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Melville’s Ragged Edges: Multiple Narrators and the Search for Truth in Melville’s Moby-Dick and Billy Budd, Sailor

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Melville’s Ragged Edges: Multiple Narrators and the Search for Truth in Melville’s Moby-Dick and Billy Budd, Sailor
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Journal of Undergraduate Research
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Stout, Sara
Smith, Stephanie ( Reviewer )
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Gainesville, Fla.
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University of Florida
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Melville's Ragged Edges: Multiple Narrators and the Search for

Truth in Melville's Moby-Dick and Billy Budd, Sailor


College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, University of Florida



The symmetry of form attainable in pure fiction cannot so readily be achieved in a narration
essentially having less to do with fable than with fact. Truth uncompromisingly told will always
have its 1, .'..', 1 edges.
-Herman Melville


The narrator of Billy Budd, Sailor thus warns his readers
not to expect any degree of neatness, narrative or
otherwise, in the conclusion of his "Inside Narrative." The
close of the novella, with its three distinct endings,
certainly warrants the narrator's disclaimer, but Melville's
words describe much more than the close of his last work:
they acutely describe the close of his authorial career.
In 1851 with the publication of Moby-Dick, Melville
abandoned symmetry of form in his fiction in favor of a
search for truth-the truth of human nature, of man's
relations with the divine, of man's relations with others.
Melville searches most vehemently for these truths in two
tales of intrigue at sea: Moby-Dick and Billy Budd, Sailor.
In each of these sea-stories, Melville sacrifices symmetry
of narrative form to try to arrive at truth uncompromisingly
told and understood. As Melville searches for truth in these
texts, each undergoes a powerful change in narrator and
narrative structure. Ishmael, the first person narrator of
Moby-Dick, almost entirely disappears as other characters
engage in soliloquy. He also presents interactions he could
not possibly have observed first hand. In Billy Budd, the
story's unnamed inside narrator limits his commentary,
endangers his credibility, and ends the work with a
republished naval chronicle article and a poem written by
Billy's crewmates.
Both of these stories take place in the societal
microcosm of ships at sea and both involve intrigue and the
darker side of human nature. An obsessive, possibly mad
captain leads the Pequod in Moby-Dick, while a rumored
mutiny, a murder and a subsequent hanging stun the crew
of the Bellipotent in Billy Budd. And yet Melville never
quickly or assuredly condemns one side of the intrigue as
evil and upholds the other as good. Plot developments
occur in gray instead of black and white as Melville
searches for the truth in every situation and finds great
complexities. In both tales, Melville reflects and explores
these complexities of truth by altering his narrative
structure and utilizing multiple narrators and narrative
forms.


1

In her essay, "Melville's Quarrel with Fiction," critic
Nina Baym argues that with Mardi, Melville first
transformed from "entertainer to truth teller."' Baym
argues that Melville continued to squabble with fiction and
its inabilityy to convey truth throughout his career as he
struggled to reconcile his need for sustenance with his
desire to explore deeper moral and philosophical ground.
She contends that Melville's quarrel and his search for
truth play themselves out through his manipulation of
"fictive modes" and genres. Baym aptly describes and
characterizes Melville's continual inclusion of truth as an
important force in his later works, but she largely ignores
all that Melville manipulates within his fictitious plots and
characters to arrive at truth. She fails to adequately explain
his "fictive mode" methods.
I argue that Melville's use of multiple narrators and
narrative strategies allows him to explore truth by
establishing sets of multiple perspectives on single
issues-in Moby-Dick and Billy Budd, issues of intrigue at
sea. Melville's use of multiple narrative strategies within a
single, longer prose work is largely unique to these two of
his tales, both of which were composed as his literary
career had faltered and failed with critics and readers alike.
Melville's early popular works, and early attempts at
popular works, shun narrative exploration and focus less on
abstract truths of man and more on descriptive truths of
travelogue. However, only five years after bursting onto
the popular literature scene with the straightforward travel
narrative Typee, Melville firmly abandoned the sphere of
the merely entertaining with the amalgamation of genre
and narrative styles that is Moby-Dick.

2

In his "Introduction" to New Essays on Moby-Dick,
Richard H. Brodhead calls Captain Ahab "one of the few
American contributions to that handful of resonant


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Sara Stout





SARA STOUT


names-like Hamlet, or Lear, or Oedipus, or Faust-that
seems to sum up some fact of human potential and to bare
the contours of some exemplary human fate."2 Brodhead
fails to specify what potential exactly Ahab embodies that
enables him to bare his exemplary fate of failed vengeance,
but I would argue that Ahab's potential for exposing truth
gives him such narrative might and literary clout. Ahab
possesses the human potential to avenge, and through him
Melville explores the truth and reality of Ahab's desires,
means, and end. Melville conducts these explorations via
changes in narrator and narrative strategy, and as he
changes narrative perspective he repeatedly examines both
the true power of a desire for vengeance and the true nature
of man's relations with the divine.
After Ahab's appearance on the Quarter-Deck in Chapter
36, Ahab's actions and objectives drive the majority of
Moby-Dick's (often interrupted) plot, and Melville affords
multiple characters opportunities to reflect on Ahab's
human potential and what it means for the fate of the
Pequod and its crew. Ishmael first shares his perspective on
the true state of Ahab in "The Quarter-Deck," and then
Melville makes the first major narrative change in the
novel when Ishmael disappears nearly entirely from the
next three chapters. Ahab is the first to give a soliloquy,
and in the next chapter, Starbuck takes the narrative reigns
and presents a soliloquy largely focused on deciphering
Ahab. At the conclusion of Starbuck's narrative, Stubb
begins his own with Ishmael continually absent except for
a few stage directions. In these four chapters, Melville
utilizes four narrators all focused, at least in part, upon the
same enigma: Captain Ahab and his obsession. Each
narrator presents a different perspective on Ahab's human
potential for truth.
Ishmael prefaces this trio of soliloquies with a brief
narrative, but he does so from a unique perspective for a
first person narrator-from a third person objective
perspective. He speaks of the mariners and seamen whom
Ahab addresses abstractly in the third person as though he
were not one of them, even though Ishmael reports that
"the entire ship's company were assembled."3 Ishmael
says, "the company... with curious and not wholly
unapprehensive faces were eyeing him."4 Ishmael never
uses "we," "us," or even "I" in the chapter and does not
include himself in the company even though he is clearly a
member. Though Melville leaves Ishmael in charge, he
revokes his first person privileges. As a result, this first
close look into Ahab's obsession becomes less subjective
and more objective. As Melville hunts for the truth in
Ahab, he does not trust the exploration to one character's
first-hand impressions, but instead utilizes a suddenly
removed third person navigating a sea of characters'
reactions.
With "Sunset," the chapter after "The Quarter Deck,"
Melville makes even greater alterations in his narrative
strategies and grapples to find the truth of Ahab's potential


by zeroing in on one perspective. Ishmael disappears
entirely from the chapter except for the presence of two
sets of stage directions. Ahab takes the role of first person
narrator as he delivers a soliloquy. Ishmael excludes
himself from the scene as he specifies in his stage
directions that Ahab is "sitting alone, and gazing out"' as
he delivers the soliloquy, and Melville uses Ahab's
narration to explore Ahab's desire for vengeance as one
based on justice, divine duty, and his personal power.
Throughout the soliloquy, Ahab muses on his quest for
vengeance through the use of complicated metaphors and
metonymies. He bases one of his most powerful symbolic
representations of his quest for revenge on the "Iron Crown
of Lombardy." Ahab muses, "Is, then, the crown too heavy
that I wear? this Iron Crown of Lombardy."6 The Iron
Crown of Lombardy was used to coronate rulers of the
Holy Roman Empire and is said to contain an iron nail
originally used to crucify Christ.7 Ahab's choice of the Iron
Crown to represent his burden yields great insight into the
captain's perspective on his quest for vengeance. Just as
Holy Roman Emperors saw the Iron Crown, Ahab
considers his quest both noble and ordained and bestowed
by God. Ahab does not see his hunt as selfish, obsessive, or
spiteful, but as a crown and responsibility given to him
rather than taken up. When Melville has Ahab use this
metonymy to symbolize his desire for vengeance, he
considers whether Ahab's true potential is one of god-
ordained justice. He switches narrators to examine the
world according to Ahab and to ascertain whether Ahab's
world is indeed truth.
With the second half of "Sunset," Melville builds on
Ahab's invocation of the gods in the first half of his
soliloquy, and he begins to question another ultimate truth:
what is man's proper relation to the gods? In the first half
of his soliloquy, Ahab seems to draw justification for his
vengeance via his perceived role as an agent of the divine,
but his attitude drastically changes. As Ahab continues in
his musings, his consideration of his quest shifts to an all-
out indictment of and challenge to the gods. Ahab explores
his relation to the divine as he makes a prediction: "I now
prophecy that I will dismember my dismemberer."8 With
this prediction, Ahab usurps power over his life and
situation from the gods and Melville begins to explore the
potential free will has in overturning any divine plan. Soon
Ahab's soliloquy switches to an apostrophic challenge to
the gods. Ahab shouts, "Come forth from behind your
cotton bags!... Swerve me? ye cannot swerve me, else ye
swerve yourselves! man has ye there,"9 and Melville
considers Ahab's perspective on the truth of man's power
over the gods and their will.
Melville ends Chapter 37 with the end of Ahab's
soliloquy, and he begins Chapter 38 with a fresh set of
stage directions and a fresh narrator, Starbuck. Melville
examines Ahab's take on truth in "Sunset," and with
"Dusk" (Chapter 38) Melville considers the merits of


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Starbuck's view. While symbolism characterizes Ahab's
words, Starbuck remains considerably more direct. He
characterizes Ahab before the close of the first sentence as
a "madman" and additionally calls him an "insufferable
sting"10 and a "horrible old man."11 Utilizing Starbuck as a
narrator allows Melville to explore the true nature of
Ahab's potential for and obsession with vengeance from
the perspective of (most significantly) a religious person,
and Starbuck takes a unique stance on the immoral and
impious nature of Ahab's desire. Starbuck's objections to
Ahab's power and monomania rest almost entirely on the
deeper issue of man's relation to the divine. Critics Hershel
Parker and Harrison Hayford deftly argue that Starbuck
views Ahab's obsession with revenge as "blasphemous
because Ahab is usurping a privilege of God: 'Vengeance
is mine; I will repay, saith the Lord' (Romans 12:9)."12
Melville casts Starbuck as the devout New England
Protestant, and he perhaps best reflects this role when in
his soliloquy he proclaims, "His heaven-insulting purpose,
God may wedge aside."13 In calling Ahab's quest for
revenge "his heaven-insulting purpose," Starbuck casts
Ahab's object not as just and ordained, but as sinful,
selfish, and irreverent. Melville then makes the second half
of Starbuck's sentence an appeal to the greater power of
God and consequently considers a different take on the
man/god relationship. Starbuck defers to and calls on the
greater power of God and accepts that as man he possesses
little power over Ahab. With Ahab as narrator, Melville
considers the possibility that human potential can match
and surpass that of the gods; when Starbuck acts as
narrator, Melville examines the potential need for
deference to the gods.
After Starbuck's turn as narrator, Melville provides yet
another soliloquy on Ahab and vengeance, this one offered
by second mate Stubb. Stubb considers the events of the
quarter-deck and says, "I've been thinking over it ever
since, and that ha, ha's the final consequence. Why so?
Because a laugh's the wisest, easiest answer to all that's
queer; and come what will, one comfort's always left-that
unfailing comfort is, it's all predestinated."14 Unlike Ahab
and Starbuck's thoughts, Stubb's considerations lead him
to a total dismissal of Ahab's power. Stubb revels in the
thought that human potential has no power over the events
of the universe. With Stubb's assertion that predestined
fate will always trump the free will of mere men, Melville
considers yet another take on the truth of the power of
vengeance: that power simply does not exist. With this
conclusion, Melville also considers another answer to the
question of man's proper relation to the divine, for Stubb
comes to the resounding conclusion that men and their
desires are mere pawns to the fateful power of the gods.
Baym asserts that truthut, in Melville's later serious
formulation, refers to the inspired articulation of intuited
general laws about ultimate reality.""15 Melville certainly
explores the truth of vengeance and man's relation to the
divine in Ahab's quarter-deck speech and the three swift,


distinctive narrator and perspective changes, but at the end
of Stubb's soliloquy, Melville seems to have not yet
reached, or at least not yet revealed, any one articulation of
ultimate reality. This situation changes with the end of the
chase, the destruction of the Pequod, the death of the
majority of the crew, and Ishmael's epilogue.
In closing the novel with Ishmael's fateful escape from
death, Melville seems to side with Stubb and count on the
truth that when it comes to man and the divine, "it's all
predestinated." In the paragraph in which Ishmael narrates
his survival after the wreck of Pequod, no less than nine
counts of extraordinarily good fortune befall him. He
replaces Fedallah as Ahab's bowsman, falls just astern
when thrown from the whale-boat, reaches the vortex of
the sinking ship when it is mere a "creamy pool,"16 has the
bubble of the vortex burst as he reaches it, receives a
"coffin life-buoy shot lengthwise from the sea,"17 floats on
a "soft and dirge-like main,""8 and meets only sharks with
seemingly "padlocks on their mouths"19 and "savage sea-
hawks with sheathed beaks" until the Rachel found him,
"another orphan."20 With this extraordinary blend of good
luck and unlikely happenings, Melville clearly intends
Ishmael's survival and its means to be marks of the divine.
Melville decidedly advocates the role of fate and
predestination in man's relation to the divine.

3

Billy Budd, Sailor's fixation on the truth begins on the
title page with the novella's subtitle: "An Inside
Narrative." Thus from the very beginning, Melville
promises a more accurate and factual look at the story of
the Bellipotent's "Handsome Sailor" by virtue of the telling
coming from within rather than without. The narrator never
specifies what makes his narrative "Inside," but nearing the
end of his work he promises his reader, "How it fared with
the Handsome Sailor during the year of the Great Mutiny
has been faithfully given."21 Like Ishmael, throughout the
course of his novel, the unnamed third person narrator of
Billy Budd reports conversations he could not have heard
personally. He is largely omniscient and freely discourses
on the personal thoughts and emotions of Claggart, Billy,
Vere, and the Bellipotent's crew as a whole. Very
significantly, though, the narrator ends the novella not with
his own omniscient, inside commentary but with a
reprinted naval chronicle news article and an edition of a
poem Billy's crewmates wrote and published to
commemorate him.
The narrator promises the reader that these "sequel[s]"
are merely the "ragged edges of a truth uncompromisingly
told,"22 but both the news article and the poem present as
truth two pictures directly in conflict with the "Inside
Narrative" of the narrator. The narrator rebukes neither
document, and he offers little commentary other than
providing the historical context of each. Melville thus ends
a narrative supposedly built on supplying factual and


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SARA STOUT


universal truth with two sources denying its truth. The
critic and careful reader cannot help but wonder, in the
words of Donald Yannella in his "Introduction" to New
Essays on Billy Budd, "What was the truth [Melville] was
trying to convey?"23
By the time Melville died leaving Billy Budd unfinished,
he was considerably more disillusioned than he was while
penning Moby-Dick. Melville had lived through the Civil
War and Reconstruction and had suffered the failure of his
masterpiece and his literary career. With Moby-Dick,
Melville used multiple narrative strategies and perspectives
to explore and eventually arrive at truth, but when Melville
tried to do the same in Billy Budd, the nearest he got to
truth was the concession that, in Baym's words, "intuited
general laws about ultimate reality" might not exist. As
John Wenke argues in his critical essay "Melville's
Indirection: Billy Budd, the Genetic Text, and the 'Deadly
Space Between,'" Melville continually crafted and
recrafted, cast, and recast the story and characters of Billy
Budd.24 Wenke explains, "Melville's shifting intentions,
and the words that reflect them, emerge as part of a
complex activity of trial and transformation. Indeed, over
five slow years, Melville was rereading and remaking a
text that intrigued, haunted, and even baffled him."25 Like
Ahab hunting the White Whale, Melville was hunting truth,
and he never captured it.
Close readings of Billy Budd's final two chapters and the
narrative changes they contain reflect the lack of and
undermining of the truth of the "Inside Narrative." In his
preface to the naval chronicle article that serves as the
centerpiece of Chapter 29, the narrator specifies that the
article was published in a chronicle that was "an authorized
weekly publication."26 He says the article was "doubtless
written in good faith, though the medium, partly rumor,
through which the facts must have reached the writer
served to deflect and in part falsify them."27 Though with
these words the narrator attempts to brand the article false,
a careful reader uses this preface to question the authority
of the narrator as much as the authority of the naval
chronicle. The narrator specifies that the naval chronicle
was "an authorized weekly publication," but he never
reveals so much about his own credibility or role. He
presents himself as the ultimate myth debunker in the story
of Billy Budd, but he never alludes to his sources of
information or his investigative methods. The narrator
additionally calls the article "written in good faith" just a
chapter after he deems his own account "faithfully given."
The narrator's tying of "faith" to his own supposedly true
account and an account he deems false asks the question of
how much "faith" is really worth in matters of truth.
The naval chronicle article goes on to present
characterizations of Claggart and Billy that clearly
contradict the portraits painted by the narrator in the earlier
parts of the narrative. Billy appears as "one William
Budd," a mutinous, criminal "ringleader" of "extreme


depravity" who "vindictively stabbed" (rather than hit) and
killed Claggart.28 Claggart is portrayed as a "man
respectable and discreet" with a "strong patriotic
impulse."29 Like the narrator, the article presents no
sources for its content, but it presents each and every detail
as a careful, faithful recitation of fact. Some editorializing
certainly occurs in adjective choice and characterization,
but it exists in the article in no greater a degree than it does
in narrator's earlier words. The narrator does not dwell on
the article's supposed inaccuracies. Instead, he specifies
that it "is all that hitherto has stood in human record to
attest what manner of men respectively were John Claggart
and Billy Budd."30 With these final words on the article,
Melville only further endangers his narrator's claims to the
possession of truth. If this article were all that existed and
Claggart, Budd, and Vere have all since died, how did the
narrator come into the actual truth of his narrative?
Melville hacks away at his narrator's credibility and leaves
his reader intrigued, haunted, and baffled regarding the
truth of Billy and Claggart.
Even without the testimonies of Capt. Vere, Billy, and
Claggart, the crew of the Bellipotent survives to tell the
tale. However, as the final chapter of Billy Budd proves,
their rendition of events differs not only from that of the
naval chronicles but also from the narrator's version. In the
narrator's prologue to "Billy in the Darbies," the crew's
reaction to the proceedings, he exercises his omniscience in
his characterizing the knowledge and emotions of Billy's
crewmates. The narrator indiscriminately clumps them all
together and says, "Ignorant though they were of the secret
facts of the tragedy... they instinctively felt that Billy was
a sort of man as incapable of mutiny as of wilfull
murder."31 The narrator's earlier story corroborates the
crew's opinion of Billy's inabilities to mutiny and commit
murder, but significantly, the crewmates' poem makes no
reference to Billy's guilt or innocence or the situation that
forced Billy into the darbies. Though both the narrator and
the naval chronicle concern themselves with the "facts of
the tragedy," the crewmates' poem is based on imagined
details and presentation of "the fresh young image of the
Handsome Sailor."32 In ending his novella with this change
in focus, Melville seems to abandon his hunt for truth in
the events aboard the Bellipotent and instead settles merely
with a re-imagining of Billy.
A first-person representation of Billy narrates the poem,
and the lines work to illustrate Billy's grand naivete and
good nature beyond all other facts. The first lines present
Billy as humble and unselfish: "Good of the Chaplain to
enter Lone Bay / And down on his marrow-bones here and
pray / For the likes just o' me, Billy Budd."33 Billy's
crewmates are also sure to cast his naivete: "But Donald he
has promised to stand by the plank; / So I'll shake a
friendly hand ere I sink."34 When Melville switches
narrators and narrative strategies in this chapter, he uses the


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crewmate's poem and first person Billy to largely support
the narrator's earlier characterization of Billy.
Nevertheless, Melville's narrative changes provide
important insight into his search for truth. While the
narrator concerns himself with the "truth" of the factual
details and events of Billy's time on the Bellipotent, the
scene of "Billy in the Darbies" is completely imagined.
Melville ends both the chapter and the entire novella with
the crew's imagining. Melville offers no grand summations
or universal articulations in the poem or its preface.
Instead, with the last line of the poem, Billy lies
somewhere between human sleep in the brig and eternal
sleep at the bottom of the sea, and his guilt or innocence
remains unaddressed. There are no questions of justice,
authority, or morality and there is no grappling for truth.
Instead, Billy and Melville have given up and are quiet.

4

In his essay "Moby-Dick as Sacred Text," critic
Lawrence Buell proclaims that Melville "like [d] to think of


his vocation as truth telling rather than tale telling."35
Examinations of Moby-Dick and Billy Budd testify to the
truth of Buell's argument and to Melville's own obsession
with truth. As Melville explored the truth of the power of
vengeance and man's relation to the divine in Moby-Dick,
he deftly changed narrators to use perspective in his
considerations, and with Ahab's destruction and Ishmael's
survival, he crafted his masterpiece's ending to reflect his
conclusions. With Billy Budd, Sailor, Melville's take on
truth and its very existence seems to have changed. He uses
the same literary strategy in altering narrator to explore
truth, but Melville's presentation of the naval chronicle
article only casts doubt on his narrator's earlier avowed
truth. In ending the novella with the imaginative poem by
Billy's crewmates, Melville seems to question whether
universal truths are worthwhile or even possible. The
novella and Melville's "vocation of truth telling"
ultimately end with doubt, irresolution, and the death of
both Billy and Melville.


Endnotes

1 Nina Baym, "Melville's Quarrel with Fiction," PMLA 94 (1979): 909.

2 Richard H. Brodhead, "Introduction," New Essays on Moby-Dick, ed. Richard H. Brodhead (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1994), 2.

3 Melville, Herman. Moby-Dick, Second Edition (Norton Critical Editions). Ed. Hershel Parker and Harrison Hayford. (New York: W. W. Norton, 2001), 136.
4 Ibid., 137.

5 Ibid., 141.
6 Ibid., 143.


Philipp Blom, To Have and to Hold: An Intimate History of Collectors and C


(New York: Allen Lane/Penguin, 2002), 146.


8 Melville, 143.

9 Ibid.

10 Ibid., 144.

11 Ibid.
12 Ibid., 139.

13 Ibid., 144.
14 Ibid., 145.

15 Baym, 910.
16 Melville, 427.

17 Ibid.

18 Ibid.

19 Ibid.
20 Ibid.

21 Hennan ii el ille.. 5,,, Budd and Other Stories (New York: Penguin Books, 1986), 380.
22 Ibid., 381.
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SARA STOUT


23 Donald Yannella, "Introduction," New Essays o, b,,, Budd, ed. Donald Yannella (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002), 5.

24 "Melville's Indirectioni: 5,,i Budd, the Genetic Text, and the 'Deadly Space Between,'" New Essays o, 5,,, Budd, ed. Donald Yannella (Cambridge: Cambridge UP,
2002), 114-41.

25 Ibid., 117.

:-' L il v QBudd and Other Stories, 382.

27 Ibid.

28 Ibid.

29 Ibid., 383.

30 Ibid.

31 Ibid.

32 Ibid., 384.

33 Ibid.

34 Ibid., 385.

35 Lawrence Buell, i , -Dick as Sacred Text," New Essays on Moby-Dick, ed. Richard H. Brodhead (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1994), 53.


Bibliography


Baym, Nina. "Melville's Quarrel with Fiction." PMLA 94 (1979): 909-21.

Blom, Philipp. To Have and to Hold: An Intimate History of Collectors and Collecting. New York: Allen Lane/Penguin, 2002.

Brodhead, Richard H. "Introduction." New Essays onMoby-Dick. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1994.

Buell, Lawrence. "Moby-Dick as Sacred Text." New Essays onMoby-Dick. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1994.

Melville, Herman. Moby-Dick. 2nd Edition. 1851. Ed. Hershel Parker and Harrison Hayford. New York: W. W. Norton, 2001.

---. 5,, Budd and Other Stories. 1924. New York: Penguin Books, 1986.

Wenke, John. "Melville's Ii..I.i ..,, , Budd, the Genetic Text, and the 'Deadly Space Between'" New Essays o. 5b. Budd. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002.
114-41.

Yannella, Donald. "Introduction." New Essays o.i 5b,, Budd. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002.






























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IDENTIFYING STRATEGIES FOR THE PREVENTION OF VOCAL PROBLEMS AMONG POTENTIAL MUSIC EDUCATORS


180
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Figure 2: Vocal misuses identified in the warm-up by instrument




University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
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* Throat-clearing



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EMERSON RICHARDS


lacking."6 This shadow of incest connected with
Mordred continued to grow and mutated into having a
greater degree of influence in the legend, yet "the
English were quite undeterred in their admiration by
the incest charge."7 In fact, Fanni Bogdanow, author
of The Romance of the Grail, stated that "the theme of
Mordred's incestuous birth seems to serve mainly to
heighten the horror of the final tragedy."8 Malory
eventually transformed Arthur's fatal flaw of incest,
which the French authors initially presented, into the
mechanism that made Arthur the tragic hero. Arthur's
realization of the patricide and filicide, inflicted
respectively on and by his son and himself, is the real
tragedy of Camelot, not Lancelot and Guinevere's
courtly affair. In fact, Lancelot's dalliance with
Guinevere could have been permitted, or at least
overlooked if not excused, if Mordred and his faction
had not forced Arthur to recognize it.
The transformation of Mordred from a figure in
annals to a villain and, though briefly, into a hero, is
exemplary of this correlation between geography and
the effects on narratives. After the Annales Cambriae
mentioned him, the character of Mordred became
more defined in later texts. The Annales did not state
whether Medraut and Arthur fell supporting or
opposing each other. In Henry of Huntington's
Historia Anglorum, however, written in 1129 (about
150 years after the Welsh Annales), Mordred was a
distinctly evil character. He "usurps the [Arthur's]
throne and marries Arthur's wife."9 Although
Mordred may have been villainous since his inception,
it is not until later narratives that his motivations for
such villainy are enumerated. As with all of the
figures in Arthurian legend, as time progresses, his
character became more complex.
By the twelfth century, Geoffrey of Monmouth's
histories subscribed Mordred's place of birth to the
Orkney Islands, off the coast of Scotland. To make a
man of the North, closer to Scottish than British, a
villain, a usurper of thrones and an often incestuous
adulterer with Arthur's queen Guinevere, is indicative
of the racism towards the Scottish and Pictish tribes
from the perspective of the inhabitants of the southern
parts of British Island.10 This tradition of the treachery
of Mordred, as typically described in the earlier
versions of the Arthur story, continued until the
legend diffused to Scotland and Scottish authors re-
interpreted the legend in the fourteenth century;
Mordred, in the hands of Scottish authors, was
transformed from a villainous usurper into a wronged
hero. In Chronica gentis Scotorum, attributed to John


of Fordun in the mid- to late-fourteenth century,
"Gawain and Mordred had a right to the throne,""11 the
logic being that "since Arthur was illegitimate,
Mordred, as Lot's son, was the rightful heir to the
British throne."12 In fact, Rosemary Morris purposes
that "the whole tragedy, from Historia regum
britanniae onwards, hinges on the succession."13
While "Mordred's claim [to the throne] is vindicated
by the Scots," Morris suggests that this issue of
legitimacy became more important in Scottish texts
than the interpersonal relationship between Mordred
and Arthur and the indeterminate sin of incest.14
Instead of moral transgressions, Mordred's presence
at Camelot became an issue of succession and
transcended into international politics. Fordun's
statement is perhaps not surprising, given that the
author and his audience were likely Scottish.15 Thus,
Mordred was no longer portrayed as a traitor, but
rather as the party wronged by the usually heroic King
Arthur. The Mordred figure and his "rebellion"
represented an assertion of Gaelic nationalism during
a time of English hegemony towards the North.
In contrast to Morris's interpretation of Mordred's
birth as a commentary on Scots and rights of
succession, Elizabeth Archibald proposes that
Arthur's incest with his sister was less a critique of
Mordred, as it would later become, but more a critique
of Arthur. The French Vulgate cycle was the first text
to describe the incestuous birth of Mordred, circa the
thirteenth century.16 Despite an argument by Guerin in
The Fall of Kings and Princes, which states that
Geoffrey of Monmouth "deliberately suppressed such
a major flaw [as incest] in his hero,"17 most scholars
believe the Vulgate Cycle to be the first work in
which Mordred was conceived by an incestuous
liaison between Arthur and his sister. Though
predating the Hundred Years War, the French
Anglophobia (and, indeed, the English Francophobia)
is apparent throughout the literature. Archibald says
that "the writer [of Agravain, a section in which
Mordred's birth is detailed] seems to have several
aims in developing this story, and on the whole they
are not favourable to Arthur."'8 The positions of
Archibald and Morris on the purpose of Arthur's
incest in the Vulgate cycle, though seemingly
contradictory to each other, are in fact
complementary. Morris continues the argument that
"[t]he incest is not used either to punish Arthur or to
explain Mordred's wickedness,"19 and that
furthermore "[the author] does not assume that
because Mordred is born of incest he is necessarily


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
2




KAY WITKIEWICZ


in July 1847. Concomitantly, wages remained sticky, while
unemployment and underemployment increased primarily
due to growing industrialization.'1 Furthermore, numerous
bread riots and the Berlin Potato Revolution in April,
during which a hungry mob pillaged a Berlin market place
and stoned the royal palace of the king's brother,
characterized the spring and summer of 1847.1 Depraved
economic conditions played a prominent role in the
revolutionary upheaval in 1848 and 1849, which further
contributed to German emigration.
As market failures made personal and institutional
bankruptcies unavoidable, Germans expected their
respective state governments to respond with protective
measures to curtail the widespread economic hardship.
However, instead of fulfilling Germans' expectations of
vigorous intervention on their subjects' behalf, states
reacted complacently and with violent repression, such as
when Prussian police forces beat back rioters during the
Potato Revolution.12 Spurred by the economic crisis,
liberal-minded Germans also opposed unresponsive state
governments and called for sweeping political reforms. By
March 1848, revolution, albeit unevenly, had spread
throughout the German states, most prevalent in urban
areas and regions in transition from protoindustrialization
to full-scale industrialization.'3
Unlike a year earlier, state governments did not repress
large-scale demonstrations and popular petitions. Instead,
in what has been described by one historian as a "collective
loss of nerve," rulers conceded to the popular will and
promised reform.14 Elections for the German national
parliament in May 1848, in which every independent adult
male could vote, became the proving ground for reformers.
Assembled in Frankfurt's Paulskirche, several positions
were evident. Among the liberal-minded Germans, liberals
distinguished themselves from democrats. Generally,
liberals were not explicitly against the monarchical system,
but they endorsed constitutional rule and representative
legislative bodies elected not via universal manhood
suffrage, but via a minority of men of intelligence and
wealth. In contrast, democrats can be described as more
radical liberals, often favoring universal manhood suffrage
and popular sovereignty over monarchical rule.
Conservative elements who defended the existing
bureaucratic order also attended the national assembly.'5
These disparate ideological positions further obscured the
broader divide between the political and the social
revolution that had brought about the meeting at Frankfurt.
In fact, the delegates to the national assembly were not
directly elected because in many states, such as
Wiirttemberg, adult males were not considered independent
if they were wage workers or welfare recipients, and thus
they could not vote for delegates to the assembly. As a
result, the delegates did not represent the concerns of the
lower middle class and the peasantry, who primarily sought
state-guided relief policies that alleviated the hardships of
industrialization.16 Ultimately, the failure to unite political


and social aims, the failure to coordinate the national
government with the states' governments, and indecision
about German territorial sovereignty, exacerbated by
regional differences, proved the demise of the Frankfurt
Parliament. Even violent attempts at a second revolution-
most notably in Baden where Hecker and other
revolutionaries sought to establish a democratic republic-
could not overcome legislative impotence as Prussian
forces, buoyed by the parliamentary deadlock, quickly
subdued the agitators.7 The upheaval of 1848 and 1849
was effectively over, and for many Germans unhappy with
the outcome, emigration-to the United States or
elsewhere-became an attractive option.
The failure of the revolution is often credited with
inciting the tremendous waves of German immigration to
the United States in the 1850s. Certainly, a significant
number of German liberals and intellectuals, disgruntled
with the outcome at Frankfurt, left for the United States-
Hecker among them-but most German migrants during
that time likely were not politically motivated. Instead,
most Germans ventured across the Atlantic for economic
reasons. Already poor and destitute-in part due to
increasing industrialization, rural overpopulation, and the
economic crises of the mid-1840s-and with government
relief unlikely, many lower- and middle-class Germans
from both rural and urban areas scrounged together the
money necessary to move to America, where economic
opportunity abounded.
German migrants to the United States, and St. Louis in
particular, generally traveled along one of two routes via
steamship. Leaving northern Germany, the journey began
in Bremerhaven with stops in Virginia and Maryland,
down the Ohio River to Cincinnati, and then on to St.
Louis. Leaving southern Germany, the journey began in Le
Havre, France, on to New Orleans, and then up the
Mississippi River to St. Louis. 8 Although recent historical
literature has shied away from crediting Gottfried Duden's
widely successful 1829 Report on a Journey to the Western
United States ofAmerica for sparking German immigrants'
interest in settling in Missouri, Duden's account pointed
out one of the main attractions for Germans migrating to
the United States.19 Describing his brief but fruitful stay in
Missouri, Duden praised the abundance and fertility of land
along the Mississippi River, which was a primary reason
why so many Germans settled on America's western
frontier beginning in the 1830s. Furthermore, land was
inexpensive; in 1832, land could be acquired for $1.25 per
acre at a minimum purchase of 40 acres.20 As a result of
accessible travel routes and affordable land, an estimated
5,000 Germans immigrated to St. Louis between 1830 and
1840.21 Although not all came with the expectation of
acquiring land, many, given their agricultural backgrounds
in Germany, did. Nonetheless, St. Louis also offered plenty
of urban socio-economic opportunities for German
migrants as the city grew from 16,469 inhabitants in 1840
into one of the nation's most populous by midcentury.22
into one of the nation's most populous by midcentury.


