Spanish-American Immigration in Seville, Spain

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Spanish-American Immigration in Seville, Spain
Wharton, Charles
Nichols, Geraldine ( Mentor )
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University of Florida
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..Oluii -, issue 4 - l.March ..' pril i'"":,

Spanish-American Immigration in Seville, Spain

Charles Wharton


Spanish-American Immigration in Seville, Spain, presents an analysis of the immigration policy of the

Spanish government during the years 1999-2005 and a case study describing the lives of some Latin

American immigrants living in the city of Seville, the capital city of the region of Andalusia in southern Spain .

The study draws on government data from the Instituto Nacional de Estadistica (the official Spanish National

Institute of Statistics, hereinafter INE) to outline the dimensions of the demographic changes in Spain. Ten

interviews with people from Spanish-American countries who immigrated to Seville address various aspects of

the lives of the persons affected directly by the successive government policies related to immigration:

factors leading to emigration from their countries of origin, reasons for choosing Seville as their destination to

live and work, and finally, the adaptation process, both cultural and economic. Articles from the Diario de

Sevilla (Diary of Seville) and academic journals help to draw a fuller picture of this migratory phenomenon. The

sheer number of people affected illustrates the importance of this issue: while under 20,000 individuals

immigrated from Latin American countries in the year 1995, the figure skyrocketed to over 170,000 in 2004.

Spanish-American Immigration in Seville, Spain investigates this trend on a statistical and personal level.


In 2004, the INE estimated the nation's population to be 43,197,684. As is the case in much of the rest of

Europe, and to a lesser degree the United States, that population is aging rapidly. Table 1 shows that in 1978,

the birth rate in Spain was 17.23, while the death rate was much less, at 8.03, for a natural increase per

1,000 inhabitants of approximately 9.2.1 In 1988, the death rate remained relatively constant at 8.25, but the
birth rate was nearly halved, to 10.82, dropping the net natural increasing rate to 2.57. By 1998, the birth and

death rates were almost equal, with the former being 9.19 and the latter 9.08. The natural increase per

1,000 inhabitants stood at only .12.2

Table 1
Spanish Population Natural Increase Rate
(per 1000 inhabitants)

Year Rate
1975 10.40

1976 10.48

1977 9.90

1978 9.20

1979 8.33

1980 7.51

1981 6.35

1982 6.04

1983 4.79

1984 5.54

1985 3.74

1986 3.33

1987 3.02

1988 2.57

1989 2.16

1990 1.76

1991 1.50

1992 1.67

1993 1.18

1994 0.81

1995 0.44

1996 0.28

1997 0.49

1998 0.12

1999 0.23

2000 0.92

2001 1.14

2002 1.22

2003 Projected 1.34

2004 Projected 1.93

The aging of the Spanish population has been a vital factor influencing the country's immigration policy. Until

1999, the only significant legislation relating to immigrants' status in Spain was the restrictive 1985 Ley

de Extranjerfa, known in English as the Law on the Rights and Freedoms of Foreigners in Spain. According to

an article by Nieves Ortega Pdrez, the law's "focus on control of immigrant access to the labor market hindered

family reunification and proved to be an obstacle to stable residency of the foreign-born population. New

policies required that migrants seek work visas and residency permits only after any job offer and, further, made

it exceedingly difficult to renew required permits. As a result, many immigrants ended up in an illegal status.

In addition, the 1985 law called for employer sanctions that were weakly enforced." Enabling immigrants to

receive visas and stabilize their residency only after finding employment placed them at the mercy of employers

who could exploit their lack of documentation. In combination with the "weakly enforced" employer sanctions, the

law essentially enabled and empowered employers wishing to take advantage of illegal immigrants' labor.

Companies were able to utilize the false pretenses of producing and authorizing the necessary government papers

for legalization in order to demand more hours or pay less under poorer working conditions than legally

allowable. Companies might do so, assuming that the immigrants would be unlikely to appeal for

government intervention for fear of deportation. This situation of an insufficient number of immigrants in

high demand working under often difficult conditions continued throughout much of the 1990s.

