Front Cover
 Title Page
 Table of Contents
 The people’s schools: An international...
 The people’s schools: A national...
 Free schools for a free people
 The people’s schools: Today and...
 What’s right with the schools in...
 Official records
 Back Matter
 Back Cover

Group Title: Official report, The American Association of School Administrators
Title: Official report;
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00094191/00002
 Material Information
Title: Official report; including a record of the national convention
Physical Description: v. : ill., ports. ; 24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: American Association of School Administrators
Publisher: American Association of School Administrators.
Place of Publication: Washington D.C
Washington D.C
Publication Date: 1944
Subject: Education -- Societies, etc -- United States   ( lcsh )
Dates or Sequential Designation: 1st-104th; 1874-1971/72.
Numbering Peculiarities: No meetings were held in 1876 and 1878, proceedings for 1877 included in 1879 issue.
Issuing Body: Issued 1874-1937 by the Association under its earlier name: Department of Superintendence of the National Education Association.
Issuing Body: Issued 1874- as Circular of information of the U.S. Bureau of Education (L111.A5)
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00094191
Volume ID: VID00002
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: alephbibnum - 001502605
oclc - 01479407
notis - AHB5399
lccn - 09004525 //r3
lccn - 09004525


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Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Title Page
        Page 1
        Page 2
    Table of Contents
        Page 3
        Page 4
    The people’s schools: An international view
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    The people’s schools: A national view
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    Free schools for a free people
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    The people’s schools: Today and tomorrow
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    What’s right with the schools in 1944
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    Official records
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    Back Matter
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    Back Cover
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Full Text



.A Dcparr.ment of the Ntason.d Educaiion Aw. xinion of" rbc U tedr Staies

Thlic Pople'i Schilis iII War tUIm Pcacc

eattic Allanta Neuc York Chicago Kansas City

,., _' -" --" -





Wartime Conferences

on Education

January 10-12, 1944
February 15-17, 1944
February 22-24, 1944
February 28-March 1, 1944
March 8-10, 1944

A Department of the National Education Association of the United States
March 1944


N FEBRUARY 1940, the railroad yards at St. Louis
were filled with the special trains and extra Pullmans
handling the convention travel of the American Associa-
tion of School Administrators. Special trains and extra Pullmans
for civilians were early war casualties.
In February 1941, two hundred and eighty-two firms and organi-
zations participated in the convention exhibit of the American
Association of School Administrators in the Atlantic City Audi-
torium. Today, the armed forces are occupying that entire audito-
rium, one of the largest in the world.
In February 1942, the official count showed that 12,174 persons
registered at the San Francisco convention. The housing bureau
assigned 4837 hotel sleeping rooms.*Now every night in San
Francisco, long lines of people stand in hotel lobbies anxiously
seeking a place to sleep.
In 1943, the convention was cancelled at the request of the
Office of Defense Transportation.
In 1944, it was neither pTactical nor appropriate to hold a great
national convention, and yet the need for school administrators
to get together to discuss present problems and future plans affect-
ing education was more urgent than ever. To meet this need, a
series of five regional conferences was organized.
This Official Report includes addresses delivered at each of the
five conferences. Due to rationing of print paper, its size is limited
to 256 pages, and so a number of excellent addresses are neces-
sarily omitted.
The central theme of the regional conference programs was "The
People's Schools in War and Peace." The five headings under
which the addresses in this volume are organized correspond with
the sub-topics for the five general sessions of each conference,
which were:
The People's Schools: An International View
The People's Schools: A National View
Free Schools for a Free People
The People's Schools: Today and Tomorrow
What's Right with the Schools in 1944



The People's Schools: An International View

The Schools of Britain Carry On ... . . .-McClure
Education and the People's Peace . . .-Stoddard
Education and the People's Peace . . .-Carr .
To Bind Up the Wounds in the Schools of All Nations .-Russell .
Education for Citizenship in a Reorganized World . .-Hunter .


The People's Schools\: A National View

Safeguarding the Intellectual Foundations of America .
Morale for a Free World . . . .
Morale in Education in 1944 . . .
The Teachers of America Serve a Nation at War .
The Military Training Program of the Army Service Forces
Education for Civic Competence . . .


Free Schools for a Free People

Financing Education in the Postwar Economy . .
Financing Education in the Postwar Economy . .
Protecting Home Rule in American Education . .
Universal and Free Public Education . .
Protecting Home Rule in American Education . .


The People's Schools: Today and Ton

Some Suggested War and Peace Musts for Education .
The Outlook for Education . .
Readjusting the School Service to Postwar Needs .
Minds and Materials . . .
Today's Challenge to American Schools . .
The Future of Education in the South . .
Readjusting the School Service to Postwar Needs .
Education and Business . .


.-Studebaker. 55
.-Reed 63
.-Nuttall 71
.-Joynes 75
.-Weible 82

.-Bacon 88

.-Norton .
.-Erw in


.-Bruner .
.-Spratt .



145 I



FWhat's Right with the Schools in 1944

The Schools as Builders of Men . .

Schools, the Citadels of Democracy . .

What Is Right with Health and Physical Education .

What's Right with the Schools . .

Preserving the American Heritage . .

What's Right with the Educational Program in 1944

The Schools as Preservers of Our Cultural Heritage

The Schools as Promoters of Cooperation in the E
Enterprise .

School Citadels of Democracy . .

The Schools as Citadels of Democracy . .

In Looking Forward . .


.-Putnam .

.-Bracken .

.. ..- cFarland

.-Doudna .

.-Samuelson .

.-It'arren .

. .-Kennan .

. .-Courter .

. .-Stoddard

. .-Edmonson .

Official Records

Also at the Conferences .

Seattle Conference Program .

Atlanta Conference Program .

New York Conference Program

Chicago Conference Program .

Kansas City Conference Program

Report of the Board of Tellers .

Report of the Auditing Committee

Yearbook Commissions . .

Officers 1943-44 . .
Officers 1944-45 . .

. . . 24 1

. . . . 24 3

. . . . 24 4

. . . 24 5

. . . 24 6

. . . . 24 7

. . . . 24 8

. . . . 24 9

. . . 2 50

. . . 2 50
. . . 2 5 1

OUR POLICY-The American Association of School Administra-
tors endorses no individual or group of individuals or any sentiment
expressed by any speaker or other participant in its programs, except
by resolution or by motion approved by a vote of its members.

? p .












Part I

The People's Schools: An International View

Address at Seattle, Atlanta, New York, Chicago,
and Kansas City Conferences
For some weeks I have been privileged to visit the schools of the United
Kingdom, running the whole scale from nursery classes for tots and toddlers
whose mothers are doing war jobs, to adult programs like the Workers'
Educational Association classes and the men's and women's institutes of
the London County Council. I was there under the sponsorship of our own
Office of War Information at the invitation of the British Board of Edu-
cation and the British Ministry of Information to see boys and girls and
teachers at work in wartime schools and to discuss those educational prob-
lems which are common to both countries. I have observed education first-
hand in a rapid sweep that has included parts of England, Scotland, and
the North of Ireland. I have questioned and received open, informative
answers from teachers, students, and authorities. I have seen nursery schools
and wartime nurseries in Willesden, the Northern Counties, and Scotland.
I have attended Workers' Educational Association classes in Manchester.
I have visited schools of all kinds in the colliery towns, and I have met
with-eager-minded youth groups and their leaders. I have visited technical
colleges where men and women are being trained for war jobs under the
War Office and Ministry of Labour schemes, and members of the armed
forces are receiving technical training. I have also spent a day at a famous
"Public School" in Surrey.
I was the guest of the British for a period of eight weeks. I was gone
from this country about three months. I left Seattle on the 6th day of
October, and I arrived in England on the 8th day of November. Twenty
days of that time were spent in crossing the Atlantic Ocean, which in itself
was an opportunity to live several weeks, for we straggled behind the
convoy, and after we had been out a few days our engine broke down.
We had already had the news that several of the stragglers were sunk.
Then we started to go back to the nearest port, which was three days away,
so we spent three days without support on the broad bosom of the Atlantic,
lots of time to reflect on what a grand and glorious place the United States
really is and how you had never appreciated it before.
Coming back I had another unusual experience, that is, of flying home,
touching four continents in the space of forty-eight hours. I literally filled
my pipe in the northern part of the British Isles and smoked it in North
Africa-they wouldn't let me smoke when I got on the plane.


I left in a sleet storm at 10:30 at night. The next morning I looked
out of the window about 9:00 o'clock and there was a beach line seven
or eight thousand feet below with a white line of surf, palm trees behind,
and sand dunes in the background. After about three-quarters of an hour
of flying, we came in sight of North Africa; a city, partly a native quarter;
some modern buildings; and a camel caravan winding its way along the
road toward the gates of the city. In another five minutes we landed at a
tremendous American airport which had been developed within the last
year, really an immense project. Here were four Arabs squatted around a
fire warming their hands, in spite of what I am sure a Californian would
have at once claimed as a California climate. The sun was shining and
the air was fresh and brisk, and the only thing that was missing to identify
it as California was a sign announcing the city limits of Los Angeles.
I had never visited England before. It was, therefore, a totally new ex-
perience. Some of my British friends sympathized with me because I had
never seen the old England, but after I had been there a short time, I felt
I had seen an even more magnificent England than the old England which
somehow I felt I possessed thru reading Dickens and his successors.
What I saw was the victory of a whole people. The Battle of Britain
was not W*von by the military alone; it was won by the rank and file, the
rich and poor, the great and small, the young and old, who got out and
fought fires and served as members of first-aid squads, as hospital orderlies,
as fire watchers, and all those in the other civilian defense activities.
When the raids came during the last week, which were more severe
than for many months previous, I am quite certain that. London was not
caught unprepared. I visited some of those control rooms and I saw how
thoroly they were organized, with one or two professional people, and
the balance of the work done by nonprofessional people who were there
on a weekly schedule. Everybody spends so many hours a week there, in
addition to his regular work-a truly magnificent Britain!
I was there long enough to find out that the British and the Americans
are alike in a good many important disrespects. We think of them as, oh, I
suppose, in terms of P. G. Wodehouse's stories, a group of Charlieboys,
rather stodgy individuals who haven't very much of a sense of humor,
pretty shrewd on the right end of a business deal. They drive on the wrong
side of the street, and they think we do! They put their salt on the rim of
the plate and dip their food into it, instead of broadcasting it over the
food as we do. They are very skilful with the fork in the left hand. One
of the amazing things I witnessed on the British ship going over was the
skill with which the officers would cement peas on the back of a fork
with mashed potatoes, something I never achieved. When we got to Britain,
I didn't see that for there were no peas, but plenty of mashed potatoes.
However, there was a delightful sense of humor. The English sense of
humor is perhaps different from ours because it grows out of the passing
events. I judge it must be a general lifesaver for them, the ability which
they show to extract humor out of even the most tragic situations.
They tell the story of the two shopkeepers in London whose shops were


smashed by a near-miss that landed in the street, and the next morning
one of them went out and saw the front of his shop all blown in, his
windows and door-everything opened up. He placed a sign above his
door in large letters which read: "OPEN AS USUAL."
His rival down the street a few'doors came up to see what was going on
and he saw that big sign up there, "OPEN AS USUAL," and he went
back and took a look at his own shop, and repaired to the back room and
produced another sign which he put up over his windows: "MORE OPEN
Then there is the story of the two good ladies who were cleaning up
the street, raking up the fragments of broken glass and other things in
piles to be removed, and one said to the other, "Isn't it a good thing that
we have this kind of work to do to keep our minds off the war?"
They get a good deal of lend-lease material over there and along with
it a particular kind of tinned meat that our boys in the Army have-
and the Army, by the way, is in evidence everywhere. We saw American
soldiers wherever we went. The British population have had so much
of this tinned meat that they call us Uncle Sparm now.
I recall talking to members of a youth group down in the "Mile of
Docks," in London's East End, where all were blitzed out of their homes,
the schools smashed, and the youngsters had to go to work at thirteen
and they have been working ever since. They were fifteen to seventeen
years of age. That day they sat around the fireplace in the Youth Club, run
by the Church of England, and I tried to get them to tell me something
of their experiences, and all I got was jokes, the funny side of everything.
One lad told with a good deal of laughter how, when the docks were
burning, he was serving as a fire watcher. Something on the docks gave off a
lot of tremendously unpleasant fumes, and he decided the Germans were
using gas, so he put on his gas mask and rushed into all the air-raid shelters
and said, "Put on your gas masks. The Jerries are using gas." He had to
he restrained finally by physical force before they could stop him, but not
until he had put on quite a show for the rest of them.
That is the type of people they are. They said they can see now that
other people might have thought they had their backs to the wall in '40
and '41, but they didn't realize it themselves. You can't whip a people
who do not know when they ought to be whipped.
Contrary to the general impression given out by press reports, this party
of Americans labeled "lend-lease lecturers" didn't go in a group being wined
and dined. We went on individual itineraries. Mine was plotted by the
Office of Education and our own office at the American Embassy. I went
to Manchester, Newcastle, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Belfast, besides a number
of side trips from London, spending several days in each one of those
cities, visiting rural and city schools, taking in a good many youth groups.
I think one of the most interesting meetings I had was one Sunday
night at a motion picture house in Kilmarnock, about twenty miles from
Glasgow, near the home of Robert Burns, a weekly meeting for the pur-
pose of informing the community about the Allies-part of an organized


series of fortnightly meetings held all over the United Kingdom. There
were fifteen hundred lay people there. My remarks were followed by a
question period and by films on American industrial development.
Everywhere I was met with warm friendliness, and I rode in third
class as well as first class compartments. For those who have not been
there before, there is no second class; they have only the first and the
third classes. I have come to like the people of the United Kingdom, to
know how much like us they are in fundamental ideals and aspirations,
and how much our educational systems have in common. I have no desire
to pose as an authority after only eight weeks.
I have witnessed the amazing spectacle of a people who have not been
satisfied merely to maintain schools thru all the grim unpleasantness of blitz
but who, in the midst of total war, with the enemy only minutes away-
fifteen minutes from some of the German flying fields to England-are con-
fidently planning for the greatest educational advance in their history.
The Schools at War-Make no mistake about it. These schools have
suffered. Yet never has it been more clearly demonstrated that a school is
more than bricks and mortar. Buildings by the hundreds have been blasted
out of existence. Others have been partially destroyed. Still others have
been occupied in whole or in part by the armed services or the civil de-
fense. Those that are left to the children have been unavoidably defaced
and crippled as to lighting by such things as blast walls in front of ground
floor windows and entrances. Valuable building and playground space has
had to be taken for air-raid shelters. There has been neither materials nor
manpower for the usual repairs. Janitor service has been shorthanded.
Shortage of books, paper, and supplies has handicapped teaching tremen-
dously. It gave me an opportunity to realize how important the equip-
ment is that we have in this country. Yet triumphant above myriad hard-
ships and frustrations has been that immortal something which we call a
school-the spirit of teachers and boys and girls, living, working, laugh-
ing, enduring, matching wits against adversity, growing together.
Heroic Teachers-These British teachers have written a brilliant page
in the history of the teaching profession. They were evacuated to the
country with the children, once in the days of the "phony war" and again
when the real blitz came. As the children filtered back, they came back too,
to hold classes in private homes and various emergency quarters until better
shelter could be had. Their behavior during the blitz was superb. For ex-
ample, in Sheffield, widely devastated by a night raid, eight hundred teach-
ers appeared at the town hall within an hour in response to a radio appeal.
They got there somehow in spite of the fact that a new blitz, more violent
than the first, had already begun. For several days and nights they manned
emergency hospitals, rest shelters, feeding stations, doing whatever tasks
assigned them, snatching sleep or going without, as circumstances dictated.
On May 11, 1941, London received its most cruel blasting from the skies.
There were 1800 fires in London that night. The Rest Centres were
jammed with homeless people, who had to be fed, sheltered, and, in many
instances, clothed. All that night and all the next day the teachers of Lon-


don were working, caring for the destitute thousands. By evening of the
12th they had been serving for twenty-four hours and the time had come
for them to be relieved. But they did not go home to bed as you might
think they were justified in doing; no-a thousand of them went to
Westminster that night thru the blitz-torn streets, to hear the president
of the Board of Education and the secretary of the National Union of
Teachers discuss proposals for a new program of education for the children.
The teachers are still taking their turns at evacuation duty, for 140,000
children are still evacuated. Just before Christmas I visited the classroom
of a London teacher who had just returned from eighteen months evacua-
tion service. While she was away her former school had been blitzed. She
was now assigned to a different school which was itself occupying emer-
gency quarters because its former building had been destroyed.
Teachers and Pupils-The teachers know their pupils. You are struck
with this as you visit their schools. To facilitate this acquaintance small
schools are preferred. Infant schools, ages five to seven, are frequently
housed separately from junior schools, ages eight to eleven, and the latter
from senior schools, ages twelve to fourteen. Even when housed together
each division has a headmistress or headmaster. A similar view is taken as
to size of secondary schools. Manchester Grammar School with 1384 stu-
dents is said to be the largest secondary school in the United Kingdom.
Five hundred is regarded as large enough. It is expected that the head of
each school shall know the pupils individually, and the heads feel responsible
to achieve this personal relationship.
Size of Classes-About class size educationalists are less concerned at the
moment. Classes are larger than in American schools, especially below the
secondary school. Even in infant schools classes of over forty in England
and Scotland and over fifty in Northern Ireland are customary. Double
seating is almost universal. Lack of housing and personnel shortages account
for this in part but not altogether.
Class Organization-Pupils are grouped by age-levels, not grade-levels.
* That is, all the five-year-olds are regarded as one class, all the six-year-olds
as another, and so on. Add to this the fairly general practice of organizing
A.B.C.D. "streams," or ability grouping within each age-level, and you
have the basis for assignment of pupils. Thus it frequently happens that you
will find a few eleven-year-olds with the A-stream of twelves. There is no
such thing as our annual promotion. The examination at age eleven or twelve
is the standardizing device which takes care of that. Youngsters all remain
with their own age groups until they meet this hurdle at which junction
their educational future is finally determined. More about this later.
The School Meals-School feeding is making a valuable contribution to
the national health. Today well over a million elementary- and secondary-
school children receive warm, well-balanced school meals at less than cost,
the difference being made up by national funds. These funds are chan-
neled thru the British Board of Education, the Scottish Education De-
partment, and the Ministry of Education for Northern Ireland. Encouraged
by the government and the schools, the number of children thus being


served is constantly increasing. There is evidence that children are taller
and sturdier since this service has been established than before. The Min-
istry of Clothing announced that children more than 10 percent overheight
or overweight might receive additional clothing coupons, and when they
checked up, they were amazed at the number of children much larger than
they had ever had before, who exceeded those standards. Supervised by the
teachers, the school meals offer wide possibilities along lines of both health
and social education. I have eaten these meals in England, Scotland, and
Northern Ireland. They consist of meat, potatoes and gravy, cabbage or
other vegetable, and a "sweet" as desserts are called. Helpings are generous.
There are "seconds" if required and I have even witnessed a few "thirds"
disappear miraculously, not without some envy. Besides the school meals,
fresh milk is served twice per day at a ha'penny a portion which is one-
third of a pint.
The New Education Bill-The United Kingdom is on the eve of the
greatest educational advance in its history. Just before I left, the president
of the Board of Education, who is a member of the House of Commons,
had introduced a bill which, in keeping with the previously issued White
Paper, makes the following far-reaching proposals:
1. The unification of the national system of education into three stages, to be
known as primary, secondary, and further education. Notice they don't say
"adult" education; they don't say "youth" education; they say "further" education.
2. The provision of nursery schools at public expense wherever needed.
3. The raising of the school-leaving age to fifteen, and later to sixteen.
4. Further reorganization of elementary schools so that well designed and
equipped elementary and secondary schools will be available to all children.
5. Amendment of existing laws to require (1) that the school day shall begin
with an act of collective worship; (2) that religious instruction shall be provided
with proper safeguards as to freedom of conscience of pupils and teachers; and
(3) to enable schools provided by voluntary bodies, e.g., churches, to play their
part in the proposed educational developments. This emphasis on religious wor-
ship and instruction is not a new thing. It is the first time, however, it will be
required by law if this bill passes.
6. Introduction of free and compulsory part-time education in working hours for
young people up to age eighteen.
7. Provision of adequate, coordinated facilities for youth and adult education.
8. Extension of existing facilities for securing health and physical well-being
of children and youth, including recreation.
9. Inspection and registration of all independent schools-which we would call
the privately operated schools, not supported by any government funds.
10. Adjustment of present systems of local educational administration to give
effect to the new unified elementary, secondary, and further education program.
These have to unify. They have had separate boards for elementary and secondary
schools in many instances. The proposal is that they unify the boards now.
11. To finance those improvements it is proposed to increase the national govern-
ment's share of the costs from 50 percent to 55 percent by 1948-49. That represents
an increase in the total cost of education when this program is complete, of 66 2/3
percent over the present outlay, which is about 120,000,000 pounds. Total additional
costs of these reforms is estimated at 5,500,000 pounds the first year, 47,300,000
pounds the seventh year, and ultimately 79,800,000 pounds.
Education and Social Reconstruction-There is no doubt that the goal
of universal free education is in the public mind of the United Kingdom


and that it is an important part of reconstruction. American high schools
are of especial interest because the White Paper and the bill just intro-
duced by President R. A. Butler of the British Board of Education pro-
pose to extend the age-limits of compulsory education, or as it is signifi-
cantly termed, to raise the "school-leaving age" from fourteen to fifteen-
significantly, because according to official figures 86 percent now leave school
,at age fourteen. To a great many groups I showed the films of American
school life, which I was fortunately able to take with me. Among these,
one showing occupations followed by American boys and girls one year after
graduation from high school and another picturing student activities con-
tributing to citizenship and character education elicited the keenest dis-
cussion from audiences of all ages. These films also raised the perfectly
natural question of why stay in school until seventeen or eighteen if you
have to take ordinary jobs afterwards, and others of similar tenor that
brought out sharply our American tradition of universal education as the
cornerstone of the Republic. These discussions revealed that the "Dead
End Kids," movie version, had given our British cousins a totally fan-
tastic notion of American youngsters.
"British Educational Tradition-Now, in order to understand a little
more fully the provisions of this bill, you need to look at the British edu-
cational tradition, which has developed out of long centuries during which
the church alone kept schools alive and later when education was purely
a parental responsibility. The nation has been a relative newcomer as a
supporter of schools. In 1833 national funds made the beginnings of mass
education possible. Small wonder then that education is still viewed
by many solely as a privilege not a duty, as a weapon to be used for per-
sonal advantage in the economic struggle; that mass education for social
responsibilities is relatively new. Happily, however, there are today in
the United Kingdom strong voices calling attention to the dangers of
over-early specialization and training, the importance of cultural studio
to abundant living, and the necessity of understanding today's world as
a basis for competent citizenship.
The School-Leaving Age-Contrasting sharply with 1940 America,
where 73 percent of youth ages fourteen to seventeen were in school, some
86 percent of United Kingdom youth leave school at fourteen. The new
bill proposes to raise this to fifteen at the earliest possible date after April 1,
1945, later to sixteen, and contemplates part-time education until age
eighteen. When the present shortage of school buildings, personnel, sup-
plies, and equipment is realized, the need for this preliminary period of
preparation is obvious. And they have set the date for the initiation of
this program at April 1, 1945. That is the day when the school-leaving age
goes up. They want to take this year to get ready for it.
The Examination System-Education in this country is selective in
character. Children are examined-"creamed" is the word employed-at
ages eleven and twelve, to select those who may attend the secondary schools.
Those not qualifying for the secondary schools are "creamed" again at age
thirteen for the junior technical and commercial schools. Those who have


been admitted to secondary schools are "creamed" for the university at about
age sixteen or seventeen. It is argued by many that it is impracticable to
undertake to specialize a child's education on the basis of examinations
taken at age eleven or twelve. It is proposed to meet this objection in the
new bill by providing for a resorting and readjustment of misfits at age
thirteen. It is further argued that the uniform examination system freezes
the curriculum, makes changes impossible because the questions of previous
examinations are employed for intensive study by pupils about to be ex-
amined themselves. I saw that going on thruout the schools, in every sec-
tion of the United Kingdom-the pamphlet form containing examination
questions for the last twenty-five years, which they are studying in prepara-
tion for the various examinations they are about to take. I was told by
one inspector that he had introduced some new mathematics questions in
the examination, feeling that the mathematics was not quite up to date,
but there was a tremendous outcry and he was never again asked to make
out any mathematics examinations. It is proposed to meet this objection
by a gradual change over t6 "internal" examinations, that is, examinations
set by each school for its own pupils. They are going to take six or seven
years to do that. Higher schools have been setting examples for lower
schools. They are going to have a few committee members from the lower
schools to assist in making examinations and gradually increase it until
finally the lower school is making out its own questionsA
Specialized Secondary Schools or Comprehensive High Schools-The
Education White Paper proposed secondary schools of three types-gram-
mar, technical, and modern-the first-named representing the traditional
secondary curriculum, and the last-named the field of general education. The
last-named school, the modern school, would be the successor of the present
senior school. It would be raised from ages twelve to fourteen to serve chil-
dren between ages twelve to sixteen, and made a secondary school. They say
that will serve those who are practically-minded-general education. The
term "technical school" is self-explanatory. Some British educationists op-
pose this specialization of secondary schools. They point out that the modern
school will still be the school for "left-overs" and they favor the compre-
hensive American high school, known in England as the "multilateral" and
in Scotland as the "omnibus" school. Opponents of this proposal base their
onnosition in part on the necessarily larger size of the comprehensive school.
The new bill leaves this issue open for administrative adjustment.
Coeducation-No longer an issue in America and scarcely one in Scot-
land, the education of boys and girls together in the same secondary schools
is still a question which is far from closed in England. America's experience
with coeducational high schools has been the point of many questions. I was
asked about that everywhere, whether we believed youngsters did as much
work, with boys and girls in the same school, and why we-tanted them in
the same school, after all, and when the questions were answered, they
usually got into argument among themselves, so I could sit back and rest.
Youth Activities-The matter of juvenile delinquency was most interest-
ing to observe. They haven't indulged in the great mass of words that we


have in this country. You find very little reference in the papers over there
to juvenile delinquency, but you do find evidence in the schools of a great deal
of activity; in other, words, with the enemy fifteen minutes away, they
haven't had time to orate about or write newspaper editorials; they have
gone to work. They say it is an educational problem and you can see how
acute it must have been with five years of blackout, five years of darkness,
with a great deal of evacuation, which has disrupted families, with a great
many more mothers working than we have here, with fathers in the service,
and with youngsters going to work at fourteen and making eight or ten
pounds a week, which produces the same phenomenon we have here, namely,
youngsters with more money than they know how to spend wholesomely.
It is of interest that national funds for out-of-school youth activities, as
they call it-they don't say "prevention of juvenile delinquency," you see-
both educational and recreational, have been wisely channelled thru the
British Board of Education, the Scottish Education Department, and the
Ministry of Education of Northern Ireland, to local educational authorities,
who are empowered to cooperate with and make grants to the various local
voluntary agencies-the Boy Scouts and the Girl Guides, the Boys' Brigade
of the Church of England, the Y.W.C.A. and the Y.M.C.A.-thus utiliz-
ing to the fullest both public and privately supported community resources.
In every community visited I have seen the fruition of this policy in youth
centers and youth clubs, which are going concerns. America has much to
learn from the United Kingdom in this regard. Now let me give you three
examples. First, in the city of Darlington, in the colliery area, I saw an ele-
mentary school being utilized every night in the week from the time school
was out until about ten o'clock, for these youth activities. This program was
in charge of the headmaster of the senior school, which occupied that build-
ing, but not only were members of the school staff employed there, but there
was an expert in dramatics, a physical education expert from one of the
voluntary agencies; there were leaders of various kinds from youth groups
who were privileged to use the building on the basis of a schedule. All the
activities you might think of were there, from social dancing to hobby clubs
and cabinet making, and radio and construction work of all kinds, and
plenty of games like table tennis, and the inevitable canteen where you could
get a cup of tea for a penny, and a sandwich for a penny, and so on.
Now, in Edinburgh, on the waterfront, where they had a great deal of
delinquency among girls, the Girl Guides had been endeavoring to operate,
but weren't able to get anywhere, first, because they couldn't find a place to
operate and, second, because the girls down there whom they wanted to
reach, were inclined to believe the Girl Guides a bit too goody-goody.
The educational authorities were able to get hold of a steel hut released
by the Army down on the waterfront. They employed the director of the
Girl Guides, who was really an expert, a well-trained individual, to set up
this club, and it was called the Girls' Club, and they enlisted a lot of girls
in that community to help organize the program so that it was organized
along the lines of what would interest them.
After it got going, some of the younger girls wanted to come in and that