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
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SARA STOUT


universal truth with two sources denying its truth. The
critic and careful reader cannot help but wonder, in the
words of Donald Yannella in his "Introduction" to New
Essays on Billy Budd, "What was the truth [Melville] was
trying to convey?"23
By the time Melville died leaving Billy Budd unfinished,
he was considerably more disillusioned than he was while
penning Moby-Dick. Melville had lived through the Civil
War and Reconstruction and had suffered the failure of his
masterpiece and his literary career. With Moby-Dick,
Melville used multiple narrative strategies and perspectives
to explore and eventually arrive at truth, but when Melville
tried to do the same in Billy Budd, the nearest he got to
truth was the concession that, in Baym's words, "intuited
general laws about ultimate reality" might not exist. As
John Wenke argues in his critical essay "Melville's
Indirection: Billy Budd, the Genetic Text, and the 'Deadly
Space Between,'" Melville continually crafted and
recrafted, cast, and recast the story and characters of Billy
Budd.24 Wenke explains, "Melville's shifting intentions,
and the words that reflect them, emerge as part of a
complex activity of trial and transformation. Indeed, over
five slow years, Melville was rereading and remaking a
text that intrigued, haunted, and even baffled him."25 Like
Ahab hunting the White Whale, Melville was hunting truth,
and he never captured it.
Close readings of Billy Budd's final two chapters and the
narrative changes they contain reflect the lack of and
undermining of the truth of the "Inside Narrative." In his
preface to the naval chronicle article that serves as the
centerpiece of Chapter 29, the narrator specifies that the
article was published in a chronicle that was "an authorized
weekly publication."26 He says the article was "doubtless
written in good faith, though the medium, partly rumor,
through which the facts must have reached the writer
served to deflect and in part falsify them."27 Though with
these words the narrator attempts to brand the article false,
a careful reader uses this preface to question the authority
of the narrator as much as the authority of the naval
chronicle. The narrator specifies that the naval chronicle
was "an authorized weekly publication," but he never
reveals so much about his own credibility or role. He
presents himself as the ultimate myth debunker in the story
of Billy Budd, but he never alludes to his sources of
information or his investigative methods. The narrator
additionally calls the article "written in good faith" just a
chapter after he deems his own account "faithfully given."
The narrator's tying of "faith" to his own supposedly true
account and an account he deems false asks the question of
how much "faith" is really worth in matters of truth.
The naval chronicle article goes on to present
characterizations of Claggart and Billy that clearly
contradict the portraits painted by the narrator in the earlier
parts of the narrative. Billy appears as "one William
Budd," a mutinous, criminal "ringleader" of "extreme


depravity" who "vindictively stabbed" (rather than hit) and
killed Claggart.28 Claggart is portrayed as a "man
respectable and discreet" with a "strong patriotic
impulse."29 Like the narrator, the article presents no
sources for its content, but it presents each and every detail
as a careful, faithful recitation of fact. Some editorializing
certainly occurs in adjective choice and characterization,
but it exists in the article in no greater a degree than it does
in narrator's earlier words. The narrator does not dwell on
the article's supposed inaccuracies. Instead, he specifies
that it "is all that hitherto has stood in human record to
attest what manner of men respectively were John Claggart
and Billy Budd."30 With these final words on the article,
Melville only further endangers his narrator's claims to the
possession of truth. If this article were all that existed and
Claggart, Budd, and Vere have all since died, how did the
narrator come into the actual truth of his narrative?
Melville hacks away at his narrator's credibility and leaves
his reader intrigued, haunted, and baffled regarding the
truth of Billy and Claggart.
Even without the testimonies of Capt. Vere, Billy, and
Claggart, the crew of the Bellipotent survives to tell the
tale. However, as the final chapter of Billy Budd proves,
their rendition of events differs not only from that of the
naval chronicles but also from the narrator's version. In the
narrator's prologue to "Billy in the Darbies," the crew's
reaction to the proceedings, he exercises his omniscience in
his characterizing the knowledge and emotions of Billy's
crewmates. The narrator indiscriminately clumps them all
together and says, "Ignorant though they were of the secret
facts of the tragedy... they instinctively felt that Billy was
a sort of man as incapable of mutiny as of wilfull
murder."31 The narrator's earlier story corroborates the
crew's opinion of Billy's inabilities to mutiny and commit
murder, but significantly, the crewmates' poem makes no
reference to Billy's guilt or innocence or the situation that
forced Billy into the darbies. Though both the narrator and
the naval chronicle concern themselves with the "facts of
the tragedy," the crewmates' poem is based on imagined
details and presentation of "the fresh young image of the
Handsome Sailor."32 In ending his novella with this change
in focus, Melville seems to abandon his hunt for truth in
the events aboard the Bellipotent and instead settles merely
with a re-imagining of Billy.
A first-person representation of Billy narrates the poem,
and the lines work to illustrate Billy's grand naivete and
good nature beyond all other facts. The first lines present
Billy as humble and unselfish: "Good of the Chaplain to
enter Lone Bay / And down on his marrow-bones here and
pray / For the likes just o' me, Billy Budd."33 Billy's
crewmates are also sure to cast his naivete: "But Donald he
has promised to stand by the plank; / So I'll shake a
friendly hand ere I sink."34 When Melville switches
narrators and narrative strategies in this chapter, he uses the


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
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MULTIPLE NARRATORS AND THE SEARCH FOR TRUTH IN MELVILLE'S MOBY-DICKAND BILLY BUDD, SAILOR


Starbuck's view. While symbolism characterizes Ahab's
words, Starbuck remains considerably more direct. He
characterizes Ahab before the close of the first sentence as
a "madman" and additionally calls him an "insufferable
sting"10 and a "horrible old man.""1 Utilizing Starbuck as a
narrator allows Melville to explore the true nature of
Ahab's potential for and obsession with vengeance from
the perspective of (most significantly) a religious person,
and Starbuck takes a unique stance on the immoral and
impious nature of Ahab's desire. Starbuck's objections to
Ahab's power and monomania rest almost entirely on the
deeper issue of man's relation to the divine. Critics Hershel
Parker and Harrison Hayford deftly argue that Starbuck
views Ahab's obsession with revenge as "blasphemous
because Ahab is usurping a privilege of God: 'Vengeance
is mine; I will repay, saith the Lord' (Romans 12:9)."12
Melville casts Starbuck as the devout New England
Protestant, and he perhaps best reflects this role when in
his soliloquy he proclaims, "His heaven-insulting purpose,
God may wedge aside."13 In calling Ahab's quest for
revenge "his heaven-insulting purpose," Starbuck casts
Ahab's object not as just and ordained, but as sinful,
selfish, and irreverent. Melville then makes the second half
of Starbuck's sentence an appeal to the greater power of
God and consequently considers a different take on the
man/god relationship. Starbuck defers to and calls on the
greater power of God and accepts that as man he possesses
little power over Ahab. With Ahab as narrator, Melville
considers the possibility that human potential can match
and surpass that of the gods; when Starbuck acts as
narrator, Melville examines the potential need for
deference to the gods.
After Starbuck's turn as narrator, Melville provides yet
another soliloquy on Ahab and vengeance, this one offered
by second mate Stubb. Stubb considers the events of the
quarter-deck and says, "I've been thinking over it ever
since, and that ha, ha's the final consequence. Why so?
Because a laugh's the wisest, easiest answer to all that's
queer; and come what will, one comfort's always left-that
unfailing comfort is, it's all predestinated."'4 Unlike Ahab
and Starbuck's thoughts, Stubb's considerations lead him
to a total dismissal of Ahab's power. Stubb revels in the
thought that human potential has no power over the events
of the universe. With Stubb's assertion that predestined
fate will always trump the free will of mere men, Melville
considers yet another take on the truth of the power of
vengeance: that power simply does not exist. With this
conclusion, Melville also considers another answer to the
question of man's proper relation to the divine, for Stubb
comes to the resounding conclusion that men and their
desires are mere pawns to the fateful power of the gods.
Baym asserts that truthut, in Melville's later serious
formulation, refers to the inspired articulation of intuited
general laws about ultimate reality.""15 Melville certainly
explores the truth of vengeance and man's relation to the
divine in Ahab's quarter-deck speech and the three swift,


distinctive narrator and perspective changes, but at the end
of Stubb's soliloquy, Melville seems to have not yet
reached, or at least not yet revealed, any one articulation of
ultimate reality. This situation changes with the end of the
chase, the destruction of the Pequod, the death of the
majority of the crew, and Ishmael's epilogue.
In closing the novel with Ishmael's fateful escape from
death, Melville seems to side with Stubb and count on the
truth that when it comes to man and the divine, "it's all
predestinated." In the paragraph in which Ishmael narrates
his survival after the wreck of Pequod, no less than nine
counts of extraordinarily good fortune befall him. He
replaces Fedallah as Ahab's bowsman, falls just astern
when thrown from the whale-boat, reaches the vortex of
the sinking ship when it is mere a "creamy pool,"'6 has the
bubble of the vortex burst as he reaches it, receives a
"coffin life-buoy shot lengthwise from the sea,""17 floats on
a "soft and dirge-like main,"'8 and meets only sharks with
seemingly "padlocks on their mouths"19 and "savage sea-
hawks with sheathed beaks" until the Rachel found him,
"another orphan."20 With this extraordinary blend of good
luck and unlikely happenings, Melville clearly intends
Ishmael's survival and its means to be marks of the divine.
Melville decidedly advocates the role of fate and
predestination in man's relation to the divine.

3

Billy Budd, Sailor's fixation on the truth begins on the
title page with the novella's subtitle: "An Inside
Narrative." Thus from the very beginning, Melville
promises a more accurate and factual look at the story of
the Bellipotent's "Handsome Sailor" by virtue of the telling
coming from within rather than without. The narrator never
specifies what makes his narrative "Inside," but nearing the
end of his work he promises his reader, "How it fared with
the Handsome Sailor during the year of the Great Mutiny
has been faithfully given."21 Like Ishmael, throughout the
course of his novel, the unnamed third person narrator of
Billy Budd reports conversations he could not have heard
personally. He is largely omniscient and freely discourses
on the personal thoughts and emotions of Claggart, Billy,
Vere, and the Bellipotent's crew as a whole. Very
significantly, though, the narrator ends the novella not with
his own omniscient, inside commentary but with a
reprinted naval chronicle news article and an edition of a
poem Billy's crewmates wrote and published to
commemorate him.
The narrator promises the reader that these "sequel[s]"
are merely the "ragged edges of a truth uncompromisingly
told,"22 but both the news article and the poem present as
truth two pictures directly in conflict with the "Inside
Narrative" of the narrator. The narrator rebukes neither
document, and he offers little commentary other than
providing the historical context of each. Melville thus ends
a narrative supposedly built on supplying factual and


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
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ON THE BURKEIAN REPRESENTATIVE ANECDOTE AND THE LONGINIAN SUBLIME


representative anecdote by providing too many details.
John F. Kennedy again provides the example. In the first
televised Presidential Debate, Kennedy gave an opening
statement on the state of the nation in which he cited some
statistics and examples through the parallel structure of
"I'm not satisfied" assertions. While the quantity of the
examples possesses persuasive power, the persuasive
quality of the examples wanes. Kennedy solved the
problem with a representative anecdote: "In West Virginia,
here in the United States, where children took home part of
their school lunch in order to feed their families."26 This
representative anecdote clearly compares the current state
of Americans' weak social support to a representative case
of children feeding their parents, which is associated with
the larger idea that the status quo is amiss. This
representative anecdote allegorically affirms that
successive generations have to take care of the failures of
their fathers, implying that the new administration must
rectify the current problems in America. A representative
anecdote possesses great persuasive potential that is lost
amid seven other stories and does not fulfill its potential.
Its rhetoric is forgotten before it is analyzed.

Conclusion

Representative anecdotes, if properly formed, can
sublime ordinary examples. Communicators need only
heed three vital concerns to create the sublime
representative anecdote. First, to ensure a complex and


supple representative anecdote, communicators ought to
include layers of meaning, a proper noun, and possibly a
historical reference. Second, to create representative
anecdotes that are representative of the subject matter,
communicators must seek both synecdochically specific
and yet audience understood examples. Third, to provide
simplicity for ease of understanding the reduction of
subject matter, communicators must allow representative
anecdotes to remain implicit and succinct.
Representative anecdotes complying with the
aforementioned elements achieve sublimity. Through
representation, they raise the ordinary symbol from the
solid state and sublime it into the pervasive, persuasive
conclusion. Sublime representative anecdotes bypass the
more tedious process of transforming an idea into an
acceptable conclusion. Longinus notes that the lengthy,
ordinary process is not merely poor communication, but
communication that is not sublime. Merely good writing
slowly unveils itself as mere chemistry that slowly
transforms a solid into liquid then a gas. On the other hand,
sublimation instantaneously transforms a solid into gas,
akin to sublime writing immediately making itself known.
As Longinus observed, "a well-timed stroke of sublimity
scatters everything before it like a thunderbolt, and in a
flash reveals the full power of the speaker."27 Sublime
representative anecdote persuade like thunderbolts-in a
flash.


Endnotes

1 Samuel Becker quoted in Lloyd Bitzer and Edwin Black,
"Rhetorical Studies of the Modem World," The Prospect of
Rhetoric (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1971): 27, 33.

2 Quoted in Eugene White, "Toward a Taxonomy of
Prescriptive Discourse," Rhetoric in Translation
(Philadelphia, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press,
1980): 89.

3 Kenneth Burke, A Grammar of Motives (New York:
Prentice Hall, 1954): 60.

4 C.K. Ogden and I.A. Richards, The Meaning ofMeaning
(New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Company, 1923): 10.

5 Burke, 60.

6 Encyclopedia Britannica Online, "Allegory." (2010)
ory>


7 Allegories may come in the form of fables, which may be
used for representative anecdotes. Fable-representative
anecdotes are often allegories.

8 Quoted in Halford Ryan, "Democratic Convention
Keynote Address," A Collection ofSpeeches and Critical
Essays, Contemporary American Public Discourse, Third
Edition (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 1992): 365.

9 Longinus, On the Sublime, translated by W. Rhys
Roberts, (London, England: Cambridge University Press,
1935): 59.

10 Ibid., 63.

" Longinus, On the Sublime, translated by T.S. Dorsch,
(Baltimore, MD: Penguin Books, 1965): 107.

12 Quoted in Halford Ryan, "My Side of the Story," A
Collection ofSpeeches and Critical Essays, Contemporary
American Public Discourse, Third Edition, (Long Grove,
IL: Waveland Press, 1992): 128.


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
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JAMES JOYCE AND EMILIA PARDO BAZAN


and Bazan create. I give Bazan the last word: in an article
entitled "Feminismo" (1919), she writes, "Let us console
ourselves with art. Consolkmonos con el arte" (qtd. in
Bieder 54).

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Pardo-Bazan, Emilia. Cuentos Completos. Ed. Juan Paredes-Nuiez. Corunia:
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Pardo-Bazan, Emilia. "The White Horse" and Other Stories. Trans. Robert M.
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Pattison, Walter T. Emilia Pardo Bazdn. New York:
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Villares, Ram6n. Histora de Galicia. Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1985. Print.


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
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EMERSON RICHARDS


accounting." Fisher, John H. "A Language Policy for Lancastrian England."
PMLA. 107.5 (Oct. 1992):1168.
24 The jail at which Malory was incarcerated was in London. However, the author
himself was born Warwickshire.
25 Like many medieval texts, there are several versions, and untiltl 1934, the
edition printed by William Caxon in 1485 was considered the earliest text of Le
Morte d'Arthur"; however, the Winchester Manuscript "bore a composition date
of 1469." Malory, vii.
26 Malory, 58.
27 Malory, 60. Exodus 1:22
28 This is an interesting possibility. If Mordred can be equated to Moses, then
Arthur's court becomes comparable to the subjugating Egyptian royalty. Parallels
can further be drawn in that Mordred, like Moses, did in fact pose a legitimate
threat to the respective kingdoms, which led to destruction. This incident could
also reference the Passover, where the Lord passede] through the land of Egypt
this night, and will smite all the firstborn in the land of Egypt, both man and
beast; and against all the gods of Egypt I will execute judgment" (Exodus 12:12).
1Ii .i 682. "Unhappy," in this context and in other usages contemporary to
Malory, means unfortunate, rather than discontented. Archibald explains the
context of this appellation: "[i]n the Agrainvain Mordred and Lancelot meet a
hermit who tells them that they are the two most unfortunate knights in the world:
Mordred is destined to destroy the Round Table and to kill his father the best man
in the world who will also kill him." Archibald, 204.
30 Malory's version of the Arthurian legend is essentially the culmination of the
French and German traditions. His portrayal of Mordred is standard for a post-
Vulgate, English version.
31 Malory, 28.


32 James united the thrones of Scotland and England; a century later, Scotland
became part of the Kingdom of Great Britain.
33 Erin Ogden-Korus, The Quest: An Arthurian Resource: Sir Mordred (Moscow,
ID: University of Idaho, 1999), accessed April 2009,
http://www.uiweb.uidaho.edu/student orgs/ arthurian
legend/knights/orkney/mordred.html.
34 Malory, 707.
35 In classical literature, the tragic hero is one whose own actions bring about his
downfall. Usually the tragedy, and subsequent catharsis, is brought by an
epiphany that the hero is in fact responsible for his own "undoing." Arthur's
epiphany of his sin and his son is more subtle than that of Oedipus, as Arthur
does not pluck his eyes and curse the day he saw his sister. He "indentifies
Mordred as his son, and swears to kill him." In this case, the tragedy does not
come from the moment of epiphany as in the classic myth, but rather it comes
because of the moment of epiphany. Nevertheless, Arthur is still allowed the
luxury of ascension to the status of tragic hero: despite his transgression, Arthur
is still the idolized Arthur, King of the Britons, about whom songs are still sung
and poems still composed, even in modem day. Mordred does not get this
opportunity. The dual patricide and filicide, coupled with the destruction of the
kingdom and Order which he built, is Arthur's tragedy.
36 Archibald, 212.
37 Ibid., 212.
38 T. H. White, The Once andFuture King (New York: Ace Books, 1987), 611.
39 Ibid., 612.
40 Ibid., 519.
41 Morris, 107.


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
6




KAY WITKIEWICZ


and vigorously defended them in the ranks of the Union
Army. Due to disastrous economic conditions and growing
industrialization throughout the German states, rural and
urban lower-middle-class Germans lacked enough land for
subsistence agriculture and lacked the earning power to
afford rising food prices amidst the economic meltdown.
Moreover, German state governments were unresponsive
to the plight of their citizens, many of whom lacked the
political freedom to air their grievances. Also fed up with
the static political situation, German intellectuals joined the
clamor from below, and by 1848 and 1849, revolution
spread throughout the German states. Although their
attempts at creating a more democratic and accountable
political climate failed, many Germans, intellectual and
indigent, found solace in immigration, especially to St.
Louis.
German immigration to St. Louis in the late 1840s and
throughout the 1850s coincided with and contributed to the
city's increasing development. For the most part, Germans
did not immigrate pell-mell to the city. Instead, through
prior personal connections, previous immigrants helped
recent immigrants adjust to the United States, often by
finding housing and employment for their compatriots. The
rise of German social organizations in the 1850s, such as
the Freie Gemeinde and the Turnverein-which originated
in the German states at the beginning of the nineteenth
century-buoyed transplanted personal relationships and
cohered St. Louis' German element into a city-wide
community. Moreover, these voluntary social associations
not only reinforced Germans' liberal democratic views, but
also offered the opportunity for military drill, which
contributed to Germans' mass enlistment in defense of
Missouri and the Union during the Civil War.
B6mstein's newspaper, the Anzeiger des Westens,
contributed to Germans' sense of community in St. Louis
as well. The most widely-read German-language
newspaper in the city, Bomstein's Anzeiger espoused
freethinking, liberal views, informed Germans of the latest
community activities, and stressed the importance of voting
in order to establish themselves as citizens in their adopted
country. Bomstein's ubiquitous presence throughout St.
Louis German society-he owned several taverns and was
a member in several German social organizations-further
underscored the interconnectedness of the city's German


Endnotes

1 David Blackbourn, History of Germany 1780-1918: The Long
Nineteenth Century, Second Edition (Oxford: Blackwell
Publishing Ltd, 2003), 109.
' "Friedrich Hecker an seine Familie," St. Louis, den 9.
November 1848, in Rheinische Blitter, Unterhaltungsblatt zur
Mannheimer Abendzeitung, No. 132, Mittwoch, den 20.
December, 1848, Box 1, Folder 8: 7. Oct. 1848 NY, 9 Nov. 1848
FH to his family from St. Louis, Friedrich Hecker (1811-1881)


community. As a result of its sheer size and its close-knit
associations, St. Louis' German constituency was a vital
source of political power for state and national politicians.
St. Louis Germans were significant contributors to the
transformation of Missouri politics in the 1850s. Endorsing
Benton and his faction of the Democratic Party that
opposed the extension of slavery in favor of protecting the
socio-economic advancement of free whites in the early
1850s, St. Louis Germans shifted their support to Benton's
ideological successor, Blair, Jr., once Benton declined on
the national political stage. Blair, Jr. continued to espouse
Benton's so-called Free Soil principles, and St. Louis
Germans remained loyal to Blair, Jr. because these
principles were compatible with German immigrants'
visions of the United States. Allegiance to these ideals
transcended the two-party standard as St. Louis Germans
vigorously supported the fledgling Republican Party, led in
Missouri by former Free-Soiler Blair, Jr. St. Louis
Germans were active electors not just in state and national
elections, but also on the municipal level, where prominent
German citizens were usually elected to represent their
constituents. St. Louis Germans vigorously supported
Lincoln's election for president in 1860, and their political
loyalties as well as their community associations
significantly influenced their reactions to the Civil War.
For many St. Louis Germans, defending the Union was
equivalent to defending the socio-economic and political
freedoms that motivated them to immigrate to the United
States in the first place. Personal associations amongst each
other, reinforced by structured community organizations,
enticed many to serve in the army, especially since a
number of German enlistees were already acquainted with
the rigors of military drill. As their military leaders,
German soldiers frequently elected those men who had
previously served as community leaders. Enlistment also
offered young Germans immediate economic benefits in
the form of bounties, while sustaining their dreams of
future socio-economic advancement if only they could
manage to keep the Union intact. Missouri remained in the
Union throughout the Civil War, no less due to the efforts
of St. Louis Germans, and their visions of a democratic
America that safeguarded the socio-economic advancement
of free whites remained intact.


Papers, Collection 451, Western Historical Manuscripts
Collection, University of Missouri-St. Louis, St. Louis, Missouri.
Translation by the author.
3 Albert Bernhardt Faust, The German Element in the United
States, Volume I (New York: The Steuben Society of America,
1927), 582.
Wolfgang Kollmann and Peter Marschalck, "German Emigration
to the United States," translated by Thomas C. Childers, in
Donald Fleming and Bernard Bailyn, Perspectives in American
History, Volume VII: Dislocation and Fie,,, ,t,. The Social
Background of American IJ,,,,,iir,.i (Cambridge: Charles
Warren Center for Studies in American History, 1973), 518.


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
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IDENTIFYING STRATEGIES FOR THE PREVENTION OF VOCAL PROBLEMS AMONG POTENTIAL MUSIC EDUCATORS


50


45


40


35
E
30
2 30

u)
E 25
I-
0
20
E
S15


10


5


0


Throat-Clearing


Pitch Elevation/Decrease Glottal Attacks
Overuse


SInstrumentalists
*Singers


Glottal Fry


Vocal Misuses


Figure 5: Vocal misuses identified during the cool down by instrument


* Breath control
* Breath support
U Tone focus speaking
o Tone focus singing
* Projection
* Prosody
* Overall Body Posture
O Head Alignment
* Neck Alignment
* Chest Open and Erect
D Shoulders relaxed
D Knees loose
* Weight on the balls of the feet


Participant



Figure 6: Perceptual video analysis of desired vocal behaviors by participant







University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
7


-r


3


2


1


0




KAY WITKIEWICZ


106 William H. Lyon, "Claibome Fox Jackson and the Secession
Crisis in Missouri," Missouri Historical Review Vol, 58, No. 4
(1964), 431.
107 Scharf, History ofSt. Louis City and County, I, 597.
108 Lyon, "Claiborne Fox Jackson and the Secession Crisis in
Missouri," 429-30.
109 Christopher Phillips, "The Radical Crusade: Blair, Lyon, and
the Advent of Civil War in Missouri." Gateway Heritage Vol.
10, No. 4 (1990): 24.
"1 Virgil C. Blum, "The Political and Military Activities of the
German Element in St. Louis, 1859-1861," Missouri Historical
Review Vol. 42 (1948), 116.
111 Phillips, "The Radical Crusade," 26-7.
Harvey, "Missouri from 1849 to 1861," 126.
Blum, "The Political and Military Activities of the German
Element of St. Louis," 116-7.
11 Phillips, "The Radical Crusade," 28.
13 Phillips, "The Radical Crusade," 31-8.
114 Blair, Francis Preston, Jr., (1821-1875)," Biographical
Directory of the United States Congress,
http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/biodisplay.pl?index=B00052
3 (accessed 26 April 2010).
Scharf, History ofSt. Louis City and County, I, 458-9.
115 Scharf, History ofSt. Louis City and County, I, 458-61.
Rowan, Germans for a Free Missouri, 230.
Phillips, "The Radical Crusade," 33.
Zucker, "Biographical Dictionary of the Forty-Eighters," in
Zucker, ed., The Forty-Eighters, 334-5.
"Cash Book (Member Dues) 1859-1869," Box 1, Folder 6: Cash
Book (Member Dues) 1859-1869, Frei Gemeinde von St. Louis
Records, 1850-1974, Collection 37, Western Historical
Manuscripts Collection, University of Missouri-St. Louis, St.
Louis, Missouri.
116 Rowan, Germansfor a Free Missouri, 188.


