Front Cover
 Title Page
 Table of Contents
 Officers, 1948-49
 San Francisco general sessions
 St. Louis general sessions
 Philadelphia general sessions
 Official records
 Back Cover

Group Title: Official report, The American Association of School Administrators
Title: Official report;
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00094191/00007
 Material Information
Title: Official report; including a record of the national convention
Physical Description: v. : ill., ports. ; 24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: American Association of School Administrators
Publisher: American Association of School Administrators.
Place of Publication: Washington D.C
Washington D.C
Publication Date: 1949
Subject: Education -- Societies, etc -- United States   ( lcsh )
Dates or Sequential Designation: 1st-104th; 1874-1971/72.
Numbering Peculiarities: No meetings were held in 1876 and 1878, proceedings for 1877 included in 1879 issue.
Issuing Body: Issued 1874-1937 by the Association under its earlier name: Department of Superintendence of the National Education Association.
Issuing Body: Issued 1874- as Circular of information of the U.S. Bureau of Education (L111.A5)
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00094191
Volume ID: VID00007
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: alephbibnum - 001502605
oclc - 01479407
notis - AHB5399
lccn - 09004525 //r3
lccn - 09004525


This item has the following downloads:

PDF ( 14 MBs ) ( PDF )

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Title Page
        Page 1
        Page 2
    Table of Contents
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
    Officers, 1948-49
        Page 7
    San Francisco general sessions
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
    St. Louis general sessions
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79
        Page 80
        Page 81
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
        Page 86
        Page 87
        Page 88
        Page 89
        Page 90
        Page 91
        Page 92
        Page 93
        Page 94
        Page 95
        Page 96
        Page 97
        Page 98
        Page 99
        Page 100
        Page 101
        Page 102
        Page 103
        Page 104
        Page 105
        Page 106
        Page 107
        Page 108
        Page 109
        Page 110
        Page 111
        Page 112
        Page 113
    Philadelphia general sessions
        Page 114
        Page 115
        Page 116
        Page 117
        Page 118
        Page 119
        Page 120
        Page 121
        Page 122
        Page 123
        Page 124
        Page 125
        Page 126
        Page 127
        Page 128
        Page 129
        Page 130
        Page 131
        Page 132
        Page 133
        Page 134
        Page 135
        Page 136
        Page 137
        Page 138
        Page 139
        Page 140
        Page 141
        Page 142
        Page 143
        Page 144
        Page 145
        Page 146
        Page 147
        Page 148
        Page 149
        Page 150
        Page 151
        Page 152
        Page 153
        Page 154
        Page 155
        Page 156
        Page 157
        Page 158
        Page 159
        Page 160
        Page 161
        Page 162
    Official records
        Page 163
        Page 164
        Page 165
        Page 166
        Page 167
        Page 168
        Page 169
        Page 170
        Page 171
        Page 172
        Page 173
        Page 174
        Page 175
        Page 176
        Page 177
        Page 178
        Page 179
        Page 180
        Page 181
        Page 182
        Page 183
        Page 184
        Page 185
        Page 186
        Page 187
        Page 188
        Page 189
        Page 190
        Page 191
        Page 192
        Page 193
        Page 194
        Page 195
        Page 196
        Page 197
        Page 198
        Page 199
        Page 200
        Page 201
        Page 202
        Page 203
        Page 204
        Page 205
        Page 206
        Page 207
        Page 208
        Page 209
        Page 210
        Page 211
        Page 212
        Page 213
        Page 214
        Page 215
        Page 216
        Page 217
        Page 218
        Page 219
        Page 220
        Page 221
        Page 222
        Page 223
        Page 224
    Back Cover
        Page 225
        Page 226
Full Text

What the People Want

The Principle of Equality

Education and the Conservation of Natural Resources

How Education Can Work for Peace

"T i Technic of Successful Living
mt...erial comes to you
b your ~ib cr option
ro th
NAii L RES r H .,.~ VI CE
HI... SLrebt 1 I r
THER AbDW SES"byY "H' Bruner, Bert Chalet, Stewart
G. Cole, Allison Davis, L. G. Derthick, Roy E. Larsen,
,;: .Paul Rehmus, Mabel Studebaker,
Gill Robb Wilson




The American Association of

School Administrators
A Department of the National Education Association
of the United States


February 20-23

February 27-March 2

March 27-30

1201 Sixteenth Street, Northwest, Washington 6, D.C.
May 1949

$1.50 Per Copy



Education and the General Welfare



In the Minds of Men ................ .............-Cole ....... 9

Standard Hour Concert ..................... ............. ........ 19


The 1949 Yearbook-American School Buildings ............-Bursch .... 19
Introduction of Platform Guests.......................-. Goslin ..... 21
What the Schools Are Doing about Education for Democracy-Rehmlus .... 22
Education and the State of the Nation....................-A. r all ..... 32

California Hospitality Hour ................. ........................ 32

Education and the Conservation of Human Resources ....... -Davis ...... 32
Education and the Conservation of Natural Resources...... -Goslin ..... 32

Presentation of the Associated Exhibitors Scholarship for
Graduate Study in School Administration...............-Cholet ..... 33
Acceptance of the Associated Exhibitors Scholarship..................... 33
Presentation of the American Education Award to Pearl A.
W anamaker ............ ...........................- Cholet ..... 34
Acceptance of the American Education Award .............-Wanamaker 35

Education's Stake in Aviation............................. Brun r .... 39
At Home in One World ............................. Wilson ..... 39
Constitutional Amendment on Life Membership Dues ...... -Demaree ... 39


Man's Search for God (Pageant) .. ........ 41



Webster Groves Public Schools A Cappella Choir.............. ........ 42
Introduction of Platform Guests........ ................-Goslin ..... 43
Presentation of Honorary Life Membership to Harold A.
Allan, Former Assistant Secretary for Business of the
National Education Association.........................- H ill ....... 43
W hat the People W ant .................................. A rnall ..... 45


The Convention Exhibit................................ Cholet ..... 53
The 1949 Yearbook-American School Buildings ............-Wlhite ..... 56
Introduction of Platform Guests ......................... Goslin ..... 57
The Teacher's Role in Education for Democracy...........-Studebaker 58
The Principle of Equality .................... ............ Conant .... 64


Missouri Hospitality Hour............................ ............... 73


Vashon H igh School Choir........ .................. ................... 74
Introduction of Platform Guests ......................... -Simpson .... 74
Education and the Conservation of Human Resources .......-Davis ..... 74
Education and the Conservation of Natural Resources.......-Goslin ..... 84


Presentation of the Associated Exhibitors Scholarship for
Graduate Study in School Administration to Rayburn J.
F isher ................................................. C holet ..... 90
Acceptance of the Associated Exhibitors Scholarship ....... .-Fisher ..... 91
Presentation of the American Education Award to Pearl A.
W anamaker .......................................... Cholet ..... 92
Acceptance of the American Education Award .......................... 92
Sigmund Romberg and His Concert Orchestra and Soloists ............... 93

Constitutional Amendment on Life Membership Dues ....... -Falk ...... 94
Education's Stake in Aviation ............. ........... Bruner .... 95
At Home in One World ................................ .-Wilson .... 105
Closing Ceremonies with Introduction of President-Elect
John L. Bracken ........... ............. .......................... 111



The Technic of Successful Living .................... . .- Peale ...... 115


All-Philadelphia Senior High School Chorus and Orchestra ................ 125
Introduction of Platform Guests .........................- Goslin .... 125
How Education Can Work for Peace.....................-Russell .... 125

The Convention Exhibit......... ......... ............. -Cholet ..... 137
The 1949 Yearbook-American School Buildings...........-A'nderson .. 137
Introduction of Platform Guests ......................... -Goslin ..... 140
Community Action for Democratic Education .............-Larsen ..... 142
Implications for American Schools of Educational Recon-
struction in Germany.................................. -Derthick ... 151

Pennsylvania Hospitality Hour................ ... ................. 159

Education and the Conservation of Human Resources .......-Da'vis ..... 159
Education and the Conservation of Natural Resources ......-Goslin ..... 159
Introduction of Platform Guests......... ................ Simpson ... 159
Presentation of Past President's Key to Willard E. Goslin-Thrlkeld .. 160

Presentation of the Associated Exhibitors Scholarship to
Rayburn J. Fisher ............................. .......- Cholet ..... 161
Presentation of the American Education Award to Pearl A.
Wanamaker ............................ ............. -Cholet ..... 161
Sigmund Romberg and His Concert Orchestra and Soloists .............. 161

Education's Stake in Aviation ............................ Lemmel .... 162
At Home in One W orld................................-. ilson ..... 162
Constitutional Amendment on Life Membership Dues...... -Kuilp ...... 162


Annual Report of the Executive Secretary ... .................. ....... 165
Summary of Executive Committee M meetings ............................ 176
R report of the Board of T ellers ........................................ 182
R solutions . ... ..... ........ .................. . ......... 186
Report of the A udit Com m ittee ............. ........ ......... ............. 190
C certificate of L ist of Securities ......................................... 191
The Constitution and Bylaws ............. .. ................ ......... 193
Calendar of Meetings ............................................. 198
Program of the San Francisco Regional Convention ....................... 202
Program of the St. Louis Regional Convention .. .................... 208
Program of the Philadelphia Regional Convention . ........... 216
Discussion Group Topics .... ... ................... 221
Yearbook Commissions .. ..... ........ ...... 222
Index ..... ... .... . ..................... 223

OUR POLICY-The American Association of School Administrators
endorses no individual or group of individuals or any sentiment
expressed by any speaker or other participant in its programs, ex-
cept by resolution or by motion approved by a vote of its members.

OFFICERS, 1948-49
American Association of School Administrators


WVILLARD E. GOSLIN, Superintendent of Schools, Pasadena, California

First Vicepresident

HEROLD C. HUNT, General Superintendent of Schools, Chicago,

Second Vicepresident

ALFRED D. SIMPSON, Professor of Education, Harvard University,
Cambridge, Massachusetts

Executive Secretary

WORTH 'CLURE, 1201 Sixteenth Street, Northwest, Washington,
D. C.

Executive Committee

IRBY B. CARRUTH, Superintendent of Schools, Waco, Texas
HOBART 1I. CORNING, Superintendent of Schools, Washington, D. C.
GEORGE E. ROUDEBUSH, Superintendent of Schools, Columbus, Ohio
PAUL LOSER, Superintendent of Schools, Trenton, New Jersey
The President, First and Second Vicepresidents, ex officio



February 20-23, 1949


^ "' ^ ^
.. ~r jsg r .-.;.
ar X:..^Yl


' f

" AA


Vesper Service

Sunday Afternoon, February 20

The First General Session of the Western Regional Convention of the
American Association of School Administrators convened in the WJar Mle-
morial Opera House, San Francisco, California, on Sunday afternoon,
February 20, at three-thirty o'clock, President Wlillard E. Goslin, Superin-
tendent of Schools, Pasadena, California, presiding.

PRESIDENT GOSLIN: One of the privileges of attendance at the meetings
of this Association is an opportunity to hear some of the outstanding
public-school music in America. We are to listen this afternoon to the A
Cappella Choir of the City College of San Francisco, under the direction
of Miss Flossita Badger. [See page 203 for complete program of music.]

PRESIDENT GOSLIN: In trying to develop a program for this conference,
and for the series of conferences which are to be held across America in the
next few weeks by the American Association of School Administrators,
we have attempted to bring to the foreground an understanding that a meas-
ure of education valid to the needs of our times is a requisite to the welfare
of a free people. We have attempted in developing the general sessions in
connection with these conferences to point our thinking in terms of at least
three important areas having to do with our welfare as a people. We have
attempted to develop a bit the thinking of the relationship between education
and peace, between education and the maintenance and extension of democ-
racy, between education and the conservation of human and natural
This afternoon we are attempting to develop our thinking a bit in the
direction of the relationship of education to a world of peace. We are to
listen to an interesting, able, courageous, hard-working American citizen.
Stewart Cole has always had a part in education, and in recent years he has
been more and more identified with the movement to consciously use educa-
tion as an instrument for the improvement of human relations in our society.
Stewart Cole started out as a rural school teacher in Saskatchewan, and has
a wide experience in university teaching and lecturing. He has written
extensively in the fields of education, sociology, and religion. He is now
serving as executive director to the Pacific Coast Council on Intercultural
Education, in which capacity he has established enviable working relation-
ships with the school systems of this state, and others of this area.


Stewart Cole will speak to us on the subject "In the Minds of Men."
MR. COLE: Mr. President, and Fellow Educators:
A quarter-century ago H. G. Wells told his contemporaries, still stunned
from the shock of world war, that "civilization is engaged in a race between
education and catastrophe." At that time many of us thought the poet was
exercising brash freedom, but intervening events have in large measure vindi-
cated him as a prophet.
A series of catastrophes has visited mankind. A long depression took its
harrowing toll from the peoples of Europe and America. The blight of a
still more hideous war withered the hopes of many nations and countless
people around the world. The presentday ruthless greed of Russia for power
directly contributes to a gathering gloom over the face of most of Europe.
The collapse of China, through pitiless civil war, leaves Asia a prostrate
portion of the earth.
And what of America? General Omar Bradley, in his Armistice Day
address last year, observed that, "We know more about war than we know
about peace, more about killing than we know about living." And of condi-
tions in the world, he said: "With the monstrous weapons man already has,
humanity is in danger of being trapped. The world has achieved brilliance
without wisdom, power without conscience. Ours is a world of nuclear
giants and ethical infants." In our time it seems that a long dark night is
settling down over mankind. There is "no place to hide."
This is not the first time in the history of the world when such a shatter-
ing cataclysm has occurred. Arnold J. Toynbee informs us that nineteen of
twenty civilizations have gone to their death through war or internal con-
flicts. With reckless disregard for human life, and with atomic bombs at its
disposal, our civilization seems to be on the verge of mass suicide. "But,"
says Toynbee, "we are not doomed to make history repeat itself. It is open
to us through our own efforts to give history, in our case, some new and
unprecedented turn. As human beings, we are endowed with this freedom
of choice, and we cannot shuffle off our responsibility upon the shoulders of
God or nature. We must shoulder it ourselves. It is up to us." It is up to us
The leaders who rise out of the darkness of a people's despair are always
those who offer genuine hope and show the way toward the dawn. Listen to
the counsel of two great leaders in such times.
Fresh in our memories are these vibrant words of Winston Churchill,
spoken to his kinsmen when he took over the helm of government during
England's darkest hour: "The Battle of France is over; the Battle of Britain
is about to begin. Hitler knows that he will have to break us in this island,
or lose the war. Let us, therefore, brace ourselves to our duty and so bear
ourselves, that, if the British Empire and its Commonwealths last for a
.thousand years, men will still say 'this was their finest hour'."
So, too, at the depth of the depression in 1932, we recall the deeply stir-
ring voice of President Franklin D. Roosevelt saying to his fellow citizens:
"Let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear
itself." And four years later, when the long shadow of a new war threatened
the world, he lifted his people with these words: "To some generations, much


is given; of other generations, much is expected; this generation of Ameri-
cans has a rendezvous with destiny."
In the depths of despair and war, these leaders found cause for hope and
presented a bold program of action. No less today do the times call for bold
programs and high leadership. Can we not, as educators, find in the events
of this very hour the glowing rays of the dawn of a new tomorrow?
Of the events I am about to recall to your minds each has its record of
partial failure. Yet inherent in each is the creative force which, harnessed,
can bring forth a better world.
Only four short years ago, in this very room, the United Nations organi-
zation was born, a pledge of the peoples of the world that they would work
together to keep the peace. Although these nations suffer the consequences
of hundreds of years of bad practices and broken faith, this organization
and its accomplishments stand a gleaming hope that men can give up their
foolish ways and that world civilization can go forward. Let us who are
the United Nations support it with opportunity and time to prove itself.
The bomb that fell on Hiroshima marked the opening of a new technologi-
cal era. The power of nuclear energy can provide abundant food for starv-
ing nations, bring new health to the sick, and make presentday luxuries the
necessities of all men. You and I will help to decide whether nuclear energy
will destroy our civilization, or help build the world of tomorrow.
The European Recovery Program has been called by some "operation
rat hole," though already its accomplishments are proving it another poten-
tial of goodwill and peace for our times. Blessed with material bounty above
other peoples, Americans are sharing food and clothing, seeds and raw mate-
rials, tools and know-how with the needy of Europe. We are helping our
world neighbors to restore productivity, rebuild self-respect, and set rolling
the wheels of progress.
The President's Committee on Civil Rights has presented for us a blue-
print for better human relationships in every neighborhood in the land.
The impact of its recommendations for housing, employment, education,
and full citizenship, without distinction as to race, color, creed, or class, is
arousing the nation to its democratic responsibility.
There are those who see in these great events only the continuing evidences
of man's failure. Others find in them endless horizons for social growth.
Whether individuals will yield to despair in this situation, or build their
lives on faith in human progress, rests, as always, in the minds of men, and
it is with the minds of men that educators are concerned.
There is, therefore, no room for complacency among us in this conference
of schoolmen. The civilization we seek to succor is still acutely unstable.
We need fresh insights into our strenuous job. We need a philosophy of
values commensurate with the demands of an age of atomic energy and
of the United Nations, and one in which the small peoples of the world
are rapidly coming of age. We need the combined resources of science and
common sense to help us grasp the real opportunities for educational leader-
ship. We need modesty and the spirit of apprenticeship in application to our
daily tasks. WVe have these attitudes and skills. \e need them in a greater


degree of proficiency and on a higher level of professional service. This is
the mandate of our times to us.
This afternoon I want to examine this command-to-action in one area
of public-school responsibility. It is the responsibility for building "the de-
fenses of peace." If peace is to be achieved in our time, it will come only as
men learn to regard each other as brothers. I am reminded that today opens
"Brotherhood Week" in this country. Of course, what we need is brother-
hood weekly, daily, hourly, in all our human relationships-in the family,
the community, the nation, and the world. Let us hope that the special activi-
ties recognizing brotherhood throughout this week will contribute richly
to the coming of the day of which Robert Burns wrote, "That man to man,
the world o'er shall brothers be for a' that."
Education for good human relationships is, therefore, our primary job.
It is a job to be considered against the background of what the social sciences
and ethics have to offer us about the nature of man and the characteristics
of human society. For us, whose major task lies in our own communities,
this means knowing the nature of our neighborhoods, of the American people,
and of the values we cherish for the enrichment of democracy. In the light of
such knowledge, a school program in human relationships may be reliably
developed. Let us, therefore, examine America's human resources.
The American people are in fact many peoples. They have come one, two,
three-ten generations ago from the various sections of Europe, Asia, Latin
America, the Dominion of Canada, and the islands of the seven seas to pursue
their personal fortunes in this land of promise. These peoples brought their
cultures with them in their languages, their religions, their family folkways,
and their life interests and skills acquired in the old countries. As immi-
grants, they cherished them in America. In fact, they were in their persons
the embodiment of their old world cultures. Wherever they settled in this
country they planted these habituated ways of living. The richness of their
contributions to American life has been frequently recounted.
This country developed an amazingly complicated pattern of human
relationships. The many transplanted old world cultures each made its de-
mands upon every member of the group, demands which often fitted less
well in the new environment than in the old. At the same time, other adjust-
ments were essential between the interests, languages, religions, and folk-
ways of these diverse groups interacting in everyday community living.
The democratic endeavor to convert out of many transplanted peoples
and cultures one America is well known to all of us. Many of the older
immigrants-English, German, Irish, Scandinavian, and the like-lost their
separate identity and merged into an American culture compounded of the
values of many historic peoples. Israel Zangwell's idea of "the melting pot"
vividly portrayed this social phenomenon. Human likenesses and social one-
ness have become a powerful force in shaping our communities and the per-
sonal fortunes of many individuals in this country.
However, we must also take account of the widespread resistance of indi-
viduals and groups to giving up their characteristic patterns of culture. 'Most
American communities are not only a melting pot; they are also a tapestry


woven of many separate threads and colors. In some cases the resistance to
change is self-motivated ; in others, the members of a group are not permitted
to merge because of the pressure of stronger groups. Cultural differences are
being perpetuated in every neighborhood in the land. They take a variety of
forms and they serve a strange medley of purposes, some good and some not
so good.
Our community patterns of cultural differences have both horizontal and
vertical aspects. Horizontally, across the community, we see racial, religious,
and ethnic distinctions. We are familiar with Negro, native Indian, Oriental,
Caucasian, and hybrid types of racial stock. We recognize Roman Catholic,
Methodist, Unitarian, Salvation Army, Christian Science, Jewish, and
many other religious groups. We observe many nationality groups retaining
certain of their independent ways. This is particularly true of peoples from
Eastern and Southern Europe, and from the Latin American countries.
What of vertical differences in the local neighborhood? These are not so
manifestly clear, although it takes only a little critical observation to see the
outlines of the structure. Here social and economic forces tend to classify
persons and groups into a vertical hierarchy. Upper-class Americans enjoy
socio-economic advantages not available to the middle class, and the latter
possess certain opportunities denied the lower class. There is little doubt
that there are decreasing opportunities for individuals and groups as one
moves down the social scale.
The most favored culture group in this hierarchy is frequently referred to
as the Anglos. It includes those who possess the physical traits associated
with light-skinned Caucasians, the religious traits characteristic of Protes-
tant Christians, and the ethnic traits common to Anglo-Saxon people. Within
this group are to be found upper, middle, and lower classes and various
gradations between them.
Non-Anglos may and usually do have their upper, middle, and lower
classes. It is clear, nevertheless, that these minority groups usually occupy
positions of lesser status than the Anglo-White-Protestant group. The order
of priority follows a rather clearly defined principle. That principle is: the
more the members of a group vary from the ethnic traditions of Anglos,
from the religious values of Protestants, and from the physical traits of light-
skinned Caucasians, the lower their status is in the community pattern.
While the personal status of the members of minority groups is not fixed
and absolute, as it is in "caste" societies, we all blush with shame when we
consider how relatively immobile many of them still are because of the
weight of social and economic pressures that would "keep them in their
Under the caption, "One World," Time magazine recently printed an
anecdote from the London weekly Tribune that illustrates to what ridiculous
extremes a society can carry this status system.
It described a station platform at Kantara, a wartime troop transit
base on the Suez Canal. The station platform was lined with ten lavatories,
marked respectively: Officers, European; Officers, Asiatic; Officers, Colored;
Warrant Officers and Sergeants, European; Warrant Officers and Ser-


geants, Asiatic; Warrant Officers and Sergeants, Colored; Other Ranks,
European; Other Ranks, Asiatic; Other Ranks, Colored; and, the last one,
British WAC's. We don't always laugh at our own similar discrimination,
although one of America's distinguished Negro poets, Countee Cullen, saw
the humor in our ways when he wrote the following lines:

She thinks that even up in heaven
Her class lies late and snores,
While poor black cherubs rise at seven
To do celestial chores.

Seriously, let us look at a few of the most difficult problems in our own
status system. Negro-White tensions continue and are taking on new facets,
because of the militant disposition that many colored people are acquiring.
Strained relations between the so-called Anglos and their MIexican-Ameri-
can neighbors are still disturbing. Our Caucasian sense of superiority to
Chinese, Japanese, and Filipino-Americans is more obvious as we assume
wider leadership in world affairs. Anti-Semitism is familiar to us. We ob-
serve conflict between minority groups sharing adjoining neighborhoods-a
phenomenon known as "scapegoating." Friction frequently occurs in local
neighborhoods between the well-established residents and in-migrant mem-
bers of the same Negro, Mexican, or other minority groups. There are others
which any keen observer could document.
What, then, shall we do, as educators, about our racial, religious, and
cultural differences? There is nothing particularly reprehensible about a
variety of races, religions, and nationality groups participating in com-
munity life. Such differences have real value for the American way. Certain
other differences are sources of growing concern to self-respecting members
of democratic society. Wherever bigotry, prejudice, discrimination, and
segregation operate to keep certain peoples in subservient position, there are
evils of the first order. If allowed to continue unchallenged, they would de-
stroy both individual morality and social democracy. They pose some of the
most persistent and perplexing issues in human relationships that confront
educators. They are a frontier into which we must move in redefining our
responsibilities to children, and to the cause of world peace.
Let us now look at these frontiers of education. Education is not a tread-
mill job. We are engaged in a professional undertaking that is twofold in
nature. We are expected to pass on to pupils the culture that is American
and we are supposed to help pupils to form judgments enabling them to
pass on the American way of life. These offer superb opportunities for teach-
ing, learning, and living at its best.
The human relationship problems throughout America, which we have
just been describing and in which our schools are involved, lay upon us the
obligation to rethink our educational program. Speaking as one who has
pioneered in this field for many years, I think we must guard lest we over-
simplify this task.
It is important to recognize that the human-relation problems existing
in the community are carried into the school. Socially defined, pupils are


persons in particular culture groups, manifesting in their daily behavior the
traits to which they have been conditioned. Pupils are not a "clean slate"
upon which the school writes. They come to school with the favors and fears,
the hopes and despairs, the securities and instabilities, the myths and beliefs,
and the values and standards, of their social backgrounds written deep in
the structure of their personalities.
We can now see clearly the implications of the fact that pupils bear in
their feelings, beliefs, and behavior the qualities of culture that prevail
in their respective homes and neighborhoods. For example, a child of White-
Anglo-Protestant background may not only enter the school a free and happy
youngster; but he may also enjoy an overdeveloped sense of self-esteem, just
because he may be in a school geared to the way of living of the dominant
culture group. A Negro pupil is not only dark colored, he may also labor in
school under the hard fact that he finds his way somewhat darkly in a
society controlled by white people. A Mexican-American girl may not only
love rhythm and bright colors; she may also bear in her nervous system the
social inhibitions to which girls are frequently subjected in Mexican homes.
A boy of Japanese background may be superior in personal character and
studious in his lessons; he may also carry in his heart the feeling that it is
hopeless for him to aspire to be a doctor or an engineer because of the dis-
crimination his people endure in America. A girl of Jewish background may
look physically and act like any other Caucasian child, but she may also
suffer feelings of rejection when the teacher accents certain sectarian values
during the Christmas and Easter seasons. An old-stock American boy may be
proud of a long family history in this country, but socio-economically he may
also bear the marks of a somewhat starved personality. A teacher may be un-
usually well informed for her job, but the very fact that she is a member of
the middle class and is White, Anglo, and Protestant, may easily increase
the school strain for children of other economic, racial, and religious groups.
However, another teacher of the same background may instinctively recog-
nize that every child has a particular need for belonging and for respectful
treatment. Edwin Markham has captured the spirit of this type of teacher
in the last couplet of his quatrain:

He drew a circle that shut me out-
Heretic, rebel, a thing to flout,
But Love and I had the wit to win;
We drew a circle that took him in.

