party (St. Croix), 1973. $10.00. An analysis
of the Social conditions in contemporary
Virgin Island' Society.
Baron. 384 pp. U. of Texas Press, 1973.
$11.50. Geographic and Social Mobility in
Monterrey, Mexico.
WORLD. Mario Argandons and Ari Kiev.
178 pp. Free Press, 1972. $7.95.
SOLUTION. Manuel Barranes. 78 pp.
Teacher's College, Columbia U., 1973.
$10.00. Reprint of the 1915 edition.
MUNITY. John Clin. 166 pp. Greenwood
Press, 1973. Reprint of the 1947 edition.
282 pp. Canfield Press, 1972. $4.50. The
Chicano's struggle toward liberation.
SOUTH AMERICA. Daniel R. Gross, editor.
448 pp. Anchor Press, 1973. $12.50 cloth;
$5.95 paper. Antropological research on the
indigenous peoples of South America.
Walker. 177 pp. Teachers College Press,
1972. $9.00. Based on the author's thesis in
Johnson. Bobbs-Merrill, 1973. $1.95.
OUR OWN LAND. Thomas F. G6mez.
Beacon, 1973. $8.95. An account of the
injustices Mexican Americans have endured
in the U.S. since 1848.
JAMAICA. Nancy Forner. 172 pp. Teachers
College Press, Columbia U., 1973. $8.50
cloth; $3.95 paper. A study of educational
and political change.
BORDER CULTURE. John A. Price. U. of
Notre Dame Press, 1973. $6.95.
CIA, VENEZUELA. Mark W. Cannon. 152
pp. Praeger, 1973. $13.50.
AMERICA. Roger S. Greenway. 282 pp.
Baker Book House (Mich.), 1973. $4.95.


MENT. David P. Barkin and Nita R.
Manitzas. Warner Modular Pub., 1973.

AMERICA. Michael Nelson. 306 pp. John
Hopkins U. Press, 1973. $12.50.
Weisbrod. U. of Wisconsin Press, 1973.
ICANS. Rowle Farley. 400 pp. Harper and
Row (N.Y.), 1973. $13.95. Development
Problems in perspective.
AMERICA. Robert Arthur Humphreys. 196
pp. Cooper Sg. Pub. (N.Y.), 1973. $6.00.
Reprint of the work first published in 1946.
MENT IN BRAZIL. Raouf Kahe. 357 pp.
Clarendon Press, 1973.
1806-1914. Desmond Platt. 352 pp. A+C
Black (London), 1972.
James F. Hophins and Mary W.M. Gar-
greaves. U. Press of Kentucky, 1973.
$20.00. Highlights the Panama mission and
the beginning of West Indian trade.
Edward S. Milenky. 289 pp. Praeger, 1973.
$7.50. The Latin American Free Trade


Page 50 C.R. Vol. V No. 4


409 San Francisco

Plaza de Col6n

Old San Juan

s'~ --

Til 10 p.m. Mon. to Sat
12 Noon 'til 10 Sunday


Philosophy & Theology
RILLA. Abraham Guilldn. Translated and
edited with an introd. by Donald C. Hodges.
305 pp. Marrow, (N.Y.), $8.95.
Robert J. Alexander. Hoover Institution
Press, Stanford U., 1973. $10.00.

TORRE. Robert J. Alexander, editor and
translator. 367 pp. Kent State U. Press,
1973. $12.00. The history of the "Partido
Aprista Peruano."
POLICY, 1961-1964. Keith Larry Starrs.
485 pp. Cornell U., 1973. Background,
relation to domestic politics, aftermath.
Gutidrrez. Translated by Richard E.
Edwards. Monthly Review Press, 1972.
DICTATOR. Jes6s de Gal(ndez. Edited by
Russell H. Fitzgibbon. 298 pp. U. of
Arizona Press, 1973. $4.50.
KRISE. Wolf Grabendorff. Hoffmana und
Compe Verlag, Hamburg, 1973. 32 marcs.
The book explains how Latin America is
struggling to get away from the dependency
on the industrial wored.
PARTIES. Robert J. Alexander. 537 pp.
Praeger, 1973. $28.50.
DEVELOPMENT. Andre Gunder Frank.
151 pp. Monthly Review Press, 1972. $6.00.
A translation from the Spanish version.
Dependence, class and politics in Latin
ribe. 603 pp. Harper and Row, 1973.
Ronald M. Schneider. 431 pp. Columbia U.
Press, 1973. $6.00. Emergence of a
modernizing anthoritorian regine,
Solaun. 228 pp. U. of Illinois Press, 1973.
The politics of military intervention in Latin
LA SUB-AMERICA. Rafael Garzarro. 304
pp. Aconcagua: Ediciones & Publicaciones,
M6xico, 1972. Imperialism in Latin America
as viewed by a Guatemalan.