117 Philip D. Stephenson, 'Like Sheep in a Slaughter Pen:' A St.
Louisan Remembers the Camp Jackson Massacre, May 10,
1861." Gateway Heritage Vol. 15, No. 4 (1995), 57-65.
Phillips, "The Radical Crusade," 40-1.
118 Rowan, Germansfor a Free Missouri, 208.
119 Walter Kamphoefner and Wolfgang Helbich, eds., Germans in
the Civil War: The Letters They Wrote Home, translated by
Susan Carter Vogel (Chapel Hill: The University of North
Carolina Press, 2006), 9.
12" "John T. Buegel Civil War Diary, 1861-1864," Folder 2:
Translation, 1861-1862, Miscellaneous Manuscripts, 1840-1863,
Collection Number: C1844, Western Historical Manuscripts
Collection, Columbia, Missouri.
121 Rowan, Germans for a Free Missouri, 144 and 230.
Scharf, History ofSt. Louis City and County, I, 458.
Tolzmann, ed., The German Element in St. Louis, 24.
122 "U.S. Reserve Corps, 5th Regiment, Co. A & G, 1862,"
Company Descriptive Book, State of Missouri, The Adjutant
General's Office, Missouri State Archives, Jefferson City,
Missouri.
123 "Letter to Parents, November 27, 1861, Camp near Rolla,
Missouri," Folder 1, Henry Voelkner Letters, 1861-1862,
Miscellaneous Manuscripts, 435-446, Collection Number:
C0436, Western Historical Manuscripts Collection, Columbia,
Missouri.
124 "Letter to Mother and Sister, Camp Halleck near Rolla, Mo.,
January 15, 1862," Folder 1, Henry Voelkner Letters, 1861-1862,
Miscellaneous Manuscripts, 435-446, Collection Number:
C0436, Western Historical Manuscripts Collection, Columbia,
Missouri.
125 "U.S. Reserve Corps, 5t Regiment, Co. A & G, 1862,"
Company Descriptive Book, State of Missouri, The Adjutant
General's Office, Missouri State Archives, Jefferson City,
Missouri.


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
16





CHRISTINA IGLESIAS


British stereotypes portrayed the Irish as simian in
appearance, attitude, and intelligence (Cheng 33). As a
result, many members of the upper classes viewed the
misery of the lower classes as inevitable due to their
fundamental ignorance.
Interestingly enough, both Galicia and Ireland responded
to their respective circumstances with nationalist revival.
Indeed, the Irish Revival and Galician Rexurdiment
coexisted historically in the years before and after the turn
of the century. F.S.L. Lyons writes, "Against the
accusation of barbarism, [the Irish] constructed a consoling
image of an ancient civilization a land of saints and
scholars, a commitment to monastic Christianity that had
laid much of Europe in its debt" (11). Both revivals placed
heavy emphasis on the legacy of a glorious Celtic past, a
heritage both countries shared. Many Galician writers,
including Rosalia de Castro, published works in gallego,
the original language of Galicia, while Irish nationalists
emphasized the revival of Gaelic. Douglas Hyde, a
prominent Irish nationalist, encouraged the Irish people to
abandon English culture, even in literature, music, and
dress (Lee 137-138). Naturally, these flares of nationalist
sympathy were accompanied by hostility toward the
colonial powers they blamed for their woes. Their
eagerness to pinpoint a villain, however, did little to solve
their problems. As Gemie points out, "by scapegoating the
caciques in this manner, nationalists avoided discussing
other important questions concerning rural social
hierarchies" (83). Neither Bazin nor Joyce identified
wholly with these revivals. Though Bazin maintained an
interest in Galician folklore and culture, she stated
explicitly that the true language of Galicia was traditional
Spanish, or castellano, not gallego (Pattison 9). While the
subject matter of virtually all of his work concerned
Ireland, Joyce spent most of his adult life abroad rather
than join the nationalist movement.
Both Joyce and Bazin spent their lives in pursuit of
illuminating the problems their generations inherited from
society. In his book, The Catholic Naturalism of Pardo
Bazan, Donald Brown writes: "Bazin thought there could
never be anything wrong with saying the truth about things,
however painful it was to hear; it was false patriotism to
misrepresent; only through facing the truth could Spain
pull herself out of the morass of ignorance, political
corruption, and slothfulness into which she had fallen"
(40). In a letter to his publishers aimed at publishing
Dubliners as he had written it, Joyce writes "I seriously
believe that you will retard the course of civilization in
Ireland by preventing the Irish people from having one
good look at themselves in my nicely polished looking-
glass" (qtd. in Balzano 83). Yet another correlation brings
the writers together-their unmitigated certainty that the
tendency among their respective peoples to ignore the
problems their nations faced was what most harmed them.


II. Emigration Stories

Perhaps the most lucid example of the correlation
between Galicia and Ireland is the juxtaposition of Joyce's
"Eveline" and Bazin's "Las Medias Rojas." Both tell the
story of a young woman living under the thumb of her
father, a violent widower, who is seduced by the possibility
of escaping her homeland in pursuit of a promising future
in America. Both women expect to arrive at independence,
financial stability, and respect-yet on the day of
departure, neither is aboard her respective ship. Most
importantly, another force acts behind the scenes in both
"Eveline" and "Las Medias Rojas," one not specifically
mentioned but certainly alluded to in both texts: the
possibility that both of their journeys were destined for
prostitution abroad.
The most significant difference between their frustrated
voyages is the obstacle preventing their flight. Eveline,
frozen on the spot, watches her boat sail away, suddenly
indifferent to her lover's cries to follow him; Joyce writes,
"Her eyes gave him no sign of love or farewell or
recognition" (Joyce, Dubliners 32). The implications of
her refusal to emigrate are disputable. Nevertheless, the
prevailing interpretation, regardless of how it is arrived at,
is that Eveline exemplifies the "paralysis" that haunts all of
the Dubliners in Joyce's work-she is trapped within a
cycle of stagnation, from which any effort to escape is
eventually revealed as delusional. Ildara, on the other hand,
is rendered physically unable to board her boat. Prior to her
departure, she uses the miniscule amount of money given
to her by her middleman to purchase for herself a pair of
red stockings (a purchase suggested by the middleman
himself). Upon discovering the stockings, her father, Tio
Clodio beats her, essentially, to a pulp. Not only does she
lose a tooth in the ensuing struggle, but due to a "retinal
detachment," she is blinded in one eye.
In her book James Joyce, Sexuality and Social Purity,
Katherine Mullin compiles extensive relevant research on
the white slave trade panic. Brenda Maddox writes on the
first page of her 1988 biography about James Joyce's wife,
Nora: "In every young Irish mind the question of
emigration is as inescapable as it has been since the Great
famine of the 1840s" (qtd. in Norris 56). Propaganda
warning against the evils and dangers of emigration
flooded Ireland at the turn of the century, tales of seduction
and abandonment, "startlingly uniform melodramas of
innocent country girls, villainous suitors from overseas,
false promises of marriage, and, eventually, the
chloroformed cloth, hypodermic syringe or drugged drink
that led to certain 'ruin' in an overseas 'house of shame"'
(Mullin 67). Mullin goes on, however, to point out that
Joyce's treatment of the subject matter is "distinctly
tongue-in-cheek, since in the first decade of the twentieth
century, social purity movements like the National


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
2





IDENTIFYING STRATEGIES FOR THE PREVENTION OF VOCAL PROBLEMS AMONG POTENTIAL MUSIC EDUCATORS

Table 1: Initial and post means of statistically significant acoustical measurements


Measure Mean N Std. Deviation
Initial Sustained Vowel
.9600 10 .29136
Shimmer (%)
Post Sustained Vowel Shimmer 5 33
1.1500 10 .41433
Initial Continuous Speech Min 154.3200 10 19.32729
FO (Hz)
Post Continuous Speech Min 165.3900 10 20.07422
FO (Hz)
Initial Maximum Performance 102.0100 10 6.07169
Max SPL (dB)
Post Maximum Performance 983300 10 646135
Max SPL (dB)
Initial Maximum Performance 27.2400 10 4.06918
SPL Range (dB)
Post Maximum Performance 23.2500 10 5.17650
SPL Range (dB)
Initial Maximum Performance 172.1700 10 21.63624
Min FO (Hz)
Post Maximum Performance 184.1500 10 29.18052
Min FO (Hz)
Initial Maximum Performance 816.3900 10 165.36931
Max FO (Hz)
Post Maximum Performance 690.5100 10 169.85535
Max FO (Hz)
Initial Maximum Performance 26.7000 10 3.68330
26.7000 10 3.68330
FO Range semitonee)
Post Maximum Performance FO 22.5000 10 5.31769
Range semitonee)



Table 2: Statistical significance of acoustical measures


Measure N Mean Std. Deviation Significance (2-
tailed)
Sustained Vowel Shimmer (%) 10 -.19000 .26013 .046*
Continuous Speech Minimum
FO (Hz) 10 -11.07000 10.51243 .009*
Maximum Performance
Maximum SPL (dB) 10 3.68000 2.18215 .000*
Maximum Performance SPL
Range (dB) 10 3.99000 3.28243 .004
Maximum Performance
Minimum FO (Hz) 10 -11.98000 14.07044 .025
Maximum Performance
Maximum FO (Hz) 10 125.88000 113.02292 .006
Maximum Performance FO
Range semitonee) 10 4.20000 3.42540 .004*


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
3







On The Burkeian Representative Anecdote and the Longinian

Sublime


Rachel Belcher


College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, University of Florida


Drawing from Longinus' On the Sublime as my Rosetta Stone and a contemporary rhetorical theorist, Kenneth Burke, as my
insightful assistant, I offer three elements as being vital to achieving persuasive representative anecdotes. First, to be complex
and supple, a representative anecdote ought to include layers of meaning, a proper noun, and possibly a historical reference.
Second, to be representative of its matter, a representative anecdote must be both synecdochically specific and yet have scope
whereby the audience understands its being representative. Third, to possess simplicity for ease of understanding, the
representative anecdote must remain both implicit and yet succinct.


In Florida, fourth-, eighth-, and tenth-grade students
write an essay in conjunction with the state standardized
test, the Florida Comprehensive Assessment Test (FCAT).
Because the FCAT essay rubric considers whether students
use adequate support, educators teach students to support
their standardized essays with an "example." In the vast
"communication mosaic"' of today, messages compete for
prominence amongst the plethora of written text, visual
images, and aural sound bytes. Communicators wishing to
persuade others thereby often turn to examples. With this
emphasis on the example, I must ask, "has it been defined
well enough?" I think not. Douglas Ehninger was a faculty
member at UF who became a foundation of the University
of Iowa Rhetoric Program. In "Toward a Taxonomy of
Prescriptive Discourse," Ehninger challenged me:
In a period such as the present when by common
consent rhetoric is in a state of marked transition-
when old boundaries are evaporating and first
interpretations of the rhetorical experience abound-
moorings to which we can attach a firm
understanding of key rhetorical terms would seem to
be especially needed. Yet for reasons which are not
altogether clear, scholars have generally reluctant to
supply them.2
My goal herein is to repair this deficiency.
According to Aristotle's Rhetoric, the example
constitutes one of two modes of persuasion (the other being
the enthymeme). If rhetoric is indeed an art, not just any
example will do, for some examples surely are more
instrumental than others. My goal is to explicate the most
persuasive type of example. To do so, I will use Longinus'
On the Sublime as my Rosetta Stone, and a contemporary
rhetorical theorist, Kenneth Burke, to guide my insight. In
an age impressed by technology, sublime writing might be
deemed impractical and not particularly useful for political
speeches, legal discourse, or a host of other compositional
endeavors. Nevertheless, "sublime" is a contemporary
scientific term.


When a substance transforms from its solid phase to the
gaseous phase without going through the liquid phase, the
act known to scientists as sublimation may relate to
rhetorically sublime language. To create Longinian
sublime works, communicators begin with a "solid," or
noble thought. Communicators transmit the "solids" of
their ideas indefinitely, however, even if they divide them
into many pieces, for gaseous states are more conducive to
transmission. In gaseous states, substances retain their
elemental make up-but in the most divisible form. In
order to transform concepts as "solids" into states more
effective persuasively, communicators subject them to
extreme "temperature" or "pressure" (or both) of sublimity.
The ultimate product of sublimation is meaning that may
affect respondents better than the original "solid"
substance.
In A Grammar of Motives, Kenneth Burke extols the
most rhetorically sophisticated form of example as a
"representative anecdote" that is summationall." Thus, "a
given [example] must be supple and complex enough to be
representative of the subject matter it is designed to
calculate. It must have scope. Yet, it must also possess the
simplicity, in that it is broadly a reduction of the subject
matter."3 Therefore, I offer three elements as being vital to
the most persuasive, sublime representative anecdote. First,
to be "supple and complex," a representative anecdote
should include (a) layers of meaning, (b) a proper noun,
and (c) a historical reference. Second, to be representative
of the subject matter, a representative anecdote must be
both (a) synecdochically specific and yet (b) have scope
whereby the audience understands its being representative.
Third, to possess simplicity for ease of understanding, the
representative anecdote must remain (a) implicit and (b)
succinct.
To understand further the sublimity of representative
anecdotes, I adapt C.K. Ogden and I.A. Richards' semantic
triangle. Their celebrated treatise, The Meaning of
Meaning, elucidated how words work in the diagram,4


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
1




ST. LOUIS GERMANS IN THE CIVIL WAR ERA


von Hammer as much support as for Blair, Jr., he lost his
bid for coroner.93 Similarly, the election returns declared
that Barret outpolled Blair, Jr. by a few hundred votes, yet
the Blair, Jr. camp immediately alleged fraud.94 The
accusations of electoral fraud proved true, and Blair, Jr.
was rightly awarded his seat in the U.S. House of
Representatives, in no small part due to St. Louis Germans'
support at the polls.
Although Missouri's total number of slaves increased
from roughly 87,000 in 1850 to about 115,000 in 1860,
Theodor Olshausen-a participant in the 1848 revolution
in Schleswig-Holstein, who immigrated to Missouri and
became the editor and owner of the Westliche Post-noted
that St. Louis still had "the character of a free city, a virtual
enclave in the region of slavery."95 The Anzeiger
articulated one of the reasons why many St. Louis Germans
shared Olshausen's sentiment: Blair, Jr. had risen "to a
position far above that of the grand old man by leading the
first open Free-Soil party in a slave state."96 Of course, "the
grand old man" referred to the deceased Benton, and the
Anzeiger's ringing endorsement of Blair, Jr. underscored
Germans' popular support for Free Soil principles. In terms
of party politics, Blair, Jr. openly declared himself a
Republican instead of a Free-Soil Democrat, and 1860
marked the first time Missouri fielded a Republican
election ticket. In addition to Blair, Jr.'s nomination for
Congress, several Germans ran for office as well, including
Heinrich Bomstein for Superintendent of Common
Schools; Arnold Krekel, editor of the St. Charles Democrat
and a former slave holder, for attorney general; and
Rudolph Doehn, a member of the Freie Gemeinde, for the
Missouri House of Representatives.97 While Blair, Jr. and
Doehn won their seats, the fact that so many Germans
accepted the Republican moniker and Blair, Jr. as their de
facto political guide showed Germans' ideological
commitment to Free Soil principles.98
However, as much as Free Soil principles united Blair,
Jr. and St. Louis Germans under the banner of the
Republican Party, each side differed in its all-important
endorsement for the presidency. Whereas the Anzeiger des
Westens, with a subscription figure of nearly 20,000 in
1860, stumped for John C. Fremont, Blair, Jr. endorsed
Missouri's own Edward Bates. Many St. Louis Germans
considered Fremont their best hope for protecting the
American promise of socio-economic advancement, yet
Blair, Jr. considered Bates to be the only man capable of
uniting the disparate elements that made up the Republican
Party. Although Bates advocated the non-extension of
slavery, Germans were wary of his anti-immigrant
attitudes. Nativism was a prevalent concern among German
members of the Republican Party throughout the United
States.99
Following the passage of Massachusetts' notorious Two-
Year Amendment, which prevented immigrants from
voting until two years after their naturalization, by a


Republican legislature, German Republicans clamored to
make their voices heard at the Republican Convention of
1860.100 Meeting in Chicago days before the convention,
German Republicans sought to "respond to the nativist
actions of Massachusetts and to bring the influence of
Germans to bear on the presidential nomination."'01 With
Adam von Hammer and Arnold Krekel among the German
delegation from Missouri, the meeting produced a
resolution opposing any changes to existing naturalization
laws and any state legislative acts that curbed the civil
rights of immigrants, which the Republican Party adopted
as part of its official platform.102 Moreover, as the Anzeiger
reported, "the German element was recognized for all time
as a vital part of the party of freedom and progress" at the
Chicago Convention. The Republican Party, with support
from Missouri Germans and Blair, Jr., eventually settled on
Abraham Lincoln to run for president.103 In a speech titled
"To the Republicans and Free Democrats of St. Louis,"
following his Congressional victory, Blair, Jr. encouraged
Missourians to join their German brethren in political
solidarity:
Every Republican in this State should cast his vote for
the principles of the American revolution, to be
restored only by the elevation of Abraham Lincoln to
the chair once occupied by Washington and Jefferson.
The solid, faithful and inflexible phalanx of German
Republicans, to whom, as the most numerous and not
the least enthusiastic, the first honors of our victory in
St. Louis are due, will then be reinforced by the whole
body of their countrymen in this State.104
Much has been made of the German vote for Abraham
Lincoln in 1860, but the assumption that Germans
throughout the United States overwhelmingly cast their
ballots for Lincoln proved true in the case of St. Louis
Germans.105 Although Northern Democrat Stephen
Douglas won Missouri-the only state he won in this four-
way election between Douglas, Lincoln, Southern
Democrat John C. Breckenridge, and John Bell of the
Constitutional Union Party-Lincoln beat out Douglas in
St. Louis. Garnering nearly 10,000 votes throughout St.
Louis County out of his 17,000 total votes in the state of
Missouri, Lincoln's main surge of electoral support came
from the German-dominated city wards.106 The first,
second, fourth, and tenth wards provided Lincoln with
almost six thousand votes, twenty-five hundred of which
came from the first and second wards alone.107 The St.
Louis German vote for Lincoln was an affirmation to the
Republican principles of union, the non-extension of
slavery, and the socio-economic advancement of white
men. St. Louis Germans' belief in these principles and in
the politicians who represented them played a pivotal role
in how this immigrant population reacted at the outset of
the Civil War.
In addition to a four-way race for president, Missourians
also encountered a four-way race for state governor in


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010





MULTIPLE NARRATORS AND THE SEARCH FOR TRUTH IN MELVILLE'S MOBY-DICKAND BILLY BUDD, SAILOR


crewmate's poem and first person Billy to largely support
the narrator's earlier characterization of Billy.
Nevertheless, Melville's narrative changes provide
important insight into his search for truth. While the
narrator concerns himself with the "truth" of the factual
details and events of Billy's time on the Bellipotent, the
scene of "Billy in the Darbies" is completely imagined.
Melville ends both the chapter and the entire novella with
the crew's imagining. Melville offers no grand summations
or universal articulations in the poem or its preface.
Instead, with the last line of the poem, Billy lies
somewhere between human sleep in the brig and eternal
sleep at the bottom of the sea, and his guilt or innocence
remains unaddressed. There are no questions of justice,
authority, or morality and there is no grappling for truth.
Instead, Billy and Melville have given up and are quiet.

4

In his essay "Moby-Dick as Sacred Text," critic
Lawrence Buell proclaims that Melville liked[] to think of


his vocation as truth telling rather than tale telling."35
Examinations of Moby-Dick and Billy Budd testify to the
truth of Buell's argument and to Melville's own obsession
with truth. As Melville explored the truth of the power of
vengeance and man's relation to the divine in Moby-Dick,
he deftly changed narrators to use perspective in his
considerations, and with Ahab's destruction and Ishmael's
survival, he crafted his masterpiece's ending to reflect his
conclusions. With Billy Budd, Sailor, Melville's take on
truth and its very existence seems to have changed. He uses
the same literary strategy in altering narrator to explore
truth, but Melville's presentation of the naval chronicle
article only casts doubt on his narrator's earlier avowed
truth. In ending the novella with the imaginative poem by
Billy's crewmates, Melville seems to question whether
universal truths are worthwhile or even possible. The
novella and Melville's "vocation of truth telling"
ultimately end with doubt, irresolution, and the death of
both Billy and Melville.


Endnotes

1 Nina Baym, "Melville's Quarrel with Fiction," PMLA 94 (1979): 909.

2 Richard H. Brodhead, "Introduction," New Essays on Moby-Dick, ed. Richard H. Brodhead (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1994), 2.

3 Melville, Herman. Moby-Dick, SecondEdition (Norton Critical Editions). Ed. Hershel Parker and Harrison Hayford. (New York: W. W. Norton, 2001), 136.
4 Ibid., 137.

5 Ibid., 141.

6 Ibid., 143.


Philipp Blom, To Have and to Hold: An Intimate History of Collectors and C


(New York: Allen Lane/Penguin, 2002), 146.


8 Melville, 143.

9Ibid.

10 Ibid., 144.

11 Ibid.

12Ibid., 139.

13 Ibid., 144.

14 Ibid., 145.

15 Baym, 910.
16 Melville, 427.

7 Ibid.

18 Ibid.

19 Ibid.

20 Ibid.

21 Hennan l.i el ille.. 5,,, Budd and Other Stories (New York: Penguin Books, 1986), 380.

22 Ibid., 381.
University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 | Summer 2010
5





MEGAN KENDZIOR


Works Cited


Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum, 2009. Web. Oct. 2009.
.

Brandhuber, Jerzy Adam. Mortuary. 1949. Charcoal,
paper. Collections of the Auschwitz-Birkenau State
Museum Poland. Web. Sept. 2010.

Deutsches Bundesarchiv (German Federal Archive), 2010.
Web. Aug. 2010. .

Gawron, Wincenty. Roll-Call 1941/1942. 1964. Oil on
plywood. Collections of the Auschwitz-Birkenau State
Museum, Poland. Web. Sept. 2010.


Hartmann, Erich. In The Camps. New York: W.W. Norton,
1995. Print.

Koscielniak, Mieczyslaw. Inside of a Male Barrack in
Birkenau. 1980. Pen and ink. Collections of the
Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum, Poland. Web. Sept.
2010.

Schindler's List. Dir. Steven Spielberg. 1993. DVD.

Vaisman, Sima. A Jewish Doctor in Auschwitz: The
Testimony of Sima Vaisman. Hoboken, N.J: Melville
House Publishing, 2005. Print.


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
8







Witness


Megan Kendzior


What would you have done? What would you have done
if you were a German boy, a Jewish man, a Polish woman
during the Holocaust? What if you were the neighbor of a
Jew who had been taken without warning or reason? What
if you were a member of a Polish family that was evicted
from their home and sent to a concentration camp? What if
you were enlisted to become a member of the Nazi party?
What if the German expansion had taken over your home,
city, or country? Would you surrender? Would you fight?
Would you run? These are questions that prompted my
artistic research and exploration. I asked these questions of
myself and of four women dancers who participated in this
creative and research endeavor. Together we formed a
dance company whose purpose was to explore and honor
the historical details of the Holocaust. This information
became the basis for the dance Witness, which was
created, in collaboration with the dancers, during the fall
of 2009. In this process, I shared information with the
dancers through text, movement, and pictures and allowed
them time to physically explore and embody the ideas and
images. The process in its entirety was inspired by a
research trip that I took to Europe and subsequently to the
concentration camp of Auschwitz. Books, photographs,
journals, and videos about the history of Auschwitz and
the kind of hellish life that was lived there informed our
creative process.
In Witness, four women amidst rows of old shoes
explore the thin line between humane and inhumane and
investigate the questions that are raised about the choice
between the two in the face of great adversity. This project
serves as an investigation of the transparent yet defining
boundary of human nature, drawing directly from the
monstrosity and horror of World War II and the Holocaust.
The research objective is to reveal the manner in which art
can express tangible, complex, and historical research,
specifically through the medium of physical dance
theater-in other words, to offer an avenue for embodying
history both personal and collective through movement,
music, and theater. Utilizing research from the
choreographer's detailed personal history, conflicting
religious background, and intersecting bloodlines, the
work blends gesture and emotion to provide a resonating
experience. Embedded within this personal research is an
imagined but detailed account of Koncentrations Lager
Auschwitz. The resulting work, Witness, delves into the
horrors of the Holocaust accompanied by the somber
breath of the accordion (Figure 1).
I knew the task at hand: to explore, through movement,
the blend of grief, anger, sadness, and horror that I was
feeling at the monstrosity that I had witnessed at
Auschwitz in August 2009. I felt compelled to explore the


College of Fine Arts, University of Florida

physical reaction that I had experienced upon immersion
into the concentration camp. This feeling penetrated my
mind, body, and soul while visiting this site of mass
murder. The physical feeling that I felt at Auschwitz was
additional impetus for the in-depth research that led to
Witness. This physical reaction inspired me to dig deep
within myself to investigate the heart of the response. The
fuel to investigate this experience was generated from a
desire to honor in memorial the millions of victims that
died during the Holocaust. Witness provides an outlet for
the inquiry that has stemmed from this experience.


Figure 1: Witness in rehearsal during October 2009. Frank Ferraro,
Melissa Coleman, Melaney Holtham, Kristen McLaren and Whitney
Wilson.

Witness began on Friday, September 4, 2009. In a
hollow, emotionless state, I entered into the rehearsal
process with four beautiful women. These women were
chosen specifically for their maturity, focus, dedication,
and heart. The rehearsal process began with gut reactions
and the instinctual nature of human beings at the center of
the research. I asked the dancers to listen to their deepest
feelings, those which are unbiased and unprepared. In-
depth research of specific places, dates, occurrences, and
feelings fueled us. As discussion began most of our
rehearsals, we took a detailed look into the physical history
and location of Koncentrations Lager Auschwitz. Deep into
the world of questioning how and why the Holocaust had
happened, I began questioning myself and my own
existence at a physical and emotional level. In this place of
honest inquiry, we began to dissect details of my personal
experience at Auschwitz, which lead to the detailed
exploration of the physical concentration camp itself. I
knew before my visit to Auschwitz that I wanted to explore
the individual story of each dancer in my company.
Therefore, we worked from a place of personal discovery
in order to create four detailed solos. From discussion, we


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
1







Identifying Strategies for the Prevention of Vocal Problems
among Potential Music Educators


Kathleen M. Crane, Sarah Altman, Brenda Smith


University of Florida


The voice is the greatest tool of the music educator, whose daily tasks require voice use including both speaking and
singing. As such, it is vital that those who teach music preserve and protect their voices. The purpose of this research
study was to measure and evaluate the vocal efficiency of music students preparing for their student teaching internships.
Using Estill Voice Evaluation Suite (VES) software, ten students were acoustically screened before and after a prescribed
video-recorded teaching task with the intention of identifying positive vocal behaviors and preventing vocal injury. The
participants were also asked to fill out a questionnaire regarding their vocal health as it relates to their career in teaching
through a series of subjective and objective questions. The data from the pre- and post-acoustical measurements with
evidence from the video recording were compiled for comparison and analysis. After eliminating variables such as
discipline, student age and ability, class size, and ambient noise, the investigators were able to create a near-optimal
teaching environment. Even within a near-optimal environment, mild acoustic changes occurred and were noted in
addition to several different vocal misuses and mild overall vocal deterioration. The paper will demonstrate the methods
and report the findings from subjective and objective data.


Introduction

Music educators are among those whom Brenda Smith
termed "performing teachers," or teachers who use both
speaking and singing in the course of their work (133).
Those who teach instrumental or vocal music must use the
singing voice to demonstrate phrasing, articulation, and
good tone quality through vocal "modeling." In addition to
communicating with the voice for singing, music educators
use the speaking voice to instruct students both musically
and otherwise. As such, they are thought to have a greater
risk of developing voice problems that can affect their job
performance and even develop into more serious
pathologies.
In order to ascertain the extent of this problem, Larry C.
Solberg and Kathryn Proctor completed a survey of K-12
vocal music teachers who graduated from the University of
Wisconsin-Eau Claire. They found that 63.6% of the study
participants reported current vocal problems and 88.6%
reported having had symptoms in the past. Symptoms
included vocal fatigue (the most frequently reported), dry
throat, problems with high notes, loss of endurance,
discomfort, voice breaks, and hoarseness. Of the
participants who experienced these problems, only about
one third sought treatment and about 14% had vocal
nodules. Additionally, 25% reported having missed work
because of their symptoms and 76% reported that they did
not feel that they were supported by supervisors concerning
their vocal circumstances (4).


Although preservice music teachers, like the ones in this
study, have not yet begun their careers as music educators
and experienced the associated vocal concerns, they still
perceive it to be an important issue for their future careers.
Rhonda Hackworth completed a study of preservice music
teachers' perceptions about vocal hygiene and found that a
majority think that a voice disorder would affect their
career. Among many interesting results, Hackworth found
that 48% of preservice teachers thought that the teaching
profession is at high risk for voice problems. Additionally,
60% of the preservice teachers believe that a voice disorder
would affect their career and 31% think that it might. She
also compared the results of the surveys by instrumental
and vocal majors. It is easy to assume that choral directors
would be more at risk due to the nature of their subject but
that may not be the case. Hackworth found that
instrumental majors gave a much higher rating for the
vocal stress of demonstration singing than vocal majors.
Instrumental majors may not feel they are well trained in
that area and may see it as a stressful activity (4). This
stress could transfer to the voice in the form of tension and,
in combination with the speaking requirements of all music
teachers, create further damage. Therefore, all music
teachers, choral and instrumental, are at risk of developing
voice disorders.
In light of these findings, the researchers-Kathleen Crane
(Principal Investigator), Brenda Smith (Mentor), and Sarah
Altman (Co-Investigator)-developed an experimental
sequence that would measure and evaluate the vocal
efficiency of music students preparing for their student


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
1





MEGAN KENDZIOR


grandparent's home were spent dancing the polka. My
grandmother, Victoria Kendzior, and I would dance while
my grandfather would play for us. I would also watch him
practice almost every night that I was there. My
grandfather died in the winter of 2004. I also chose to
search for an accordion player because of the history
behind the instrument. The accordion is prevalent all across
Eastern Europe, especially in Poland. While I was in
Krakow, Poland in August 2009, there were accordions
everywhere. Within my research of the Holocaust and
World War II, I found a prevalence of the accordion in
picture and video footage (Figure 10). The signs all pointed
to the necessity of an accordion within this work.