Finally, beginning in 1998-99 and continuing through the start of the new millennium, several major

immigration reforms were passed. They addressed the needs of the Spanish employers, government, and people,

to a certain extent. First, the Ley organica sobre los derechos y libertades de los extranjeros en Espaha y

su Integraci6n Social (Law on the Rights and Freedoms of Foreigners in Spain and their Social

Integration), commonly called Ley 4/2000, went into effect in January, 2000, after having been supported by the

left wing of Spanish Parliament since 1998 (Ortega Perez). This law allowed for greater assimilation of

immigrants and granted the individuals greater personal rights. However, the leading conservative party in Spain,

the Partido Popular (Popular Party), opposed the measure as too open. The ensuing conservative reform of

Ley 4/2000, spearheaded by Popular Party Prime Minister Jose Maria Aznar L6pez, focused on curtailing

and strenuously monitoring possible irregular immigration. It was known as Ley 8/2000 and replaced the

previous law in the middle of 2001. One of its most important components was the negotiation of treaties

between countries of emigration and Spain to better organize legal immigration and curtail unregulated

travel (Ortega Perez). Some of the law's measures were not popular, however, and others were decried by

many Spaniards as draconian. Social activist groups and labor unions led hunger strikes and street protests.

An American news article from January 24, 2001 noted that the law "denies immigrants the right to

demonstrate, belong to a trade union or strike and also allows authorities to expel those without correct

papers within 48 to 72 hours" ("Immigration Crackdown"). The extra-strict reforms were adjusted and reduced

in 2004 and early 2005 as a newly-elected liberal Spanish government, headed by the Socialist Party (PSOE)

and Prime Minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero, attempted to unify immigration policy and provide a measure

of legality for the thousands of illegal immigrants already in the country. Under the somewhat conflicting policies

of the preceding five years, many immigrants residing in Spain advanced part of the way to full citizenship but

then failed to fulfill all requirements or were unable to complete all aspects of the process necessary for legal

status. The Socialist Party intended to regularize the status of up to 800,000 undocumented immigrants.

Party representative Rafael Estrella announced: "We have a number of illegal immigrants in Spain who are

not contributing to the system, to the social system, with their taxes and who have been working here on an

irregular basis where they are exposed to the mafias (illegal gangs)" ("Spain Launches"). The goals of increasing

tax revenue from a previously untapped labor market and providing legal protection to workers coincided in

the passage of the amnesty law, under which, "Applicants who can prove they arrived before last August, have a

job contract and no criminal record, have three months to sign up as taxpayers" ("Spain launches").

Zapatero's program allowed immigrants to legalize their status until May 2005.

In spite of the inconsistencies of immigration policies enacted since 1999, these policies, along with other

actions taken by the Spanish government, have had a discernible effect on the Spanish population. A

provisional estimate for 2004 (TABLE 1) shows the net increase of the population per 1,000 inhabitants to be

1.93, over sixteen times as large as the rate during its 1998 trough of 0.12. The relationship between the

official government policy, the city of Seville, and immigrants from Spanish-American countries is explained in

the following section.


APPENDIX A shows the national origin of immigrants to Spain since 1995, with data on Spanish-American

nations highlighted. Immigration from Argentina grew from only 610 in 1995 to an apex of 40,628 in 2002. Only

189 immigrants came from Ecuador in 1995,; then the figure grew to 91,120 in 2000 and 82,571 in 2001.

Subjects from these two nations account for six of the interview subjects in this study; the remaining four are

from Colombia and Venezuela. Colombia was the country of origin of only 487 Spanish immigrants in 1995, and

the number skyrocketed to 71,014 in 2001. The number of immigrants from Venezuela was 236 in 1995 and

then grew to 10,401 in 2003. While the Americas received numerous Spanish immigrants from the Iberian

Peninsula during the past five centuries, the migration pattern has reversed in dramatic fashion since the changes

in Spanish government policy.

APPENDIX B shows patterns of immigrant settlement in Spain by autonomous community, which is similar to

an American state. Seville is the largest city in the southern autonomous region of Andalusia, an area that

has experienced an explosion of immigration. This region received approximately 90,000 immigrants in 2004,

and over 50,000 in each of the two preceding years. For an area with just over seven and a half million

inhabitants, that influx is significant and influential. The immigrants' presence will continue to be felt

strongly, because one of every ten births in Andalusia over the past year was to an immigrant mother, and

such children can legalize their status following two continuous years of living in Spain (De la Hera, Campos).