If the situations we have been describing are representative of human rela-
tionships in school and community, what is their significance for the school
administrator in discharging his responsibility for building the defenses of
peace in the minds of children? Certainly the problem cannot he ignored.
It has at least four major aspects, and innumerable facets. These four aspects
1. The challenge arising out of the fact of human likenesses and differences in
the classroom
2. The expansion of the concept of democratic citizenship in a multiculture society


3. The charge upon educators to construct the defenses of peace in the minds of
the coming generation
4. The outreach of the school to include the community in its program for better
human relationships.

Let us look briefly at each of these in turn:
1. What disposition should be made of the fact of cultural likenesses
and differences in children? Shall we stress likenesses only, as educators
have done traditionally in theory? Even if we could get it, do we want social
uniformity in our boys and girls? Besides, can we eliminate differences in
race, religion, and the social status system by disregarding these basic ele-
ments in the community? On the other hand, shall we shift to the other
extreme and lay our chief emphasis upon education for human differences?
Would America become great and united if culture group autonomy were
a major concern ? Obviously neither of these extremes is desirable. What the
school does in meeting this paradox of likenesses and differences is impor-
tant in resolving today's tensions in the school and in undergirding the foun-
dations of world peace. This challenge to the administrator includes issues
in social philosophy, teacher education, and classroom practice.
2. Does not the concept of democratic citizenship need to be expanded in
the light of our increasing understanding of what it means to live well in a
multiculture society? Should not individuals be qualified to function, not
only as responsible citizens of American society, but also as intelligent mem-
bers of their particular culture groups? If so, how shall we teach pupils
loyalty to their country, pride in their own group, and respect for the mem-
bers of other groups? What bearing does the problem of intergroup ten-
sions have upon this subject? How shall we square precept and practice in
teaching American ideals? Avoiding chauvinism, how shall these American
ideals be directed to support the cause of international peace? These ques-
tions point up the quandary in which educators find themselves when they
consider an adequate meaning of the concept of citizenship for today.
3. How shall educators discharge their obligation to construct the de-
fenses of world peace in the minds of the coming generation? Conceived as
basically a problem in education for human relationships, how can pupils
be taught to recognize the common humanity and the innate equality of all
races and peoples? Is not the clue to be found in the generally accepted prin-
ciple that a good teacher begins with the child's experience-orbit of social
understanding and leads him step by step outward to grasp the meaning
and value of increasingly wide ranges of human reality? Since our children
live every day in a pattern of social relationships which includes a diversity
of races and peoples, is not this situation the natural starting point the school
teacher needs to consider in education for world peace? If so, how is this to
be done, and what are the successive stages by which the school moves on to
build the sturdy framework of education for world-mindedness?
4. In what way does the school's program of education for human rela-
tions on the home and world fronts relate itself to the people of the local
community? Suppose the school does inaugurate a genuinely democratic pro-
gram of education for pupils without including the community, is there not


danger that this kind of education of children will lose something of its
power when they return to the community which still nourishes its preju-
dices and practices discrimination? This problem is posed by a high-school
senior, when she says, "What is wrong when kids can go around the
school arm in arm, working and playing together, but as soon as we leave
the school grounds and enter the street, we suddenly break step? The Ital-
ians, the Negroes, and the rest of us separate and go our own ways." In
such a situation, is there not danger of confirming pupils of the favored
group in the community in social smugness, and of contributing a stronger
sense of defeatism to its underprivileged children? Assuming that the only
way that a school administrator can make his democratic program vital to
youth is to painstakingly build local public opinion in harmony with good
school practices, he is still faced with the problem as to the steps that need
to be taken.
It is obvious that educators have not been too well prepared to carry on a
program of education for good human relations. The major tools for plan-
ning to deal with them have not been easily available. Teachers have not been
oriented in such essential concepts as those of race, culture, dominant and
minority groups, the social-status system, prejudice, discrimination, assimila-
tion, pupils as persons-in-culture, and the like. This neglect is slowly being
remedied. We now have some of the necessary resources in anthropology,
social psychology, psychiatry, ethics, and other disciplines. However, they are
still in the early stages of interpretation for educational use.
For instance, the anthropologist is helping us to see that the particular
way of living of a culture group is directly reflected in the personalities of
members of that group. A White-Anglo-Protestant tends to reproduce in his
behavior the favored characteristics of the dominant culture group. Like-
wise, persons of minority groups tend to carry on certain traits of under-
privileged peoples. The social psychologist explains how racial and cultural
differences between groups give rise to tensions and conflict. The psychiatrist
calls our attention to the fact that these tensions are picked up by very young
children through their family and neighborhood associations. The interpre-
ters of ethics and law are helping us to realize the significance of clearly
related standards and values for the real business of living. Thus, scientists
are providing school leaders with new insights into the social conditioning
of pupils and into the particulars of education for better human relations.
However, these particulars are still in the early stages of interpretation for
educational use.
Such scientific bases for the public-school program are indispensable for
sound educational practice. They are now being tested in a number of
pilot-light projects which deserve careful study. Two outstanding local
school experiments are the Philadelphia Early Childhood Project, and the
San Diego Project in Intercultural Education.
In Philadelphia the experiment took the form of research into group
attitudes of five- to seven-year-old children, and into the methods and mate-
rials teachers may use to develop democratic attitudes. They found that
unsocial behavior is already rooted in these children, and that prejudices and


emotional blocks are impeding learning and the practice of good human rela-
tions. In consequence, the directors of the program are developing technics
for teachers and parents to use in cooperative work with children.
The San Diego Project was conceived in an entirely different setting.
It was designed to serve an entire school system in a city in which war
conditions doubled the population and introduced serious problems in human
relations. A director was appointed for the intercultural program of the
schools, who worked with a steering committee under expert guidance. As
the plan developed, teachers and administrators sought resource leaders to
help them acquire a more realistic grasp of their unfolding jobs. Bit by bit
they caught a new viewpoint which changed classroom practice, and was in-
creasingly put into effect in curriculum revision. Teachers took forthright
steps to enlist parents and citizens in this program for the enrichment of the
democratic experience of children.
Similar experiments are under way in inservice teacher education. A
Center for Human Relations Studies has been established in association
with the School of Education at New York University. Teachers College
at Columbia University and the University of Chicago have laboratories
in which teachers and administrators are equipping themselves with new
tools for intergroup learning. Summer workshops for school leaders pro-
vide regular inservice orientation in many of the institutions of higher
learning across the continent.
Two programs have been designed to effect improvement in the prac-
tices of institutions concerned with the preservice education of teachers.
They are a College Study in Intergroup Relations centering on the
campus of Wayne University, and the College Project in Intercultural
Education sponsored by the California State Department of Public Instruc-
tion and the seven state colleges.
The trend toward making education in human relations an integral
part of public-school education is unmistakable. A wealth of publications
is coming out of the above types of experimentation which will not only
indicate this fact, but will also afford invaluable assistance to leaders who
wish to bring school practices and curriculum abreast of human need.
They will also implement education for world peace which is a cause
of paramount consequence in human affairs today.
Perhaps this is the frontier on which education will win for our civiliza-
tion the race with catastrophe. Like a true statesman who rises in the dark
hour of a people's despair to inspire his fellowmen, so the alert schoolman,
realistically tackling the problem of education for human relations, finds
himself leading children step by step into the dawn of a new and
better day.
Thank you. [Applause]


Sunday Evening, February 20

AT THIS session members of the American Association of School Adminis-
trators and of the National Education Association were guests of the
Standard Oil Company of California at its presentation of the "Standard
Hour" radio broadcast-a concert by the San Francisco Symphony Orches-
tra under the direction of Pierre Monteux. [See page 204 for program
of music.]


Monday Morning, February 21

[BERT CHOLET, BROOKLYN, NEW YORK, as president of the Associated
Exhibitors of the National Education Association, extended greetings to
the Association at the three regional conventions in San Francisco, St. Louis,
and Philadelphia. For the text of Mr. Cholet's speech, see page 53.]

PRESIDENT GOSLIN: The American Association of School Administra-
tors has published twenty-seven yearbooks. The last one is on American
school buildings. It comes to us at an opportune time. It promises to be
one of the best of the series. One of our significant leaders in education
in this state was a member of the commission which developed this
yearbook. I want to introduce Charles Bursch, Assistant Division Chief in
Charge of School Planning, State Department of Education, Sacramento,
California, who will tell us about the Yearbook. Mr. Bursch.
'IR. BURSCH: /iMr. President, Members of the Association: Before I
do what I am going to do, I am going to do something else. I think I must
have caught that from the previous speaker, and that is the desirability of
calling your attention to at least one of the exhibits. The exhibit I have
reference to is one that has been arranged by a committee consisting of
Superintendent Clish, John Sexson, Vaughn Seidel, John Lyon Reid,
architect, and myself. The exhibit is in Polk Hall, called the "Schools of
Tomorrow." WXith all of the work and the money that the architects and
the committee and the helpers of the committee have done, we hope that
you will find the results of their effort worth a visit during the convention.

[ 19 1


I have heard lots of people when they start to make a few remarks
tell how far they came to get to the meeting. I am here to say that in
order to be here at this meeting, I traveled almost once around the world.
I guess you don't know how that could be true, when most of you know,
or many of you know, that I live in Sacramento, which is less than one
hundred miles from here, but the fact remains that in order to do the
small part that I did on the Yearbook, it was necessary to travel that far.
Mr. Goslin, I am here to present you with a book. I want you all to
know that presenting a book, or giving it away, is nice work when you get
it. Anyone who made his way through college by selling books knows
what I mean. It is my pleasure to make a project out of giving away this
book, at least a ten-minute project.
If this were an ordinary book, it would be ridiculous to make a project
out of giving it away, but this is not an ordinary book. If you wanted to,
you would have difficulty in refusing to accept this book; that is, unless you
have had at least two hundred years of firsthand contact and responsi-
bility in connection with the school plant. Not one of the conservatively
estimated two hundred years of that kind of contact represented on this
Commission was lost in the process of producing this book. The experience
of the Commission not only had two hundred years of length, but it has some
breadth. The prestige of great universities and the scholarship of great uni-
versities are represented on this yearbook. The geographic spread and the
multiplicity of duties represented in the office are represented. The great,
heavy responsibility of superintendents of great cities is represented on this
Commission, and perhaps most important of all, so far as the value of the
book is concerned, the inescapable and all-embracing responsibility of the
superintendents of the smaller districts was represented on the Commission.
Now, this breadth is not only on the Commission, it is in the book itself.
How do I know? Well, in all of my experience I never had to rewrite my
best effort as often as I did to make it conform to the requirements of the
entire Commission and I am here to testify that other members of the Com-
mission had similar experience.
Now, a commission producing an ordinary yearbook doesn't have at its
disposal the organizing and executive skill of a Worth McClure; it doesn't
have at its disposal the editorial and book production competence, the
patient and persistent skill of extracting manuscripts from already over-
worked Commission members; or it doesn't have the knack of quickly
welding manuscripts into one book. It doesn't have the service of a Dr.
Hazel Davis to carry out those functions; nor, does the commission pro-
ducing an ordinary yearbook have the benefit of working under the most
pleasant slave driver I ever had the privilege to serve. I refer to WYarren
T. White, the chairman. This is not an ordinary book. Ordinary books
are written by persons who can no longer resist the urge of self-expression,
or must write in order to eat. This book, Mr. President, was written by
persons upon whom fell the heavy and inescapable hand of the call for
professional service. It called for aid in lifting one of the greatest present-
day barriers to the quality of educational opportunity. I refer to the


insufficiency, and inadequacy, and obsolescence of the nation's school plant.
This isn't the first time you have heard that in this meeting, or others.
The proving ground for all super-salesmen is to sell refrigerators to the
Eskimos. I suppose the lowest form of salesmanship is the one who has
difficulty in selling them lard. Selling you, Mr. President, on the merit
of this book, or any book, puts me in the class of selling lard to the Eskimos.
I sincerely hope, however, that this comment will not make you feel that
the contents of this book could he classed as lard.
It gives me great pleasure, Mr. President, to express the appreciation
of this entire Committee for the opportunity to work with you and with
the Association in the preparation of this book. I am sure that the 1949
Yearbook will have some profit to the members of the Association.
PRESIDENT GOSI.IN: I am still enough of a schoolboy that I can never
get accustomed to people saying they are going to give me something, and
holding out on me for awhile. Seriously, on behalf of those of us here who
are members of the Association, and all of us who are friends of education,
I want to express my appreciation to Mr. Bursch for bringing along some-
thing that is going to be exceedingly useful and timely. This book is going
to improve the quality of environment for hundreds of thousands of school
children of America.
Those of us who have come to spend three or four days in this meeting
have come to have a good time, extend our acquaintances, gain some new
ideas, and heighten our understanding and dedication to education. We
believe we have arranged a program that will have some of all of those
opportunities in it. Those of us who heard the talk yesterday afternoon,
and heard the magnificent music of the evening, I know, felt that we had
been lifted a bit. We have had called to our attention already the many
aids in the direction of making our work more practical and useful. We
have had an opportunity to study the exhibits, and the opportunity to
give attention to the development of this book, and other work of the


PRESIDENT GOSLIN: In order that we may have an opportunity of extend-
ing our acquaintances, and giving us an opportunity to express appre-
ciation to significant groups who join with us in this cooperative enterprise
of American education, it is now my privilege to identify our guests of
the morning.
I have said time and time again in recent years that I doubt if there
is emerging in America any other organization or movement as significant
in relation to the long-run welfare of public education as the movement
of the parent-teacher organization. We are particularly privileged here,
this morning, to have a number of the state and national representatives of
that organization covering this WVestern regional of ours on the platform
as our guests. I know that you will want to join with me here in welcoming
these women who take time from their homes and their lives to join us


and others in surrounding the youth of our nation with those opportunities
and facilities that are good for childhood.
Will the representatives of the national and state associations of parents
and teachers please stand, and let those of us who are directly connected
with the workaday business of education express our appreciation to you
for coming here and being with us this morning. [Applause]
I have often wondered why anyone would seek or accept membership
on the board of education. It frequently is a kind of one-way proposition.
You are apt to get plenty of criticism for the things which the superin-
tendent, or others, don't do quite right, and a meager measure of praise for
the things which you, and all the others in the organization, do right. On the
other hand, I doubt if in all of the context of American life opportunity
for creative civic service reaches the height that is presented in an oppor-
tunity for membership on a board of education in America. I repeat: I doubt
if there is another opportunity in American life, where an individual can
give of his time and service, that offers such a potential to contribute
to the welfare of our communities, our nation, its institutions, and ideals.
While we don't have an extensive representation in terms of numbers of
state and national organizations of board members, the fact that M/rs.
Porter of the California organization and of the national organization
of school board members, is on the platform gives those of us who are
workers in the field of education an opportunity to express our appreciation
for the work of the citizens who join us as members of boards of education.
M/rs. Porter. [Applause]
I commented Saturday afternoon when we were opening the exhibits, that
one of the privileges of citizenship in America is the fact that this nation
has always kept the door of opportunity open to its sons and daughters.
I believe that is particularly true of the great teaching profession in this
country, and it is a significant privilege to me this morning to introduce
Mabel Studebaker, who is a biology teacher in the Erie, Pennsylvania,
High School-you see, Mabel, I have still forgotten which high school it
is, but I know the town and state-who, by serving her fellow-teachers,
and serving the cause of education, has been recognized and made the presi-
dent of the greatest organization of teachers that the world has ever known.
Mabel, will you stand, and let us express our appreciation for your coming?
Irwin Dan is also an officer of the National Education Association, but
in this state he is much more than that; he is president of the California
Teachers Association. Will you stand, Irwin? [Applause]

PRESIDENT GOSLIN: This morning we are here to consider specifically
the relations of education to the maintenance and extension of democracy
for the American people, and the peoples of the world. In a number of



Ellis Arnall, WJillard E. Goslin, and Paul Rehrnus

these programs we have attempted to bring together you people associated
with education, and frequently, also, people outside of organized education
itself. This morning we have a member of our Association, an able indi-
vidual in American education, to tell us what the schools are doing to
strengthen and extend democracy for the American people. I know of no
individual in this country who has finer personal and professional qualities
with which to represent us and the basic ideals of democracy, and to
sharpen our understanding of the place of the schools in this area. It is a
privilege for me to present my associate, Paul Rehmus, Superintendent of
Schools, Portland, Oregon.
MIR. REHMUS: Honored Guests, Friends, and Professional Associates:
Only a fool will question the fact that our nation, with the rest of the
world, is in deep trouble today. Some will go back to 1929 for the
answer. Others will attribute it to Hitler's unchallenged march into the
Rhineland. Some will blame it on Japan's march into Manchuria. Others
will bring it closer home and attribute it to the fact that only 47,000,000,
out of the 92,000,000 eligible, voted in the last election. Some will say
that the present state of affairs could not be avoided on the basis of Stuart
Chase's reasoning that "History is a seamless process, in which many
causes produce many effects, which are in turn causes for more effects, world
without end."
Regardless of the reasons, none of us deny that human freedom is
threatened by regimented statism. All of us sense the fact that the world
is torn between two systems, one devoted to the maximum possible freedom
and satisfactions for all individuals; the other, subordinating individual
freedom and opportunity to the interests of the state. VWe all know that
democracy and the police state have neither common purposes nor methods,


nor aspirations. In today's struggle, no free man, no free institution can
be neutral. We sense again just as we did in the pre-Hitlerian days that
survival in today's challenge to freedom, and to every institution which we
hold dear, is infinitely more than that involved in opposing ideologies.
Intuitively, we know that all of us if we are to survive, and that means
if we are to retain the civil liberties we consider valuable, must be joined
in a common profession-that of democratic citizenship. The hopeful
slogans of yesteryear, "to make the world safe for democracy," and "one
world or none," have neither made the world safe nor produced one world.
Today's critical world events and tomorrow's promise of world citizen-
ship have caused educators to take another look at this elusive, hard-to-
define thing called democracy, and more particularly the democratic
process, and what the schools can do to advance it. In charting our path,
no thinking person in this fourth year of the atomic age can fail to realize
the difficulties that lie ahead. To teach the meaning of citizenship and
liberty to American youth in a world as confused as ours is a baffling and
complicated task. Part of our trouble exists in the fact that we live in the
days of supersonic missiles, but we think in terms of the bow and arrow.
Of course, there are some fundamentals that were true two thousand years
ago, and are still valid today. The concepts of justice, and mercy, and kind-
ness, and love, are ideals of democracy and of American life just as much
in 1949 as in the days of the Master Teacher. But we know that ideals
cannot be acquired merely by precept, or that Americanism can be under-
stood by reading about the structure of government. Human motives and
human relations are not changed by edict, arbitrary law, or sudden act.
They respond, if at all, only to the slow and gradual process of reeducation.
That is why education for citizenship today has become such a terribly im-
portant task. Our task is infinitely greater than just making people literate.
It is a task so complex that adults of our generation have found the
problems of life too great for them to solve in their generation, so they
have turned to education in the hope that the next generation will better
be able to cope with them.
When we ask ourselves what we are doing about the teaching of democ-
racy, we force ourselves into the position of defining it. President Conant says
that American democracy is in part a fact, in part a dream, and the latter
is as important as the former. David Lilienthal said recently that the atomic
bomb is not the greatest danger to democracy and the world today. He said
it is the destructive tendency of the human mind to run to violent extremes.
It is the state of mind which insists there is only one answer, that regards
those who differ as enemies forthwith to be destroyed by force or cunning.
We all vary in our interpretation of democracy. Every man hears a different
drumbeat. Perhaps the strength of democracy lies in its diversity. There is no
cloying unanimity about it. The meaning of democracy is infinitely varied
as it should be. But if we are to know and retain its infinite variety, we
must pin down our goals with clarity. We can agree that democracy is
more than the Lincolnian concept of "government of the people; by the
people; and for the people." It is much more than that. Specifically, it


is a way of life which exalts the individual; which emphasizes his human
worth regardless of economic status, political convictions, or racial origin.
It places unbounded faith in group action in arriving at the solution of
common problems. It is a way of life which stresses the solution of difficult
problems by intelligence, honest effort, and compromise, rather than force.
It encourages the use of,the scientific method in the solution of problems.
It exposes demagoguery and charlatanism in its many ugly forms. It is con-
cerned with the sum total of human relationships. The contrast between
democracy and what is not, is crystallized by Arthur Koestler in Darkness
at Noon. Said he: "There are only two concepts of human ethics, and
they are at opposite poles. One of them is Christian and human, declares
the individual to be sacrosanct and asserts that the rules of arithmetic are
not to be applied to human units. The other starts from the basic prin-
ciple that a collective aim justifies all means and not only allows, but
demands, that the individual should in every way be subordinated and
sacrificed to the community."
This definition of democracy, though abstract, will, I believe, receive your
support. I reemphasize a fundamental fact, namely, that a set of common
beliefs is essential for the health and vigor of a free society, and that set
of beliefs can be quite simple and still be adequate. The war has underlined
the fact that the strongest loyalties are often to small groups of men, bound
together by common experiences and common loyalties. What we mean
by democracy is illustrated better for some people by action rather than
by words. We must remember, too, that what we have here in America
and what we believe in is not our handiwork alone. It did not spring full
grown from the rich soil of a new world. What we are describing here
is the fruit of centuries of striving and sacrifice and the ceaseless surging
struggle of men everywhere to be, and remain, free. In addition, democracy
has during our national history been a vital thing, and each generation
of Americans has guarded, nurtured, and continually refreshed it. We
have plenty of historical evidence that the life stream of democracy has
been kept full and strong only through an alert, informed, and active
citizenry-beginning always with the youth in our schools.
Often, in the past, schools have lagged behind in clarifying social goals-
particularly in the area of controversy, that thorny wilderness where there
has been no charted path. However, in the present struggle of ideologies-
the battle for the minds and loyalties of the world's people-school leaders
in this country have been in front of the battle lines. The record of achieve-
ment is almost incredible. For a decade or more educational statesmen have
hammered away at a persistent premise of democratic survival-that
security is never a blueprint, but a frame of mind in which people need
be instructed and to which they must be conditioned. The necessary spiritual
undergirding to cope with the powerful forces confronting democracy has
been described for a decade. Long before it occurred to the mass of the
people to question why a challenge to our way of life existed, school leaders
were pointing out both the conflict and the aggressors. The educators of
this country for fifteen years have pointed out a dozen broad roads to the


problem of teaching democratic citizenship. The schools have been on a
tremendous offensive to make democracy real to our youth and our teachers.
The evidence is startling and overwhelming. Let me be specific.
Back in 1935 the United States Office of Education published its first
significant bulletin entitled Education for Democracy. A radio program
started in 1937, and continuing for thirteen weeks, entitled Let Freedom
Ring evoked 60,000 letters. In 1941, the Office of Education produced
another successful volume Voices of Democracy which received nation-
wide distribution in the schools. In 1939, the Educational Policies Com-
mission carefully studied education in ninety schools in twenty-seven states
and published its findings in the monumental volume Learning the JWJays
of Democracy. Three other studies in successive years by the same com-
mission were collected and published in Policies for Education in American
Democracy. Every department within the NEA has at some time within
the last ten years given attention to preparation for citizenship. The Depart-
ment of Elementary School Principals devoted its yearbook for 1943 to
this matter under the title Elementary Schools, The Front Line of De-
mocracy. At least three volumes of the American Association of School
Administrators have been devoted to civic education. The most penetrating
of these was the 1947 volume entitled Schools for a New World. The
National Association of Secondary-School Principals, and the National
Council for the Social Studies have fed a constant series of books into the
schools. Some of these titles you will recognize: Problems in American
Life, Democracy versus Dictatorship, Politics in Action, and The
American Standard of Living. Economic Roads for American Democ-
racy, one of the publications of the Consumer Education Study sponsored
by the National Association of Secondary-School Principals, gives a sound
understanding of the free enterprise system and of competing economic
theories. The National Education Association and allied groups have been
aggressively alert to the challenge before us, and have spearheaded action
to inform pupils and teachers on the pressing problems of democracy.
But this is only one of the areas in which the problem has received atten-
tion. State departments of education and almost all sixty-seven education
groups which cut across state lines have made contributions in the field
of democratic citizenship. The Volker Study in Detroit, now in its fourth
year, is finding new and startling facts about the civic attitudes of young
people in elementary schools and high schools. This material is available
at small cost. A brand-new civic education project just begun at Cambridge
under Henry Holmes is concerned with a whole array of problems, the
answers to which will help gird youth for better citizenship. This project
is already financed to the extent of $150,000, and has a superior staff of
research experts formulating the guiding principles. Connecticut is just
rounding out a ten-year civic program in which personal responsibility for
making democracy work is the goal. This state has also widely distributed
a list of characteristics that describe a good citizen. In Michigan, since 1935
"the one overarching objective of the state's curriculum program," accord-
ing to its superintendent of public instruction, has been citizenship training.