Figure 10: An orchestra of prisoners with an accordion leading the
pack.
Source: Deutsches Bundesarchiv (German Federal Archive)
I found Frank Ferraro through word of mouth. The
coincidence and irony in our meeting grew to become an
appreciated partnership of choreographer and composer.
We worked together to create the score for Witness. He
acted as a storyteller, speaking the ideas of Auschwitz and
the Holocaust with music while we danced them with
movement. His focus and dedication added immensely to
the piece and his presence transformed the experience for
the dancers, the audience, and for me (Figure 11).


Figure 11: Frank Ferraro accompanies Witness in performance.


There were also a hundred shoes on stage. Dated in style
and worn in appearance, fifty pairs of shoes line across the
stage, with dancers sprouting from four specific pairs.
Additionally, there is a pile of shoes a few feet high, which
spills from the live musician towards the center of the
stage. These shoes informed both the process of making the
piece as well as the audience who viewed the piece. The
idea for the shoes came from a yearning to tell a larger
story. The four women on stage were to tell the story of
millions of victims of the Holocaust. At Auschwitz, there is
a barrack entitled "Proof of Auschwitz." Within this
barrack are rooms full of clothing, suitcases, shoes, hair,
pots and pans, and other items that were confiscated from
the prisoners (Figure 12). My experience in this building
was poignant and haunting. Therefore, the shoes became a
vehicle for broadening the mind of an audience.


Figure 12: Shoes in the "Proof of Auschwitz" barrack.


Leading me to the subject matter of Auschwitz was a
personal and family history rich with traditions and stories.
Throughout my own existence, I have heard stories of my
grandfather who was a war hero. I have heard stories of the
immigration of my family and their subsequent loss in
return to Europe. I have heard stories of the Polish
traditions from my grandmother. I have heard beautiful and
carefree polkas on the accordion of my grandfather. This
storytelling has influenced who I am, the ideas that I think,
the things that interest me, and the manner that I speak,
breathe, and live. Subsequently, it has become the way that
I dance. I dance my story daily. My feelings influence my
movement, rhythm, breath and interaction with others. This
history influences me and those around me. This
realization brought me to an all-encompassing questioning
of not only those that told their stories to me first hand, but
also of all generations before me who have undoubtedly
influenced my growth and development as a human being.
This questioning brought me to research my heritage and
dig deep into the connections between familial ties. I am of
Russian and Austrian heritage on my mother's side. I am of
Polish heritage on my father's side. My mother's family is
Jewish. My father's family is Catholic. I attended the
Center for Positive Living, a trans-denominational spiritual
community, and thus my beliefs blend all that has come
before me. I have become a meeting point and melting pot


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
6





IDENTIFYING STRATEGIES FOR THE PREVENTION OF VOCAL PROBLEMS AMONG POTENTIAL MUSIC EDUCATORS


Participants


Figure 9: Efficiency of observed posture for singers vs. instrumentalists


Interestingly, however, there were differences between
the vocalists and instrumentalists in terms of their vocal
misuses. In this study, there were five vocalists, four
instrumentalists, and one participant who studies primarily
as an instrumentalist with voice as her secondary
instrument. Classifying this participant as an
instrumentalist and comparing the five vocalists to the five
instrumentalists, the instrumentalists performed a
significantly higher percentage of the vocal misuses
performed by the entire participant pool. This suggests that
the possibility of vocal problems is not confined to those in
the choral domain. It could be assumed that those who
teach chorus would be more susceptible to vocal injury as
they are speaking and singing throughout their daily work.
However, many individuals who work in the choral realm
have received formal vocal training. This could possibly
increase their likelihood of using their voice efficiently,
thus reducing their risk of vocal problems. Instrumentalists,
on the other hand, may not have such training. Although
they may not have as much call to use singing as the chorus
teacher, there is an increasing trend towards using vocal
modeling in the instrumental classroom in order to display
phrasing, articulation, and other aspects of musicality. As
such, instrumental teachers also use their singing voice in
addition to their speaking voice in rehearsal. It is therefore
vital that all potential music educators, regardless of
primary instrument, be equipped with strategies to prevent
vocal problems.
The results from this study confirm some of the findings
in the earlier cited studies. Similar to the study by Solberg


and Proctor, all of the participants reported vocal problems
after prolonged voice use. Additionally, the participants in
this study reported that vocal health is important or highly
important to their career. This relates to Hackworth's
finding that 60% of preservice music teachers thought that
a voice disorder would affect their career.
The acoustical results as well as the perceptual
quantification of vocal misuses suggest that vocal
deterioration occurs over time during the choral rehearsal.
The participants displayed mild acoustical changes
indicative of vocal deterioration and increasing
performance of vocal misuses as the lesson progressed.
One could speculate from these results that with a longer
period of voice use (i.e. eight hours/day, five days/week)
that moderate to perhaps severe vocal deterioration would
occur during the course of one's teaching career.
This study focused specifically on identifying vocal
behaviors of students preparing for their student teaching
internship. However, more research is needed on the vocal
behaviors of the larger music educator population.
Additionally, this study identified and quantified the
frequency of undesirable vocal behaviors. From this
information, the next step is research on behavior
modification and ways to prevent such undesirable vocal
behaviors. How can music educators decrease vocal
deterioration as indicated by the acoustical changes? How
do the vocal problems of music educators and the strategies
needed to prevent them compare to teachers of other
subject areas? What methods of behavior modification and
awareness training will increase vocal efficiency and


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
9





RACHEL BELCHER


13 Encyclopedia Britannica Online, "Name." (2010)
e>.

14 Longinus, On the Sublime, translated by T.S. Dorsch,
107.

15 Aristotle, Rhetoric, 1393b.

16 Ibid., 1394a.

17 Ibid., 1368a.

18 Ibid., 1357a.

19 Burke, 59. The subject matter is not the subject, but the
matter the communicator wishes to relate to the subject, i.e.
the intended idea.

20 Ibid., 326.


21 Aristotle, Rhetoric, 1357a.

22 Lloyd F. Bitzer, "The Rhetorical Situation," Philosophy
and Rhetoric (Winter 1968): 1-14.

23 Longinus, On the Sublime, translated by T.S. Dorsch,
107-108.

24 Burke, 59, 325.

25 Aristotle, Rhetoric, 1357a.

26 Quoted in William Safire, "Candidates Nixon and
Kennedy Meet in the First Televised Presidential Debate,"
Lend Me Your Ears (New York: Norton & Company, Inc.,
1997): 323-324.

27 Longinus, On the Sublime, translated by T.S. Dorsch,
100.


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
6







"An Unhappy Knight": The Diffusion and Bastardization of
Mordred in Arthurian Legends from Select Works of the Sixth
through the Fifteenth Centuries


College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, University of Florida


From the earliest incarnations of Arthurian legend,
the figure of Mordred was a constant. His character
has been carried from Wales, where he initially and
ambiguously appeared in the Annales Cambriae,' into
the national literatures of Italy, Germany, and France.
Thus, despite the frequent characterization of
Arthurian legend as particularly English, Arthurian
legend is more accurately pan-European. Once
Arthurian legend had diffused throughout Europe,
authors began to use the legend's well-known set of
figures, such as Lancelot, Guinevere, Mordred, and
Arthur, in a propagandistic way. The English
Malory's Le Morte d'Arthur presents Mordred in a
highly vilified way, whereas the Scottish Fordun's
Chronica Gentis Scottorum suggests that Arthur
robbed Mordred and his half-brother Gawain of the
throne. A comparison of the use of Mordred as a
politically allegorical figure in Malory's Le Morte
d'Arthur and Fordun's Chronica gentis scottorum
demonstrates the later importance that the effect of
literary diffusion had on the character. These texts,
though composed contemporaneously and on the same
island, present Mordred in vastly different capacities.
This study, therefore, will consider the
transformation of Mordred from the fifth century
through the fifteenth century through a comparison of
geographically and temporally distinct texts. The main
focus will be on two texts, Le Morte d'Arthur and
Chronica gentis scottorum; auxiliary texts in use
include Gervase of Tilbury's Otia imperialia and
Geoffrey of Monmouth's Historia regum britanniae,
concluding with a brief consideration of a twentieth-
century use of Mordred and Arthurian legend as
presented in T. H. White's The Once and Future King.
Due to the temporal and geographical diffusion of
Arthurian literature, there is no one version of the set
of events comprising Arthurian legend. To offer a
synopsis of the legend would indubitably neglect a
seminal piece of Arthurian literature or betray some
cultural bias; instead of a complete overview of the
legend, a summation of a series of events usually
associated with Mordred (primarily following post-
Vulgate interpretations) would be much more useful.
Mordred was born as the result of an incestuous


liaison between Arthur and his sister. Arthur, upon
learning of Mordred's existence, commanded that all
male children be sent to sea to drown. Mordred, of
course, survived and later came to Arthur's idyllic
court of Camelot. Joined by his half-brothers, all from
Orkney (an island north of Scotland), Mordred plotted
to expose the affair of Lancelot and Guinevere. Thus a
civil war began, culminating in the battle at which
both Mordred and Arthur fell. Arthur fatally skewered
Mordred, and Mordred drew himself upon Arthur's
blade and slew the king, his father.
The passage in the Annales Cambriae, for the year
537, reads "Gueith Camlann, un qua Arthur et
Medraut corruere."2,3 Despite the early dates
appearing in the Annales Cambriae, the actual date of
the document's composition is almost 300 years later,
circa 954. In 1138, Geoffrey of Monmouth's Historia
regum britanniae referred to Arthur as King Arthur,
and Arthur had a greater presence in this text than in
previous annals.4 In Geoffrey of Monmouth's history,
the basis for many of the later versions of the
Arthurian cycles emerges, including the character of
Mordred.
The transformation of Mordred from an ambivalent
name on a list to a villain to a nationalistic hero figure
exemplifies the directions and evolutions of the
Mordred story that are visible in the diffusion of the
"matiere de Bretagne" from its point of origin in
Wales to other parts of Britain. As the Arthurian
legend spread throughout Europe, the knights
underwent a metamorphosis throughout time and
space in which their characters began to reflect the
geographic and temporal location of and the cultures
producing the respective narrative. This metamorphic
process subsequently bastardized Mordred, a status
that came both literarily and physically. The physical
process of the disassociation and reassignment of
characteristics of Mordred from the cultural diffusion
of the Arthurian legend produced the illegitimacy of
his birth and the villainy of his character.
For example, the first appearance of incest
connected with Mordred's birth occurred in Lancelot
and Mort Artu of the Vulgate Cycle in the thirteenth
century, where the "moral comment is curiously


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
1


Emerson Richards




ST. LOUIS GERMANS IN THE CIVIL WAR ERA


1852, Bomstein implored German men-many of whom
had already fulfilled the necessary requirements-to
become citizens in light of the all-important municipal as
well as national elections that year. Moreover, he repeated
his request in subsequent editions of the Anzeiger, noting
that it was a citizen's duty to vote.65 However, with no
formal voting registration procedures, it was certainly
possible for non-citizens to vote. Moreover, each city ward
only had one or two polling places, which contributed to
election-day chaos.66
In fact, the 1852 mayoral election was physically
contested as the Know-Nothing Whig Luther Kennett beat
out the Democratic candidate amid election-day rioting in
the overwhelmingly German First Ward. As rumors spread
that the Germans of the first ward supposedly bullied and
even murdered native Americans at the polls, anti-
immigrant sentiments fueled the conflict between the two
parties. The tension was so severe that community-
organized German militias patrolled the streets outside of
the Anzeiger office in order to fend off violent nativist
attacks.67 Such vile confrontations between native-born
Americans and immigrants occurred across the United
States as nativism, often identified with the Know Nothing
Party, swept the country in response to growing immigrant
populations. Moreover, the events of 1852 anticipated the
civic unrest that continued to mar St. Louis throughout the
decade.
Nonetheless, 1852 saw the return of Benton to national
politics as Missourians elected him for representative in the
United States Congress. In addition, St. Louisans-with
plenty of votes from the German-dominated first, fifth, and
sixth wards-elected a Democrat, John How, for mayor in
1853. However, the political situation in St. Louis and
throughout Missouri was chronically unstable in the 1850s.
John How lost the mayoral race in 1855 to Know Nothing
candidate Washington King, yet How won the post over
another Know Nothing candidate in 1856.68 In addition,
Benton's stint in the U.S. House of Representatives was
short-lived as none other than Luther Kennett ousted him
in the 1854 election. A friend of Benton's attributed his
opponent's victory to the influence of the Know Nothings,
and, yet again, violence accompanied the election, as
Germans and Irish battled native-born Americans in the
streets.69 Benton's defeat can also be viewed as a popular
reaction to his opposition to the Kansas-Nebraska Bill,
which was introduced in Congress in January 1854. All
Missourians in Congress except for Benton voted for the
Kansas-Nebraska Bill, which opened up the Kansas and
Nebraska Territories to popular sovereignty, meaning that
the settlers voted on whether or not slavery would be legal
in their respective territory.70 Having already lost the
support of Missouri's Little Dixie due to his opposition to
the Calhoun and the Jackson-Napton Resolutions, Benton's
aversion to the Kansas-Nebraska Bill further alienated pro-


slavery advocates in Missouri, thus diminishing his
chances at national political office even more.
Despite Benton's gradual demise as a national politician,
his legacy lived on in the form of his protege Blair, Jr.,
who became St. Louis Germans' new favorite son. A
resident of St. Louis since the 1840s, Blair, Jr. had been
elected to the state legislature in 1852 and 1854 with
overwhelming support from German-dominated wards.71
Like Benton, he opposed the Kansas-Nebraska Bill,
claiming that if Kansas were to become a slave state,
Missouri would have a competitor in hemp and tobacco
markets.72 In addition to this economic argument against
the extension of slavery, Blair, Jr. also advocated the
gradual emancipation and eventual colonization of blacks.
Although a slaveholder until the late 1850s, Blair, Jr.
viewed the presence of blacks, free or enslaved, as a threat
to the economic opportunities of free white laborers.73
Blair, Jr.'s inclinations epitomized the free-soil ideology,
as the political endorsement of the non-extension of slavery
in the interest of white male socio-economic advancement
came to be called. These ideas were compatible with
German immigrants' visions of America, and as a result,
Blair, Jr. enjoyed a strong following among St. Louis
Germans.
The 1856 Benton-Blair, Jr. campaign for state governor
and U.S. Congress, respectively, revealed the importance
of immigrant voters in Missouri's mercurial political scene.
Both ran as Free-Soil Democrats on identical platforms that
reaffirmed the Missouri Compromise as a viable solution to
the slavery question in the territories, denounced Know
Nothingism, favored a fair compromise on the Kansas-
Nebraska Act, and denounced disunion.74 Blair, Jr.'s main
rivals in the race were Luther Kennett and Thomas C.
Reynolds, an Anti-Bentonite who was educated at the
University of Heidelberg and able to give rousing speeches
in German75 Abel Rathbone Corbin, an associate of
Reynolds', outlined the importance of the foreign vote to
Reynolds thusly:
Let Kennett's friends continue their efforts to keeping
the Know Nothings from voting for Blair and Benton.
Let your friends continue their great efforts to
obtaining foreign votes. That simple policy riidly
adhered to, will insure the defeat of Blair and continue
the contest between you and Kennett and spare St.
Louis the disgrace of having a Black Republican
Representative. How the contest would then be likely
to result I have no means of forming a good judgment:
it would depend on the old-line Whigs. But if
Kennett's friends exhaust their strength in efforts to
wrest from you foreign votes, and your friends expend
labor upon K.N.s that ought to be devoted to the
foreign vote, Blair will beat both of you.76
St. Louis Germans strongly supported both Blair, Jr. and
Benton, and Corbin correctly predicted the essence of the


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
7





NATALIE RICHARDSON


Twenty minutes later we stop aside Lake Corani. I sit on
a rock at the foot of the water and sketch the view in front
of me. There is a small breeze that stirs the wild hay on the
bank, making it whistle softly. A faint smell of damp soil
and cow manure rises to my nostrils. I see parcels across
the lake that are terraced and follow the contour of the
mountain. I make sketches and quick note of these
sensations as they come, and then, all of a sudden and with
no warning, everything ceases and disappears. No sight, no
sound, and no smell are present, only a damp and dense
whiteness. An entire moment filled with it all vanishes
rapidly from my eyes. The fog has snuck around the comer
of the lake, and it is so thick that it seems there is nothing
else present but me and it. I feel as if I were standing on a
white empty canvas that holds infinite dimensions.
Quickly, I write down what has just happened, and after a
few minutes the fog lightens and reveals patches here and
there of the landscape. Agriculture fields seem to float by
as the vast white emptiness moves along. These cause such
an impression on me that it manifests through work later
on. "Corani Studies II" (Figure 3) use the white of the
canvas as an infinite spacious background where the
agricultural landmasses contour the surface of a mountain
that is not present. This effect gives the sensation that the
landmasses are indeed floating and can exist alone.


Figure 3: Corani Studies II, 2008. Watercolor, pencil, color pencil.


My third trip is the most exciting and influential in my
work. This time I am renting a two passenger airplane and
flying over the town of Corani with my camera. I am
interested in getting a bird's eye view of the landscapes I
have been studying so far. A different perspective on my
subject will open a new window of possibilities for
interpretation. After a rough take-off and fifteen minutes of
flight, I can see the beautiful Lake Corani ahead. The fields


beneath me look small, but I can see more than I had
before. They do not end on the hill next to the main road,
but carpet the next and the following hills. Some oddly
shaped fields near the lake form beautiful mosaics of green,
yellow, and purple. Further away, on the hill tops, the
fields are sparser. I notice something interesting about
these last ones: their irrigation channels are dug out over a
pattern of older channels. I can see a set of lines that cut
into the field from one end to another, and underneath
these, a fainter set of lines from an older field. These two
sets cross each other almost perpendicularly. The visual
effect of this type of land use process, however, is
astonishing, and I take it into my work to create a separate
branch of drawings called transparency studies. These
studies consist of three to five layers of pen drawings on
tracing paper that overlap each other to form one piece.
The resulting image is a two-dimensional pattern that is
pulled into a third spatial dimension by the depth of the
papers, as can be seen in "Untitled I" (Figure 4).




-41
,Ct t

a-L- C~.-
S-- -


Figure 4: Untitled I, 2009. Pen, tracing paper.

Another feature that is used heavily in my work is the
colorful pattern taken from an indigenous textile called
U,iur, vi. These textiles can be found in many countries of
South America, but their colors and patterns are unique to
each area. During my trips I notice that farmers, especially
women, use a colorful ',,',,i, ,' to carry their goods wrapped
on their backs. I see many of these during my trip and I feel
it would only be fair to include them in my work. I use
their unique color pattern to give my field drawings a sense
of origin and location-in other words, to make my fields
Bolivian. "Aguayo Corani Field I" (Figure 5) imitates the
bright stripes and small patterns of .,,,,,y,' I have
purchased during my trip and they strongly contrast with
the dull, winter-colored fields.


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
2





MEGAN KENDZIOR


Standing in front of the orchestra square on my visit to
Auschwitz, I could hear the music that this group of
prisoners would have played. I felt their presence and heard
their songs. I imagined a bow moving across the strings of
a violin, heard the rhythm of a beating drum, felt the breath
moving in and out of an accordion, and sensed the air
vibrating through a horn. The second soloist, Melissa
Coleman, utilized these details, as well as photos,
paintings, and journals, during her solo (Figure 5). She
danced the mental controversy between tough labor and
exploitation. Was it better to be exploited for a specific
talent and therefore given a day off work? Was this
exploitation worth the physical rest? Could you watch your
family and friends perform backbreaking duties while you
play an instrument at the command of a Nazi officer?
Coleman explored the space between these choices in her
solo. This was exemplified by her focus, which varied
between the accordion player on stage and the three
women on stage who were marching to work.


Figure 5: Day of a Prisoner by Mieczyslaw Koscielniak (1950)
provides us with insight into the horror of the Holocaust.
Source: Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum.
This idea dissolved to give way to a focused study on
observation, confinement, and lack of privacy. During my
visit to Auschwitz, I was struck by the poor living
conditions forced upon millions of human beings. Vaisman
speaks of the facilities in her testimony:
Inside, the floor is made of red bricks. On either side
of a short, narrow hallway, two passageways, on both
sides of which sorts of rabbit cages face each other in
three rows, one on top of the other. I can find no
expression more appropriate to designate our future


beds than that of 'rabbit cage'. Each cage is 6 x 3 feet
(the size of a body). There are six of us in a cage. We
are forced to sleep head-to-foot. We can also sit up but
only by bending over, since the cages are low. (31)
I witnessed these "rabbit cages" during my visit to the
camp. I was horrified at the idea of hundreds of men,
women, and children sharing a bunker at this level of
discomfort. Vaisman describes the discomfort: "We spend
entire days in these 'cages,' sitting completely bent over
(we do not have the right to stretch out during the day)"
(32). I was taken aback by the idea of cold, tired, sore, and
empty bodies piling up and along the barracks. A bed can
be a place of comfort and solace, but at Auschwitz the
barracks were infested with disease and fecal matter. The
straw mattress provided no alleviation for an exhausted
body. Blankets were small and dirty, providing no
consolation or warmth. In consequence, says Vaisman,
"Every night the quarrels begin, for we cannot lie down.
We have to lie on top of each other, we can't turn over at
night unless our neighbor turns over; everyone suspects her
neighbor of taking one centimeter more than she had the
day before, of being too comfortable" (74).
I could imagine the movement that occurred every night
in each of the barracks. I could feel this lack of comfort,
and I could sense the quest to find one ounce of relief
during my visit to the camp. Says Vaisman, "and another
day similar to the ones before being sad, interminable,
hopeless, in filth and shameful lack of privacy" (35). The
Auschwitz archives of photos and drawings added a layer
of reality and information to the creative process for this
segment of the work (Figure 6).


Figure 6: Inside of a Male Barrack in Birkenau by Mieczyslaw
Koscielniak (1972).
Source: Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum

Standing in a bunker at Auschwitz, I sensed the struggle
for personal space, the lack of privacy and felt disgusted at
the horrid living conditions that were forced upon these


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
4




ST. LOUIS GERMANS IN THE CIVIL WAR ERA


4 Audrey L. Olson, "St. Louis Germans, 1850-1920: The Nature
of an Immigrant Community and Its Relation to the Assimilation
Process," Thesis (Ph.D.) (University of Kansas, 1970), 14.
5 George H. Kellner, "The German Element on the Urban
Frontier: St. Louis, 1830-1860," Thesis (Ph.D.) (University of
Missouri, 1973), 101-2. According to Kellner, 52.1% or 40,414
were foreign-born, 23,774 of whom were German.
6Kollmann and Marschalck, "German Emigration to the United
States," translated by Childers, in Fleming and Bailyn,
Perspectives in American History, Volume VII, 520.
7 Mack Walker, Germany and the ie,,", ,.',, 1816-1885
(Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1964), 44,
49.
Oscar J. Hammen, "Economic and Social Factors in the Prussian
Rhineland in 1848," The American Historical Review 54, No. 4
(July 1949): 827-8, 830.
8 Walter Kamphoefner, The Westfalians: From Germany to
Missouri (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), 19, 58,
137. Most linen weavers were also involved in agriculture. The
peak year of emigration for Westphalians involved in the linen-
weaving industry was 1845. Protoindustrialization is also known
as the putting-out system, in which merchants, with help of local
agents, commission poor rural households to work raw materials
into finished goods.
Blackboum, History of Germany 1780-1918, 22.
9 Walker, Germany and the F,,,,o, ,i. -, 44-5.
10Hammen, "Economic and Social Factors in the Prussian
Rhineland in 1848," The American Historical Review 54, No. 4
(July 1949): 830.
" Blackbourn History of Germany 1780-1918, 105.
Theodore S. Hamerow, Restoration, Revolution, Reaction:
Economics and Politics in Germany, 1815-1871 (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1958), 85-6.
12 Blackbourn History of Germany 1780-1918, 105-6.
Hamerow, Restoration, Revolution, Reaction, 86.
13 Blackbourn History of Germany 1780-1918, 106.
Kamphoefner, The Westfalians, 64.
14 Blackbourn History of Germany 1780-1918, 107.
5 Blackbourn History of Germany 1780-1918, 98-100, 111.
16 Hamerow, Restoration, Revolution, Reform, 120-4.
17 Blackbourn History of Germany 1780-1918, 120-4.
18 Olson, "St. Louis Germans, 1850-1920," Thesis (Ph.D.), 2-3.
For both routes, Olson estimates the cost of the journey between
$2 and $2.50.
19 Walter Kamphoefner has been one of the foremost critics of the
idea that Duden's guide was one of the primary catalysts for
attracting Germans to Missouri.
20 Walker, Germany and the E ,,m, ,lr,. ', 65.
21 Kellner, "The German Element on the Urban Frontier: St.
Louis, 1830-1860," Thesis (Ph.D), 87.
22 Olson, "St. Louis Germans, 1850-1920," Thesis (Ph.D.), 13.
23 Kamphoefner, The Westfalians, 58, 71. Kamphoefner borrows
John S. MacDonald's and Leatrice MacDonald's definition of
chain migration from "Chain Migration, Ethnic Neighborhood
Formation, and Social Networks," in An Urban World, ed.
Charles Tily (Boston, 1974), 227.
24 Kenneth Kronenberg in association with C. Hans von Gimborn,
Lives and Letters of an Immigrant Family: The van Dreveldts'
Experiences along the Missouri, 1844-1866 (Lincoln: University
of Nebraska Press, 1998), xx, 29, 33.


25 Kronenberg in association with von Gimbom, Lives and Letters
of an Immigrant Family, 93.
26 Don Heinrich Tolzmann, ed., The German Element in St.
Louis: A Translation from German of Ernst D. Kargau's St.
Louis in Former Years: A Commemorative History of the
German Element (Baltimore: Clearfield Company, Inc., 2000), 6.
7 Kronenberg in association with von Gimbom, Lives and Letters
of an Immigrant Family, 96.
28 Kellner, "The German Element on the Urban Frontier," Thesis
(Ph.D), 121, 127, 145.
29 Walter Kamphoefner, "Uprooted or Transplanted: Reflections
on Patterns of German Immigration to Missouri," Missouri
Historical Review 103, No. 2 (2009), 82.
30 Olson, "St. Louis Germans, 1850-1920," Thesis (Ph.D.), 20.
31 Kellner, "The German Element on the Urban Frontier," Thesis
(Ph.D), 142.
32 James Bergquist, "German Communities in American Cities:
An Interpretation of Nineteenth Century Experience," Journal of
Ethnic American History 4, No. 1 (1984), 10-1.
33 Tolzmann, ed., The German Element in St. Louis, 206-7.
34 Tolzmann, ed., The German Element in St. Louis, 207.
"Protokoll Buch der Freien Gemeinde von Nord St. Louis," Box
1, Folder 1: Protokoll Book, 1850-1875, Frei Gemeinde von St.
Louis Records, 1850-1974, Collection 37, Western Historical
Manuscripts Collection, University of Missouri-St. Louis, St.
Louis, Missouri.
"Cash Book (Member Dues) 1859-1869," Box 1, Folder 6: Cash
Book (Member Dues) 1859-1869, Frei Gemeinde von St. Louis
Records, 1850-1974, Collection 37, Western Historical
Manuscripts Collection, University of Missouri-St. Louis, St.
Louis, Missouri. Unlike U.F.W. Bentzen and John H. Niermeyer,
Thomas J. Meier and Edward Eggers are not listed among the
due-paying members for 1860.
35 "Protokoll Buch der Freien Gemeinde von Nord St. Louis,"
Box 1, Folder 1: Protokoll Book, 1850-1875, Frei Gemeinde von
St. Louis Records, 1850-1974, Collection 37, Western Historical
Manuscripts Collection, University of Missouri-St. Louis, St.
Louis, Missouri.
36 "Cash Book (Member Dues) 1859-1869," Box 1, Folder 6:
Cash Book (Member Dues) 1859-1869, Frei Gemeinde von St.
Louis Records, 1850-1974, Collection 37, Western Historical
Manuscripts Collection, University of Missouri-St. Louis, St.
Louis, Missouri.
37 "Correspondence Copy Book, 1859-1867," Box 1, Folder 2:
Correspondence Copy Book, 1859-1867, Frei Gemeinde von St.
Louis Records, 1850-1974, Collection 37, Western Historical
Manuscripts Collection, University of Missouri-St. Louis, St.
Louis, Missouri.
38 Joseph J. Mersman, The Whiskey Merchant's Diary: An Urban
Life in the Emerging Midwest, edited by Linda A. Fisher
(Athens: Ohio University Press, 2007), xv-5.
9 "St. Louis, Mo., Business Directory, 1850," Microfiche No.
1339:1, "Cigar and Snuff Stores and Factories," and "Grocers,
Wholesale," St. Louis County Library, St. Louis, Missouri.
40 Tolzmann, ed., The German Element in St. Louis, 4.
41 Mersman, The Whiskey Merchant's Diary, 266.
42 "St. Louis, Mo., Business Directory, 1850," Microfiche No.
1339:1, St. Louis County Library, St. Louis, Missouri. A man
named F. Gehner is listed as a carpet weaver on page 67 of this


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010




MORDRED IN ARTHURIAN LEGENDS FROM SELECT WORKS OF THE SIXTH THROUGH THE FIFTEENTH CENTURIES


wicked. Only Mordred himself can answer for his
own character."20
While Mordred was still a villainous character in
the French Vulgate Cycle, it would appear that the
text leaned towards a more equilibrated doling of
blame-Arthur's offense was clearly recognized, and
it was his "evil" that begot Mordred's evil. In
comparison, the later English author Malory redeemed
Arthur and condemned Mordred unequivocally in Le
Morte d'Arthur: upon Merlin's prediction of
Mordred's birth, the sin from where he came, and his
later role in Arthur's kingdom, Arthur gathered all of
the babies born within a certain period (around the
time of Mordred's birth) and set them to sea in hope
of their drowning. By murdering both his son and the
other children, Arthur sacrificed his moral soul for his
kingdom's wellbeing. Archibald deems that "Malory
is harsher [than previous Arthurian authors] in letting
all the other babies drown, which makes Mordred's
survival all the more miraculous."21
The transition from the medieval to the early
modem period in the fifteenth century was, for the
entirety of Europe, tumultuous. The bubonic plague
had effectively reduced the population of Europe and
created a newly emerging form of European
economics, ergo a new way of life with an emphasis
on the rights of the labor force. At this time, England
was also at war with France and wracked with internal
strife.22 Essentially, England was torn, socially and
politically, from two fronts, a distressing situation that
was reflected in the literature.23 Malory's Le Morte
d'Arthur stood on the cusp between the medieval and
early modem periods at the time of its publication
circa 1470. Malory wrote Le Morte d'Arthur during
his interim in jail at the waning of the knightly era.24'
25
In Malory's version of the Mordred narrative, King
Lot of Lothian and Orkney married Arthur's sister,
"and King Arthur lay by King Lot's wife, which was
Arthur's sister, and gat on her Mordred."26 Malory
highlighted the incest of Mordred's birth by ensuring
that the genealogy of the Pendragon family did not go
unnoticed. Merlin's prophesy "that there should be a
great battle beside Salisbury, and Mordred his own
son should be against him," spurred Arthur to issue a
decree similar to the biblical Pharaoh's decree upon
determining an influx of Israelites that "charged all his
people, saying, Every son that is bom ye shall cast
into the river, and every daughter ye shall save
alive."27 Mordred, like Moses, survived this infant
annihilation;28 he eventually became a knight, and was


generally disliked at Arthur's court, but tolerated
because of his heritage and familial ties to Gawain. He
became aware of the affair of Lancelot and Guinevere
and began to plot to destroy not only Sir Lancelot and
Guinevere, but also Arthur and, thereby, the entirety
of Camelot. In essence, Mordred was, according to
Malory, "[an] unhappy knight."29
Throughout the texts discussed above, Mordred's
motivation for his betrayal and subsequent destruction
of Camelot is both varied and complex, and the
English and Scottish authors of the fifteenth century
imbued the legend with historical and political
allegory.30 The historical interpretation is most solidly
defined, but a political interpretation of the text lends
itself to a very conservative reading, as the king is
equated with and reflects the health of land: Arthur is
"king, bom of all England."31 In allowing the
perpetuation of incestuous origins of Mordred,
coupled with Mordred's Orkney birth-place, Malory
wrote in a very unsubtle statement that the Northern
people are "bastards." The bastard son, as a
representation of a country and as a political
character, will try not only to gain sovereignty but
also to usurp the throne. Malory's writing was both a
strangely prophetic and a very astute projection of
Anglo-Scottish politics.
In the late sixteenth century, a century after
Malory's era, the tensions between England and
Scotland manifested into the struggle for succession to
the English throne. Having gained independence from
England in 1328, several centuries later in the early
sixteen hundreds, the Scottish king James laid claim
to the English throne. Despite Elizabeth the First's
previous attempts to prevent the continuation of
Catholicism through the ascension of Mary of Guise,
the French Queen of Scotland, Mary's son James
inherited the throne after Elizabeth's death. Like
Mordred and Arthur essentially canceling each other
out in battle, the rule of James the First annulled
Scottish independence, while also extinguishing the
British royal line.32 The English Tudor line,
descended from the House of Lancaster, had ended
because of Scottish rule; however, Scotland lost the
sovereignty that the Scots desperately continued to
seek.
In addition to the varying political allegories
attached to his character, Mordred also represented
politically ideologies representing progress in
Malory's Le Morte d'Arthur. Mordred labored to
undermine the pinnacle of the chivalric order, the
Knights of the Table Round. Mordred destroyed this


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
3




WITNESS


of cultures and beliefs. In this way, my personal history
links me to the Holocaust and to Auschwitz. My mother's
great, great aunt and her family were murdered at
Auschwitz, as were my father's great, great grandparents.
During my visit to Auschwitz, I found the name of my
relation, Leo Kendzierski #8304, in the book of names
(Figure 13).


trintr

Fcrauna~


Jabn









Lac
MW~




SLMn




tan

Stfmslbw


2831

8304

119294

18451

193641

10155


Figure 13: The book of names at Auschwitz.