Psychology and Psychiatry
CHICANO GIRL. Hila Colman. Marrow,
1973. $4.95. For juveniles. Describes the
growth of a Chicano girl in Arizona.
Kiev. 207 pp. Free Press, 1972. $2.45.

editado por:
Rafael L. Ramirez
Barry B. Levine
Carlos Buitrago Ortiz

Celia F. de Cintr6n y Barry B. Levine
A. G. Quintero Rivera
Carlos Buitrago Ortiz
Rafael L. Ramirez
Roberto SAnchez Vilella
Mariano Mufioz HernAndez


Saldaila 3 Rio Piedras, PR.


C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec 1973 Page 51

problemas de





__ %


108 square miles. The island is
shaped as a rough circle. She is
a member of the British Com-
monwealth under an Associated
State status. Antigua has a pc.
pulation of around 60,000 and
her capital is ST. JOHN'S The
currency is the Vest Indian
Dollar (popularly called the bee
wee dollar). Visitors to Antigua
should have a certificate of vac-
cination and proof of citizenship.

WHERE TO STAY? Antigua has
a full range of tourist rated
hotels. Among the best, we espe-
cially recommend:

TEL is located at Soldier Bay,
only three miles from the airport
and four from downtown St.
John's. All rooms face the hotel's
own white sand beach. Dancing
to island's best combo on Sun.,
Fri. And Wed. Nights. Native and
Continental cuisine. Full water
sports facilities. Tennis and Gol-
fing. Under the stars dancing and
dining at outside patio.
English Harbor, in the South
coast of Antigua, is one of the
most important historical sites in
the Caribbean. Within this area
lies Nelson's Dockyard which
was restored some years ago to
its original splendor. Most hotels
offer native style entertainment
several nights every week. There
are a good number of indepen-
dent night spots near to and in
St. John's.


BAsic INFORMATION: Aruba, locat-
ed within viewing distance of
Venezuela's coast and 500 miles

southeast of Puerto
approximately 115 squ
The island has a pop
approximately 60,000 a
pital is Oranjestad. As
of the Nertherland
(which are equal par
the Kingdom of the Ne
.In addition, most islan
fluent English, Dutch
several luxury and mom
ce hotels in Aruba. ,
mend the Divi-Divi.

few steps from your i
warm clear waters of
bean. Clusters of Bea
sitas are designed
luxury and privacy.
enjoy your spacious
its private patio and
sea, decorated with
Pd furnishings of six

Rico, has even during a relatively short
tare miles. visit. Walking around the island
ulation of capital one can't but admire its
nd its ca- Dutch-like cleaniness. The city's
a member port, called Horses Bay, features a
Antilles very photogenic open air market
tners with where cookware, produce fruit
therlands). and fish from all the surrounding
ders speak islands and seas are sold. The
and Span. Bali, a famous restaurant/bar
built on a converted houseboat
There are which features Indonesian dishes,
derate pri. is right in town and should be
Ve recom- visited. In addition to its interest-
ing architecture and riotous co-
lors, the city has flower-filled
Wilhemina Park, a great place to
spend many relaxing evening
hours. Touring the rest of the
island will phow the visitor
many examples of Aruba's famed
trade mark, the wind blown Divi-
D)ivi trees, its very curious rock
HOTEL: A formations and the many inte-
patio to the resting uses to which the island
the Carib- cactus plant has been adapted.
chfront Ca- The island has a nature-built
to provide Rock Bridge which is best seen
Relax and from ruins said to be from a Pi-
room with rate Castle but which actually are
view of the the leftovers of a gold-ore stamp-
hand-craft- ing mill built in 1872. On the
teenth cen- other side of the island, on the