As early a;s 1934, the Michigan Education Planning Commission began its
work. T'he report School Patterns for Citizenship Training, published
in 1947 by the University of Michigan, is an outstanding contribution to
better school practices in developing effective citizenship. In Minnesota, an
all-out effort in the rural schools is being made by the state superin-
tendent of public instruction to strengthen the teaching of citizenship
in one-room country schools and consolidated districts.
The preceding review is only a part of the whole saga of support of
democratic ideals and concepts in our public schools. MIany significant
meetings on the problem of educating youth for democracy have been
held, such as the Washington meeting in March 1948, which included
educators from sixteen states. The effectiveness of the Zeal for American
Democracy program of the United States Office of Education was the
focal point of discussion. A series of recommendations regarding the use
of periodicals on government, what civic facts should be taught to pupils,
and the more effective development of advisory councils to develop demo-
cratic understanding came out of this meeting. Cooperation of schools
with the American Legion Citizenship Program, especially that phase
known as the Boys and Girls State, has been in operation now for fourteen
years, and is conducted in forty-six states. It has been a powerful means
of exercising democratic action by young people under adult leadership.
Cooperation with the American Legion in the Boys Forum of National
Government which brings high-school juniors annually to Washington,
national oratorical contests on the United States Constitution culminating
in scholarships and medals to thousands of students annually, increased
observance of flag education, citizenship schools for the foreign born,
observance of Constitution Week, Bill of Rights Day, "I Am an American
Day"-all these are actively promoted in our public schools. In the last
three annual meetings of the National Council for the Social Studies (in
which history and civics teachers predominate) the major topics of dis-
cussion have centered around the question of what democracy is, and what
can be done to bring its full meaning to larger numbers of students in our
schools. In the state of Washington, "World Citizenship Based upon
Democratic Ideals" is required in every senior history course. The Four
Freedoms and Unesco and its meaning have been widely interpreted all
over the country through the inauguration of such plans as United Nations
Week and American Education Week. For many years student-body
projects culminating in assembly programs and graduation exercises have
had American democracy as the basic theme. One of the fine examples of
student cooperation is the two-year-old Northwest International Relations
Organization dedicated to the achievement of a permanent peace. This group
has carried its view to civic organizations in both Seattle and Portland
through competent student speakers. A model United Nations Assembly is
planned for this June.
In New Jersey, a State Guide for the Teaching of History of the United
States has been distributed to all schools. This guide analyzes American
democracy and compares it with other forms of government. The New


Jersey Department of Education also supplies elementary schools with a
bulletin on Developing Social Confidence in a Democracy Through Social
Studies. New York State provides all schools with an outline on American
history which stresses democratic freedoms. Virginia lists many ways in
which children may practice democratic living in their daily school activities.
Michigan provides sound films entitled Learning Democracy Through
School Community Projects. These films are distributed by the Visual
Aid Center at Ann Arbor. The Chicago schools have an active lay school
committee which has prepared units of study on such questions as "How
can I become a loyal, intelligent participating citizen in my democracy?"
and, "How does democracy rate in the light of other ideologies such as
communism, fascism, and socialism ?" Nebraska, through an idea sub-
mitted by Robert G. Simmons, Chief Justice of the State Supreme Court,
has developed a program of study and practice in county government which
includes the study of political parties, the tax structure of the state, county
organization, and state history. This state also provides all teachers with
monthly pamphlets on Learning the JWJays of the United Nations for
use in civics classes. Oregon requires all its teachers on every level to
complete courses in the History of the State and Oregon Law in the first
year of residence. Wisconsin schools have a statewide program from
kindergarten through high school which makes young people awake to
their part as citizens of the republic. It is an outstanding program because
the outline of government is challenged at every point by sets of questions
which raise and emphasize the cooperative functions of traffic officers,
firemen, and governmental officials. This unique grass roots approach
progresses from simple understandings on the primary grade level to rela-
tionships of the world's people, their geography, government, and economic
systems. It ends up with special emphasis on the American way. Wisconsin
leads the way in a state plan of coordinated citizenship education. Cin-
cinnati has the finest large city outline on "how to deal with controversial
issues" in the country. Note these trenchant words from this outline:
"Society is constantly changing. Under the democratic system, this change
evolves gradually through open discussion and frequent expressions of
the will of the people. If gradual change is not permitted, change then
comes by periodic revolution. Any democracy, if it is to remain a democracy,
must expect, anticipate, and welcome orderly political, social, and economic
change. Controversial issues are inherent in social change. It should be
emphasized that most of the subjectmatter of the school curriculum is
made up of the eternal verities and involves no controversial issues. Con-
troversial issues or problems are, therefore, a small but essential part of the
school curriculum. They are of special importance because they are the
kind of issues and problems for which each child in a democracy must, as
he approaches maturity, help find the best possible solution. This is one
of the most important abilities of an American citizen."
A parallel statement of rights and duties under the American form of
government is published in a booklet Know Your America and dis-
tributed by the Indianapolis schools. New York City high schools all have


prepared units for class use on the strength of democratic government over
all other systems.
Within the past two months, the Christian Science Mionitor has run
a series of twenty-two articles on the "Teaching of Democracy in the Public
Schools." It is a stirring and gratifying affirmation of many of the facts
which I have just presented. On all fronts, there is an awakening that
democracy is not an empty term, but is reflected in countless ways through
growth of understanding and racial tolerance, through increased rights for
minorities, and through recognition of the inalienable privilege of all
people to the decencies, comforts, and privileges of the country. The schools
are not only in the front lines in teaching democracy, they are continually
on the offensive.
Elmo Roper, distinguished news analyst, has also recently completed a
survey of the attitudes of American youth. He has raised the question as
to whether young people are cynical about democracy, have lost their faith
in the American way, and are crassly materialistic. The answers to these
questions should partly determine whether the program of teaching democ-
racy in the schools in the last fifteen years has been successful. His find-
ings are emphatic and are conclusive. He asked a cross section of 2000
young people if they wanted to see a continuation of the same system of
private ownership of business that we now have, or whether they would
rather see the government gradually take over the control of basic industries,
or whether they would like to see the government go the whole way and
own all industries. To this question, 7 percent replied that they did not
want to answer. The remainder divided themselves up like this: 2 percent
said they would like to see a complete change in the present system. Fifteen
percent agreed that they would like to have the government take over
control of certain industries vital to national welfare. The overwhelming
body of opinion was opposed to any such government action. Seventy-five
percent of the youth of America agreed with the young garage mechanic
from Oswego, Oregon, who said: "We've gotten along fairly well the
way we are, I'd say. I think the government had a right to take over
business when I was a kid during the depression. And then, too, the gov-
ernment does own a lot of businesses such as the mail. But private owner-
ship is O.K. with me, unless of course they get to be a trust. Private enter-
prise built the country, and it made a good job of it." That's how the young
people of America feel about government control in business.
MIr. Roper also asked a cross section of American youth other pertinent
questions regarding values in life and what values they considered most
important. He put some questions to them which contrasted their economic
and personal freedoms. Two economic rights which youth had listed as
important were the right to earn more than $5000 a year, if they can,
and the right to change jobs at will. The question was put to them squarely:
If they had to make a choice between the right to make $5000 a year and
to change jobs at will and between the loss of certain personal liberties,
such as the freedom of speech, freedom of religion, the right to vote and
the right to jury trial, which would they give up first? The young people


of America looked over the list and unhesitatingly said that if they had
to choose they would give up the right to earn $5000 a year. Forty-seven
percent of them said that they would relinquish this right first. Another
15 percent said they would give up the right to change jobs first. So we
find that 62 percent of the young people would give up their economic
rights before any others. Only 20 percent stated that they would give up
one of the personal freedoms first. We then have a fairly direct evidence
that the young people who have gone through the schools of this country
would willingly give up high potential incomes before they would see their
liberties lost.
The young people were asked which of the freedoms on the list they
would be the least willing to give up, if they had to give up one. In other
words, which of these freedoms would they hold the most dear. Far down
on the bottom of the list of the most precious freedoms were the same
economic rights. In the opinion of the young people, economic rights are
the first to be given up, and the last to be kept. The right to vote stood
high on the list of rights to be retained. Eight percent of the young people
agreed that the right to vote would be the last freedom they would be
willing to give up. But top honors were shared by two of our long-
cherished civil liberties. One-third of America's young people agreed that
freedom of religion was the last thing they would give up. A mailing clerk
in New York City epitomized it when he said: "The dominant influence
in a man's life and the key to his happiness is his religion. If there is to
he any future, he must tie it in with his religion." At the top of the list,
however, the freedom held most precious by more than 35 percent of the
youth was the freedom of speech. A young man in Oklahoma summarized
it this way: "Freedom of speech is the most desirable of all freedoms or
rights. I can get along on less than $5000 if I have to, and I can practice
my religion privately, but the right to vote is meaningless without free-
dom of speech and discussion."
It is evident that personal freedoms and rights run pretty deep in the
thinking and beliefs of the younger generation. We have several pieces
of evidence which add up to a direct answer about our way of life and
about the future of democracy as young people look at it. These young
people would like to make $5000 a piece on the average. They would
like to choose their jobs or leave them, and they have an abiding faith
in the free enterprise system, but they are even more convinced that man
cannot live by bread alone. The original basis on which our Republic was
founded, namely, a positive belief in the personal human freedoms which
constitute everything that we consider valuable in democracy, is never
questioned by them. When they have to make a choice they choose human
rights without equivocation. When the test is made, young people inevitably
choose the path of human rights.
Mr. Roper concludes his summary on the attitudes of young people
with a statement that he has canvassed the attitudes of Americans for
fifteen years. Every survey during that period has shown that the young
people of America seem to understand and to know clearly what their


most iinport~ant rights are. There is little evidence to support the charge
that the young people are cynical about them. On the contrary, there is
an abundance of evidence to indicate that the young people of this gen-
eration are not only less cynical than others in the past, but have a greater
faith in the future of democracy than ever before.
In summary, this is what I have tried to say. A free nation's decisions are
slow in the making. No one knows for certain on what day of what
month of what year a people makes up its mind. The slow growth toward
group decision is the slow growth of conviction in many individual minds
and hearts. A people's most fundamental decisions are not made in the
councils of state. They are made at the village market, at the PTA meeting,
at the session of the union, at the Grange hall, at the county fair. Few
major decisions of statesmen have any power until the voice of a free people
is clearly heard. Only then can statesmen write the will of the people.
Similarly, democracy is many things to many people. Some people are
very clear about it. Others are inarticulate. To some people, democracy is
economic. To others, it is social. To still other groups, it is moral. To some,
it is a strength they cannot understand; to others, it is a dream they cannot
Democracy is all of these and even more. It is organic. It is a growing,
living, developing thing. It is more than the sum total of our institutions
and our present way of life. It is a social faith which is constantly expand-
ing in response to the struggles of free men everywhere.
In this evolution, I have tried to point out that the schools have not
been remiss. I have tried to say that in thousands of classrooms everywhere
teachers and students together from kindergarten through college are
daily defining democracy. In schools, as well as in the everyday lives of
140,000,000 Americans, the refining, clarifying process is going on con-
stantly. Democracy will never be delimited or circumscribed. And this is
as it should be. Most of us would like to pin it down, but we shall never
be able to do that. As Justice Cardozo once said, "We seek for certainty,
hut the quest for it is futile. We shall never reach the solid land of fixed
and settled rules. Like the voyagers in Browning's 'Paracelsus,' 'The real
heaven is always beyond.' As the years have gone by, those of us who
have looked for certainty have had to become reconciled to uncertainty,
because we have grown to see it as inevitable. I repeat, this is as it should
be, for the process of democracy on its highest level is not final discovery,
hut creation. As old principles that have served their time and day expire
and new principles are born, we may reach the eventual goal of all men
of goodwill. If we persist, particularly if we persist in the proper indoc-
trination of our youth, we may reach the perfect state which Stephen
Vincent Benet described just before his death when he said: "Our Earth
is but a small star in a great universe. Yet of it we can make, if we choose,
a planet unvexed by war, untroubled by hunger or fear, undivided by
senseless distinctions of race, color, or theory. Grant us that courage and
foreseeing to begin this task today that our children and our children's
children may be proud of the name of men." Thank you. [Applause]


[Mr. Arnall spoke at both the San Francisco and St. Louis regional
conventions. For text of his address, see page 45.]


Monday Afternoon, February 21
Members and friends in attendance at the convention were guests
of the California Teachers Association and the California Association
of School Administrators at a Hospitality Hour in the Sir Francis Drake
Hotel, Monday afternoon from four o'clock to six. Here a happy oppor-
tunity was afforded to greet old friends and to make new ones.


Monday Evening, February 21
[At all three of the regional conventions the Monday evening program
was devoted to "Education and Conservation"-"The Conservation of
Human Resources" being handled by Allison Davis of the University of
Chicago, "Natural Resources" by President Willard E. Goslin. For the
text of Mr. Davis's speech, see page 74, Mr. Goslin's, page 84. The
program at San Francisco included music by the Festival Chorus, Symphony
Orchestra, and A Cappella Choir of the San Francisco State College.
For selections, see page 205.]

Presidents of state associations of classroom teachers and presidents of state
associations of school administrators were breakfast guests of AASA, Feb-
ruary 21, 1949, at the Sir Francis Drake Hotel, San Francisco.
*- I I ' ., I: I ,'i .-2 ^ ',"I r 1 ." ,I. q

-- -** 4
...- ; **. '




Tuesday Evening, February 22

Program by the Associated Exhibitors of the National
Education Association

[At San Francisco MIr. Cholet made the presentation in absentia
to Rayburn J. Fisher, Graduate Student, Teachers College, Columbia
University; Former Superintendent of Schools, Anniston, Alabama.
At St. Louis and Philadelphia the presentation was made in person.
For text of Mr. Cholet's remarks, see page 90.]
CHAIRMAN CHOLET: We regret that because of his many duties
Mr. Fisher could not be present at this meeting. I am going to ask
President Goslin to accept the award for M\/r. Fisher.
President Goslin, it is my great honor and privilege as president of the
Associated Exhibitors to present to you on their behalf the first Scholarship
for Graduate Study in School Administration, established by the Associated
Exhibitors of the National Education Association. We know that the
recipient will carry forward the torch and the spirit which it represents.
PRESIDENT GOSLIN: Mr. Cholet, you had some difficulty finding an
opportunity to present this scholarship; you don't know, yet, how much.
Rayburn Fisher is all the way across America, and couldn't be here tonight,
as you say, and for some reason or other, the doorman mistook me for a
musician. I didn't have my card, and I thought for a while he wasn't
going to let me in.
Seriously, I think this marks the milestone in the development of leader-
ship in American education. I know of no privilege that has come to me
(and there have been many during the year) that has exceeded this oppor-
tunity to represent not only Rayburn Fisher, but to represent the school
men and women of America, and to accept from you this scholarship
for advanced training in school administration.
I think there is one other point about Rayburn Fisher that our listeners
will want to know. He is engaged in this advanced study with the specific
commitment to a continuation of his work in school administration on the
job in some American community or communities. I think it becomes in-
creasingly clear that \e are going to need to encourage the development


of leaders in American education. I would hope, Mr. Cholet, that this
very significant contribution on the part of the Associated Exhibitors of the
National Education Association might mark just a beginning of a series
of developments in this field. Looking forward toward the fulfilment of that
hope, I repeat, it is a privilege to represent Rayburn Fisher here tonight,
and to represent the members of the American Association of School Ad-
ministrators, and others in education, and to accept this scholarship which
will have so much to do with the advancement of the ability of one young
American, and set such a splendid precedent which we hope will be followed
in the years to come. Thank you so much. [Applause]

CHAIRMAN CHOLET: On a wall of the National Education Association
offices in Washington, there hangs a bronze plaque. It is a permanent record
and monument to those individuals whose names are meritoriously inscribed
on it. Each year we of the Associated Exhibitors add another name. I refer
to the plaque indicating those worthy contributors to world culture who have
been accorded the American Education Award of the Associated Exhibitors.
This year is a banner year. The first Award was accorded to James W.
Crabtree in 1928. We are, therefore, celebrating the twentieth anniversary
and embarking on the third decade of the Award. It is most fitting at this
time to ponder on the true meaning of the American Education Award.
The bylaws governing it simply read, and I quote, "In recognition of
outstanding contribution made in the broad field of education."
The directors of the Associated Exhibitors have not sought to confine
the Award to any one field of formal education, but have instead interpreted
the words, "the broad field of education," to mean anyone contributing in
an outstanding degree to the education and uplift of the masses of our
The years have been too few for us to touch upon the many fields in which
creditable endeavor has advanced the interest of all mankind. We have been
able to include general education, higher education, science, sports, inspira-
tion to the handicapped, business, the plastic arts, and a few other fields.
I assure you that this year the choice of the recipient of the Award
embraces the very backbone of our educational structure. The individual
named is a great person in her own right. Most of you in this auditorium
remember her address in Atlantic City on Sunday evening, March 2, 1947.
Her titles are many, her fine accomplishments in the broad field of education
unnumbered. The recipient of the American Education Award for 1949
was selected for two principal reasons. The first is for the great person
that she is, and for her personal accomplishments; the second is because
in our belief she is the outstanding champion of the classroom teacher in
the United States, and perhaps in the world. We cherish this opportunity
to salute both.
It is my pleasure to ask Mrs. Pearl A. Wanamaker to please come to
the rostrum.


[Mr. Cholet read the words inscribed on the Award. For text, see
page 37.]
CHAIRMAN CHOLET: Airs. WVanamaker, it is more than a pleasure,
it is my sincere privilege to accord you this Award.

MIRS. VWANAMAKER: Mlr. Cholet, Mr. Goslin, and Friends: I am at a
loss for words to adequately express to the Associated Exhibitors my deep
appreciation in being selected for this honor. It is with great humility that
I accept. However, in accepting this high honor 1 regard it as a tribute
not to me alone but to the men and women of our profession in my own state,
and in our nation. I am fully mindful that without the splendid cooperation
of our citizens, fathers and mothers, members of state legislatures, gover-
nors, and above all classroom teachers, in developing an effective educational
program for our boys and girls, this recognition could not have been accorded
to me today. I pause, too, to include my father and mother, pioneers of the
Pacific Northwest, who came to America because they believed in America
as a symbol of freedom, the democratic way of life for which no sacrifice
could be too great. From earliest childhood we learned in this home the
privileges and the responsibilities of being an American.
Our America is more than a country.
It is the spirit of truth and loyalty and devotion to the ideals and principles
of free men.
It is its people, the thousands and millions who face issues frankly and
honestly, and who by their actions determine the direction of our persons
and our institutions.
It is a rich and thrilling democratic experience, which harvests its bound-
less gifts from the courage and tolerance and responsibilities invested in
its development.
America is the spirit and the hearts of its men and women, dedicated
ever to the upbuilding of our nation, which by its examples and accomplish-
ments will help build a better world.
The purposes of public education parallel the underlying objectives
of our way of life. We must continue to emphasize the rights of all indi-
viduals to equal educational opportunities so that they may be qualified,
participating citizens in home and community life. Problems of family
and neighborhood living, expanded to include international understandings
and functions, must form the core of school experiences. Education must
commence with the formative years of a child's life, the preschool and
kindergarten levels, and extend upwards through the elementary, high
and vocational schools, the junior college, college and university. Contents
of courses and classroom experiences must be well selected and well taught.
Specific provisions must be included in every school to safeguard the health
and safety of boys and girls. Every young American must be skilled in basic


operations with letters, numbers, and words, and, more important, he must
possess the democratic disciplines, the ability to use thought and reason in all
of his personal, vocational, and civic relationships. The great vista of atomic
power lies before us; the school must prepare the nation's people for the
social and industrial changes which this new-found force brings.
Both the structure and the results of American education can be no better
than the leadership which is provided. This forceful and compelling chal-
lenge should inspire every superintendent of schools in these critical days
to dedicate himself to the accomplishment of purposes of high and distin-
guished order. The statesman is always guided by vision and courage, and
by his ability to lead and inspire his fellow men. May America produce
many true educational statesmen, both in this and in succeeding generations.
Our America can remain safe just so long as it has people who are willing
to give generously of their talents and abilities without thought of mere
material recompense. This principle established and developed our country,
from the first explorations until this day in 1949. Sacrifice and service have
almost without exception characterized our great leaders in all fields of
endeavor, including public education.
The greatness of a teacher or an administrator cannot be measured by his
position, his tenure of office, the amount of salary he is paid, nor the number
of degrees he possesses. Rather, it is his own code of ethical and intellectual
values in working with and for his fellow men and the degree to which
he gives himself to the achievement of these purposes that determine the
lasting worth of his services. True and abiding faith in the way of America
is still the mark of the great teacher.
The inspiration of a Horace Mann can bring encouragement and stimula-
tion to every teacher. A trained lawyer who could have amassed a fortune
in that field, Horace Mann, a hundred years ago, devoted a lifetime of
service to the establishment of form and direction to our nation's schools.
This man by his statesmanship, by his own generous sacrifices, by his vision
and -integrity made lasting contributions to free public education. Few
political or military heroes can be compared with this man of faith.
We should point with equal pride to the devoted loyalty to duty of the
thousands of self-sacrificing and conscientious members within our profession
who work daily in one-room schoolhouses, in townships and consolidated
districts, in classrooms of great cities, and in principals' and superintendents'
offices throughout the country. Greatness in educational service is not con-
fined by city, county, or state boundaries, nor can it be measured other than
through the examples and inspiration which it permeates.
The spirit of the pioneer is still the spirit underlying the progress of
democracy. Our free public schools have the further obligation of instilling
within all pupils, at all levels, this grave responsibility of service to fellow
men. Youth who are guided by these ideals will provide the leadership and
the substantial citizenry of the decades ahead. The free public school has
existed in America for over three centuries, and the instilling within youth
of the spirit of patriotic and purposeful service has always remained a basic

Siiperintiicndl r c of Prilic instruction of the State of


Madonna of the classroom.
Exemplary American Woman, Contributor, Builder.
Beloved wife. understanding mother, director of an
accomplished career.
Symbol of the hope and the devotion of all those
blessed women who lead little children.
Champion of the loyal classroom teacher perennially
influencing for good the parade of life.
\0Voman of stature great enough to walk with the
great, compassionate enough to shield the less gifted.
\'Woman of wholesome personality, personifier of the
best ambitions of American girlhood.
Artist with human clay, your culture. vitality, and
cordiality ever irradiates small beings who seek with
tiny hands for orientation.
Leader of mankind, uplifted through your gifts.
Only a woman could serve as you have served.

The above is the wording on the illuminated
manuscript presented to Pearl A. I'ana-
maker by the lAsociated Exhibitorj of the
National Education Association.


We are living in serious times. The world must decide upon the way of
life which is to guide its many nations. Our country accepts education as
basic to the democratic freedoms. The preservation of our lives and institu-
tions depends upon the strength and success of our public schools in their
service to children and adults. In times of crisis, democracy respects the
values of public education, and the degree to which schools and school
services are supported and strengthened will determine largely the future
of freedom and liberty.
In today's crisis, educational and lay leaders in communities throughout
the nation are facing grave issues in the support and conduct of minimum
school services. Consistent with our tradition of local control of public
education, every community must make formal provisions for the mainte-
nance of good schools. The people of every school district, the shareholders
in free schools, must keep themselves informed on the purposes, needs,
and programs of education, and provide adequate moral and financial
support to convert accepted understandings into positive and effective action.
Educational statesmen can assist community groups in their understanding
of the role of education. Continued leadership will be reflected in adequate
community support. Communities banded together on well-organized state-
wide and nationwide bases will be able to strengthen legal and moral
provisions relating to schools.
The way of democracy is the way of representative government. Edu-
cational leaders in long-term school planning must develop sound programs
if educational opportunities are to be continued for all youth on an un-
interrupted, thoroughly effective basis. Every school system and every state
should make authentic studies which reveal trends and needs of schools
and colleges for the quarter-century ahead.
Today we have critical problems throughout the country in obtaining
trained teachers and adequate school buildings to meet even the minimum
need. Increases in the nation's population bring resulting demands for broad-
ened educational services. Only by mobilizing all of our educational resources
under skilled and enlightened leaders and by establishing sound working
relationships with the people and the legislative representatives of the
commonwealth can laws be enacted which will guarantee to every child
his democratic birthright of free and equal educational opportunity.
Our unsolved problems in education, as well as in other branches of
American life, are many. An organized and unified front, based upon
principles which are fair and equitable, is our only method of achievement.
The pioneer faced the frontier wilds of the Appalachians and the Missouri
Valley and the Far West with determination and vision. The frontier of
American democracy in the institution of the free public school demands
equally courageous men and women for its leadership. Those of us who are
in such positions can make no compromises where the welfare of our children
and our free society is at stake.
The battle lines must be drawn and our fight waged relentlessly against
those interests and ways of life counter to democratic rights and privileges.
The board of strategy which draws and carries forward to reality a legis-


lative or a community program for the permanent betterment of schools
is more important to the strengthening of democracy than is the board
of strategy in a military campaign. Our sword is truth. Our power is in-
terpretation. Our education is for universal and enduring peace and freedom
of all peoples.
Democracy exists in the minds and actions of free men and women, and
their contributions are transmitted to succeeding generations and to the
basic institutions of their society. The true leader is a giver, not a receiver;
he looks forward, not backward; he is a man of ideals and principles and
convictions; he is guided by intelligence and reason.
It is well to remember the truly spoken words of Joaquin Miller in his
poem "Peter Cooper" using a translation of an ancient Sanskrit:
"For all you can hold in your cold dead hand is what you have given
Thank you. [Applause]
AIR. CHOLET: Our program of entertainment, to which we have all
looked forward for many weeks, is about to begin.
[With Edward Arnold, motion picture actor, as master of ceremonies,
a program of entertainment featuring the Socony Male Chorus was pre-


Wednesday Morning, February 23

[At all three regional conventions the Wednesday General Session was
devoted to "Air-Age Education," H. B. Bruner, superintendent of schools,
Minneapolis, Minnesota, speaking to the topic "Education's Stake in
Aviation," and Gill Robb Wilson, aviation editor, New York Herald-
Tribune, discussing "At Home in One World." For text of Mr. Bruner's
address, ?ee page 95; Mr. Wilson's, page 105.]
[PAUL H. DEMAREE, principal and district superintendent, Anaheim
Union High School, Anaheim, California, as a member of the Association's
Planning Committee, presented an amendment to the constitution, on the
table from the Atlantic City Convention in 1948, raising life membership
dues from $100 to $200. The amendment was adopted by unanimous vote.
For text of the amendment, see page 94.]


rTI i/G



Dramatic Vesper Service

Suida)y Afternoon, February 27

The First General Session of the Mjidwestern Regional Convention of
the American Association of School Administrators convened in the Kiel
Auditorium, St. Louis, Mlissouri, on Sunday afternoon, AMarch 27, at
four o'clock, President JIillard E. Goslin, Superintendent of Schools,
Pasadena, California, presiding.