The now desolate and hollow camp of Auschwitz was
once the junction of very alive, breathing, conscious,
dynamic, existing, functioning, growing, knowing, living
human beings; human beings with whom I share the same
genes, blood, and descent. This knowledge fuels my
research. The hunger with which I researched my family's
heritage brought me to the decision to visit the
concentration camp of Auschwitz. The experience that I
had in August at Auschwitz will provide a thirst for
understanding that will never be quenched yet is examined
through dance.
Based on the experience of this project, I found a
connection between my personal history and the fact that
every person, place, and idea in this world has different


struggles and successes. Physical environments have an
extreme effect on the overall experience of a human being.
I discovered the impact that my childhood and heritage
have on the woman that I have become. I have also found
disbelief at the possibility for the human race to abuse
power. The possibility for a person to cross the line
between moral and immoral is infinite and this process has
taught me that. Erich Hartmann comments on this subject
at the end of his photographic study of the concentration
camps:
Standing in the Auschwitz gas chamber, I was
confronted with the realities of deliberate and cold-
blooded killing as never before, not even during the
war. It was an experience that I will not be able to
forget, it was a reminder of what human beings were
capable of doing to other human beings when passion
and rage took the place of reason and basic decency. I
realized again how easy it is in these days of high
technology for the relatively few without conscience
to take away the freedoms and spirit and the lives of
the many who are at their mercy. I came to understand
that I was not safe-that no one anywhere is safe-
from these dangers because the line that divides
victors from victims-and good and evil-is thin and
elastic. (103)
The human race has the capacity to create or destroy. A
thought, whether positive or negative, begins a cataclysmic
reaction that can be carried out by one or many human
beings. Ideas formulated by a single person or small group
of people can monstrously affect millions of people. The
instantaneous nature of a thought is truly eye opening and
its power is enveloping. A thought in one moment has the
power to transform into a speech in the next moment and
an army in the next. In another context, a thought in one
moment has the power to spark conversation in the next,
which leads to a physical exploration of that thought
through dance. Context informs content. Setting dictates
freedom. The freedom of thought, the freedom to be you,
the freedom of speech, the freedom to create art all stem
from the awareness that one holds over its surroundings.
Since opening my awareness to the experience of
Auschwitz prisoners, I have found a deeper connection to
myself, my history, and my surroundings. I have realized
that human beings have an infinite power inside of them
that allows for a broad and diverse spectrum of characters
to live and evolve in this world.


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
7





SARA STOUT


23 Donald Yannella, "Introduction," New Essays o, b,,, Budd, ed. Donald Yannella (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002), 5.

24 "Melville's Indirectionl : 5,,i Budd, the Genetic Text, and the 'Deadly Space Between,'" New Essays o, 5,,, Budd, ed. Donald Yannella (Cambridge: Cambridge UP,
2002), 114-41.

25Ibid., 117.

:-' L i v QBudd and Other Stories, 382.

27 Ibid.

28 Ibid.

29 Ibid., 383.

30 Ibid.

31 Ibid.

32 Ibid., 384.

33 Ibid.

34 Ibid., 385.

35 Lawrence Buell, Di -Dick as Sacred Text," New Essays on Moby-Dick, ed. Richard H. Brodhead (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1994), 53.


Bibliography


Baym, Nina. "Melville's Quarrel with Fiction." PMLA 94 (1979): 909-21.

Blom, Philipp. To Have and to Hold: An Intimate History of Collectors and Collecting. New York: Allen Lane/Penguin, 2002.

Brodhead, Richard H. "Introduction." New Essays onMoby-Dick. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1994.

Buell, Lawrence. "Moby-Dick as Sacred Text." New Essays onMoby-Dick. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1994.

Melville, Herman. Moby-Dick. 2nd Edition.1851. Ed. Hershel Parker and Harrison Hayford. New York: W. W. Norton, 2001.

---. ,, Budd and Other Stories. 1924. New York: Penguin Books, 1986.

Wenke, John. "Melville's Ii..I.i ..,, Budd, the Genetic Text, and the 'Deadly Space Between'" New Essays o. 5.i i Budd. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002.
114-41.

Yannella, Donald. "Introduction." New Essays o. i 5. Budd. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002.






























University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
6





RACHEL BELCHER


under the same genus, but one of them is better known than
the other, the better-known is the example, [and the lesser
known is the exemplified]."21

(B) Audience Understanding

Well-chosen proper nouns are requisite for
representativeness. When identifying the third factor in a
"rhetorical situation," Lloyd Bitzer required that discourse
elicit a desired, "fitting" response from the audience.22
Using an unknown (or unknowable) example defeats the
purpose of the representative anecdote to stand as a known
exemplar of the general idea in order to associate the
unknown subject with the intended idea. To assess
respondents' knowledge of an example, communicators
must know how the audience is unified, for the factor that
unifies an audience provides the communicator a repertoire
from which to select an example. Without this repertoire,
the communicator will struggle to choose an example that
the entire audience knows. To assume a common
knowledge amongst an unknown audience runs the risk of
excluding some and confusing others, which is why
representative anecdotes are inappropriate in the absence of
a known, specific audience.
If communicators identify their audiences accurately,
they should not shy away from representative anecdotes.
After all, appeal for an entire audience is a goal of the
Longinian sublime:
As a generalization, you may take it that sublimity in
all its truth and beauty exists in such works as please
all men at all times. For when men who differ in their
pursuits, their ways of life, their ambitions, their ages,
and their languages all think in one and the same way
about the same works, then the unambiguous
judgment as it were, of men who have so little in
common induces a strong and unshakable faith in the
object of admiration.23
Works capable of earning consistent admiration from a
diverse audience are sublime. Though the former point of
this discussion urged communicators to use representative
anecdotes only when audiences are unified, know that each
audience-even the most unified-is diverse. While
Longinus did generalize sublimity to exist "in such works
as please all men at all times," an addendum concerning
contemporary audiences is necessary. Longinus wrote
rhetorical theory in the first-century B.C. In that time,
Julius Caesar crossed the Rubicon, and the Roman
Republic transitioned into the Roman Empire. In that time
"men" included only upper-class, educated, free males.
Thus, a Longinian "all men at all times" captured a
narrower crowd-and narrower history of time-than 21st
century A.D. For contemporary purposes, we may amend
Longinus to state that sublimity exists in works that please
a unified audience despite diverse origin, time or place.
The American public would be such an audience. A work
indeed would be sublime if it elicited the same verdict from


a working immigrant on food stamps from Alabama in
2010 and a successful entrepreneur living in 2100
California. With this contemporary consideration of
Longinus' generalization, communicators may create
sublime works that please a sizeable audience.

"YET, IT MUST ALSO POSSESS SIMPLICITY,
IN THAT IT IS BROADLY A REDUCTION OF
THE SUBJECT MATTER."

(A) Implicit, Not Explicit

Burke defines the representative anecdote as "containing
implicitly what the analysis should draw out explicitly."24
While Burke does not specifically relegate this "analysis"
to the audience or the author, this definition asks the
audience to reason inductively, or "to derive a general law
from a number of like instances."25 If communicators
explicitly state the analysis, audiences do not engage in the
inductive reasoning that defines the representative
anecdote. Communicators spoil the feast if they-unlike
makers of Aristotelian enthymemic arguments-explicate
what the audience should conclude, thereby robbing them
of their chance to sit and savor the information.
Communicators may sugar coat thoughts with explanation,
hoping audiences will swallow-or at least bite-but
sublimity thereby is lost. To preserve the persuasiveness of
representative anecdotes, communicators must maintain the
implicitness of the intended conclusion and allow
audiences to infer the intended association for themselves.

(B) Succinct

Another important aspect of representative anecdotes is
their length. While quantitatively specifying the best length
of representative anecdotes would unlikely produce better
representative anecdotes, qualitatively defining length
might. Sublime representative anecdotes implicitly achieve
what communicators wish audiences to conclude explicitly.
Added explanations and details often state explicitly that
which should remain implicit-not to mention, sometimes
disqualify the account as a representative anecdote.
Nothing, therefore, should be added to anecdotes, save
what is necessary for audiences to intuit implied
conclusions. Effective historical parallels should be able to
accomplish this in a sentence or two, especially since
proper nouns should imply many details that
communicators need not explicitly express.
The length of the historical example also warrants
different considerations. As previously stated, historical
representative anecdotes should not take more than a
sentence or so to communicate. Not only do
communicators run the risk of explicating the conclusion
that the audience should reason, but communicators also
risk detracting from the persuasiveness of the


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
4





WITNESS


They chase us out of the block at 4:30 and, no matter
what the weather, those interminable roll-calls begin.
In rows of five, without moving, we wait for hours in
the snow and mud until the time the German S.S.
deigns to come count us. Beware, those who dare say
a word, move about, or don't stand at attention when
the S.S. passes. Beware, too, those who faint. At the
summons, everyone must be present and standing. We
hold up the ones who fall from exhaustion, so that the
S.S. won't see them on the ground. We revive them
any way we can when roll-call is over. (33)
While standing near the roll call square, I visualized
their physical condition and their mental state. I envisioned
their struggle to stand for hours on end. I imagined their
struggle to continue living. I felt their hope for change. I
sensed the increasing hopelessness in their empty eyes.
Paintings and journal entries informed these mental images
(Figure 3). I grasped the millions of empty souls, empty
hearts, and empty stomachs that stood in the same square
daily during the reign of Hitler's personal army, the SS.
According to Vaisman's journal,
Every day, we stand outside for hours at roll-call and,
after roll-call, they distribute our bread to us, the
ration already diminished to a sixth. After the third
day we're given a little soup, three or four spoonfuls
per person. But each time after this distribution and
this roll-call, we have to return to the barn under
blows that rain down and, inside, more blows await
us. (72)


Figure 3: Roll-Call 1941/1942 by Wincenty Gawron (1964).
Source: Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum.


This entry was pertinent to the physical exploration of
this historic experience as it assisted the dancer's quest to
honestly place themselves among the prisoners of a roll
call at Auschwitz. Reading this journal and viewing
pictures and drawings assisted us imagine the human
bodies that were physically unable to stand any longer and
mentally unable to handle the stress of the situation. The
first soloist, Whitney Wilson, delved into the realm of
these ideas and acted as a moving vehicle for the thoughts
that these prisoners would have had during a roll call
experience. I saw her as an angel or a ghost flitting among
pillars of strength. Wilson danced thoughts of disbelief,
heartache, physical ache, the struggle to stand tall, and the
battle to stay alive. These details were instrumental in the
creation of Witness as the process focused on an honest,
realistic, and honoring representation of the actual
experience.
Once the roll call square was thoroughly explored, the
idea was relinquished in order to move to the next solo and
the next physical location that held weight and struck a
chord within me. Upon entering the concentration camp,
one walks under the legendary gate, which states "Arbeit
Macht Frei/Work Will Set You Free" (Figure 4).
Immediately to the right of this gate is a concrete square,
where an orchestra was forced to play (Vaisman 52).
Prisoners were forced to play in the orchestra and it was
their duty to provide a beat for their fellow prisoners to
march to. They served as entertainment and distraction as
well as private entertainment for the Nazi officers at their
evening retreats, as detailed in the epic movie Schindler's
List.


Figure 4: Entrance gate to Auschwitz


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
3







Melville's Ragged Edges: Multiple Narrators and the Search for

Truth in Melville's Moby-Dick and Billy Budd, Sailor


College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, University of Florida



The symmetry ofform attainable in pure fiction cannot so readily be achieved in a narration
essentially having less to do with fable than with fact. Truth uncompromisingly told will always
have its 1 ,,r'.', edges.
-Herman Melville


The narrator of Billy Budd, Sailor thus warns his readers
not to expect any degree of neatness, narrative or
otherwise, in the conclusion of his "Inside Narrative." The
close of the novella, with its three distinct endings,
certainly warrants the narrator's disclaimer, but Melville's
words describe much more than the close of his last work:
they acutely describe the close of his authorial career.
In 1851 with the publication of Moby-Dick, Melville
abandoned symmetry of form in his fiction in favor of a
search for truth-the truth of human nature, of man's
relations with the divine, of man's relations with others.
Melville searches most vehemently for these truths in two
tales of intrigue at sea: Moby-Dick and Billy Budd, Sailor.
In each of these sea-stories, Melville sacrifices symmetry
of narrative form to try to arrive at truth uncompromisingly
told and understood. As Melville searches for truth in these
texts, each undergoes a powerful change in narrator and
narrative structure. Ishmael, the first person narrator of
Moby-Dick, almost entirely disappears as other characters
engage in soliloquy. He also presents interactions he could
not possibly have observed first hand. In Billy Budd, the
story's unnamed inside narrator limits his commentary,
endangers his credibility, and ends the work with a
republished naval chronicle article and a poem written by
Billy's crewmates.
Both of these stories take place in the societal
microcosm of ships at sea and both involve intrigue and the
darker side of human nature. An obsessive, possibly mad
captain leads the Pequod in Moby-Dick, while a rumored
mutiny, a murder and a subsequent hanging stun the crew
of the Bellipotent in Billy Budd. And yet Melville never
quickly or assuredly condemns one side of the intrigue as
evil and upholds the other as good. Plot developments
occur in gray instead of black and white as Melville
searches for the truth in every situation and finds great
complexities. In both tales, Melville reflects and explores
these complexities of truth by altering his narrative
structure and utilizing multiple narrators and narrative
forms.


1

In her essay, "Melville's Quarrel with Fiction," critic
Nina Baym argues that with Mardi, Melville first
transformed from "entertainer to truth teller."' Baym
argues that Melville continued to squabble with fiction and
its inabilityy to convey truth throughout his career as he
struggled to reconcile his need for sustenance with his
desire to explore deeper moral and philosophical ground.
She contends that Melville's quarrel and his search for
truth play themselves out through his manipulation of
"fictive modes" and genres. Baym aptly describes and
characterizes Melville's continual inclusion of truth as an
important force in his later works, but she largely ignores
all that Melville manipulates within his fictitious plots and
characters to arrive at truth. She fails to adequately explain
his "fictive mode" methods.
I argue that Melville's use of multiple narrators and
narrative strategies allows him to explore truth by
establishing sets of multiple perspectives on single
issues-in Moby-Dick and Billy Budd, issues of intrigue at
sea. Melville's use of multiple narrative strategies within a
single, longer prose work is largely unique to these two of
his tales, both of which were composed as his literary
career had faltered and failed with critics and readers alike.
Melville's early popular works, and early attempts at
popular works, shun narrative exploration and focus less on
abstract truths of man and more on descriptive truths of
travelogue. However, only five years after bursting onto
the popular literature scene with the straightforward travel
narrative Typee, Melville firmly abandoned the sphere of
the merely entertaining with the amalgamation of genre
and narrative styles that is Moby-Dick.

2

In his "Introduction" to New Essays on Moby-Dick,
Richard H. Brodhead calls Captain Ahab "one of the few
American contributions to that handful of resonant


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
1


Sara Stout




KAY WITKIEWICZ


political message with appeals to individual freedom and
Germans' past experiences in their home states. Crafted to
reach not just the already politically motivated, but all St.
Louis Germans, B6mstein wrote, "The time of the
elections is approaching, the fifth of August will decide
Missouri's future, it will decide our wellbeing, the
wellbeing of our children and grandchildren, it will show
us if we have really founded a home for ourselves or if we
are merely living the existence of suppressed colonists."58
As it became clear towards the end of his editorial,
B6mstein referred to the statewide elections for the United
States Senate in August. Bomstein posited this election as
crucial to German immigrants' existence in Missouri. His
editorial further stressed that this election was not just
about political ideas and party sentiments, but rather about
individual rights every free citizen should enjoy. B6mstein
framed his political appeal in terms of German immigrants'
socio-economic futures in the United States, and the men's
duty to protect the prospects of his wife, children, and
grandchildren by voting for the proper candidate. Hence,
B6mstein closed with this demand, "Fellow citizens! You
have made bitter experiences in the fatherland, use those
here and be vigilant and active! Freedom and prosperity for
all! The Union and Benton!"59 Bomstein encouraged his
landsmen to be politically active by reminding them of
their lack of political freedom in the German states.
Moreover, this editorial implored German readers to vote
for Democrat Thomas Hart Benton, one of Missouri's
foremost politicians and the key figure in the state's
political development in the 1850s.
Benton was at the fault line of the split in Missouri's
Democratic Party in the late 1840s, which ultimately led to
his gradual demise as a national politician and
simultaneously gave rise to the state's Republican Party in
the latter half of the 1850s. As Missouri's representative in
the United States Senate from 1820 to 1851, Benton
staunchly defended the Union over individual states'
interests, even in matters that affected his own state, such
as slavery. Although Missouri was home to only about
87,000 slaves-located mostly in the southwest part of the
state referred to as Little Dixie-out of a total population
of 682,000 in 1850, slavery and the future of the institution
were hot-button issues in Missouri just as they were
throughout the United States.60 In 1847, South Carolina
Senator John C. Calhoun introduced a set of resolutions
that granted slaveholders the right to take their slave
property into any territory without interference from
Congress or the territorial legislature. Only the people of
the particular territory could interfere with slave property
when framing the territory's state constitution. Benton
vigorously opposed these resolutions because they
empowered the states over the federal government in
deciding the fate of slavery. Furthermore, Benton also
spoke out against a set of resolutions introduced by
Claibome Jackson and William Napton in Missouri's state
legislature in 1849. The Jackson-Napton Resolutions


endorsed the Calhoun Resolutions, and declared that if
Congress interfered with slavery, then "Missouri will be
found in hearty cooperation with the Slaveholding States in
such measure as may be deemed necessary for our mutual
protection against the encroachments of Northern
fanaticism."61 By allying Missouri with other slaveholding
states in the event of Congressional interference, the
Jackson-Napton Resolutions not only defied Benton's
emphasis on unionism, but also foreshadowed the conflict
that ensued a decade later during the Civil War. Benton's
outspoken opposition against both sets of resolutions
alienated Missouri's Little Dixie and effectively split the
state's political scene into two camps-the Benton and the
Anti-Benton Faction.62 As a result, Benton lost his 1850
bid for the United States Senate to Henry S. Geyer, an
Anti-Benton Whig with pro-slavery sentiments, thus
ending the former's senatorial career.63 Despite Benton's
defeat, St. Louis Germans continued to revere him and
what he stood for: defense of the Union and opposition to
the unchecked expansion of slavery.
As Brnstein's 1850 editorial already alluded to,
Germans came to Missouri-and to St. Louis in
particular-in order to escape oppressive social, economic,
and political conditions in their native German states.
Hence, many German immigrants identified with Benton's
emphasis on maintaining the Union because uniting the
German states under a common government was one of the
main issues during the debates of the Frankfurt Parliament
in 1849. Moreover, many German immigrants considered a
stable Union crucial to their dreams of socio-economic
advancement, especially in regards to acquiring land. Thus,
whether politically or economically motivated, German
immigrants realized the importance of maintaining the
Union and endorsed Benton in that regard. Furthermore,
German immigrants identified with Benton's objection to
the unchecked spread of slavery. Not only did many
Germans object to slavery on moral grounds, but they also
opposed the institution on socio-economic grounds, since
the unimpeded westward growth of slavery jeopardized
German immigrants' aspirations to land ownership and
challenged their supremacy in urban labor markets.
German immigrants' social, economic, and political
concerns all found an outlet not just in statewide, but also
in municipal elections.
According to section 10 of Missouri's 1820 state
constitution,
everyy free white male citizen of the United States,
who may have attained to the age of twenty-one years,
and who shall have resided in this state one year
before an election, the last three months whereof shall
have been in the county or district in which he offers
to vote, shall be deemed a qualified elector of all
elective offices.64
Voting was of paramount importance to Brnstein, and he
encouraged his landsmen to become citizens just for that
purpose. In an appeal printed in the Anzeiger on March 6,


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
6




WITNESS


human beings. Melaney Holtham assumed the role of
surveying these conditions as the third soloist in Witness.
Her solo began as if she had woken from a nightmare with
a quest to evaluate her living situation. She began by
witnessing the structure of the barrack. A wooden barrack
that has three levels, she concludes. Then, as the women
form a strewn pile of bodies, Holtham moves to observe
the humanity that coexisted within that structure.
Repetition is at the basis of this solo as the first inspection
discusses the physical structure, the second examination
discusses the human interaction amidst the physical
structure, and the third wave of scrutiny blends the
structural and humanistic elements of the living conditions
to provide a removed and dynamic inspection. The
movement was inspired by the architecture of the barracks
and from a drawing hv Jerzv Adam Brandlhber (Ficures 7


and 8).


N


Figure 7: Witness


Figure 8: Mortuar
Source: Auschwit
As dawn break
awake. The four
this experience
(Figure 9). The
detailed explorati
are sent to the wa


are the penal barracks, numbered Barrack 10 and Barrack
11. Between these barracks is a dusty courtyard where
thousands of prisoners were shot.


'Ga


Figure 9:Witness during rehearsal. Melaney Holtham, Whitney
Wilson, Melissa Coleman, Kristen McLaren.


S"During my visit to the concentration camp, I stood silent
in this courtyard. I was frozen, unable to move and unable
I to feel. I stood watching the movement, witnessing ghosts
of prisoners walk out of the barracks, line up at the wall,
and fall to their deaths. Standing in the middle of the
courtyard on a bright August 2009 day, I could see in my
t mind the way that they fell. I could sense their fear,
acceptance, hatred or conceit. I could not tell you how long
I stood in this courtyard. Time passed. I felt as if I had
witnessed every single prisoner fall during the time I stood
imagining and witnessing this movement at the wall. Our
exploration of this wall began with the idea of building it.
The fourth soloist, Kristen McLaren, explored the idea of
shaping bricks through movement. She exemplified the
hard labor of the camp by building this wall. Meanwhile,
the three other women explored the idea of being sent to
the wall and murdered there. These explorations coincide
during rehearsal
as curiosity and defiance bring McLaren to the wall of
death in the final group of dying prisoners. The women
then began to explore the forms of punishment that were
used at Auschwitz in the penal barracks. This research
brought us to the human and physical reaction that occurs
when a group of people is punished. They have the
capacity to unite. This strong bond merges and strengthens
the group that then empowers the women to walk out of the
penal barracks and into the light. At this moment in the
piece, the women step out of their shoes to symbolize the
release of the spirits they were embodying. They unite as a
group once more while the audience is given an
opportunity to witness the entire spectrum of the work. The
women and the accordion player also allow a moment for
themselves to realize the entirety of their experience within
the piece that concludes with a slow procession across the
y by Jerzy Adam Brandhuber (1949) space and into oblivion.
z-Birkenau State Museum space and into oblvion.
I chose to work with the accordion for both personal and
ks in the barracks, the prisoners are beaten historical reasons. The accordion has always played a
women on stage during Witness simulate significant role in my life. My grandfather, Stanley P.
and subsequently, a selection occurs Kendzior, was a professional accordion player. My
three women who have experienced yearning to have an accordion player on stage was initiated
ons of the physical structure of Auschwitz in order to honor him and the gift of music that he gave to
ll of death. In the far corner of Auschwitz me. During my childhood, most weekends at my
University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
5





CHRISTINA IGLESIAS


bound to the Irish fate. He is controlled by the stagnation
around him, whether or not he realizes it. Seamus Deane
writes, "The city of Dublin-not just the place but also the
cultural system that constitutes it-exercises an almost
dogmatic authority over the people who inhabit it, yet what
individuality they have best expresses itself in collusion
with that authority" (21).
Bazan treats the effects of a colonial situation on the
poorest of the poor in her story "La Advertencia," in which
a poor Galician peasant woman, Maripepa, immediately
after giving birth to her child is called by her landlords in
Madrid to serve as wet-nurse to their newborn son. The
direness of her situation is such that the opportunity is
virtually the only way to financially support her own
children, especially given the implicit consequence of
disobeying her landlord. Her husband bemoans, "Nos
cumple a los pobres obedecer y aguantar" (My translation:
"The lot of the poor is to obey and to endure") (Cuentos
Completos 208). The situation is made all the more painful
by the implication that Maripepa will be subject to sexual
harassment, perhaps even rape. Her husband tells her at
their parting, "Tu vas para el chiquillo y no para los
grandes, ,oyesme?" (My translation: "You are going for
the child and not for the adults, do you hear me?") (209).
Yet it is clear that both husband and wife are powerless to
defend her honor. The lower class lives only to sustain the
upper class. Maripepa is useful only for her body. Literally,
the poor are milked of their worth by the upper class.

V. The Intellectual of the Backward Nation

The conundrum of the intellectual produced by an
intellectually sterile culture was an issue very near to Joyce
and Bazin, as both experienced it firsthand: both the
experience of living as a stranger in one's own culture and
the frustration precipitated by attempting to change it.
Bazin's story, "El Vidrio Rojo," tells the story of Goros
Aguilln, a young man from the small Galician town of
Santa Mora. As he grows older, Goros tires of his
intellectually and materially impoverished circumstances,
represented in the story by the broken windowpane of his
room. At 15, he travels to South America to escape "aquel
mundo inmundo" (Cuentos Completos 286). Goros works
hard there for a number of years, always sending money
back to his family attached with encouragements to better
the house, making special mention of repairing the broken
windowpane of his youth. The only instruction followed is
the replacement of the broken windowpane, now
substituted by a green glass window. Struck by the sharp
contrast of the new window against the rest of the house,
Goros tells his mother to replace it with the old
windowpane. Goros is suddenly cognizant of what he had
refused to see all his life-that money will not solve their
problem. Their incapacity to use the money is far more
difficult to rectify than their financial poverty. In replacing


the window, Goros was even attempting to take away what
good the country provided his family; Bazan mentions that
"fresh air and the smell of the countryside used to reach
him through that windowpane" ( I hc White Horse" and
Other Stories 140). If their perception of the world is
immutable, why attempt to obfuscate their reality with a
sophisticated window?
Stephen Dedalus of Joyce's Portrait of the Artist as a
Young Man experiences the same issue. After winning a
large sum of money for his academic achievement, he
proceeds to embark on a "season of merrymaking" (95)
wherein he hopes to better the life of his impoverished
family by buying them gifts, taking them out to dinner, and
opening up a personal loan bank. Once his money runs out,
however, everything in their lives returns to how it was
before the contest: "How foolish his aim had been! He had
tried to build a breakwater of order and elegance against
the sordid tide of life without him and to dam up, by rules
of conduct and active interests and new filial relations, the
powerful recurrence of the tides within him. Useless" (97).
Like Goros, Stephen realizes that mere money cannot
eradicate the morass of ignorance that caused his family's
poverty in the first place. Burdened by shame and anger,
Stephen "felt that he was hardly of the one blood with them
but stood to them rather in the mystical kinship of
fosterage, fosterchild, and fosterbrother" (97). In these
lines, it is clear that Stephen has begun to see himself as
intrinsically superior to his family based on his
intelligence, going so far as to identify himself with Jesus.
Through his tongue-in-cheek description of Stephen's
idealization, Joyce points out that even Stephen has not
managed to escape the negative effects of his surroundings.
Indeed, Bazan begins "El Vidrio Rojo" with a similarly
ironic tone: "There exist beings who are superior or at least
different and even resistant to the environment into which
they're bor" ( I hc White Horse" and Other Stories 137).