The vast majority of immigrants to Andalusia settled in coastal areas. The city of Seville, approximately an hour's

ride from the coast, received 7,690 immigrants in 2004, amounting to just over 1% of the city's population,

700,000. Of the immigrants to Seville, 3,136, or nearly half, came from Spanish-American nations. Specific data

from the year 2004 for the countries of origin of this study's interview subjects are as follows: 256

immigrants traveled from Argentina, 320 from Colombia, 379 from Ecuador, and 295 from Venezuela. 3


To evaluate the situation of these Latin American immigrants to Seville, it is useful to examine their day-to-day

lives. To assess the adaptation experience, during the months of May and June 2005 I interviewed ten

immigrants from various Spanish American countries. Two were from Argentina, one from Colombia, four

from Ecuador, and three from Venezuela. Each of their stories provides a unique perspective on the

phenomenon. The names of the subjects have been changed to maintain their privacy. The survey instrument

in Spanish and English is provided in APPENDIX C and APPENDIX D, respectively.

1. Josd Fernandez de Jesus (single, approximately thirty years old) from C6rdoba, Argentina, arrived in Spain in

2002. He came to work in Seville because he was unable to obtain a United States visa, and he had a friend living

in Seville. His main goals in emigrating from Argentina to Spain were to earn more money and to find job security.

He considers himself lucky in that he was able to find a steady job that he has maintained since arrival, working as

a cook. In Argentina he had worked in a factory. He was slightly bothered by the jokes of friends and even

occasional comments from strangers regarding his dark complexion, but had no major complaints about the city

or the people.

2. Maria de las Casas (single, approximately twenty-five years old), also from C6rdoba, Argentina, arrived in Spain

in 2003. She came to the country and city specifically "por amor" (for love). When asked if economics or any

other reason played a role, she simply responded no. Her boyfriend lived in Seville, but the two were separated

at the time of the interview. She planned on remaining in the city if the pair stayed together, and, if not, she

would return to Argentina. Overall, she loved Seville, even though she experienced difficulty in finding work

during her first year due to her undocumented status. She did eventually find employment in a gymnasium.

She described the people as nice, but having a slightly closed mindset and not a "mentalidad del

mundo" (world mentality).

3. Evita Elena Alonso (married, two children ages 23 and 31, approximately fifty-five years old) moved from

Colombia to Spain in 2000 with the help of the Colombian and Spanish Red Cross societies. She had worked

to promote literacy and positive activity among youths in Colombia. However, a struggle between the

official Colombian government and rebel groups who controlled the underprivileged areas in which she often

worked drove her to flee the country. Mrs. Alonso attempted to aid all children, regardless of the political or

military affiliations of their parents, and this attracted negative attention from the government. Government

pressure forced her family to change houses four times in an attempt to remain within Colombia. Even that did

not prove enough to guarantee her family's safety, and they were driven to leave the nation. Her husband was

forced to leave behind a successful business in South America, and while he eventually achieved success working

in electrical engineering and then owning a store in Spain, it was difficult. Mrs. Alonso did not ask for sympathy

for herself or her family, merely to be accepted for what she did on her own in Spain. She founded a

non-governmental organization in Seville to aid the people of her homeland, "Colombians without Borders," and

while she hopes to potentially return there later in life, she declared her love for Spain and her appreciation for

how the country welcomed her in a time of need.

4. Juan Alcalde (single, approximately thirty years old) traveled from Ecuador to Spain in 2002. He desired a

better economic situation, and he chose Seville to pursue it because his mother had already established residence

in the city. He was unable to find work comparable to his position as a photographer's assistant in Ecuador.

After trying numerous avenues, he found work as a waiter in a bar. He noted some xenophobia from older

people, but spoke positively of the new (2004/5) labor law which has allowed him and others to legalize their

status. He described friends who worked in agriculture as having very difficult working conditions and mentioned

that he and other workers--who needed their employers to authorize their residence and work permit--were

often required to do much more work than the job description announced.

5. Irene Sanchez (single, approximately thirty years old) from Quito, Ecuador, came to Spain in late 2004.

Her intentions were to work or study, and she, unlike the other participants, expressed a desire to return to

her country of origin within the next two years. She wanted to work and obtain enough money to finance her

own business or earn a master's degree from a Spanish university in order to be more easily hired by a

large company in Ecuador. She was able to find work in domestic service through a friend in domestic service.

She said she and other immigrants often found work Spaniards did not want to do. Over the course of her

seven months in Spain, she had taken a class to become a waitress on the weekends, cared for a child on

weekday afternoons, and worked as a hotel maid on weekday mornings. This work was not on the same level as

the credit loaning/bank work she had in Ecuador, yet she described the pay as better. She recounted receiving

some unwelcoming looks, but overall described the Spanish people as friendly.