tury Spanish colonial design. All
Casitas air-conditioned. Private
baths with tub and shower and
two double beds in each room.
"BALI". This famous floating,
airconditioned Indonesian restau-
rant is located at the "Bali" Pier
at Oranjestad, Aruba's capital. It
is open 7 days a week, from 10
am. till 12 pin. and features
among many other exotic dishes
the well known RIJSTTAFEL
(ricetalle) which consists of about
22 different dishes such as
shrimps, krupuk, veal, sate, chic-
ken, vegetables, etc., etc. They are
all prepared in ever varying tastes
with unlimitable combinations of
herbs and spices. Dinner at this
restaurant will be a culinary ex-
perience never to be forgotten and
therefore strongly reconllnmended.
It's owner/host Karl Schmand
will always be there to help you
along and see to it that the service
will be the way you expect it.
It's view at the laarden Baai
(The Horses Bay), Oranjestad's
Harbour is out of this world.
ba is small enough so that the
typical visitors has time to see



Page 52 C.R. Vol. V No. 4

South coast, there are caves full
of carvings and drawings report-
edly made by the island's native
inhabitants centuries ago. For vi-
sitors with a technological bent
the island's water distillation
plant, one of largest such plants
in the world, offers daily guided
tours. Aruba, of course, offers
the full spectrum of water sports
and activities: swimming, deep-
sea fishing, sailing, water skiing,
etc. There are several tennis
courts, one golf course and skeet
facilities in the island. Aruba has
no luxury taxes and no duties on
a large number of items, there
is a growing number of very top
native operations, so good buys
are plentiful. Most of the larger
hotels have San Juan-like night-
clubs and restaurants. Most have
fine food. Also in this category is
the Olde Molen an old windmill
brought to Aruba from Holland
and then converted into a res-
taurant nightclub.


long, thin island with an area of
approximately 180 sq. miles and
a population of around 135,000.
Its capital is Willemstad which
has a magnificent Old World at-
mosphere. The largest of the six
Dutch islands in the Caribbean,
Curacao is the seat of the Nether-
land Antilles Government. The
official currency is the Guilder
which exchanges for approxim-
ately $0.50 U. S.
has three large, resort hotels. All
of these have gambling rooms.
Several of the city's charming old
mansions have been converted
into inexpensive guest houses

which cater, mainly, to Latin
American tourists. Among all,
we recommend the Curacao In-

ip ....

~l---icilBY P* 1

TAL. Located right in the center
of a charming town, making it
perfect for both businessmen and
vacationers. 125 air-conditioned
rooms, swimming pool, night
club, casino. Also lovely tropical
gardens. Be sure to visit the
swinging Kikini Bar. Fine faci-
lities for conventions.

Walking around Willemstad for
window shopping (Curacao is si-
milar to St. Thomas in the varie-
ty of goods and rock-bottom
prices it offers bargain hunting
Caribbean visitors) and sightsee-
ing are a must do activity for all
visitors to the island. The city's
famed Pontoon Bridge, which
opens and doses several times
a day to allow ships thru, of-
fers great photographic possibili-
ties. Like most islands in the
Caribbean Curacao offers the full
spectrum of ocean and beach re-
lated activities. It also has a golf
course, tennis courts and horse-
back riding. When the pontoon
bridge in Willemstad is open,
there is a free feiry ride across
the canal. Visitors taking this
free ride will have a unique op-
portunity for meeting the friend-

ly people of this island and thus
flavor another of its charms. Fi-
nally every visitor should try
some of the many candies, sweets
and tidbits sold by street vendors
all around town.