Pageant Presented by the St. Louis Board of Education through the
Students of the Public Elementary Schools, High Schools,
and Teachers Colleges

P RESIDENT GOSLIN: This presentation is developed and presented as a
religious service; therefore, will you carefully refrain from applause at
any point during the service. At the end of the service the curtains will
be drawn. Will you remain seated until after we have had the benediction.
The development of this presentation for the afternoon has involved the
participation of the elementary schools, the high schools, and the colleges
of the city of St. Louis. It has involved the cooperation of members of the
staff from all parts of the school system.
It is with some regret that I find that I cannot indicate to you many of
the individuals who have participated. However, there is one we know
you will want to see and hear. Dr. Florence Mary Fitch is an author of
great influence. Among her works are the books entitled One God and
Their Search for God. Many of the ideas for this afternoon's service have
been drawn from these books, and we want you to see Dr. Fitch and to
hear her for a moment.
FLORENCE MARY FITCH: Thank you, Mr. Goslin. I want only to ex-
press my appreciation and joy in being here this afternoon and my deep
sense of gratitude to those who with so much love and devotion have taken
the written word and made it, for all of us, a living thing. Thank you.
PRESIDENT GOSLIN: I hope each individual in this audience will catch
the significance of what is about to take place here. The public-school sys-
tem of a great American city, through the cooperation of its staff, its ele-
mentary, secondary, and college units, is gathered here this Sunday after-
noon to present illan's Search for God.
We will now see and hear Man's Search for God, as presented by the
St. Louis Public School System.
[Presentation of vesper service, Man's Search for God.]

[41 1


Sunday Evening, February 27

PRESIDENT GOSLIN: This is the second of a series of three great confer-
ences which this Association is holding across America this month and
next. We had a splendid week together in San Francisco, ending on Wednes-
day. I know you will agree with me that we had a magnificent beginning
this afternoon, with a program that was beautiful and powerful in all
regards. I hope that we can build onto that beginning during the next three
In trying to think through and arrange a program for this series of meet-
ings, we attempted to identify the relationship of education to at least
three of the great problems facing mankind today. We believe that one of
the responsibilities resting upon the shoulders of every man, woman, and
child in life is to try to contribute his bit toward moving our world to an
era of peace, and, believing that the fabric of that peace must be woven
by the people of the world with the constructive tools at their disposal, and
believing that education is in the forefront of those constructive forces at
the disposal of the people, we invite you to condition your thinking tonight
in the direction of the relationship and the contribution which education
can make to a world of peace.
In the succeeding days we shall ask you to consider the relationship of
education to the maintenance and extension of our freedom and democracy,
to the conservation of our resources, both human and natural, and then,
finally-so far as the general sessions are concerned-we will conclude with
an attempt to identify the relationship which you have with one of the
great transitions of our time, the Air Age.
Interspersed with these general sessions will be a series of discussion
groups to which all of us will find our way and in which hundreds of us
will have a direct part. We invite you to participate regularly with us
through to four o'clock on Wednesday afternoon. If you do that, we
believe that we will be able to repeat the enthusiasm and the spirit which
we were able to initiate in San Francisco a week ago.
I have been asked to remind you that after this general session you will
need your badge for entrance to general sessions. Marriage certificates won't
be necessary, but it would be desirable, because wives can enter on husbands'
badges, but only one wife to a customer. [Laughter]

One of the great privileges which I have had in life, and in this pro-
fession, was the opportunity to be superintendent of schools in the lovely
community of Webster Groves, Missouri, for a long period of years. I
guess I have never heard a better high-school choir any place in America.
When we were planning this program, we thought we would like to have
them sing for you. Their being here is a very special part of fIny home-


coming. I wish to present the A Cappella Choir of Webster Groves High
School, under the direction of Miss Esther Replogle. Their music will
help set the climate for our thinking about education and peace.

We are to be honored and encouraged by the presence of a distinguished
group of platform guests in the general sessions of this conference. Tonight
we have the chief school officials of this city, county, and state, the members
of the Executive and Resolutions Committees of the American Association
of School Administrators, the past presidents of the Association, the presi-
dents and secretaries of allied organizations who are working with us on
the problems of education, and members of the Educational Policies Com-
mission who are in attendance at this conference. I want to ask them to
rise. I know you will want to join me in extending our appreciation to
them. Will the group rise, please? [Applause]
\We have an additional group of guests tonight, and I should like to
identify them by name and ask them to stand as individuals and remain
standing until all have been introduced. These guests are from abroad, and
are here in America studying our educational program, our institutions,
our nation, and are with us in this conference for a few days.
I wish to introduce Dr. Hermann Schnell of Austria, Dr. Wilhelm
Zochling of Austria, Dr. Gertrude Betsch of Germany, Dr. Johanna
Lederer of Germany, Miss Elisabeth Winkelmann of Germany, Ernest
Huettl of Germany, Dr. V. Philipp Reinhardt of Germany, Dr. Suesskand
of Germany, Mr. Gerhardt WVienecke of Germany.
Will you join me in telling these people how much we appreciate their
being here? [Applause] I am very much encouraged that our foreign friends
could recognize my pronunciation of their names. [Laughter] I have trouble
enough with the Smiths and Jones and Baptists.


PRESIDENT GOSLIN: I think we have a very delightful experience ahead
of us in the next few minutes. I would like to tell you something about the
strength and ability of Henry Hill as a leader in American education. Even
more, I would like to tell you about him as a person, but I'm afraid we
must forego that. Henry Hill, president of George Peabody College, and
a past president of this Association, will now represent us and make a pre-
sentation to Harold A. Allan.
MIR. HILL: President Goslin, Distinguished Guests, Members of the
Association, Ladies and Gentlemen: I am going to ask Willard Goslin to


Harold A. Allan receives Honorary Life Member-
ship in AASA from Past President Henry H. Hill

escort our honor guest of the evening, Harold A. Allan, up to the rostrum
here, so I may present him with the Association's honorary life membership.
Harold A. Allan, whom the Association honors this evening, was for-
merly the assistant secretary in charge of business of the National Education
Association. He is a native of Maine, serving as deputy superintendent of
education before he came to the National Education Association in 1922,
where he has served with ability and devotion for twenty-six years.
After graduating from Bates College, he pursued graduate work at
Harvard. I must interpolate something here. That's what the script says,
but I've always thought those were "weasel" words-"pursued graduate
work." It doesn't say whether he caught it or not. [Laughter] In the
absence of any evidence to the contrary, I assume Mr. Allan caught up with
the graduate work and passed.
We of the American Association of School Administrators have known
Harold best at our winter meetings, where he has managed the exhibits
and the exhibitors, the spectators and even the superintendents with wisdom
and success, exhibiting in rare degree the sagacity of a son of Maine coupled
with the friendly camaraderie of an ante-bellum southern planter. That is
quite a combination.
He enjoys our professional respect, our friendly esteem, and has won our
top vote for storyteller. It isn't the right moment now, but sometime get


him to tell you his Salvation Army story. We salute him tonight as a
gentleman, a scholar, and, as someone else has put it, a man who combines
the finest qualities of both his Scotch ancestry and bourbon. [Laughter]
After fifty-two conventions, we invite you, Harold, to spend more time
on the golf course, to make more pars and lose fewer balls. There is no
evidence, however, that he has ever lost one yet.
We take a great deal of pleasure in presenting the honorary life member-
ship of our Association to a great battler in the cause of America's children
-Harold A. Allan. [Applause]
MR. ALLAN: President Goslin, and Henry: When you were small boys,
and I was in college, I think that in my freshman year I had one outstand-
ing ambition, and that was to win a letter. Finally, at the last of my junior
year, I was able to wear a garment with a big "B" on it. I thought it was
a personal achievement. But when I got back in the fall, I noticed what it
was-a lot of the boys had been wearing sweaters with big "B's" on them.
I thought the thing through. It wasn't a personal achievement, necessarily;
it was simply a matter of teamwork, and I was only one of the team.
I would like to accept this honorary membership in the American Asso-
ciation of School Administrators with that same feeling, of its being the
thrill of a lifetime that I had when I received my first varsity sweater, but
at the same time with the feeling that it is only an emblem of teamwork.
You, and scores of you in this audience and on the stage, and many who
are not here, and the girls back in the office-we have all been members
of the team. We have all done our best together to carry on with these
great meetings of the AASA and the old Department of Superintendence.
I thank you, and I assure you that I greatly appreciate the honor, and I
thank the executives of the AASA, through you, for it. [Applause]



Address Delivered at San Francisco and St. Louis

PRESIDENT GOSLIN: It was only a few years ago when Ellis Arnall
was described as the youngest governor of any state. Since then he has come
to be known for more than his youth. We doubt if another public official
in recent years has so clearly understood the relationship of the welfare of
public education and the welfare of America and its institutions and
ideals. Certainly, no American has stated them more clearly or stood up for
them more vigorously.
It is with more than a little pride, then, that we present Ellis Arnall,
former governor of Georgia, a distinguished young man, recently named as
president of the Society of Independent Motion Picture Producers, who
will speak to us on the subject, "What the People Want." I think you are
going to like this fellow. Ellis Arnall.


MR. ARNALL: President Willard E. Goslin, Ladies and Gentlemen of
the American Association of School Administrators, and Friends of Educa-
tion: I am delighted to be here with you this evening in St. Louis, at this
Regional Conference, which permits me to speak with you for a while about
some things that, in my judgment, need the attention today of all the
people in our great nation.
You may not agree with some of the observations I shall make this
evening. I speak merely as an individual. My remarks have no official back-
ground, but I shall undertake to bring to your attention some observations
and conclusions that require our considering. In a democracy it is not essen-
tial that we agree; the important thing is that we evaluate our ideas to the
end that we can generate the sparks of truth.
At the outset this evening, let's begin by thinking together for a few
minutes about something we all know and upon which we will agree, and
that is that we are living in a fast moving, rapidly changing, ever shrinking
world. We are living in a period of time fraught with problems and chal-
lenges, but the most interesting day and time in which to live since the
beginning of the world.
Were we tonight to take a history book and start on page 1, turning
each page in rapid succession, I am certain that we would agree that there
has never been a day as challenging or as interesting as this one in which
we find ourselves. Wherever we look, we see change. There is never a dull
moment. There is no chance today to become jaded or bored with living;
there is too much happening.
Especially do we see change in material things-speed, wherever we look.
You know, sometimes we who live in the South-the Deep South-are
referred to as being lethargic and slow-moving, and yet the other day I
boarded an airplane in Atlanta for Birmingham, a distance of 175 miles,
leaving Atlanta at 12 noon, and I arrived in Birmingham at 11:55 that
morning! [Laughter] There is speed wherever you look.
I.am told by some of my scientist friends that they have now perfected a
device that you carry in your pocket, and, without the aid of any sending
instrument, you can hear any conversation that goes on within a radius of
three miles around. Now, with that device, if it becomes commonplace, I
suggest that we're going to change our way of living in this fast-moving
world. [Laughter] Changes, wherever you look.
As a matter of fact, we are hard put to keep up with just what is
transpiring. We tune in our radio, we seize the next edition of our news-
paper. We read where some event has transpired somewhere that is going
to affect all this civilized world. All of this has a battering effect on your
life, and on mine. We are trying so hard to keep up with what is transpiring
that we have little opportunity to reflect upon those things that happened
yesterday and yesteryear.
Do we forget tonight-here at this meeting of school administrators
from the central region of our nation-that not many months ago, not
many years ago, your nation and mine, this great, common country that
we love, was geared in an all-out effort to win a war? Some of you listening


to me speak tonight were among those who proudly wore the uniform of
our country, offering your bodies as living shields for our liberties. Do we
forget tonight that not many months ago, not many years ago, some 300,000
young Americans of every race, color, and creed, from every state and
every section of this common country of ours, had one thing in common-
a common rendezvous with death?
I like to believe that each and every one of us has thought that somehow,
by the reason of the giving up of life itself, that which he held dear, he
was making a contribution toward the idea of a better world, a braver
world; yes, a peaceful world, the world we want.
I finished the governorship of my state two years ago under rather un-
usual circumstances. [Laughter]
It was my privilege to start out on a journey over this country of ours,
to which I have devoted one week each month. It has carried me into each
state of this nation, and it has permitted me to speak to groups in all walks
of life, people of all shades of opinion, and everywhere I go, I know that
the people want peace; and because they do want peace, we are concerned,
we are apprehensive, we are fearful.
Time will not permit tonight for me to delineate the shades of opinion,
interesting as they were, which I encountered on this journey. We do not
agree in what we want. Our ambitions, our aspirations, our problems are
the same, but among our people we do at times differ on what approach,
what technic, what device, what program shall be adopted in attaining
that which we want.
There are those in your country and mine, for example, who still have
within their thinking something of a trace of isolationism, but surely we
know today that we do live in one world. WVe have always lived in one
world, irrespective of how that world moves. We live in one world, not
because man has conquered over time and distance and subjugated the air,
but we live in one world simply because humankind is the same everywhere,
and nowhere in this entire world can some men be free until everywhere
all men are free.
Isolationism will not solve the problems of peace, nor does the atomic
bomb, that marvel of science that baffles the imagination, hold within it
the key to the problem of perpetual peace. Let us know that peace cannot
be predicated on fear.
Still another school of thought, another segment of opinion, is the one
that subscribes to the idea that we must convert our democracy into a
military republic, barricading our shorelines, arming to the teeth, placing
in charge of civilian affairs only professional soldiers. Surely, you know
and I know that it is necessary that we maintain an adequate military
establishment, but just as peace cannot be predicated on fear, neither can
peace he predicated on force.
Others in your country and mine believe that the day must come in this
world when we will substitute logic and debate and reason for force and
conflict-that the United Nations organization, with all its inherent weak-
nesses, its ineffectuality, does offer a pattern or plan upon which, with


patience and forbearance, we can build, giving to that agency greater
degrees of sovereignty until it practically measures up to our fondest ex-
Tonight I tell you school administrators and friends of education that I,
as one American, know that we can have peace through a program of work-
ing with other nations, with all of the obstacles demonstrated there, because
I recognize that a nation is not an entity on the map that may be colored
red, orange, green, or yellow-a nation is nothing more or less than an
aggregate, a composite of all the people whose nation it is. When we
speak of a nation's attitude, a nation's desire, a nation's ambitions, a nation's
program, in common parlance we speak of the attitude of the people whose
nation that may be.
Likewise, every government is, to a greater or less degree, representa-
tive of the people, be that government bad, good, or indifferent. Govern-
ments and nations in this world are not inanimate objects. They pulsate
with human blood.
So, in our quest for peace, this security that the people want, we end
where we knew we must end. We end with the human equation, the
human element, the human ingredient, the hearts and minds of men.
A man left his office when night came and was on his way home. He
stopped in the corner drugstore to buy an evening paper. Seeing a jigsaw
puzzle there, he bought a puzzle, remembering his young son, Johnnie,
aged seven.
When he arrived home, he was greeted by his wife. Little Johnnie,
seeing the evening paper under his arm, said, "Daddy, read me the funnies."
The father said, "Johnnie, I'm tired; you go off and play." But Johnnie
said, "Daddy, read me the funnies." Well, of course, if you had a seven-
year-old son like Mrs. Arnall and I, you would know how very persistent
they can be when they say, "Daddy, read me the funnies."
Then the father recalled the jigsaw puzzle. "Johnnie," he said, "I brought
you a puzzle. You sit here in the living room and put it together, and
when you have it all put together, I'll be back and read the paper."
The little fellow went to work, and the father settled in his easy chair
to read what had happened throughout the world that day. It seems he
had scarcely read the headlines when Johnnie said, "Daddy, I put the
puzzle together."
His father asked him, "How did you do it so soon?" He said, "That
was an intricate puzzle, with a picture of all the world on it; how did
you do it?"
Johnnie said: "Daddy, I'll tell you. I got to looking at the puzzle.
I saw on one side a picture of the world. Well, I don't know much about
that, but on the other side there was a picture of a man. I put it here on
this glass-topped table and looked up, and put the man together, and then
the world was all right."
Oh, my friends, in this day of cynicism and over-wisdom, when we know
the answer to all the problems except pressing problems, it is high time
that we recognize that if we are to have the peace the people want, the


attitudes, the hearts, the minds, and the heads must he brought into con-
formance with the attitude of peace.
It is increasingly obvious to you and me that it is impossible to segregate
or separate international policies from our domestic affairs, because your
nation and mine, which is great and strong and powerful, is being called
upon to assist in the rehabilitation of a war-devastated world. Through
ECA, the Marshall Plan', and other programs, we are measuring up to
that responsibility. We recognize not only that such an approach to inter-
national affairs is one of humanitarianism but that if the world collapses,
we collapse with it.
I am glad that your nation and mine recognizes its responsibility and
is speaking out throughout the world for justice, righteousness, and good-
will, but tonight I wish to tell you that the person who molds the hearts,
the lives, the characters of the boys and girls-our citizens of tomorrow-
that while we speak out for righteousness and justice and goodwill, for
democracy throughout the world, we have got a job to do here at home in
strengthening democracy, making it more democratic, more vigorous in
truly installing justice and righteousness and goodwill at home. In a way,
we must get our own house in order if we are to effectively speak out.
Other nations, other peoples are quick to point out sham and hypocrisy if
they exist here.
Not many years ago a former Secretary of State of the United States,
whom I admired very greatly, spoke out before the United Nations for free
elections and votes. But while that great and good man was speaking out
for the right of people to vote, at the same time a third of the people in his
own state were denied the right to vote.
We decry a system of colonialism and imperialism. I decry a system
whereby voters, for example, who live in the South, are required to pay
39 percent more to ship the same merchandise the same distance, with the
same weight, than those who live in the imperial domain that sometimes
we refer to as the East.
What I'm trying to say is, "Let's get our own house in order," and that
is where you and I fit into this program. Each of us can, within the limits
of our own influence, work to strengthen democracy, work for goodwill,
for righteousness and justice in human relations.
In this travel over the nation I found that, next to peace-next to the
security that the people want, next to opportunity and freedom-they feel
that it is essential that in a democracy we have an educated citizen. The
people want a program of education that will be both realistic and demo-
cratic. They want good schools, and feel that federal assistance through
an equalization fund to economically depressed areas of the nation is
essential to our welfare. I find the people are concerned when they know
that in our great and powerful nation we spend only 1.5 percent of our
national income for the education of our youth.
Much progress has been made in recent years. I am familiar with no city
school system, or independent school system, or county system that has
not made greater effort for the cause of education. Congratulations, it


seems to me, are in order to you men and women, to the National Education
Association, to the agencies within the rank and file of the educational
forces that have fought assiduously for education, adequate education, for
our people.
Well, what do the people want from education? The answer is the
same all over the United States. They want the schools and colleges to
provide what the young people need in today's world. We need decently
paid, decently treated teachers and administrators in our public-school
Until decentralization shall be adjusted to the economy of our country,
it is imperative that the federal government recognize that every American,
irrespective of where he or she may live, is entitled to adequate educational
facilities. We need a realistically devised educational program.
The war demonstrated the need for technological and vocational skills,
but still we must realize that we must have a high degree of academic
education, and the curricula in our schools must be adjusted so that we
may turn out into today's world men and women fitted to cope with the
conditions that they find. We face the danger in our school system of
training too many experts, whose general knowledge is too limited to make
them effective as citizens. Lawyers unschooled in semantics and history,
atomic energy scientists untrained in politics, and engineers unschooled in
economics hold a menace for the democracy of the future, for our demo-
cratic idea requires an intelligent and informed citizenry to be effective,
individual intelligence adequate to make decisions in a democracy.
We believe that the people know best, but it is the responsibility of our
society to see that education is unlimited to those who desire extra education.
The people I have met recognize that we ought to develop fully the human
resources in our democracy. We must also insist on health education; we
must deal realistically and intelligently with the problem of health on the
one hand and disease on the other in our democracy.
Do I astound you tonight when I tell you that I have found many
counties in many states in which there is not a single doctor or nurse or
dentist or clinic or hospital? Are you surprised when I tell you that I know
one state in which thirty-two towns do not have within them a single
dentist? Do you recognize that today-not tomorrow-we need 67,000
more doctors in America?
Oh, we talk about this program or that program, but I want to say that
I care not what program is adopted, I care not what you may call it-
whether you call it socialized medicine or whether you adopt the program
of the AMA-the need in your country and mine is not necessarily a
program in the health field; the need is for medical men, medical women,
in hospitals and clinics. That is very necessary.
We need a program of expansion for our medical colleges. We see
deserving young Americans who have completed premedical education
denied the right to enter a medical college because in your country and mine
we have not kept step in expanding our medical facilities and educational
establishments with the needs of our people.


Health and education are essential if we are to make this democracy
the dynamic and challenging way of life and system which it can become.
Next to health and education, I found throughout this country that the
people want freedom. Yes, perhaps they value freedom ahead of all other
activities next to peace itself, and they recognize that political freedom is not
enough in a democracy, but it also means the freedom of opportunity for a
man or woman to enter' the economic world free from monopoly and
cartels and combines, to make of themselves what they will as the American
tradition and as the American heritage.
To that end the people recognize the menace of a monopoly to our
system of competitive free enterprise. The people want anti-trust laws
enforced; they want cartels and combines, monopolies and conspiracies
uprooted. You know and I know that your son and my son are entitled, in
this land-having education and health-to compete in business. That is the
American tradition. The people want that tradition continued.
And then, in your country and mine, the people know that government
must ever remain responsive to their will and their welfare. The people
know that while they gave their government many rights, they never gave
the government the right to remain static or to do nothing.
The people know that much of the talk about states rights is merely an
expression whereby those who use that battlecry mean that they want
nothing done. I believe in states rights. You believe in states rights. But
every state right must be measured by state responsibility.
States can become useful units of government. Local government can
carry out functions near to the people, but federal government has a re-
sponsibility-I hope it is not amiss of me to make this reference to our
federal government tonight. I like the federal government. IMy kid brother
wore the uniform of this country. My neighbor's boy died for it. I want
to say that-as bad as the critics have tried to lead us to believe it is-it is
the finest government in the world today. [Applause]
The people want an end to the preaching of racial and religious hate in
this country. While they suspect some minorities of unjustified sensitiveness,
they are weary of their failure to adjust their problems upon the American
pattern of freedom. The people want no special privileges for either
minorities or majorities. In a democracy the only majority and the only
minority we recognize are transitory belligerent majorities and minorities.
The people want sectionalism eradicated. Everywhere I go in America
on this journey, I find evidence that the people want one common country,
with opportunity for every citizen in every section, with justice for all,
with security for all, and with freedom to do, freedom to think, freedom to
speak-yes, and freedom to dream.
I know that the people of America won't go far in the ways of com-
munism, totalitarianism, or authoritarianism-call it what you will. I
know and you know that God so made the American people that we will
never permit any one to tell us what to do. While communism, in certain
lands, may appeal to those who have been brought up to respect a system of
authoritarianism, I found in this journey over America that, other than a


few "crackpots" on the one hand and a few quislings on the other, com-
munism has no appeal to the people.
The danger to our country that the people recognize is not from com-
munism. The danger is that we will, through our lethargy and apathy, fail
to make our democracy the vital, living thing that it deserves to be.
Democracy is not a lazy man's way of government or of life. You have
got to work at it, and the people know that there is nothing wrong in the
world that a good dose of democracy won't cure.
We want our free choice. We know the Constitution guarantees life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That happiness may ever elude us,
and may ever deceive us, but it still remains for every man the full measure
of his freedom.
Mrs. Arnall enjoys French pastry very much, and whenever we dine
at a restaurant, hotel, or club where they serve it, she always orders it.
She never orders any particular kind. In each instance she insists that the
waiter bring in a tray. She likes to look at each of those pastries very care-
fully, meticulously, very painstakingly, trying to make up her mind which
one to take. Sometimes I am embarrassed because it takes her so long to
come to that decision. But after she has looked a long while, she always
ends up by ordering a chocolate eclair.
Now, if I ordered her a chocolate eclair, she wouldn't eat it. What
chance has communism got in a country like that? [Laughter]
We can have peace if we make it our concern, if we gear our faith to an
old fashioned belief in the efficacy of work. This auditorium in which we
have met tonight, every home in this city, every church, every school, stands
as a tribute to men and women who had faith in the future. I tell you that
in spite of what some of the radio commentators might try to lead you to
believe, in spite of what some of the columnists might write, in spite of the
messages of some of the prophets of doom, this old world will be here for
a long, long while, and we can make it as pretty as a garden instead of the
burned-out cinder that it could become.
Everywhere I went in America, I found evidence that our people want
this common country of ours to have opportunity for every citizen in every
section, with justice for all, with security for all, and with freedom to do
what we will to make our own dreams and live our own lives. They want
to make their own dreams as different as they please from those dreamed
by their neighbors.
I tell you tonight it is no impossible situation, unattainable and unreal.
It is a situation that is as durable as the granite of Vermont, as real as the
golden valley of California, as commonplace as the courthouse square in
Union, my home town, as imaginatively bold as Manhattan's towers. It
is a changeless vision, a vision that their fathers and mothers before them
saw as they wandered across the continent, clearing the forest, breaking
the prairies with their plows from dawn to night. Not only they believed in
the fact that freedom could be maintained and made complete, but they
believed that they could have a free America in a free world.
Our people do not believe that democracy must go on the defensive, must


contract its orbit, must make compromises. Let us then know, as the
people know, that democracy is not an outgrown dream. It is a practical
way of life. It is a way of life that Americans chose voluntarily; there is no
reason why we should retreat from it; there is every reason why we should
encourage it, not only here but elsewhere as well.
So I tell you tonight that a democratic world will be a world of peace.
Free men do not seek to enslave their fellows. They are too occupied by
their conquests of the twin worlds of things and thoughts to desire other
The idea, then, of brotherhood among men, is not to be cast aside. It
is forgotten only by those who have forgotten that man is the miracle of
the universe and that the earth is distinguishable from the other planets
circling throughout the atmosphere by the fact that the earth, our earth,
is the home of humankind.
Yes, we can have peace. WVe can attain the goals we want, if we have
faith, and if we know that the only limitation on our realization of the
problem is the limitation that we impose today. In this question of freedom
and happiness, tranquility and peace, it is essential that education blaze the
trail and hold high the torch to light the way. It will measure up to that
responsibility. [Applause]
PRESIDENT GOSLIN: This is a splendid audience for the first day of our
conference. There will be a great program this year.
We will begin with organ music at nine o'clock in the morning, and
we'll expect you. Good night.


