Citation
Silencing the Monstrous: The Tale of Subversive Women’s Action in Haiti

Material Information

Title:
Silencing the Monstrous: The Tale of Subversive Women’s Action in Haiti
Series Title:
Journal of Undergraduate Research
Creator:
Albert, Hananie
Harrison, Faye ( Mentor )
Place of Publication:
Gainesville, Fla.
Publisher:
University of Florida
Publication Date:
Language:
English

Subjects

Genre:
serial ( sobekcm )

Notes

Abstract:
This research examines the gendered nature of Haiti’s historical accounts of female agency and focuses on the Fiyet Lalo, Francois Duvalier’s female paramilitary force. The Fiyet Lalo played a crucial role in Duvalier’s assent to and maintenance of power. However, the context that gave rise to the Fiyet Lalo and that prefaces the subversive brand of agency they exercised during the Duvalier reign is not critically addressed in historical canons. This research contends that rise of the Fiyet Lalo can be traced to three things: the perennial division in Haitian history between the nation and the state, the subsequent marginalization and mythologization of the woman’s voice in the historical narrative and finally, the formation of Haitian feminist organizations that seemed to work to the exclusion of women in the classes. Both the state, as the body politic organized for civil rule and the Haitian citizens, as bearers of nationalism, propagate distinct brands of history with different intents. This research examines two categories of narratives: the dominant narratives—based in seminal historical texts that corroborate the Haitian state’s definition of history, and the counter narrative—texts that garner legitimacy because their incorporation and reliance upon the nation’s folk history in order to assess the representation of female agency. This research, thus, negotiates a theoretical model which explicates the historiographic practices which mediate gender and national identity through selective silencing.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.

Downloads

This item has the following downloads:


Full Text



Silencing the Monstrous: The Tale of Subversive Women's Action

in Haiti


Hananie Albert


University of Florida


This research examines the gendered nature of Haiti's historical accounts of female agency and focuses on the Fiyet Lalo, Francois
Duvalier's female paramilitary force. The Fiyet Lalo played a crucial role in Duvalier's assent to and maintenance of power. However,
the context that gave rise to the Fiyet Lalo and that prefaces the subversive brand of agency they exercised during the Duvalier reign is
not critically addressed in historical canons. This research contends that rise of the Fiyet Lalo can be traced to three things: the peren-
nial division in Haitian history between the nation and the state, the subsequent marginalization and mythologization of the woman's
voice in the historical narrative and finally, the formation of Haitian feminist organizations that seemed to work to the exclusion of
women in the classes.
Both the state, as the body politic organized for civil rule and the Haitian citizens, as bearers of nationalism, propagate distinct
brands of history with different intents. This research examines two categories of narratives: the dominant narratives-based in semi-
nal historical texts that corroborate the Haitian state's definition of history, and the counter narrative-texts that garner legitimacy
because their incorporation and reliance upon the nation's folk history in order to assess the representation of female agency. This
research, thus, negotiates a theoretical model which explicates the historiographic practices which mediate gender and national iden-
tity through selective silencing.


Introduction

History is contentious terrain, a battleground which nec-
essarily implies a struggle to dictate the tone of future his-
torical narratives and thus claim a commanding position in
the social imaginary-the system of meanings that govern
a given social structure and help define the interactions of
subjects in society. The power to produce historical narra-
tives is oftentimes disproportionately distributed among
groups with uneven accesses to the formalized means nec-
essary for such a production Thus, in order to understand
the different social constructs that exist within a culture,
such as class or gender, we must examine the varying
manners in which history is narrated and how agency-the
ability to impact, create or sustain change-is parceled.
In Haitian history, accounts of female agency are
often silenced by more dominant andocentric narratives.
These "master narratives" reify nationhood and draw upon
a societal bias that privileges masculinist notions of history
and historicity, which posit femaleness as an appendage of
maleness and maintain that a women's stake in nationhood
rightly remain under the auspices of the nation or the
equally patriarchal state. This research questions how gen-
der is positioned within the Haitian state and nation and
how this positioning leaves the voices of female agents

susceptible to silencing. Embedded in this inquiry are ques-
tions of how and why silences are introduced into the proc-
ess of historical production, the lines against which