VI. Conclusion

At the end of Portrait, Stephen is able to better come to
terms with the culture that raised him. In the final pages of
the novel, he writes in his diary about his friend's failed
attempt to educate an old Irish man in the west of Ireland
about the universe and stars. Stephen writes, "I fear him. I
fear his redrimmed horny eyes. It is with him I must
struggle all through this night till day come, till he or I lie
dead, gripping him by the sinewy throat till... Till what?
Till he yield to me? No. I mean him no harm" (223).
Ultimately, Stephen decides to reconcile all aspects of his
native culture by writing them into art. Arguably, Joyce
attempted to do the same. Maryellen Bieder writes, "The
medium and the goal of [Bazin's] life's work were artistic
creation, which in her view transcended both eternal social
problems and temporal social problems and movements."
In order to combat poverty, despair, and paralysis, Joyce


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
4




KAY WITKIEWICZ


foreign vote as Blair, Jr. outpolled Kennett by only about
500 votes in St. Louis County, which essentially
constituted the city itself and a few suburbs, on his way to
winning the Congressional seat. Benton, on the other hand,
drew significantly more votes than either of his competitors
in St. Louis County, yet he finished third in the race for
governor.7 Furthermore, Corbin's reference to Blair, Jr. as
a Black Republican highlighted the precarious state of
Missouri and national politics in 1856.
Although Blair, Jr. officially ran as a Free-Soil
Democrat, he had strong ties with the emerging Republican
Party. Blair, Jr. became a member of the Republican
National Executive Committee-despite still avowing his
loyalty to the Benton wing of the Democratic Party-at the
Pittsburgh Convention in February 1856, which was
designed to organize the fledgling Republican Party on a
national scale. Moreover, his father, Frank Blair, Sr. was
the president of the Republican convention held in June
that year, at which the party declared itself in opposition to
the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the policies of the
current Democratic administration, and the extension of
slavery into the territories.78 Due to the Republican Party's
ideological resemblance to the Free-Soil Democrats and
due to his personal ties to the Republican Party, critics
painted Blair, Jr.-and any other Free Soiler-as a Black
Republican. Blair, Jr. further fortified his affiliation to the
Republican Party by endorsing its candidate, John C.
Fr6mont, for president in 1856. In contrast, Benton
considered the pro-slavery Democrat James Buchanan the
safest candidate to preserve the Union as sectional tensions
over slavery threatened its dissolution. After winning his
Congressional seat, Blair, Jr. supported Fr6mont's
candidacy even more fervently, thus completing the rupture
of the Benton-Blair, Jr. political partnership.79 Nonetheless,
Benton's political clout in Missouri was still enough to
keep Fr6mont off the presidential ballot, thus narrowing
down the race to Democrat James Buchanan and Know
Nothing Millard Fillmore.80 Although the Republican
Party's inaugural presidential candidate was wiped off
Missouri's ballot, Republican and Free Soil principles
reverberated among parts of the population, especially St.
Louis Germans.
In response to Fr6mont's deliberate absence on the
presidential ballot, Heinrich Bomstein encouraged his
readers to vote for the anti-immigrant Millard Fillmore out
of protest, figuring that Fillmore never had a chance to win
Missouri anyway.81 Bomstein's cheekiness aside, St. Louis
Germans were active electors in the 1850s, most notably at
the municipal level. For example, Bavarian John C. Vogel
came to St. Louis in 1836, received his U.S. citizenship in
1841, served as justice of the peace from 1851 to 1858, and
also served as a member of the city council from 1855 to
1861, after which he joined the Fourth Regiment Missouri
Volunteer Infantry.82 In addition, Germans of the first ward
elected Charles W. Gottschalk, president of the
Washington Fire Insurance Company and a patron of the


Freie Gemeinde whose name appeared in the association's
marriage register, as alderman or delegate from 1853 to
1855, while in 1856 the second ward elected him as
alderman.83 John H. Niermeyer, another prominent member
of the German community, who re-incorporated the
German Immigrant Aid Society and belonged to the Freie
Gemeinde, represented the sixth ward as a delegate in
1854.84 Members of German social organizations were
very popular candidates to represent their wards in local
government. Charles G. Stifel's election as alderman of the
seventh ward in 1857 reinforced this trend. Stifel was not
only a leading member in the St. Louis Turnverein, but also
the owner of a notable brewery.85 Furthermore, St. Louis
Germans also contributed to the election of Free Soil
mayor John Wimer in 1857, and Free Soil mayor Oliver D.
Filley from 1858 to 1860.86 However, as John C. Fr6mont's
exclusion from Missouri's 1856 presidential ballot already
foreshadowed, state politics became even more contested
between 1858 and 1860, and St. Louis Germans played
pivotal roles in the outcome.
By 1858, the city of St. Louis had expanded from six to
ten wards since the beginning of the decade. As the 1858
St. Louis city census revealed, Germans resided throughout
the city and wielded significant political power. In wards
one and two, over seventy-five percent of eligible voters
were German, while in wards three and ten, over forty
percent were German. Overall, in eight of the ten wards, at
least twenty percent of eligible voters were of German
descent.87 Blair, Jr. recognized the potential of this
powerful electorate, and even hired a tutor to teach him
German in order to become more appealing.88 However,
his principles alone were enough for St. Louis Germans to
endorse his candidacy for the United States Congress in
1858. Prior to the August election, the Anzeiger printed and
re-printed the Blair, Jr. campaign ticket, which also
included John C. Vogel running for the Missouri
legislature and Dr. Adam von Hammer running for
coroner. Hammer was a refugee of the revolutions who
actually fought with Friedrich Hecker in Baden, but then
moved to the United States, established himself as a
physician, and founded the Humboldt Institute in St. Louis
in order to instruct American doctors.89 Although Hammer
officially campaigned as an independent candidate, he
penned an editorial for the Anzeiger in which he confessed
his support for Blair, Jr. and his Free Soil principles.90
Shortly before the election, the Anzeiger again published
disclaimers encouraging Germans to become citizens, and
on August 1, 1858, the Anzeiger reminded its readers that
voting for the Blair, Jr. ticket entailed the end of slavery in
Missouri, the prevention of slavery in the western
territories, and improvements in the state's industrial and
agricultural sectors.91 Although a third candidate siphoned
votes away from Blair, Jr. and his pro-slavery rival J.
Richard Barret, the first and second wards, with the highest
percent of German voters, overwhelmingly voted for Blair,
Jr.92 While the first and second wards showed Dr. Adam


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
8





KATHLEEN M. CRANE, SARAH ALTMAN, BRENDA SMITH


teaching internships. The research was completed in order
to identify desirable and undesirable vocal behaviors in
preservice music teachers. The conclusions ofthishis study
have significant implications for pre-internship music
teachers and the larger subgroup of the teachers thought to
be most at risk: music educators.

Methods

Participants were recruited from the University of
Florida chapter of Collegiate Music Educators National
Conference and the Music Education department of the
School of Music. The participant pool consisted of 10
female undergraduate Music Education majors ranging
from ages 18-23. Five of the participants are primarily
vocalists, four instrumentalists, and one student is a
vocalist/instrumentalist.
On the day of the study, the participants were first asked
to fill out a questionnaire regarding their vocal health as it
relates to their career in teaching through a series of
subjective and objective questions. Next, each participant
took part in a three-phase experimental sequence that
involved acoustical screenings before and after a
prescribed teaching activity. Each student was provided
with a 20 fl. oz. bottle of water for purposes of vocal
hygiene and experimental control.
The acoustical screening prior to the teaching task
included a series of simple vocal tasks that were be
recorded and analyzed by Estill Voice Evaluation Suite
(VES) software. According to Vocal Innovations, this is a
computer program that "automates the collection, analysis,
storage, and retrieval of standard clinical voice measures"
(Vocal Innovations). The recording was done with an
omni-directional microphone kept at a three centimeter
distance from the participant to ensure standard measures.
The entire recording procedure for each participant took
approximately 20 minutes. The vocal tasks included
sustaining /a/ for four seconds, describing the Cookie Theft
picture from the Boston Diagnostic Aphasia Exam for a
10-second continuous speech sample, producing highest
and lowest possible pitches, producing loudest and softest
possible voice, sustaining a tone for as long as possible on
one breath, and saying "uh uh uh" as quickly and precisely
as possible for 7 seconds to measure Diodochokinetic
(DDK) rate, a measure of oral motor skills.
Immediately following the initial acoustical screening, the
participants taught a 30-minute lesson to a demonstration
choral ensemble made up of four voice students from the
School of Music, two male and two female. The
participants prepared the lesson in advance following the
protocol demonstrated in a pre-meeting and the
information provided in written guidelines. Time allotment
for each section of the lesson was monitored using a
stopwatch and the participants were given a signal
indicating two minutes to the end and the end of each
segment of the lesson. The researcher acted as the


accompanist and was there for purposes of harmonic
support. The pieces were rehearsed entirely a cappella and
reviewing of parts was done through vocal modeling
(demonstrating through singing) by the instructor.
In accordance with the prescribed lesson plan, the
participants began with an opening statement written by the
researcher. Next, the participants led the demonstration
group in a seven minute warm-up regime chosen by the
researcher from Complete Choral Warm-up Book by
Russell R. Robinson and Jay Althouse and Choral
Pecugogiy by Brenda Smith and Robert T. Sataloff
Next, the participants led a ten-minute rehearsal of "Ave
Verum Corpus" (KV618) by Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart
and a ten-minute rehearsal of the traditional piece
"Amazing Grace." Next, the participants taught a three-
minute cool down also chosen from Choral Pekd,aon'y.
Finally, the participants read a closing statement written by
the researcher to maintain procedural control and to signify
the end of the teaching phase. The lessons were video
recorded for the purpose of vocal evaluation and analysis.
Immediately following the teaching phase, the participants
were screened again using the same acoustical
measurement software and protocol as outlined above.
The researchers also perceptually evaluated the video
recordings for desirable and inefficient vocal behaviors, as
explained in Professional Voice by Robert T. Sataloff
(969-975). Sataloff cites three inefficient vocal behaviors:
yelling/screaming, loud talking, and excessive talking. The
desired vocal behaviors included breath control; breath
support; tone focus in speaking; tone focus in singing;
projection; prosody; and body posture, including head
alignment, neck alignment, chest open and erect, shoulders
relaxed, knees loose, and weight on the balls of the feet.
These desired vocal behaviors were rated according to their
efficiency: inefficient (1), rarely efficient (2), sometimes
efficient (3), often efficient (4), and very efficient (5).

Results

The acoustical measurements yielded a number of
statistically significant results. The pre- and post-acoustical
screening data were compared and analyzed. The
researchers found that the sustained "ah," shimmer
percentage or perturbation in amplitude increased over
time. Also, the minimal fundamental frequency in
continuous speech increased over time, meaning that their
inflections in continuous speech were higher in the second
test. The maximum amplitude or loudest possible pitch
reduced over time, thereby reducing the maximum
amplitude range. Additionally, at the participants'
maximum performance, their minimum frequency or
lowest pitched increased over time while their maximum
frequency or highest pitch reduced over time. Therefore,
their maximum frequency range was reduced from the
initial test (Tables 1 & 2).


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
2




ST. LOUIS GERMANS IN THE CIVIL WAR ERA


rang out from the crowd and hit one of the captains of the
Missouri Volunteer troops. Bedlam ensued, blood was
shed, and the Civil War in Missouri practically began.117
Following the events at Camp Jackson, the Westliche
Post declared St. Louis "an indubitable Union city.""8
Judging by St. Louisans enlistment in the federal service,
this assertion was quite true, as men from the city and
county outfitted the first twenty-two Union regiments.
Many of those who enlisted were of German descent. In
fact, out of a total German-born population of nearly
88,500 in the state of Missouri, about 31,000 Germans
joined the Union forces."9 Why did so many ordinary
Germans enlist to defend Missouri for the Union? The war
was a means and an end for Germans' dreams of socio-
economic advancement as enlistment accompanied steady
payment and a Union victory ensured a final stop to
slavery's expansion. Furthermore, Germans enlisted
because of camaraderie and a shared sense of community
that bound them together in St. Louis in the antebellum
years.
Several examples help illustrate Germans' commitment
to keeping Missouri in the Union. The case of John
Buegel's enlistment showed how important community
bonds were in inspiring Germans to become soldiers. Eight
days after President Lincoln issued his call for 75,000
volunteers to join the Union Army, Buegel and his friend,
whom Buegel identified as H. Hinzman in his diary,
attended a mass meeting of St. Louis Germans, featuring
free food and beer. Following the meal, the hall full of
Germans marched toward the St. Louis Arsenal, where
Buegel, Hinzman, and the rest of the Germans were sworn
into the Third Regiment of Missouri Volunteers for three
months of service. Immediately following Buegel's
discharge in September 1861, he met with several of his
old companions at a local wine hall. Upon finding out that
his acquaintance had re-enlisted in the Union Army for
three years, Buegel also "decided to enlist voluntarily
rather than being forced to do so later." The same day of
his discharge, John T. Buegel was sworn in again for three
more years of service.120 Buegel's diary revealed the
impact of community associations among Germans and
their decisions to join the war effort. Not only was the
atmosphere in the hall so infectious that the meeting's
attendees signed up to serve for three months, but Buegel
promptly joined his comrades in solidarity again by re-
enlisting upon his discharge. Buegel's case was the prime
example of how many in St. Louis' German community
carried over their antebellum bonds into the war.
Community associations among Germans were major
reasons for many more to join the Union Army. Frederick
Schafer, for instance, was a police officer in the
predominantly German first ward and managed one of
Bornstein's three taverns in St. Louis. During the war he
served as lieutenant colonel in Bornstein's Second
Missouri Volunteer Regiment. Similarly, Johann Backhoff


first fought side-by-side with Franz Sigel during the
revolution in Baden, and then served as major of artillery
in Sigel's Third Regiment.121 Schafer and Backhoff likely
felt some sense of personal obligation to join their
acquaintances in battle. Such feelings of personal
connection must have run even deeper for family members
who joined the war effort. St. Louisans August, Henry,
William, and Julius Bentrup, all from the same city in
Prussia and all between the ages of 20 and 28, enlisted
together in Company A of the Fifth Regiment of the U.S.
Reserve Corps in 1862. Two of the Bentrups were listed as
laborers and two were listed as chairmakers, yet all signed
up for the duration of the war.122 Given their youth and
menial occupations, it is possible that monetary
remuneration spurred the Bentrups to enlist. Personal
letters and muster rolls listing the ages and occupations of
German enlistees suggest that money and socio-economic
advancement were prevalent reasons to fight on behalf of
the Union.
Many Germans joined the Union Army in order to
provide for themselves and their families. For example,
Henry Voelkner, a lieutenant in Sigel's Missouri Volunteer
Regiment, informed his parents:
I have now between 300 and 400 dollars coming to
me, I cannot determine the exact amount, but we are
being assured that we are going to be paid soon. If I
can send the money, I will of course do so, but I must
insist that it be touched only in case of dire necessity.
You all know that I am not saying this out of
selfishness, and I trust you fully understand.123
However, Voelkner must have felt some pangs of guilt for
hoarding his money, as in a letter to his parents barely two
months later he acknowledged, "You don't write if you
have enough to live on or whether you need money or not.
Concerning the latter, I should have sent you money long
ago."'24 Voelkner's letters implied not only that he
intended to come back from the war unscathed, but also
that he had bigger life plans for which he saved up the
money earned at the front. The Bentrups and their
comrades in Company A may also have considered
fighting a means to improve their lives after war. Most men
in Company A were between twenty and thirty years old,
listed their occupations as laborers, and designated their
places of origin in Prussia, one of the regions hardest hit by
the economic downturn in the 1840s, which led many
Prussians to immigrate to Missouri in the first place.125 As
Voelkner's letters and the Company A muster roll suggest,
the war was a viable socio-economic opportunity for many
St. Louis Germans who sought to improve their lives and
fulfill their dreams of personal progress.
Clearly, Germans immigrants' visions of the United
States as a democratic country in which free whites could
improve their socio-economic status played a role in how
Germans reacted to the Civil War. German immigrants to
St. Louis, Missouri, in the 1840s arrived with such visions


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010




ST. LOUIS GERMANS IN THE CIVIL WAR ERA


translates to gymnastic associations, but are better
described as community athletic associations-sprang up
across the German states in order to inspire nationalistic
unity and train the populace in case of future military
invasions.49 Thus, unlike the Freie Gemeinde, the St. Louis
Turnverein was part of a larger associational movement
that began decades earlier in the German states and was
then transplanted throughout the United States by German
immigrants. As familiar remnants of the homeland,
Turnvereine helped build a sense of community among
Germans across the United States. This combination of
community and military preparedness played a significant
role in Germans' reactions to the Civil War. In fact, the St.
Louis Turnverein outfitted several regiments, one of which
B6mstein led personally. B6mstein's fierce devotion to the
Union cause had been building up for the past decade, and
his polemics were well-chronicled in the pages of St.
Louis' foremost German-language newspaper, the Anzeiger
des Westens. Together, the numerous German social
organizations and the Anzeiger des Westens helped forge
communal bonds among St. Louis' vast and diverse
population of German immigrants.
As owner and editor of the Anzeiger des Westens,
B6mstein used the newspaper as a platform to express his
personal views on politics, religion, and society. A refugee
of the revolutions, B6mstein came to St. Louis by way of
Paris-where he published a socialist paper titled
Vorwcirts! for several years beginning in 1844.50
Purchasing the Anzeiger des Westens in 1851, Bomstein
continued the newspaper's anticlerical, freethinking bend.51
Brnstein's Anzeiger expressed values shared by many
intellectual German emigres: a desire for democratic
government that was responsive to the people, the
separation of religion and politics, and the safeguarding of
basic human liberties. In essence, the Anzeiger voiced what
many German immigrants envisioned the United States to
be-a democratic nation that guaranteed personal liberty
and socio-economic progress to white men. However, the
views expressed in Brnstein's Anzeiger did not remain
uncontested, no less due to the steady growth of the
German-language press in Missouri and in America
overall.
The number of German-language newspapers increased
commensurately with the number of German immigrants to
the United States in the mid-nineteenth century. Hence, one
historian estimates that between 1848 and 1860, the
number of German newspapers doubled from 70 to 144,
just as the number of Germans in the United States doubled
from approximately 500,000 to over 1.2 million.52 This
explosion of German-American journalism is generally
attributed to the massive influx of German intellectuals
who fled the revolutionary upheaval in Europe and then
utilized their newfound freedom of the press to broadcast
their political philosophies. Indeed, with the advent of the
telegraph and a variety of different presses in the 1840s and


1850s, dispensing newspapers daily became the norm. In
fact, in 1854, Brnstein purchased two steam-powered
presses that allowed for the production of 800-1000 copies
of the Anzeiger per hour.53 However, while the Anzeiger
may have been the most popular newspaper around mid-
century, it was not the only German-language paper in St.
Louis. Bomstein and the Anzeiger competed, at least
temporarily, with a number of other papers, including
Franz Schmidt's Freie BlOtter, a more radical, anticlerical
paper; P. Martin Seidel's Herold des Glaubens, a Catholic
paper to counter Bomstein and Schmidt's anticlericalism;
Heinrich Koch's Antipfaff another freethinking,
anticlerical journal; and Theordor Olshausen's Westliche
Post, which endeavored to adhere to the truth, independent
of the influence of all political parties, in contrast to the
Anzeiger's overt political bias.54 As polarizing of a topic in
the public discourse as religion was, politics was not far
behind. In fact, the political inclinations of German-
language papers throughout the United States changed in
the 1850s from overwhelming support for the Democratic
Party in 1851, to a relatively even split between the
Democratic and the Republican Party in 1856, to
overwhelming support for the Republican Party in 1860.55
These transformations in editorial sentiment also occurred
in St. Louis, and they were best chronicled in the pages of
the Anzeiger des Westens, which revealed the political
turmoil that took place not only locally and within the
state, but rather throughout the nation.
Despite its overwhelming political content, the Anzeiger
des Westens also offered vital information for St. Louis
Germans who may have been less politically inclined. In
addition to job advertisements, many issues included lists
of letter addressees, notifying them that mail from
Germany had arrived and that it was available for pick-up
at the St. Louis post office. News from the German states,
in general, must have been an enticement for many-
especially recent immigrants-to read the Anzeiger.
Moreover, the Anzeiger updated St. Louis Germans on
community events, such as a Turnverein-sponsored Fourth
of July celebration in 1850, barely two months after the
association had come into existence.56 Nonetheless, since
city, state, and national elections were held in April,
August, and November, respectively, it was no wonder that
Bomstein primarily called upon his landsmen in politicized
language." Germans made up about one-third of the total
population of St. Louis in 1850. Thus, they constituted a
significant electorate, whom Bomstein sought to motivate
to vote in favor of candidates who endorsed democratic,
liberal principles commensurate with the German
immigrant vision of America. The Anzeiger des Westens
was a vehicle to spur St. Louis Germans to political action.
In fact, even before he purchased the Anzeiger,
Bomstein penned politically-charged editorials. In a piece
published in July 1850, titled, "To the German Citizens in
the Counties of Missouri," Bomstein enveloped his


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
5







"Damned Dutch": St. Louis Germans in the Civil War Era


College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, University of Florida


When the German radical leader Friedrich Hecker
immigrated to St. Louis, Missouri in November 1848,
following a failed attempt at establishing a democratic
republic in his home state of Baden during the revolutions
in the German states that year,' he described St. Louis as
an up-and-coming city with a "colorful mix of people,
where the Indian, the Negro, the Greek, the lively
Southerner, and the calculating Yankee all flock together."2
While social and political upheaval spurred Germans like
Hecker to immigrate to the United States, many also sought
refuge in America to escape poverty in their native states.
In fact, from 1840 to 1860, about 90% of all German
emigrants settled in the United States, nearly 1.4 million in
all.3 The growth of the city of St. Louis coincided with this
wave of German immigration. Between 1840 and 1850, the
total population of St. Louis grew almost five-fold to
77,860 inhabitants, making it the sixth most populous city
in the United States at midcentury.4 Over half of these
inhabitants were foreign-bor, most with German roots.5
Influenced by their oppressed social, political, and
economic experiences in the German states and by the
American democratic tradition, St. Louis Germans
emerged as a politically active community by the 1850s.
Since German-Americans made up almost one-third of
the city's population in 1850, their party affiliation and
support for state and federal politicians had major
implications for Missouri politics. Although certainly not
united on the political front, many St. Louis Germans
backed Missouri Senator Thomas Hart Benton and his state
faction of the Democratic Party, which opposed the spread
of slavery. However, with the decline of Benton as a viable
state and national politician in the mid 1850s, Germans'
political sympathies gradually shifted toward the free-soil
movement, and ultimately the Republican Party, led locally
by Benton's protege Frank P. Blair, Jr. By 1860, St. Louis
was the banner city of Republicanism in a pro-slavery
border state because the tenets of the Republican Party
were more ideologically and practically compatible with
the German-American vision of the United States as a
democratic country that safeguarded the socio-economic
advancement of free whites.
Aiding this transition in political affiliation, the Anzeiger
des Westens, the leading German-language newspaper in
St. Louis, and its prominent editor Heinrich Bomstein
mobilized his St. Louis landsmenn" by appealing to their
German roots and the American promise of freedom.
Furthermore, German immigrants settled in significant
numbers across St. Louis, and did not concentrate in a
distinct neighborhood in the city. Hence, in addition to the
Anzeiger, various social organizations fostered ethnic
cohesiveness and encouraged political discourse.


Ultimately, these ubiquitous social influences contributed
to St. Louis Germans' widespread activism on behalf of the
Union during the Civil War. Also, since many Germans
immigrated to the United States for economic reasons,
joining the Union war effort offered direct and indirect
economic benefits, such as bounties, government contracts,
and protection of the free white labor market. Nonetheless,
the German element in St. Louis was not monolithic. As
varied as Germans' reasons for immigrating to St. Louis
were, so were their political and economic motivations
once they arrived in the city. While some acted fervently
political, others appeared apolitical; while some firmly
established themselves as urban residents, others only
sought to earn enough money in the city to purchase land
and raise a farm in the countryside. The purpose of this
paper is to show how the various political and economic
interests of German immigrants to St. Louis led them to
support the preservation of the Union during the Civil War.
Furthermore, far-reaching interpersonal relationships,
German social organizations that fostered ethnic
cohesiveness, and the Republican ideology expressed by
state politicians were key in eliciting St. Louis Germans'
devotion to the Union cause.
First, it is crucial to examine conditions in the German
states in order to understand why so many Germans came
to America, and especially to St. Louis. Although Germans
left from a multitude of states, the emigration waves
between 1840 and 1860 hit particular regions especially
hard. The southwest German states of Wtirttemberg,
Baden, and the Palatinate, the Prussian provinces of
Westphalia and the Rhineland, and the Hesse-Cassel region
furnished a significant number of emigrants to the United
States during that time.6 Affected by rural overpopulation,
fluctuating grain prices, high land prices, and increasing
industrialization without much protection for laborers, the
lower middle class-namely farmers, agricultural workers,
industrial laborers, artisans, and journeymen-and the
peasantry made up the majority of German refugees to
America. The available land in many German states could
no longer support families who needed to engage in both
agriculture and protoindustry in order to survive. For
example, international competition, primarily from Britain,
and the rise of mechanized linen production caused rural
linen-weaving-Westphalia's primary protoindustry-to
decline beginning in the late 1830s, leading many to
emigrate in the mid-1840s.8 Furthermore, bad harvests,
such as the blights of potatoes and Prussian grains,
beginning in 1845, caused food prices to soar.9 Compared
to July 1845, the price of potatoes increased 425%, the
prices of rye and wheat increased about 250%, and the
price of barley increased 300% in the Prussian Rhineland


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
1


Kay Witkiewicz







"A Nicely Polished Looking-Glass": James Joyce and Emilia
Pardo Bazan


Christina Iglesias


College of Liberal Arts & Sciences


Aside from their shared Celtic heritage, Ireland and Galicia found themselves in interestingly similar situations at the turn
of the 20th century. As the rest of Europe thrived with industry, social revolution, and new ideas, the peoples of Ireland
and Galicia languished, isolated within intellectually and commercially stagnant communities. Like their native countries,
James Joyce and Emilia Pardo Bazan, too, found themselves in a parallel situation. Both lived simultaneously among and
outside their respective cultures, flourishing intellectually and academically while processing the unavoidable reality that
their homes remained stagnant even as the rest of the world modernized. Their works contain some of the best portrayals
of the colonial situation their peoples faced, as well as some of the most interesting explanations for why they had to.


I. Historical Context

The turn of the century unveiled a rapidly changing
world, one moved by industry toward economic and social
change. The boom of industry sounded a faint echo,
however, for those in Ireland and the Spanish province of
Galicia. Canning and cigar factories were the only
evidence of industry in the Galician capital, La Coruia.
Even these, however, were funded and controlled by
Catalan, British, and Basque investors (Gemie 45). Thus,
what industry did exist yielded no benefit for the Galician
people.
Another visible expression of Galicia's failure to
modernize is the prominence of caciquismo, the system by
which the nobility of Galicia, or hildaguia, maintained total
political control of the region. Voters in Galicia were
manipulated by caciques by means of bribes, public
holidays, sermons, and speeches. When these maneuvers
failed, the peasants were threatened by the insurmountable
penalty of higher taxes. While the rest of Spain engaged in
extinguishing caciquismo with relative success, Galicia
suffered quietly. Most historians agree that it was Galicia's
pre-modemity that prevented rebellion from occurring.
Indeed, Galicia of 1900 was essentially a chain of
crystallized medieval towns. Sharif Gemie describes the
Galician countryside as a "densely elaborate spider's web,
stretching from the house, through the hamlet, the village,
the parish, to the market town" (46). The Spanish census of
1920 revealed that Galicia was home to 40 percent of all
the villages in the country (Gemie 46). In his book,
Historia de Galicia, Ram6n Villares affirms that rather
than specialize, the typical Galician peasant served as both
farmer and artisan, working only to support himself and his
family (138). Galicia entered the 20th century virtually void


of modes of communication or transportation. Indeed, it
was only at the very end of the 19th century that the first
railroad system was established (Villares 140). This
predicament was responsible for Galicia's failure to
organize and improve its conditions. In many ways, the
difficulty of communication was secondary in importance
to the impossibility of establishing a collective identity as a
region (Gemie 46). Without a doubt, Galicia at the turn of
the century functioned as a colonial society. Thus, Galicia
faced the dawn of the new century intellectually,
politically, economically, and socially paralyzed.
Undeniably, the Ireland of the early 1900s also suffered
tremendously from the effects of colonial circumstances. In
her book, Dublin: The Deposed Capital, Mary E. Daly
describes Dublin as "the entrepot for British trade and
commercial influence and presumably the main centre for
the diffusion of British culture in Ireland" (1). In the wake
of modernity, Dublin's native industries simply did not
develop, with the exception of brewing and biscuits (320).
The implication of Ireland's failure to industrialize is that
the majority of its goods were imported from Britain.
Moreover, while most high-ranking occupations in Ireland
were held by members of the British upper classes, the
native Irish people were doomed to unemployment. Indeed,
Ireland and Galicia alike suffered the social issues
universal to poverty: unhealthy diets, dirty and crowded
housing, disease, alcoholism, and prostitution. Starving,
barefooted children roamed the streets of Dublin (O'Brien
175). In 1910, a total of 3,758 people were categorically
drunk when arrested (Daly 81). The Irish countryside, like
that of Galicia, was largely medieval in structure and
functioned independently of modem technology and ideas.
The Irish situation was complicated by the Irishman's
status as a second-class citizen in his own country, as rabid


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010





KATHLEEN M. CRANE, SARAH ALTMAN, BRENDA SMITH


Throat-Clearing


Pitch Elevation/Decrease Glottal Attacks
Overuse


SInstrumentalists
*Singers


Glottal Fry


Vocal Misuses


Figure 3: Vocal misuses identified during the rehearsal of "Ave Verum" by instrument





180 .