was permitted, and finally the boys wanted to come in, too, and so they had
a staff of three people, all of whom were well qualified.
The night I was there the place was swarming with youngsters of all
ages. They operate on a schedule. At that particular time they had table
tennis games. One group was working on Christmas cards, which are very
difficult to get over there because they are not being printed. Another group
was making dolls. The girls were making dolls out of stockings for younger
children, and a group of boys was making toys which would be very grate-
fully received because toys are no longer being manufactured.
In another place I saw a building, an old home, a mansion rented by the
local school committee, which had been turned over to these voluntary
agencies. The Education Committee had placed in this building a man and
his wife who were well qualified as directors. They invited these voluntary
agencies to come in and take over the place and use it for their meetings and
for their activities, and that place was being very well occupied the night I
was there. Groups were there. They were redecorating and refurnishing
that house themselves. There were a good many athletic activities going ,on,
from wrestling and boxing down to table tennis.
So I think there are two things which are distinctive about their dealing
with juvenile delinquency, aside from the fact that they don't talk about it
as such, and give the youngsters the idea that they are all delinquent and
must be taken care of. First, they regard it as an educational activity, and
they make the educational system of any community the coordinating agency,
with authority to cooperate and funds to cooperate with all of the agencies
in the community. Second, they insist on qualified persons as leaders. No
funds are available until that requirement has been met.
Rationing-Now, the matter of rationing is of great interest to us be-
cause we have had some of it to do here. In issuing ration books the schools
assisted but the job was simplified. As described, the procedure has been about
as follows: (1) Registration blanks are distributed by postal authorities
and when completed are collected by them. (2) Completed blanks are de-
livered to the local school in each neighborhood with the requisite number
of ration books. (3) Names are written on the covers of the books by the
pupils under teachers' supervision. (4) Completed books are collected by
the post office and delivered to the homes. So there were no queue-ings-up or
interruption of school to the extent it was brought about here.
Personnel Shortages-Evidence of thorogoing overall planning is seen in
the national program recently announced for emergency training of 10,000
teachers annually for seven years. You see, when they add two years to the
school'program, they are going to need a great many teachers to meet that as
well as to replace the losses which have come about thru retirement and
other causes. The teacher-training institutions in the United Kingdom have
not been so severely depleted of students as have those of the United States.
Men are gone, of course, but women of registration age-remember, women
between eighteen and fifty registered for national service-have been con-
tinued at college. And those who are qualified for teacher training are re-
served for that purpose. They are kept on the job at teacher training. So they


haven't suffered so far as women are concerned. Contrary to some reports in
the United States, schoolmen have been called into service in large numbers.
A rising birth-rate coupled with the extension of compulsory attendance
makes emergency training of teachers necessary and the program announced
has been based upon estimated needs.
Schools and Parents-Schools of the United Kingdom, with the possible
exception of London, do not seem as close to the community as our own, but
everywhere I have found great interest in American parent-teacher associa-
tions. It is noteworthy that Belfast now has fourteen parents' associations.
There may be a growing tendency, hastened by the war with its extension of
school activities, for a closer community tie.
Universities and Human Resources-The university student body of the
United Kingdom today is normally about one-twentieth of America's. They
have a total of 50,000 in the universities of the United Kingdom, as against
our 1,000,000 or perhaps 1,250,000 in peacetime. However, up to the pres-
ent, 40 percent of the students of the universities have been supported at
least in part by national funds, and British educationists hope the percentage
will be increased. This liberal interpretation of a conservative policy gives
America pause. We boast of our great university facilities, yet every year
some of our best brains are wasted because talented young people lack the
funds to carry on. Britain has lost by too early and too frugal selection per-
haps, but we have lost because, after making it easy to prepare for college,
we have left the selection to be determined on the basis of financial ability.
Education and the People's Peace-We all of us, I am certain, hope that
the desire of the American people, as expressed in the resolutions which have
been passed by the Senate and the House of Representatives overwhelmingly,
will be brought to fruition thru some kind of agreement which shall be
reached at the peace table. Yet, if we assume that when that document
has been signed, the job shall have been done, we assume that which never
has been and never can be. It takes time to change attitudes; it takes time
to develop understanding, and so there must be educational emphasis upon
the ideals and aspirations which the peoples of the United Kingdom and of
the United Nations and the United States hold dear. More than that, these
plans must be based upon acquaintance and understanding. Many thoughtful
persons in the United States and in the United Kingdom think that there
must be provision for educational planning within the framework of the
United Nations. I am one of those persons. Perhaps the beginning might
well be made by our two countries, who share a common language and a
common heritage of culture. I believe the time is ripe for such a beginning
between these two nations. Everywhere I went in the schools, I was greeted
with "The Star-Spangled Banner," so much so that just before Christmas I
had to ask to hear some carols. I did want to hear British children singing
carols. They sing "The Star-Spangled Banner" with a good deal of facility.
There was one line they sang, "The shots bursting in air." It took a few
times to learn it was not "bombs" but "shots"-"The shots bursting in air."
However, the spirit is there.
They are teaching American history in many of the schools. Manchester


is making a special project of it. The Board of Education has been offering
courses in the summer. For the past several summers there have been courses
in education for the British teachers, and great public schools-Charter
House, for instance, which I visited-also are teaching American history.
There is a great deal of interest in it. I find our British cousins to be very
realistic in their approach to this subject. They desire to think in terms of
practical next steps rather than of generalized uplift. Just before leaving I
had a parting conference, quite unofficial, with the secretary of the British
National Union of Teachers. This organization represents 150,000 of the
200,000 British teachers. Contrary to what the name implies it has never
affiliated with the Trades Union Congress, believing itself to be most effec-
tive when it can work with "acceptable individuals and groups, irrespective
of their political color, on common educational policies." It is, therefore,
what the British call the "opposite number" of the National Education As-
sociation of the United States. Summarizing his position on international
teamwork in education, at the end of our conference, the Secretary said,
"I hope we will organize ourselves on practical lines rather than sublimate
ourselves on transcendental lines." Most needed now is to keep the way open
for further conversations. The Gilbert Murray Report, which attracted a
great deal of attention in this country, has been received rather unfavorably
there because it is believed the proposal to take over the schools in the oc-
cupied countries is impractical and unwise; therefore, I found a certain
amount of reticence on the part of the leaders of their organizations to dis-
cuss this matter until our position, which has been made clear thru our
Educational Policies Commission, was understood by them.
I have faith that it will be possible to explore this new and crucially im-
portant field of international teamwork in education to keep ourselves from
becoming "sublimated" on the one hand, and lost in arguments over niceties
of detail on the other.
I found great interest among teachers on the other side in teacher ex-
change. We have had experience with the interchange of teachers between
school systems in these United States. Will you not consider on the basis of
that experience what might be the result in terms of increased understand-
ing and confidence if we could have each year five hundred teachers from
the schools of Great Britain and Ireland serving in America's schools and
communities, and a like number of American teachers serving in the United
Kingdom, returning home after a year of interpreting their homeland, to
again become interpreters there of the land they had visited. Here is one
activity which might well be the forerunner of continued international team-
work in education for a stable world. At any cost, let us cultivate every op-
portunity for continued acquaintanceship. In the name of the generations of
children yet unborn, let us not falter now.



Address at New York, Chicago, and Kansas City Conferences

Some day this war will end and we shall try again to make peace. But this
war will not end as the last war ended. That was a war along a big ditch,
or a whole maze of ditches, on a continent. This is a war in the streets, over
the fields, on the beaches, in the passes, on the snow-capped mountains, in
the trees, in the fox-holes, in the trackless jungles, in the seas, and in the
skies. This is a world war.
The last war stopped suddenly with an armistice that began at a split-
second after eleven o'clock one morning in November. But the end will be
different this time. It may take days or even weeks to throttle down the
present gigantic war machine. Whether the end comes in a certain second,
or during a certain day, or month, or year, what a glorious time it will be
when the boys come home again!
Millions will dance in the streets for joy. They will tear up a billion books
and shower the confettied paper down from skyscrapers and the clouds; they
will tie any tin cans that are left to any old cars that may still be able to run
and drive hilariously down the mainstreets of a thousand towns and cities;
they will dash wildly along the marching columns of returning soldiers
throwing roses in their paths and kisses to their lips. They will shout and
sing until the piled up chorus of ecstacy mounts to the throne of God!
Other millions over the world will stand numb and silent, too tired to
weep, as if in a trance, unable to comprehend. Whether laughter or tears or
merely dry-eyed staring into space, never before will so many have wel-
comed the end of a war, and never before will so many have suffered and
lost so much to make it come true.
The war will end, but will peace come? That is now and ever has been
the one supreme question confronting mankind. Always the human race has
made the fatal assumption that peace naturally follows war, that the alterna-
tive to war is peace.
What has followed every war thruout the ages? Not peace but an armi-
stice which should not be confused with peace. An armistice is a suspension
of hostilities, a period when the machinery of war, the arms, stand still for
a while. The time may be short or long during which an armistice lasts. But
peace has the characteristic of permanence-it abides as do faith and hope
and charity. We must not make the mistake of assuming again this time
that the inevitable consequence of war is peace. In the 1920's and 30's we
thought that a peace had been made. We did not realize that we had run out
on what we had made, and it turned out to be only one more in a seemingly
endless series of armistices.
At one of the great national educational conventions immediately follow-
ing the first World War, one of the speakers cried, "Imperialism as a world
force is dead! The funeral was but yesterday." The United States Corn-


missioner of Education declared, "all isolations, splendid or otherwise, are
gone forever." Who would dare think otherwise ? Had we not just finished
winning the war to end war?
And then almost before the boys of World War I had folded their uni-
forms and stored them away with mothballs and sacred memories, the
American people ran out on them. Almost before they had looked up their
old jobs, we turned back to our classrooms, our offices, our newspapers, our
politics, our pulpits, our automobiles, our golf courses, our night clubs.
Heaving a gigantic sigh of relief that the war was over and peace had come,
we turned our backs on the past and sometimes even upon those who had
won the war for us. We did not mean to be unkind-we were just tired of
war and we assumed that peace had come.
Complacency is the most baffling and challenging of all human traits or
attitudes. Complacency is a way of retreat, a smug excuse for justifying in-
activity, a self-satisfying alibi for lack of concern about meeting and solving
problems. In science, complacency takes the form of superstition, unwilling-
ness to study cause and effect, objection to experimentation, and belief in all
the varied forms of witchcraft, ancient and modern. Complacency seizes
upon the highest motives of religion and distorts them into intolerance, dog-
matism, and bigotry. In the area of social relationships, complacency leads to
self-patriotism, with its evil offspring of chauvinism and of international,
racial, and class hatreds. In human psychology, complacency breeds a satis-
faction with the status quo and, like the opiate, lulls the human organism
into a sweet tranquility in the midst of strife and storm.
Complacency has caused every war that the world has known. Com-
placency is the arch-foe of peace. The glib generalization that we always
have had war and therefore we always shall have war and the philosophy of
the survival of the fittest are the answers of complacency to the universal
call for the brotherhood of man and a world dominated by goodwill.
As Francis B. Sayre said, "What the Allied victory in 1918 did achieve
was to give statesmanship an unparalleled opportunity at the conclusion of
the war to work out and apply solutions upon which a stable civilization
could be built. Military victory gave us our chance, but we lost it." We
failed to realize once more that peace, like freedom, must also be bought at
the price of blood, sweat, and tears. How noble it is to pay for victory in
war with blood, and sweat, and tears. What a deadly tragedy it is to as-
sume that peace can be bought for a lesser price!
Everyone admits that war involves marching and fighting and dying, but
it is assumed altogether too often that peace means quiet, rest, sleep, and
pleasant dreams. But this is not true. Peace is no less dynamic than war;
peace has its marching heroes just as has war; peace involves conflict and
struggle just as much as war ; peace requires red blood just as much as war.
If we are to have peace, we must win it even as war must be won. We
could call a million witnesses to this fact. The lives of the saints and all who
have died that we might have life more abundantly, present a mountain of
testimony that the ways of peace call for as much real courage, noble sacri-
fice, high adventure, and a willingness to die for a cause as does war. Even


after the world rids itself of war between nations, there will still be an end-
less succession of battles to establish a decent world and the kind of man
qualified more fully to live in that world.
The mistaken assumptions that men make, either consciously or uncon-
sciously, get them into their worst troubles. Witness the pay-off on the idea
that the world always has had wars and therefore always will have wars.
Several of the world's greatest leaders have told us time and time again that
this present war could have been prevented. They have even placed their
pointing fingers on the dates and places. Wars are not like the inexorable
succession of events that we call the seasons. Wars are made by man. They
represent a stage in our development as human beings. Wars are the effect
of causes and these causes are within the control of man.
No matter how much we may vary in conviction on the question of the
prevention of war, nothing but gain can come from striving toward that
hypothesis. It is one of those bets where only the size of the winning is in
doubt. Who knows what generation of men and women may live in the
last days of war? Maybe we are that generation-the last generation before
I offer no pet formula for ending war. Probably there is no one formula
and certainly there is no simple formula. Possibly all that any one person
can do, especially if he feels very humble when contemplating the word
"peace," as I do, is to suggest some steps or make some proposals that may
seem to reasonable men to offer some hope. And none of us should hesitate
to do that. Ending war is such a complex and vast problem that everyone,
everywhere, should accept the responsibility of trying to help.
We have finally succeeded in waging a war so vast that all people in
the world are either in it or affected by it. Maybe we can conceive a con-
dition under which all the people everywhere might contribute toward
peace. A people's peace may be possible if a people's war is possible.
In the spirit that we may soon have one more chance to try to end war,
and that this may possibly be our last chance, and feeling that we all have
a right and a responsibility to try to postpone or prevent another war, I
submit these propositions for your consideration:
1. The people must roll up an avalanche of demand that cannot be denied that
their voice be heard in making the armistice and the treaties of peace after this
war. The framework of the treaties should provide a long enough armistice so
that the processes toward peace might get rolling.
2. Some means must be provided for an intensive and yet worldwide battle on
intolerance, selfishness, superstition, and exploitation so that cooperation, intelli-
gence, respect for human personality, and the spirit of live and let live have a
chance to become the bases of human relationship. Some machinery must be provided
thru which the forces of goodwill-burning now feebly, now brightly, but always
burning-may find expression.
3. Finally, there must be provided an agency, or complex of agencies, that will
wage an eternal battle for peace, even when individuals who planned and consti-
tuted the agencies are gone. The watchtowers must be manned continuously and
eternally, even tho the people may sleep.


Never before were as nearly all the people engaged in any war as they
are in this war. There is scarcely a home anywhere in our land from which
the long ribbon does not reach out to some camp here or there, to some
battlefront in the far away nooks and crannies of the world. We are all
paying for the war in one way or another. Our play has lost much of its
zest, our laughter its ring, our smiles their optimism, and even the enter-
tainment of our night clubs has a metallic ring to it. How can life be the
same with our young men gone! But we who have stayed at home are all
fighting too. Never before has the expression "home front" had the deep
significance that it has today. This is a people's war and we the people are
all in it together.
Why then should we not have a right to think of the possibility of a
people's peace? What is meant by the expression, "a people's peace"? Two
things are meant most of all. One is that the people themselves shall have
as direct part as possible in the making of the peace. If we are to think
again in terms of peace commissions and peace treaties, there should be as
many channels as can possibly be provided thru which the thought of the
American people on the peace can be made articulate.
There should be as many types of people, representative of different racial
backgrounds, different religious points of view, different national streams,
different economic levels, different social status, as can possibly be gathered
together on commissions.
There should be included men who know what it means to labor with
their hands or at a machine, for who pays more for war than such men?
Businessmen should be included, for who knows more than they do about
the terrible waste of materials involved in war?
There should be educators on the commission because who knows more
about the cost of war in human life than those who give most of their lives
that others might live more abundantly? Religious leaders should be on
the commission because will peace ever be made except by men who be-
lieve that there was some power before they were, is now, and will be
after they are gone?
And there should surely be one or more women on the commission! If
the women of America allow this peace treaty to be made by a commis-
sion without a woman on it, they will almost deserve to go on generation
after generation down into the valley of the shadow to give life to boys to
be killed on battlefields!
The politicians and the statesmen will be there too-I have no doubt
of that-and we have no objection to their being there if they are not the
only ones who are there, as has been the case up to now.
But, someone will ask, "Do these laymen, do we the people know enough
to help make a treaty of peace?" The record on peace treaty making up
to date does not provide convincing evidence that some other formula of
peace treaty personnel might not be given a trial! Without too much acidity
of expression, it might not be amiss to suggest timidly that the pages of
history are not exactly strewn with brilliant records of peace treaty making.
We can at least be comforted by the possibility that the whole people are


not likely to commit any more colossal blunders than have the professional
peace makers of the past.
It is not suggested that the commission charged with making the armistice
or peace after this war should be composed of delegates or mere repre-
sentatives of the various groups, large and small, powerful or weak, that
make up our society. But there should be enough laymen on the commission
who will insist that the people be heard, who will provide channels thru
which the people can be heard, who will be able to understand the people
as they do speak, and who will insist that the interests of the whole people
in the peace shall be paramount to any partisan or selfish interest or any
minority or majority part of society.
What kind of peace treaty do the people want at the close of this war?
Certainly the treaty must give attention to minority rights, certainly it
must prohibit colonial exploitation, certainly it must heed the cries of the
naked, the hungry, the destitute. Problems of international economics,
national boundaries, balance of power, buffer states, freedom of the air,
control of airports, location of gasoline stations-all of these and an almost
infinite number and kind of other problems and issues must be dealt with
fearlessly and fairly and, even to a degree, unselfishly.
But the people of America have one paramount interest above all others
in this treaty-we want a treaty that has some decent chance of being
kept, and kept for a long time. We want this to be a treaty of peace-not
just an armistice. The philosophy, the supreme objective, the overall criterion
that must be applied to every part and to the treaty as a whole must point
to the maintenance of peace as the supreme goal of every stage in the de-
liberations. Peace should be the one and all upon which the treaty is to
be judged and approved.
We must do a lot of getting ready for peace. The armistice should be
long enough to make this preparation possible. Any abiding peace will in-
volve machinery, and there must he adequate provision made for that ma-
chinery to be established and put into action. There may be much in favor
of a long armistice and plenty of time to make the peace treaty.
Do we really mean what has been said, that this war is to end with
unconditional surrender on the part of our enemies? If so, the armistice
should not be an agreement between two contractual parties, one party
the victors and the other the vanquished. It should rather be a definition
of terms or specification of directions for the surrender of our enemies.
Any making of terms with the leaders of Germany or Japan will be an in-
sult to every boy who has died in this war and a defalcation on the honor
of every decent citizen of every Allied Nation! So it will be with the treaty
of peace itself.
It is very likely that for many years there will not be responsible gov-
ernments in the enemy countries with which to make treaties. So it is pro-
posed that both the terms of the armistice after this war and of the treaty
of peace to follow should be between and among the Allied Nations and
not between the Allied Nations on the one side and the enemy peoples on
the other side. Why should we degrade ourselves by trying to enter into


treaties or contracts with what we know as Germany or Japan? Would
we be fools enough to believe again that subscription to a treaty by any of
their present leadership or any that might be substituted for the purpose
would be anything other than a travesty and a joke?
No, this time our treaties should be between those who fought together
on the same side. They should define clearly the rights and responsibilities
of the respective Allied Nations in building the peace. And the guaranties
and binding promises should be definitions of the part that each Allied
Nation should play in establishing the new day. In time, it may be possible
that nations that may again be called Germany and Japan will grow far
enough beyond national adolescence to be allowed to assume a share as
adults in building the brave, new world that is to be. But they should be
required to win that right and to demonstrate that their people have de-
veloped to that stage and have established control of the means of their
own actions before they are given the right to be accepted as parts of the
family of nations.
Cooperation, tolerance, and respect for human personality were mentioned
as essentials of peace and as if they are attainable human characteristics-
and they are. Despite our wars, there never was a time in the history of the
human race when so many people everywhere hated bigotry, superstition,
exploitation of the weak by the strong, ignorance, filth, disease, and hunger
as much as do people today. Never before in the history of the world have
the faith which makes us strong and the hope which makes us brave been
the possession of such a large proportion of the human race. We have con-
demned those who have claimed to be a master race. We have died to
prove that no man is better than we. Can we live to prove that we are
no better than other men who are willing to pay the price of freedom?
On the answer to that question hangs the destiny of any peace that we
may plan.
But the best treaty of peace that could possibly be devised is after all
and at its best only a formula for action, a chart for steps that must follow.
The means must be provided for carrying out the formula, for giving effect
-to the plan of action. Treaties of peace do not implement themselves-
peace must be won continuously and perpetually or it is not peace.
It is not within the province of this address and certainly not within
the prerogative nor the ability of the speaker to define or even suggest a
complete formula for peace. But two proposals can be offered with a certain
degree of assurance.
First, it may be possible for the treaty of peace between the Allied Na-
tions to contain a memorandum of understanding on the subject of peace.
This may be somewhat in the nature of a philosophy of human relation-
ship and the respective roles that national and international organizations
might play in maintaining peace. Second, there might be a further memoran-
dum on education as the basis for peace. The kind of education that enables
men to achieve the status that we call freedom, should be defined clearly.
Then, as part of the treaty itself, should be established an international


office for education, charged with the responsibility of giving continuing
reality to the educational philosophy of the memorandum.
Many organizations and groups and individuals are now advocating the
establishment of an international office for education. While it is difficult
to choose any as more important than others, it is suggested that no one
should regard himself as informed on the subject unless he is familiar with:
1. The activities of our own professional organizations pointing up in Education
and the People's Peace, published by the Educational Policies Commission, and in
the objectives and program involved in the NEA War and Peace Fund Campaign.
2. The program of the Liaison Committee for International Education, represent-
ing more than thirty educational organizations, and its publication, Education for
International Security, presenting the highly significant proposals resulting from
the now famous Harpers Ferry meeting last September.
3. The organization and objectives of the American Association for an Inter-
national Office for Education, composed primarily of laymen interested in a pro-
gram of action that will result in the establishment of an international office for
4. The pamphlet series on Post-war Problem Analyses by the Universities Com-
mittee on Post-war International Problems in association with the World Peace
The proposal for the establishment of an international office for educa-
tion as a part of the peace machinery and procedure is not made with the
assumption that this would be any more than one of a large number of
steps that must be taken. Many other agencies of peace must and will be
established if there is to be any real hope for preventing or postponing the
next war. Many individuals and groups will contribute toward establishing
these agencies.
The teachers of America will have met their responsibility, at least in
large part, if they are instrumental in, first, bringing about the incorpora-
tion in the peace treaties of a recognition and definition of the role of
education in the armistice and the peace, and second, the establishment
of a permanent international office for education to carry out that role, not
only in the days immediately following the cessation of hostilities but,
far more important, down thru the years to come. The critical period in the
life of the peace will come after most of us here today are no longer
active in the cause.
The accomplishment of these two objectives will not be an easy task.
After the last World War we cried out for peace and the establishment
of a machinery to effect peace. The school administrators of the nation
met in Chicago in the spring of 1919, and the NEA met in Milwaukee
that summer. Speakers at these conventions voiced the universal happiness
that the war had ended and pride in the great military victory that had
been won. They said, "In the crisis of war the schools were a mighty
agency for victory" and they pledged the continued devotion of public edu-
cation in the days of peace to "true Americanism and world democracy."
The president of the NEA rejoiced that during the war "education has
become the chief concern of the statesmen of the world."
These conventions passed strong resolutions in favor of the League of
Nations and urging "the creation of an International Commission on Edu-


cation to provide for a world-education in the elements of democratic
citizenship and the extension of the privilege of education to all people and
to all classes."
And then what happened? Even the educators of America, who of all
people should know better, left the peace to the caprice of chance. Even we
who were the teachers of history and the writers of the history textbooks
turned our backs on the inexorable lessons of the past and devoted our atten-
tion to school building construction and per capital school costs-highly sig-
nificant but relatively unimportant problems as the events of the last five
years have demonstrated. How long, oh, how long will it take us to
learn, how many millions must die to teach us, that peace will come only
as the result of careful planning followed by determined, continuing, and
consecrated action, which recognizes peace as the supreme objective of
mankind, whatever price may be the cost?
It should be remembered at this point that all organizations and groups
did not run out on the last attempt at peace. As a part of the Treaty of
Peace there was established, to the surprise of the world at large, the In-
ternational Labor Office. We may well study the forces and conditions
that made this action possible. More important still is the history of the
activities of the Office since that time. In the month of April 1944, there
will be held in Philadelphia the International Labor Organization Con-
ference at which some forty countries will be represented and participate.
It is significant that no similar international educational convention is
planned, altho one could yet be planned and held before it is too late.
There is little doubt but that labor will be represented at the next peace
table. Nor is there any doubt that labor will again be included in the peace
In fairness to education it should be mentioned that in 1922, four years
after the Armistice, the League of Nations, of which we were not a part,
did create a Committee on Intellectual Cooperation. However, this Com-
mittee had "neither the authority nor the resources to make a direct attack
on the problems of general education as these relate to international re-
lations." I But let it be said to the credit of this Committee that it did
demonstrate that intellectual cooperation on an international basis was both
possible and practicable. The story of its accomplishments and the stories
of other attempts made by individual countries toward international educa-
tional cooperation should encourage us not to be afraid to dare on even
a greater scale to write an international office for education into the coming
treaty of peace.
Let us consider more fully what should be the nature of the memoran-
dum on education proposed as a part of the treaty of peace.
First, the memorandum should express the faith of the Allied Nations
in the role that education can and should play in establishing and main-
taining peace.
I Quotations not otherwise credited are frorrr Education and the People's Peace, Educational Policies
Commission, 1201 Sixteenth St., N.W., Washington 6, D. C,