histories are divided and how the power dynamics of this
divide interact with key issues such a race, gender, class
and national identity.
Since historical narratives largely sustain the legitimacy
of the nation and the state, and the ability to add to or de-
tract from them, and thus tamper with their acquired valid-
ity, is highly guarded. According to Arjun Appadurai,
contribution to pre-existing conceptions of history and thus
the delineation between history and fiction is limited by a
set of criteria: the historical authority of the narrator, the
extent to which the narrative is contiguous with dominant
notions of history, the depth of the narrative and the inter-
dependence of new and master narratives. (Appadurai
1981, 203) Given the assumed authenticity of the mascu-
linist voice as both a historical actor and narrator, the ac-
tions and the historical perspectives of women are denied
entrance into normative avenues of expression because
women's voices are assumed to lack epistemic validity.
Reflecting on the nature of Haiti's historiography, Michel-
Rolph Trouillot asserts that moments and voices in history
are vulnerable to being silenced at during creation (initial
sources), fact assembly (archival sources), fact retrieval

(historical narrative), retrospective signification or a com-
bination of the four. (Trouillot 1995, 26) This research as-
sesses the Haitian woman's voice at the third site of
silencing, the historical narrative, by examining the Fiyet
Lalo, a female paramilitary named after a popular nursery
rhyme character, who operated under the reign of Francois


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 9, Issue 4 I Summer 2008
1





HANANIE ALBERT


Duvalier. As a political unit, the Fiyet Lalo played a crucial
role in Duvalier's assent and maintenance of power. There
have been tomes written about Duvalier, which often em-
phasize the rootedness and perpetuity of the tactics by
which he came to power, often succinctly titled Duvalier-
ism. However, the context that gave rise to the Fiyet Lalo
and that prefaces the subversive brand of agency they exer-
cised during the Duvalier reign is not critically addressed
in historical canons
This research posits that the impetus and context for the
rise of the Fiyet Lalo is threefold. These women appeared
outside of a historically constituted binary between the
state's and nation's histories. Both the Haitian state, as the
body politic organized for civil rule and the Haitian nation,
the citizens and the sustainers of social norms, propagate
distinct brands of history which serve different means. The
state's histories, the dominant narratives, are seminal his-
torical texts such as Thomas Madiou's Histoire d'Haiti
which corroborate the Haitian state's definition of history,
power and propriety and have serve as the basis for many
of the histories that are written about Haiti, accepted by
the Western canon and subsequently used as historical
scripts that sustain the social imaginary abroad. These his-
tories, because of their acceptance into the Western canons,
serve as historical scripts for the diaspora. Contrarily, the
nation's histories, such as Jean Fouchard's Les Marrons de
la Liberty, serve as counter narratives which garner legiti-
macy because of their incorporation and reliance upon the
nation's folk history. Both brands of history manipulate
and selectively include mentions of female agency so they
reflect their own prerogatives. Thus, Haitian women's his-
tory, given its largely non-canonical status, remains effec-
tively silenced-but not completed excised.
The agency of Haitian women is shrouded between these
two towering paradigms which often mythologize female
agency to the extent that it is included at all into history.
This mythologization, which is implemented on the level
of naming, functions to maintain masculinist histories be-
cause the female historical subject was the consequence of
ideological or symbolic manipulation rather than an active
agent in shaping and creating Haitian history. Finally, the
creation of the Fiyet Lalo was further aided by the class
divisions which prevented impoverished women, the base
of the Fiyet Lalo, from participating and fully benefiting
from the mobilization of Haitian feminists, who largely
addressed the concerns and interests of women of the Hai-
tian bourgeoisie.

The Historical Narrative: Subversive Stories
and Hegemonic Tales

While "history requires a linear and cumulative sense of
time that allows the observer to isolate the past as a distinct
entity", a historical narrative, as this study defines it, con-
siders how larger social structures impact and are impacted