6. John Lennon (single, approximately thirty years old, false name chosen by subject) moved from Quito, Ecuador,

in July of 2001. He came mainly to experience a change in culture, for he had steady and quality work in Ecuador

as a cable TV technician. He lived in Madrid for a short time and eventually chose Seville as his final

destination because his sister lived in the city. He observed less racism in Seville than in Madrid, yet he

experienced harsh working situations in both locations. He was employed in various types of jobs, from grape

and olive picker to six-days-a-week caterer to plumber to waiter in a bar. Mr. Lennon preferred the

outdoor agricultural work, which he described as "difficult but not impossible," to the work in bars or catering

because the hours were shorter. He related a recent experience in which he failed to "besar el culo del jefe" (kiss

the 'behind' of the boss), was treated "como un perro" (like a dog) and was fired. He planned to contact a labor

union in the area in order to file a complaint and receive compensation for mistreatment. An important aspect of

Mr. Lennon's confidence with regard to the labor dispute was his acquisition of legal status during the

legalization period. He described a definite change in his working conditions after obtaining "papers." On the

whole, however, he respected the people of Spain.

7. Nadia Barrio Westingfield (single, approximately forty-five years old) immigrated from Guayaquil, Ecuador, in

the year 2000. She left the country after a severe economic crisis there in 1999, in which many businesses

closed and capital flowed out of the area. She noted her initial desire to travel to the United States to work

and stated that essentially all emigrating people first sought visas to the USA. She was unsuccessful and then

chose Spain due to its relaxed immigration laws and because a friend lived in Seville. Ms. Barrio

Westingfield estimated that 80% of immigrant women worked in domestic service and the vast majority of men

in construction and agriculture; she described her work in the office of a non-governmental labor syndicate as

very good. She emphasized the power and control held by the employer over undocumented workers. Ms.

Barrio Westingfield had a hard time finding her job; and it was offered to her only after she had volunteered with

the organization for a year. She decried what she perceived as a flood of immigrants who at times did not accept

a different culture. She felt it necessary that immigrants adapt to their host country for a better living experience

for all.

8. Carlos Hernindez (single, approximately twenty years old) emigrated from Caracas, Venezuela, in 2002 for a

general change, and especially for more "seguridad" (security/safety) due to danger on the streets of Caracas.

He came with his mother and brother and had few complaints about Spain or Seville in particular. He appreciated

the fact that his mother found steady work and he a safe environment. He noted some slight harassment directed

his way based on his ethnicity, but he judged it a minimal problem.

9. Manuel Guerrero (single, approximately twenty years old) also came from Caracas, Venezuela, more recently

than Mr. Hernindez, in 2004. His mother's boyfriend lived in Seville, which attracted them to the city. With

feelings even stronger than those of Ms. Barrio Westingfield, he advocated closing the borders to further

immigration and legalizing those already within the country. He worked in a restaurant and appreciated the

safe environment in Spain compared to his previous home. He noted some racism but did not regard it as a

major problem.

10. Claudia Guerrero (single with steady boyfriend, approximately forty-five years old), the mother of Manuel

Guerrero and also from Venezuela, moved to Spain in July of 2004, initially to the Canary Islands, then to

Seville. She found domestic work caring for children and experienced little racism-less than during her stay in

the United States. She enjoys the Spanish way of life and described the average Spaniard as having a

generally positive attitude toward immigration. She called Spain a "country of opportunity," but added that

housing was expensive.


Many of the interview responses relate to each other, to comparable studies published in academic journals, and

to articles from the Diario de Sevilla. An article from this newspaper released the results of a poll stating that 70%

of immigrants feel "at home" in Spain ("El 70%"). This study corroborates that survey, with the majority

of participants expressing positive feelings toward the host country and a desire to remain in Spain. It should

be noted that this study's subjects might not be entirely representative of Spanish-American immigrants in

Seville. They were contacted through non-governmental organizations whose mission is to ease the

adjustment process; perhaps the fact that they have availed themselves of such services denotes a more

positive approach to immigration. Also, they were willing and able to speak with an American student for a half

hour without any financial compensation. Other research, however, leads this author to trust the veracity of

his conclusions. In a report by the Spanish union Comisiones Obreras (Labor Commission, CCOO ) about

domestic service employees in Seville, one subject described her experience thus: "Gracias a Dios me tratan

bien, cuido a sus nihos, me ayud6 a arreglar mis papeles y tambidn a traer a mi hermana" (Thank God they treat

me well, I care for their children, they helped me to arrange my papers and also to bring my sister [to

Spain]) (Jimdnez G6lvez 32). A paper published by two Spanish university professors in the journal

Cuadernos Americanos asserts, "(L)os espaholes ven a los iberoamericanos como hermanos suyos" (the Spanish

see the Spanish-Americans as their brothers) (Aldrey Vazquez and Verdugo Matds 167). And just as this study

does not claim to represent the opinions of all Spanish-American immigrants to Seville, clearly not all immigrants

in the previous studies recounted fully positive experiences.