Second, it should be made clear that the Allied Nations have faith that
no political and economic provisions of the Treaty can and will be effective
without parallel and continuous educational programs of action to support
the peaceful reorganization of the world. Resolving the problems of national
sovereignty and empty stomachs will not alone guarantee peace.
Third, the memorandum should condemn the use of education within
nations to promote chauvinistic attitudes and activities or the use of the
schools as the agencies for developing highly nationalistic faith in war as
the means of solving international questions.
Finally, the memorandum should provide for the establishment and
maintenance of an international office for education as a part of the treaty
of peace.
While all nations might be equally represented in the organization of
which the international office would be the agency, the financial support
should be relative to the varying economic resources of the nations included.
The international office should not be delegated administrative powers
over education in the several nations, but should have specific research,
publicity, and advisory powers and functions given in the memorandum.
It should not be an integral part of any political or other organization of
nations that may be established as agencies of the peace machinery. While
it should be officially constituted and maintained, it should be entirely free
to appraise and criticize, if necessary, the very international power that
created it.
The duties which would be performed during the period of readjustment
immediately following the war would be related to reconstruction of edu-
cation in the conquered and devastated territories and would vary con-
siderably from the long-term program that would evolve as peace became
established more securely.
What functions should be performed by this international office for
education? This is a question that cannot be answered fully here. I refer
to the publications formerly mentioned for a more comprehensive treat-
ment of this question. But these suggestions can be made here!
First, one of the immediate postwar functions of the office should be to
help bring about the educational disarmament of Germany, Italy, and Japan.
In an address in October 1942, Madam Chiang Kai-shek said:
When victory is won we should see to it that the evil which has brought about
the world catastrophe is attacked at the source-in the schools. If the minds of mil-
lions of children had not been poisoned in the schools of Germany, Italy, and Japan,
their young men would not have allowed themselves to be led like beasts to the
slaughter for a cause contrary to all ideas of humanity and justice.
To fail to give our attention to the schools of these nations would be as
foolish as to leave their armament factories in good working order. All
Axis teachers who functioned willingly during the war should be removed
and forever barred from teaching again. New teachers from within these
countries must be found or trained or both. If this cannot be done at once,
let the schools be closed until teachers can be provided from within those
countries to do a trustworthy job. For the peace of the world it is better


that the children of Germany and Japan have no schooling for a while than
to have their minds twisted again as they were in the years before and
during the war.
The task of planning for the reeducation of the youth and younger men
and women of Germany and Japan will challenge the best efforts and the
ingenuity of the international office for years to come.
Second, the international office for education should promote in every
way practicable the "complete academic freedom and complete academic
responsibility and accountability for the teaching staffs of schools in all
parts of the world."
Third, the international office for education should provide assistance
and leadership in many fields of intellectual cooperation. It should "stimu-
late and encourage the fraternal contact of scholars, librarians, and teach-
ers in various fields of specialization. It should assist in the international
exchange of research materials, technics, and findings in the natural' sciences,
the social sciences, and the humanities. It should encourage international
art exhibits, music festivals, and dramatic performances."
Fourth, the international office for education should have "one clear-cut
appraisal function. It should be solemnly charged with the duty of studying
textbooks, syllabuses, and teaching materials, used or proposed for use in any
and all countries, in order to determine whether their effect would be aggres-
sive, militaristic, or otherwise dangerous to the peace of the world. All
nations should agree to refrain from such instruction and to submit copies
of all textbooks and teaching materials to the international agency. As a
permanent policy, the United Nations should not ask any of the defeated
nations to submit to any educational appraisal which they are not prepared
equally to undergo."
Fifth, the international office for education should define minimum
standards of education recommended for all peoples everywhere. It should
make available expert advice for countries desiring to improve their edu-
cational systems. Proper precautions should, of course, be taken to safe-
guard the pride and independence of action of the nation receiving these
suggestions for help. It should provide, on the proper basis, for the ex-
change of students, teachers, and representatives of all areas of culture. It
should offer definite factual instructional materials at every level in all
school systems concerning the history, culture, psychology, and problems
of other peoples and concerning the world organization and problems of
international relations; such materials to be factual and free from re-
Sixth, the international office for education should maintain a "division
of radio and visual aids in education, with the presentation of occasional
multilingual radio and motion pictures direct to all the schools of the
world that wished to listen or look."
To summarize, this international office for education should not only
attempt to prevent and remove the causes of war, but even more its efforts
should be devoted to the development of those positive educational philoso-
phies and procedures which make for international goodwill. As the


powerful forces of technology draw the peoples of the world closer and
closer together, they must, if they are not to die, learn how to respect
the right of the peoples of the world to be different from one another.
It may be that we can learn how to understand and appreciate one another's
differences in place of hating everyone who is different from us. Our salva-
tion lies not in trying to remove all the differences among the peoples of
the world or killing those who are different from us, but rather in learning
how to live peacefully together in spite of our differences.
The increasing officially documented evidence concerning the atrocities
perpetrated by our enemies in this war has shocked us beyond expression. It
is difficult to keep from despising our enemies. Their contemptible acts
make us realize that peoples at war sooner or later in the way they fight
and in their relations toward their enemies reflect the stage of civilization
which they have reached. While we may despise Germany and Japan for
the way they act in war, let us not hate them. If we allow ourselves to hate
them we may drag ourselves down to their level. Let us rather hate the
conditions that led to this war. Let us resolve that we will prevent those con-
ditions from arising again.
What can we do to help bring the peace that may come ? Three things at
First, insist at the proper time in not a few but in tens of thousands of
petitions to the Department of State, to the President, and to the Senate
that any arrangements for world order after the war, as defined in the
treaty of peace, shall specify the role that education can and should play in
establishing and maintaining peace.
Second, insist in these petitions that there be established an international
office for education whose function it shall be to give effect to the role of
education in the peace.
Third, support even with money the promotion of strength and organ-
izational machinery within our profession to give the schools a dynamic
voice at the peace table and a part in the arrangements established to keep
the peace.
Fourth, demand that our great national professional organizations pro-
vide continuously thru the years some method of reporting at least annually
to the teachers of America on the subject, "How goes the peace?" Possibly
an annual monograph on the subject would be desirable, informing the
world concerning plans and procedures for keeping the peace and the prog-
ress, or lack of progress, that is being made year by year. Also, thru our
professional organizations and as individual citizens, we can demand of
every person who represents us in strategic public office, state or national,
that he give an accounting on the question, "What have you done to pre-
vent the coming of another war ?" before he asks our support for reelection.
Who will be the last generation of war and the first generation of peace?
Those who are worthy so to be. We pray for peace, but are we willing to
be and to do what it takes to make peace? We know that wishful thinking
will not bring peace. We wait for some power above us to give us peace,


while knowing full well that peace cannot be given to or had by a people
who are not prepared to pay the price that peace entails.
WVe might implore some power greater than we to give us the grace to
cherish peace, the humility to believe it is possible for us, and the will to
discipline ourselves so that we may win it. Peace in our day is not so much
a matter of fate and chance as it is a matter of deliberate planning and the
determination to make the plans come true whatever may be the cost. The
last generation of war will be the first generation of people big enough to
reach for peace and strong enough to attain their reach.
The supreme test of an educated man, the supreme test of a cultured
man, the supreme test of a civilized man is the manner and extent of his
care about what happens after he is gone. It will be relatively easy to make
an armistice for our time, for 1945 or 1950. Are we ready, able, and willing
to take the steps that will be necessary and likely to insure peace in 1975 or
2000? To what extent are we willing to sacrifice now that they may have
peace then ? Will the story of 1975 be that of 1918-1944 over again ?
In 1944 there is nothing for us to do but pay the price that unqualified
victory entails. It is a bitter price to pay when we think of what we might
have done but did not do in the generation preceding 1944. Too little and
too late is a new expression but an old, old story. Must history always go on
eternally repeating itself? The fact that it has not done this in so many areas
of human endeavor gives us hope.
The time to determine the question of war and peace in 1975 is now. It
is not too late to prevent the next war now. When and if the next war
comes, it will again be too late to prevent it. Then the only choice that will
he left will he to fight thru to victory, just as now, regardless of the cost.
Americans have never been .afraid to take a chance, to try a course of action
even tho failure may be one of the alternatives. An abiding peace will be
established some day only if those who lived before were willing to have
enthusiasm for and confidence in whatever next steps they were able to
take. The educators of America, the people of America, are confronted
again with the choice between complacency and determined action in the
direction of peace.
We shall never have peace in the world until we are willing to pay for
it with sacrifices at least somewhat comparable in size with those we are
willing to undergo to win war. We will pay hundreds of billions of dollars
to win the war-are we willing to pay at least tens of billions if necessary to
win peace? Until we are willing to do so we shall not have peace. How long
will we continue to refuse to pay what peace costs and then continue to pay
many times more for the war that might not have been!
The only way in which we can even partially amortize the debt which
civilization owes to those who have already died and who are yet to die in
this war is to establish now in our day at least a beachhead for peace that
has a decent chance of being extended beyond our time.
What would man be without Utopia ? He must
aim at the unattainable in order to realize the at-
tainable and to make one step forward.



Address at Seattle and Atlanta Conferences

Three months after the Armistice of 1918, the school administrators of
the United States met in Chicago for their annual convention. In July 1919
the "peace convention" of the National Education Association met in Mil-
waukee. Some of you were there. As we read the addresses and proceedings
of our profession in that time, twenty-five years ago, we see that these con-
ventions exulted in the realization that "in the crisis of war the schools were
a mighty agency for victory." The president of the Association rejoiced that
during the war "education has become the chief concern of the statesmen of
the world."
These conventions passed strong resolutions in favor of "the creation of
an International Commission on Education." The opening speaker at one
convention was vigorously applauded when he said, "The only League of
Nations that gives any assurance of a permanent peace is the league which
the teachers of the earth shall write in the minds and hearts of the children."
These men and women reflected the optimism of the moment. "Imperial-
ism as a world force is dead! The funeral was but yesterday," cried one
speaker. And the then United States Commissioner of Education declared,
a bit too soon, that "all isolations, splendid or otherwise, are gone forever-
A few voices were raised in warning. Said the president of the Univer-
sity of Minnesota, "It will be futile to establish a League of -Nations,
unless there is back of the peace terms and of the League of Nations a world-
citizenry. Only a peace secured thru definitely planned systems of
education stands a chance of surviving."
An even more devastatingly accurate forecast was hazarded by another
speaker, who declared, "The Great War was a cunningly contrived con-
spiracy carried to its tragic climax thru an educational system. Another
variety of educational cunning might enable Germany again to become a
menace to mankind. Unless the children of all nations are trained for
international sympathy and understanding, the safety of civilization cannot
be guaranteed."
All this in 1919. But no statesman then took up the cause for which the
educators pleaded. At the peace conferences in Paris and Versailles they
were brushed aside. Altho they and their teachers did not know it, children
at that moment in our schools were even then receiving some of the educa-
tion that was to serve them, for good or ill, in the second World War.
When, during the interval between wars, the educators talked about
large-scale international exchange of students, a strong international office of
education, consistent teaching of international goodwill, men in positions
of power seldom paid attention. It was not a matter of money. One-tenth of
the expenditures for diplomatic activities and conferences would have


financed the international educational plans with a bounty beyond the wild-
est hopes of the educational leaders. But not one-tenth-no, not one-hun-
dredth-of these funds were directed to international education. Education,
the instrument that had become, in wartime, "the chief concern of the states-
men of tile world," was, in peace, treated as a minor after-thought by most
of the world's political leaders.
By most of them-not by all. As the years went by there came to power
one group that saw with fearful clarity that effective planning is based upon
education. These were the rising leaders of the modern dictatorships. For
their wicked purposes, they lavished on education and youth almost un-
limited attention, prestige, solicitude, and resources. They militarized the
spirit of their youth. Then they led them forth to war.
Thruout modern history, the instrument of organized education has been
repeatedly used to shape national policies that led by tragic and inevitable
steps to international ill will, aggression, and war. It is my thesis that this
trend should be and can be reversed. The systematic and deliberate use of
education, on a worldwide basis and plan, must help safeguard the peace and
extend the democracy for which this second World War is being fought.
In the past, statesmen who sought to promote the peace of the world have
been so exclusively concerned with political organization and strategy, trade
and treaties, armament and disarmament, and issues of international law
that they have never given serious and sustained attention to the great force
of education. Yet this force, rightly organized, could have added powerfully
to their efforts. Ignored or wrongly directed, it has brought their shrewdest
plans to ruin.
We need not claim too much.'Ve need not argue that education alone is
sufficient'to guarantee the peace and security of nations.
Achieving peaceful and just international relations is a complicated task.
EconoThic questions of colonies and raw materials are part of the problem.
Political questions of international law and boundaries are part of the prob-
lem. Educational questions which touch the way people think and behave
are also a part of the problem. Almost everyone will agree to that; not even
the educators need to claim more.
It is a good thing to strengthen international political and legal organiza-
tions. To help provide a growing measure of economic security and pros-
perity for all men and all nations is also decent and wise. But economic fair
play and political organization together are insufficient, however essential.
War will not be brought under control merely by providing men with legal
codes and enough to eat. Our whole professional service rests on the proposi-
tion that men can and do act upon impulses that reach deeper than politics
and higher than appetites. Knowledge and attitudes conducive to peace are
developed by education.
But here we encounter a difficulty. No nation can wisely and safely con-
duct such education unless other nations do so. Indeed, oddly and sadly
enough, if our schools teach peace while those of other nations teach war,
the net effect is only to increase the likelihood of war. It is clear, therefore,
that we must choose between permanently shackling our own schools to the


war chariot, or recognize that, in certain of its aspects, education is a matter
of international concern-just as much so as foreign trade, or munitions
factories, or diplomatic negotiations.
To be more specific, the use of organized education to help establish and
maintain the peace will require three definite steps:
1. It is necessary to develop an informed and aroused public opinion with ref-
erence to the place of education and other issues of peace and international
2. It is necessary to create soon a council on education for the United Nations.
3. It is necessary that a permanent international agency for education be planned
now and established soon after the war ends.
There is time to speak only very briefly about each of these steps.

As to the first step, the basic consideration is just this: Adult education
and educational leadership generally, in this country, now face the supreme
task of their history.
The American people have to learn to understand unerringly that the only
goal fully worthy of the vast sacrifices of this war is the establishment of a
just peace.
We should learn our way around among the various types of international
organization that have been tried or suggested. We should develop a strong
feeling of responsibility for world order. We should consider the limits to
which we are prepared to go in joint international commitments. We should
achieve mutual confidence with the people of the other United Nations. We
should emerge from this war a stronger and more purposeful democracy
than we were when it began. We must develop an understanding of inter-
national issues too strong to be shaken by specious slogans. Only education
can strengthen in our adult population this sense of civic responsibility and
help it to reach intelligent decisions; only education can prepare the oncom-
ing generation of youth to approve and carry out these decisions.
Let every responsible citizen be enlisted in this campaign of enlighten-
ment. For as surely as the earth turns, force and violence shall be the law;
and wars of cataclysmic destruction shall be the penalty; and blood and tears
shall be the inheritance of that people who neglect to learn and to teach in
time that the earth has grown smaller and that science has made it necessary
for men to live at peace if they want to live at all.

Effective prosecution of the war, as well as intelligent planning for the
peace, would, I believe, be greatly aided by the prompt formulation of a
constructive educational policy by and for the United Nations. Some pre-
liminary conferences have already been held. Action by the governments
concerned ought to follow.
The functions which could be performed by such a council would be nu-
merous and-useful. I shall mention only three.


Its first function should be to help increase the wartime usefulness of
education in the several nations. Information could be exchanged on the
plans found most effective for training for the war industries and the armed
forces. School programs and curriculum changes, adopted by the various
nations to meet wartime needs, could be explained, studied, and applied
wherever appropriate. Governmental policies relating to such matters as the
support of education in wartime, the means of maintaining an adequate staff
of teachers, and the use of older students to meet wartime emergencies
could also be analyzed, with significant mutual benefits to all the participat-
ing nations.
It could assist in planning for educational reconstruction in the countries
that the enemy has invaded, in lands where teachers have been killed, li-
braries burned, schoolhouses destroyed, and cultural activities bled white.
Postwar reconstruction is not limited to measures of sanitation and nutri-
tion. Food and medical supplies may well be the most urgent need, but the
most difficult (and lasting) reconstruction is the rebuilding of faith and
purpose. That, in large part, is an educational process.
The occupation of enemy territory by United Nations military forces re-
quires that these forces assume some degree of control in those areas over
the normal functions of civil government, including that of education. Our
troops will find in existence an educational system based upon the convic-
tion that attitudes are formed in the earliest years of a child's life and that
attitudes so fixed will be translated into action. For instance, the following
is a prayer designed to be used in all German kindergartens as a grace be-
fore meals:
Fold your little hands,
Bow your little head,
Think of him who gives us
Our daily bread.
Adolf Hitler is his name,
Him we as our Savior claim.
The inculcation of Axis doctrines, thus begun in the enemy countries as
soon as a child can speak and understand language, drags its evil course
thruout the entire educational system. Such deliberate betrayal of the Axis
children and youth is one of the great crimes against humanity. Other crimes
committed by the enemy-often in the heat of battle or at least in the heat of
anger-seem mild in comparison with this premeditated, cold blooded, and
terribly successful effort to destroy the minds and souls of their own chil-
dren. Surely, those who devised and managed the Axis system of education
have offended the little ones.
The regimentation of the Japanese and German youth, the inculcation in
them of false principles and wicked standards of conduct, is largely responsi-
ble for their evil designs and for the fanatical way they fight. The educa-
tional systems of Germany and Japan helped make this war. Left unchanged,
they can and will do it again.
To leave the educational systems of Germany and Japan untouched would
be as great a mistake as to leave the Axis armament factories in good work-
ing order.


Some people say that we should not concern ourselves with the educational
systems of enemy countries because our enemies would not like it. When war
was forced upon us by Germany and Japan, we did not ask ourselves whether
those countries would be gratified over our destruction of their transporta-
tion systems, their economic systems, and their political organization. We
set about destroying all of these with as great a thoroness as was in our
power. Their educational systems are even more dangerous to the peace of
the world.
When this war is won, the United Nations will be able to choose whether
the educational systems of the Axis countries shall be allowed to lead us into
another war by continuing to make knaves and fools of their own innocent
children or whether they shall be compelled to mend their ways. If we
choose the latter, the United Nations will have as one of its duties the dis-
missal of all Axis school officials and teachers who are distinguished by strong
antidemocratic tendencies and their replacement with teachers from the Axis
countries who can be trusted to do an honest and competent job with their
own children. It is to be hoped that there are such teachers still alive in Ger-
many and Japan and that there are enough of them. If not, let the schools
be closed until teachers can be prepared who will do a trustworthy job. It
would be better to let the children of Germany and Japan grow up un-
tutored than to have their minds twisted and their virtue destroyed by the
kind of teaching that has been imposed on them in the past ten years.

After the end of hostilities, the United Nations council on educational
policy should be succeeded by a permanent and more inclusive international
agency for education. What would an international organization for educa-
tion do?
First, and obviously, this agency should give assistance in the field of in-
tellectual cooperation. It should stimulate and encourage the fraternal con-
tact of scholars, librarians, and teachers in various fields of specialization.
These functions comprise a great expansion of the work of the Committee on
Intellectual Cooperation of the League of Nations.
Second, the agency should be a great center and clearinghouse for studies
on educational subjects. It should have authority to request educational data
from all the participating nations. It should maintain a library of educa-
tional literature, including files of educational tests and measurements,
school building plans, textbooks, teaching materials, recordings, and visual
aids to education. It would build upon the fine work that the International
Bureau of Education has done.
Third, the agency should have one clear-cut appraisal function. It should
be solemnly charged with the duty of studying the instructional programs in
all countries, in order to determine whether their effect would be aggressive,
militaristic, or otherwise dangerous to the peace of the world. In the event
that the international education agency should conclude that, in its opinion,
instruction dangerous to the peace of the world is occurring, the agency
should file a notice to that effect with the government of the country con-


cerned, citing the objectionable practices as concretely as possible. Full op-
portunity for discussion and conference should be provided. If no adjust-
ments are made in a reasonable period of time, a full report on the matter
should be submitted, together with documents and evidence, to whatever
overall agency may be established to deal with international affairs in gen-
eral. The international agency for education should be required to make this
report public. The specific responsibilities of the international agency for
education should not extend beyond study, discussion, public report, and
We would all hope, of course, that it would never be necessary to apply
this power of the international agency for education. Perhaps it would not
be needed. But we would be foolish to neglect the possibility. Never again
must the educational forces of the world remain ignorant and impotent while
educational measures like those of the Axis brutalize an entire generation.
Never again must we be left helpless in face of the wholesale prostitution
of the great instrument of organized education to the mad whims of some
power-crazy dictator. Think, think if you can, what Hitler has done to the
boys and girls of Germany, children who might have been very much like
those in your schools. If something like that starts again anywhere in this
world, we ought to know about it at once. The international agency for edu-
cation would be the lookout and sound the alarm.
Fourth, a more constructive and continuous activity of the international
agency for education should be the formulation and progressive improve-
ment of educational standards, particularly for the elementary education of
the common people. Just as the International Labor Office has encouraged
the adoption of standards regarding working conditions, so our international
agency could propose educational standards to the governments of the par-
ticipating nations.
Fifth, the agency might well administer, with the cooperation of the
participating governments, far-flung systems of student travel, student ex-
chanye, and teacher exchange. A tenfold multiplication of the prewar activ-
ities in these fields would be a good beginning basis. Why should not the
international agency for education keep several school ships in constant op-
eration for the purpose of encouraging fruitful travel and study of young
people in other countries? Attention should be given to improving the kind
and distribution, as well as to increasing the amount, of student travel and
foreign study.
Finally, none of the possible duties of an international agency for educa-
tion should rank equal to that of deliberate leadership and encouragement
for the teaching of international understanding. The emphasis in this part
of the agency's leadership should be positive. To think of 'education for
international understanding merely as a means of preventing war, is to com-
mit the same fallacy as to think of training in national citizenship merely as
a means for preventing crimes of violence. The international office of educa-
tion should take the lead in formulating a program for development of atti-
tudes toward world affairs, not fundamentally unlike that which our schools


now attempt to develop toward national affairs-attitudes of responsibility,
tolerance, respect for principle, and desire for justice.
Such a program would not mean the end of patriotic education. It would,
let us hope, effectively discourage the aggressive, self-centered caricature of
patriotism, which actually harms, morally and materially, the country and
the people which are the supposed objects of its devotion.
Anyone, including even your speaker, can easily think of several objections
to the proposals that have been thus far offered. You will certainly have
raised a number of questions. Let me attempt to anticipate some of the
questions that will occur to you.
It will be said that these proposals are idealistic. They are. I propose that
our profession plan and act now with faith that victory will be won and
that this victory will be made effective in the establishment of peace and
freedom. Those who watch the recurring spectacle of world war, benumbed,
resigned, mumbling to themselves the hypnotic little formula that human
nature can't be changed, tinkering timidly with the mechanisms that make
war probable-these are the impractical ones; these are the dreamers, the
people who can't face facts. We should know these people by now; they
are the direct-line, intellectual descendants of those who once-and not so
very long ago-told us that child labor was necessary and wholesome;
proved with an exquisite logic that common people could never govern them-
selves; explained carefully why education for the children of these common
people was a ridiculous, if not impious, thought; proved, so that only a fool
would doubt it, that no gentleman could ever adjudicate a personal quarrel
except with a pistol at forty paces; mustered all the evidences of science and
theology showing that a flying machine was a physical impossibility, the
steamboat a dreamer's folly, the telephone a passing fad.
Well, the prophets of despair were wrong and they are wrong again. Haz-
ardous child labor is on the way out. Telephones, steamships, airplanes are
commonplace. We take universal suffrage and self-government for granted,
too much for granted, perhaps. Education for all children is accepted practice.
A moron went, for the first time, to hear a great symphony orchestra.
The tuning-up process convinced him that nothing but discords could be
produced ; and he left the hall and missed the majestic harmonies that were
to come. We educators must not walk out on the main show.
It will certainly be said, and with justice, that these proposals have ele-
ments of danger in them. It is remotely conceivable that any international
organization might by some remote contingency be "captured" by one group
or another. Any educational authority-or any representative government,
for that matter-is dangerous.
True, the Educational Policies Commission has not proposed that the in-
ternational agency for education be given authority to prescribe national
educational policies. Yet the international agency might attain considerable
prestige and influence. I hope it would. The final and adequate safeguard
against misuse of influence, however, is the process of enlightenment itself.


This is as true in the international as it is in the purely local or national
It may be said that the forces of education have already been given a
chance to promote peace and that, since the world is at war, they have ob-
viously failed. I would reply that there has been no generally organized ef-
fort on a worldwide basis to use education for the promotion of sound inter-
national relations. Some countries have accepted the ideal of peaceful living
and have taught its virtues in the schools. But while such teachings were
permitted in some countries and even encouraged in others, there were still
other nations where education was deliberately used to give instruction dan-
gerous to international peace. This process went on for years before it was
widely known that they were thus arming their people for aggression.
The world has had a great abundance of committees, leagues, institutes,
and organizations interested in education for world citizenship, but strength
does not arise from unplanned dispersal of small efforts. Whether it be
measured by the importance of its potential contribution, or by comparison
with the efforts expended on other aspects of international relations, educa-
tion has never been given a real opportunity. Recognition extended to it has
been little, late, and reluctant. This neglect has been a major error; let that
error now be corrected.
If, as we all firmly believe, the United Nations achieve a clean-cut mili-
tary victory, the governments and peoples of these nations will hold in their
grasp an opportunity that has seldom been offered before and may never be
repeated. To use our next great chance more wisely than we did after 1918
is a trust that we hold alike for our honored dead, for the living, and for
generations yet unborn.
If there ever was a cause, if there ever can be a cause, worthy to call forth
all the effort, devotion, and intelligence of our profession, it is the cause of
peace-of victory and peace-for they are now in fact one and inseparable,
and must remain so. Organized education has a significant and hitherto
unused contribution to make to that cause. Let us see that it is fully and
wisely used in mankind's next, and perhaps last, chance to build a peaceful
world. If this organization, after due consideration, finds any merit in the
proposals I have made, I invite you individually and collectively to support
them in whatever ways you deem practical.



Address at Seattle, New York, and Chicago Conferences

This is going to be an unusual talk, I promise you-unusual for me. And,
for you, practical school administrators, one that is different and strange.
For once in your lives, you realists who fight the daily battle of budgets in
the blood and sand are going to hear a college professor discuss a problem
in school administration in which he has had as much experience as any of
you-and more than most. This talk is no product of an ivied tower; nor
does it come from a brain trust. You cannot dismiss what I shall say as
mere theory. My suggestions are based upon what I have seen, what I have
done, what I have lived.
The time has come, right now, to make plans to bind up the wounds of
this war. We are at the beginning of the end; possibly near the end of the
European phase. Thru the smoke of battle, becoming plainer with each pass-
ing day, we begin to see the outlines of the postwar world, the shape of
things to come. The main problem that is upon us is to discover how to
reconstruct our own life and to give all proper aid to others in reconstruct-
ing theirs.
Part of this problem of general reconstruction-an important part-is
the rebuilding of the schools. The kind of world in which our children will
live, the kind of people they will be, will depend to a considerable degree
upon the kind of education we offer. The hopes of the future, for peace,
for plenty, for the good life, depend upon the wisdom we can use and the
sacrifices we are willing to make in rebuilding, extending, and improving
the opportunities for education. This problem faces not only Americans, but
all the people in all the world.
The questions that I propose to put to you are these: What is the duty of
America in binding up the wounds in the schools of all nations? What part
can we play? What part do other peoples want us to play? What part
should we play? What is possible?
We shall not have the foundation upon which to answer these questions
until we find the answers to certain other questions. These are: What form
of international organization is likely to succeed the League of Nations?
What place will education take in this organization ? What will be the edu-
cational situation following the war ? What kind of help from one nation to
another, or from all nations to one, will be desired, desirable, and feasible?
No precise answers are possible at this time. We have no omniscient
prophet with supernatural powers and extrasensory perception. We can,
however, make certain assumptions, provided that we bring to bear all that
we have seen, learned, and experienced, personally and vicariously. It is
therefore not improper on my part to indulge in guesswork, provided that
you know that I am making assumptions. If my guesses seem to you to


have merit, then you can follow me to my conclusions, accepting or rejecting
them as you think wise.
IVWhat will be the postwar international organization?-1 assume that the
war will conclude with the unconditional surrender of the Axis and the com-
plete triumph of the Allied Nations. In gaining this victory four powers
will have played a preponderant role; the British Empire and Common-
wealth of Nations, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the Republic
of China, and the United States of America. We may assume that these
nations, having played a preponderant role in winning the war, will be
preeminent in peace. They will be able to exercise their will on the rest of
the world.
The preeminence of the Big Four must be recognized by all who are
planning international cooperation in the postwar world. It follows that all
policies and actions should have the approval of the four dominant powers.
It is now apparent, from the Cairo and Teheran conferences, that the Big
Four do not plan to quarter the globe and each administer a huge empire.
Rather they plan to join together into some form of international govern-
ment to administer certain activities of international importance. This gov-
ernment we shall henceforth term the New League. All the nations of the
world will be invited to join the New League. In the Teheran Declaration,
Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin extended the invitation in the following

We shall seek the cooperation and active participation of all nations, large and
small, whose peoples in heart and mind are dedicated, as are our own peoples,
to the elimination of tyranny and slavery, oppression and intolerance. We will
welcome them as they may choose to come into the world family of democratic

We should be unrealistic, I think, if we should read in this Declaration
merely a reconstitution of the old League of Nations. It is true that all na-
tions are invited to join "as they may choose to come"; but the entrance re-
quirements are (a) that they must be democratic, and (b) that they must
have the right "heart and mind." The Big Four will write the examination ;
the Big Four will mark the papers; the Big Four will hand out the report
cards. Within certain limits, each nation will be free; but standards will
be set beyond which no nation may go. \Ve must understand plainly, we
must recognize clearly, we must say over and over, that underneath the
New League will be the tremendous power of the Big Four, able and ready
to act, when any nation, hy any action, shall threaten the peace and happi-
ness of the whole.
Thus we can assume that the New League will in fact set certain limits
within which all the nations of the world must learn to live. Self-determina-
tion there will be in the great majority of problems, but self-determination
within limits. We can expect certain internationally enforced standards
with respect to such activities as armies, navies, air forces, armament pro-
duction, shipping, air lanes, patents, monopolies, exploitation of raw ma-
terials, and, to a degree, education.