by the reproduction of the narrative into daily life (Trouil-
lot 1995, 7). In order to question and interpret the silences
Haitian history inculcates with regards to female agency,
this research operates within a theoretical structure that,
questions how daily interactions-everyday histories-
interact with the more monolithic "History". The power
dynamics that rule this interaction can help explain the lack
of narratives that valorize explore or explicate subversive
Haitian female agency
The performative features of history such as the vivid
concrete details, the particularity of characters and the co-
herence of plot generate emotional identification and help
transform history from a purely pedantic endeavor into a
lived experience, which reproduces in daily life and func-
tions in mediating action, constituting identities and build-
ing societal institutions (Ewick and Sibley 1995, 214).
Thus by both reflecting the mores of the culture in which
they are produced and by serving as a social script in the
culture in which it is invoked, narratives bridge the gap
between daily social interaction and large scale social
structures (Ewick and Sibley 1995, 198). By allowing the
silenced to speak and by refusing the flattening and distort-
ing effects of strictly positivist interpretation of historical
truth, narrative scholarship has the subversive potential to
undermine hegemonic structures which it typically bol-
sters. Thus, underscoring narrative scholarship is the un-
derstanding that there are multiple truths and knowledge is
socially and politically constructed. These realizations to-
gether, argue that the stories that have been buried silenced
or obscured "have the capacity to undermine the illusion of
an objective, naturalized world which so often sustains
inequality and powerlessness" (Ewick and Sibley 1995,
199).
Dominant, or hegemonic narratives, contribute to and
rely upon "the order of signs, practices, relations that come
to be taken for granted as the natural and received shape of
the world and everything that inhabits it" (Commaraf and
Commaraf 1991, 93). These hegemonic narratives contrib-
ute to social and political hegemony of a group or a set of
interest, to the extent that they "conceal the social organi-
zation of their production and plausibility" (Ewick and
Sibley 1995, 214).
Contrarily, subversive tales actively contest mean-
ings, values and beliefs (Ewick and Sibley 1995, 212).
They are involved in an effort to renegotiate the cultural
terms in which the world is ordered and within which
power is legitimized (Comaraff and Commaraf 1991, 24)
Thus, "subversive stories do not oppose the general and
collective as much as they seek to appropriate them; they
do not merely articulate the immediate and particular as
much as they aim to transcend them" (Ewick and Sibley
1995, 220). These subversive narratives may be motivated
by the social marginality of the narrator, whose life and
experiences are "less likely to find expression in the avail-
able plots, characters and master narratives" (Comaroff and


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 9, Issue 4 I Summer 2008
2





SILENCING THE MONSTROUS


Commaraf 1991, 26). This research thus presents the narra-
tive of the Fiyet Lalo which has hereto forth been ob-
scured, and presents an analysis of the context and
significance of their existence.

Duvalier, the Fiyet Lalo and the Tonton
Macoutes

Michel-Rolph Trouillot has theorized the division of
Haitian life into the nation and the state as synonymous to
the distinction between civil and political society respec-
tively. Francois Duvalier's reign was significant because
his collapse of the nation and state into one omnipotent
entity affords scholars the opportunity to further character-
ize these paradigms that have ruled the process of historical
production and to examine how they have shaped issues of
gender and race.
Francois Duvalier came to power in the midst of several
crises of national identity: the American occupation of
Haiti from 1915 to 1943 had severely undermined Haiti's
sense of autonomy and the Dominican Vespers, a massacre
in which twenty to thirty thousand Haitians were murdered
by the neighboring Dominican government for occupying
their land and "weakening the national blood", had further
threatened nationalistic sentiment (Abbot 1998, 49). As a
writer for Les Griots, a revolutionary Pan-Africanist jour-
nal which embraced Haiti's African roots, an ethnologist
deeply entrenched in folk tradition, and a leaf doctor, a
cross between an herbalist and a shaman who had travels
the Haitian countryside, Duvalier was a welcome face in
the Haitian political sphere. Duvalier's willingness to ac-
knowledge poor, black Haiti-the majority-allowed him
to manipulate national angst and propel himself into a
powerful patriarchal position hinted by his colloquial
name-"Papa Doc." During his time in office, Duvalier
"reshaped the relations between state and civil society and
strengthened [himself] in the process" (Trouillot 1990, 17).
At the center of this system stood a "powerful and person-
alized executive that dominated all other branches of gov-
ernment. This modified state apparatus was notable in its
attempts to (re)define formal institutions of a civil society
weakened by class, caste and gender lines" (Trouillot 1990,
17).
Duvalier instituted a civilian militia formally titled Vol-
unteers of National Security, but known to the public as the
Tonton Macoutes. The recruits into this militia came from
impoverished backgrounds and were tantalized by the
power and immunity that came from directly serving the
head of state. They joined by the thousands, with their
families pitching in to purchase the envied VSN identifica-
tion card that "permitted the men to hack their way up
through the filth and hunger of Haitian life" (Abbott 1988,
86). Under Duvalier, the members of the Tonton Macoutes
"were elevated above even the richest, lightest skinned