With regard to employment, even though all interview subjects were reluctant to complain extensively about

their work situations, either with regard to discrimination in finding a job or mistreatment while working, a

common thread among many responses was the necessity of working long hours and/or under difficult

conditions. Both Mr. Alcalde, the waiter who found a steady job, and Mr. Lennon, who had several types

of employment over three years, related tales of long hours and strenuous conditions with little recourse to

file proper grievances for workplace violations. A Diario de Sevilla editorial raises the question of the morality of

this situation. An online job offer is described as exhibiting "una dramatica desigualdad entire oferta y

demand: quien ofrece posee todas las ventajas y quien demand padece casi todos los inconvenientes" (a

dramatic inequality between offer and application: He who offers possesses all the advantages and he who

applies seems to have almost all the inconveniences) (Godoy). The author describes, just as those interviewed

for this study did, extra hours worked, failure of the employer to honor the contract, and less than adequate pay

for the tasks completed. In the CCOO report, one subject described her work environment as, "Mucha

explotaci6n, muchas horas" (Much exploitation, many hours) (Jimdnez G6lvez 32). Yet, in spite of the

difficult conditions, a strong work ethic was both exhibited and valued highly by participants in this study. A

case study about Peruvian immigrants in Madrid includes similar feelings expressed by an interview subject

who traveled from South America to the Spanish capital: "A mi me da igual que sea peruano, que sea lo que

sea, pero lo important es que sea trabajador..." (To me it is the same whether someone is Peruvian. Whatever

a person may be, the important thing is that he works hard) (Merino Hernando 753).


This study outlines official Spanish immigration policy from 1999-2005 and reports on the living conditions of

some immigrants directly affected. The policy over that period was inconsistent yet on the whole effective

in contributing to the satisfaction of the need for labor in the Spanish market and to the declining growth rate of

the Spanish population. The latter conclusion is clearly supported by the change in the natural increase rate of

the Spanish population per 1,000 inhabitants. The rate stood at 0.12 in 1998, in the year preceding the alteration

of immigration policy, and it has risen each year since then to a 2004 provisional estimate of 1.93. While one

cannot attribute the growth solely to an improved immigration policy, at least some of the augmentation has

been due to an influx from Latin American nations. Over 100,000 people have traveled from those nations to Spain

in every year since 2000.

The second half of this paper presents a case study of the cultural and economic adaptation of immigrants

from Spanish America to a major city in Spain, Seville. Some immigrants have been exploited on the job,

being forced to work long hours for little pay under difficult conditions. However, the ten subjects interviewed

here share the views of those in other studies: on the whole, moving to Spain has been a positive experience.

The individuals have been able to earn more money in a safer environment, while not encountering significant

racism or second-class treatment.


Appendix A

Immigrations from abroad classified by country of origin. Foreigners. Decade 1995-2004.