JJVhat will be the place of education?-'Ve recognize that the seeds of
war are sometimes sown in the schools; that the instruments of education
can be captured and prostituted to the end that good clean boys and girls
can be changed into bloodthirsty, man-hating demons. The schoolroom can
be made a preparation for war. Twenty-five years ago, I saw tiny children
goose-step on the school playgrounds of Tokyo, high-school boys snarl in
bayonet drill and shout Banzai. Twenty years ago, I saw the outline maps,
traced red and green, depicting to the pupils of Belgrade their friends and
enemies. I stood in classrooms in Budapest in which facing the class were
two maps depicting Hungary before and after the last war; and across the
latter in blood-red script, the Hungarian word for Never. I have studied
the boastful Axis maps of Europe as it had been, and as they had the ef-
frontery to predict it would be.
I know as well as any person the debasement of education, the persecu-
tion of the unwilling teacher, the fraudulent course of study, the abduction
by the war lords of children from their parents. Nevertheless, I assert that
the conduct of education is not an international matter. It should be within
the power of the family, the neighbors, the community, at least within the
individual state-not a function of international administration. It has been
said that the schools are dear to the hearts of the American people. Schools
are dear to the hearts of all people. They love their schools; they like to
watch over them; they resent outside interference.
You should have been with me when I reached Vladivostok in the sum-
mer of 1918. Those people had been at war since 1914; Kerensky, Brest
Litovsk had been and gone; and the Bolsheviks had been run out by the
Czechs and Japs. The Czechs, that gallant band of some 15,000 war pris-
oners, had seized the guns of their captors, had stolen or made their own
equipment, had captured some 6000 miles of the Trans-Siberian Railway;
and were in control from the Urals to the Pacific. The Japs-supposed
allies-were there to take over, with colonist trains as far as 2000 miles into
the interior; and the town was full of French, British, and American sol-
diers, there, I suppose, to hold the Japs. I looked around for the teachers,
but could find none. The schools were billets for the soldiers. Many a lab-
oratory table was lighted by an operating lamp. The pupils roamed the
streets at will.
In September the military moved out and the people took over, as well
as was possible in a war-ridden, disorganized, impoverished city. Did they
wait for help from overseas? Were they waiting for a band of educational
Messiahs? Not in the least. For each of some twenty elementary schools and
several high schools, committees were organized of former teachers, pupils,
local officials, and parents, among whom there was considerable leadership.
They swept out the filth, scrubbed the floors, salvaged what books, paper,
pens, and ink they could find, and started school. I was there. I saw a school
system reconstructed. I watched them plan what to teach-how, by whom-
where to get the money, how to pay the bills. I was even called in for a little
help, but I soon found out that no good came of giving direct advice. They
used me as a pipe line to transmit the results of American experience. They


did not want American schools, or foreign schools of any kind. They defi-
nitely wanted education of their own choosing.
I learned the same lesson in Bulgaria, where I worked with the Agrarian
Party. You remember that in the last war Bulgaria was soundly defeated,
and they knew it. Following the defeat, the quislings fled; and Bulgaria
was taken over by a group of progressive, peace-loving, horny-handed peas-
ants, and small-town merchants, teachers, and newspaper men. They knew
little of polite society and cared less. They hated the politicians who had
sold out their country to the Germans. They loved Bulgaria; they wanted
to rebuild it; and they didn't want a Balkan replica of Germany or France
or Britain; they wanted a happy, peaceful, self-supporting little country of
their own. Stambouliski, the Premier, and Omarchevski, the Minister of
Education, studied the schools. Here, they said, we have a history of schools
built by the people themselves. Before the liberation from the Turks in 1878,
we had local schools in every village, with no central control or support
from the capital. At death, money would be left to the school, and often land.
Almost every small school had its own farm, left by legacy. Yet in 1878,
with the independence, a great'change had taken place, and the leaders had
Germanized the people and with them the schools. This situation it was
that Omarchevski resolved to correct. Here was a little country, he said,
where 56 percent of the people lived without recourse to trade-that is,
grew their own food, made their own clothes, built their own homes, with-
out having to buy a thing. Why should it have a German school system?
So he developed his own program, stressing rural education and work ex-
perience, and adjustment to Bulgarian life, customs, and traditions. Out
went the crimson cabbage rose designs; back came the Bulgarian embroid-
ery. Out went the Hartz Mountain cuckoo clocks; back came the Bulgarian
woodwork. Out went the calisthenics; back came the peasant dances. Out
went the classic languages; back came preparation for village life. They
wanted no foreign surveyors, no curriculum construction experts. That
was where the trouble had been before. I soon found that I could get more
than I could give. In fact, in all these years, I have prized what I learned
in Bulgaria, and the friends that I made.
I could continue for a long time, telling you tales of how people want to
run their own schools. I could describe our difficulties in Puerto Rico and
the Philippines, where we had every good intent. I could describe the situa-
tion in Java and Hong Kong. I could paint the evil picture of Korea, and
particularly of Mukden and Shantung, where I saw the smug Japs sweep-
ing peaceful and happy people into their nets, a process in which the schools
played no minor role. Take it as a fact, from one who has seen it at firsthand:
people want to plan and run their own schools; and they won't thank you
if you try to interfere, even if you mean well.
In fact, the job of carrying educational ideas across national frontiers is
one that requires considerable tact, sympathy, and experience. If you go
to give, they don't want to take. Sometimes if you go to get, they will take
a little of what you have to offer in exchange.


If this analysis, based upon practical experience, is correct, it follows that
wise planning for the postwar world will be based upon education as a
local, national concern. In a sense, it is an instrument of national policy.
Consequently, an international agency of power should plan to deal only
with nations directly, and never with individual schools, teachers, or asso-
ciations of teachers.
Should a corporation develop a medical formula, capable of healing peo-
ple anywhere in the world, and should it seek to keep this remedy to itself,
the New League should deal, not with the drug company, but with the
government of the nation in question. Should an airline operate contrary to
the welfare of the other countries of the world, the New League should
deal, not with the company direct, but with the government at the top. So if.
schools are teaching hate, or war, or prejudice, it is not the schools or the
teachers who should be disciplined directly by the New League, but the
government at the top which permits such antisocial violations.
Consequently, I assume that the New League will in fact set up an Inter-
national Education Office or Section, and that it will deal with governments
at the top, and not with teachers or schools.
The main practical conclusion from this section of my discussion is that.
there is little merit in the idea of sending bands of inspectors to judge
whether in the schools of the various nations warlike ideas are being taught
or not. I have just shown why the idea is wrong in theory. Education and
the ideas taught are a part of larger national policy. But I should like to add
that there is another good reason against an International Educational Ges-
tapo, even if administered by ourselves, and that is that, with the exception
of the most obvious cases, a foreigner cannot tell whether teaching is war-
like or not. Of course it is plain in the goose-step, the maps, the warlike
mottoes; but when it comes to the more delicate emphases, I assure you that
the problem is so difficult that I consider it not only impracticable but im-
After the last war several major studies were made of warlike ideas in
textbooks. The Carnegie Foundation published one and Professor Donald
Taft of Wells College another. As a professor of international education
at the time, and because of my contacts as chairman of your committee on
international relations, I attempted to make as thoro and careful study of
this problem as possible. I did analyze the textbooks of Britain, Germany,
France, and the United States, both as to their treatment of the World
War and of previous wars when the nations were lined up differently. I
could not bring myself to publish this work for the reason that I did not
trust my findings. I knew enough about the way other people teach school
to know that over there the textbook means little; and, furthermore, there
was one fact that profoundly disturbed me. I knew full well that a modest
little understatement in a British textbook would have more influence on
an English pupil than a whole paragraph of vituperation in a French text-
book on a French boy. Only persons who have had little experience with
this problem can state with confidence that it is possible to detect by in-
spection warlike activities in the schools.


As a matter of fact, one of the curriculums that was most warlike, con-
tributed the most to war, and became a downright breeder of hate was one
that in fact seemed to teach its people to love peace, to turn the other cheek,
to give one's cloak, to walk the second mile. This curriculum taught this
people that there never was an unjust peace. It sounded peaceful enough to
pass inspection by an international jury. I refer to the curriculum imposed
upon Manchurian schools by the Japanese war lords.
WJhat will be the educational situation following the war?-A prophet is
not needed to predict the educational situation in the countries which have
served as fields of battle or objects of bombing. If one building in five is gone
in Britain, I assume that one school building in five has been destroyed ; and
,all over the world there will be the problem of sheer physical replacement
of educational facilities.
We know furthermore that war causes progressive deterioration in edu-
cation. Plants have been taken over for war purposes, budgets cut, and per-
sonnel diverted. As Lady Astor once said, "When it comes to economies,
Women and Children First."
In addition, the regular educational personnel must have been greatly
reduced. Many teachers have been killed; many starved to death; many
have been put in concentration camps. The aged and retired have not been
replaced by the young. Undoubtedly there will be a great shortage in the
personnel trained to .vork in schools and other educational institutions.
Despite the destruction, deterioration, "and shortage of personnel, most
countries will be able to reopen their schools and operate them after a fashion.
Books and equipment mean relatively little to the foreign teacher. Any kind
of building, if necessary, can be made to serve as a school. It is likely that
there will be a considerable supply of well-educated, tho not professionally
trained, people, who would like to teach. In the upheaval following the
war there will be many former civil servants out of work, and a mass of
educated army officers with nothing to do. Certainly this is what we saw in
Hungary, Austria, and Germany after the last war. What will be needed
will he a program for retraining the teachers, such as that in Bulgaria and
in Siberia.
In Bulgaria, a defeated enemy country, it was a group of young progres-
sive men and women who seized the power. Most of them had been prod-
ucts of the elementary schools. There were a few former teachers in second-
ary schools and universities who had progressive ideas, but most of them
came from the people's schools. There .was no shortage of potential teachers.
The trouble was, as Omarchevski put it, that they needed to know the new
educational goals that the Agrarians had in mind, and learn how to put
them into operation. So, in Sofia, and in other Bulgarian towns, they took
over a high school or technical school and turned it into a Teachers' Insti-
tute. Teachers were scheduled to teach but half a day, the other half being
devoted to attendance at the Institute. There they attended classes in the
new philosophy of education, the new purposes of the schools, adaptation of
old subjects of the curriculum to new purposes, the place of work experience,
community service, school life, discipline, and the like, "I can remember


'classes in arithmetic for teachers, showing how the subject could prepare
pupils not only to be members of village cooperatives but to assist in their
administration. I attended classes in how to repair school equipment, how to
construct science laboratory apparatus, how to enlarge drawings and maps,
how to operate a school farm, how to organize girls into mothers' helpers in
a village.
I saw essentially the same process at work in the Teachers' Institute at
Nicholsk in Siberia, a short distance from Vladivostok-the same practical
outlook, the same courage in facing a new future, the same intent to train
a teacher to be independent of the book and self-sufficient. Like the Bul-
garians, the Russians learned how to make a little go a long way.
It was first in Russia, then in Bulgaria, and then substantiated in many
visits to many countries shortly after the last war, that I began to see the
operation of a principle of history upon which, I am confident, it is safe to
count, namely: In a country which has suffered defeat in war-or has come
so near defeat as to have passed thru the throes of deep fear and despair-
when the war is over, the old leaders are thrown out and a new group
emerges which is opposite to the one that was in power. If the former leaders
were reactionary and warlike, the new will be progressive and peace-loving.
The new group then has several years in which to work before the reaction
sets in.
In Russia, it was a fine group of progressive men and women whom I
met, serving on the various school committees. In Bulgaria, as I have de-
scribed, it was a grand lot of men, headed by an educational genius. There
was no jingoism in their souls. And there was no need for the discipline of
warlike activities among these people.
Now that we look back at it, one can detect in the pages of history this
principle of After-Defeat Reform. When did the Prussian reforms date
from? From the defeat by Napoleon. When did the French reforms date
from? From the defeat at Sedan. After the last war, where did the old
guard hold sway? So far as education is concerned, it was in England after
the last war, and in France, and particularly in Scotland, that new ideas
from abroad were unwelcome.
If this theory has merit, it follows that we can expect in most of the de-
feated countries a period of furious and progressive educational advance.
The old guard will be dismissed. New leaders, good people, will come to
the front; and they will have several years of opportunity before reaction
sets in. It would not be until this time of reaction that inspection for war-
like activities would be needed.
Even tho they are victorious, I expect to see great reform and advance,
both in the Soviet Union and in Great Britain. Despite their triumph, each
barely escaped annihilation. It was only a little while ago that the Soviet
was battling for its life at Stalingrad, with its most favored agricultural and
industrial regions occupied by the enemy. It seems only yesterday that the
British, their armor lost at Dunkerque, their troops rolled back in North
Africa, Greece, and the Orient, seemed to be able to act only "too little and
too late." I am told that the British know that they have been thru the valley


of the shadow. Hitler proclaimed them to be decadent; they could not bring
themselves to believe it, altho events seemed to justify the judgment. If
they were in fact decadent, they couldn't figure out how it had happened;
their heads were bloody, and almost bowed.
Now both nations are rolling ahead; but neither their present power nor
their victories have left their peoples with full confidence in the old order.
This explains recent Soviet announcements of change. This is why Church-
ill, in important public statements, proudly predicts basic reforms and ad-
vances in British education. This is why the White Paper was issued and
the education bill is before Parliament.
The most likely locus for reaction, for trust in the good old days, is right
here in the USA. Every evidence points to the truth of this statement. We
have not been scared. We were not told enough about Pearl Harbor to
send terror down our spines. We still think:
We don't want to fight;
But, by Jingo, if we do,
We've got the ships, we've got the men,
And we've got the money too.

This arrogance may be our undoing. "Pride goeth before destruction and a
haughty spirit before a fall."
It is darkly ominous to detect the warm welcome which the American
public and press give to the reactionary in education. To receive favorable
comment, one need only to come out for medievalism, for the hundred best
books, for the Three R's or the AM2cGuffey Readers, or to attack the so-
called "fads and frills" or progressive schools. The recent session of the
Senate on the Education Bill was particularly depressing. I am not referring
to the cheap political trick, apparent from the start, by which the bill was
defeated. Nor do I refer to the deplorable ignorance of the function of pub-
lic education, the lack of understanding of its place in our life, or the
callousness to human need displayed by some of our leading senators. The
distressing thing was the failure of the American people to show their will,
or their lack of will, if this was the true explanation. Senator Millikin re-
ported that not one person, not connected with the schools, had written to
him about the bill; and later in the Extension of Remarks he corrected this
to only one. Here in America, as we drive on to certain victory, it seems as
tho the more forward-looking the plan the more widespread is popular op-
Who are we, people of the United States, to set ourselves up to teach the
other peoples of the world ? Certainly we are in no position to play the role
of educational Messiahs. Believe me, in the period following the war, we
shall have much more to learn than to teach. Our educational ambassadors,
sent to far-flung lands, will have the task, if they are wise, like Bacon's
"Merchants of Light," to bring back to us the good educational practices
and ideas of the peoples of the world.
JVhat help can America give?-America has two surplus commodities


which it can export to the postwar world with satisfaction to ourselves and
of use to our neighbors-goods and experience.
So far as material goods are concerned, I assume that our plans have been
well laid, that the UNRRA knows its business, that proper procedures have
been determined. I know that physical reconstruction of schools is a part of
the problem of general reconstruction. What foreign schools will welcome,
and need, is not teachers or books or movies in general, but materials that
they can use in their own way. Plain paper is better than print; pencils,
chalk, and hectographs are better than fabricated equipment.
As a matter of fact, our best stock of goods for future international trade
in education is our experience. What this has been, and its usefulness to
foreign educators, could be developed at length. Certainly our century and a
half of extension of popular education from the grass roots up, and not
from central government down, has many lessons to teach; and with this
could be included our unique plan of teacher training, our science of educa-
tion, and the practical turn we have taken in professional and vocational
education. I do not need to elaborate these phases of our experience.
The phase of American experience of greatest value to foreign educators
in reconstructing education after the war is our own experience in recon-
struction and education in our own southern states, following their defeat
in 1865. Here in our own land we faced the problem that shortly is to face
many peoples of the world, and we worked out our own solution.
For the South-that great section, as Mr. Buttrick used to put it, south
of the Smith and Wesson Line-had made a valiant start toward an excel-
lent system of public schools. Along with the rest of the country in 1820-
1850 there was a period of building up state school funds, opening schools,
training teachers, which boded well for the future. Large printings of the
most popular textbooks bore the imprint of Charleston, South Carolina, or
Richmond, Virginia, or Louisville, Kentucky, on the title page. Some of the
most progressive ideas in higher education had their origin in Mississippi,
Alabama, and Tennessee before the Civil War.
Then came the great internal conflict, and with it the same destruction of
life and property, the same liquidation of capital and diversion of public
funds that characterize our present struggle. School funds were lost, schools
were destroyed; and this destruction did not cease with Appomattox, for the
so-called Reconstruction Period was in fact a period of further destruction.
The early efforts by the North to reconstruct the South remind one of some
of the proposals that are being bandied about today. Charity was extended ;
institutions were opened up and supported by Northern funds; bands of
missionary teachers were sent down to indoctrinate with the "right ideas."
But the South held a proud people. All people are proud people. They
want no foreign schools. They prefer poor schools, if they are their own.
Certainly public education in the South was in the doldrums for more
than thirty years following the Civil War. If you were to study the statistics
at the turn of the century, you would be shocked to see the pitiful educa-
tional opportunity offered at public expense in the South: the schools few


and far between; the short school year; the inadequate school laws; the
paucity of secondary schools; the neglect of the Negro. The low condition
of education was only one phase of poor conditions in general. Production
was at a low level, housing poor, disease rampant, nutrition inadequate, con-
sumption relatively extravagant; and all this at a high cost to the taxpayer
in proportion to his wealth.
It was plain that the South was in a vicious circle. The inadequate school
produced people who could earn but little, who were sickly, who could
neither conserve nor save. This generation, in turn, could not find the sur-
plus with which to build a better school-in fact it was worse off-and the
vicious spiral curled downward.
How to break the trend, how to start the curve upward, was the prob-
lem; and this was the problem that many able men attacked as the last
century was drawing to a close and the twentieth century took its start.
Direct participation in education, by opening schools and sending teachers,
had failed. Local doctors, local preachers, local teachers had been obdurate.
How to get at these people who did not know what was for their own good,
and were so proud as to resist outside interference-this was a problem for
the highest type of social statesmanship.
This statesmanship, fortunately for America, was not lacking. It came
from the varied efforts of a large number of men, too numerous to mention
here; but mention should at least he made of Wallace Buttrick, John D.
Rockefeller (senior and junior), Hollis B. Frissell, Seaman A. Knapp,
Walter Hines Page, Robert C. Ogden, Frank Ross Chambers, and the
donors of the Phelps-Stokes, Slater, and Jeanes Funds.
To make a long story short, the idea began to find support that the diffi-
culty in reconstruction lay in the devising of a plan to help social welfare
to grow from within rather than', to superimpose it from without. So far
as education was concerned, the people had to come to want it, and to be-
come able to support it. Development of a school system and development
of an economic base had to go hand in hand.
To develop an economic base, the people had to learn how to produce
more, to live in a more healthy manner, to conserve more, to save more.
Neither doctors, ministers, nor teachers would support a campaign for
agriculture, home economics, or public health. The farmers didn't want to
learn how to farm; the housewives, how to run a home. It was here that the
idea of working with the children, thru boys' and girls' clubs, was adapted
to the South. Knapp thought it was not advisable to send teachers or ex-
tension workers to deal with ignorant, bigoted, recalcitrant adults, who
loved their liberty. I may add, parenthetically, that they already had a
specious form of the Four Freedoms, inasmuch as they worshipped God
as they saw fit; being illiterate, they were not troubled with a free or partly
free press, and could speak their minds; they could scratch around, catch,
or shoot what they needed to eat; and they had no fear of anybody. The
way to start to break the vicious circle was thru the young.
Funds were secured to develop a program with the children. Into a com-
munity would come an extension worker and get the young together to


form a corn club, or a pig club, or a canning club. In the corn club each
boy would take over a small piece of land, and by seed selection, proper
planting, tillage, and fertilization, would apply the best technics of modern
agriculture. The boy's father, of course, scoffed at these new-fangled notions.
But come fall, the boy's corn would be tall, his own straggly; and the
boy's shocks would be replete with large well-rounded and well-filled ears,
while the father husked the usual nubbins. Maybe there was something to
it. When the frost was on the pumpkin, the pig, grown from good stock,
with proper care and feeding, became good filling for the pork barrel; while
those of the father, in from the brush, still plainly visible sidewise, were
razor thin when viewed head on. They tell of an agricultural agent, work-
ing his wiles upon a mountaineer, who had extolled the virtues of selection,
vitamins, feeding, and the like; and rising to the climax of his sales talk,
had asserted: "If you will only do what I tell you, you can grow a 200-
pound hog in half the time." "Well, stranger," was the reply, "whut do you
rekun a hawg's time's wuth, anyhow?" The clubs taught not only the
children, they taught the adults as well. When snow fell, and the family
had had fat meat and hominy for breakfast, hominy and fat meat for dinner,
and fat meat and hominy for supper, a can of tomatoes brought out by the
daughter was a great relief; and mother began to wonder how long this
had been going on.
These simple little clubs stepped up the community. There was more
corn, more meat, better diet; and more was left over. So there was more
money to provide a better school, and with it the basis for a general social
advance. This turned the spiral from its vicious course downward, upward,
where there need be no limit.
With the economic base in process of becoming adequate, others turned
their attention to the problem of how to develop a proper system of schools.
Even if they had the means, schools would not develop without leader-
ship. You cannot reconstruct the life of the people without leaders of vision;
and these reformers, at the turn of the century, had seen the failure of
sending them in from the outside. Your outside leader can make the trip,
he can live in the strange community; but among free, proud people he
will have little influence.
So far as the South was concerned, there were too many "damn Yankees"
there already, too many trying to carry the message to the heathen. So
the plan was adopted, and funds were secured, to select able young men
with good family backgrounds, and enable them to go away to study for
a year or two or three. Then the various states of the South were given
the money to employ these trained young men to work as the state might
direct. Thus for each southern state there was provided by outside funds
a man to work on secondary education, another to develop elementary edu-
cation, and one to develop education among the colored people. These many
were supported for a number of years; and by frequent conferences and
meetings, they learned to work together. It was thru this process that Payne,
Tate, Maphis, Walker, Doster, and Favrot-to mention but a few-got
their start and carried thru their notable achievements. It was their work


that upgraded not only education but also medicine, veterinary medicine,
agriculture, home economics, public health, nursing, and conservation.
It is my belief that the United States, in this experience, offers to the
world an example of sound statesmanship in the upbuilding of the life of
a people. We tried exporting men and goods. It did not succeed. We did
the job only when we turned our efforts toward the training of local leaders
and the development of an economic base at the grass roots.
The problem of developing education in the postwar period is only partly
a problem of repairing the damage caused by the war. In large part it is
a problem of building education that would have had to be done, war or
no war. As people leave dictatorship behind them and enter the democratic
world, they can no longer tolerate widespread ignorance. As societies
abandon the agrarian economy and undertake life based upon technology,
widespread public education is essential. Whether the problem is one of re-
construction, or construction, or both, I am confident that the nub of
the problem will be the same that we faced in the South a generation ago-
the development of an economic base and the training of indigenous leaders.
It is to the most effective solution of these two problems that the Edu-
cation Section of the New League should direct itself. All other prob-
lems, such as war guilt and the like, fade to insignificance in comparison
with these. I hope that we will all use every effort to influence our leaders
to work in these ways. It is to be hoped that the New League will organ-
ize and liberally finance an office or bureau to assist in the interchange
and education of indigenous leaders, to select ability early, to guide and
support these potential leaders in their advanced education abroad. Cer-
tainly, in addition, there should be an office or bureau to disseminate in-
formation with regard to, and to stimulate, local programs in medicine,
public health, agriculture, veterinary medicine, nursing, nutrition, con-
sumer education, home economics, vocational, industrial, and rural education.
"So we come back to our original question: What attitude shall we school
administrators-educational realists-take as to American cooperation in
reconstruction of education in the postwar world? We can count on the
triumph of the Allied Nations, a New League, preeminence of the Big
Four, and a firm determination for peace, prosperity, and the good life
for all the people of the world. Damages to the schools there have been;
reconstruction there must be, and this will be difficult, but it will be ac-
complished. The big job is construction; and the process of extending aid
will require great tact, wisdom, and experience. There is grave danger that
we, Americans, will become an island of reaction in a world of progress.
Certainly the problem of proper construction will be as grave here as any-
where in the civilized world. Only with humility and a sense of our own un-
worthiness can we embark on a program of joint action with other peoples.
Let us hope that we maintain a practical, realistic attitude and support
only a program that is equally realistic. Let us cease to talk of world citizen-
ship as something for other people to adopt, of goodwill as a message to
carry to the heathen, of critical inspection of other people's schools, of
universal textbooks, of teaching ideas that are "right." Let's first take


the beam out of our own eye. Let us not have the effrontery to talk of edu-
cational imperialism. Where we are strong is where America is strong, in
our industry, in our public health, in our research, in our technological
management, and in education, in our spotty successes, and in our applica-
tion of science and management to schools. It is here, if anywhere, that
America has a surplus to export; and other people will take what we have
only as we seek from them what they have to give.
Then with malice toward none, with charity for all, in all humility, we
can do our part to bind up the wounds in the schools, so that with God's
help we can attain a just and lasting peace among ourselves and all nations.



Address at Seattle Conference

A reorganized world, as used in the stated subject of this discussion, is
not a super-world state to which the United Nations of today have sur-
rendered their respective sovereignties. Nationalism is not that easily dis-
missed. The brotherhood of man and "The Federation of the World" are
not that near realization. The coming victory will without question enhance
the esteem in which the free peoples of the world regard the nation as the
instrument of achieving that victory. To illustrate, the Russian people
have evidently turned sharply from international to national goals in
their heroic use of a powerful, national army in the defense of the home-
land; the great British Commonwealth will undoubtedly turn more strongly
than ever to the idea of the sovereignty of the nation when the fruits of
the victory are more fully realized; in the United States patriotism has
reached a unanimity never attained in any previous war; China too has
steadfastly moved toward a unified nationalism. Any plan for the education
of citizens in a reorganized world must be conceived and executed within
a world pattern of an association of sovereign nations, each defining its
own limits of sovereignty and agreeing with the others as to the degree of
sovereignty to be surrendered to win the victory fully and achieve mutually
recognized goals of peace.
Within the acknowledged aims of the United Nations and the potent
measures undertaken to achieve them are to be found elements underlying
education for the postwar life of all the peoples associated in winning the
war. Since the Moscow, Cairo, and Teheran agreements, these aims have
become a common international purpose, to realize which the free peoples
of the world must be, and are, willing to submerge and even sacrifice ex-
treme and peculiar national characteristics. In each nation the program
will be controlled and developed according to the accepted and recognized


pattern of the respective countries. These common war aims, as they project
educational patterns for the postwar reorganization, seem to be:
1. To defend ourselves successfully against aggression and conquest.
2. To create a world association of democratic peoples sufficiently potent to
assure peace.
3. To preserve and enjoy the fruits of the revival of world interest in personal
freedom, spontaneously generated as the central issue of this war, as a permanent
purpose of human progress.
4. To reestablish a moral order based upon the doctrine of responsibility of
the free citizen and the free nation for the preservation of the rights and welfare
of other free citizens and nations.