merchant, whom they could and did terrorize and extort"
(Abbott 1998, 87).
Duvalier also exploited another important source for re-
cruits: the oppressed and overburdened half of the female
population, who served as the counterpart to the Tonton
Macoutes. Duvalier called these women the Fiyet Lalo,
after a sorceress in a common Haitian nursery rhyme/chant.
Marlene Racine-Toussaint, in her dissertation on Haitian
women and power, notes that "far fewer girls and women
joined than men, but those who did were usually tougher
and more dedicated to Duvalier's service" (Toussaint 1994,
87). Duvalier even appointed women as Macoute com-
manders, notably Rosalie Bousquet also called Madame
Max Adolphe and Sanette Balmir a lesbian and a convicted
thief from Jeremine. In both cases, Duvalier had rightly
identified "bitter, brutal and vengeful [women], who until
[their deaths] would remain fanatically loyal to his leader-
ship" (Abbott 1998, 88). These women were thus selec-
tively incorporated into the state superstructure during
Duvalier, but they would not make it into his histories or
historical analyses. The majority of the information about
the Fiyet Lalo had to be compiled from journalistic ac-
counts or from the work of later Haitian who were inter-
ested in critically assessing legacy of gender in Haiti.
These exclusions in Haitian history were very much pre-
sent before Duvalier took power, a fact of which he took
advantage in his formation of the female militia

The State, the Nation and the Myth of Marie-
Jeanne

Duvalier was able to inspire women to join his ranks by
his selective invocation of past, buried legacies of female
agency. Marie-Jeanne, a female soldier of the Haitian revo-
lution who is seldom mentioned in state's histories with the
preface "the myth of' and often invoked in the nation's
histories in relation to her domestic significance, was a
prominent figure in Haitian social imaginary. By invoking
the name, "the Duvalierist state would restructure and rede-
fine gender roles and representation with two constructed
categories of women: a reappropriated historical gender
symbol represented by a rebellious slave woman, Marie
Jeanne, who ...was transformed into "une fille de la revo-
lution" (a daughter of the revolution) and became an inte-
gral part of the state paramilitary forces; and, parallel to the
new "Marie Jeanne," another woman-the enemy of the
state and the nation" (Charles 1997, 7). Thus, women who
were not loyal to the Duvalierist cause were defined as un-
patriotic and unnatural, while those who were loyal bene-
fited from a perverse new form of gender equality whereby
women who had risen in the ranks of the Fiyet Lalo be-
came key perpetuators of state violence.
Duvalier's new form of "state feminism" allowed for the
appointment of Madame Max Adolphe, Rosalie Bousquet,
as commander-in-chief of the Tonton Macoutes. Torturing


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 9, Issue 4 I Summer 2008
3





HANANIE ALBERT


women became a staple of Duvalierist state control and
Madame Max Adolphe was known for burning "the pubic
hair of women arrested for opposition to the regime" and
"torturing the genitals of naked prisoners, watching with
sadistic delight as they writhe under her henchman's
blows" (Abbott 135, Charles 8). The other notable leader,
Sanette Balmir, operated in the southwest Haiti and was
crucial in orchestrating the Massacre des Vepres JKr&-
miennes, the JKremie Massacres, in August of 1964. Balmir
led the army and volunteers to kill 27 men, women and
children, almost all of whom belonged to educated multatto
families. The assignations were a direct order from Fran-
cois Duvalier as an attempt to repress an embryonic anti-
Duvalier guerrilla group that called themselves Jeune Haiti.
Duvalier greatly contributed to the future mythologiza-
tion of these women by the process by which he renamed
them. Myriam Chancy notes in Framing Silence: Revolu-
tionary Novels by Haitian Women, an account of the
woman's role in directing fictive narratives "history is re-
peated because the models that have been invoked to de-
fine Haitians women's identity revolve around mythical
norms and mythical deviants" (Chancy 1997, 77). Like-
wise, the Fiyet Lalo were given the opportunity to come to
power because the myth of female agency was so amor-
phous that it could be appropriated by anyone with the
right power.
One of Duvalier's astute political moves was to endorse
women voters and to establish the Faisceau Feminin-
Feminine Torch-a women's group devoted to propelling
him to power in the 1957 election. After his rise to power,
many of the women participants, including a young woman
from Mirebalais who was one of the most ardent work-
ers-Rosalie Bosquet-remained involved in the organiza-
tion (Abbott 1998, 6). Duvalier renamed the group the
Fiyet Lalo-after a sorceress that had already existed in
Haitian mythology. In doing so, Duvalier ensured that the
future scholars who would research the Fiyet Lalo would
have difficulty distinguishing, and could thus easily con-
flate the Fiyet Lalo their mythical namesake. These women
would thus occupy a liminal position-symbolic of their
peripheral position in the cannons of Haitian history as
women.
The final catalyst for the rise of the Fiyet Lalo was the
Haitian feminist movement and its highly stratified notions
of womanhood and thus female agency. The Feminine
League for Social Action, Haiti's first and arguably most
influential feminist organization was created during the
U.S occupation of Haiti. This organization was primarily
composed of women in the middle class, who struggled for
and achieved the right to vote in 1950 (Charles 67). Be-
cause of the highly class stratified nature of Haiti, the mo-
bilization of Haitian feminists seemed inimical towards the
agency of the women in the masses
Charles notes that "with the increased militarization and
policing of the political space under the dictatorship of the