has 532 square miles and a popu-
lation of around 300,000. She is a
state of France. Her capital is
BASSE-TERRE. The accepted cur-
rency is the New Franc which ex-
changes at 0.20 U.S. Visitors
should have a certificate of vac-
cination and proof of citizenship.
French is almost exclusively
spoken here.
WHERE TO STAY? Guadeloupe
has five major hotels. Among
these we especially recommend:

sandy beach, swimming pool,
sumptuous gardens 30 minutes
from airport, 128 air conditioned
rooms French and Creole cui-
sine French wines 9 hole
golf on hotel grounds 5 minute

C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec 1973 Page 53


1,000 foot sugar white beach. Fully air conditioned.
40 Spanish style Casitas with their own beach front
patio. 42 rooms overlooking the beach with patio or
Spanish balcony. International Cuisine Pelican Bar
& patio Fresh Water Swimming Pool. BRUIF
TEL. 3300


walk to nearest town daily
shopping tour to Pointe-a-Pitre -
French atmosphere Something
different and an occasion to
freshen up on your French.
Guadeloupe, which is shaped like
a butterfly, has two distinct en-
vironments. One of the wings
(Grande Terre) is generally flat
and rolling and full of lovely,
white-sand beaches. The other
wing (Basse Terre) is more hilly
and rugged and features black,
volcanic-ash beaches. Visitors to
the island should take time out
to try different restaurants (even
the smallest ones offer gourmet
dishes) and inspect the architec-
ture of the Caravelle in which
the floating effect so many archi-
tects seek was masterly achieved.
Also in the "must be seen list"
CARIaS where some fine examples
of Carib Indian sculpture can be
Matouba where, according to leg-
end, live sacrifices are carried
out and the beach at LE MOULE,
once the scene of battles between
European powers and the Carib
Indians. Visitors interested in
shopping should definitely go to
Point-a-Pitre's commercial area,
an incredibly busy, Near East-
looking section where Persian
rugs and tropical fruits are some-
times sold in the same small


has 450 square miles. She is a
state of France. Her capital is
FORT-DE-FRANCE. The island has
a population of around 300,000.
The accepted currency is the New
Franc which is worth $0.20 US.
French is spoken almost exclusiv-
ely. Visitors should have a certi-
ficate of vaccination and proof
of citizenship.
WHERE TO STAY? Martinique
has several Tourism Office re-
commended hotels. Among these
we especially recommend:

55-95) is located at Trois Illets
at one of the ends of Fort de
France's magnificent harbor. It
has 77 de luxe, ocean-front, air-

conditioned rooms, 20 cabanas
.,ith private bath & telephone.
Truly superb French and Native
cuisine. White sand beach and
swimming pool. Private marina.
All water sports. Every hour a
luxurious cruise boat tender
makes a round trip to the city.

There are two things most visi-
tors to this island do during
their stay in the island: visit
the ruins museum at ST. PIERRE,
formerly Martinique's capital
which in 1902 was burned to a
crisp by Mount Pellee's explosion,
and visit the BIRTH-PLACE OF
Ilets. Between these two points
is Fort de France, the present
capital, which has unique archi-
tecture, an endless variety of
shops and the best restaurants in
the Antilles. Visitors planning
longer visits no less than a week
is recommended should drive
the whole perimeter of the island.
Black sand beaches, tropical rain-
forest-like greenery, sky high vis-
tas and dazzling, plantation ho-
mes in the grand style will reward
them. The Atlantic side of the
island offers some of the most
beautiful seascapes in the Carib-
bean. And much more, all with a
distinct, very French ambience.



has 3,435 square miles. It be-
longs to the US. under an As-
sociated Free State status. US.
Currency is the legal tender.
Spanish is the main language but
English is spoken almost every.
where. The capital of Puerto Rico
is SAN JUAN. The island has a
population of over 2,500,000. Vi-
sitors from OUTSIDE the U. S.
should have a certificate of vac-
cination and a visaed passport.

WHERE TO STAY? San Juan has
numerous first class hotels.
Most of the larger ones have
Commonwealth Government su.
pervised gambling casinos.