These are the sine qua non to any program of education which may be
established by united action of the associated nations in the hope of fully
winning the peace after military victory. To do all possible to assure the
consummation and full realization of these aims thruout the world is the
high purpose for which free peoples expect to prosecute the war to final
victory. Measures to secure these "Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and
our posterity" must be the first order of business of the United Nations
when the fighting ceases.
No such outcome can be hoped for except thru concerted action. Early
phases of reorganization will necessarily be under strict military control.
But certainly broadly-planned policies to guide education and public in-
formation toward the purposes of peace necessitate some kind of adminis-
trative council under the United Nations. This is a job requiring the most
expert knowledge and experience of the world. The Educational Policies
Commission of the United States and the British Council for World Citizen-
ship have strongly recommended an international educational agency. Such
an office would have advisory powers in the first.phases of reorganization
and reestablishment. The. undertaking in its international aspects is well-
nigh terrifying. It includes the reshaping of totalitarian education in the
enemy nations, and of course in Germany it is difficult to conceive of a
successful outcome. That a recurrence of the diabolical policy of pointing
the minds of the youth of a nation of 75,000,000 people toward world con-
quest must forever be banished, needs no argument. The means to be used
will have to be determined as events unfold. Likewise, the Herculean task
of encouraging and assisting the people of conquered countries to rehabilitate
their educational facilities so as to carry out the common elements of the
recognized aims of the United Nations will finally be in the hands of the
agency designated for this part of the international undertaking. Altho
no such concept as citizen of the world is at all realistic, even as a hopeful
outcome, the common purpose to maintain peace, to evolve the fruits of
freedom, and to understand personal and national responsibilities are mini-
mum requirements in the educational policy of all nations. While it is not
possible to enforce even these minimum essentials, except by general mutual
understanding as a concomitant of the United Nations' program, a sincere
international agreement to make an educational program a strong factor


among the peoples of the great powers would go far toward assuring a
triumphant and enduring peace. Assuming such an agreement, each nation
would have the responsibility of directing its own plan so as best to meet
the needs of its people and yet point their thinking permanently toward
this great goal of human progress.
The American people are peculiarly suited by their traditions of universal
"grass-roots" education and the unique productive power developed from
widespread scientific knowledge to capitalize on a far-reaching plan of
postwar education. Among us, education, tho centrally supported, must be
locally controlled. This is now and always has been the central fact of our
popular educational thinking. Now with the full realization of the fruits
of victory so reliant upon the competent, intelligent, and adequately pre-
pared citizenry, the importance of a recognized and accepted plan for
citizenship education thruout the land is magnified as never before. Baffling
problems are to be solved if any such consummation is to be realized. What
these are has become clear as they have been pressed upon us by the war
emergency or revealed against the background of war experience.
1. Educational provisions on a nationwide scale for the demobilized men
of the armed services and war industries-There number some 11,000,000
in the Army, Navy, Air Forces, and other combatant branches, and other
millions-almost as many-in war production plants. Probably demobiliza-
tion will occur much more slowly than in World War I, spreading over
a number of years. In like manner, the changes from war to civilian pro-
duction will be a planned procedure covering a considerable period. Never-
theless, let us not mistake our educational responsibility. Even with the
most carefully planned arrangements there will be millions of youth who in
the interest of general welfare, as well as mere justice to the youth them-
selves, should complete interrupted educational careers-millions who must
be adjusted to occupations, millions who will require refresher courses in
skills and technics, millions who will need broadened liberal foundations
thru extension and continuation education, and alas, also hundreds of
thousands who will require mental and physical rehabilitation and who
should receive the best science can provide.
Measures now before Congress make broad and apparently adequate
arrangement for federal support to the states for this first need. Numerous
state plans have been proposed and will doubtless become operative in the
support and furtherance of the national plan. In justice to those who have
willingly proffered the "last full measure of devotion," we cannot do less,
nor can we ever permit another national threat of unemployment of millions
to menace our institutions and our way of life.
2. The completion of the plan already begun for the education of all
American youth-Leaders in education and many lay citizens concerned
with the formulation of educational policies have long sought the goal of
at least a high-school education, or its equivalent, for every young American.
Legislation in many states enacted as a result of revelations from World


War I testifies to the movement in the United States of America. A parallel
movement in Britain at the same time set eighteen as a minimum age of
state responsibility for the education of youth. Great progress marked the
1920's. Of all youth of high-school age in the land, 65 percent were
finally in those years mustered into high school or similar institutions.
College enrolment exceeded 1,500,000. It became the acknowledged aim
of American education to provide for all youth-largely at public expense
by means of state-supported and administered systems-preparation for the
American way of life. This comprehensive conception sets up certain goals
as realizable for each citizen, such as those formulated by the Educational
Policies Commission in The Purposes of Education in American Democracy.
Briefly, these sought adequate training for self-realization, human relation-
ships, economic efficiency, and civic responsibility.
The experiences of the war confirm the great advances claimed for the
years following the last war. Despite the charges of widespread subversive
teaching and false methodology, the astonishing and convincing fact is
revealed by the data of the selective draft registration that draft evasion
has fallen from 4.5 percent in 1917-18 to .4 percent in 1940-43. When we
recall that the original registration of some 17,000,000 American men
largely occurred in October 1940, more than a year before Pearl Harbor,
the evidence is very convincing that the schools of the nation were highly
faithful to their major responsibility of nurturing attitudes of loyalty to
the nation and the democratic way of life.
As gratifying as is this major achievement, glaring deficiencies are also
clearly evident from our recent war experiences and from the lessons of
the long economic depression of the thirties. Without belaboring the pro-
cedures by which we have become aware of these failings, let me summa-
rize the principal problems which we must resolve or else face disaster.
Illiteracy-The army illiteracy rejection totals 744,000 or 5.16 percent
upon the basis of fifth-grade educational standards. While this records a
great advance over the illiteracy of World War I, it still discloses a dan-
gerous shortcoming in our plan for all American youth.
Defective and inadequate vocational education-During the depression
almost 4,000,000 youth of high-school and college age were listed in the
ranks of the unemployed. Inadequate facilities for occupational adjust-
ment and placement, lack of foresight by the several states in establishing
vocational schools, and failure to adjust school facilities to industry certainly
were largely responsible for this sad picture.
The decline of liberal education-If our vocational and guidance pro-
gram was ineffective, even more so was our program in liberal arts. A wild
mania to discard the inheritance of the past in education gripped large ele-
ments of organized education and created a public distrust in our funda-
mental educational organization. Accordingly a declining trend in the moral
content of our thinking and lack of acceptance of a proper responsibility
by our citizens for the general welfare have accrued as a result. Even more
destructive of adequate results in our educational program comes the
evidence that our ablest youth-53 percent of them in our most populous


state, as stated by Moffat,' chairman of the Ways and Means Committee
of the New York Legislature-are not able to reach college at all. Here
then is a problem of first magnitude for our reorganized program of edu-
cation in the postwar world.
3. In every state a plan for an effective spread of information on national
and world problems and issues thru a program of adult education-Adult
and extension education should have wide use in serving our demobilized
forces, as I have already noted. But the voting population of America re-
quires full and authentic information on the problems of our domestic policy
as well as our relationship to other nations and the total world situation.
4. Federal funds for the improvement of the state systems of education
without federal administrative control-The American people cannot escape
awareness of the certain operation of a principle fatal to local self-govern-
ment in the present policy of federal bureaucracy. Wherever local govern-
ment of any kind, whether of the state, the municipality, or the school
district, falls short in rendering service in emergencies imposed by the
war, the federal arm has reached out and taken charge thru some depart-
ment or bureau. While we are in danger from our enemies during wartime,
this is justified. The Lanham Act as the activating authority for this prin-
ciple is doubtless necessary. But when war dangers have passed, the prin-
ciple should not be fastened incurably as a throttling incubus upon local
control of our civil and educational undertakings. Nothing can finally be
more destructive of our traditional American way of life.
Note the threat contained in these simple facts concerning federal gov-
ernmental spending for education in 1941. The total amounted to $436,000,-
000. Of this total, that disbursed thru six bureaus or departments other
than the Office of Education amounted to $305,000,000. Only $45,000,-
000 of this amount was used to help the states strengthen their systems of
locally-administered education. The federal taxes exacted from my own
state of Oregon, and its neighbor, the state of Washington, for a single year
amount to more than $275,000,000. Contrast this with the $45,000,000
returned to all the states for the strengthening of their educational systems.
In the recent hearings for S. 637 before the Education Committee of the
United States Senate, the most prominent argument used against the measure
was that its passage would mean federal administrative control of the
schools. Altho the measure clearly provides for the distribution of funds
to the states and prohibits completely federal administrative control within
the states, the popular impression was yet very strong that this measure would
endanger our local self-government. How this misunderstanding has been
produced is not a problem for argument here. But its potency must never-
theless be recognized. The facts are exactly the reverse of the public im-
pression. Unless the federal government adopts a policy of distributing
the income from the tax wealth of the country to equalize educational op-
portunities in the states, by strengthening the state systems of education,
federal control by the use of the bureaucratic method is inevitable.
Unmistakable proof of the weakness of the state systems and the inability
I Moffat, Abbot Lowe. New York Shows the Way. New York: Harper and Brothers. October 1943.


of certain states to support a complete and effective program of citizenship
education is found in the figures of illiteracy quoted above. The 744,000
registrants came almost wholly from such states.
5. Preparation of many of our ablest American youth for careers of re-
search is highly essential to an American plan for citizenship education-
Thruout our national experiences of more than 150 years, the ideal of the dis-
semination of knowledge has played a basic role in the progress of our people.
Nowhere else in the world has inventive genius flowered to the full as here;
in no other land has the spread of knowledge among the people everywhere,
and the extension of its horizons by great numbers of research experts in both
industry and university laboratories, so prevailed and so profitably en-
hanced the levels of living as among the American people. That we must
continue and enlarge upon this tradition is convincingly demonstrated by
our present war participation. In order to insure to ourselves and our
posterity the full use of all the opportunities which victory will bring, re-
search remains as the final key to our resources and our natural wealth.
Complete and permanent victory is not possible without effective edu-
cation for citizenship thruout all the principal United Nations. A satura-
tion use of the mechanism of education for freedom is as much required by
this highest of purposes as was the commandeering of the schools and the
agencies of information for the diabolical purposes of Germany and Japan.
In each of these nations the control of, thinking was so thoro and complete
that both of them were able to inaugurate their campaigns of conquest with
armies of some 10,000,000 men, none of whom were illiterate.
In the democracies, education for citizenship means the use of all our
agencies for the spread of information. None can be omitted. This includes
the home, the pulpit, the press, public schools, private schools, colleges and
universities both public and private, the radio, the moving picture, and
the public forum. So important is this factor in our national progress that
organized means, especially thru our democratic and locally administered
institutions of education, must not be spared to promote the program.
In essence the global undertaking must encompass the infusion of common
purposes and certain minimal ideals in all of the citizenship training pro-
grams of at least the four great powers. These common purposes must be
organized by all of the United Nations and finally by the entire world
if permanent peace is ever to be achieved.
A sustained revival of emphasis upon personal freedom, with an under-
standing of its meaning to the nations of the world and to the race, is the
first commandment. The second is founded upon the first. It is this: Every
free citizen is charged with the responsibility for nurturing and protecting
the freedom of his fellow citizens, and every free nation shall care for the
progress and welfare of the other nations of the world as the first article
of its international code.

Part II

The People's Schools: A National Vievi

Address at Atlanta, New York, and Kansas City Conferences
This past year we have been honoring the memory of a great American,
Thomas Jefferson. No American has made a greater contribution to the
enduring intellectual foundations of our country. Jefferson believed that
freedom of conscience, a free press, free discussion, free schools are the in-
dispensable means to popular government and a free society. On one occasion
he said: "Above all things I hope the education of the common people will
be attended to. Educate and inform the whole mass of the people. Enable
them to see that it is to their interest to preserve peace and order and they
will preserve them. They are the only sure reliance for the preservation of
our liberty."
Jefferson saw as clearly as any man before or since that democracy's foun-
dations, to be firm and steadfast, must rest upon a proper education of all its
citizens; that is, upon an education based on democratic principles. What are
some of these principles of democratic education, these intellectual founda-
tions which we must safeguard ?
First, democracy holds that the purpose of education is to contribute to
the optimum growth and development of the individual. It is a basic philo-
sophic postulate of democracy that the individual person is of priceless worth,
that man is distinguished from other creatures in the universe by his ability
to reason and by his disposition to strive toward the attainment of the highest
ethical values. Hence it follows that a prime objective of democratic educa-
tion should be to guide the individual in the development of an informed
intelligence and a worthy ethical character.
The highest ethical values, individual and social, of our western demo-
cratic civilization are summed up in the Sermon on the Mount, with its
doctrine of human brotherhood and of unselfish service to one's fellowman.
These values the democratic school must somehow communicate to the
It is apparent, of course, that the doctrines of nazism and of democracy
are poles apart in this: That in the case of the democratic ideal of individual
growth and development the final sanction is to be found not in service to
the political state but in service to one's fellowman; not in subservience to
force or organized power but in conformity to the dictates of an enlightened
[55 1


conscience. Under the democratic concept the good state is the state which
seeks to produce the good man and in so doing to give all the freest possible
opportunity to determine what the state shall be.
Second, from the democratic doctrine of the intrinsic worth of every
human person flows the notion that democratic education must be charac-
terized by freedom of inquiry. No man can be expected to reach his optimum
development unless he is given freedom to learn the truth, even if that truth
should run counter to contemporary dogmas. The final appeal of democratic
education must be to the canons of rationality, of sound evidence and of
logic; its ultimate authority must be the authority of human reason. More-
over, since democratic social theory holds that the state is the creature of
man and therefore his servant, the citizen not only has the right but the
obligation to criticize his government, to seek to improve it so that it will
more fully represent the common will and serve the common needs of all its
From the democratic doctrine of individual human worth and the demo-
cratic respect for human intelligence there comes a third important principle
of democratic education, namely, the principle 6f universality, of equality of
opportunity for all men to reach their optimum development. Democratic
education holds that the opportunity to learn is an inherent human right
of all men, regardless of accident of race, sex, color of skin, or place of birth.
To state the foregoing truisms with respect to democratic education is
pointless unless we proceed to examine some of their implications for educa-
tional practice in America. I propose to direct your attention, therefore,
toward some of their broad implications: First, with respect to America's
participation in postwar educational reconstruction abroad ; and second, with
respect to postwar adjustments in education at home.
When the term, "postwar educational reconstruction," is mentioned, the
minds of most of us turn at once to Czechoslovakia, Poland, France, Hol-
land-to all of those lands overrun by the aggressors, their educational in-
stitutions destroyed, their teachers fled or in prison. The plight of the chil-
dren and youth of these lands appeals to our sympathies; arouses our impulse
to play the Good Samaritan, to help restore to them as soon as victory is
won, their institutions of higher learning, their elementary and secondary
Inevitably the United Nations will be concerned in "postwar educational
reconstruction," not only with helping the liberated countries but the de-
feated countries as well to reconstruct their educational plants and to resume
educational operations. For the most part this must be the work of the
nationals of these countries themselves, with some financial assistance, per-
haps, and the loan of some technical personnel by the United Nations. To
their nationals will fall the task of providing teachers. Theirs will be the
task of providing textbooks and instructional materials. Theirs will be the
difficult task of extirpating the evil doctrines of hate and of force wherever
and to whatever extent.these shall have taken root.
It must be clear to everyone that any small contribution which it is pos-
sible for America to make to educational rehabilitation abroad pales into


insignificance when we consider the contribution which we can make to the
rehabilitation of world order and security by appropriate educational meas-
ures at home. By the example we set of democracy in education at home will
we be most influential with respect to the reconstruction of education abroad.
It behooves us in the United States, therefore, to make a thorogoing ap-
praisal of our educational system in all of its ramifications, including a pene-
trating inquiry as to the adequacy and soundness of our educational provi-
sions for producing a citizenry with the emotional and intellectual orienta-
tion favorable to democracy at home and to cooperation abroad.
This emotional and intellectual orientation must be based upon a greater
awareness by our people of economic realities. Take international trade, for
example. Before World War I we gave little thought to the fact that our
prosperity in large measure was due to our ability as a debtor country to
sell abroad. Our creditors abroad accepted payment in goods and services,
and hence made possible our expanding commerce in spite-of high protective
tariffs. After the first World War we retained our debtor state of mind. By
even higher tariffs, we made it impossible for our foreign debtors to repay
their debts to us. International trade was throttled and world economic de-
pression precipitated, thereby contributing substantially to the development
of dictatorships and to the deterioration of international relations generally.
Have we now learned from sad experience that international trade is a two-
way business, that in order to maintain a high standard of living at home we
must increase the exchange of goods and services internationally? And, if so,
what are we doing in the schools to educate the oncoming generation to
support wise governmental policies involving world trade?
Consider these facts: Prior to 1940, of the 7,000,000 youth enrolled in
our high schools, only about 5 percent received any systematic instruction
whatever in economics.1 Moreover, there is considerable evidence that such
instruction as was received left much to be desired, both as to the scope
of treatment and as to the emphasis on various economic topics, not to men-
tion adequacy of preparation of the teaching personnel. For instance, an
analysis of content of high-school economics textbooks in terms of the per-
centage of space devoted to various topics indicated that the economics of
foreign trade was directly involved in only about 5 percent of the content
of the usual high-school economics textbook.2
The generalization will stand, I believe, that the high schools have not
yet begun to perform their proper educational function in respect to pro-
viding that underpinning of economic knowledge which is necessary for in-
telligent citizenship in a democracy. Our republican form of government
requires in the last analysis that public opinion sustain or reject the legisla-
tive policies adopted by elected representatives of the people. More and

1 Gooch, Wilbur I. "Economic Education on the Secondary Level." Economic Education. Eleventh
Yearbook. Washington, D. C.: National Council for the Social Studies, a department of the National
Education Association, 1940. p. 19-37.
2Thompson, Guy H. "The Content of Economics as Taught in Secondary Schools." Economic Edu-
cation. Eleventh Yearbook. Washington, D. C.: National Council for the Social Studies, a department
of the National Education Association, 1940. p. 24.


more these policies have to do with economic matters, such as trade and tariff
policy, taxation, social security, wages and hours, and many others.
If it be true that the chief instrumentality upon which we must depend
for improving the economic literacy of our citizens is organized education,
with a trained teaching corps and systematic courses of instruction, then the
high schools must certainly give much greater emphasis in the future to the
study of economics. Upon the foundation of this high-school study can be
built a superstructure of less formal education thru adult study groups,
forums, newspapers, periodicals, pamphlets, and radio.
To provide this foundation of economic education in the schools will not
be easy. The curriculum of the high school is already overcrowded. Vested
interests'in the teaching of certain traditional subjectmatter will be difficult
to overcome. Yet these obstacles must be overcome if our schools are to
prepare an economically literate generation, capable of understanding the
economic issues involved in world cooperation.
As another example, let us consider education for international political
understanding. It has been said that after World War I a large majority
of the people of the United States wished to cooperate actively in an inter-
national organization for the maintenance of peace and order. The League
of Nations was established. But our political leaders failed to make the
United States a partner in the enterprise of international peace. This genera-
tion had to learn the hard way that there can be no security in isolationism
under whatever name it masquerades. But we have yet to learn what is
involved in our new responsibility as a member of the United Nations. We
have yet to learn how we can play our part with other nations in preventing
aggressive war against any nation, how we can cooperate with like-minded
nations in finding and using the necessary substitutes for war in the settle-
ment of international differences. We have yet to learn how to establish
adequate world machinery for this purpose, with properly constituted execu-
tive, legislative, and judicial organs for the enforcement of international
peace and ordered justice. Concerning these problems the high schools and
colleges must do their full part in creating an alert and informed public
opinion. The increasing sacrifices of our young men on the battlefronts of
the world are daily sending back to us as educational administrators the
obligation to start now and to work vigorously and ingeniously to find the
ways by which organized education, thru the necessary curriculum adjust-
ments and emphases, will provide a thoro education for international under-
Perhaps these two illustrations will suffice to indicate some of the heavy
responsibilities which devolve upon the high schools and colleges in the field
of civic education as here at home we attempt to put the full power and in-
fluence of the United States on the side of international order and security.
Let me turn now to other questions of postwar educational readjustment.
What are some of the postwar problems we shall face in safeguarding intel-
lectual foundations thru democratic education here at home?
When the war ends, the first problem we shall face is that of reassimila-
tion into our civilian economy of the millions of men and women in the


armed forces and the other millions now in war industries. Altho we may
not have to achieve that adjustment as quickly as was necessary after the
last war, it can hardly'be very gradual or long delayed. If there is one thing
upon which our fighting men are agreed, it is that they want to get this war
over with as soon as possible so that they may return to their jobs, their
homes, and their loved ones. Consequently, there will probably be great pres-
sure upon the military authorities and the Congress to effect military de-
mobilization as rapidly as practicable.
The size of the demobilization undertaking is formidable in any case,
whether rapidly or gradually carried out. There are now before the Con-
gress measures to provide for the continued education of those men and
women honorably discharged from the armed forces who care to take ad-
vantage of the government's offer of assistance. That is in the best tradition
of democracy-to provide special opportunities for self-development thru
education to the young men and women. It is also a signal recognition of the
contribution which our schools and colleges can make to the more gradual
and orderly demobilization and readjustment to civilian life of members
of our armed forces.
Are the states and their educational systems ready to undertake this job ?
Are they adequately equipped to provide education of the sorts these young
men and women will want and should have ? The answers to such questions
are inextricably bound up with other plans for postwar educational readjust-
ment, especially as these plans involve a more adequate educational program
for all American youth. Let me illustrate.
Not long ago I took part in a conference on postwar educational planning
with school officials in one of our states. The conference discussion proceeded
upon the basis of the assumption that it is a primary responsibility of a demo-
cratic society to provide appropriate educational opportunities for all its
youth up to and including the age of twenty, and that in the provision of
these educational opportunities, the federal, state, and local governments
should cooperate.
This state conference on postwar school adjustments, starting with the
consideration of education for ex-service men and women, soon involved
the consideration of curriculum reorganization in the secondary schools,
for both questions involved the provision of more adequate facilities for di-
versified curriculum offerings in the schools, especially in the field of voca-
tional education. This in turn led to the discussion of the possibility of a
postwar program of public works to include educational structures, and this
to a discussion of the possibility of using such a program to facilitate the
development of larger units of school administration and of school attendance
so as to permit diversified curriculum offerings with requisite economy and
This state has a population of approximately 800,000 and has some 238
public high schools. Does anyone know of a city of 800,000 people in which
there are more than about 15 or 20 public high schools? Cities, in spite
of their concentrated wealth, don't feel they can afford to operate small
high schools. Twenty percent of this state's high schools enrol fewer than fifty


students each, 80 percent of them enrol fewer than two hundred students
each. Some 80 percent offer home economics. About half of them teach one
or more commercial subjects. In about 20 percent of the smaller rural high
schools, courses in vocational agriculture are offered. As in all states, cur-
riculum diversification in this state is intimately tied up with the problem of
the size of the high schools. Even after the state, with or without federal
assistance for public works, has made all feasible efforts to increase the size
of these secondary schools, there will still remain a considerable number of
small high schools enrolling as few as three hundred students. To be sure,
much can and should be done to provide a richer and more varied curriculum
in these small high schools. For example, it was agreed that the provision
of a good general shop course in most of these small high schools was possible.
Such a course would provide activities in farm and home mechanics, in wood-
working, metalworking, and electricity. It would provide exploratory ex-
periences with a variety of common tools and in the processing of a variety
of materials; it would provide the basis for progressive specialization leading
toward one or more of the skilled trades.
It was agreed also that many small high schools in rural communities
could make larger use of the cooperative part-time diversified occupations
program in which high-school students of employable age (usually in the last
two years of high school) spend one-half of their time in employment and
one-half in school.
Again, more of these small rural high schools, if their size is increased
sufficiently, might well provide departments of vocational agriculture with
well-equipped farm shops. Whereas 90 percent of the enrolment in high-
school vocational agriculture courses in the state at present consists of farm
boys, only about one-half of these boys actually become farmers later. Conse-
quently, alternative opportunities for vocational training for occupations
other than farming need to be provided in rural areas.
One method of doing this involves enabling these youth to attend larger
schools in which diversified educational opportunities are available. In this
particular state twelve such schools, properly located and enrolling a mini-
mum of 800 students each, would probably be enough to serve the specialized
vocational training needs, together with the essential general subjects of
study, of older youth from rural and small-town communities in preparation
for the skilled trades and many business, managerial, and technical fields of
sub-professional level. Most of these schools could rather easily be developed
by the enlargement of existing schools in the larger centers of population of
the state.
Parenthetically, it should be noted that in providing more adequately for
diversified vocational education, it is not at all necessary to neglect the proper
provision for those students who need equally excellent instruction in the
more general subjects, such as English, foreign languages, the social sciences,
mathematics, the natural sciences, and the arts, which lead to further study
in similar fields on the college level. Indeed, for many high-school pupils in
this country the larger area schools are needed in order to provide with
necessary economy good instruction in these more general subjects.


Many knotty questions arose with respect to the establishment of such
area schools. What particular courses should be offered ? How should the
students be selected ? How should the students be enabled to leave their home
districts to attend these area school centers? What provision should be made
for subsistence scholarships to help cover the cost of the transportation,
room, and board of such students? How should the costs be distributed as
between the federal government, the state, and the local units? What should
be the curriculum provisions in these larger schools for students preparing
for specialized occupations to be sure that they are adequately prepared for
citizenship in general? What effect would the withdrawal of students from
their home-town schools to attend the area schools have upon the adequacy
and efficiency of the smaller schools, many of which, as I have pointed out,
are now too small? It was in consideration of this last question that it was
decided that in the development of the statewide system the aim should be to
have at least three hundred pupils in each neighborhood high school.
It seems to me to be perfectly clear, from this and similar conferences on
postwar educational planning in which I have taken part, that there needs to
be developed in many states an educational planning agency which can bring
within the compass of its consideration the need for buildings in terms of a
defensible state plan for the reorganization of educational programs and of
units of school administration and attendance, at the elementary, secondary,
and higher education levels. This state educational agency ought to be in a
position to develop an integral plan for the educational program of the
state in all of its aspects and on all levels. Plans are being promoted in a
number of states in piecemeal fashion-by some groups urging junior col-
leges, by others urging technical institutes, by others urging area vocational
schools, and by still others promoting technical vocational schools. I must
say I am not convinced that these groups themselves clearly understand the
distinctions among these various types of schools for youth. If these groups
really don't see the distinctions, how much more confused will be the lay
public to which an appeal must be made to pay the bill.
How can such plans be wisely made unless adequate consideration is given
the question of how such schools are to be related to so-called secondary
schools on the one hand, and to colleges and universities on the other? With
some exceptions, the states are not now adequately prepared in their organiza-
tional structure to do this planning job. Unless they become prepared, it is
not unlikely that education in the states will continue to suffer from the
evils of fragmentary planning after the war as it did before the war.
It should be obvious, of course, in relation to postwar educational planning,
that we cannot hope as educators to proceed very far without the full under-
standing and approval of the lay public. This public must itself be educated
with respect to major educational issues, for in the last analysis the public
will make the decisions. Both at local and at state levels, the participation of
laymen in educational councils should be much more actively promoted,
with every effort being made, especially at the state level, properly to relate
plans for the improvement of education to other plans for the improvement
of the welfare and happiness of the people.