Duvalier family the [Haitian feminist] movement re-
scinded, but reemerged in the [diaspora] (Charles 1996,
67)." Because of their dismissal, Duvalier had the opportu-
nity to enact his own versions of female agency-and re-
cruited heavily from the impoverished female masses, who
came in abundance in part because of their exclusion from
the Haitian feminist movement which seemed to empower
only the wealthiest among them. After the expulsion of
Jean-Claude Duvalier, Francois Duvalier's son and succes-
sor, "a striking feature of the political landscape of Haiti
[was] the intensive participation of women in political
processes". From 1980-85 women from both sides of the
economic spectrum organized food riots and school stop-
pages, mobilized grass roots movements and formed their
own organizations. (Charles 1996, 66) The Caribbean As-
sociation for Feminist Research and Action (CAFRA) or
the Women's Development Unit participated in large scale
agricultural research projects, the central goals of which
were to find out about the needs of women from the agri-
cultural class and empower them. (Charles 1996, 63)
Thus, many from the diaspora returned in the 1980s and
reengaged in the new political sphere with a distinctly
feminist affront. The Centre Haftien de Recherches et
d'Actions pour la Promotion Feminine (CHEREPROF), a
feminist research and advocacy agency, was created in
1975 and provided family planning and provisions to poor
women. Also, the Fonds Haitien D'Aide a la Femme
(FHAF), an organization which has provided small loans
for market women since 1983, catered its activism towards
the vast majority of Haitian women. Moreover, in this pe-
riod the Centre National et International de Documentation
et d'Information des Femmes en Haiti (ENFOFANM), an
organization which documented the trials of Haitian
women under political repression, became prominent in the
Haitian political landscape. It seemed that Haitian feminists
had learned both the importance and the need to engage the
masses of Haitian women who were well capable of con-
tributing to Haitian society. Unfortunately this new outlook
has yet to be extended to the production of Haitian histories
and the reevaluation of Haitian historiographic methodol-
ogy.

Conclusions

Doubtlessly, the initial reluctance of Haitian historians to
discuss the reign of the Fiyet Lalo correlates with the gen-
eral silence about the Duvalier era, which left indelible
marks on Haiti's collective psyche. However, with time,
the growth of disaporic scholarship about Duvalier has
been abundant. Similarly, the male counterpart to the Fiyet
Lalo, the Tonton Macoutes have received international in-
famy and an undeniable amount of intellectual interest and
space in the discourse on nationalism and identity.
The silencing of the Fiyet Lalo in Haitian historical nar-
ratives has three root causes. First, the perennial division in