Country of
Country of 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004

TOTAL 19,539 16,686 35,616 57,195 99,122 330,881 394,048 443,085 429,524 645,844

Europe 6,456 6.004 15,921 25,735 40,327 85,994 112,619 154,589 165,037 234,218

Germany 1,207 1,316 4,141 7,233 9,500 10,546 10,912 11,348 11,114 11,789

Andorra 28 20 38 64 59 102 108 109 152 231

Belgium 245 276 935 1,327 1,856 2,262 2,340 2,254 2,199 2,346

Bulgaria 66 69 102 241 658 6,493 11,761 15,842 13,648 17,898

France 804 726 1,903 2,663 3,426 4,285 4,928 5,464 5,994 8,023

Italy 505 497 1,169 1,652 2,073 2,924 3,800 4,579 5,366 6,637

Netherlands 364 288 766 1,061 1,682 2,162 2,390 2,847 3,045 3,883

Portugal 681 488 916 1,364 2,015 2,968 3,080 3,634 5,050 8,000

Poland 131 109 239 435 810 3,815 3,632 3,838 3,456 6,118

Kingdom 1,129 1,077 2,653 4,514 7,832 11,007 16,233 25,632 32,148 44,315

Romania 94 93 168 503 1,773 17,435 23,276 48,292 54,998 49,487

Russia 121 92 300 563 1,132 3,544 4,729 4,509 4,578 5,766

Sweden 141 94 316 525 1,248 1,400 1,651 1,626 1,431 1,461

Switzerland 217 174 604 740 945 1,233 1,153 1,159 1,130 1,303

Ukraine 22 35 62 184 582 6,271 10,857 10,799 9,065 10,277

701 650 1,609 2,666 4,636 9,547 11,769 12,657 11,663 56,684

Africa 5,027 4,672 8,389 13,118 20,248 54,241 55,797 55,156 58,807 89,991

Algeria 329 294 335 652 1,174 3,893 5,172 3,821 3,443 4,634

168 135 175 331 683 1,676 1,118 930 1,265 1,204

Morocco 3,857 3,659 6,899 10,534 14,843 38,178 39,256 39,930 40,865 58,839

Nigeria 43 30 72 172 893 2,568 2,636 2,453 3,061 4,387

Senegal 160 121 190 290 486 1,827 1,914 2,015 2,821 5,761

470 433 718 1,139 2,169 6,099 5,701 6,007 7,352 15,166

Asia 1,722

China 657

Philippines 454

India 164

Japan 72

Pakistan 76























































Countries 299 235 417 515 665 1,767 1,870 1,856 2,167 3,121

America 6,304 4,706 9,323 15,724 34,863 180,316 214,349 221,580 191,577 170,055

Argentina 610 392 892 1,291 2,163 7,401 18,086 40,628 24,759 23,237

Bolivia 81 46 79 147 500 3,318 4,835 10,562 18,119 35,339

Brazil 348 279 629 879 1,598 4,113 4,283 4,582 7,349 13,017

Canada 23 35 66 99 141 185 250 297 293 372

Colombia 487 365 955 2,298 7,451 45,868 71,014 34,042 10,888 16,610

Cuba 702 584 1,396 1,887 3,094 5,284 5,039 4,886 3,903 4,692

Chile 218 153 318 445 744 2,213 3,034 3,933 4,364 5,696

Ecuador 189 225 579 1,954 8,973 91,120 82,571 88,732 72,581 11,936

306 234 448 658 1,077 1,502 1,805 2,353 2,561 3,017

Mexico 155 106 259 350 658 1,412 1,798 2,782 2,699 3,268

Peru 1,423 1,034 1,207 2,054 2,898 5,893 7,057 7,884 13,310 12,968

Republic 1,208 763 1,349 2,145 2,868 5,552 5,383 5,458 6,558 8,167

Uruguay 148 104 202 221 399 1,350 3,062 7,002 9,266 9,845

Venezuela 236 246 666 921 1,618 3,587 4,257 5,789 10,401 10,208

170 140 278 375 681 1,518 1,875 2,650 4,526 11,683

Oceania 30 24 38 69 97 203 242 201 188 270

Australia 20 22 34 55 68 106 141 142 132 180

10 2 4 14 29 97 101 59 56 90

country 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 125,692

Appendix B

Immigrations from abroad classified by destination AC. Foreigners. Decade 1995-2004.

Autonomous Community of destination 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004

Total 19,539 16,686 35,616 57,195 99,122 330,881 394,048 443,085 429,524 645,844

Andalucia 1,711 1,178 4,014 6,689 12,149 29,022 35,989 50,097 53,256 89,377

Arag6n 86 36 168 318 600 3,540 4,801 5,739 5,827 17,758

Asturias (Princip. de) 193 108 305 708 939 3,185 3,848 4,512 4,149 4,590

Baleares (Islas) 610 681 984 2,929 3,513 5,326 7,712 9,963 11,280 22,065

Canarias 1,425 1,915 5,404 7,229 10,553 20,826 23,581 24,734 24,354 32,247

Cantabria 129 86 81 162 259 1,050 1,538 1,430 1,804 4,228

Castilla - La Mancha

Castilla y Le6n


Comunidad Valenciana

286 215 765 1,071 1,842 10,620 13,714

220 120 376 622 1,333 5,147


4,975 4,564 8,288 12,662 13,296 30,543 43,499

1,801 1,631 4,331 8,089 18,032 50,679 75,915

15,471 14,603 4,507

10,242 9,225 18,691

56,747 55,576 149,705

80,110 76,214 98,739


148 102 376 1,024 1,436 1,659

357 221 880 1,371 2,407 5,880

Madrid (Comunidad de)