I have said nothing specifically to this point concerning the relationship
of the federal government to educational planning for the postwar period.
Let me say just a brief word on that point. Under our philosophy and form
of government the ultimate responsibility for education rests with the people
themselves in the several states. Yet the education of the citizens of the United
States is a matter of such paramount importance that the federal government
cannot remain without substantial interest in the quality and the universality
of the educational opportunities provided in our democracy. It should and
will eventually, I believe, come to express that interest in the form of some
greater measure of financial participation in the support of education in the
states; it will also continue to assist the United States Office of Education
in providing, on a national basis, the necessary effective leadership and the
many services to the states which the Office of Education should render.
Before closing, I must not fail to comment briefly on one further safe-
guard to American educational and intellectual foundations. I refer to the
matter of a strengthened teaching profession. If we are to secure for organ-
ized education the recognition it deserves, the public esteem it merits, and
the public support it must have to do its full part in safeguarding intellectual
foundations in America, then we must strengthen the profession of teaching
in the postwar years. During the emergency we have had to lower profes-
sional standards which had so laboriously and slowly been built up during
the last two or three decades. Those standards must be restored in every
state and even raised still higher in many states. Two items especially will
enter into a bill of particulars at this point: (1) The financial rewards of
teaching must be sufficient to attract young men and women of talent and
to assure them that, altho they will hardly become rich from teaching, they
can at least be assured of a comfortable standard of living with a margin
to enable them to continue to improve themselves in service, to broaden their
interests, to refresh themselves for the indispensable task which is theirs. (2)
We must continue to improve the quality of candidates for training as
teachers. We must work out curriculums calculated to develop the broad
cultural background as well as the technical competence needed by the
professional worker in education so that the term "teacher" shall come to
have something of the prestige which now attaches to the term "physician"
or "engineer."
If educators are to do their part in safeguarding intellectual foundations
in America, they must merit and must have the confidence of the people.
That means in my judgment that while they must be independent of the
various special interest groups of our society they must at the same time
maintain the closest and most sympathetic relations with all groups. They
must be powerfully and democratically organized so they may defend the
uniqueness of the educational function in a democracy in guiding learners
in their search for truth.
May I, in conclusion, briefly summarize the points I have tried to make.
First, democracy's true foundations are intellectual and spiritual in char-
acter-belief in the worth of the individual human person, belief in human
intelligence and improvability, belief in the possibility of the good life for all


men everywhere. These rest back upon a proper democratic education of the
citizen, an education characterized by freedom of inquiry, shot thru with
the dynamics of human brotherhood, motivated by the ideal of service to
one's fellowman.
Second, to safeguard our intellectual foundations we must improve our
educational system in America. While we shall give all practicable assistance
to other nations in the rehabilitation of education abroad, we must never lose
sight of our primary obligation which is the continued improvement of edu-
cation at home.
Third, some of the improvements in education at home, which we should
begin now to plan, for the postwar period are:
A. Greater emphasis in the curriculum upon sound economic and political educa-
B. The provision of educational opportunities for ex-service men and women.
C. The provision of adequate facilities for a more diversified program for the
education of all American youth.
Fourth, to coordinate plans for the improvement of American education,
there is urgent need for the states to set up educational planning agencies,
broadly representative of all levels and types of education. Such agencies
should bring within the purview of their consideration plans for the postwar
building of educational structures in relation to a well-considered program
of state organization for the support and administration of public education
on the one hand, and for the necessary modifications in the character and
scope of educational opportunities on the other.
By such foresighted and prudent planning education will be prepared at
the end of the war to do its full part in helping to meet the enormous peace-
time responsibilities which will be ours as a nation, and in so doing to
safeguard intellectual foundations in America.


Address at Atlanta and New York Conferences
When the Executive Committee met with President Pillsbury at San
Francisco early in 1942, the attack upon Pearl Harbor and the proximity
of the war forced the members to think in terms of wartime psychology..
As chairman of the Yearbook Commission I have been increasingly awed
by the infinite scope and magnitude of the subject, Morale for a Free World.
Altho there are many definitions of morale which are acceptable to the
layman, it is difficult to define such words as "morale," "freedom," and
"democracy" to the satisfaction of an audience of educators. However, it
seems logical to begin this address with a definition of "morale" and then
to invite you all to read the yearbook and formulate your own definitions.
Here is mine, reduced to its lowest terms: Morale is the degree to which an
individual gives all he has.


We meet today in the third year of national crisis. For long and weary
months our hearts have been torn by the horrors of war on the most colossal
scale in history. We have been stunned by the cruelty and cynical indifference
to international morality which has been exhibited by ruthless and implacable
enemies. With ten million men in the armed services of the United States,
there is hardly one member of this audience who does not have at least
one kinsman in the battle line or headed that way. Deep down in the hearts
of all in every corner of the land there dwell an unspoken anxiety and a
swelling pride in the generation of young heroes who with sacrificial courage
are carrying the fight to the enemy, in the air, on and under the seas, in the
steaming jungles, and on snow-covered mountains all over the world.
During the summer of 1776, that great master of morale, George Wash-
ington, addressed his little army as follows: "The enemy have now landed
on Long Island and the hour is fast approaching on which the honor and
success of this army and the safety of our bleeding country depend. Remem-
ber, officers and soldiers, that slavery will be your portion and that of your
posterity if you do not acquit yourselves like men."
Today, after five generations of American education under the govern-
ment of a free people-in spite of diverse origins, social problems, and eco-
nomic adjustments-our great nation is mobilized for total war. One hun-
dred and thirty million people have shown the world the miracle of demo-
cratic discipline in the utilization of trained manpower, not only in our
armed forces, but in an industrial system which is producing and delivering
to over fifty battle fronts a flood of munitions and war machines unequalled
in the history of the world. Seventeen million young Americans have regis-
tered for selective service during the past three years, with only a fraction
of 1 percent attempting to evade their duty.
In spite of the marvelous development in fighting equipment, the basic
factors of war remain curiously constant. Perhaps the most universal and
important of these factors is morale; at the present time, studied and talked
about far more than ever before, it stands for a reality that has decided most
wars in the past. Every great general in history has highly prized and ex-
ploited morale to the utmost. Alexander, Ciomwell, Napoleon, and Wash-
ington understood how to evoke from their armies power, bravery, and
achievement that seemed beyond the capacity of human beings. They knew
how to study their troops, how to keep them steadfast and durable in the
face of adverse circumstances.
History shows us that there are always new names for old verities and
new ways for exploiting them. Each war has its own slogan. In the course
of World War I, propaganda emerged as a weapon. With the signing of the
Armistice, German military leaders began an intensive study of the psycho-
logical factors inherent in their defeat and essential to their preparation for
the next war. This study revealed that President Wilson's fourteen points
did more to break German morale than the defeats of the German armies.
The will of the German people to endure and conquer was insufficient and
internal psychological collapse led to ultimate military surrender in 1918.
The victorious Allies in the Treaty of Versailles imposed military dis-


armament upon Germany but did not make provision for the psychological
disarmament of the German people. In three short years, the Nazi educa-
tional program became a political weapon aimed at the physical, mental,
and spiritual preparation of a whole people for the next war.
The Third Reich in its present political form is a country of recent origin
and, until Hitler's armies began to march, had a relatively small area. In
Mein Kampf, Hitler revealed his plans and admitted the weaknesses of
Germany. He warns that modern Germany is an artificial creation and dates
from Prussian domination. He admits that this lack of tradition implies a
weakness in defensive morale.
And so with these handicaps in mind the German indoctrinational pro-
gram undertook to furnish the rising generation in Germany with beliefs to
match the Prussian arms and to warp the mind of German youth by calcu-
lated indoctrination in the belief of the military invincibility and cultural
superiority of the German Reich. The Nazis rewrote history and anthro-
pology on the basis of falsehood. Hitler's propagandists invented a monstrous
story which runs as follows-:
Western civilization is Aryan. Aryan is synonymous with Nordic. The great
Nordic power is Germany. The history of European achievement is German history.
Wherever there are Germans, there is a bit of Germany and soon it will be part
of the Reich. The Nordics are a superior people; therefore, the Third Reich has a
biological right to any part of the world it wants. The Germans are responsible
for all the cultural advances of the past century.
Of course, this tissue of lies seems absurd to us; but we must remember
that Hitler is not concerned with the validity of the beliefs but with the
genuineness of the faith and its effect on the people. False history undisputed
and thoroly taught for one generation under rigid censorship has become
accepted tradition in Germany. Hitler has boasted that his first victory was
against the German people themselves. The enemy which he fears most is
the truth. The dependence of Nazi leadership upon rigid censorship, enforced
discipline, and intimidation is a matter of historical record. The German
prisoners in our country today still believe that New York and Washington
have been reduced to smoking ruins.
In the conquered countries there has been a systematic destruction of
schools and libraries. Poland is a good example of this ruthless campaign.
Twenty-eight universities in that country were closed. All books were re-
moved and burned. Seven hundred and eighty-nine secondary schools were
closed and all educational equipment stolen or destroyed.
Pearl Harbor and America's first clashes with the Japanese armed forces
in the Pacific have revealed the effective morale of Japanese fighting men.
The recorded history of Japan goes back fifteen hundred years. No other
nation in the world can show so long a period of nationalism. Their patriotic
fervor is attributed to their belief in the divinity of the Emperor. Ridiculous
as it may seem to us, the Japanese believe themselves to be a divine people.
As such they are superior to all other peoples. Foreigners are to the Japanese
like members of another species. Humanity is not in their vocabulary. They
have excluded foreigners and borrowed from them without return. They


copy everything from guns to theology that can be used in the interest of
Japan. Their manner of waging war is characteristic of their perverted
moral code. To warn the enemy by a declaration of war is as out of place
as blowing a horn while hunting a deer. Their national faith teaches each
citizen that his life in this world is but an incident. Death has no terrors but
is looked upon as an escape from intolerable situations. The Japanese char-
acter would seem to make for perfect wartime morale. There is no hope
for a breakdown in Japanese morale, but there is a possibility of their tactics
becoming suicidal when the mathematics of war makes certain their defeat.
So much for the war morale of the enemy. In contrast to these programs
of sinister propaganda, falsehood, and intimidation, American morale is
based upon the fundamental principles underlying American education and
democracy. The first essential in the psychological warfare as waged by the
democracies is best expressed in a recent statement by our Commander-in-
A true education depends upon freedom in the pursuit of truth. No group and no
government can properly prescribe precisely what should constitute the body of
knowledge with which true education is concerned. The truth is found when men
are free to pursue it. It is this belief in the freedom of the mind written into our
fundamental law and observed in our everyday dealings with the problems of life,
that distinguishes us as a nation.
Those interested in developing American morale have reviewed American
experiences in World War I and the record which came out of that war.
Since 1919 the widespread effort to understand and utilize morale has been
manifest in many studies of the subject. There has been much progress in
psychology and in the social sciences which promises a better understanding
of morale and its relation to the strength of the nation.
Entering the second World War, people began to say of the first that we
won the war and lost the peace. Gradually there has developed the belief
that this present war is an outgrowth of the failure of the United States to
carry thru following the last war. There is a growing belief that we must
stay with the job this time until our enemy nations have demonstrated their
willingness and capacity to live within the company of free peoples. This
brings us squarely to the fact that morale for winning the war is not enough,
nor will the development of morale for an isolated peace solve the problem.
Every people in the world has something to contribute to the peace of the
world. It is important that we understand and appreciate the gifts they can
make. In the schools of the United States are found the children of every
race and every nation. What has each of these racial or national groups con-
tributed to the making of the United States? What has each gained here
that he would like to make available to his distant kinsman in the old home-
land? In the American school should begin the development of that sym-
pathetic understanding that should be reflected in the councils of all free
The United Nations have stated their ideals. With the winning of the
war these ideals may be made available to all peoples and may be imple-
mented according to their respective needs and desires. From the viewpoint


of the United States we have the task of making democracy acceptable to
the world.
Just as American boys are being called to every land'where the fortunes
of free men are at stake, so will American youth be needed in every land to
carry America's contributions to the building of a better world. Just as
America's machines are flowing to every nook and corner of the world, so in
the days to come will the ideals and concepts of free men nurtured here for
three hundred years flow back to guide the efforts of all men in their striv-
ing for the self-evident rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
A few months ago a little girl in the sixth grade in a Maryland school
wrote the following letter to The JlJashington Post:
Dear Sir:
We are studying the world. We would like to have some information on these
1. How the world started.
2. How the world changed.
3. How the world actually is now.
4. Our relationship to the world.
5. How we can best leave this world for the others who follow us.
We will appreciate it if you will send us some information on these topics.
Yours truly,
(Signed) BETTY M., Sixth Grade.

The age-old questions which were perplexing Betty are the same ones
which the rest of us are spending our lives in trying to answer. The best that
we can do is to resolve that we will try to leave a more beautiful world than
we found. To quote the answer of The [Fashington Post, "We do know one
thing: the world is a beautiful place even tho there are some people who try
to make it seem otherwise."
As yet a free world is only an aspiration. However, rapid development of
communication is bringing all parts of the world closer together and in-
creasing the interdependence of all peoples, thus creating the need for some
kind of world order. If there is to be a world order, there must be a world
morale. If the United States is to exercise leadership in the postwar world,
then the principles of democratic morale must be applied to all the world.
Such application calls for improved standards of living, more attention to
public health, proper nutrition, better housing, and other factors affecting
physical conditions. It calls for improved psychological conditions, a world
esprit de corps, a sense of participation in the total life of mankind, a respect
for all human beings. It calls for love of truth, freedom under law, human-
ity, and personal responsibility. Such a system of human relations represents
a great adventure in the upward progress of mankind and a new challenge
for education.
Altho there is some difference of opinion among the members of the Year-
book Commission concerning the elements of democratic morale, these
shades of opinion have not prevented a substantial agreement upon the na-
ture of the morale which will fit America for its responsibilities in a free


High morale demands the satisfaction of physical, psychological, and
spiritual needs. When these basic needs are met the individual will best be
able to give all that lie has to the common cause if the following conditions
are present:
1. A positive and clear-cut goal of value to the group.
2. A sense of progress toward the goal.
3. A sense of belonging to the group.
4. A sense of fair treatment and honorable status for members of the group.
5. Democratic leadership for the group.

The responsibility for building the kind of democratic morale needed in a
free world rests to a large extent upon educational leaders. The schools,
more than any other agency, are in contact with all the children of all the
people. Children are living in a world which is not of their own. choosing.
They must have help in developing a faith in the kind of a world which
their generation can build.
Before a free world can come, there must be a fundamental change in the
way of thinking in the totalitarian countries and a change in the educational
program. Much thought has already been given to the problem of inter-
national educational cooperation. It is not a new problem. In the background
we have the International Commission on Intellectual Cooperation of the
League of Nations and the International Bureau of Education at Geneva.
About five years ago the United States Department of State became inter-
ested in cultural relation, with South America and recently extended that
interest to other countries.
There is the nucleus of an international body which has been meeting in
London but in which Russia, China, and the United States are not repre-
sented. At present the Educational Policies Commission, the American
Council on Education, the International Bureau of Education, and the
Committee on Educational Reconstruction are grappling with these prob-
The educational assembly at Harpers Ferry last September was one step
toward the psychological disarmament of our enemies. There is need for a
clarification in the thinking of many people in the field of international edu-
cational relationships. We cannot impose an educational program upon Ger-
many and Japan from without. Such procedure would be impossible, and, if
it could be done, would be repugnant to the basic principle of freedom of
thought. Peoples who have been indoctrinated with the cult of racial supe-
riority and with pride in their cultural achievements will never willingly
accept an educational program which is imposed from without. The German
and Japanese people themselves must accomplish the moral transformation
which will fit them for cooperation with the rest of the world. The world
will have to await with watchful patience the convalescence of these mentally
sick nations. Both Germany and Japan will have to go thru a long period of
moral quarantine enforced by the United Nations. The cure will not be
accomplished until the people themselves realize the need of guidance in
their educational program. When this stage is reached, we can consider the


proper methods to bring about the fundamental changes in the German and
Japanese mentality which will fit these people for membership in the coun-
cils of free nations.
They will have to realize that this is a war of liberation and that the
United Nations can bring them true freedom from fanatical military leaders
who have brought them tears and suffering, defeat and death. American
education can contribute most effectively by furnishing an example of the
morale of free men and women.
Meanwhile, school administrators can contribute to high morale by posi-
tive action here at home on three fronts. First, we must strive to improve
the status of public opinion upon education in this country. In the nation's
capital the intrinsic importance of education has never been given the recog-
nition which it deserves. Educational organizations have been unable to
secure necessary legislation because of a lack of unity in our own ranks and
lack of effective human relations with the great American public and with
Congress. The one million teachers of America are just beginning to func-
tion in public affairs thru national, state, and local organizations. About one-
fifth are members of the National Education Association.
The American school as a whole may not hope for complete success in
building morale, even in its somewhat limited sphere, unless more of the
children of school age are in school enough of the year in schools of the right
kind. In times of crisis, when so much pressure is always brought to bear in
curtailing educational offerings, a greatly extended educational program
should be demanded better to meet the needs of all children, to retain good
teachers in schools, and to increase rather than to lessen school support.
The second area in which leadership for high morale may be shown is in
the school curriculum. The program of instruction should emphasize the
vital problems of citizenship. The greatest service which teachers can render
is the building of attitudes that emphasize love of truth, love of freedom,
respect for others, respect for the dignity of man, and a sense of personal
responsibility for the general welfare. Situations should be provided which
call into play the civic virtues which are fundamental in the American way
of life, and to free men everywhere. All subjectmatter should be evaluated
to see that it has value and meaning for the growing child and will be of
service to adults in meeting the challenge of the new world in which they
shall live. Increased attention should be given to American history with its
traditions and institutions, world history, world geography, Latin America
and Asia, the problems of the postwar reconstruction period, the building of
desirable social attitudes, and the problems of American democracy in rela-
tion to the rest of the world.
The school must recognize and meet for each child the psychological needs
for social status and sense of security that comes thru being a needed and
valuable member of his social group. Each child must learn to accept his
share of responsibility for the common good. He must learn that no rights
come to anyone without accompanying responsibilities.
The third and perhaps the most important problem in maintaining high
morale concerns the human relations among the members of the school staff.


Public education as a function of government has been established by the
American people in harmony with the structure and development of the
American way of life. The school system thruout the years has been closer
to the people than other governmental enterprises and should be more re-
sponsive to social changes than many other institutions and governmental
agencies. As local and state school organization and administration have de-
veloped in size and complexity, many new problems in human relations have
emerged. A standard pattern of city-school organization has developed which
is based upon the line and staff form as exemplified in the Army. This mili-
tary influence has been combined with the lay board of education invested
with legal authority to determine administrative policies and having a re-
lationship to the professional school administrator which is somewhat analo-
gous to that which the board of directors of an industrial or business enter-
prise has to the general superintendent. If school administration is to be
efficient, the distinction between the function of the lay board and that of the
professional leader must be clearly understood.
Friction in the school machinery seldom can be remedied by charts re-
minding people of the ideal administrative setup, or by rules designed to keep
individuals in their proper places. Such difficulties are essentially problems
in human relationships which can be solved only by considering the strength
and the weaknesses of those who are involved.
From the standpoint of effective group morale the primary human prob-
lem of any school system is to secure the cooperation of every employee in
realizing the aim of the organization. Significant human problems related to
morale and to understanding the primary aims of the schools may be partially
solved or they may be further confused as a result of the type of policy pur-
sued in the selection and placement, the promotion and the improvement of
teachers, and the handling of other problems involving personnel.
Since the solution of these human problems depends upon the recognition
and acceptance of certain underlying principles which are the foundations of
high morale, teachers and all other members of the school organization must:
Have faith in the intrinsic importance of the work which they are doing and its
contribution to the aims of the organization.
Have the right and opportunity to contribute their ideas to the improvement of
the system as far as they are able and willing to do so.
Know what their responsibilities are. The channels of communication should be
open at all times for questions and directions in regard to duties and responsibilities.
Have sufficient confidence in the integrity and loyalty of co-workers and superior
officers to contribute to effective teamwork in the prosecution of the common task.
Feel that their best work will bring its just reward, thus challenging them to give
their best efforts to their daily tasks.
Be dealt with as human beings eager to find opportunities for self-realization.
Be given the opportunity to grow and to achieve promotion by recognition of
Be given assignments of work in which they have an opportunity to succeed.
Be consulted before decisions are made which affect the conditions under which
they work.
Be conscious of professional leadership which assists them in meeting new prob-
lems dealing with individual children or with community situations.


The professional enthusiasm of teachers may be increased by democratic
attitudes and patterns of administration which are mindful of these canons.
Altho there is a growing tendency to recognize the rights of teachers to
express their opinions upon school policies and to propose ideas of their own
for improving conditions under which they are working, there are certain
obligations which condition the exercise of these rights. Teachers who par-
ticipate in administrative councils should be competent to originate worth-
while ideas which will command the attention of serious-minded members
of the group. They must be competent to criticize constructively, to think
things thru, to anticipate fully the consequences of initiating and promoting
an idea, and to accept those consequences.
The contribution of all employees should be encouraged by a plan which
utilizes the enthusiasm and energy of those who are eager to help. Such co-
operation not only results in better school administration but develops high
morale in the spirit of democratic management.
To build a free world the people must first be educated for it. In meeting
this need, the schools of America should be the interpreters of democracy.
Morale for a free world should begin by an understanding and a devotion to
the principles of democratic morale in the schools of America. The fact that
there is still ample room for improvement is a challenge to our resolution and
Out of the crucible of war has come a new understanding of America's
role as a leader in world affairs and a renewed faith in the divine destiny of
American ideals. It is our sincere hope that this Twenty-Second Yearbook
may he useful in stimulating discussion and in improving the practices in
the schools of wartime America.



Address at Seattle Conference

This is the beginning of 1944. We ask ourselves how we feel, for feeling
is the essence of morale. Then we ask ourselves how we should be reacting
now to life as school workers. We are to discuss the emotional phases of
educational administration.
When this problem was studied in our own local system, the dictionary
expression in defining morale, "mental state-as an army," was helpful. I
am able to bring you the results of our local thinking so what is said will be
close to the mental state of a typical school system.
Teaching morale is dependent upon the spirit with which school people do
their work. They see the needs of the American people. They see the con-
tribution education should make to the satisfactions of these needs. This
service must be in terms of the skills, knowledge, and attitudes developed in
the lives of people. To have this well done there must be a feeling of high


spiritual quality and a sense of service in the school personnel itself such as
is found in an army.
By history and theory the members of an army are unselfish. "Greater
love hath no man than that he giveth his life for a friend." It is the love of a
cause that enthuses an army. It is devotion to that cause which makes success
more significant than life itself. Just now the cause for educators is education
in time of war. A few years ago, it was education in time of economic de-
pression and unequal distribution of the essentials of a livelihood. Now it is
education in a period of struggle to prevent the evils of inflation. Soon it may
be education in a period of reconstruction of civilization thruout the world
on the basis of liberty. "Morale" means the degree to which our services are
rendered with zeal and ardent interest.
"Morale" defined in this way can never be identified as being synonymous
with contentment and a sense of personal desires all gratified. A sense of
security in economic and social status aids in the maintenance of morale
unless the workers tire of the security with its relatively stable economic
support and want to break out into the speculative market of economic re-
turns for work. Security is largely a process of cooperative well-being, each
helping for the support of all. Salary levels, schedules of distribution of pay,
pensions, sick-leave benefits, insurance, and all such are grouped together.
They alone can never build morale. To them must be added the spirit of
service, the willingness to give of one's strength and interest freely, the
sense of the value of educational achievement, and the ability to vary the
services as the demands of life change.
Morale is expressed in the attitudes of people. For school workers there
are certain elements which seem to be a necessary part of this feeling. This
thought is clearly expressed in the following editorial:
"Victory requires another even more potent ingredient, compounded out
of faith and zeal, hope and confidence; out of the will to serve, to sacrifice,
to suffer. This is the subtle, silent, but invincible force that we call morale.
This will to win, this courage to carry on despite every obstacle, now be-
comes a weapon of war to be carried for the duration by every citizen of the
land. Our high morale, fostered and sustained by the secure knowledge that
no power on earth can overcome an aroused and united free people is the
emblem of our strength." 1
The editorial just quoted lists all of the special types of war work in which
school people have participated and says: "Special and emergency services
are important and come first. Let this work not be minimized. But in the
steadfast performance of our regular teaching job there is for every real
teacher, worthy of the name, a far greater ultimate contribution toward
victory than in any of these. For the strength of democracy in war as in
peace rests first on the trained intelligence of its people, and for this we are
dependent upon the public school." Continuing, the editorial says:
"But such leadership (that of the teacher for the pupil) must consist of
more than the mere giving of causal admonitions. It must grow out of daily
1 Baltimore Bulletin of Education, "Every Classroom a Citadel-Every Teacher a Strategic Officer."
(Editorial.) Baltimore Bulletin of Education. April, May, June 1942,


instruction rooted in the great truths out of which understanding and sanity
come to fruition. It must come from personalities inspired by the grandeur
of their work-characters aflame with the deep emotions that have buili
the greatness of our democracy. Such leadership, without hysteria, must now
transform complacency into living dynamic patriotism. A million teach-
ers, reaching more than thirty million children in our schools, and thru them
influencing the homes from which those children come, wield tremendous
power in the building of our nation's morale. This leadership, which the
teachers of America can furnish better than any other group, becomes their
greatest contribution in war as in peace. In this momentous day let us as
teachers give all that we can toward the special emergency services. But in
this fight for the preservation of freedom, let us not forget our major role,
and in its performance so conduct ourselves that every classroom becomes a
citadel and every teacher a strategic officer."
This is a call to duty. No longer can educational workers assume a role
of inferiority. A real response to duty must depend upon the spiritual ele-
ments which actuate us in our work. What are the elements into which we
can analyze morale and study its presence and its strength or height?
1. First is a devotion to service. A person finds little emotional satisfac-
tion in a work the product of which he does not understand and appreciate.
Clear significant purposes build morale, especially if the worker can feel
proud of the services rendered -and the results achieved. The program of
work should need no apology-no defense. It should be an educational sys-
tem which meets the calls of life. Such a program begets devotion to it. A
knowledge of purposes also provides each worker with a partial measure of
success which helps each one to evaluate his work. In them a teacher finds the
educational effect of her methods, of her organization, of her tests, of her
interest in each individual child, of the spirit of her school. These results
should demonstrate the worth of the school and should help the teacher be
devoted to her work.
The perpetuation of democratic ideals means emphasis when the enthu-
siasm wanes and the noise subsides. Inside each school there shall be a con-
tinued quiet process of the development of loyal citizenship thru the last
hard stages of war on to the aftermath. We know the dangers of disloyalty
and fifth column devices; we know that economic ills are not removed by
loss of liberty; we know that citizenship implies some sacrifice ; we know that
equality demands some readjustment. These are to be achieved by democratic
2. The second element is in part an outgrowth of the first-it is an ex-
pressed enthusiasm toward teaching. This enthusiasm develops the fun and
pleasure of a personal life devoted to teaching and to the achievement of the
results of teaching in the community. Teaching as a job cannot be effec-
tively separated from teaching as a life. Neither the end of a school day nor
the beginning of a summer vacation breaks the spell of real teaching. There
is so much that is rich and appealing and there is such a sense of worth-
whileness that folks don't run away from it ; they relate pleasure and joy to it.
This enthusiasm develops an interest in schoolroom technics as a means to


the best service. It represents the same kind of interest in newly proposed
successful methods that a doctor shows in the tried results of medical re-
search. We have developed institutions and outlines of professional study
that are based in form on the traditional development of pedagogy. But we
see these professional courses rather rapidly becoming centers of study of the
growth and training of human beings-a job most important and thrilling.
This enthusiasm leads to a desire for a new measure of success in teaching.
When a certain method seems not to be producing desired learning and a
change of procedures seems desirable, there should not be a feeling of per-
sonal failure with a brand of an unsuccessful teaching act. It is necessary to
remove the teacher-gloom from test results and brighten up the intellectual
analysis of the same if this enthusiasm is to be maintained. Teaching success
may be very great altho many mistakes are made by the pupils.
3. The third element of high morale grows out of the realization that
teaching is a cooperative act in which many people take part. It is the spirit
which binds workers together with happiness in the achievement of common
goals. There is appreciation of the work and contributions of each other, not
jealousy of each other. All are working together for results and all want
the community to express its evaluation of the teaching that is being done,
not just to complain in terms of individual cases. When morale is good,
praise is given for work well done and every worker joins in the apprecia-
tion given a fellow.
Appointed leadership should merit loyalty and respect and should become
a part of the cooperating group. High morale is helped when there is a feel-
ing of confidence in leadership and an expressed confidence of the leader in
the ability and willingness of members of the group to perform a part.
This problem is closely related to that of worker-welfare mentioned in the
definition. Too often educational administrators do not lead in formulating
the best possible answers to welfare questions. Too often school workers
have had to fight for welfare considerations in the form of class conflicts
with schoolboards or administrative officers as opponents. It is always un-
fortunate when this occurs. Cooperative leadership should plan and recom-
mend salary schedules, tenure policies, retirement plans, and other matters.
These plans should be prepared with employee advice and counsel. They
should fit into the financial situation created by law and custom. Needs
should be explained to the taxpaying public. Such leadership permits teachers
and other employees to serve well and keep their enthusiasm and interest.
Welfare under leadership is thus determined by the personnel policies ap-
proved by the board of education.
4. Morale is higher when good-fellowship is expressed by friendliness and
courtesy in all contacts. Times change. There should be the same relation-
ships in the presence of these changes. Conditions indicate that there will
probably be fewer lines of caste left in America in 1944. Financial rewards
may tend to differ less widely among groups of workers. Standards of living
will really be more nearly American without the traditions of aristocracy.
Those who know and accept this new set of personal relations will have high
morale. Those who resist this spread of economic welfare and physical happi-


ness must have lower enthusiasm in 1944. Racial and religious barriers are
being removed. Better understanding of the customs of other people are
coming as a result of present world contacts, and the needed increase of
friendliness is real. Congeniality becomes thus a measure of human values
and of the value of humans. Courtesy and helpfulness will still be needed.
School people are tending to become more accessible to all types of patrons
and will continue to meet all kinds of people with frank consideration and
thoughtfulness. Tolerance is being replaced by more understanding and
Social recognition of teachers as educated people and desirable leaders in
human relations comes as an aftermath of the presence of morale among
Morale begets morale. School people who find themselves adjusting to
changes in living conditions and human relations will inspire others to re-
tain the spiritual values of their lives when external conditions change.
5. Morale inheres in persons. It is strengthened when people feel that
constructive thinking, initiative, and originality in work are welcome in the
body of teachers of which they are members. The spirit of well-being and
effective service is still further fostered by the certainty that personal idiosyn-
cracies which characterize personality need not be sacrificed to an occupa-
tional manner. In other words, personality in its many variations is to be
recognized as an influence in teaching. During our times this will be recog-
nized as very important. The spirit of all people will radiate greater happi-
ness when differences are appreciated as interesting and when we all recog-
nize that it is only on the.basis of variations in people and in their training
that the great complexity of modern civilization is possible. Our treatment
of slow people will influence morale. It is practically certain that there will
not be the differences in apparent respectability that have been characteristic
of American life in the past, created partly by public education. Morale will
he higher when all people find friends everywhere with values determined
by human traits rather than artificial classifications.