CoCo Max Hotel 3 Amapola St.
Isla Verde, Puerto Rico

Under the Palm Trees in Sunny
Puerto Rico A Moder Efficien-
cy hotel located on the beach.
All rooms with ocean view. Air
Conditioned Kitchenette Area
- Daily Maid Service Bar &
Cocktail Lounge. Major Credit
Cards Honored
The finest in Isla Verde, where
the island's gourmets enjoy de-
licious Spanish and Continental
cuisine. La Fuente's Clams Casino
and Lobster Thermidor are par-
ticularly recommended.
of the hotels in San Juan offer
all types of water related activi-
ties to which all house guests are
invited. The Caribe Hilton, La
Concha and the Puerto Rico She-
raton deserve close inspection by
architectural buffs. FORT SAN JE-
RONIMO, off the Caribe Hilton,
has been restored and converted
into a museum and should be
seen. Live sea urchins (they
don't sting if properly handled)
can usually be found on the rocks
pointing towards Fort San Jer6-
nimo in back of the hotel that
carries its name...
On the other side of town-on the
road to Bayam6n-are the ruins
of the foundations of PONCE DE

Dutch National
Car Rental
"We Do It Better"
From $10.00 a day.. No Extra
Volkswagen $10.00
per 24 hours.
Toyota, Airco, Automatic

no mileage
No pick up or
delivery charge
Road map included
$50.00 deductible insurance
Full collision protection
available at $2.00 per day
All major credit cards

--Call 81090,81063-
Dr. Albert Plesman airport
Willemstad, Curacao N.A.
Cable address: Dutch Car

Page 54 C.R. Vol. V No. 4

LEON's tint house in Puerto Rico.
Rediscovered in 1934, they date
back to 1508... West of the main
hotel area is OLD SAN JUAN which
all visitors should take at least
one day to explore. While in Old
San Juan three musts are FoRT
CRIsTOBAL-centuries old bastions
which guarded the city during
its Spanish Colonial days-and
SANTA CATALINA which now serves
as the seat of Puerto Rico's gov-
ernor. Every day there are several
guided tours thru each of the
three sites. Approximately ten
per-cent of Old San Juan's 700
plus structures have been restored
to their original splendor. For-
tunately some of them have been
converted into stores and/or art
shops (especially along Cristo
and Fortaleza Streets) wnich allow
leisurely browsing. Also in the
"must be seen" list are Puerto
way to the Old City) and the
TURE'S art collection ...Well-
heeled visitors should make a
point of visiting one or all of
the fine jewelry shops clustered
around the corner of Fortaleza
and Cruz Streets. One of them,
appositely, is located in the
former office of Merril Lynch,
Pierce, Fenner & Smith. Every
ten minutes or so during the
day a FERRY leaves Old San Juan
for Cataflo-the terminal is locat-
ed behind the Post Office. The
ride, which only costs 10 cents
each way, gives passengers a
change to get some good photos
of the bay, get a close look at the
pelicans and see, in Catafio, an.
other face of Puerto Rico. .


St. Martin has 37 square miles
which are roughly divided in half
between the French and the
Dutch sides of the island. The
capitals are PHILIPSBURG (Dutch)
and MARICOT (French) The is-
land's population is of around
4,500 again roughly divided in
half. Two currencies are accept.
ed, the New Franc, worth 0.20
U.S. and the Guilder which is
worth about $0.50 U.S. Visitors
to the island must have a certi-
ficate of vaccination and proof of
citizenship. The Dutch side of
the island is a member of the
Netherland Antilles, an equal
partner with Holland in the
Dutch nation, and the French side
is a dependency of Guadaloupe, a
French state.
WHERE TO STAY? St. Marten/
St. Martin has four relatively
large hotels and several smaller,
very good hotels and rest houses.

PASANGGRAHAN (2388) is lo-
cated in a quiet lush tropical
garden on the beach of Philips'
burg, the FREE-PORT capital
of Dutch St. Maarten. Each of
it's 21 attractive double rooms
with private baths have over-
head fans and optional air-con-
ditioning. The kitchen is fa-
mous for a great variety of well-
prepared international dishes.