Monday Morning, February 28


p RESIDENT GOSLIN: School men and women all over America look
forward to the remarkable exhibits which are held in connection with
meetings of this Association. I know we have an excellent one here which
has been arranged for this conference in St. Louis. I wish to present at
this time Bert Cholet, assistant vicepresident of the Higgins Company, and
president of the Associated Exhibitors of the National Education Associ-
ation. Bert!
MR. CHOLET: Thank you, President Goslin.
Members of the Executive Committee, Honored Guests, Ladies and
Gentlemen: The warm welcome which the Associated Exhibitors always
receive from the American Association of School Administrators is returned
with interest. A convention such as this thrives and increases only when



A section of the St. Louis exhibit

those who attend are mutually cordial, seek to contribute together to the
fabric of our economic system, and profit by their experiences here.
This convention is always an opportunity for us businessmen to learn
more about the business of education. Some of the taxes derived from the
productivity of our great nation are used for more education. More edu-
cation is a vital necessity to expand that productivity and to pay more
taxes to support more education. We are at a loss to know which comes
first or which is of greater import.
You may be assured that we businessmen in the educational field are
always striving to expand the field of education. We might be accused of
having a selfish motive, but the right answer to that is, "Of course we have;
that is part of our expanding American economy."
We constantly stress that American education and American prosperity
complement each other and move forward together.
There are many active trade organizations of concerns doing business in
the educational field, and you may know of our efforts. I refer to the
Associated Exhibitors and also to associations striving to increase the lot of
education such as the National School Service Institute, the Related Arts
Service, and numerous others.
In these times we are sometimes confronted with attacks on American
business, most of which emanate from the "cabbage soup and black bread"
countries. Advertising is always a favorite subject of attack, both by those
who would destroy our system and many so-called intellectuals who will
write a book or an article on anything as long as they are paid for it.
I remember discussing the best seller The Hucksters. As an advertising


man I was disappointed in its publication, because I knew the picture which
it painted of the total field of advertising was so unfair, and then I realized
that in the words, "the total field of advertising," lay the solution to all
derogatory remarks and articles which attack phases of American life.
When faced with a subtle suggestion or an outright criticism of a flaw in
any phase of our American business life, I urge you to look at the com-
plete picture. You'll decide-as I decided-that The Hucksters is to the
total field of advertising what Forever Amber is to the total field of woman-
hood, if you get what I mean, and I'm positive that you do. You will find
that parallel is true of all criticisms of the various factors of American
business when viewed in comparison with the entire field.
You educators and we businessmen are naturally very proud of our
interdependent American economy, which is the most perfect the world
has produced to date. Constructive suggestions for improvement by our
own people, with honest intent, are always desirable. The exhibits are an
opportunity and, in fact, an obligation for the interchange of ideas. This
great convention hall in which we meet in complete cordiality, under-
standing, and mutual helpfulness is the embodiment of our American success
and we are beholden to no one or nothing for it with the exception of our-
selves and our American initiative.
I am most happy to announce that each of the three exhibits are sell-outs,
and that in Philadelphia over fifty exhibitors had to be turned away for
lack of space. In St. Louis you have the opportunity to make personal
contacts with 235 different exhibitors, some of whom have eight and ten
spaces. There is an enormous personnel represented and a positively gigantic
investment and numerous products for you to examine.
Now it is my pleasure to extend to you, on behalf of the Associated
Exhibitors, an invitation to attend the entertainment which we have ar-
ranged in your honor on Tuesday evening, at 8:30 p.m. in this same
auditorium. We recommend that you be in your seats by 8:30 sharp. WVe
shall be greatly pleased to have you as our guests and we are extremely
proud to announce as entertainers the glorious combination of Sigmund
Romberg and Jarmila Novotna. If you do not happen to hold a reserved
seat ticket-of which there can never be enough-please remember that
the Associated Exhibitors always provide seats for all on presentation of
your badge or membership card in the AASA or NEA. We sincerely
look forward to welcoming you. Thank you. [Applause]
PRESIDENT GOSLIN: Before Bert Cholet gets out of the wings, I want
to take advantage of this opportunity to express particular appreciation to
him and to his associates among the exhibitors for the added expense and
hard work which they have gone to this year in cooperation with this Asso-
ciation and its officers in arranging the exhibits in three different regional
meetings. We had a splendid exhibit in San Francisco last week. If you had
a chance to get a glimpse at this one, you'll know it is comparable in every
way to the national exhibits we have had. A very promising one is arranged
for Philadelphia. WVe are indeed appreciative to these men and their organi-
zations for that kind of cooperation.


PRESIDENT GOSLIN: The American Association of School Administra-
tors has published twenty-seven yearbooks. The last one is on American
school buildings. It comes to us at an opportune time. It promises to be one
of the best in the series.
Now, I don't think that this organization will ever get into the business
of issuing "white papers," but I predict that this yearbook will become
known as the "white book." If you haven't seen the book, you'll know
why after you see it and after I make this introduction.
This fellow has more aliases than anybody I know in this business. Some
folks call him "Warren," some folks call him "Travis," some folks call
him "W. T.," and every superintendent of schools here knows that on
occasion he is called other things. I want to introduce Warren Travis-
"W. T."-White, superintendent of schools, Dallas, Texas, and chairman
of the 1949 Yearbook Commission, who will tell us about the yearbook.
MR. WHITE: President Goslin, and My Friends: I think that President
Truman has used a descriptive epithet that any superintendent can under-
stand. [Laughter]
In 1947 President Henry Hill of the American Association of School
Administrators asked the commission, which he appointed as the Yearbook
Commission, to present a book on school buildings, equipment, and school
They were a grand bunch and their willingness to work many hours, in
and out of meeting, enabled the Commission to produce the white book
that President Goslin mentioned a moment ago.
Only two of the members are here this morning, but I'd like to recognize
them. W. D. McClurkin of Peabody College. Dean, where are you? Will
you stand up, please? [Applause]
And Paul Seagers, Indiana University, who is sitting over there too.
The other members couldn't be here.
As consultant we had Dr. Hazel Davis of the Research Division of the
NEA, and as our manager, housekeeper, good provider, and general as-
sistant, Worth McClure.
We hope that this book will be useful to administrators, school boards,
and architects. I believe it will. It is written in nontechnical language, and
we have tried to make it so that it will be useful not only today but in
the years ahead, keeping it somewhat general but sufficiently specific that
we would all know what we are trying to achieve.
President Goslin, it is my very great pleasure to present this yearbook
to you as the President of the American Association of School Adminis-
trators. [Applause]
PRESIDENT GOSLIN: I still think that it will come to be known as the
"white book." Thanks to you, Warren White, and your commission for a


very excellent job. The Association and the American people are indebted
to you for your help in connection with the development of the right kind
of school buildings for the children of America.


PRESIDENT GOSLIN: As I indicated last night, we have the encourage-
ment during this series of meetings of a distinguished and significant series
of platform guests. I should like to attempt to recognize the contributions
which the associates of certain groups here this morning are rendering to
America and to its school system through the presentation of these indi-
We have here this morning representatives of the National Congress
of Parents and Teachers at both the national and state levels. I want first
to introduce the national president of the organization, and then ask her
state presidents to stand with her, and then ask you to join with me in our
appreciation as teachers and school men and women in America for the
magnificent work which is being done for American children and youth by
the more than five million members of the National Congress of Parents
and Teachers.
Mrs. L. WV. Hughes of Tennessee, the national president. Mrs. Hughes,
will you stand, please. And now will the state presidents who are here
with us and with Mirs. Hughes please stand in order that we may recognize
this great organization and its work. [Applause]
Thank you so much, Mrs. Hughes.
Now, I have sometimes said-after a good many years in this business-
that it is a little hard to tell why anyone would be willing to be a school
board member in America. They are apt to get a steady stream of criticism
and complaints, punctuated only rarely with some commendation for the
contributions which they make to America and its school system.
On the other hand, when one looks around an American community to
try to identify an area of civic responsibility, an avenue through which an
individual can contribute the most to the welfare of his community, his
state, and his nation, I doubt if there can be identified in America an oppor-
tunity for service that outranks the opportunity for laymen to serve as
members of boards of education in this country as we are constituted at the
present time.
1 want to introduce first J. Paul Elliott of the Los Angeles Board of
Education, who has just been elected president of the National School
Boards Association within the last few days in this city. Mr. Elliott, will
you stand. [Applause]
And then will the other national and state representatives of the School
Board Association stand with Mr. Elliott, so that we, as school men and
women, may pay our appreciation to them for the services which they
render to American education. [Applause]
l'm a little confused, and I'm not quite sure whether I'm all the way
around on the guests this morning. Mabel Studebaker is to be introduced


in a few minutes. If there are other officers of the National Education
Association on the platform, will they stand with Miss Studebaker at the
present time so that we may address our appreciation to the officers of the
National Education Association, who serve all of us, including the members
of this department. [Applause]
Now I want to take advantage of the opportunity to introduce three
individuals from Missouri and, through their introduction, to call attention
to the very generous invitation which is extended to all of us to partici-
pate in the "Hospitality Hour" in the Gold Room of the Jefferson Hotel
from four to six this afternoon. We are to be the guests of the Missouri
State Teachers Association and the Missouri Association of School Admin-
I would like to ask L. G. Townsend to stand first, as president of the
Missouri State Teachers Association, and I will ask Everett Keith, execu-
tive secretary of the association, to stand with him.
Then I would like to ask Frank Heagerty to stand, who is the president
of the Missouri Association of School Administrators.
These men and their associates in the two organizations will be our hosts
this afternoon. I know that you will want to say thanks to them, but if you
would like to express your appreciation now- [Applause]
Is there anyone who wants to be introduced who hasn't been introduced
yet? [Laughter] Hearing no one, we shall proceed.
I think there is a lesson for all of us in the personnel assembled on this
stage at the present time. WVe are here as parents, as school board members,
as representatives of great religions, as teachers, as members of the National
Education Association, as superintendents of schools, as members of the
American Association of School Administrators, and the heads of great
universities, all interested in democracy and education. We turn to one
of our number to tell what American school teachers are doing for


PRESIDENT GOSLIN: Mabel Studebaker is a high-school teacher in Erie,
Pennsylvania. By virtue of the fact that she lives in a free nation, in view
of the fact that she has served the children and youth of this country, in view
of the fact that she has worked for and stood for the welfare of teachers
in her community, in her state, in her nation; in view of the fact that
she has worked for the welfare of public education and has understood
its relationship to the welfare of our scheme of things, Mabel Studebaker
is president of the greatest organization of teachers of all time, and is there-
fore, I think, particularly well qualified to represent us in our interests in
education and to tell us what the schools of America are doing for them.
Mabel Studebaker! [Applause]


Miss STUDEBAKER: President Goslin, Honored Guests, Members of
the American Association of School Administrators: It is thrilling to think
that all over this country people are stopping to evaluate, to measure,
and see how we can do a better job in the education of young people.
We realize that they are the ones who will really be solving problems
in the next few years, and how they do it today may influence very definitely
how they will do it tomorrow.
Whenever teachers and administrators gather together in a session such
as this, discussion inevitably turns to one or another of the host of urgent
problems they must solve together-the influx of new students, construction
needs, finances and tax loads, the shortage of qualified teachers, desirable
programs of teacher preparation, effective inservice training plans. I could
name many more such problems; you are all well acquainted with them.
But when we meet, we also spend some time looking beyond the individual
and immediate concerns with which we are faced from day to day. We look
to the over-all purpose of education. We ask ourselves: Are we meeting
the needs of American youth ? And that question, of course, immediately
suggests another one: What are the needs of American youth ?
It is not my intention to explore all the needs of our youth. Instead,
let me limit myself to a single vitally important area-the need to develop
responsible, democratic citizenship. What is the teacher's job in civic
We usually state teaching jobs in terms of objectives. We should have
relatively little difficulty in agreeing on the objectives of civic education
in America. I think there is general acceptance of these four goals of civic
education as drawn up by the Educational Policies Commission in 1944:
First, all youth need to understand the rights and duties of the citizen
of a democratic society, and to be diligent and competent in the performance
of their obligations as members of the community and citizens of the state
and nation.
Second, all youth need to understand the significance of the family for
the individual and society, and the conditions conducive to successful
family life.
Third, all youth need to develop respect for other persons, to grow in
their insight into ethical values and principles, and to be able to live and
work cooperatively with others.
Finally, all youth need to grow in their ability to think rationally, to ex-
press their thoughts clearly, and to read and listen with understanding.
We shall find it relatively easy, too, to agree upon the evidences of civic
competence in American life. The degree of success in attaining our
objectives is expressed in terms of civic attitudes and behavior. The long-
term civic health of the United States is the final criterion against which
to measure the civic work of the schools.
For example, we can say that the extent to which qualified voters partici-
pate in ordinary elections is one measure of the effectiveness of our program
of civic education. Other evidences might include:
-the incidence of juvenile delinquency and adult crime


-the regularity with which taxes are paid, even though protested
-the degree of support given to schools and education
-the extent of intelligent use of our public libraries, our institutes, parks,
and other public facilities
-the degree of support given to such organizations as the Red Cross,
Community Chest, and to the many other organizations, both public
and private, that seek to promote human welfare at home and abroad
-the degree of active concern in public affairs, in our local communities,
in our states, and throughout our nation.
Many other evidences of civic competence might be listed, but these are
enough to indicate the type of criteria we use to evaluate civic behavior.
So far, we have been considering the things on which there is fairly
general agreement among educators-the main objectives of civic education,
and a few of the measuring-sticks against which the effectiveness of civic
education is determined.
But it is in the area of method that disagreement arises among us.
How should the classroom teacher seek to promote democratic efficiency-
through what procedures can he develop in students a humanitarian spirit,
attitudes of tolerance and respect toward other people and nations, a sense
of personal responsibility for public affairs, the ability to think and act
rationally? In other words, how can he help to improve the national score
on each of the evidences of civic competence that we listed a moment ago?
The methods that can be employed by the classroom teacher are largely
determined by the kind of school in which he teaches. For sake of clarity,
let me describe briefly three typical kinds of American schools:
First, there is the routine school, most of whose procedures are determined
by tradition. Things are taught because they always have been taught;
things are not done because they are "just not done." This school proceeds
on the assumption that an old custom is necessarily a good one. This school,
like all others, wants to develop good citizens, but it argues that the best way
to achieve the goal is to follow long-established traditions.
In this school, the classroom teacher has no problems of method; all prob-
lems of procedure were solved for him long ago.
Second, there is the imitative school, which is determined to depart from
routine and to discard tradition. It looks to other schools that have broken
away from traditional procedures, and tries to adopt as many as possible of
the newer practices. Because it is imitative, it may make changes without
really understanding why it is doing so-there may be little attempt made
to adapt procedures to local community conditions or needs.
The teacher in the imitative school, unless he is an exceptionally strong
one, may find himself constantly swept into shifting, apparently purposeless,
methods of teaching. He adopts different methods, not because experience
has proved them to be productive of desirable outcomes, but because they are
new and it is fashionable to use them. In this type of school, students,
teachers, and administrators are frequently confused. Having lost sight of
their goals, they wander blindly, although they may assure themselves con-
stantly and loudly that they are on the one sure road to effective democracy.


Third, there is the constructive school. This school, like the imitative type,
has discarded many of the older traditions of education. But there is this
vast difference between the two: The constructive school knows why it
is discarding parts of the traditional curriculum and some of the traditional
methods. The constructive school operates on the standard of experimental
success. It tries new methods because it feels that they may more readily
help to achieve educational goals. If certain experimental procedures do not
prove to be successful, they are not generally applied.
The constructive school has a clear grasp of the goals of democratic edu-
cation-it retains a sense of direction. It does not adopt a new procedure
merely because others have done so; nor does it drop traditional procedures
just because they are old.
In the constructive school, and the number of them is increasing, there
is room for the imaginative, creative teacher. Teachers, administrators, and
students work together in the development and administration of a curricu-
lum that is intended to meet local community needs, but, at the same time,
to prepare students for the broader responsibilities imposed by national
citizenship and life in the world at large.
What are some of the methods being used by constructively experimental
schools to develop civic competency?
One of the methods encourages students to do more than learn the correct
answers. On the contrary, it stops short of teaching correct answers to civic
problems. Instead, it teaches students, first, to seek solutions to problems
through independent and group research; second, it teaches students to form
independent but tentative judgments on the basis of the evidence they have
at hand ; and third, it teaches students to assume the personal responsibilities
dictated by the conclusions they reach.
Definite action on a problem under discussion may be the result of the
assumption of responsibility by students. Let me cite an example. In the
weeks prior to the national elections of last November, the social studies
classes in the high school of a Midwestern city had devoted a good deal
of time to consideration of the right and obligation of voting.
The student council organization of that school decided that this was a
problem about which they should do something. The council accordingly
launched into a doorbell-ringing campaign to induce qualified citizens of
the community to register and vote. They enlisted the support of other
influential community agencies in behalf of their campaign. Throughout
this entire experience, the students of that high school were doing more than
learning about civic competence; they were practicing civic competence.
Another method used by the constructive school to encourage the develop-
ment of civic competency at an early age encourages students to express
well-considered opinions. This emphasis in teaching is based on the assump-
tion that what students think (I mean really think, not just guess or im-
provise) can and should help to determine local, state, and national policy.
Expression of student opinion is looked upon as another means of shifting
the emphasis from thinking of the schooling years as preparation for citizen-
ship to thinking of the schooling years as participation in citizenship.


Expressions of student opinion may be addressed to the school dean or
principal, to the school board or other agents of the local community govern-
ment, to newspapers and radio, to state and national officials. By way of
example, again, let me quote from several letters written recently by junior
and senior high-school students. These letters offer samples of student
opinion on various national and international problems.
On the question of the voting age, an Oklahoma student has this to say:
"The voting age should be lowered to eighteen because the young people of
this country are fully capable of choosing the right candidates for office when
they reach this age. They are well informed on current affairs, and they are
interested in governmental problems."
A contrary opinion is expressed on the same question by a New York
student: "I do not think that eighteen-year-old people should be allowed
to vote. They lack the knowledge that comes only through experience. And
they lack the proper facts. They are also easily influenced by their environ-
ment, their families, and their friends. I do not say that all twenty-one-year-
old men and women are capable of voting wisely, but at least they have
matured enough to realize the importance of voting. They have seen a little
more of the world and can cast their ballots more intelligently than people
who are only eighteen."
Here are a few other comments from high-school students:
A student in Kansas writes: "I firmly believe that those who oppose letting
the Dean of Canterbury enter this country are showing a lack of confidence
in our democracy. We must take care to guard our country's security, but
we must also believe in our ability to hear all sides of a question without
being influenced by a wrong point of view."
From California comes this student letter: "If parents are interested
in their sons and daughters, they will not let them read things that harm
them. I think that comic books are an important cause of juvenile
From a student in Texas: "I think that the President should be made a
senator-at-large at the expiration of his term in the White House. If the
President is unable to accept this position, it should be offered to the Secre-
tary of State. The latter official is well acquainted with many of the impor-
tant issues, and could be very helpful to our national legislature."
Whether we all agree with these student conclusions is another question.
The point just now is the importance of developing the habit and the ability
to derive opinions from the evidence.
A good example of a schoolwide activity calculated to increase civic com-
petence is found in the report of the student secretary of the World Relations
Committee at McKinley High School in Honolulu. In her report, she
"The World Relations Committee of McKinley High School has under-
taken a project to help the needy people in Europe and Asia. We are helping
them by sending food and clothing to Europe through CARE.
"The money is collected on a voluntary basis in attendance rooms. So far,
we have sent through CARE $400 for food to orphanages in Greece and


Austria, and $400 through Church World Service to Japan, China, and
Korea. We have asked that this be used for food for children.
"A movie showing the conditions and needs of Europe, The Seeds of
Destiny, was also shown to the senior class by the World Relations Com-
mittee, and to others at a night showing sponsored by the senior class. Many
students had not realized the conditions of Europe until they saw this
picture. This project has met with enthusiasm from the students, and they
know that they are doing their part to help needy people."
A number of these activities, you may say, are successful because they
concern spectacular events and problems so packed with emotion that they
immediately challenge the interest of students. That is partly true. By what
methods, you might well ask, does the teacher in the constructive school
generate civic competency in the more humdrum aspects of civic life?
Well, for one thing, he brings a firsthand knowledge about local commu-
nity affairs to his classroom. A recent study completed at the University of
Nebraska shows that the successful teacher in problems of democracy classes
maintains active and close personal contacts with a number of civic groups
in his community. Because the teacher is a part of the community, he can
more readily vitalize its problems to make them more meaningful to students.
He can bring the civic affairs of the community into the classroom by
means of specific cases; through films, slides, and pictures; through student
committee contacts with various community agencies; he can occasionally
bring an alderman or some other public official or employee into the class-
room or school. He can take the class out into the community so that stu-
dents can see for themselves some of the things that they discuss in school.
Insofar as possible, the constructive teacher looks for concrete cases and
avoids trying to teach only by means of generalities or broad abstractions.
The number of examples that could be offered of constructively experi-
mental teaching aimed at producing civic competency is almost infinite. But
it is important that we stop at this point to ask why this type of teaching is
superior to that found in the routine and imitative schools. I think there
are three important reasons:
First, this type of teaching tends to avoid the dull, pedestrian now-you-
read-now-you-answer-a-question method of instruction.
Second, this type of teaching treats the student as an individual who
is capable of independent thought and worthwhile suggestions.
Third, this type of teaching affords the student opportunity for activity
in projects wherein he can see that his activity is likely to produce desirable
Coming back to the teacher again, I think it is apparent from the examples
cited that constructively experimental teaching places great demands upon
the teacher. In addition to those traits we commonly attribute to teachers,
unusual qualities of imagination, creativeness, tolerance, and restraint are
required. The last two qualities are particularly important to have when
one is dealing with children or teen-agers.
Sometimes teachers, in their zeal to instruct the young, become intolerant
of student suggestions and behavior that fall short of their own notions


about how the job should be done. Sometimes, too, teachers are tempted
to dictate procedures and answers to students. To be successful, the teacher
must tolerate some imperfections due to the immature judgments of students,
and must avoid giving the students the feeling that the teacher is running
the whole show. To achieve this delicate balance of restrained leadership
is not an easy task.
In summary, I should say that the teacher has a fourfold role in educating
students for democracy:
First, he must know where he is going-that is, he must know the ob-
jectives of sound democratic education.
Second, he must look for and help to promote evidences of civic compe-
tence among his students.
Third, he must do everything within his power to avoid the routine and
the imitative in education. And, in this area, he can use a lot of intelligent
assistance from school administrators.
Fourth, he must adopt constructively experimental methods, being careful
all the while not to substitute the method for the educational goal of civic
competence. [Applause]