Address at Atlanta and Kansas City Conferences

After the war everything is going to be different. We will no longer need
to take our vitamin pills. Food will be supercharged with the needed vita-
mins in appropriate ratios. Automobiles will be nothing like the cars that
were built before. There will be an airplane with folding wings in every
back yard.
We will even do things more rapidly than I have just said, according to a
little story that Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt told the staff of the National Edu-


cation Association a few weeks ago. "I was talking to Madame Chiang
when she was visiting here. Madame Chiang made this comment, speaking
of my daughter-in-law, who is in charge of their ranch in Texas while her
husband is away, 'North China is very like Texas sounds to me. And I
think it would be a very good idea if your son and daughter-in-law had a
ranch in North China, too.' I said, 'They couldn't run both,' and she said,
'Oh, quite easily. They could come to China for a weekend every month.'
I hadn't thought of China as a weekend visit, but who knows what may
Mrs. Roosevelt continued, "I had a letter from a boy who was flown to
his post in the Southwest Pacific and he wrote, 'I can hardly realize that
-I am 9000 miles away from home, because I did it in two days.' So we are
doing things faster and faster."
The experience of war speeds the tempo of change, uprooting long-estab-
lished customs, both good and bad, and frequently requires new seed and a
new type of cultivation to replace what has been discarded or lost. Some
of these changes will promote progress and others will retard it. The after-
math of war is always characterized by the demoralizing effect of delin-
quency and you know, as well as I, that that has become a real problem,
not only in the war centers, but in practically every city in these United
Certainly the schools, involving the careers of at least one-fourth of our
population, will be affected by the experience of this war. It is time now for
teachers and school administrators to appraise the impact of the war upon
the American school systems and make plans to minimize the ill effects and
capitalize upon the good. While American education has been subjected to
nothing so radical as a face-lifting operation, both the appearance and the
character of our schooling are being modified in the maelstrom of this great
The schools are an essential part of this conflict and are making substantial
contributions to victory. Up to the present moment, approximately nine
million youth and adults have been prepared in school shops for service in
the war industries. To provide these skills, the school shop day has in many
cases been extended to twenty-four hours.
This successful conversion to wa.r not only emphasizes the growing im-
portance of occupational education, but emphasizes the practicability of a
school day much longer than the one now offered in the majority of our
schools. A few years ago a clever writer entitled an article "Churches and
Other Empty Buildings." Among these other buildings was the prewar
schoolhouse, usually vacant from three o'clock each afternoon until the next
morning at nine o'clock, almost wholly unused from the first of June to the
first of September. There seems to be no sound reason why the school plant
should not be employed for some type of education the year around on a
day which begins at eight o'clock in the morning and ends no earlier than
ten o'clock at night. This does not mean that there should be imposed upon
teachers a longer day than is asked of other workers. New services call for


increased school staffs. Among these new services should be a real public
health program, a community recreational program, an extracurriculum
educational program for youth, and extended educational opportunity for
adults who wish to acquire new knowledge and skills and to sharpen old
ones. Not any of these services are new to favored communities, but they
have up to now touched only a few of our people. The war has emphasized
not only the need, but the possibility of extending these valuable services
to all.
Several years ago an educational journal widely provoked much criticism
by teachers because of an editorial entitled "Are Teachers Leaders?" The
answer of the editorial to this question was substantially "No." Of course,
it hasn't been so long ago since it was common thought that the teacher's
place was in the classroom just as it was accepted that "woman's place is in
the home." The teacher of yesterday was isolated, if not an isolationist.
Much of her life was devoted to the confines of the eighth-grade room in
the Franklin School. The war has shown the teacher a member of a com-
munity as well as a member of a faculty. War conditions have not only
taken the teacher on extended duty outside the classroom, but have brought
most of the people of the United States, at least a few times, into the school-
house. During the first year of the war, the teachers of the nation devoted
a total of 38,000,000 hours to rationing. There is scarcely a holder of a
ration book in our population of 130,000,000 people who is not indebted to
some teacher or pupil for aid in securing it.
"If sugar rationing had accomplished nothing more than bringing the
World and his wife into the schools and introducing them to the classroom
teacher, it would have been worthwhile," says a Cleveland teacher. "One
portly gentleman," she says, describing the rationing process in her school,
"dreaded this 'run-in' with the school marms, and had fortified himself not
wisely, but too well. Once inside the school, however, it was difficult to get
him out. He was charmed with everything and everybody. When he finally
emerged he was beaming. 'They're wonderful,' he confided to the world at
large, 'those school teachers!' "
Many a citizen who seldom, or never, paid a visit to his community school,
with a much less artificial basis for his enthusiasm than that of the portly
gentleman in Cleveland, has gained an appreciation of the teacher's work
thru a contact which he never had with teacher or school before. The effect
was a reciprocal one. The teachers in many schools learned more about the
problems of the homes from which their pupils came than they had ever
known before. The rationing, the bond and stamp sales, the collection of
scrap, and the morale building programs in which teachers are engaged give
them a contact with reality and a sense of community service which is stimu-
lating and enlightening.
There is danger, of course, that when the war is over those teachers who
have "academic" personalities will "revert to type," but there is no reason
why they should do so. One of the means by which teachers can secure this
gain in broader service and preparation is thru a broader type of education.
Teachers who are to maintain a position of educational leadership in their


communities as well as in their schoolrooms must be among the best educated
people of the community. In the last decade there has been a steady increase
in the number of years spent in college by the average teacher. There are
many school systems in which teachers with less than a four-year college
education are not accepted. However, there are still many thousands of
teachers in the American schools who arc scarcely more than high-school
graduates. The practice of emergency certificates during the war is greatly
increasing the number.
One of the first steps for the school upon reconverting to a peacetime basis
should be the improvement of teacher qualifications. By better prepared
teachers I mean teachers with better all-around preparation. It has been
necessary, of course, and will continue to be necessary for teachers to prepare
themselves in the technics of classroom instruction. They need also to be
well grounded in the subjectmatter of the field in which they teach. Yet
the tendency toward specialization which has increasingly characterized
'teacher training in the last two decades has increased the barrier between
the schoolroom and community life. While the prevailing custom of re-
quiring teachers college students to pursue the professional subjects usually
referred to as "courses in education" undoubtedly has improved the technics
of instruction, it has also decreased the time spent in study of the arts and
sciences, language and literature, history and social subjects. Our average
teachers college graduate, therefore, has only about three years of college
education in terms of the liberal arts. Perhaps it is too much t; expect that
a teacher who will receive a salary of $1500 a year should prepare herself
with four years of college education plus a year of graduate professional
study, but the time should come, and soon, when salaries justify such prepa-
What I have said about a higher quality of general education for teachers
is intended in no way to minimize the importance of technical and profes-
sional studies. These studies already have done much to dispel a once preva-
lent notion that any one who had been to college could teach school. Those
who held this notion with respect to teachers would never feel that just
anyone who had been to college could be a good doctor, or nurse, or archi-
tect. The continued improvements in professional studies, which have come
to us as a result of better understanding of the laws of psychology and of
learning, have raised the acceptable standards for teacher preparation. If,
these professional courses can be brought still more closely to the practices of
the schoolroom, if the student teacher has an opportunity to apply the
principles of teaching for some time in an experimental school or as an
apprentice teacher, the effect of professional training will be still more
Fortunately, we have reason to expect that the postwar teacher will receive
a salary more nearly commensurate with the cost of truly professional
training. Every war has brought an increased respect for knowledge and
skill, and a consequently increased recognition of the teacher's service in
terms of the money paid for it. The average teacher of the United States
at the time of the beginning of the first World War received a salary


of $655 a year. During the next two decades we may expect the teacher
to advance from the salary position of a clerical worker to that of a pro-
fessional one.
War brings not only a larger recognition of the value of education, but
like all extensive social disturbances, it provokes criticism of and dissatisfac-
tion with its character and achievements. Part of this criticism has its basis
solely in the desire of the critics to employ themselves in some occupation
which they can rationalize as a contribution to the qualities of loyalty and
devotion to country which are necessary foundations for winning the war.
Oddly enough, those who voice most loudly the criticism of this kind are
doing the least to help accomplish the improvements which they recommend.
In fact, many of them are arrayed with those who oppose free and universal
education and actively oppose its extension upon every opportunity.
On the 6ther hand, many of the criticisms of education in wartime arise
from the rigid accounting to which war subjects youth. One of the funda-
mental weaknesses which this accounting shows in the present war is the
inadequacy of health and physical education. "We are accustomed," says
Colonel Leonard G. Roundtree, chief of the Medical Division of the
National Selective Service System, "to regard ourselves as a healthy, vigor-
ous nation-full of rugged young men in the pink of physical condition.
But what are the facts? They are disappointing. In the first two million
men examined for the draft, one million were rejected for physical and
mental defects and educational deficiencies."
This 50 percent rejection which Colonel Roundtree deplores has not
been maintained. The qualifications have been somewhat lowered and men
have been inducted into service recently who would not have been ac-
cepted a year ago. However, at the time the selective service had examined
nine million men, the number classified 4F, as unfit for any form of military
duty, was in excess of two and one-half million and approaching the three
million mark. Thus with somewhat relaxed physical requirements, we still
find one-third of our young men unable to serve their country on account of
physical or educational deficiencies.
Of course some of these defects are incurable. Some of them were non-
preventable. No one knows how much could be salvaged thru corrective
exercise and proper physical education and good health habits from this
wreckage in time to be of use in this war. Certainly a much larger per-
centage could have been saved for service either in war or in peace thru a
program of physical and health education begun years ago. What we are
learning about physical inadequacies during this war is not new. It was a
lesson we learned in 1917-18, as our young men were selected for service in
the first World War. The situation was greatly deplored. Very little was
done about it. Surely a lesson forced upon us twice should result in some
kind of action. We undertook the conservation of our natural resources
almost too late to save some of them. We are just beginning to lay founda-
tions for the conservation and enrichment of our human resources which
constitute our greatest wealth. Let us hope that in this effort we shall be
neither too little nor too late.


Excellent health education has already been undertaken in some of our
larger city schools. As it is extended to all American children, the highly
specialized services of the physician and nurse will be needed, but there
is a definite responsibility for the classroom teacher. We have for a long
time said that "we teach children, not books." Let us remember that children
are both mental and physical, and that even the teacher of geography should
have some understanding of the physical needs of childhood. There is at
least one school of education in the United States which requires all students
to take a course in preventive medicine offered in the school of medicine
of that university, under the direction of the faculty of physicians and
surgeons. The purpose is not to provide future teachers with interesting
but hopelessly inadequate training in the field of medicine or even in nursing.
Those who take this course learn to recognize the symptoms of childhood
diseases. They may make simple tests of eye and ear difficulties. They are
able to send children to whatever medical care is available at the first sign
of illness. Early treatment of physical weakness or disease is important. The
teacher who associates with children every day is in a position to notice
first, sometimes even before parents do, the signs of deviation from the
physical norm. Properly trained teachers are essential to an effective health
program, even where the schools have all the facilities of complete clinical
The short-term schooling of millions of men in the armed services has
been a proving ground for many technics of instruction employed on a more
modest scale for many years in American classrooms. It is not inappropriate
here to comment upon the oft repeated assertion that the public schools
have something to learn from the schools of the Army and Navy. The
armed services do have many excellent schools. Most of them are staffed
by those who have been educators, and so far as I have been able to learn,
none of them is employing laws of psychology or learning that have not been
developed and used these many years in American schools.
However, the experience of educating millions of men for vital and spe-
cific tasks in a few months has been of value to the civilian educator. Army
schools and public schools have different objectives, and deal with students
at age levels not comparable, but the advantage of almost unlimited funds
has enabled the army schools to prove conclusively the values of practices
and tools of teaching accepted with some hesitancy and employed on a
restricted basis in our public schools. One practice which should receive
great impetus from its use in the army schools is that of visual instruction.
The Army and Navy have carried visual education farther than it has ever
been carried before. This has been done at great expense, but the success
of visual methods in the teaching of the soldier justifies whatever increase
in cost may be necessary to use effectively these methods in our public
schools for the teaching of boys and girls. There are few classroom subjects
which are not taught more efficiently with visual aids than without them.
Every postwar teacher should have some knowledge of the principles of
visual instruction and their application to the subject which she teaches.
Sociologists tell us that man is a gregarious animal, but traditionally he


seeks association with those nearest to him. It is with the greatest difficulty
that mankind is jarred into concern for what goes on south of the border,
or north or east, or west of it; and this border is a tightly restricted one
in many instances. There is a little of the isolationist in all of us. One of
the world's greatest philosophers never travelled during his lifetime more
than thirty miles from his birthplace. After the last war we said to ourselves,
"Our young men have been abroad. They have served on the battlefields of
France, visited England, Murmansk, and Siberia. Now our people will
have a 'world outlook.' It didn't happen. Our young men naturally
stumbled over each other in their eagerness to get home after the war was
over. Memories, nightmares many of them, were banished, and the reaction
to this forced and temporary introduction to foreign peoples was quite
different from what was expected. Perhaps our fighting men will have good
reason this time also to forget-to forget Tarawa, Guadalcanal, and
Salerno. Reaction against unhappy experience may drive us into isolationism
again. Laying the foundations for a mutual understanding and appreciation
will not be easy, but it is an important part of the postwar teacher's task.
Important as it is, the teaching of world citizenship is secondary to the
teaching of citizenship at home. There must, of course, be teachers especially
prepared in the social sciences. But since every teacher shares in the privilege
of citizenship herself, no one classroom in a school monopolizes the responsi-
bility of helping our youth become good citizens. The wartime teacher works
with a community, and has become in a fuller sense than ever a citizen who
practices the art of citizenship. The postwar teacher will make a great
mistake if she does not maintain those ties of community responsibility
which she assumed in helping to win the war.
Another circumstance brought about by the war increases the obligation
of the school to prepare youth for citizenship. The voting age is likely
to be lowered in many and perhaps all of the states. The legislature of the
state of Georgia last year extended the vote to eighteen-year-olds. This is
the average age of high-school graduation. An important duty of citizenship,
therefore, comes to youth almost with the high-school diploma. The im-
mediacy of this duty should force more attention to it in the high-school
While the ballot is a specific call among the responsibilities of citizenship,
this war has really inducted the school into local, state, and national citizen-
ship service. Even the tiny kindergartener who purchases a 10-cent war
stamp is performing an obligation of citizenship. The elementary school
in its collection of paper, metal and rubber scrap, and waste grease is defi-
nitely in service to the country. Hundreds of thousands of high-school
students are getting ready for participation in the armed forces. Some of
them are now working in the war industries part of the time and carrying
their studies in an abbreviated school day.
Young people, in their late teens, particularly, have a natural and wholly
commendable desire to take part in the affairs of the adult world. The
present interaction between the senior high school and the adult world of
work, of government, and community affairs will leave its impress upon


the postwar school. This impress will be further stressed by those boys who
have borne the full burden of battle or of long hours of work on factories
and farms, and who resume their interrupted high-school careers when the
war is over. If these youth are to remain longer in school, to complete high
school, and perhaps two years of junior college, the schools cannot cut them
off from opportunities to act as adults in adult affairs as many of them
have now been doing since the war began. This period of guided induction
into full social responsibilities may require some changes in the preparation
of teachers so that those who are engaged in that work may know the world
of industry, business, government, and community affairs thru firsthand
The topic assigned to me was "The Teachers of America Serve a Nation
at War." Perhaps my treatment of it has been related rather to ways in
which the war has served the teachers, the probable permanent effect of
wartime conditions upon the schools. We will not look forward to a dis-
turbing or revolutionary change in either the curriculum or the methodology
of the school. Such changes as are being made are done with as little dis-
location as possible but the war has introduced some trends and has stressed
the importance of some trends long evident in our education. Especially has
the school increased its importance as a function of community adult life
and has taken the teacher out of the classroom for community duty and
has focused the attention of community leaders upon the problems and the
significance of education. This is important. We must not terminate this
newly established relationship. The teacher must think thru the problems
in order that the community achieve the best educational advantages. Yes,
she must know the problems of our local, state, and national governments
and how they can work together so as to achieve the right things for the
nation as a whole. This is a great challenge to teachers. The teacher must
have great vision, yes, great preparation for this significant task which educa-
tion must face not only now but in the postwar period.

Address at Atlanta and New York Conferences
So broad is the army's training program that for me to attempt to describe
it in thirty minutes is much like your attempting in a similar period to
describe the educational program in the public and private schools of
America, from the kindergarten thru the university. Our enrolment in
the past three years has totaled over seven million. Our student body in-
cludes illiterates and college professors. Our courses range from first-grade
reading to graduate engineering and medicine. Our classrooms may be
found on the desert, in the jungle, in the mountains, and on the campuses of
stately universities.


An adequate description of our comprehensive program would obviously
require months rather than minutes. Hence, I shall attempt only to give you
a general view of the organization of the military training program in the
Army Service Forces, and to point out a few features of the program which
I think will be of particular interest and significance to you.
Due to the fact that I am director of military training in the Army
Service Forces, I shall limit my discussion to training peculiar to that
command. The training programs of the Army Ground Forces and Army
Air Forces, while differing from ours in scope and organization, are quite
similar in fundamental procedures.
We make no fabulous claims for our program. We were given a job to
do-namely, to take the hundreds of thousands of new inductees who came
to us from civilian life and develop them as quickly as possible into efficient
soldiers-and to do the job we borrowed the best educational theory and
practice which have been developed in civilian schools and in the military
service over a period of years, modified them to meet modern war needs,
and devised new procedures when those did not seem adequate for our pur-
There may be elements in our program which might profitably be em-
bodied in your school programs. However, I shall merely present*our pro-
gram to you, and leave it entirely to you to decide what, if any, are its impli-
cations for education in the civilian schools of America.

Preinduction Training-This is the training you give in your civilian
schools to help prepare an inductee for army life and army jobs.
Induction Station-Here the selectee is given a thoro physical examina-
tion, is tested for learning capacity if he has not completed high school, and
is assigned to the Army, Navy, Marine Corps, or Coast Guard.
The functions performed by the Reception Center correspond to those
accomplished during "freshman week" in your colleges. After the inductee
is "sworn in," his interests, aptitudes, and abilities are thoroly explored thru
a series of tests and interviews. Then he is assigned to the branch of service
in which we believe lie can be of greatest value to the war effort in ac-
cordance with the existing situation. Here also, we begin such military
training as time will permit. The inductee usually remains only a few days
at the Reception Center.
If the processing at the Reception Center shows that the soldier is non-
English speaking, or does not possess fourth-grade ability in reading, writing,
and arithmetic, he is sent to a Special Training Unit where he may spend
as much as twelve weeks receiving instruction in these fundamentals. As
soon as desired proficiency is attained, he is assigned by the Reception Center.
From the Reception Center the soldier may be sent either to a Replace-
ment Training Center or to an organized unit.
The Replacement Training Center trains individuals who will be used
to replace losses in the various services. The training at this installation


includes six weeks of basic military training which teach .the soldier the
fundamentals of military discipline and procedures; eight weeks of technical
training which teach him how to do the army job to which he will be
assigned; and three weeks of field training which teach him how to work
as a member of a team under conditions similar to those he will face in
overseas theaters.
Upon completion of his course at the Replacement Training Center,
the soldier may be sent either to a Replacement Depot or to a Specialist
The Specialist Schools give to selected students advanced training for
highly specialized army jobs, such as dental technicians, map reproduction
specialists, machine records operators, and automotive mechanics. These
schools are operated in both civilian training establishments and military
Students from Replacement Training Centers who complete courses in
Specialist Schools are sent to Replacement Depots or to organized units.
At the Replacement Depot, the individual replacements receive final
preparations for service overseas. Here they have a final physical checkup,
are tested to see if they are ready to assume the job for which they have
been trained, obtain clothing and supplies suitable for the theater to which
they are to be sent, and are then sent to the Port of Embarkation, which
is the place where the trained soldier is put on a boat and sent overseas.
At both the Port of Embarkation and the Replacement Depot, the soldier
is given such training as will keep him mentally alert and physically fit while
waiting to be "shipped out."
As indicated before, the soldier may be sent from the Reception Center
to an organized unit. For the first seventeen weeks the training given is
similar to that conducted at the Replacement Training Center, except the
latter trains the soldier as an individual while the former trains him as a
member of a unit. After the initial program the unit's training continues
until its prescribed proficiency has been attained. The units vary in nature
and size from the Engineer 1\.obile Searchlight Maintenance Crew of three
men to the Amphibious Brigade of several thousand men.
The unit may send certain of its members to the Specialist Schools, who
return to their units when their school training is completed.
Upon completion of its training, the unit is sent to the Staging Area,
where it receives final preparations for shipment to the Port of Embarkation
and thence overseas.
I assume that you are already familiar with the Army Specialized Train-
ing Program thru which qualified men may be assigned to selected colleges
for training in such fields as medicine, engineering, and languages in num-
bers demanded by all elements of the Army.
A limited number of soldiers who display unusual ability and demonstrate
qualities of leadership may be sent to Officer Candidate School. Soldiers
who complete the four months course of instruction at Officer Candidate
School are commissioned as second lieutenants in the Army of the United


There are a number of factors and features of our program which I be-
lieve will be of particular interest and significance to you. As I mention
each of them, you may determine if they are desirable in your programs.
Race for timne-We are under constant pressure in the conduct of our
training program because we know that trained men and units must arrive
at the battlefronts as soon as possible in order to reduce the time length of
the war. We know that every hour wasted in our training program is
precious time donated to the enemy. Therefore, we are continually analyzing
our teaching methods to determine where time may be saved without loss
of efficiency; evaluating our curriculums to see where an unnecessary sub-
ject may be eliminated; examining our administrative procedures with a
view to decreasing time lags.
Emphasis on Thoroness and Accuracy-The smallest error in calculating
the range of an artillery piece may mean failure to neutralize an enemy
emplacement which may later halt the advance of our infantry. Inability to
effect a simple repair on a tank engine may cause the loss of the tank and
its entire crew. Failure to master the essentials of first aid may cost the life
of a wounded comrade. The price we pay for failure to demand thoroness
and accuracy in all details of our training is human lives.
Emphasis on Results-The final test of all our training is "success in
combat." No matter how impressive may have been our methods of instruc-
tion, no matter how high our students' grades on examinations, we are ulti-
mately judged on the answer to this question, "How well does the soldier
in combat execute the mission he was trained to perform?"
Flexibility of Curriculums-MiIethods of modern warfare are constantly
changing. Before the war such things as amphibious tanks, glider troops,
"bazookas," tank destroyers, and paratroopers were considered in the realm
of fantasy. As conditions change, we have been forced to devise quickly
training programs to fit them. As an illustration, our operations in the
"malaria belt" of the world demanded special training in malaria control.
We immediately prepared appropriate training in the prevention and treat-
ment of malaria, and now every soldier must take four hours of such train-
ing in his basic military course. We are constantly examining our curricu-
lums to determine whether or not they are meeting current needs. We do
not hesitate to add courses or subjects as their need is first indicated, nor
do we hesitate to discontinue them as the need disappears. WVe are ruthless in
this respect.
Testing and Guidance-Before a soldier enters any of our training pro-
grams he is interviewed and tested at great length to determine his aptitudes,
interests, and abilities. This testing and guidance continues thruout his
training. Our objective, of course, is to put every man in the job for which
he is best fitted. We cannot afford to wait until the end of the school term
to risk his "flunking" the final examination. Rather, thru tests and observa-
tion we keep constant check on his progress, and transfer him immediately
when we find he is unable to complete the course satisfactorily.


Emphasis on Orientation-It is our purpose to give every soldier an
understanding of the reasons why he must fight, an appreciation of the
important role he personally is playing in a global war, a profound confi-
dence in his leaders, in his weapons, and in his allies,-and an understanding
of the nature of the enemy and the reasons why the enemy must be con-
quered. Several most effective devices have been developed to achieve these
1. The famous "Why We Fight" series of moving pictures which every soldier is
required to see. Similar films on "Know Your Allies" and "Know Your Enemies"
are now being developed.
2. Army news service thru which 78,000 words of news are sent out each day to
our soldiers at home and abroad.
3. Weekly newsmap which keeps all troops geographically up to date on war
4. Pocket guides to foreign countries, which give our men brief and helpful sug-
gestions concerning the language, customs, and nature of the people in countries
where they are to be stationed.
5. Forums and informal discussions on subjects of current interest to soldiers.