SInstrumentalists
*Singers


Throat-Clearing Pitch


Elevation/Decrease Glottal Attacks
Overuse


Vocal Misuses


Figure 4: Vocal misuses identified during the rehearsal of "Amazing Grace" by instrument

University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
6


160


140


W 120
E


n- 100

E
I-
"6 80

E
= 60
Z


Glottal Fry





MEGAN KENDZIOR


moved to structured improvisation. With a detailed format
in mind and an idea to explore, the dancers allowed their
bodies to fully deepen into the present moment, thus
investigating the manifestation of our discussions in their
physical bodies. This method of rehearsal allowed for me
to gain new perspective on the deviation between
preconceived thoughts and reality. During discussion, I
formulated thoughts and ideas on topics of interest.
Through improvisation, physical exploration allowed for
the underlying truth to shine through, at times confirming
the calculated beliefs and other times opposing them.
As a recipient of the University of Florida University
Scholars Research Grant, I visited Auschwitz in Oswi9cim,
Poland on August 8, 2009. Witnessing this site of horror
firsthand changed my entire outlook on daily life. I
realized, upon my return to Florida, the strength and weight
of my experience and the necessity for its exploration
through movement. I felt a responsibility to internalize that
experience and transfer the ideas to an art form that could
share the story with as many people as possible. I feel a
yearning and necessity to speak for those who can no
longer speak for themselves.
While at Auschwitz, I barely spoke. I saw movement
there. I cannot say that it was the millions of ghosts that
permeate the walls of the barracks. It was not the wind, as
there was no wind that day. It was not the sunshine casting
shadows upon the barracks, nor was it the movement of
trees, birds, or bugs. I witnessed within myself the dance
that was never performed there. I saw it. I stood, mostly in
silence. I absorbed the atmosphere like a wide-eyed child.
Every image and detail that entered through my eyes dug
deeper and deeper into my soul, leaving its mark upon my
being.
Throughout my visit at the concentration camp, I felt the
full range of human capabilities: a mixture of horror,
sadness, anger, disgust, rage and disbelief at the
inhumanity that stood before my eyes. I searched for a
similar reaction and found it in the photographic journal of
Erich Hartmann. He speaks of his wife's reaction at the end
of his book. Ruth Bains Hartmann states, "one can feel
anger, sorrow, pity, rage, nausea, anxiety for the human
race" (101). Walking through the dusty roads with high
barbed wire fences on each side, I felt hollow with a
complete lack of hope or passion. My humanity was tossed
aside, and in place a physical tension had been manifested
out of the reality of Auschwitz.
I saw movement happening throughout the camp.
Standing in front of the gate that guards the exit of
Auschwitz, I imagined the millions of beings who were
forced to march under this gate. Four specific locations at
the camp spoke to me. The roll call square held hundreds
of imaginary beings whose bones were stacked into the
standing position. A square of concrete adjoining the camp
kitchen pierced my heart, soul, and body in the poignant
march that an orchestra of camp prisoners once played
there. Brick barracks held three-tiered wooden bunks with


straw mattresses. Piles of bodies, physically during the war
and spiritually during my 2009 visit, rested nightly in these
rabbit cages. There was also a courtyard surrounded on
three sides with a high wall at one end. This "wall of
death" was numbing and forced my undivided attention for
an unfathomable amount of time, both during my visit to
the camp but also in my research and thoughts from that
day forward.
These four highlights of my visit formed the basis of the
work Witness. I realized the impact that each of these
physical locations had on me immediately after our first
rehearsal as a company. I wrote of the experience in our
first group rehearsal and of my personal experience in
Europe. These four moments became the entire structure
for the piece. Upon looking into these four historical events
within the existence of the Holocaust and Auschwitz, the
work began to take shape. I choreographed a movement
idea that aligned with each of the four physical places that
stood out during my visit: the roll call square, the orchestra
square, three-tiered bunks, and the "wall of death." I
worked with the dancers and informed them of my detailed
research on each of the historical events and places.
Together, we formed comprehensive ideas and explored
them through movement.
We began with the roll call. During my visit to the camp,
I sensed the struggle that the prisoners went through. I felt
this specifically while standing in the grassy square in the
middle of the camp, the same square where masses of
humans stood as they were degraded and dehumanized by
the Nazis in a morning call of names and numbers (Figure
2). The journal of Sima Vaisman, a Jewish doctor and
Holocaust survivor, and the detail with which she wrote of
her experience, allowed for my dancers and me to gain
insight into the horrific ordeal that occurred each morning
at a concentration camp:


Figure 2: Women during roll call at Birkenau.
Source: Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
2




KAY WITKIEWICZ


microfiche, while a man named J.F.W. Gehner is listed as a dry
goods merchant on page 73.
3 "Protokoll Buch der Freien Gemeinde von Nord St. Louis,"
Box 1, Folder 1: Protokoll Book, 1850-1875, Frei Gemeinde von
St. Louis Records, 1850-1974, Collection 37, Western Historical
Manuscripts Collection, University of Missouri-St. Louis, St.
Louis, Missouri. A man named F. Gehner is listed as a committee
member in Protokoll II from 1850.
"Cash Book (Member Dues) 1859-1869," Box 1, Folder 6: Cash
Book (Member Dues) 1859-1869, Frei Gemeinde von St. Louis
Records, 1850-1974, Collection 37, Western Historical
Manuscripts Collection, University of Missouri-St. Louis, St.
Louis, Missouri. A man named J.F.W. Gehner is listed as a due-
paying member for 1860.
4 Mersman, The Whiskey Merchant's Diary, 267.
45 The St. Louis Business Directory for 1850 also lists a druggist
and apothecary store by the name of Scheutze & Eggers on page
73. "St. Louis, Mo., Business Directory, 1850," Microfiche No.
1339:1, St. Louis County Library, St. Louis, Missouri.
6 Mersman, The Whiskey Merchant's Diary, 276.
47 Carl Wittke, The German-Language Press in America
(Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1957), 95.
"Cash Book (Member Dues) 1859-1869," Box 1, Folder 6: Cash
Book (Member Dues) 1859-1869, Frei Gemeinde von St. Louis
Records, 1850-1974, Collection 37, Western Historical
Manuscripts Collection, University of Missouri-St. Louis, St.
Louis, Missouri.
"Mitglieder Liste des St. Louis Turn Vereins, St. Louis,
September 1860," Volume 9: Membership Ledger, 1855 Oct. 3 -
1863 Jun. 4, Saint Louis Turn Verein Records, 1852-1933,
Record Series Number 01/A1449, Library and Research Center,
Missouri History Museum, St. Louis, Missouri.
8 Mersman, The Whiskey Merchant's Diary, 250, 261.
9 Roland Naul, "History of Sport and Physical Education in
Germany, 1800-1945," in Roland Naul and Ken Hardman, eds.,
Sport and Physical Education in Germany (London: Routledge,
2002), 16.
0 Steven Rowan, "The Continuation of the German
Revolutionary Tradition on American Soil," in Steven Rowan,
German for a Free Missouri: Translations from the St. Louis
Radical Press, 1857-1862 (Columbia: University of Missouri
Press, 1983), 37.
51 Wittke, The German-Language Press, 95.
52 James Bergquist, "The Transformation of the German-
American Newspaper Press, 1848-1860," in Henry Geitz, ed.,
The German-American Press (Madison: Max Kade Institute for
German-American Studies, University of Wisconsin, 1992), 216.
53 Bergquist, "The Transformation of the German-American
Newspaper Press," in Geitz, ed., The German-American Press,
222-3.
54 Steven Rowan, "Franz Schmidt and the Freie Blatter of St.
Louis, 1851-1853," in Elliott Shore, Ken Fones-Wolf and James
P. Danky, eds., The German-American Radical Press: The
hI.r1'' of a Left Political Culture, 1850-1940 (Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, 1992), 35.
Carl Wittke, Refugees ofRevolution: The German Forty-Eighters
in America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,
1952), 138.
Rowan, Germans for a Free Missouri, 49.


55 Bergquist, "The Transformation of the German-American
Newspaper Press," in Geitz, ed., The German-American Press,
221.
56 "Sonnabend den 6. Juli 1850," St. Louis Anzeiger des Westens,
Oct. 21, 1848-Oct. 18, 1851, Microfilm, State Historical Society
of Missouri, Columbia, Missouri.
57 John C. Schneider, "Riot and Reaction in St. Louis, 1854-
1856," Missouri Historical Review Vol. 68 (1974), 177.
58 "An die deutschen Burger in den Counties von Missouri,"
Sunday, July 13, 1850, St. Louis Anzeiger des Westens, Oct. 21,
1848-Oct. 18, 1851, Microfilm, State Historical Society of
Missouri, Columbia, Missouri. Translated by the author.
59 "An die deutschen Burger in den Counties von Missouri."
Translated by the author.
60 Charles M. Harvey, "Missouri from 1849 to 1861," Missouri
Historical Review Vol. 92 (1998), 125.
61 Jackson-Napton Resolutions quoted in Harvey, "Missouri from
1849 to 1861," 120-1.
Christopher Phillips, Missouri's Confederate: Claiborne Fox
Jackson and the Creation of Southern Identity in the Border West
(Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2000), 170, 172.
62 Douglas R. Hurt, Agriculture and Slavery in Missouri's Little
Dixie (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1992), 275.
63 William E. Smith, The Francis Preston Blair Family in
Politics, Volume I (New York: The MacMillan Company, 1933),
267.
64 "Constitution of 1820, State of Missouri," Folder:
"Constitutions, 1820," Office of Secretary of State,
Constitutions, Missouri State Archives, Jefferson City, Missouri.
65 "Werdet Burger!" Sunday, March 6, 1852, St. Louis Anzeiger
des Westens, Oct. 25, 1851-Oct. 21, 1854, Microfilm, State
Historical Society of Missouri, Columbia, Missouri.
"Biirgerpflichten," Sunday, April 3, 1852, St. Louis Anzeiger des
Westens, Oct. 25, 1851-Oct. 21, 1854, Microfilm, State
Historical Society of Missouri, Columbia, Missouri.
66 Schneider, "Riot and Reaction in St. Louis," 177.
67 "Der funfte April 1852-Die Stadtwahl-Blutiger Angriff
gegen die erste Ward-Mob, Brandstiftung und Zerstorung des
Eigentums," Sunday, April 10, 1852, St. Louis Anzeiger des
Westens, Oct. 25, 1851-Oct. 21, 1854, Microfilm, State
Historical Society of Missouri, Columbia, Missouri.
68 J.T. Scharf, History of St. Louis City and County, Volume I
(Philadelphia: Louis H. Everts & Co., 1883), 720.
"Donnerstag den 7. April 1853," St. Louis Anzeiger des Westens,
Oct. 25, 1851-Oct. 21, 1854, Microfilm, State Hitorical Society
of Missouri, Columbia, Missouri.
69 "Jno. A. Dougherty, August 8, 1854, St. Louis to Benton," Box
2: Thomas Hart Benton Collection, 1847-1942; 1958;
Geneaology, Thomas Hart Benton Papers, 1790-1958, Record
Series Number: 01/A0115, Library and Research Center,
Missouri History Museum, St. Louis, Missouri.
Schneider, "Riot and Reaction in St. Louis," 178.
70 Norma L. Peterson, Freedom and Franchise: The Political
Career of B. Gratz Brown (Columbia: University of Missouri
Press, 1965), 27.
71 "2 August 1852-General Election: Returns for Congressmen,
State Legislators & County Officials," Box 5: 1851-1854, Folder
14: Election Returns, 1852, Ralls-Shannon Counties, Office of
Secretary of State, Election Division, Election Returns, Record
Group No. 5, Missouri State Archives, Jefferson City, Missouri.


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
14





ON THE BURKEIAN REPRESENTATIVE ANECDOTE AND THE LONGINIAN SUBLIME


respectable cloth coat." Although representative of Pat's
closet, the anecdote lacks the larger allegorical meaning
that Nixon, as a Republican, does not squander campaign
funds on personal luxury. Without connection to this
larger, intended idea, the anecdote fails to be representative
of Richard Nixon's rhetorical goal. The proper noun
provides this connection.
Admittedly, many people remember the aforementioned
speech by Nixon as being about his dog Checkers. So, a
legitimate question is, "why was the story of the dog not a
representative anecdote?" Simply, it was too long.
Although "Checkers" is a proper noun, it represented
nothing more than the name of Nixon's dog, which he
obtained-free of charge-on the campaign trail (and
perhaps precisely the type of occurrence Nixon attempted
to deny in his speech).
Communicators should select proper nouns with care,
for by their nature, proper nouns are rhetorically
representative because "a word or group of words used to
refer to an individual entity ... [that] singles out the entity
by directly pointing to it, not by specifying it as a member
of a class."13 Proper nouns represent specific members of a
class, much like specific examples represent intended
ideas. In representativeness, proper nouns and examples
appear complementary by embodying a representative-
and allegorical-quality that suits examples. By specifying
an entity, which is a member of a class, proper nouns imply
the class. If proper nouns are a species of the class of an
intended idea, they effectively imply the intended idea as
representative anecdotes are meant to do by offering
multitude layers of details and associations, which add the
complexity and allegorical quality, for the "representative"
quality extolled by Burke. After all, Longinus asserts that a
true example of sublimity ought to "touch [the] spirit with
a sense of grandeur or leave more food for reflection of in
[the] mind than the mere words can convey."14 The
meaning of the representative anecdote therefore must be
more than the mere words suggest.

(C) Historical vs. Fable Anecdotes

The desired complexity communicators can create
within representative anecdotes depends on their veracity.
Aristotle identified two forms of examples: "one consists in
the use of a parallel from the facts of history; the other in
the use of an invented parallel [or, a fable]."' Aristotle
further comments on the use of fables and historical
examples:
Fables are suited to speeches in popular assembly; and
they have the advantage in that it is hard to find
parallels in history, but easy to find them in tales. In
fact, the speaker must contrive with the fable as he
contrive a comparison; all he needs is the power to see
[in some fable] the analogy [to the case at hand]-and
facility in this comes in literary training. But if it is
easier to find parallels in tales, nevertheless for


deliberative speaking the parallels from history are
more effective, since in the long run things will turn
out in the future as they have in the past.16
Invented parallels may pale against the concreteness of
historical parallels. Nevertheless, both may have a use.
Fables allow communicators to craft carefully examples, so
that audiences will easily arrive at the general idea
communicators intend to convey. Historical examples,
however, possess individual, analogous perspectives.
Communicators should have complete knowledge of
historical examples as well the various perceptions
audiences have of it. Although fables may be easier to use,
communicators should not be deterred from employing
history, because, as Aristotle observed, "we judge things to
come by divining from things that have gone before."7
Therefore, historical examples are persuasive and should
be considered first when seeking representative anecdotes.
Note also that fables necessitate more length because of
their novelty and therefore tend to explicate the intended
idea. Not all fable representative anecdotes are essentially
inferior to the historical, however, for usefulness of either
type depends on the situation.

"A GIVEN [EXAMPLE] MUST
BE...REPRESENTATIVE OF THE SUBJECT
MATTER IT IS DESIGNED TO CALCULATE. IT
MUST HAVE SCOPE."

(A) Synecdochically Specific

Both Burke and Aristotle warn communicators against
choosing examples that are simple reductions of the
subject. Aristotle warned against using an example that
"does not concern the relation of part to whole, nor of
whole to part, but of part to part, of like to like."18 Instead,
the example should stand as a representative case of the
subject matter, or in other terms, the intended idea.19 Or as
Burke asserts, "an anecdote, to be truly representative,
must be synecdochic rather than metonymic; it must be a
part of the whole rather than a reduction of the mental to
the physical."20 As modes of metaphor, metonymy is the
reduction of the mental to the physical, and synecdoche is
the reduction of a whole to one of its parts, but the "whole"
is the intended idea.
Paramount to the success of representative anecdotes is
the specific relationship between the general subject and its
specific example. Audience best associate the subject and
its example if they come from the same class, such as
comparing Florida to Texas. Problems arise when a
communicator compares elements of different classes, such
as comparing Florida to Great Britain. Audience must work
mentally to overcome the class discrepancy, considering
the differences between the subject and example before
considering the similar, intended idea. For rhetorical goals
to be met, Aristotle was explicit: "when two things fall


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
3





RACHEL BELCHER


reproduced as Figure 1. My reinterpretation of the semantic
triangle appears as Figure 2. The solid symbol (a sentence
with a proper noun used as an example) rises to the level of
the representative anecdote if it possesses rhetorically apt
complexity. To achieve an epitome of a representative
anecdote, the symbol has undergone rhetorical "pressure"
and "heat." When "pressure" and "heat" are adequate, the
representative anecdote, or solid symbol, bypasses the
usual lengthy, detailed explanation (or liquid stage)
represented by the dotted line at the base of the triangle. I
will explain.


Thought or Reference


Correct*
Symbolizes (a causal
relationship)


Symbol


Adequate*
Refers (to other causal
relations)


Referent


*True -
Standing for an imputed relation


Figure 1: C.K. Ogden and I.A. Richards' semantic triangle


Representative Anecdote


Correct*
Complex layers (directly
related)


/
Symbol


Adequate*
Refers (to other causal
relations)


\
Persuasive
Conclusion


*True -
Stands for the implied relationship


Figure 2: My reinterpretation of the semantic triangle


balance of suppleness-or generality-and complexity. By
complexity, Burke refers to an allegorical quality of the
example. In essence, the allegory is "a symbolic fictional
narrative that conveys a meaning not explicitly set forth in
the narrative... having meaning on two or more levels that
the reader can understand only through an interpretive
process."6 Representative anecdotes, understood through
an interpretive processes of induction, are allegorical-but
not necessarily allegories.7 Like allegories, effective
examples contain more than one meaning that does not
obscure communicators' intent, but provide multiple layers
of interest and import from which audiences that take pride
and pleasure. Although audiences often digest plain,
purposeful speech quickly, they actually may savor speech
that requires some effort (or perceived effort).
Effective complexity is illustrated by the statement of
treasurer, and later governor, of Texas Ann Richards at the
1988 National Democratic Convention: "Ginger Rogers did
everything Fred Astaire did. She just did it backwards and
in high heels."8 Richards' anecdote is literal, but carries
complexity. Richards speaks not just of Ginger Rogers but
also of females generally, for women can accomplish the
same things as men but may have had a harder time doing
so. The implied second meaning, the complex allegorical
one, impacts audiences more powerfully than the explicit
first meaning, which is limited in its literality. If audiences
discover an example's complexity via their own inductive
reasoning, they may tacitly accept the communicator's
implied idea.
As Longinus noted, communicators should not avoid
creating complexity that contributes to grandeur and thus
sublimity of a treatise, and he thus identified five principle
sources of sublime writing. First and foremost was
"elevation of mind," which initiates awe-inspiring ideas,
words, and sentences.9 Yet even if awe-inspiring, "if they
cannot be taken allegorically, they are altogether impious,
and violate our sense of what is fitting."10 Put another way,
Longinus wrote, "for a piece is truly great only if it can
stand up to repeated examination, and if it is difficult, or
rather impossible to resist its appeal ... it remains firmly
and ineffaceably in the memory."" Representative
anecdotes survive repeated examination because their
allegorical natures provide layers of meanings for
audiences to discover, which thereby constitute persuasive
appeal and assist memory.


"A GIVEN [EXAMPLE] MUST BE SUPPLE AND
COMPLEX..."

(A) Complexity

Consider Burke's statement that "a given [example]
must be supple and complex enough to be representative of
the subject matter it is designed to calculate."5 Here, Burke
directs the communicator to choose an example with a


(B) Proper Nouns


The pivotal locus of sublime complexity may be the
proper noun. Consider Richard Nixon's use of the proper
noun "Republican" when asserting that he and his party
were honest and hard working. He said, "Pat doesn't have a
mink coat. But she does have a respectable Republican
cloth coat."12 The anecdote would have read much
differently if the proper noun Republican had been omitted:
"Pat doesn't have a mink coat. But she does have a


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
2




KAY WITKIEWICZ


1860. Contested among Northern Democrat Claibome Fox
Jackson, Sample Orr for the Constitutional Union Party,
Hancock Jackson for the Southern Democrats, and
Republican James B. Gardenhire, the state elected Jackson,
with Gardenhire running last. Although half of
Gardenhire's 6,000 votes came from St. Louis County,
Missouri, just as it demonstrated in the national
presidential election, chose a seemingly moderate political
path, as the Northern Democrats promised to leave slavery
up to the territories.108 While Jackson may have appeared
as a moderate choice, he was, in fact, a staunch supporter
of secession in case the Union ruptured along sectional
lines.109 Abraham Lincoln's election as president in 1860
precipitated just such a split between northern and southern
states, as South Carolina commenced the wave of secession
in December 1860. Missouri's allegiance was in flux as it
enjoyed strong political and economic ties to both the
North and the South, and as Governor Claibome Jackson
pulled the strings in one direction, St. Louis' eminent
statesman Blair, Jr. pulled the strings in the other direction
with help from his German constituency.
In response to swirling rumors of secession in late 1860,
St. Louis Germans and local political leaders organized
into community associations called Wide Awake Clubs in
defense of Republicanism. Led by the likes of Blair, Jr. and
Adam von Hammer, these clubs drew on Germans' affinity
for social organization and experience in military drill: in
addition to the Turnverein's emphasis on military
preparedness, many German immigrant males likely served
in their home state's militia or participated in violent
uprising during the revolutions. Stressing the importance of
maintaining the Union, the Wide Awakes often held
meetings at night in order to drill in secret in spacious and
safe locations, such as the Turner Hall and Winkelmeyer's
Brewery."1 Despite Germans', and especially the
Turnverein's, massive membership and support, the
impromptu Wide Awake Clubs lacked formal direction
until prominent St. Louis Republicans, including Blair, Jr.,
met in January 1861, and replaced the secret Wide Awake
Clubs with the Central Union Club, open to any man who
favored maintaining the Union regardless of political
affiliation. Moreover, the meeting vested Blair, Jr. with the
authority of defending the federal government in the city
and the state-an authority Blair, Jr. could not legally
invoke. However, Blair, Jr.'s popular appeal allowed him
to practically invoke such authority by organizing former
Wide Awake members into local militia regiments called
the Home Guard."' The St. Louis Home Guard, largely
composed of Germans, was crucial in keeping Missouri in
the Union.
By February 1861, the St. Louis Home Guard vied for
control of the city with the Minute Men, locally organized
pro-secession militias. The St. Louis Arsenal-the largest
federal arsenal in the South, containing 60,000 muskets,
90,000 pounds of powder, 1.5 million ball cartridges, and
40 field pieces-was key to the future of the city and the


state, since whichever group controlled the arsenal had an
advantage in either keeping the state in the Union or aiding
its entry into the Confederacy.112 Blair Jr. recognized the
potential impact control of the arsenal had, and promptly
enlisted his brother Montgomery, a cabinet member of
President Buchanan's lame duck administration, to send
additional military troops to St. Louis. Thanks to
Montgomery Blair's political prowess, General Nathaniel
Lyon arrived in St. Louis on February 7. Upon Blair, Jr.'s
request, Lyon not only led the professional military
training of the German-dominated Home Guard, but due to
Blair, Jr.'s political clout and the official beginning of the
Civil War in April, Lyon also gained the authority to enlist
the Home Guard as federal troops in defense of the
arsenal.113 Thus, by the beginning of May 1861, General
Nathaniel Lyon commandeered a brigade of soldiers made
up mostly of St. Louis Germans.
Several characteristics stand out among these early
enlistees: many were members in German social
organizations and had already served in the Home Guard,
and they elected prominent locals as their military leaders.
For example, members of the St. Louis Turnverein
composed the first three companies of the First Regiment
of Missouri Volunteers, and they elected Blair, Jr., who
served as a private in the Mexican War, to be their
colonel.114 Moreover, Bomstein, Franz Sigel, who fought
in Baden during the revolutions and was the director of the
German Institute of Education in St. Louis, and Carl
Eberhard Salomon, a Prussian emigre and member of the
Freie Gemeinde, all led their own regiment of Missouri
Volunteers. Even Charles Stifel-a well-known member of
the Turnverein, local politician, and owner of a brewery-
led his own regiment of enlisted Home Guards. 115
Speaking of beer, German enlistees who guarded the
arsenal were well provisioned, as Winkelmeyer's
brewery-where many Wide Awakes previously drilled-
and Stachlin's brewery each provided a barrel of beer a
day.116 Missouri's earliest enlistees revealed that personal
associations and shared experiences abounded among the
first St. Louis Germans mustered into the state's federal
forces. Once actual fighting began in Missouri, and more
and more Germans enlisted, similar characteristics defined
St. Louis German soldiers.
The event that incited large-scale fighting in Missouri
occurred on May 10, 1861, at Camp Jackson, a makeshift
encampment of the Missouri State Guard, in the city of St.
Louis. The Missouri State Guard, under the authority of
Governor Claibome Jackson, was generally composed of
former members of the Minute Men, who originally
organized in response to the St. Louis Home Guard.
Viewing this encampment as a threat to the St. Louis
Arsenal, General Lyon encircled the State Guard with the
help of Blair, Jr.'s, Bomstein's, Sigel's, and Nicholas
Schtittner's regiments of Missouri Volunteers. As Lyon's
troops escorted the captured State Guardsmen away from
Camp Jackson amid a bevy of raucous onlookers, a short


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
10







Bolivian Agriculture Landscapes: A Body of Art Work


Natalie Richardson


After five years of college in the northern hemisphere, I
return to South America, Bolivia, the country I grew up in
and have missed dearly. I am here to capture and document
my experience traveling through mountainous agriculture
fields for a body of artwork I will later create upon my
return. Accompanying me are my family, a smart camera,
some pencils, and a few sketchbooks. My family has
agreed to replicate the countryside excursions we used to
take years before, which consisted of a twenty-minute
drive in any direction, followed by a steep ascent, closed
curves, and an array of breathtaking landscapes.
Within a week I set forth on my first trip to Corani, a
small town 35 minutes northeast of the city I used to live
in, Cochabamba. The roadside views on the way are
spectacular, filled with small fields of wheat, barley, oats,
potatoes, and habas (a type of broad bean). Within 20
minutes I snap dozens of pictures of amorphously shaped
parcels that crawl over and around Andean mountainsides
(Figure 1). The weather is perfect with not a cloud in sight,
and the air is crisp and cool. It is winter and many of the
fields are a dull brown-beige, but there are a few green
patches that seem to have completely ignored the season
and gone off on their own time. The oat fields are mature
and ready to be reaped; they dapple the slopes with bright
gold and mirror the Andean sunshine. An occasional hum
of an old truck fades in and out of the crevices of the
mountain, and a solitary homero bird softly interrupts the
timeless silence. After spending two hours here, I feel that I
have taken in and been taken by every aspect of this
wonderful place.
I set out on my second journey to Corani a week later,
and this time I only take my pencil and sketchbook with
me. I want to approach this trip with a new method and


Figure 1: Haba fields on the way to Corani.


College of Fine Arts, University of Florida

find something different. With the car in motion and no
smart camera to capture the view rapidly, I need to keep
my sketches as simple as possible. For every site seen I
need to lock an image into short-term memory, take my
eyes away from the window, and sketch it in less than ten
seconds. This means that I need to choose what to draw
because I will inevitably miss a few sites. Of course, I ask
for the car to be stopped here and there, but after the tenth
stop I sense that I might be walking the rest of the thirty
miles. I choose to sketch sites that draw my attention: a
field with five wheat bundles in a row; another field with
two grazing llamas and three cows; a conglomeration of
fields, ten or so, stuck together like puzzle pieces and
plastered on the rising mountain surface. I find myself
attracted to the same objects I used to count out the
window when I was a child. These objects later appear in
my artwork, such as "Mountain Fields" (Figure 2), where
the agriculture fields are isolated from everything else and
topple on each other making their way up the page.













.. o^o


, 4,


Figure 2: Mountain Fields, 2008. Watercolor. Pencil, color pencil.