PRESIDENT GOSLIN: Someone sent me nine typewritten pages of material
about James Conant. Now I think that, rather than try to tell you what was
on the nine pages, I'd rather relate just an incident and give you my own
observations about this man.
President Conant was walking down the street with an associate one day
in one of our American cities and passed a pet shop with an aquarium of
little turtles out in front. He stopped and toyed with these turtles while
his friend waited and then turned to his friend and said, "You know, I like
those little animals. The turtle is the only one I know of who gets places
by sticking his neck out." [Laughter] I think that is quite a characteristic
of the individual who is to speak to us this morning.
I think one of the most interesting things in the broad profession of edu-
cation-if he will permit this comment-has been to watch this man over
a period of a decade or more really discover American public education
and become, perhaps, its strongest and most able supporter in this country.
I doubt if you and I, as practicing superintendents and teachers in
America, are associated with another individual in this nation who has
more clearly understood-not only understood but gone and done something
about it with his own associates, with the others in the teaching profession,
and with the citizens of this country-American education and its relation-
ship to the maintenance of a free people. I doubt if any citizen in this
country outranks the president of Harvard University in that regard.
It is a real privilege for me personally, and as President of this Associa-


tion, to present Dr. James B. Conant, who will speak of "The Principle of
Equality." Dr. Conant.
DR. CONANT: President Goslin, Ladies and Gentlemen: I want to
express my appreciation for the opportunity of being here this morning.
After those kind introductory words of your President, it may seem
ungracious for me to challenge his accuracy as a raconteur; nevertheless,
I do so. I think the story about the pet shop is apocryphal, but, like many
myths, it has some basis. During the war one of the projects in the atomic
bomb field had as its motto, "Behold the turtle-he makes progress only
when hI' neck is out," and it is quite true that I have used that story on
apparently too many occasions. [Laughter]
On one of those occasions when I used it, a friend of mine in the audience
heard somebody say, "That's a good story for a college president to tell,
because, like the turtle, if he makes a mistake, he is likely to find himself
in the soup." [Laughter]
The title for my remarks this morning I have chosen from Alexis de
Tocqueville's Democracy in America. The author of the famous book of a
century ago stated in the introduction that, "In running over the pages of
our history, we shall scarcely find a single great event of the last seven
hundred years that has not promoted equality of condition." And picking
up the same thread a few paragraphs later he continues: "The gradual
development of the principle of equality is, therefore, a providential fact.
It has all the chief characteristics of such a fact: it is universal, it is lasting,
it constantly eludes all human interference, and all events as well as all men
contribute to its progress."
"The principle of equality"-this phrase has overtones political, economic,
social, and above all educational. It has been praised and damned, analyzed
and ridiculed by countless writers and speakers in the one hundred years
since de Tocqueville wrote. One can maintain that the system of American
public schools rests on the premises implied in these few words. If so, the vast
expansion of our public schools would lead to the conclusion that the princi-
ple of equality has been in recent years, as in the 1830's, a cardinal principle
of our national life. Yet one can maintain, though I should be the last to do
so, that the whole course of American domestic history since the Civil War
has been such as to negate this principle of equality. Between the two world
wars it became fashionable in certain academic circles not to quarrel with
the principle but to deny that the words in the order given had any meaning.
It was said that such vague notions as might be implied by a literal reading
were merely noble phrases devoid of content, or pious nonsense.
I propose this morning to examine very briefly the history of the principle
of equality in the last one hundred years. In so doing I shall confine my
attention to the United States. And since my time is short and your patience
limited, I need hardly say I cannot begin to do justice to the subject.
I take it that a speaker before a convention is entitled to the equivalent of
poetic license. That is to say, he may disclaim any idea of being judged by
the accuracy of his remarks; he only hopes that his gross oversimplification
of current fact or ancient history will be forgiven as a necessary consequence


of the American addiction to public meetings and the desire to hear the
spoken word. At all events, I am going to take great liberties with the
record of the past ten decades. And in so doing I shall pass more than one
value judgment. In particular, I shall deplore the lack of appeal to literate
Americans of the principle of equality in this century. I shall likewise regret
the overconcern of these same people with the philosophic presuppositions of
Marx and Engels. In so doing I do not doubt that some among you will
accuse me of being a nostalgic American radical of the Jeffersonian or
Jacksonian breed. And any Marxists in this audience will feel that the
validity of de Tocqueville's report of the embryonic United States evaporated
with the coming of the steam engine to this continent and the disappearance
of the frontier lands.
In quickly reviewing what has happened to the principle of equality since
the 1840's, one must put the impact of industrialism at the top of the list
of those powerful forces which have to a greater or less degree obscured
the American dream of the early nineteenth century. This is obvious.
De Tocqueville declared that he came to America to discover what democ-
racy was like when it developed without encumbrance from the past. He
came to see how the principle of equality was operating "in that land,"
where, to use his own words, "the great experiment was to be made, by
civilized man-the attempt to construct society on a new basis. It was to be
here in the North America," he said, where, "for the first time," and again
I use his words, "theories hitherto unknown or deemed impracticable were to
exhibit a spectacle for which the world has not been prepared by the history
of the past."
Well, the world has had a full century of the exhibit. What has it made
of it? What have we made of it? Would we still write of the United States
in terms of an experiment in the application of the principle of equality?
Or has time vitiated all de Tocqueville said?
One could maintain that soon after the Frenchman's visit the United
States ceased to be a land where the attempt to construct society on a new
basis was in fact a possibility. One could say that in the period 1840-1870
the scene completely changed. In a sense Europe invaded America. The
Industrial Revolution born in England came across the sea. Men and
machines, new cultural patterns, and new technics overran a pioneer democ-
racy. A civil war, in part a consequence of the emotional thrust of the prin-
ciple of equality, prepared the way for the bloodless conquest of an agrarian
republic by the forces of urbanization. America of the 1840's vanished as
did the red men. The basic problems of an industrialized society became
identical on both sides of the Atlantic. It was not de Tocqueville on democ-
racy but Marx on the class struggle which became relevant to the problems
of this land.
I hardly need remind you that some such interpretation of American his-
tory was popular in left-wing circles between the two world wars. Right-
wing groups at that same period were no less impatient with the principle
of equality. To them the attempt to prevent the growth of an aristocracy
in this nation as envisaged by de Tocqueville had proved both impossible


and unwise. Impossible because stratification based on inheritance had been
the process of historical evolution of all previous nations and was inevitable
even in the United States. They disagreed with de Tocqueville when he
said: "I do not think a single people can be quoted, since human society
began to exist, which has, by its own free will and its own exertions, created
an aristocracy within its ow;n bosom. All the aristocracies of the Middle
Ages were founded by military conquest; the conqueror was the noble, the
vanquished became the serf. . Communities," lie admitted, "have ex-
isted which were aristocratic from their earliest origin. . But a people,"
he maintained, "having taken its rise in civilization and a democracy, which
should gradually . establish inequality of condition, until it arrived at
inviolable privileges and exclusive castes, would be a novelty in the world;
and," he continued, "nothing indicates that America is likely to be the first
to furnish such an example."
"Wrong," both the extreme left and right might have declared in the gay
'twenties; de Tocqueville should have taken his own chapter on the future
of manufacturing more seriously. For he had said, speaking of the possibility
of a "manufacturing aristocracy," "If ever a permanent inequality of condi-
tion and aristocracy again penetrate into the world, it may be predicted that
this is the gate by which they will enter."
Twenty years ago the cleavage of opinion in the United States could be
summarized as follows: Radicals with their eyes on Europe declared, "Strati-
fication has come to America to stay; the class struggle must be the basis
for all our actions." The conservatives with their eyes likewise directed
across the Atlantic, chiefly on England of the eighteenth century said,
"Thank God we are on the road to being preserved from the leveling deg-
radation of a democracy such as de Tocqueville saw and to some degree ad-
mired." And they would quote from him to show that only in an aristocracy
could learning and culture flourish. An aristocratic society at its best was the
finest flower of civilization. Did not the author of Democracy in America
himself say that, "almost all the nations which have exercised a powerful
influence upon the destinies of the world have been governed by aristocratic
institutions." Let's get on with the task of perfecting the American version
of aristocracy while the stock market still soars! Many a sincere young man
of the 1920's so argued-perhaps some here among you may recall those
far distant days!
A depression, a global war, and the final realization of the revolutionary
nature of the Lenin-Stalin interpretation of Mlarx and Engels have brought
us into a United States as different from the mid-'twenties as from Andrew
Jackson's day. Our problems are now global. We must lead the world
or perish as a free nation. Few among you would probably contradict this
statement though there are still powerful voices in America who say that
all who echo such sentiments are in the pay of the British Foreign Office!
But whether we like it or not, the Atlantic and Pacific oceans have for
military purposes been narrowed to a stream. Whether we like it or not, a
boom followed by a depression and an all-out war have brought sweeping
changes in the climate of opinion; both major political parties sponsor meas-


ures for social welfare which were considered dangerously radical thirty
years ago.
In the educational field the principle of equality is taken for granted now
-that is, as a principle. Quite properly it is interpreted to mean equality of
opportunity, for any other type of equality in matters intellectual is im-
possible to achieve even by the most skilful of teachers. I think an impartial
historian will find that as regards education, at least, the period 1930-1950
marked a great resurgence of the American concept of democracy portrayed
by the French aristocrat, Alexis de Tocqueville, so long ago.
I have spoken of the interpretation or analysis of the principle of equality.
Admittedly a lot of nonsense has been spoken on this subject because of a
failure to use words accurately and spell out what was in fact implied.
In the first place, let me demolish the arguments of those who say the phrase
has no real content. The way to do this is to start talking in what we now
call operational terms. This is a new jargon but no invention. De Tocqueville
knew perfectly well what he was talking about when he said, "Aristocratic
institutions cannot subsist without laying down the inequality of men as a
fundamental principle, legalizing it beforehand, and introducing it into
the family as well as into society. ." Equal or unequal in what respects
is, of course, the relevant question. That men are born different is a biologic
fact-is that inequality or not? Children are unequal in a variety of skills-
physical, mental, social, artistic. Is that something that could have been
avoided ? If so, would society have been better if the necessary steps were
taken ? If some of you were inclined to think that my excursion into intellec-
tual history this morning was a long way from the subject of education,
I trust those questions will assure you that I am at long last beginning
to frame a target of interest to this group.
Let me start my analysis by a consideration of political equality. Political
equality or lack of it is something relatively easy to ascertain. A hundred
years ago realization of equality of suffrage for all economic groups was a
goal-that was one of the consequences of the principle de Tocqueville had
in mind. We have gone a long way toward the goal of equality in political
rights, but our failure to reach the goal for certain groups of citizens in
certain states is a matter of violent political discussion at the very moment.
At all events, it is easy to carry out an operation to determine in which
cities and towns political equality, irrespective of color or creed, does and
does not exist.
We leave the field of politics and come to economics. Economic equality
was never part of the American concept-at least not as I read the record.
In Democracy in America, the author states that "America exhibits in her
social state an extraordinary phenomenon. Men are there seen on a greater
equality in point of fortune and intellect, or in other words, more equal in
their strength, than in any other country of the world, or in any age of which
history has preserved the remembrance . The last trace of hereditary
ranks and distinction is destroyed." Yet he goes on to say: "I do not mean
that there is any lack of wealthy individuals in the United States; I know
of no country, indeed, where the love of money has taken stronger hold on


the affections of men, and where a profounder contempt is expressed for
the theory of the permanent equality of property. But wealth circulates with
inconceivable rapidity, and experience shows that it is rare to find two
succeeding generations in the full enjoyment of it."
The emphasis should be on the word "circulate" in this quotation. Even
so, has this statement any relation to the realities of the industrial America
of our day? It was on this and related questions that the reformers of a
generation ago divided. Those who answered in the negative in essence dis-
carded the possibility of a uniquely American development of the principle
of equality; they became in essence European radicals. I hardly need point
out that even today there is a large measure of disagreement among the
people of the United States on ways and means of achieving what is often
referred to as "industrial democracy." I note the vast problems here-the
problems inherent in a civilization that is heavily industrialized, and a nation
that must be free. I note these problems and pass on to the field of education.
Here we are on firmer ground, or should I change the metaphor and
say calmer seas. For the educational implications of the principle of equality
have been accepted by a majority of the American people throughout
their history. The one exception, of course, as with political equality, was
before 1860, Negro slavery; since then the problems bequeathed to posterity
by the existence of that institution have continued to disturb us. However,
in spite of the disquieting influence of social prejudice in many sections, the
idea of equality of opportunity for all children irrespective of race, color,
creed, or economic status of the parents has been widely accepted. Not only
accepted but implemented by concrete action. You ladies and gentlemen
are the leaders among those who have worked so well and faithfully to make
this part of the American dream a reality. It is unnecessary for me to speak
further on the theme of the American public school as the embodiment of
the principle of equality to this audience!
I say the educational implication of the principle has been widely accepted
in this century in the United States. There have been dissenters, however,
and there still are. I should like to conclude this address by examining some
of the arguments of those who question the premise of equality of educa-
tional opportunity. I am going to center my attention on the old heredity-
environment controversy-the argument about nature and nurture. In so
doing I shall be considering the impact of the development of the science of
biology on the principle of equality. Time will not permit me to consider
the equally important subject, the impact of sociology and anthropology on
the same principle. Perhaps that is just as well, as I have said my say on
that phase of the matter on more than one occasion. But lest my position
be misunderstood today because of my emphasis on American history on the
one hand and biology on the other, I venture to insert a few words at this
point about the relation of the social sciences to educational practice. If we
believe in the principle of equality as it has traditionally been accepted by
Americans, we must seek educational opportunity in a society of wide
diversity and large economic differences; we must nevertheless strengthen
those habits and customs which minimize social and economic differentiation.


Our school problems need to be placed in the sociological framework of
the particular community which each school serves. This requires speaking
frankly of the stratified nature of our society. To my mind, there is no
inconsistency in combining a dissection of the social order with an advocacy
of policies which are aimed at making the stratification less visible and the
entire situation far more fluid. In short, an educational philosophy must be
part and parcel of a comprehensive social philosophy; and the educator must
use the methods and the concepts of modern social science which are but
neutral tools to achieve his goals.
With this parenthetical bow, so to speak, to sociology and anthropology,
let me speak briefly about the oscillation of the pendulum in biology on this
matter of environment versus heredity. Of course, those who already are
emotionally committed to the educational implications of the American ver-
sion of the principle of equality are always tempted to emphasize the signifi-
cance of the environment. Indeed, we can say that the teaching profession
as such is almost automatically biased in favor of the relative importance of
learned responses as compared with inborn behavior patterns. Those who are
aristocrats by temperament on the other hand eagerly seize on any evidence
showing the importance of heredity. I suppose no one in this audience has
failed to observe many cases where conversation about a supposedly scientific
controversy-heredity versus environment-has betrayed at once the biases
of the speakers. But before pursuing this question of the relation of the find-
ings of the biologists to the philosophic premises of citizens or the practical
work of educators, let me remind you of the scientific history in this area
in the last fifty years.
At the turn of the century, the importance of inheritance in determining
the behavior of children and adults was freely granted. But about thirty
years ago "the pendulum of theory in psychology made a violent and at that
time most necessary swing away from a belief that inheritance was a mys-
terious force alone determining many adult mental characters." I am quoting
the words of a distinguished psychologist written in 1947 who then went on
to say, "But now it seems almost certain, as is so often the case, this pendu-
lum of theory had swung too far." He then quoted one of the leaders in
the anti-instinct movement who in 1930 declared, "There is no such thing
as inheritance of capacity, talent, temperament, mental conditions and char-
acteristics." Against this flat statement of scarce twenty years ago, the
presentday speaker must debate the evidence of current investigations which
show how mistaken the assertion was. He concludes that probably "human
nature is nine-tenths inborn." Such a statement taken out of context (and
such statements always are) is a priceless boon to the opponents of the
principle of equality. The believers in the principle had for twenty-five
years been bolstering their faith with arguments from the extreme position
of the anti-instinct psychologist. Now anyone who reads the current litera-
ture of psychology and human biology is more likely to find apparent com-
fort for the proponents of a hereditary aristocracy. Note, I said apparent,
for my story can be summed up in the words, "when you start using ex-
perimental evidence in philosophic arguments, watch your step!"


It is all very well for an academic and highly judicious psychologist, who
summed up a recent symposium on heredity versus environment, to point
with pride to the rapid change in theory in psychology. He says: "It will
come as a surprise to many psychologists that all five of the contributors to
this symposium have emphasized the role of heredity. . Twenty-five
years ago, the situation was quite different." Oscillations of a pendulum
are fine for the advancement of science, but they may tend to make the
observer a bit dizzy. Worse than this, if one attempts to tie practice to
current theory, or as is far more usual, find arguments for practice from
the arsenal of scientific theory, how much trouble is in store! But no more
than is the just desert of all who fail to mark the lines that separate social
philosophy from science; all who weave their arguments back and forth
across this line do so at their peril! Are the relative ratios of heredity and
environment 9 to 1 or 1 to 9, or like good administrators shall we all here
this morning compromise and call it 50-50? How does the decision affect
our views about the kind of society we want in the United States, or what
we should do as educators?
At this point I think we would do well to turn back to William James's
lectures on pragmatism of forty-two years ago. Or if you insist on being
up to date, let us use the operational method of arguing which is derived
from the same great philosophic source. Let us ask some hard-boiled ques-
tions. What does it mean in terms of anything human beings can do about
other human beings to say that heredity is responsible for 90 percent of
behavior? I ask you to ponder on this question; turn it over carefully.
If you do so, I believe you will find it extremely difficult if not impossible
to formulate an answer. Substitute 10 percent for 90 percent and the effect
remains the same. Part of the trouble lies in the word heredity which has
popular overtones which make it fine for use in arguments about rival social
philosophies, but unsuitable for operational analysis. Let us substitute
"genetically determined factors" for the word "heredity"; let us substitute
the phrase "an inbred strain of animals" or "inbred strains" for the "other
human beings." Then we have the basis for an experimental program pro-
vided we insert some words as to a certain "factor Y." The rephrased gen-
eral question then is: What does it mean in terms of anything human beings
can do about inbred strains of animals to say that genetically determined
factors are responsible for 90 percent of the Y factor in behavior? This is
a meaningful question. Asking such questions has led to many significant
experiments. These experiments or their equivalent have been largely respon-
sible for the swing of the pendulum to which I have referred-these and the
work on twins. But please notice the substitutions I have made. Note the
narrowing of the scope of the question by the insertion of the words "Y
factor," and note that human beings are an inbred strain of animals.
To use the words of the biologists, they are homozygouss" species of ani-
mals. In short, none of us is genetically homogeneous but, on the contrary,
we are in terms of genes a most heterogeneous bit of protoplasm!
As you have already suspected, I trust, I am trying to undermine your
faith in arguments about practical human affairs based on loose reasoning


which appears to be scientific. In fact, when anybody attempts to prove
something to me as "scientific," I automatically put my hand on my watch.
[Laughter] I do not believe there is a bit of scientific evidence that has
ever been available which has relevance for the arguments between the
proponents and the opponents of the principle of equality. Both sides have
been and still are equally guilty of the modern form of dogmatism claiming
to be scientific.
With a few exceptions dealing with such obvious matters as real feeble-
mindedness or certain physical characteristics, I doubt if the findings of
genetics are as yet of much practical importance to those engaged in edu-
cation. To be sure, the work on identical twins of the last twenty years
has had surprising results from the point of view of those who had supposed
that the environment was 100 percent determining. But suppose at some
future date similar work and experiments with animals made it extremely
likely that certain specific skills of high value to the American people were
fixed in behavior patterns of the child at birth. Let us take as an example
something of high practical value in our civilization, the ability to knock
a home run with the bases full. What could we do about the situation?
Being a heterozygcus group of animals it would be difficult if not impossible
to predict this inborn pattern from any examination of the behavior pat-
terns of the parents alone, and suitable intimate data for the grandparents
and great grandparents would hardly be available. Therefore, one could
hardly at birth decide whether or not for a given child professional baseball
would be the best outlet for his talents. And before you can talk of breeding
a race of baseball players, you would have to imagine a process of inbreeding
quite contrary to social custom and extending over many generations, say at
least three hundred years!
Heredity means one thing to most of us when we are speaking generally,
something very different to a geneticist speaking as a scientist. But how easy
it is to let the two meanings fuse and overlap! But let's leave the question
of heredity as concerned with predicting something about offspring from a
knowledge of the ancestors, and talk briefly about genetically determined
factors versus environment. How practical is it to determine such factors
in a newborn babe?
One can imagine that some series of elaborate tests of a combined physi-
ological and psychological nature could reveal to the trained observer of the
newborn child the potential skills in the genetically determined behavior
pattern. This would be of great importance to the educator, no doubt. One
could then determine practically to what extent similar patterns in many
individuals were modified by various types of training. In limited areas, the
nature-nurture controversy might gradually acquire real meaning in edu-
cational terms. But this is only pushing back to an early age exactly what
we are trying to do today by means of tests of aptitudes. In short, the general-
ized statement of the alleged nature-nurture controversy becomes on critical
analysis nothing but a discussion of ways and means of determining aptitudes
and developing them by appropriate education. The relevance to the debate
between proponents of a hereditary aristocracy and a democracy has dis-


appeared! Genetics and psychology, however the pendulum of theory swings,
can never provide solid ground for those who defend or attack the
de Tocqueville eloquence concerning the principle of equality.
Thus we are forced back to those general but vague considerations which
are the province of philosophy, not science. After a hundred years we find
the principle of equality still debated in terms not different from those
de Tocqueville used. It has survived the impact of industrialism though not
without a difficult struggle, it has survived the rival ideologies of Karl Marx
and Engels, and we find a consistent growth in the political and educational
field. Even the extraordinary achievements of modern science, on careful
analysis, are revealed as proving nothing one way or the other about the
principle of equality as a guiding doctrine for the American people. Speaking
in the coolest neutral terms, we can say that the principle has had a high
survival value among the people of this country for a hundred years. It
appears to work well in at least two areas; rival doctrines of the right and
left have failed to win any large number of adherents. Therefore, for many
of us the principle still continues to be an article of faith as it was for the
Americans of the first years of this republic-not blind faith, but a con-
viction based on the examination of the rational consequences of the doctrine.
We believe in it; we work to support it; we believe that it is a germinal
principle, the potentialities of which are by no means yet exhausted. Perhaps
it all comes down to something as simple as this. "We live in a democracy,
whether you like it or not, and we educators like it and are bound to make
it work!" Furthermore, we are permitted to do our part to make it work.


Monday Afternoon, February 28
Members and friends in attendance at the convention were entertained by
the Missouri State Teachers Association and the Missouri Association of
School Administrators at a Hospitality Hour in the Jefferson Hotel, Monday
afternoon from four to six o'clock. Here old friendships were renewed and
new ones formed.


Monday Evening, February 28


C HAIRMAN SIMPSON [Alfred D. Simpson, Professor of Education,
Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts; Second Vicepresident,
American Association of School Administrators] : Members of the Associa-
tion, Ladies and Gentlemen: It is my great pleasure at this time to intro-
duce the Vashon High School Choir and the director, Ruth E. Greene.
[For program of songs by the Choir, see page 212.]
CHAIRMAN SIMPSON: As I listened to the choir, I couldn't help but
think back over the years about these meetings and the wonderful music
we have had and of the influence on our schools-probably not so much
on many of our city schools, but certainly on the schools back in the country.

We have as platform guests tonight two groups of helpers and advisers
of the American Association of School Administrators. I want to introduce
them to you. In order that we separate not "the sheep from the goats" but
so that we separate the two groups, I'm going to introduce one group first
and ask the group to rise, and then the other.
The first group is the Advisory Council of the American Association of
School Administrators. Will the members of the Advisory Council please
stand. [Applause]
The Advisory Council is a good group, I can assure you. The only thing
I have against this organization is that we have to get up very early to have
breakfast with them, and that's against my bringing up.
The next group is composed of the presidents of the state associations of
school administrators. Will they please rise. [Applause]
I am sure we appreciate having you here on the platform with us tonight.