Murcia (Regi6n de)

Navarra(Com.Foral de)

Pais Vasco

Rioja (La)



1,675 2,167 2,656 4,651


5,948 4,199 6,863 10,471 25,058 131,559 131,118

9,751 9,422 12,594

135,065 121,296 112,639

498 726 1,182 1,724 3,164 20,013 18,794 21,634 23,678 27,071

474 349 333 281 539 1,488 1,036 1,026 1,401 6,432

612 491 1,089 1,462 2,956 6,310 9,179 9,453 10,052 13,808

61 59 154 373 992 4,017 4,964 4,934 4,679 6,103

1 1 14 6 13 10 3 3 5 223

4 4 9 4 41 7 0 7 47 416

Appendix C

Bucky Whart


Preguntas de investigaci6n

Buenos dias. Me Ilamo Bucky Wharton y soy un estudiante de la Universidad de Florida en los EEUU. Tengo

un proyecto de investigaci6n sobre la inmigraci6n latinoamericana en Espaha, y sobre todo, en Sevilla. El

prop6sito de mi investigaci6n es saber un poco de lo que ha motivado a la gente a inmigrar aqui, como se

esta adaptando, qud opinion tiene del pais, y de Sevilla en particular. Espero que Ud. tenga a bien participar en

mi studio, contestando algunas preguntas sobre el tema. No le va a Ilevar mis de veinte minutes, a no ser

que quiera alargar sobre algun tema.

Me gustaria grabar sus respuestas, si esta bien con Ud.; asi no me equivocard a la hora de escribir mi informed para

la profesora que me dirige esta investigaci6n. Ella se llama Dr. Geraldine Nichols, y Ud. puede mandar un mensaje

a ella a la direcci6n de correo electr6nico Tambidn, Ud. puede Ilamarme por teldfono al

numero 95-457-21-48, y mi direcci6n de e-mail es Si decidiera publicar los resultados de

este studio, los entrevistados serian an6nimos, identificados quizas como "un ecuatoriano de unos 40 ahos" o

algo asi. Quiero aclarar que no soy empleado de ninguna organizaci6n ni gobierno. No hay beneficios director

a participar en esta investigaci6n, ni indemnizaci6n monetaria, ni riesgo de ningun tipo. Desde luego, si hay

alguna pregunta que prefiera no contestar, puede decirmelo y no contestarla. Si tiene preguntas sobre sus


derechos como participate en este trabajo, Ud. puede ponerse en contact con la administraci6n de la

Universidad de Florida a PO Box 112250, Gainesville, FL,USA 32351. Si est6 conforme, podemos comenzar.

1. aDe d6nde es Ud.?

2. aCuindo lleg6 Ud. a Espaia?

3. aPor que vino a Espaia?

4. LEst6 aqui con algunos familiares?

1. aPor que vinieron ellos con Ud.?

5. aC6mo le llam6 la atenci6n Sevilla; por qud decidi6 venir precisamente a ella?

6. aQud es lo que le gusta mis de Sevilla o de los sevillanos?

7. ZQud es lo que menos le gusta?

8. aTuvo dificultades en encontrar empleo?

9. aC6mo se gana la vida aqui?

10. aSe pudo emplear en el mismo nivel o el mismo oficio que en su pais de origen?

11. Ud. que Ileva __ ahos aqui, aha experimentado algun rechazo por ser extranjero?

12. aC6mo calificaria la actitud del espahol promedio hacia la inmigraci6n?

13. aTiene algun comentario mis sobre Espaha y su situaci6n, o me puede sugerir otra pregunta para mis entrevistas?

Appendix D

Bucky Whart


Hello. My name is Bucky Wharton and I am a student at the University of Florida in the United States. I am doing

a research project about Latin American immigration to Spain, and above all, to the city of Seville. The proposition

of my research project is to know some about what has motivated people to immigrate here, how they are

adapting, and what opinion they have of the county, the city of Seville in particular. I hope you would like

to participate in my study, answering some questions about the theme. The interview will not last longer than

twenty minutes, unless you would like to elaborate on any themes.