Physical Fitness and Health-The following are fundamental in our
physical training program: First, a thoro physical examination. Second, the
physical training program is fitted to the individual capacities and needs
of the men. And third, more attention is given to the man who is under-
developed physically than to the athlete.
In our hygienic training the emphasis is on prevention. This we achieve
thru training in such subjects as personal hygiene, field sanitation, first aid,
and the nature and prevention of communicable diseases. It is interesting to
note that only a little more than 3 percent of the army personnel in this
country was absent from duty at any time during 1942 because of illness
or nonbattle injuries; abroad, the rate was slightly lower, battle casualties
Training of Illiterates-Since June 1, 1943, approximately 43,000 il-
literates, whose services would otherwise have been denied to the Army,
have been taught in Special Training Units to read, write, and calculate
sufficiently well to proceed with their military training. The average time
required for us to bring an inductee to a suitable standard in these subjects
is eight weeks. Our materials in these fields are scientifically designed to fit
the abilities and interests of the students. If any of you are interested in
adult education. I recommend that you examine our Army Reader and
Army Arithmetic.
Alethods of Teaching-The objective is to employ that teaching method
which will teach the subject in the least time and in the most effective
manner. To save time and achieve efficiency, we make extensive use of such
training aids as demonstrations, actual material (such as gas masks and
guns), models (such as tanks and planes), sand tables, training films, film
strips and lantern slides, still photographs of large size, posters and illustra-
tions, maps, charts, blackboards, .textbooks, and manuals.
In all our teaching plans we provide for the maximum amount of student
participation. No course is completed until the student has had an oppor-


tunity to perform the task he is being taught to perform, either under actual
or simulated conditions. If you are interested in obtaining a complete picture
of teaching methods in the Army, I suggest you examine the War Depart-
ment Technical Manual 21-250, entitled Army Instruction.
Teacher Training-With the passage of the Selective Service and Train-
ing Act, we fell heir to hundreds of thousands of students-and we then
had only a handful of teachers to instruct them. We selected from the first
groups those who seemed to possess the essential qualifications of good
teachers, and gave them a course in teacher training in addition to giving
them a knowledge of the subjectmatter they were to teach. After they had
taught for a while many of them were called into combat with the result
that our teacher turnover has been tremendous. To meet this situation, we
have established teacher-training programs in all our training installations.
Due to the limits of time and the dearth of students with previous teaching
experience, we have tried to keep our plan of teacher training as simple
as possible. The plan involves the following features:
1. Selection-Only those who possess qualities essential to good teachers are picked
for teacher training.
2. Knowledge-Our teachers must possess a thoro mastery of the subjectmatter
they are to teach. Provision is made in all our teacher-training programs for the
acquisition of additional knowledge by the instructors.
3. Uniformity-We assist our teachers by providing lesson outlines and plans,
technical manuals, and training aids so explicit and so clear that uniformity of
training and results is expected and demanded.
4. Teaching methods-Our teachers must possess a mastery of sound teaching
methods. This means they must have adequate instruction in teaching procedures,
followed by an opportunity to observe superior teaching. Then they must serve as
an understudy before they assume complete responsibility for their classes.
5. In-service training-Continuous "in-service training" is provided to our teach-
ers by supervisors who accomplish their function thru:
a. Refresher courses between classes.
b. Off-duty instruction to help teachers prepare their assignments for the next
day or so. Such off-duty instruction is usually given teachers two or three
nights each week, and more frequently as the need arises.
c. "On the spot" correction of errors. At the conclusion of a class visitation, or
as soon thereafter as possible, the supervisor calls attention to any errors
observed, and they are corrected "on the spot."

Basic to our entire training program is recognition of the fact that neither
teachers nor supervisors, nor even directors, ever achieve perfection. They
must be ever sensitive to new conditions which demand changes in their
procedures or doctrine. They must ever be on the alert for better ways of
doing the job which has been assigned to them.
In closing permit me to thank you for the contribution your civilian
schools are making to the military training program of the Army Service
Forces. The training of a soldier does not start with his induction into
the Army; it starts long before. We must build on whatever background
of training and experience he brings with him from civilian life. We need
men who possess physical fitness, basic occupational knowledge and skills,
command of simple language and mathematical skills, understanding of the


nature of army life, and appreciation of the cause for which we fight. By
sending us from your civilian schools men with these qualifications, you are
facilitating the adjustments your students must make to army life, and you
are saving the Army millions of man hours of postinduction training time.



Abstract of Address at Chicago Conference

The services of education in these times are so varied in kind, manifold
in quantity, and significant in accomplishment as to warrant much pride
and keen satisfaction. The exigencies of national crisis have demanded edu-
cational strengths hitherto unrealized, but the ordeal of summoning these
strengths has inevitably disclosed weaknesses which may not be justifiably
The present national or world crisis has brought many criticisms against
educational achievement in the field of social studies or more particularly in
the areas of history and civics. It is surely no exaggeration to affirm that
none of these critical comments is new either in principle or, perhaps, even
in interpretation. In times of peace, they would, no doubt, receive but
scant attention. It is the tortuous occasion in which we find our country
that brings sharp point and justified attention to weaknesses of any kind
in our -local and national structures.
Much of the current comment and interpretation have assumed that a
detailed knowledge of American history is the single determining factor by
which good citizenship is built. Few, if any, school administrators would
make such an overall assumption, believing rather that there are a number
of areas of instruction which together form the whole of citizenship teaching.
That American history is vital background for American citizenship, none
will deny, and there would be almost equal agreement that both the content
and methods of instruction are so important as to suggest a need for con-
tinuous evaluation. The significance of a persistent reappraisal justifies
rather careful consideration of criticisms as well as the means for the im-
provement of instruction.
General education extending thru the secondary level and into college
has never been primarily designed to the end that the individual will at
some future time be certain to reproduce a given set of miscellaneous facts.
Liberal education, if you like, has used factual knowledge to inspire a sense
of growth and achievement in the various areas of cultural life, to create
appreciations and understandings of cause and effect, to sharpen mental
equipment in thinking, in expression, and in the facility of finding and
using facts whenever it becomes necessary to do so.
The amazing rapidity and effectiveness with which some millions of
men and women now in service have been able to absorb specific facts, and


more importantly, to put such learning quickly into effective application
surely can be credited to no other cause so much as to their educational
readiness-a readiness which springs, it must be affirmed, from a breadth
and versatility of educational background. For it is such school experience
that gives motivation the opportunity to play upon such abilities as indi-
viduals possess. Who can say truthfully that the marvelously quick and
dynamic response to the necessities of a fighting psychology, or the ease
of indoctrination when required, has not been due to the educational back-
ground of our fighting men?
The eagerness with which the armed services and the government agencies
of every kind have emphasized not only the degree of the individual's edu-
cational achievement, but their quick seizure of current educational methods
and devices offer overwhelming tribute not only to the modernization of
educational organization and method but also to its surprising flexibility.
The new vigor given to the study of history and civics by the events of
recent years has inspired a wide reappraisal of the social studies curriculum.
The report of a specially appointed national committee of historians, teach-
ers, and representatives of historical and social studies associations, on
American History in the Schools and Colleges, is just now off the press.
This report shows conclusively that American history is now universally
taught in the public schools, and that a much larger number of college
students have been enrolled in American history than was given by The
New York-Times survey.
The tests given by this committee were expertly prepared and carefully
administered, and the returns are more satisfactory and meaningful than
in the case of The Times test. This report refutes by substantial evidence
the various charges, inferences, and assumptions which have come out of
The Times survey and test, altho in no instance does the report make
direct reference to The Times or its test.
Undoubtedly the scope and sequence of American history can be re-
organized and pointed to a larger instructional effectiveness. The scope
has been too large, overcrowded with detail, and relative values and signifi-
cant developments have not been as carefully determined as is desirable.
Sequence or the line of continuity between grade levels has been confused
and unduly repetitious in details. Courses in sequence have been too identical
in organization and emphasis, while certain values of continued importance
have not received sufficient attention or repetition. The new report, referred
to above, gives interesting evidence to this latter point stating that students
must be exposed to American history at three grade levels, but we believe
that competent citizens will require a much larger degree of repeated ex-
posure. It may well be contended that the most vital phases of our national
history should be repeated, in some form, at all grade levels and thruout
adult life.
But mere reading ability is not enough. There is still a very large prob-
lem in teaching critical literacy to the upper 75 percent of the high-school
population. How many of these pupils read widely diverse materials? How
many of them can properly discount the prejudiced news, not tq mention


editorials, that are found in some papers? How many of them can dissect
out the promotional water that is required to make the effusions of radio
commentators and byline journalists swell out sufficiently to attract a jaded
or a gullible public?
Probably no demonstration of civic loyalty has ever been so remarkably
complete as that displayed by the response of American young men to the
Selective Service Act. This response, in all of its manifestations, is as mark-
edly superior to that of twenty-five years ago, as that was superior to the
Civil JJar behavior. Such results give much reason to believe that amazing
progress has been made in the development of democratic civic ideals.
Surely no greater test could be devised than that which has been afforded
by the present emergency. If there has been failure in today's great national
test of civic loyalty and ideals, it has occurred in the ranks of the older
Perhaps the most insidious danger which now faces our people is a fear-
not a fear of losing the war, but a fear of what may happen afterward.
This fear of the future is a new phenomenon for American people. It is
no part of our much talked-of heritage. It is something new, and it is not
of itself, good. We have heard so much about the need for security, but
the Americans of the past neither prayed nor voted for complacent security.
They rather hoped for the zest of the untried and were eager to call up
courage to face the unknown.
This spiritual quality is quite as necessary a civic virtue as the possession
of knowledge and understanding. It is, in truth, the translation of certain
spiritual concepts into function which gives vitality to our citizenship.
For example, the truly competent citizen demonstrates a devotion to the
welfare of the common person, a consecration to the cause of public justice,
a zealotry in the support of good and true men, a belief in the destiny of a
great and worthy America, and a will to live courageously, against the odds
of complacency and reaction in days bf peace as well as to die bravely against
our country's enemies in time of war.

Part III

Free Schools for a Free People


Address at Seattle and Kansas City Conferences

The financing of education in any period is determined by a series of
dynamic forces and factors. This will be true in the postwar period. A pre-
dictive blueprint cannot be drawn, therefore, as to how well and by what
methods education will be financed after the war. What can be done is to
attempt an intelligent analysis of what forces and factors will be most
potent in shaping educational finance in the future, and to anticipate what
educational leadership should do in controlling or modifying the impact
of these forces and factors in desirable directions. Five questions are asked
below, the answers to which, it is believed, will substantially determine the
general shape of things to come in the field of educational finance after
the war.
QUESTION NO. I: IFill the American people, influenced by educational
leadership of vision and courage, recognize in the postwar period that edu-
cation, adequate both in kind and amount, is essential to the effective growth
of our democratic, industrial civilization? The last generation has witnessed
a series of dramatic demonstrations of the enormous power of education in
achieving comprehensive national aims. Hitler fully understood the potency
of education. As soon as he came into power he began to use education to
build a generation of youth with both ideological and technical qualifica-
tions appropriate to the evil ends of the Nazi program. The world will
have these youth to deal with as long as they live, regardless of the outcome
of the war. It is beside the point that it was "education for death" that
Hitler evolved. The point is that Hitler demonstrated, in a manner which
we should not miss, the enormous power of education when its potentialities
are capitalized.
The Russian regime offers another example. A quarter of a century ago
this most backward of the great nations of Europe was prostrate from
external and internal warfare. It had made little progress toward indus-
trialization. Its agrarian economy still smelled of the Middle Ages. Most of
its people were illiterate. In ,less than twenty-five years these liabilities
were overcome, sufficiently so that the U.S.S.R. is today fighting a total,
technological war with a success that has confounded all predictions. Edu-
cation, vigorously and definitely used, is undoubtedly one of the potent
ingredients which went into the Soviet program.


China for centuries was an individualistic congeries of people with no
national spirit, who held warfare and warriors in utter contempt. A few
decades ago, the Chinese leaders set about thru various means, of which an
increasing use of education was one, to change this situation. China has
amazed the world by standing off one of the great military powers for
nearly seven years.
Thus far no democratic country has had the genius to make full use of
education in achieving its aims. The purposes of democratic nations will,
doubtless, always be less definite and unified than those of totalitarian
regimes. The nature of democratic education is inherently less uniform,
less decisive, and less rapid than in a dynamic despotism. Still, we must
conclude that the United States has fallen far short of capitalizing the full
possibilities of education in a democratic, industrial society. WVe profited
relatively little .from the clear lessons of the first World War as to our
educational shortages. Millions of young men presumably in the prime of
life are again, in the crisis of a second World War, being rejected for
military service for preventable or remedial physical defects, for functional
illiteracy. We had to spend several hundred millions of federal funds in a
hurry-up program of vocational education, to train 9,000,000 war workers,
before we could operate our technical economy at a high level of productivity.
We knew that these educational liabilities were being, created in the
years before the war. The reports of the President's Advisory Committee on
Education, of the American Youth Commission, of the Educational Policies
Commission, of the National Resources Planning Board, and of other com-
mittees had provided abundant evidence on the situation. We knew that vast
educational slums scattered in various parts of the nation were generating
these educational liabilities by denying a decent educational opportunity to
millions of American youth, both white and black. All of the commissions
named above clearly and vigorously told what we should do in order that
our educational slums might be eliminated and our educational liabilities
prevented. But the tragic fact remains that we did little in order that
education might fulfil that most basic American ideal-equality of oppor-
During the depression thirties we starved education in nearly all American
communities. Such advances as we did make in this decade were less the
outcome of statesmanlike educational planning than a byproduct of a federal
work-relief program. Since 1940 we have pursued a similar opportunistic
day by day program. Education, except in a minority of relatively wealthy
school districts, is now in a deplorable state. Incompetent teachers, or none
at all, are all that many school districts can obtain today. Under a cloak of
war need, children are being exploited in many communities in a wholly
indefensible manner. As we create future educational liabilities by starving
tens of thousands of local school systems, we are pumping $400,000,000 of
federal funds into a series of uncoordinated federal educational undertakings
of varying merit. The military services, at the same time, are spending
billions to liquidate a series of educational shortages which never should have
been permitted to occur.


In short, we still live from hand to mouth in education in this country.
When a depression or a war forces us to take certain emergency, piece-meal
actions, we do so. But we do not have today an educational program, and
have never had one, designed to use education to the maximum in making
every American a well-rounded, educated personality-healthy, occupa-
tionally competent, qualified for the duties of family life and for the growing
responsibilities of citizenship. Only a minority of favored communities
approach such an educational offering.
What will be the situation after the war? Many of the ten to twelve
million young men and women in the military services, and many of the
more than twenty million in war industries will need substantial educational
help if they are to be adjusted successfully to life in peacetime. The youth
problem of the 1930's will again appear in changed but serious form for
millions of children and youth now coming up in our schools. In the field
of general citizenship our people will be little better prepared than they
were in the 1930's to deal with the baffling economic problems with which
we were still fumbling when the second World War began. We will like-
wise be ill-prepared for new but inescapable responsibilities of world citizen-
ship, which it is nowr apparent the United States cannot escape.
The question we face is this: Will the United States recognize the
enormous potency of a democratic program of education in solving its press-
ing problems and in achieving its legitimate aspirations? To secure an
affirmative answer to this question will require educational leadership which
transcends that of the past both in insight and courage.
Can we help the American people to catch the vision so that they will not
perish? If we can, the most important prerequisite to an adequate financing
of education in the postwar period will have been met. Our people can and
do support things they believe to be important.
QUESTION NO. 2: IWfill the economic system of the United States in the
postwar period provide full employment and operate at a high level of
productivity? The answer to this question will have tremendous effect on
the financing of education. The income of the American people has fluctuated
enormously in recent decades. Before 1930 it reached about $80,000,000,000
a year. In the middle thirties it nose-dived to about $40,000,000,000. It was
$143,000,000,000 in 1943.
At what level of production will our economy operate after the armistice?
In terms of having what it takes, things look rosy. The nation's industrial
plant is nearly 70 percent larger than when the European war broke four
years ago. We have some fifteen million more employed workers in 1944
than in any prewar year. Even if only half of this increased number con-
tinues to work we will have a labor supply of from 5,000,000 to 10,000,000
workers above even prosperous prewar years. Our managerial assets were
never greater. There is a volume of savings-pent-up purchasing power total-
ing nearly $60,000,000,000-so large that its very size is an inflationary
threat. General Leonard P. Ayres recently prognosticated in these terms:
"Our expanded resources will do a large part of our postwar planning for
us. They will increase our national income, furnish jobs for great numbers


of ex-service men. ." If one wishes to follow what is probably the best
single economic index of the prospects for educational finance, he might well
plot on a chart in his office the trend of aggregate income received by the
American people as reported monthly by the U. S. Department of Com-
Our degree of success in maintaining full employment and in narrowing
the gap between actual and potential productivity following the war will
vitally condition what we can do about financing education. This factor,
however, is more than a one-way street. The maintenance of a high level
of income will require certain contributions from education. General edu-
cation must lift the level of economic literacy of the whole population. Edu-
cation must train a vast supply of professional, technical, and semiskilled
workers. Let us remember that one of the prerequisites to an income of
$143,000,000,000 in this war period was the training of 9,000,000 workers.
Provision must be made for both training and continual retraining of a
substantially larger percentage of our workers than we have provided for
in the past. It will require more effective guidance-both educational and
vocational-for many more youths. It will require an effective program
for dealing with the educational phases of the unprecedented vocational
adjustment problem of the months following the cessation of the war-
in which literally millions will not only have to change jobs but occupa-
tions as well. These educational ingredients in themselves will not guaran-
tee a high level of production after the war. But without these ingredients
our economy will fall far short of its potentialities.
These considerations should burn themselves into the thought and action
of every realistic educator. We must not merely sit with folded hands hoping
that high income-prosperity-will permit adequate expenditure for edu-
cation. We should resolutely insist that the ingredients of 'economic well-
being, which only education can furnish, shall be provided. In such a theory,
acted upon by all segments of our population-by business leadership, by
labor, by agriculture, by education, and by the public in general-lies the
surest guarantee that the postwar period will not witness a recurrence of
the stagnation of the 1930's. Such a recurrence would not only undermine
the economic foundations of educational support, it would constitute a seri-
ous threat to the whole economic and social order.
QUESTION NO. 3: What philosophy will the American people follow in
the development of governmental enterprise and fiscal policy in the postwar
period? There is one theory of government and of public expenditure which
in the final analysis assumes that all or most of public expenditure is essen-
tially economic waste. Money spent under public auspices approximates
pouring water down a rat-hole. The water is gone and little benefit results.
Those who hold this theory insist we should keep public expenditures
down to a minimum and should provide only for police functions, such as
national defense and the maintenance of internal order. In short, these
people hold that since the public gets little for what it pays in taxes, and
all government is essentially inefficient if not corrupt, the less government
the better. On the other hand, private expenditure, they argue, is efficient,


productive, and economically sound. Our aim or principle should be to keep
the maximum possible part of the economy under private control.
Accordingly, this group maintains that the person who is economically
wise will do everything to keep down public expenditure as a general
principle of action. He will strive to make the process of collecting taxation
distasteful. He will see that cartoons are widely disseminated emphasizing
the dire straits of taxpayers. All public employees will be labeled tax-eaters.
Pressure will be put on all public bodies to cut all budget proposals. Attempts
will be made to have tax limits voted and put into constitutions if possible.
If these tactics do not succeed, then those who are against public expendi-
tures may grudgingly admit that, whereas some public undertakings are
good in themselves, we cannot afford them. It would be nice if we could,
but we just can't. And accordingly, every proposed public development is
met by the question: "Where are you going to get the money?" The
assumption being that the money doesn't exist, or that if it does it will be
made so difficult to get that you might as well not try.
There will be lots of fuel which those who hold to the obsolete, police-
power conception of the state may use in the years just ahead. People will
have been paying abnormally high taxes for war-an undertaking which
economically is essentially nonproductive. The process of collecting taxes
has been badly bungled in Washington. We will have an enormous federal
debt-it is already over $165,000,000,000 and is now increasing $1,000,-
000,000 a week. A two-hundred-billion-dollar debt after the war will cost
$6,000,000,000 a year at 3 percent interest. It was recently estimated that
the federal budget after the war, including payments for debt service, army
and navy costs, veterans' relief, and civilian or regular undertakings, will
be between $20,000,000,000 and $30,000,000,000. Compare this with a
total of $13,000,000,000 expended for all public enterprises in 1930-
federal, state, and local. We may conclude that there are a number of
factors which will give the "down-with-taxes-regardless" boys considerable
support following the war.
There is another school of thought concerning public enterprise which
holds that public expenditure generally deserves to be commended in prin-
ciple. Such expenditure, it is contended, tends to spread the benefits of a
tremendously productive economy over a greater portion of the population,
creates purchasing power, results in desirable public works which otherwise
would not exist, and serves as an effective means of compensating for the
paralysis which has a way of periodically overtaking private enterprise.
So far as debt is concerned, this school of thought argues that if debt is
internally held it need not be taken too seriously, since we owe it to our-
selves, and that such debt is so different from private debt that it hardly
deserves to be called debt at all.
If either of the foregoing schools of thought are followed in the years
ahead, I foresee disaster, not only in the field of public enterprise, but.
doubtless also in the field of private enterprise and of political liberty as
well. The theory of "the less government the better" is hopelessly obsolete
in the world of today. Government does have certain things that it must do


on the positive developmental side, as well as in the sphere of regulation
and policing. When it comes to a showdown even those who purport to
support "the-less-government-the-better" viewpoint act differently when
the pinch comes. This theory, I am convinced, leads to stagnation and
ultimate chaos. On the other hand, the theory of "the-more-government-
the-better," uncritically followed to its logical conclusion leads, I am
convinced, to totalitarianism.
What is the theory that should govern our actions affecting the develop-
ment of governmental and fiscal policy? First, we should set out to develop
an indigenous American economy in the years ahead. We should be neither
opponents nor supporters in principle of either public enterprise or private
enterprise. Rather we should ask both of them to "show me," on the
hypothesis that both probably have unique contributions to make in devel-
oping an indigenous American economy, that is not based on formulas
and catch words, but on careful experimentation and constant critical
appraisal on the part of an intelligent citizenry.
In this process we should be guided by principles such as the following:
1. Neither private nor public enterprise is necessarily productive or
wasteful in itself.
This is common sense if one will look around. It is possible to identify
some areas of private enterprise which are eminently productive, both eco-
nomically and socially, and others which are not. The same applies to
public undertakings. This being the situation, we will not bias the case as
to which form of enterprise to espouse.
2. Economic well-being is most likely to be farthest advanced and our
liberties most effectively protected under an organization which divides
economic power among several agencies rather than concentrates it in the
hands of one.
I would hate to see the state collectivize all enterprise. I would be
equally fearful under modern conditions of putting all economic power in
the hands of private industry. The enormous power which is inherent in
our modern technology is too great to put in the hands of one agency or
group. Perhaps the principle of a division of the powers of government-
checks and balances-also applies to other segments of our society.
Accordingly, we may look with favor toward the organization of an
economy, part of which is under private enterprise, part under public
auspices, and part under agencies which are neither, in the traditional sense,
for example, cooperatives of the type which have been developed in the
Scandinavian countries. The interaction of such groups, all of them acting to
prevent any one group from getting too much power, may be the best pro-
tection against fascism or communism or anything else by an indigenous
3. The criteria which should govern in the development of public enter-
prise and fiscal policy should be the social value of the enterprise, the effec-
tiveness with which it is administered, and the soundness of the methods
by which it is financed.


There is no good substitute for the constant critical appraisal of the social
value of each area of public enterprise-its importance as one of the essential
ingredients in the building of a healthy society. Likewise, it is also proper
to inquire as to whether the services or goods resulting from public enter-
prise are produced at a level of optimum expenditure. A failure to spend
enough, or the expenditure of too much, to buy what is needed cannot be
justified. Also, the revenue for the support of the service should be obtained
by methods which accord with defensible canons and procedures in taxation
and fiscal administration.
Education asks that its support be governed by an application of the
considerations and criteria stated above. It asks that it not be prejudged as
to whether it i1 wasteful or productive simply because it is publicly sup-
ported. It asks that the amount provided for its support be determined on
the basis of careful consideration of its importance in building a society of
the type to which we aspire. It welcomes honest appraisals of the efficiency
of its administration. It seeks to base its financial support in sound taxation
and fiscal procedures. It is one of the great responsibilities of educational
leadership in the years ahead to convince the American people of the wisdom
of using these guides to action in determining the financing of education.
QUESTION NO. 4: Will the states and localities put into effect certain
administrative and fiscal reforms which are essential to the effective financing
of education? Education can never be adequately administered and financed
until reforms are accomplished in the various states involving better organi-
zation of local school administrative units, stronger state departments of
education in most states, modern state-local systems of taxation, and estab-
lishmeht of state aid funds providing an adequate minimum of financial
support and an equal burden in the cost of paying for it in all districts. I
am not going to develop the need for these reforms. It would be tiresome to
do so-they are "old stuff." That is the tragedy of the situation. These
items have been the advocated reforms of intelligent educational leaders for
a generation. Some progress has been made, but they remain unfinished busi-
ness in many states.
One of the difficulties met by those who oppose the tendency of the fed-
eral government to take over the actual administration of education in the
United States, is the a-gument that thousands of local school administrative
units are inadequately organized to do the things that need to be done, and
would, therefore, waste federal funds if they were voted without federal
control. The same charge is made against some whole states. It is an un-
fortunate fact that the federalists in American education judge local and
state ability to do any given educational job on the basis of what the weakest
ten or fifteen states will 'lo, rather than in terms of what the remainder
will do.
Suffice it to say that the reforms listed above-reorganization of local units
of school administration, state-local taxation reform, installation of struc-
turally sound state aid funds, and adequate state departments of education
-are not only essential within the states, but their accomplishment in all
states would eliminate one of the chief props of those sold to federalizing


the administration of education. Accordingly, the problem of financing edu-
cation in the future will be closely intertwined with certain features of the
structure of school government. If the weak spots in educational, adminis-
trative organization are strengthened in the future, the problem of getting
adequate funds, both state and national, down to the points where they
count-the individual school district, the individual school, and the in-
dividual classroom and child-will be much less difficult.
QUESTION NO. 5: lWhat role will the federal government play in the
financing of education in the postwar period? This is not a new question.
Twenty-one years ago this March 1 landed in Washington, D. C., to take
a job that kept me employed in that city for nine years. During those years
and ever since, I have tried to be a student of federal relations to education.
On the basis of this- experience the following brief and somewhat dogmatic
statements are made:
1. It is much too late to argue whether the federal level of government
is to be involved with the conduct and financing of education in the United
States. It is already deeply and permanently involved.
The evidence for this statement may be briefly summarized as follows:
The federal land grants have been partly financing education in the states
for more than a century. The land-grant colleges in all states were estab-
lished in 1862 by the federal government and have been financed in part
by it. The adult education program established in the counties of the United
States under the Smith-Lever Act in 1914 involved significant financial
and other federal participation in education. The Smith-Hughes Act and its
extensions have established a nationwide program of vocational education
and involve expenditures of tens of millions of federal funds annually.
The various New Deal activities in education are too well known to
enumerate. They required expenditures for education by the federal gov-
ernment which averaged hundreds of millions a year during the depression
period. Extensive federal educational activities connected with the war are
now going on at all levels from the nursery school to the graduate schools of
universities. Federal educational funds aggregating $400,000,000 a year are
involved in various educational undertakings. This estimate does not in-
clude the billions which are being spent for education by the various military
services as a part of our preparation for war. Already extensive plans are
being made for federal educational activities during the period of postwar
2. The expansion of federal participation in education is destined to con-
tinue since it is the outcome of social demands and conditions which cannot
be ignored.
The results of mal-education are frequently so serious and pervasive in
their influence that Congress does do something about them-even tho on a
piecemeal and opportunistic basis. The costs of remedying modern educa-
tional shortages are so high that even rich states find difficulty in financing
them, while poor states are wholly unable to meet them. Both of these fac-
tors are likely to act with increasing potency in the disturbed period follow('-
ing the World War.

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