Address Delivered at San Francisco, St. Louis, and Philadelphia
CHAIRMAN SIMPSON: This is the second stand of this particular show.
We opened in San Francisco a week ago tonight and did an act there, and
in a few weeks we'll be in Philadelphia. I couldn't give much of a preview
of this program in San Francisco, because I had never heard it. I have now
heard it, and I may be able to give you a little preview of the thing.
This evening we are to hear two truly great Americans discuss some
aspects of the problem of conservation from the educational angle, "Educa-


A section of the Monday evening audience at St. Louis

tion and the Conservation of Human Resources" and "Education and the
Conservation of Natural Resources"-the problems of humans and human
life, or, as Herold Hunt would have me say, the flora and the fauna of
American life.
Resources, themselves, are static. They have to be tapped to be used.
Conservation without the use of that which is conserved is of no value.
Old Delight Ingles, so goes my family's story about a former neighbor
of ours, went daily to the cellar in the fall to pick out potatoes for the
day's meals. She always picked out the specked ones in order to conserve
the good ones until later in the winter. Each day there were new specked
ones, and so, by this overprudent application, the Ingles family ate specked
potatoes all winter. Delight belied her name.
But this is not the note to be struck by our speakers tonight. They will
tell us a vital, dynamic, and powerful story, the story of true conservation
that can come only through education and use.
We could not have anyone better qualified, better prepared in every way
to talk to us on "Education and the Conservation of Human Resources"
than Allison Davis. Allison Davis drew a little fire on the West Coast, and
I wouldn't be surprised if he might draw a little more in this mid-country.
It is my great pleasure to introduce to you Dr. Allison Davis, professor of
education at the University of Chicago.
MR. DAvIS: The committee which is planning the 1950 White House
Conference on Children has emphasized that one of the major wastes
of the human resources of the United States is our failure to develop at all
fully the potential mental ability of the 60 percent of our pupils who come
from the lower socio-economic groups. Half the ability in this country goes
down the drain, owing to (a) the failure of intelligence tests to measure



the real mental ability of the children from the lower socio-economic
groups, and (b) the failure of the schools to recognize and train this ability.
More than 60 percent of all children in this country are from families of
working men. While a great part of the ability of these children will be lost
to this nation, industry, business, and the armed services will be urgently
needing more able people.
This country cannot survive as the leading world power unless we learn
how to discover, recruit, and train more of the brains in the lower-income
If we do not find more of the people with quick minds and native ability
in the great reservoir of the lower-income groups in the United States (I am
not talking of racial groups, but of income groups of all colors) we shall
not be able to compete with the vast populations of western Europe and
There is only one way to get the increasing number of highly skilled,
white-collar, and administrative personnel we must have: If our society is
to increase its strength, we need to recruit ability of all kinds from the
lower socio-economic groups. When any nation stops this recruiting or
slows it down through the failure to discover the able but poor children,
and to develop their abilities, that nation starts to decline and die. There
have been no exceptions to this rule in the history of modern nations.
The same need that our society faces in respect to skilled workers, and
which would become acute in another war, also exists in respect to white-
collar workers, teachers, engineers, and executives. We have far from
enough able people in any of these fields. To get them, we have to discover
and train much more of the real ability which exists in the largest part of
our population, namely the lower socio-economic group.
To uncover this ability, we need an intelligence test which will identify
real mental ability, or "mother wit," equally well for all socio-economic
groups in our country.
Recent research indicates that many slum children, who do poorly in
school and on present intelligence tests, have higher real (or native) in-
telligence than many individuals whose home training enables them to do
well on school types of learning. Thus to measure real intelligence we need
tests which will not be based primarily upon school training and school
The previous test-makers have felt that the quickest way to predict a
person's chances for success in school or college was to test him with school-
type problems-not with exactly the same problems which he had studied
in school, but with problems very similar to school problems, and whose
solution was greatly aided by school training.
The result has been to make the tests useless for measuring real intelli-
gence in the lower socio-economic groups. "Identical" twins have exactly
the same hereditary (innate) intelligence. Yet on the present tests, as Pro-
fessors Newman, Freeman, and Holzinger found at the University of
Chicago some years ago, identical twins show a marked difference in their
IQ's whenever one twin has been reared in a well-to-do home and his


identical twin has been reared in a working family. The tests always define
the particular twin reared in the lower socio-economic group as "less intel-
ligent." But in fact, their innate (hereditary) intelligence is exactly the same,
we know! Thus the best scientific test has made it clear that the differences
in schooling and social environment between the middle and lower socio-
economic groups account for the difference between their average IQ's
on the present tests.
Because these present tests are limited to school-type problems, they fail
to tap many important kinds of mental ability. The present tests assume,
in fact, a static American society, and a static school curriculum. They
predict only those mental abilities which are necessary for success in the
present narrow kinds of school subjects.
The present types of intelligence tests have been geared to ("validated"
with respect to) a school curriculum whose basic activities were set up many
generations ago, a curriculum which is recognized by educators to be over-
academic, trite, and virtually static.
Modern civilization, however, by its very nature requires the constant
development of abilities and types of skills far broader than those emphasized
in any school. Our society is changing rapidly; we do not know, therefore,
what kinds of mental skills may be required of the average American a
decade ahead. The Army, for instance, had to demand a quite new pattern
of abilities and skills of its infantry and "cavalry" during the last war.
The public school, therefore, in a country which, like ours requires in-
creasing productiveness, must aim to discover many kinds of talent in its
pupils and to develop these different abilities by training.
To aid in the search for a fair and broader test of intelligence, a group
at the University of Chicago, under my chairmanship and with the advice
of Dr. Ralph IW. Tyler, dean of the Division of the Social Sciences, uni-
versity examiner, and formerly chief examiner, Armed Services Institute,
have been carefully studying for the last five years the present intelligence
tests, problem by problem. They have also experimented with pupils from
the highest socio-economic levels, and with pupils from the lowest socio-
economic groups, in order to learn how to measure real intelligence, apart
from training. The results are dramatic in many cases.
First, with the help of Dr. Kenneth Eells, we studied ten of the most
popular "group tests of intelligence." We found that in every one of these
ten, which included the intelligence tests most widely used in public schools,
a large proportion of the problems were answered correctly more often by
pupils from the higher socio-economic groups than hy those from the lowest
income groups. On seven of the ten tests, more than 70 percent of the prob-
lems showed the upper socio-economic group "superior." On four of the
ten tests the higher socio-economic groups did better on 90 percent of the
problems! Not one of these tests, moreover, included any problem on which
the lower socio-economic group came out superior to the higher socio-
economic group.
This socio-economic bias in present intelligence tests may be illustrated by
one problem which required the student to know the term "sonata"-a


word which clearly will be heard more frequently in homes of the higher
socio-economic groups. On this problem, 78 percent of the higher socio-
economic group got the correct answer, but only 28 percent of the lower
socio-economic group answered correctly!
Soon we began to experiment with various methods of removing this
cultural bias from the present kinds of test questions. Our aim was to use
only such words, grammatical constructions, and situations as were about
equally common in the environments of all socio-economic groups. For,
scientific standards require that, if we wish to measure real, native intelli-
gence, it is absolutely essential that the environmental element (i.e., the
training obtained by the child in the home or school on such problems)
should be about the same for all socio-economic groups. That is to say, one
must find problems on which all individuals taking the test have had ap-
proximately the same amount of training and experience. Otherwise, one
cannot measure real intelligence.
First, with the advice and help of Professor Ernest A. Haggard, we ex-
perimented by using quite familiar words and situations, while keeping
the basic mental activity the same as in the original test problem. We worked
on the main types of problems used in the present tests. These types are:
Analogies, such as "Finger is to hand as toe is to what?"
Opposites, such as "What is the opposite of intelligent?"
Similarities, such as "What word does not belong with the other?

Then we expressed these same types of mental problems in more familiar
words and experiences.
In many cases, a startling increase in the intelligence rating of the lower
socio-economic group resulted. One of the two most difficult types of verbal
problems for the lower socio-economic group, on the present tests, had been
analogies. We took a problem like this:
A symphony is to a composer as a book is to what?
( ) paper ( ) sculptor ( ) author ( ) musician ( ) man
and made it,
A baker goes with bread, the same way that a carpenter goes with what?
( ) a saw ( ) a house ( ) a spoon ( ) a nail ( ) a man
We then gave both socio-economic groups practice on similar problems,
and offered a movie ticket for good work on both the old and the new prob-
lems. Both groups had the same practice and the same promise of a reward.
We actually found that our new problem, using fair and simple words,
like "baker," "spoon," "nail," etc., was a tougher intellectual problem for
both the high and the low socio-economic groups. Our problem was much
more difficult for both groups, and therefore a better test of ability.
In addition, we also found that there was no difference in the percent
of the upper and lower socio-economic groups who answered our problem
correctly. On the present-test problem, about "symphony," "composer,"
etc., 81 percent of the upper socio-economic group answered correctly,
while only 52 percent of the lower group were correct.


We were able to remove the socio-economic bias in this type of problem,
for 50 percent of each group answered our problem correctly.
We found this same kind of improvement in the lower socio-economic
group, whether we experimented with young children, or with those of
high-school age; whether we tested white slum children, colored slum
children, or foreign-background groups. The cultural bias in the present
tests works in the same way for all colors, nationality groups, and ages.
The hardest kind of intelligence-test problem has been the syllogism,
such as:
A is shorter than B
B is shorter than C. Therefore what is correct?
( ) B is taller than C
( ) A is as tall as B or C
( ) A is shorter than C.

The last choice, of course, is correct. We changed this type of problem,
and gave the same practice and reward to both socio-economic levels on
both problems. Our new problem read:

Jim can hit harder than Bill. Bill can
hit harder than Ted, so which is true?
( ) Ted can hit harder than Bill
( ) Bill can hit as hard as Jim and Ted
( ) Jim can hit harder than Ted.

Of course, the last choice is correct.
On the type of syllogism in the present tests, 67 percent of the higher
socio-economic group hut only 45 percent of the lower group got the cor-
rect answer. On our problem, there was no significant difference between
the percent correct in the two socio-economic groups. Yet we kept the basic
mental problem in our version exactly the same as in the "standard" tests.
To clinch our case-now that we knew how to remove the cultural bias
from the present-test problems-we checked our work by seeing whether
we could deliberately make a problem much harder for the lower socio-
economic group-whether, that is, we could "prove" that the lower socio-
economic group was "inferior" in intelligence.
So we took a problem like this from the present tests:
A person who by mistake hits another person should
( ) say lh did not ( ) forget it ( ) say nothing
() leave ( ) beg pardon.

To make this problem unfair to the lower socio-economic group by intro-
ducing a verbal and cultural bias, Davis and Haggard made it read:
A child who unintentionally injures another child should-
( ) deny it ( ) make amends ( ) flee ( ) be reticent
( ) ignore it.

By thus using unfamiliar "literary" language, and making reading as well
as vocabulary very important in the solution of our problem, we dis-
criminated very severely against the lower socio-economic group. On the


answers to the first problem, there was a difference between the two socio-
economic groups of only 12 percent points. On the problem which we
experimentally made less familiar to the lower socio-economic group, they
came out 32 percent points below the upper socio-economic group.
Yet the basic mental problem, apart from the language used, was the
same in both questions. The difference between them was merely a verbal
one, that between familiar Anglo-Saxon words, and fancy, "literary" words.
Thus we demonstrated the familiar technic used by test-makers for
making problems "harder," which is nothing more than a technic of re-
sorting to obscure words and situations in order to get problems which
will "weed out" a great many of the individuals "tested." But we now
know that such test-problems employ an artifact to "weed out" the "smart"
from the "dumb." They use chiefly those words, situations, pictures, and
experiences which are much more familiar to individuals who have grown
up in the middle and upper socio-economic groups. Thus the present tests
measure the cultural and economic opportunities which the child or adult
has had, not his real intelligence.
We are not stopping with mere revisions of the types of problems in the
present tests. Those types are too narrow; they do not cover enough of the
basic mental abilities. For instance, the trick of recognizing opposites or
similarities is only one narrow aspect of intelligence. It can be learned by
an average six- or seven-year-old in ten minutes, with a few examples. Yet
the present tests give great weight to these two types. Therefore we cannot
predict a person's total ability to solve real-life problems from these academic
Therefore, last year Mr. Robert D. Hess and I made a new kind of
test of mental ability. The problems were taken from life experiences which
are equally common in all groups in our population. We have tried this
test in Chicago, and have found that the average native intelligence of all
socio-economic groups of children is the same.
On these problems, the children, aged six to eight, of unskilled and semi-
skilled laborers have an average attainment equal to that of the children
of professional groups. We find differences between individuals, but no
differences between socio-economic groups.
This new test measures reasoning, memory, observation, critical objec-
tivity, and creativeness. It includes syllogisms, problems of logical classifica-
tion, inductive reasoning, arithmetical reasoning, and problems of imagina-
tive insight.
We now know, therefore, that the superiority that is claimed for children
of the higher socio-economic group by the older tests holds merely for the
narrow problems of the present curriculum. The Chicago research has
found that the "smartness" of children of the higher-income groups dis-
appears as soon as the test-problems are not cut to the same mould as that
used in school training. Even the simplest intellectual problems are failed
by 90 percent of these children, when such problems have not been taught
in school or home.
More than 90 percent of seven-year-olds with high IQ's, from pro-


fessional and high business families, failed this problem: A boy paid 6 cents
for two pieces of candy together. One piece cost 5 times as much as the other
piece. How much did each piece cost?
Nearly 100 percent of ten-year-old children with high IQ's, from pro-
fessional and high business families, failed this problem: Ten children were
playing a game. There were four more boys than girls. How many boys
were there? These children were "superior" on the kinds of arithmetic
problems they have been taught to solve in school, but helpless to reason
out new types.
Just as we have been taught by our narrow academic culture to stereotype
our intelligence-test problems, so also we have been led by scholastic culture
to overrate reading as a means of developing mental processes. Reading is
made the chief goal of the child's mental training in the first school years.
Upon this basis he is usually segregated into one of the classroom's or the
school's so-called homogeneous "ability groups." Through his early class-
room experiences in learning to read, and through the accompanying prestige
or stigma he meets in the classroom, the child's basic concept of his own
mental adequacy is learned.
Does reading deserve this high place in the first three or four years of
schooling? IM observations and interviews in nearly five hundred class-
rooms in California, Illinois, and Michigan during the last four years lead
me to doubt that reading helps the young child learn to solve the more
basic types of mental problems. In our schools, reading consists chiefly of
learning to recognize written symbols, to pronounce them, and to para-
phrase them. These training are carried on in the classroom day in and
day out, year after year, and receive greatest emphasis from the teacher.
Yet it seems clear to me that they stimulate only a very narrow range of
We have only to look at the books used in the first three or four grades
to recognize that the experiences symbolized are far more simple than those
which the child has already met in his daily life. In the first grade, he learns
to read "I see the boy" long after he has learned to speak and to think in
complex-compound sentences, or to outwit his father or mother in family
arguments, or to solve some problems in intelligence tests which his
parents cannot solve! The same child who has to spend months learning to
recognize those types of verbal symbols which give children most trouble-
the symbols for abstract experiences, pronouns, and verbal auxiliaries-has
already been speaking and understanding these same words in conversation
for years!
Now it is well and necessary for a six-year-old to learn to read the written
symbols, "I see a cat" or "Mary went to Grandmother's house." He must
learn to recognize the written symbols sooner or later. But scientists and
teachers must not therefore conclude that this task should be the prime
endeavor of his first years in school. He is in school primarily to learn how
to think, to develop his reason, his insight, his invention, his imagination.
The academic function of the school is to help the child learn how to
solve a wide range of mental problems. Of how much value is reading in


helping the young child learn to solve mental problems? In the simple
stories which he reads and paraphrases, all the problems except those of
vocabulary, word recognition, and syntax are solved for him by the writer.
He learns a new and important concept only once in a blue moon from
his primer; even then, he learns it chiefly by memory and by simple asso-
ciation. In other words, there is little chance for the child to learn to recog-
nize, to define, and to analyze problems in any exploratory or empirical way
in reading; in his primer, he simply learns to decode someone's thoughts
about a cat, or a grandmother, or a circus, or a trip to th'e country.
One must recognize, therefore, that the experiences symbolized in the
child's books usually do not interest him. The stories seem foolish to lower-
class children because the experiences appear unreal, the words strange. To
the middle-class child, the drive of seeking his parents' and teacher's approval
is usually strong enough to keep him trying, but not strong enough to make
him like reading. Since the stories are written chiefly to teach certain words,
and are organized, therefore, around the repetition of these words, they make
little sense as a view of reality to the middle-class child, either.
Thus reading fails to give pupils any great skill in solving problems (a)
because it limits its problems largely to purely verbal ones, and (b) because
the materials now used in reading are felt by the pupil to have little im-
portance in his life outside the school. As a result of our research on intel-
ligence, we are convinced that reading teaches too little skill in problem
solving (either of a rational, empirical, or inventive kind) to justify the
first place it holds in the curriculum. Learning the skill of decoding written
communication is important, but not so important for the development of
mental ability as the pupil's analysis of his own experience, and his drawing
of correct inferences from this analysis. How often does one observe cur-
riculum activities which guide this kind of learning?
The likelihood that the school will be able to discover units of discussion
and study which will develop a wider range of mental problem-solving
activities in pupils is greatly reduced, furthermore, by the practice of so-
called homogeneous grouping. Nearly all such segregation of pupils into
"fast" and "slow" groups is based upon their reading scores or intelligence-
test scores. These scores in turn, as well as ratings by teachers, are strongly
influenced by the socio-economic bias in the tests and in the fossilized cur-
riculum. The result of this circular process of evaluating mental ability
and achievement is that homogeneous grouping strengthens the socio-eco-
nomic discrimination within the school, and maintains the narrow academic
stereotyping of the curriculum.
Homogeneous grouping really sets up different social and cultural groups
within the school, and thus establishes different learning environments. Most
middle socio-economic pupils are placed in the "faster" groups, while most
lower socio-economic pupils are placed in the "slower" groups. Because
selection of pupils is based upon reading scores and/or intelligence-test
scores, many other abilities and problem-solving activities are not considered.
The result is that most of the middle socio-economic group and most of
the lower socio-economic group lose something. Segregated from each other.


unable therefore either to stimulate or to imitate each other, each group fails
to learn well those problem-solving activities and insights in which the
other group excels. Both groups lose more than they gain.
Under no circumstances should teachers' ratings of the relative "success"
of these two methods of grouping be accepted as of any use in measuring
the results. Most teachers,prefer homogeneous grouping, because by rota-
tion of classes each teacher receives a chance to teach a "fast" and "suc-
cessful" group.
All our findings point to the same conclusion: The greatest need of
education is for intensive research to discover the best curriculums for de-
veloping children's basic mental activities; such activities, that is, as the
analysis and organization of observed experiences, the drawing of inferences,
the development of inventiveness. The present curriculums are stereotyped
and arbitrary selections from a narrow area of middle-class culture. Aca-
demic culture is one of the most conservative and ritualized aspects of
human culture. Its formalization, its lack of functional connection with the
daily problems of life, has given a bloodless, fossilized character to the class-
room which all of us recognize. For over a generation, no basically new
types of mental problems have been added to intelligence tests. For untold
generations, we have been unable to think of anything to put into the cur-
riculum which will be more helpful in building the basic mental development
of young children than vocabulary-building, reading, spelling, and routine
arithmetical memorizing. Even as we hear this, many of us will think it
absurd to suppose that reading and arithmetic are not the best activities for
teaching children to solve mental problems.
Let us ask ourselves this simple question, however. What proportion of
the basic mental problems met by children (and by adults for that matter)
in their daily life can be solved by having a large standard vocabulary, or
skill in reading, or skill in arithmetical processes? Do these training teach
a human being correct habits of making inferences or of gaining insight
about most of the difficult mental problems which he faces? Does one
observe in more than one out of twenty public-school classrooms any
activities which help children to learn how to reason, to analyze, to invent;
or does one observe instead activities of memorizing, of learning symbols,
of reading or listening to predigested solutions by other people, and of
paraphrasing ("telling the meaning") of other people's words? Most
observers would find the latter.
A modern nation either continues to grow or begins slowly to decline.
A nation begins to die at the brain, when it wastes or fails to develop the
ability and skills of its masses. WVe need all the able people we can find. To
find them, we must have a way to measure their real, innate intelligence,
no matter how poor their environment has been. They have to be discovered
in childhood, in their first years in school. That is why new tests of real,
native intelligence are essential.
A democracy is a place where ability is discovered and recruited in all
groups, and given a fair chance to go to the top, for the benefit of the
nation-of this nation, which is the last best hope of man. [Applause]


Address Delivered at San Francisco, St. Louis, and Philadelphia
CHAIRMAN SIMPSON: Now, turning from the human side to the side
of natural resources, we are going to hear from our own President of this
Association, who feels this problem very, very deeply, and I'm sure he is
going to make you feel it. He is going to talk to us on "Education and the
Conservation of Natural Resources."
Nobody needs to introduce this speaker to you people-a group of super-
intendents of schools, and particularly in St. Louis-but I am going to
introduce to you, however, the President of the American Association of
School Administrators, the superintendent of schools at Pasadena, Cali-
fornia, Willard Goslin.
PRESIDENT GOSLIN: At the outset, I want to express my keen apprecia-
tion to Allison Davis for carrying this program with me-last week in San
Francisco, here tonight, and a month later in Philadelphia.
Somehow or other in America, if we can find ways to conserve and use
best the human resources of this nation, and to save and rebuild enough
of the raw materials of America so that they will have something to work
for, we will be all right. I would like to try to deal as vigorously as I can
with the problem of natural resources and their relationship to the welfare
of the people.
I want to remind us, as members of the human race, as citizens of
America, that if we could somehow or other-here, tonight-resolve all
of the tensions that are abroad in the world; if, in some way or other, we
could dissolve the conflict between the great ideologies of the world; if
we could come within the limits of our own nation to wipe out the differ-
ences between groups and interests in America; in other words, if we could
alleviate the stress and strain of the problems which confront mankind at
the social and political levels, I submit that, as of tonight, we would still
stand on the brink of disaster when we take the long view at the road we
are traveling in America and around the world.
I would like to remind us that in a little more than three centuries now,
the earth's population has been multiplied five times. It has been doubled,
approximately, within the last one hundred years. I submit to you that we
are caught up, here in America and elsewhere, in the urge for reproduction,
underwritten by ignorance and certain cultural mores of the world, which
is leading us steadily to an unbridled increase in the population of this earth,
including our own nation.
All of which says that we are, steadily, day by day, year by year, increas-
ing the number of hungry, gnawing stomachs that have got to crawl on
the good earth for their nourishment.
And at the same time, during the last century, particularly while we have
doubled the population of the earth and more than doubled the population


of this nation, we have exploited and destroyed and cleaned the good earth's
capacity to nourish us-more during that century than during all recorded
history before that time.
I wish you would come and go around the world with me tonight, and
let me show you the great areas of Asia, where, during the history of man,
the fields were covered by fertile topsoil and there was enough of the earth's
growth in terms of grasses and for-
est to hold moisture resources, where
now the hillsides are barren, where
the streams are dry excepting at flood
time, and where the people live
in poverty-stricken conditions, and
where poverty and starvation is the
way that the populations kept in
balance with the capacity of the
earth just to produce an opportunity
to eke out a living. If that matches
anyone's concept of the dignity of
man as we have thought of it in the
framework of freedom and democ-
racy and the ethics of this part of
the world, then I fail to under-
stand it.
Yet you can go and look where
the great population centers of the
world live, and find that most of the
people are living but one step away
from starvation. We can even call
attention to the fact that in one great
nation of this world, one of the relief
agencies, in recent years, has doled
out little parcels of rice small enough
so that the people, if they died, would
die close to the relief bases so it
would be easy to pick them up the
next morning or the next week. Yet
we, here in America, in the last few
years, have led ourselves to feel that
maybe we could feed the world. MoULIN STUIOS, SAN FRACISCO
I would like to remind us that we President Willard E. Goslin
haven't even tried to feed the world,
and it would be suicide if we did. At best, we picked out a few little spots
of mankind here and there and sent them a little of our surplus along the
If there is any answer to the problem which lies ahead of us, it lies in
two directions. One is in the final stability of the earth's population, but
the particular interest which I would like to develop tonight lies in the


direction of conserving and rebuilding the good earth's capacity to support
those already with us.
Now, we may argue in America that we have plenty, that we have a
relatively thin population, that the soil is rich, the moisture is adequate,
and that we have a lot of other things that add up to a good life. I'd like
to remind you of the road we have traveled in America in the last hundred
years. I'd like to do it by taking you on two quick walks across this country,
one about a hundred years ago when the white man began to come in, in any
appreciable numbers, and again tonight.
A hundred years ago the white man began to pour in off the Atlantic;
he found a reasonably fertile Atlantic coastal plain, fertile enough to grow
his foodstuffs and have enough left over to send some back to the old country
to start a balance of trade.
When he moved over the Appalachians, he found there a magnificent
stand of hardwood. When he dug into the hills of Pennsylvania, he found
coal and oil waiting for him to start the Machine Age.
Pushing still further inland, he went on to the great Midwestern area,
the bread basket of the United States-the valleys of the Ohio, the Missis-
sippi, the Missouri, and their tributaries, where we are meeting tonight,
and where most of us live-and there he found a most remarkable expanse
of land, well warmed and well watered, better than that he had ever found
any place on the face of the earth.
Then he came further west, to the Great Plains of the country, where
conditions were good for growing grass-short grass, if you please, a little
bunch of grass on top of the ground and a good root system under the
ground. It was the root system that was important to America.
Then he threaded his way to the Great Rockies, and through them to
the Pacific coast, where he found great stands of timber on the hillsides,
and where the land was so fertile that it would grow anything, with water
on it.
He took a couple of side trips on his way west. He took one through
Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota, and found remarkable stands of
Norway white pine. And one day when he was digging on the Mesabi
Range, he found the great ore pocket out of which we have grown great
as a nation, through our steel industry, and fought two great wars.
Then he took a side trip to the Southland, and he found there the amaz-
ingly fertile hillsides of what came to be known later as the cotton patch
of America.
I haven't said anything about the wild life, the rivers, the lakes, oil wells,
and the other things that made up America-but that is a thumbnail sketch
of what the white man began to take over in this country about a hundred
years ago.
I wish you would take the same walk with me tonight; I don't think
you'd like it so well. I know the young people in America don't because
they don't have anything like as good a chance for a decent standard of
living as they had when you and I were their age. It is unright, unfair, and
I submit that when somebody writes the history of this nation-the rape


of the raw materials of the North American continent by about three genera-
tions of white men-it will go down in history as one of the great immorali-
ties of all time. Somehow or other, this nation has to wake up.
No generation has a right to use up its resources. The only thing that a
generation has a right to use is the interest on its resources that are at their
disposal. They have to turn over a bank account to the next generation
equal to the one they inherited, or there is no future ahead of a great people.
For one hundred years we have tried to see how fast we could race
through the topsoil, the trees, the moisture, and the other resources that
make up America. The Atlantic coastal plain has been denuded of fertility
in great areas and abandoned outright and allowed to grow up to scrub
timber. The Appalachian plateau has been so denuded of its trees that now
the flood waters run the people out of the valleys spring after spring after
I know half the cowpaths in ten or a dozen of the great food-producing
states that are in this immediate vicinity of America. I can take you again
to thousands and tens of thousands of acres that have grown their last crop
in my lifetime and yours, and generations to come after.
I have lived a little more than half a lifetime, and yet I lived long enough
ago that I could ride the plains of America day after day and hardly see an
acre that had been plowed. Now I can scarcely find one that hasn't been
plowed. And you remember ten years ago, when they battened down the
doors and windows all the way back to the Atlantic coast in order to keep
the dust of Kansas and the Dakotas out of their living rooms. They'll
batten them down again, because the dust will blow again: there's no way
to escape it, because of the way we have farmed in this country, and the lack
of protection we have given the topsoil of America.
Come with me and look at the forest regions of the Pacific coast, where
we don't even take the trouble to cut the trees at the ground-we cut them
off at the height where I am standing. The same thing happened in the state
of Wisconsin, and the figures indicate that of the magnificent stand of
timber that was there when the white man came, only one board foot in
seven ever saw any use or purpose around America. And I can go on and on
and on.
This nation has developed a technological skill no people ever had at its
disposal in all of civilization, and what has it used it for? For two reasons.
One, to prolong life, which means that more foodstuffs had to be taken
out of the good earth. What was the other use? We used it to multiply
the rate at which we have used up the cotton, the trees, the oil, the moisture,
in order to convert it into gadgets for your home and my home around
WVe stand here and talk about trying to find an answer to some of the
man-made problems, and at the same time, I repeat, we stand on the
threshold of disaster for this nation and the remainder of the people around
the world. WVe are trying our dead level best to see how quickly and how
completely we can reduce America to a dust bin.