Total informality sets it's West
Indian atmosphere. Established
in 1958 it is still St. Maarten's
biggest little bargain and repeat
visitors are the best salesmen for
the hotel. Write or cable PA-
SANGGRAHAN, St. Maarten.
Represented in North American
cities and Puerto Rico by The
Jane Condon Corporation.

lovely half French, half Dutch
island offers the full spectrum
of water/beach activities, marvel-
lous picture-book little village,
like Grand Case in the French
side, free port shopping and a
unique tranquility which truly
makes a vacation a rest. Front
Street in Philipsburg (the Dutch
side) and the dock area in Marigot
have a complete, assortment of
free port stores. Spritzer & Fuhr-
mann, the famous jewelers from
Curacao, have three stores in the
island; two in Philipsburg and
one at the airport. Several other
famous Curacao stores like El
Globo, Casa Amarilla and Vole-
dam also have stores in town.
Guests at any hotel or guest house
can and should take advantage
of their *isit to experiment with
the cuisine of all other. There is
a nightclub with nightly dancing
and, during the season, entertain-
ment at Little Bay.

Bar E Restautrant
A.enc QutIne,

aST. MARTIN, r.w..

C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec 1973 Page 55

Beachcomber Villas: on the beach
at Burgeux Bay, St. Maarten are
the perfect setting for an un-
forgettable Caribbean vacation.
* Each villa is fully furnished
including linen, kitchen
utensils, etc.
* Two and three bedroom villas.
* Rents from $150 to $250
per week.
* For more information write:
Beachcomber Villas
P.O. Box 149, Philipsburg
St. Maarten, N.A.



1 "BALI"
Cho.... by: Th. Coibb.on
Touri.t Association as
th. BEST r.t.aront in
I- C.,ibb.n or 19.5859
TELS. 2131

THOMAS is a hilly island with
numerous neighbors. This makes
for endless, heart wrenching views.
The best viewing, in the sense
that one can sit down in com.
fort and sip a well-brewed drink
in the watching process, is from
the bar at the top ot the Tram.
way, or the pool at the Shibui
hotel or the restaurant at
Mountaintop. In addition to the
views (the cup overfloweths) the
visitors should take time to visit

DRAKE'S SEAT from which, ac-
cording to legend, Sir Francis
Drake used to inspect his fleet:
FORT CHRISTIAN on the edge of
Charlotte Amalie which dates
back to 1666; GOVERNMENT HOUSE
which serves as the official res-
idence of the Governor of the
island and exhibits its fine art
collection to the public daily and
cated in Beretta Center in the
middle of Charlotte Amalie.


has a large number of hotels
and guest houses of all sizes
and prices. Among these we
especially recommend:

SORT (774-2650) is located on
one of the most beautiful white-
sand beaches in the Caribbean,
just five minutes from Charlotte
Amalie, the Antillean free-port
capital. Each of its 24 ocean-
facing rooms has a private terrace
and all the modern comforts. Ex-
otic drinks and American and
Continental dishes served just a
step from the surf in the hotel's
beach front bar and dining room.
Most water sports. Sky-diving ex-
hibition every Sunday afternoon.
Children welcome.


PH- 772-0685
p. O. BOX 1487


Free Pick Up And Delivery

New Cars Checked Daily


New Cars
Unlimited Mileage New Cars
You Can Trust Unlimited Mileage
Hertzin Aruba like
Anywhere in the
World Only Rental Cars in
Wo. Island With Unlimited

Kolibristraat 1- Third Party Insurance.
Phone 2714
Aruba Caribbean
Hotel Phone 2250 Offices at Julianna Air-
Princess Beatrix port and Marigot, St.
Airport Martin.

(775-0165) is located right on
the beach, only a few minutes
away from St. Thomas' airport
and town. This intimate resort
is made up of spacious, air-con-
ditioned, completely equipped
housekeeping fresh water pool
units. The resort has a beautiful
pool with a bar right over it.
The management will make the
necessary arrangements for fish.
ing, sailing or any other activity
the guests desire. For reservations
from the U.S. write the hotel at
P. 0. Box 3381 St. Thomas 00801,


exclusively at

first on main street and at
the Caribbean Beach Hotel
St. Thomas, U. S. Virgin Islands.

Page 56 C.R. Vol. V No. 4


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