I would like to record your answers, if that is acceptable for you; this way I will not be mistaken about

information when it is time to write the paper for the teacher with whom I work. Her name is Dr. Geraldine

Nichols, and can send her an e-mail message at the address Also, you can call me at

the telephone number 95-457-21-48 and my e-mail address is If I decide to publish the results

of this study, the names of individuals interviewed will be anonymous, identified in the fashion: "a person

from Ecuador, 40 years old," or something similar. I would like to clarify that I am not an employee of

any organization or government. There are no direct benefits for participating in this investigation, nor

monetary compensation, nor risk of any kind. At any time, if there is a question you would not like to answer,

you can notify me and not answer it. If you have questions about your rights as a participant in this study, you

my contact the administration of the University of Florida at PO Box 112250, Gainesville, FL, USA 32351. If this

is acceptable, we can begin.

1. Where are you from?

2. When did you come to Spain?

3. Why did you come to Spain?

4. Are you here with any relatives?

1. Why did they come with you?

5. What drew your attention about Seville; why did you decide to come here specifically?

6. What do you like most about Seville and its people?

7. What do you like the least?

8. Has it been difficult to find work?

9. What do you do for a living?

10. Were you able to find employment of the same level or job as in your country of origin?

11. You, who have been here for __ years, have you experienced any rejection for being an immigrant?

12. How would you describe the attitude of the average Spainiard toward immigration?

13. Do the Spanish treat uniquely those who come from Latin America and those who come from Morocco and

other African countries?

1. How old were your children when they arrived?

2. Do your children miss their friends from their country of origin? Have they made many friends here?

14. Do you have anything else you would like to say about Spain and your situation, or can you suggest to me any

other questions for my interviews?


1. Birth Rate (or crude birth rate): The number of live births per 1,000 population in a given year (Population

Reference Bureau). Death Rate (or crude death rate): The number of deaths per 1,000 population in a given

year (PRB). Natural Increase (or Decrease): The surplus (or deficit) of births over deaths in a population in a

given time period (PRB). Back

2. Detailed information regarding the natural increase rates in Spain from the years 1975-2004 can be consulted

by clicking on series data at the website:

2Fp318%2F&O=inebase&N=&L=1 (3) Back

3. Specific and complete 2004 data can be found and dissected at the interactive link (11) Back


1. Aldrey Vazquez, Josd Antonio, and Rosa Maria Verdugo Matds. "Iberoamericanizaci6n de la inmigraci6n espahola

a comimenzos del siglo XXI. " Cuadernos Americanos 4.106 (2004): 149-168.

2. Campos, Abigail. "Los hijos de inmigrantes podran legalizarse tras 2 ahos en Espaha." Diario de Sevilla 8 June

2005: 42.

3. De la Hera, Jose Maria. "Una de cada diez mujeres que dan a luz en Andalucia es inmigrante." Diario de Sevilla

24 May 2005: 46.

4. "El 70% de extranjeros se siente 'en casa'." Diario de Sevilla 4 June 2005: 43.

5. "Glossary of Population Terms." Taken from the Population Reference Bureau's Population Handbook

(4th International Edition, 1998). 22 August 2005.

6. Godoy, Pope. "Empleo vergonzante." Diario de Sevilla 13 June 2005: 5.

"Indicadores Demogrificos Basicos."Analisis y studios demograficos. 22 August 2005.
inebase/cgi/um?M=%2Ft20%2Fp318%2F&O=inebase&N=& L=1>.

7. "Immigration Crackdown Sparks Protests." CNN/Reuters. 22 August 2005.
WORLD/europe/01/23/spain.immigration/index.html >.

8. "Inmigraciones de extranjeros procedentes del extranjero por pais de procedencia y provincia de destino."

Estadistica de variaciones residenciales 2004. 22 August 2005.
AXIS_PATH=/inebase/temas/t20/p307/ a2004/10/&FILE_AXIS=0206112.px&CGI_DEFAULT=/inebase/temas/cgi.

opt& COMANDO=SELECCION&CGI_URL=/inebase/cgi/>.

9. Jimdnez Gilvez, Josd Antonio. Relaciones entire trabajadoras/es inmigrantes y aut6ctonos/as en el sector del

servicio domrstico en Sevilla. Analisis del discurso. Seville: CCOO, 2003.

10. Merino Hernando, Asunci6n. "Relaciones entire gente, cultural y lugar en el fen6meno migratorio contemporaneo:

Los peruanos en Espaha." Revista de Indias. 63.229 (September-December 2003): 737-756.

11. Ortega Pdrez, Nieves. "Spain: Forging an Immigration Policy." Migration Information Source 2003. 22 August
2005. .

12. "Spain Launches Immigrant Amnesty." 22 August 2005..

13. "Spain Map." 22 August 2005. .


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