I have heard predictions within the last two weeks that by the end of
this century the population of the United States would reach at least 275,-
000,000 people. The pressure of the population is pushing us out into the
desert to find a bucket of water. It is pushing us out into the cold tundras,
any place where we can find enough heat to grow foodstuffs.
What are our chances to succeed? Is it hopeless? It is at the rate we're
going. Oh, you and I will shuffle off; we'll be able to live out our lifetime,
in the main, but there will be more people of the next generation who will
be hungry in America. There will be more children in America in the next
generation who are like some of them in the South now, who have not had
a decent diet on which to grow up to be the kind of a citizen that this
nation demands if it is to carry the load that is on its shoulders.
What have we done about it as school teachers in America? We have done
next to nothing. We have got the notion that the business of education was
to teach reading, writing, and arithmetic. I have no particular objection
to reading, writing, and arithmetic, but you can't save democracy with it,
and neither can you feed the people of this nation or any place else. We must
develop a program of education to come to grips with the problems that are
gnawing away at the capacity of the men, women, and children of America
and elsewhere in the world, to live a good life, or we lose the race.
I submit that you can't legislate topsoil off the hillsides of America. I
submit that you can't legislate moisture back into the ground when it is
overrun in southern California. But I submit that there is one great, con-
structive force at the disposal of mankind that he can always use to solve
his problems whenever he wants to, and that is the force of education. We
can educate a generation of American youth, from Manhattan out through
the corn plains of Iowa, to the citrus groves of California, that, in the
final analysis, what they have to eat, what they have to wear, what they have
over their heads in the way of a roof, and what they have left over to run
the institution with which you and I are connected would, in the final
analysis, be produced by the labor in someone's hands as applied to the raw
materials of America, in its topsoil, its forests and trees.
I have lived on the banks of the M/ississippi here for nearly twenty years,
and day after day, week after week, month after month, year after year,
the topsoil of America went past my doorstep, and every time some of it
went past, a part of America's opportunity to live well went past.
With all the enlightenment that we have, and all the psychological
understanding that we have, we are still cutting the soft timber of America
twice as fast as it is growing. We can't go on and hope to survive. We could
survive if we would educate; education could make the difference. It could
hold off disaster long enough for us to recreate a capacity to develop new
resources for the peoples of this nation.
Here we are, as Allison Davis says, the last best chance of man to main-
tain and flourish the freedoms which he cherishes. Ideals and freedoms
always go out the window when the stomach is empty.
The reason why I think this is somewhat of an affair a school teacher
has to pick up is because in great sections of the world it is too late, but in


America we still have time. In spite of all our excesses, in spite of all the
immoralities of two or three generations, there is still time in America, and
the one force that can make a difference would be a program of education
that would recognize the relationship of the basic raw materials of a nation
-its topsoil, its moisture, its grain, its minerals-to the welfare of its
people, and would use such areas as reading, writing, and arithmetic as
avenues through which to develop a generation of American youth with a
social consciousness necessary to match the demands of our time with the
dedication of purpose that would bring about not only the conservation of
the human resources of America but, I repeat, they will come to naught
unless somebody will match that conservation with the conservation in
building enough of the natural resources of America so they can have a
decent standard of living with which to support our ideals and our institu-
If you don't do anything else, as a result of listening to what I have
said, will you read the book, Road to Survival? Or will you read Our
Plundered Planet? And if you can read them, and sleep with them, or if
you can read them and face the ten-vear-olds in your school system the next
morning without doing something about it, then you're tougher than I
think you are.
And so I conclude by repeating, we are caught up in an unbridled increase
in the population of the earth, including our own nation. We have not
developed the social consciousness that has led us to use our technological
skill assiduously to save and rebuild our soil as we have used it to multiply
the pace at which we have squandered it.
I don't believe there is any force at our disposal to overcome those de-
ficiencies excepting the force of education. That force won't be used by
accident, but it' could be used by an enlightened, determined corps of teach-
ers in the American school system, led by their superintendents of schools.
Thank you. [Applause]


Tuesday Evening, March 1

Program by the Associated Exhibitors of the National
Education Association

CHAIRMAN CHOLET: Ladies and Gentlemen: On behalf of the Associated
Exhibitors it is a pleasure to welcome you here tonight and we hope
that you will thoroughly enjoy the program and entertainment which we
have prepared for you.
I have a script before me which is calculated to introduce to you a new
milestone along the path of our cordial relations. That new milestone is
the Associated Exhibitors Scholarship for Graduate Study in School Ad-
There is a spirit pervading this auditorium and all within it. It is the
spirit of progressive idealism in the school administrators field. This fine
spirit inherent in most of the high type individuals who become school ad-
ministrators has been encouraged and augmented by an individual to a
degree of which few of us are completely aware. I speak of Dr. S. D. Shank-
land whose spirit of forthright idealism in American school administration
shall always live on.
S.. D., our friend, everybody's friend, was always concerned about the
future. He was concerned about the new generation of administrators and
ever cautioning of the increasing responsibilities which would be theirs. The
Associated Exhibitors in veneration of Doctor Shankland have established
a Scholarship Fund for Graduate Study in School Administration. This
year we have the honor of awarding the first check to a school administrator
for advanced study.
The fortunate candidate, Rayburn J. Fisher, former superintendent of
schools of Anniston, Alabama, has been selected by a jury of members of
the American Association of School Administrators. We members of the
Associated Exhibitors are most happy to have you school administrators
advise us how the fund which we have established may be best disposed of.
Superintendent Fisher, chosen from a large field of likely applicants, is the
embodiment of the very ideals and human qualities for which Dr. S. D.
Shankland ceaselessly strove. In a letter announcing Superintendent Rayburn
J. Fisher as the Scholarship winner, he was described by one of the jury, and
I quote: "There is no school man more highly thought of in Alabama among


school principals and city and county superintendents than Rayburn Fisher,"
end of quote. He is also a veteran, having served in the Navy during the
last war. Will Superintendent Rayburn J. Fisher please come to the rostrum.
M'r. Fisher, it is my great honor and privilege as president of the Asso-
ciated Exhibitors to present to you on their behalf the first scholarship for
Graduate Study in School Administration established by the Associated
Exhibitors of the National Education Association and we know that you
will carry forward the torch and the spirit which it represents. [Mr. Cholet
handed MIr. Fisher a check.]

I'R. FISHER: President Cholet, Members of the Associated Exhibitors
of the National Education Association, Fellow Members of the American
Association of School Administrators, and Guests: The position of a super-
intendent of schools in the United States is an exceedingly difficult one but
it is a challenging one. That it is an exceedingly difficult position is seldom
understood even by teachers and other school workers since few of them
have ever felt the impact of a community on this office.
The pressures on the superintendent of schools have been noticeably
stepped up in recent years. This is due to the many special problems which
have arisen in the war and postwar period. Inflation and increased enrol-
ments in elementary schools are illustrations. It is also due to the stepping
up of our cleavages along political, economic, racial, religious, and social
lines. Even countries with homogeneous populations are divided. It is not
surprising that the United States, with diverse cultural origins, is far from
a like-minded nation.
This factor greatly magnifies the difficulties of educational leadership,
since the school is a social agency and seeks to serve the society which sup-
ports it. Yet the people give school executives no clear mandate as to what
they want their schools to do. They are too often confused and divided in
this respect. Nearly everything which a school system attempts to do which
appears to be right will be labeled wrong by some group.
These facts are mentioned in no spirit of pessimism as they affect ad-
ministrative leadership in education. At the same time that such factors
make the job of the superintendent of schools difficult, they also open a rich
opportunity for dynamic leadership. In the words of Dr. John K. Norton:
"The United States was never more hungry for creative leadership in
The exercise of this leadership, however, calls for new conceptions as to
the role of the superintendent of schools and what he does with his time.
One of the means which leads to insight on this matter is graduate study.
The Associated Exhibitors are rendering a great service to education when
each year they make it possible for a member of the profession to engage in


graduate study. However, the greatest service of this scholarship comes from
the fact that an outstanding group of business executives signifies its faith in
graduate study and redirects our attention to it.
Mr. Cholet, with deep humility but great appreciation, I accept the first
scholarship of the Associated Exhibitors of the National Education Asso-
ciation. I assure you and your organization that it is a real challenge to me.
I sincerely hope that I will prove to be a worthy recipient of this award.
MR. CHOLET: I forecast that in the not-too-distant future Mr. Fisher
will again stand on this rostrum to be present at another Scholarship pres-
entation. He is starting a chain of Scholarship winners which will be both
long and strong.


[The program of the three regional conventions included the presentation
of the American Education Award to Pearl A. Wanamaker, State Super-
intendent of Public Instruction, Olympia, Washington. Mrs. Wanamaker
received the Award at San Francisco and Philadelphia but was unable to
attend the St. Louis convention. For the text of Mr. Cholet's presentation
and Mrs. Wanamaker's acceptance, see pages 34 and 35. At St. Louis
the award was accepted for Mrs. Wanamaker in absentia by President
Willard E. Goslin.]
CHAIRMAN CHOLET: I am very sorry to announce that Mrs. Pearl
Wanamaker sent a telegram which I shall have to read at this point: "Flu
attack in San Francisco finally has me down. Deeply regret forced to cancel
St. Louis trip. Looking forward to seeing you in Philadelphia."
Mrs. Wanamaker had a deep chest cold in San Francisco, but she was
good sport enough to come there and receive the Award, and I guess it was
just a little bit too much. So we are going to ask President Goslin to accept
the Award in absentia for Mrs. Pearl A. Wanamaker.
President Goslin, it is more than a pleasure, it is a sincere privilege to
present to you, on behalf of Mrs. Wanamaker, the American Education
Award for 1949. [Applause]

PRESIDENT GOSLIN: I have sometimes said in recent years that I thought
I had done a little of everything in American education, but I know now
that I was mistaken.
I have been mistaken a few times and taken for an individual or two
who are widely known as Americans, but I take it that this is one instance
where there would be no element of mistaken identity. [Laughter] But if
I get out of this without picking up the nickname "Pearl," I'll be lucky.


[Laughter] I don't look like Pearl. [Laughter and applause] I don't speak
like Pearl. I haven't made the contribution to American education-in
many ways-that Pearl WVanamaker has made, but if I'm going to end
up wearing skirts in American education, I guess I'd just as soon they would
he Pearl Wanamaker's as anyone's I know of. [Applause and laughter]
I had a nice visit with her in San Francisco last week. I can only reflect
to you the quiet but deep excitement which she felt at having-her name
added to the list of Crabtree, Damrosch, Helen Keller, Conant, and others
who have received that Award over a period of years.
I shan't try to say what Pearl would have said on this occasion. Rather
would I like to remind us in a sentence or two that down through the
ages mankind has always reached up for something better.
A boy took a girl by the hand when spring came, and climbed a hill,
and they dreamed about a better home to live in, a better school for their
children, a better society of which to be a part, and out of that reaching
for something better have come the great souls of all time, and within the
limits of our own profession during my and your lifetime, no individual
has reached higher in her home life, in her true representation of all that
is fine in American education, than Pearl Wanamaker. Since she couldn't
be here I am delighted that you asked me to represent her and receive this
Thank you, so much. [Applause]

CHAIRMAN CHOLET: We will now ask that you be patient for approxi-
mately two minutes while the orchestra assembles on the stage, and then we
will return. Thank you. [Applause]
And now it is the fond hope of the Associated Exhibitors that you will
be thrilled by the entertainment we have prepared for you. WVe are pleased
to turn the remainder of the evening over to a master composer and enter-
tainer whose compositions have been sung or hummed and admired by
everyone in this auditorium. The fine gentleman to whom I refer will be
assisted by his complete concert orchestra and soloists of radio fame, in-
cluding the Metropolitan Opera star, Jarmila Novotna.
The Associated Exhibitors take real pleasure in bringing to you for this
evening's entertainment none other than Sigmund Romberg. Thank you.


Wednesday Afternoon, March 2
PRESIDENT GOSLIN: Many of you will recall the Planning Committee
which was appointed during the administration of Henry Hill. It made
certain reports and recommendations, most of which were approved by the
members of the organization and the Executive Committee. Just to prove
to you that the Committee didn't do a complete job-when we raised the
annual dues of the Association, we forgot to do anything about the life
membership dues. It is a little too profitable now to become a life member,
and we want to see if we can't correct it.
I want to present to you Phil Falk, superintendent of schools of Madison,
Wisconsin, who will offer to you an amendment which we presented last
week in San Francisco and which we will again present late this month in
MR. FALK: President Goslin, Ladies and Gentlemen: This shift in
dues on life membership involves a constitutional amendment, and the
constitution requires that an amendment be read at one annual meeting and
reread at the next annual meeting and voted.
Now, to comply with this, a year ago at the Atlantic City meeting Super-
intendent Claude Kulp, Ithaca, New York, read the following proposal,
which was, as President Goslin has said, an effort to keep the ratio up to
20 to 1 between the life membership dues and the annual dues. The pro-
posed amendment which Mr. Kulp read was as follows.
ARTICLE III, SECTION 5. All members of the National Education Asso-
ciation who are eligible to active membership in the American Association
of School Administrators shall become life members of the Association upon
the payment of a membership fee of $200, which may be made in ten equal
annual payments, or upon securing a contribution of $250 to the Permanent
Educational Research Fund, which may be paid in five equal annual in-
stalments. A/ll such contributions and life membership fees shall become a
part of the Permanent Educational Research Fund. Life members shall be
exempt from the payment of all other membership fees in the American
Association of School Administrators, and shall have all the rights and
privileges of active members.
Now, the only change in this section as I have read it from the old con-
stitution is the change from $100 to $200. Mr. Chairman, on behalf of
the Planning Committee, I move the adoption of this amendment.
PRESIDENT GOSLIN: Do I hear a second?
[The motion was regularly seconded.]



PRESIDENT GOSLIN: Do you understand the amendment? It is for the
purpose of adjusting the life membership dues so that they are properly
related to the annual dues. Is there discussion or a question from the floor?
[The motion was put to a vote, and was carried.]
PRESIDENT GOSLIN: We shall report the accumulated evidence in
Address Delivered at San Francisco and St. Louis
PRESIDENT GOSLIN: I turn now to the more creative part of this after-
noon's program. I think you will find in it that we have built up to some-
thing that is particularly vital and significant. We tried to think through
an approach to these programs where education might be related to the
general welfare of the people, building it around education's relationship
to peace, the democracy, conservation. We tried to spot an area of influence,
of change, of importance in modern life about which those of us who are
school teachers in America must think and work and act.
WVe felt that there was no area in modern life that so dramatizes, or
perhaps has such deep-seated influence on, what is taking place and ought
to take place in the lives of men and women as the development of trans-
portation at the air-age level.
The development of the airplane affects the life of every man, woman,
and child in America, and it is our contention that it ought to affect their
education, and so we have built this final program in that direction. I want
to first introduce here Herbert Bruner, superintendent of schools, Minne-
apolis, Minnesota.
Herbert Bruner, in common with a few other individuals around America,
got started in Missouri. He was a superintendent of schools and then
became known in educational circles around the world for his contribution
to curriculum development while a member of the staff at Teachers College,
Columbia University. In more recent years he has been superintendent of
schools in Oklahoma City.
It was with a very real sense of satisfaction and pride that we saw
Herbert Bruner come to Minneapolis to continue to struggle with some
of the things which we had tried to get started there.
He has recently been elected a member of the Executive Committee of this
Association. I would like to present Herb Bruner, who is going to outline
for us what the schools are doing in air-age education. Herb.
AIR. BRUNER: President Willard, Platform Guests and Ladies and
Gentlemen: Ever since the first national aviation conference which was
held in Oklahoma City about five years ago I have been praying that we
might have Gill Robb Wilson in our educational meetings, for I consider
him one of the greatest American citizens and patriots, and I am delighted
that he has accepted our invitation to appear on all three of these conferences.


Now, in praying that Gill Robb Wilson would come, I wasn't quite like
little Freddie, who kept going to his father and mother for four long
weeks and saying, "Daddy and Mother, I want a little baby brother."
His father said to him, "Wouldn't a little baby sister do?" The boy said,
"No, I don't think so. Well, maybe so."
After four weeks, nothing happened, except that he worried the life
out of his parents. Finally his parents suggested that he take it up with the
Lord. So, night after night, Freddie would say, "Now I lay me down
to sleep. Please, Lord, give me a little baby brother or baby sister."
Nothing happened after four more weeks, so he told his father he was
going to quit praying. About six months later his father said, "Freddie,
you know Mother went to the hospital yesterday. Wouldn't you like to go
and see her?" The boy said, "Oh, Daddy, I certainly would!"
They went to the hospital room, and there was the mother, just looking
grand, and the place was full of flowers. The mother lifted up the cover
on one side, and there was the finest little baby boy you ever saw. She asked
her son, "Freddie, aren't you delighted ?" Freddie said, "Yes." He went
around to the other side of the bed and lifted up the coverlet, and there
was a perfectly beautiful little baby girl.
The father said, "Freddie, aren't you glad you started praying?" Freddie
said, "Yes, Daddy, but aren't you glad I quit when I did ?" [Laughter]
Well, I kept after them until we got Gill Robb to accept this invitation.
I think my remarks would be a little bit more appropriate under the title
of "Education's Stake in Aviation" rather than the title that I chose
Mankind, with tremendous force and finality, has been thrust suddenly
into a new age born of materialism and scientific ingenuity. He stands at
the crossroads of civilization with two products of scientific discovery in
his hands-aviation and atomic energy. These two forces may become his
servants in advancing civilization or mighty masters which can destroy him.
The deciding factor is man himself. He alone can make the choice between
peace and disintegration. He is confronted with the necessity of gauging the
impact of technological development upon him, especially in aviation, and
of charting an intelligent future course of action.
So rapid has been the recent progress in aviation that yesterday's visionary
is likely to be today's conservative, as has been pointed out by Bolte.1 The
same idea is expressed by Earle: 2 "When, almost sixty years ago, Admiral
Mahan published The Influence of Sea Power upon History, he told his
story against a background of three centuries of European experience and
of an even more remote past. No such long perspective is available to the
historian of air power, since the history of military aircraft is compressed
into less than half a century, and the story of air-borne weapons is restricted
to the past three decades."
In practically all nations, the man on the street now knows the terrifying
I Bolte, Charles G. "Winged Peace or Winged Death." The Nation, November 18, 1944.
2 Earle, Edward Mead. "The Influence of Air Power upon History." The Yale Review, Summer
Edition, 1946.


and ever-present menace of air-borne weapons in modern war. Recognizing
the threat of aviation to survival, and recalling the staggering costs in
human lives and materials in the last war, nations are seeking feverishly
a formula which will offer every possible protection if war should come.
They know they must defend themselves against air-borne methods of war.
On the other hand, men are becoming more realistically aware of the
latent possibilities for peace which are inherent in aviation. In a world
suddenly transformed by aviation into a community, social and economic
implications go deep. They reach into every aspect of domestic and foreign
trade, into industry and business in all of their hundreds of ramifications,
and into the health, travel, and recreation of our people.
The emphasis which we have been forced to place on aviation develop-
ment as the key to military power should be paralleled by equal attention
to its social and economic applications for peacetime living. This alarming
distortion of values is illustrated in the following statement of Bromfield.3
It is significant that the energies of a score or more of the world's greatest
scientists were concentrated upon the development of atomic energy to create
an engine of destruction rather than as an instrument for the liberation of man-
kind from materialism, and to advance the goals of true civilization. It is sig-
nificant that two billion dollars were appropriated overnight for the advancement
of atomic research in the construction of a terrible instrument of destruction,
although there is difficulty in the raising of money for peaceful exploitation of
atomic energy or for research aimed at the extermination of such plagues of
mankind as cancer, polio, or tuberculosis.
Mr. Bromfield might well have added "or in raising money to improve the
quality and broaden the scope of education for all our people."
Aviation could be the greatest boon to international understanding the
world has ever known. In the United Nations assemblies, in diplomatic
chambers and international conferences, and in other similarly important
and pivotal assemblies where solutions to crucial and troublesome world
problems are being sought, the acute need for international understanding
is constantly apparent. A new and revolutionary policy of statecraft and
diplomacy is demanded. The destinies of peoples, nations, regions, and
continents are being held in delicate balance by the ebb and flow of under-
standing which various representatives bring to these tense and critical
settings. Although, technically, aviation has given neighbor status to peoples
in all sections of the globe, it is a fact that until we can establish mutual
understanding and confidence, our political arrangements may have no
more value than the paper on which they are written. The necessary under-
standing and confidence can be maintained only by aviation and education
working together.
Successful living in an interdependent world community involves enor-
mous and radical adjustments in the thoughts and actions of millions of
people, not just the nation's representatives. For the first time in history
it has become necessary for all peoples to act with the realization that we
have one world, and that no longer may single nations live in isolated
3 Bromfield, Louis. A Few Brass Tacks. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1946.


security. For some peoples this means an abrupt shift from a relatively
simple and primitive culture into an immensely complex and highly civilized
society. For others, it involves the developing of concepts of democracy and
freedom which will permit varying levels of literacy, economic security, and
political maturity to develop side by side in peace. For some, it means both.
Democracy requires a desirable standard of living for all the world's
millions if it is to function effectively and genuinely. Widespread economic
upheavals in war-scarred Europe, extreme poverty in India and China and
other large areas of the world, together with the alarming amount of
illiteracy in various undeveloped societies, present serious blocks to the
achievement of a free world. In addition, men's minds need to be liberated
from corrosive fears, suspicions, miseries, and ignorance so they may func-
tion constructively. The central and immediate task confronting us is to
eliminate such obstacles. From Aristophanes has come a message which the
world needs sorely to heed:
From the murmur and the subtlety of suspicion with which
we vex one another,
Give us rest.
Make a new beginning;
Mingle again the kindred of the nations in the alchemy of love,
And with some finer essence of forbearance
Temper our mind.
The Marshall Plan is contributing materially to an economic restoration
of Europe. Further implementation, however, is vitally needed through
broader uses of scientific discoveries and industrial power and through the
inculcation of deep moral and spiritual values which spring from mutual
understanding. An expanded base of education will open gateways of
understanding which can lead to both peace and economic security. Aviation
offers the most promising hope for such education, in that it brings first, the
speed and mechanical power to span great distances and overcome physical
barriers in transporting passengers, cargo, and mail to any region of the
globe, and second, it brings the educational experiences and humanizing
influences needed to unite the world.
This idea is contained in a wire received a few days ago from the
United States Secretary of the Air Force, W. Stuart Symington:
American air power consists not only of planes and pilots, of air fields, and
bases, and a strong aviation industry, but of enlightened democratic citizenry
that understands the full implications of air power, and how best to use it. Ameri-
can air power, with the United States Air Force as a core of its strength, is
dedicated to the promotion of international peace and to the strengthening of
American policy toward the maintenance of peace. The Berlin air-lift is a
notable example of the use of air power for such purposes. Education can make
a distinctive contribution to the development of our air power, by stimulating
young minds to an awareness of the implications of aviation. Concepts of geog-
raphy, applications of science, customs of national life, and principles of defense
developed during the centuries of surface travel and surface warfare have been
profoundly altered by aeronautical science within the lifetime of most of us. To
guarantee a future of progress, we must understand the significance of aviation
in the age in which we live.

University of Florida Home Page
© 2004 - 2010 University of Florida George A. Smathers Libraries.
All rights reserved.

Acceptable Use, Copyright, and Disclaimer Statement
Last updated October 10, 2010 - - mvs