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 9, Issue 4 I Summer 2008
4





SILENCING THE MONSTROUS


Haitian history between the nation and the state, the subse-
quent marginalization and mythologization of the woman's
voice in the historical narrative and finally, the formation
of Haitian feminist organizations that seemed to work to
the exclusion of women in the classes. While the women of
the Fiyet Lalo women did subvert gender norms, the par-
ticular way that Duvalier had structured his government-
with every henchman and every prison warden serving as
an extension of him and his regime-it can be argued that
these women remained effectively powerless. They were
mere extensions of Duvalier's phallocentric arm, with a
seeming fixation on punishing the parts of other women's
bodies that had so damned them before Duvalier came to
power. Thus, these women weren't freed from gender con-
straints by their participation in the Fiyet Lalo, they were
still very much agents of a patriarchal state and submissive
to an equally patriarchal nation. This is evident in the man-
ner in which they are remembered-if and when they are
remembered. Rosalie Bousquet is almost exclusively cred-
ited as Madame Max Adolphe-the name of her husband
Dr. Max Adolphe which she adopted per Haitian tradition
and the mention of Fiyet Lalo will instinctively evoke the
image of the character in a nursery rather than one of the
most poignant examples of subversive women's action.
Thus, the tale of these "monstrous women", a phrase often
used to describe similarly organized women's groups in
Latin America during the late 20th century, was replaced
by a similarly monstrous silence which impacted gender
ideologies and conceptions of agency in the vast Haitian
diaspora.
In a country such as Haiti, where the citizens proudly
claim their status as the first Black Republic, issues of
agency and its historical representation thereof mediate the
individual's relationship to the nation. Moreover, when the
sheer volume of transmigrants merits the creation of a
symbolic 10th district, as was suggested during Jean Ber-
trand Aristides term in office, these transmigrants actively
practice "long distance nationalism" and reconstitute their
identities translocally, using historical texts as scripts. It is
thus crucial to understand the components of these histori-
cal scripts. Thus, this work in historical anthropology,
which questioned how Haitian culture is constituted around
fissures gaps and silences in historical records, will hope-
fully pave the way for research which concretely measures
how these gaps work to perpetuate misinformed gender
dynamics. Moreover, future scholarship in this field should
actively reconstruct counter-canonical historical narratives
which do not limit the Haitian woman's voice to its current
whisper which is barely heard above the stentorian boom
of Haitian male agency.


Appadurai, Arjun. 1981. The Past as a Scarce Resource. Man 16, no. 2:201-219.

Beckles, Hilary M. 1998. Historicizing Slavery in West Indian Feminisms. Femi-
nist Review no. 59, Rethinking Caribbean Difference: 34-56.

Carolle, Charles. 1995. Feminist Action and Research in Haiti. Caribbean Studies
28, no. 1:61-75.

Chancy, Myriam J. A. 2004. 'No Giraffes in Haiti': Haitian Women and State
Terror. In Haiti: Ecrire en pays assiege/Writing under Siege, edited by Marie-
Agnes Sourieau and Kathleen M. Balutansky. Amsterdam, Netherlands: Rodopi.

Chancy, Myriam J. A. 1997. Framing silence : revolutionary novels by Haitian
women. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press.

Charles, Carolle. 1995. Gender and Politics in Contemporary Haiti: The Duva-
lierist State, Transnationalism, and the Emergence of a New Feminism (1980-
1990). Feminist Studies 21, no. 1:135-164.

Comaroff, Jean, & John Comaroff (1991) Of Revelation and Revolution. Chi-
cago: Univ. of Chicago Press.

Fick, Carolyn E. 1990. The making of Haiti : the Saint Domingue revolution from
below. 1st ed. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press.

Fouchard, Jean. 1988. Les marrons de la liberte.rev., corr. et augm ed. Port-au-
Prince, Haiti: H. Deschamps.

Geggus, David P., and Association of Caribbean Historians Conference. 1998.
Thirty years of Haitian revolution historiography.

Madiou, Thomas. 1904. Histoire d'Haiti.Port-au-Prince Haiti Verrollot.

N'Zengou-Tayo, Marie-Jose. 1998. 'Fanm Se Poto Mitan': Haitian Woman, the
Pillar of Society. Feminist Reviewno. 59, Rethinking Caribbean Difference: 118-
142.

Racine-Toussaint, Marlene. 1994. Haitian women and power. Ph.D. diss., The
Union Institute.

Randall, Vicky, and Waylen, Georgina. 1998. Gender, politics and the state.
London ; NewYork: Routledge.

Trouillot, Michel R. 1995. Silencing the past : power and the production of his-
tory. Boston, Mass.: Beacon Press.

Trouillot, Michel R. 1990. Haiti, state against nation : the origins and legacy of
Duvalierism. New York: Monthly Review Press.

Wieringa, Saskia. 1995. Subversive women : historical experiences of gender and
resistance. London ; Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Zed Books.


References

Abbott, Elizabeth. 1988. Haiti: the Duvaliers and their legacy. New York:
McGraw-Hill.


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 9, Issue 4 I Summer 2008
5