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
1




ST. LOUIS GERMANS IN THE CIVIL WAR ERA


German immigrants were a major aid in St. Louis' urban
development, but how were so many Germany aware of the
opportunities this gateway to the West had to offer? The
answer was a process called chain migration.23 German
immigrants to the United States often left their old country
with the security of having employment and
accommodations already arranged in the new country
through relationships with previous migrants. Take the case
of Theodor van Dreveldt, for example. Looking to leave
Germany in 1844 in response to government oppression of
liberal activism, van Dreveldt planned his move to the
United States according to the guidance of a university
friend who had already settled in Hermann, Missouri. In
addition to informing van Dreveldt of land prices and land
fertility in the Missouri valley, the university friend also
doled out some valuable political advice, suggesting to van
Dreveldt, "test yourself to make sure that you really are a
republican and a democrat and will be able to leave at
home any aristocratic notions by whatever name they are
called, whether birth, wealth, or education. That alone is
necessary for happiness here."24 In the end, van Dreveldt
settled close to his friend in Hermann. Furthermore,
Theodor then helped his brother Anton settle in America as
well.
Correspondence between the two revealed the
importance of St. Louis as an entrepot for German
immigrants. For example, upon his arrival in 1850, Anton
wrote to Theodor, whenhn I got to St. Louis, I found the
$200 account you had opened for me with Angelrodt,
Eggers & Barth."25 Angelrodt, Eggers & Barth was a
German-owned banking business in St. Louis, and
furthermore, Carl Ernst Angelrodt was the consul-general
of several German states, including Prussia, Bavaria, and
Hessia, until Robert Barth succeeded him.26 Ultimately,
Anton used that money to establish a farm eight miles from
St. Louis, and Theodor maintained the account on behalf of
his fiscally irresponsible brother.27 The van Dreveldt
example of chain migration illustrates several important
points: interpersonal and institutional connections, in the
forms of Theodor's university friend and the banking
business of Angelrodt, Eggers & Barth, respectively, were
crucial for transatlantic relocation; many chain migrants
settled near each other, often creating "transplanted
communities" as historian Walter Kamphoefner calls them;
and St. Louis was the focal point for urban and rural
settlement in Missouri in the mid-nineteenth century.
Unlike other growing urban centers along the
Mississippi River at this time, German settlement of St.
Louis formed no distinct neighborhood, such as
Cincinnati's "Over the Rhine" district, and instead yielded
significant clustering in a number of the city's wards. Still,
several settlement patterns can be discerned. The
commercial and labor opportunities near the port enticed
many recent German immigrants to settle from the
riverfront outward. Moreover, a number of Germans also


moved near the city limits in order to delve into the land
development and real estate businesses. Thus, when the
city of St. Louis extended its boundaries in 1855, it
incorporated a number of predominantly German areas in
the northern and southern extremes of the city.28
Nonetheless, the composition of Germans in the city's
wards varied. For example, despite the fact that northwest
Germans from regions such as Westphalia comprised the
majority of German immigrants throughout St. Louis, the
city's second ward was home to a number of Germans who
had emigrated from the same or adjacent districts in that
region. Such regional clustering was not unique as the
second ward also housed Germans from two adjacent
districts from the southwestern state of Baden.29 The
composition of St. Louis' second ward shows that chain
migration significantly shaped not just Germans' rural
settlement of Missouri, but their urban settlement of the
state's main metropolis as well.
St. Louis Germans were of heterogeneous immigrant
backgrounds, and their adaptations to American life were
incredibly varied; they were laborers, liberals, poor,
prosperous, intellectuals, and indigents. However, even
though almost 24,000 Germans out of a total population of
77,860 lived in St. Louis in 1850, numbers alone cannot
explain why or how these disparate German elements
interacted and communicated with one another to form an
ethnic community.30 Available means of transportation,
such as omnibus lines to every part of the city, no doubt
facilitated interaction, but, more importantly, the omnibus
patrons' destinations truly forged ethnic cohesiveness
among the Germans of St. Louis.31 Voluntary organizations
such as the St. Louis German Immigrant Society, the Freie
Gemeinde von St. Louis, and the local Turnverein were not
only social outlets for German immigrants, but also
fostered democratic political traditions. Moreover,
everyday interpersonal interactions among St. Louis
Germans created far-reaching and interconnected social
relationships. Lastly, the Anzeiger des Westens, the most
widely circulated German newspaper in the St. Louis area,
and its ubiquitous editor Heinrich Bdrnstein linked both the
institutional and interpersonal levels of association, and
politically mobilized his German readership. Together,
these aspects of German life in St. Louis created a
community in the sociological sense of the word-"a
network of institutions of both a formal and informal
nature, based upon a sense of mutuality, and extensive
enough to enable those within it to carry on a continuing
pattern of social interactions mostly within that network."32
Along with themselves, Germans transplanted their
tradition for voluntary organization to St. Louis. With its
avowed purpose "to secure employment, to provide the
means for the continuation of the journey, should such
means be needed, to care for the sick, to protect them from
overcharges, and to secure justice for them," the St. Louis
German Immigrant Society, formed in 1847, was one of


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010





SARA STOUT


names-like Hamlet, or Lear, or Oedipus, or Faust-that
seems to sum up some fact of human potential and to bare
the contours of some exemplary human fate."2 Brodhead
fails to specify what potential exactly Ahab embodies that
enables him to bare his exemplary fate of failed vengeance,
but I would argue that Ahab's potential for exposing truth
gives him such narrative might and literary clout. Ahab
possesses the human potential to avenge, and through him
Melville explores the truth and reality of Ahab's desires,
means, and end. Melville conducts these explorations via
changes in narrator and narrative strategy, and as he
changes narrative perspective he repeatedly examines both
the true power of a desire for vengeance and the true nature
of man's relations with the divine.
After Ahab's appearance on the Quarter-Deck in Chapter
36, Ahab's actions and objectives drive the majority of
Moby-Dick's (often interrupted) plot, and Melville affords
multiple characters opportunities to reflect on Ahab's
human potential and what it means for the fate of the
Pequod and its crew. Ishmael first shares his perspective on
the true state of Ahab in "The Quarter-Deck," and then
Melville makes the first major narrative change in the
novel when Ishmael disappears nearly entirely from the
next three chapters. Ahab is the first to give a soliloquy,
and in the next chapter, Starbuck takes the narrative reigns
and presents a soliloquy largely focused on deciphering
Ahab. At the conclusion of Starbuck's narrative, Stubb
begins his own with Ishmael continually absent except for
a few stage directions. In these four chapters, Melville
utilizes four narrators all focused, at least in part, upon the
same enigma: Captain Ahab and his obsession. Each
narrator presents a different perspective on Ahab's human
potential for truth.
Ishmael prefaces this trio of soliloquies with a brief
narrative, but he does so from a unique perspective for a
first person narrator-from a third person objective
perspective. He speaks of the mariners and seamen whom
Ahab addresses abstractly in the third person as though he
were not one of them, even though Ishmael reports that
"the entire ship's company were assembled."3 Ishmael
says, "the company...with curious and not wholly
unapprehensive faces were eyeing him."4 Ishmael never
uses "we," "us," or even "I" in the chapter and does not
include himself in the company even though he is clearly a
member. Though Melville leaves Ishmael in charge, he
revokes his first person privileges. As a result, this first
close look into Ahab's obsession becomes less subjective
and more objective. As Melville hunts for the truth in
Ahab, he does not trust the exploration to one character's
first-hand impressions, but instead utilizes a suddenly
removed third person navigating a sea of characters'
reactions.
With "Sunset," the chapter after "The Quarter Deck,"
Melville makes even greater alterations in his narrative
strategies and grapples to find the truth of Ahab's potential


by zeroing in on one perspective. Ishmael disappears
entirely from the chapter except for the presence of two
sets of stage directions. Ahab takes the role of first person
narrator as he delivers a soliloquy. Ishmael excludes
himself from the scene as he specifies in his stage
directions that Ahab is "sitting alone, and gazing out"5 as
he delivers the soliloquy, and Melville uses Ahab's
narration to explore Ahab's desire for vengeance as one
based on justice, divine duty, and his personal power.
Throughout the soliloquy, Ahab muses on his quest for
vengeance through the use of complicated metaphors and
metonymies. He bases one of his most powerful symbolic
representations of his quest for revenge on the "Iron Crown
of Lombardy." Ahab muses, "Is, then, the crown too heavy
that I wear? this Iron Crown of Lombardy."6 The Iron
Crown of Lombardy was used to coronate rulers of the
Holy Roman Empire and is said to contain an iron nail
originally used to crucify Christ.7 Ahab's choice of the Iron
Crown to represent his burden yields great insight into the
captain's perspective on his quest for vengeance. Just as
Holy Roman Emperors saw the Iron Crown, Ahab
considers his quest both noble and ordained and bestowed
by God. Ahab does not see his hunt as selfish, obsessive, or
spiteful, but as a crown and responsibility given to him
rather than taken up. When Melville has Ahab use this
metonymy to symbolize his desire for vengeance, he
considers whether Ahab's true potential is one of god-
ordained justice. He switches narrators to examine the
world according to Ahab and to ascertain whether Ahab's
world is indeed truth.
With the second half of "Sunset," Melville builds on
Ahab's invocation of the gods in the first half of his
soliloquy, and he begins to question another ultimate truth:
what is man's proper relation to the gods? In the first half
of his soliloquy, Ahab seems to draw justification for his
vengeance via his perceived role as an agent of the divine,
but his attitude drastically changes. As Ahab continues in
his musings, his consideration of his quest shifts to an all-
out indictment of and challenge to the gods. Ahab explores
his relation to the divine as he makes a prediction: "I now
prophecy that I will dismember my dismemberer."8 With
this prediction, Ahab usurps power over his life and
situation from the gods and Melville begins to explore the
potential free will has in overturning any divine plan. Soon
Ahab's soliloquy switches to an apostrophic challenge to
the gods. Ahab shouts, "Come forth from behind your
cotton bags!...Swerve me? ye cannot swerve me, else ye
swerve yourselves! man has ye there,"9 and Melville
considers Ahab's perspective on the truth of man's power
over the gods and their will.
Melville ends Chapter 37 with the end of Ahab's
soliloquy, and he begins Chapter 38 with a fresh set of
stage directions and a fresh narrator, Starbuck. Melville
examines Ahab's take on truth in "Sunset," and with
"Dusk" (Chapter 38) Melville considers the merits of


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
2





JAMES JOYCE AND EMILIA PARDO BAZAN


Vigilance Association were bitterly resented in nationalist
Ireland as compromising that very self-sufficiency The
Irish Homestead hoped to instill" (74). Indeed, by the time
Joyce published "Eveline," a fair amount of skepticism had
also begun to circulate, mostly in response to the
undeniably obvious degree of exaggeration discernible in
the propaganda (77). This phenomenon was indisputably
Pan-European, affecting the continent as well as Britain
and Ireland. Gemie expounds on how a Galician woman's
journey across the ocean differed from a man's: "they were
usually poorer, they were exploited by the ships' crews,
and-worse still-there was a thriving trans-Atlantic sex
industry, in which women were shipped from Spain to
Argentina to become prostitutes" (52).
Bazan's treatment of the subject is strikingly different
from Joyce's: while Eveline is probably aware of the white
slave trade hysteria (as evidenced by the apparent
prevalence of related propaganda in Dublin), it does not
seem as though Ildara has any idea where she is headed,
geographically or otherwise-nor is she necessarily
worried about it. The narrator's mention of the "gancho,"
or middleman travel agent, is haunting-it is just as
obvious to him as it is to the reader that poor, uneducated
village women like Ildara will do anything to escape their
poverty. Perhaps the question is not so much whether
Ildara will remain at home or suffer a life of demeaning
humiliation as a prostitute, but whether she would
eventually prostitute herself in her own country or abroad.
At the end of the story, though, her ability to live
independently of her father is permanently jeopardized, as
his beating renders her completely useless.

III. International Context

Bazan's short story, "La Armadura," discusses the
growing irrelevance of the Spanish nobility in a modem
context. Despite her relative leniency toward the ruling
class due to her own status as a member of the aristocracy,
Bazan is not blind to its decline and decadence. "La
Armadura" tells the story of a young duke, Lanzafuerte,
who attends a costume ball as his own grandfather, dressed
in his family armor. By the end of the night, the suit is so
heavy, tight, and suffocating that Lanzafuerte has to return
home on the verge of fainting. At home, his friend
comments, "Espafia es como tu...metida en los moldes del
pasado, y muriendose, porque ni cabe en ellos ni los puede
soltar" (My translation: "Spain is just like you... stuck in
the moulds of the past, and dying, because you do not fit
inside them and refuse to let them go") (Cuentos
Completos 273). It is the nobility's failure to relinquish
antiquated notions of superiority based on family name that
hinders Spain's progress. Ultimately, Lanzafuerte's
arrogance about his legacy blinds him to the fact that he
cannot function in society. It is important that he attends
the ball dressed as his grandfather first and foremost
because he cannot afford a new costume. This failure is


thus both interpersonal and national: Spain is no longer a
world power. Maryellen Bieder writes that Bazan
understood "the fact of being something historical,
finished, inextricably linked to institutions that are today
being called into question by social evolution" (44).
Joyce's short story, "After the Race," too, demonstrates
the reality that in the context of the modem world, Ireland
has been left behind. The story follows Jimmy Doyle, a
young Dubliner, who attends a race with some
international friends and ends the night drunk and
penniless. What is perhaps most interesting about the story,
however, is that it begins by describing how Jimmy's
father came into his money. Once a fervent nationalist, he
had "modified his views early" (Joyce, Dubliners 33).
After making his living as a butcher, he secured police
contracts and ultimately made enough money to send his
son to Cambridge. Essentially, Jimmy's father forfeited his
political views to cater to English hegemony, represented
both by Cambridge and the police, for an attempt at a more
luxurious lifestyle. Despite his education, however, Jimmy
is vacuous to the point of idiocy and consumes his time
formulating pretences that are convincing only to himself.
At the end of the day, Jimmy, like the Irish nation, goes
home empty-handed. Even though he plays the part to the
best of his abilities, his life barely constitutes the role of
supporting actor. Ireland is, at best, an extra in the world
drama-and perpetuates its status as such by ignoring it.

IV. Colonial Elements

The title of Joyce's short story "Two Gallants" sets up
expectations to be disappointed, for its protagonists,
Lenehan and Corley, are anything but gallant. The plot of
the story concerns one of Corley's attempts to seduce a
slaveyy," or domestic servant woman. It is only at the end
of the story that the reader is informed that Corley was
sleeping with the slavey to convince her to steal from her
employer on his behalf. In essence, Corley makes his living
through manipulation and inverse prostitution. Though it is
obvious that Corley is taking advantage of the lower class,
he does not realize that he, too, is being manipulated. Both
Lenehan and Corley are, unbeknownst to them, wholly
manipulated by British supremacy. Indeed, the story is
pervaded with imagery of British dominance over Irish life.
The notion that colonization turns the colonized into
imitations of the colonizer is presented vividly in
Lenehan's distinctly English dress. Joyce's classification of
Lenehan as "leech" is telling-he has no life of his own
except that which he extracts from Britain.
Lenehan is also haunted by the image of the weathered
harpist playing an old Irish melody, Silent, 0 Moyle. As he
walks about the city, his hands inadvertently tap out the
tune of the song on the railings of the Duke's Lawn. Joyce
writes, "The air which the harpist had played began to
control his movements" (Joyce, Dubliners 45). Dressed in
English fashion, Lenehan remains inescapably Irish and


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
3




KAY WITKIEWICZ


the first organizations dedicated to help German
newcomers in the city.33 Such humanitarianism was
ideologically compatible with radical liberal ideas, such as
universal manhood suffrage and popular sovereignty,
which many German intellectuals immigrated with to the
United States. In fact, a number of the immigrant society's
incorporators were also members in the Freie Geimeinde
von St. Louis, the Free Congregation of St. Louis, known as
a freethinking, liberal association of Germans. For
example, Thomas J. Meier and Edward Eggers were two of
the original incorporators of the St. Louis German
Immigrant Society and both served leading roles in the
Freie Gemeinde in the early 1850s. Moreover, John H.
Niermeyer and U.F.W. Bentzen were members of the
group that re-incorporated the St. Louis German Immigrant
Society as the German Immigrant Aid Society of St. Louis
in 1859, and both were also leading members of the Freie
Gemeinde during that time.34
The protocol book for the Freie Gemeinde further
revealed the liberal aspirations of the society. The meeting
minutes between November 1850 and January 1851
document the adoption of proposals to establish a free and
independent church in north St. Louis along with a school
that emphasized ethics and reason in the place of religious
instruction.35 This onus on reason and the separation
between religion and rational thinking in particular were
hallmarks of radical German liberal associations
throughout the United States. In addition, membership dues
for the Freie Gemeinde asked for quarterly contributions of
around $2, thus making association affordable for St. Louis
Germans from all but the lowest socio-economic strata.36
These fees generally contributed to various fests and
dances, often dedicated to particular times of year, such as
spring, which further encouraged ethnic cohesiveness.37
In addition, membership rolls for the Freie Gemeinde
von St. Louis further revealed intricate personal
relationships in St. Louis German society. The case of
Joseph J. Mersman and John Clemens Nulsen was
particularly telling of how intertwined St. Louis German
society could be. As a youth, Mersman and his parents
emigrated from northwest Germany to Ohio in 1833. In
1849, Mersman moved to St. Louis, and established a
whiskey and tobacco business with Nulsen, also a
northwest German immigrant.38 Mersman's diary made
multiple mentions of a man named Block, whose grocery
and wholesale business, Block & Evers, was located two
streets away from Mersman & Nulsen.39 Judging by the
diary entries, Mersman and Block were likely acquainted,
while Nulsen and Block were two of the original founders
of the Franklin Savings Institution established in 1857.40
More personal connections abounded. In July 1853,
Mersman joined Erwin Lodge No. 121, the only Freemason
chapter that conducted business entirely in German in all of
Missouri. Mersman's diary entry for July 20, 1853 read:
"Today I was in the store, as usual, except in the afternoon
when I was out making collections for our lodge. After


supper I went to Gehner's to collect money, but I did not
find him at home. From Gehner's I went to Meyer's, drank
a glass of beer, and played two games of billiards."41 The
man referred to as Gehner was either the owner of a dry
goods store or a carpet weaver.42 Either way, several
different entries in the Freie Gemeinde files indicated that
a man named Gehner was not only Mersman's Freemason
brother, but also a member of the freethinking organization
during this time.43 Mersman's entry revealed that his
leisure activities frequently involved other Germans in the
neighborhood and that he was acquainted with and
involved in freethinking St. Louis German society. His
account of the next day's events, when he drank beer with
"Erfort and Eggers," confirmed this.44 "Eggers" was likely
Edward Eggers of the St. Louis German Immigrant Society
and the Freie Gemeinde.45 Furthermore, on August 14,
1853, Mersman reported that, "Brother Eggers became a
third degree Mason...At 10 we were done, and some of us,
including me, went to Boemstein's and drank a glass of
beer."46 Thus, not only Gehner, but also Eggers was a
member of both the Freemasons and the Freie Gemeinde.
Moreover, Mersman and some of his Freemason brothers
commemorated Eggers' ceremony with a glass of beer at
"Boemstein's," which likely referred to one of the three
taverns owned by St. Louis' most ubiquitous German
socialite, Heinrich Brnstein.
By midcentury, Brnstein was not only the owner of a
hotel, a theater, a brewery, and several taverns, but he was
also the owner and editor of the Anzeiger des Westens, as
well as a member in both the Freie Gemeinde and the St.
Louis Turnverein.47 Mersman and Nulsen were also
involved with the Turnverein. Shortly after its founding,
both attended a ball in December 1850, and both became
members of the organization in 1855.48 It is possible that
the two merchants knew Brnstein personally through their
membership in the Turnverein, but, as many St. Louis
Germans did, at the very least they knew of him and
frequented one of his taverns. Bornstein was quite the
socialite, and his membership in numerous German
associations certainly contributed to his renown. However,
given the variety of German voluntary organizations in St.
Louis, it is essential to understand that while many of these
associations attracted the same members, there were also
crucial differences among them.
The Turnverein was similar to the Freie Gemeinde in
that members of the former were generally freethinking
liberals who had emigrated from the German states in order
to realize their democratic dreams in the United States.
However, the Turnverein also emphasized physical
activities and competitive events, such as drilling exercises
and shooting competitions. One of the reasons why the St.
Louis Turnverein stressed military preparedness had to do
with its transatlantic origins in the early nineteenth century.
Following the defeat of Napoleon, the central European
order, and the fate of the German states in particular, was
in shambles. As a result, Turnvereine-which literally


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
4





KATHLEEN M. CRANE, SARAH ALTMAN, BRENDA SMITH


prevent vocal problems? This study began the process of
decreasing vocal problems among music educators but
more research is needed.

Conclusion

After eliminating confounding variables (discipline,
student age and ability, class size, ambient noise, etc.), the
investigators were able to create a near-optimal teaching
environment. Even within a near-optimal environment,
mild acoustic changes were noted in addition to several
different vocal misuses and mild overall vocal
deterioration. One could speculate from these results that
with a longer period of voice use (i.e. 8 hours/day, 5
days/week) that moderate to perhaps severe vocal
deterioration would occur during the course of one's
teaching career. More research is needed to develop
behavior modification strategies for the prevention of vocal
problems among music educators.


Acknowledgements

First, I would like to thank my wonderful mentor, Dr.
Brenda Smith, Associate Professor of Music. Dr. Smith has
inspired me to new heights and has constantly supported
and encouraged me throughout this project. I can't thank
her enough for all she has taught me over these past few
years. I would also like to thank Sarah Altman, Graduate
Research Assistant, Communicative Disorders. Sarah
devoted countless hours to this project throughout the
planning, experimentation, and analysis stages. Her advice
and guidance were invaluable, and I could not have done it
without her. I also thank Dr. Judith Wingate, Clinical
Director, Communicative Disorders, for access to the
facilities in Dauer Hall and her support of this project.
Finally, I would like to thank Jessica Van Leer, Alyssa
Rodgers, Anthony Rodriguez, and Chris Tobias for putting
in numerous hours as the demonstration choir for the
experimental phase of the research project. Their help and
lovely voices were greatly appreciated.


Works Cited


Hackworth, Rhonda S. "Preservice Music Teachers'
Perceptions of Vocal Hygiene: Findings from a National
Survey." Journal of Music Teacher Education 16.1 (Fall
2006): 20-31. Print.

Robinson, Russell, and Jay Althouse. Complete Choral
Warm-up Book. Van Nuys California: Alfred Publishing
Co., 1995. Print.

Sataloff, Robert T. Professional Voice: The Science and
Art of Clinical Care. 3rd ed. San Diego: Plural
Publishing, Inc., 2005. Print.


Smith, Brenda, "Voice Disorders among Choral Music
Educators." Choral Pedagogy. 2nd ed. Ed. Robert T.
Sataloff and Brenda Smith. San Diego: Plural Publishing
Inc., 2006: 133-137. Print.

Solberg, Larry C. and Kathryn Proctor. "A Survey of Voice
Use Practices and Voice Problems of K-12 Vocal Music
Teachers." Journal of Singing 57.2 (Nov. 2000): 3-5.
Print.

Vocal Innovations. "Voice Evaluation Suite." Estill Voice
Training. Vocal Innovations, 2009. Web. 28 April 2010.


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
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KATHLEEN M. CRANE, SARAH ALTMAN, BRENDA SMITH


5


4


3 -


2 2





0







Desired Vocal Behavior


Figure 7: Perceptual video analysis of participants by desired vocal behavior


5



4





C


"-
0 3









\ \i \i \a \
Participant


* STSF01
* STSF04
O STSF05
O STSFO6
* STSF10
* STSF12
* STSF13
O STSF14
* STSF15


iB ,oO
0
i
y0
x's'
6'


* Breath control
* Breath support
D Tone focus: speaking
O Tone focus: singing
* Projection
* Prosody
* Overall Body Posture
O Head Alignment
* Neck Alignment
* Chest Open and Erect
D Shoulders relaxed
D Knees loose
* Weight on the balls of the
feet


Figure 8: Efficiency of observed desired vocal behaviors of singers vs. instrumentalists







University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
8




EMERSON RICHARDS


old-fashioned political form with a very modern
weapon, and a very modern method. Therefore,
Mordred's politics were that of progress, whereas the
system that he brought down was the traditionalist
court of King Arthur.
Since the introduction of gun powder into European
warfare and other advances in military technology,
and certainly since the Bubonic Plague had previously
decimated a good portion of men eligible for
knighthood, the horse-based culture of the chevalier
was rapidly becoming obsolete. Therefore, this period
of progression away from the medieval period may
seem a strange time for Malory to choose to
regurgitate the archaic, chivalric tales of King Arthur
and his Knights of the Round Table. By the time
Malory wrote, the Early Modem period had
superseded the Age of Chivalry. However, this Early
Modem, or extreme late medieval period, was a time
period in which England needed this seemingly
nationalistic tale of a brave, native king defending
England from an alien force, a vile, incestuous usurper
from the North named Mordred. His battle techniques
are modem: "in the most unknightly fashion,
[Mordred] uses cannon on his enemies, even on
Guinevere's fortress."33 Mordred's use of gunpowder
to destroy the ideal that Camelot represented was
mirrored in the society of the late-fifteenth and early-
sixteenth centuries as firearms destroyed chivalry.
Mounted attacks and steel armor were not sufficient
offence or defense against canons and gunfire.
Furthermore, Mordred's political strategies also
have an underlying modernity. In Le Morte d'Arthur,
Mordred was acting as a proto-Machiavellian Prince:
instead of relying on his heredity and aristocracy to
win him support, as a monarch with divine right
would, he used the art of rhetoric "and much people
drew unto him. For then he was the common voice
among them that King Arthur was never other life but
war and strife, and with Sir Mordred was great joy
and bliss."34 For Malory, Mordred was a
manifestation of progressive liberal politics, while
King Arthur and the court of Camelot remained
conservative, archaic remnants of an antiquated ideal
of knights in shining armor doing good deeds, saving
maidens, and going on grail quests. In a way, Malory
may have been writing an early version of the modern
dystopian novel, showing how progress is destructive.
The Age of Chivalry and Camelot could not be
sustained in the world, neither according to literature
nor shown in reality. Camelot fell to modernity, but
modernity destroyed itself with its lack of respect for


history; yet eventually, even modernity will fall into
the past and be destroyed like its forefathers.
While it is difficult to establish sweeping statements
about any figure in Arthurian legend due to the
multiple versions and the differences between the
rendering of each individual within space and time, as
the previous sections have labored to demonstrate, to
simplify Mordred as a merely malevolent villain is
uninformed. He is, in many ways, a tragic hero much
as Arthur.35 Mordred's tragedy is that althoughuh
Mordred starts life with a birth-story so often
associated with heroes, he is destined from birth
(indeed, from conception) to be the villain."36 Yet in
order to make a modern remark on the "redemption of
Mordred," one must move beyond the literature
discussed above and consider material composed post-
Vulgate in which more of Mordred's story was
formed and taken beyond chronicle form. While
authors made great strides in the composition of
Arthurian legend, especially in the twelfth century,
and transfigured it from chronicle material into the
more "substantial" Romance, few of these Romances
mentioned Mordred.
The complexities of Mordred in post-Vulgate
literature, however, made him more than a wicked
antagonist. With the background that the Vulgate
Cycle provides, he is a product of his circumstances.
From the time of his birth, due to the nature of his
conception, "Mordred is presented as an innocent
victim, even though he is destined to destroy the
Arthurian world."37 Yet the representation of Mordred
continually changed throughout the texts: he was a
villain, a hero, a son, a nephew, an incestuous bastard,
and an adulterer. Despite all these mutations of his
character, however, Mordred's final, devastating
action did not change at all. The French Vulgate
Cycle, by allowing fault to be found in Arthur,
unknowingly began a process which author T. H.
White would complete almost eight centuries later-
the redemption of Mordred.
Centuries later, from 1939 to 1958, T. H. White's
The Once and Future King (loosely on Malory)
approached the character of Mordred from a Freudian
psychological perspective. White made the analogy
that "Desdemona robbed of life, or honor is nothing to
a Mordred, robbed of himself his soul stolen ...
while the mother-character lives in triumph."38 In T.H.
White's adaptation, Morgause, Mordred's mother and
Arthur's half-sister, was presented as more of a villain
than Mordred. Mordred becomes merely "her grave.
She existed in like a vampire."39 Morgause had


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
4




ST. LOUIS GERMANS IN THE CIVIL WAR ERA


"7 August 1854-General Election: Returns for Congressmen,
State Legislators, County & Judicial Officials," Box 6: 1854-
1856, Folder 2: Election Returns, 1854, Perry-St. Louis Counties,
Office of Secretary of State, Election Division, Election Returns,
Record Group No. 5, Missouri State Archives, Jefferson City,
Missouri.
72 Peterson, Freedom and Franchise, 28.
73 Donnie Bellamy, "The Persistency of Colonization in
Missouri," Missouri Historical Review Vol. 72, No. 1 (1977), 9.
Leonard Wurthman, "Frank Blair: Lincoln's Congressional
Spokesman," Missouri Historical Review, Vol. 64 (1970), 266.
74 Smith, The Francis Preston Blair Family in Politics, I, 337.
75 Peterson, Freedom and Franchise, 29.
76 "Abel Rathbone Corbin, Washington, July 27, 1856, to
Reynolds," Folder 1: Correspondence, 1844-1856, Thomas C.
Reynolds Papers, 1844-1906, Record Series Number: 01/A1289,
Library and Research Center, Missouri History Museum, St.
Louis, Missouri.
77 Walter Kamphoefner, "St. Louis Germans and the Republican
Party," MidAmerica Vol. 57, No. 2 (1975), 73.
"4 August 1856-General Election: Returns for Congressmen,
State & County Officials and Judges," Box 6: 1854-1856, Folder
18: Election Returns, 1856, Rails-Saline Counties, Office of
Secretary of State, Elections Division, Election Returns, Record
Group No. 5, Missouri State Archives, Jefferson City, Missouri.
78 Peterson, Freedom and Franchise, 57.
Smith, The Francis Preston Blair Family in Politics, 328, 331,
337.
79 Peterson, Freedom and Franchise, 57-8, 61.
80 Kamphoefner, "St. Louis Germans and the Republican Party,"
81.
81 Kamphoerner, "St. Louis Germans and the Republican Party,"
81.
82 Scharf, History ofSt. Louis City and County, I, 411.
83 "May 27, 1855," Box 1, Folder 3: Marriage Register, 1855-
1863, Frei Gemeinde von St. Louis Records, 1850-1974,
Collection 37, Western Historical Manuscripts Collection,
University of Missouri-St. Louis, St. Louis, Missouri.
Tolzmann, ed., The German Element in St. Louis, 122.
Scharf, History ofSt. Louis City and County, I, 722.
84 Scharf, Hiztory ofSt. Louis City and County, I, 722.
85 Scharf, History ofSt. Louis City and County, I, 722.
J.T. Scharf, History of St. Louis City and County, Volume II
(Philadelphia: Louis H. Everts & Co., 1883), 1332.
"Mitglieder Liste des St. Louis Turn Vereins, St. Louis,
September 1860," Volume 9: Membership Ledger, 1855 Oct.
3-1863 Jun. 4, Saint Louis Turnverein Records, 1852-1933,
Record Series Number: 01/A1449, Library and Research Center,
Missouri History Museum, St. Louis, Missouri.
86 Scharf, History of St. Louis City and County, I, 720.
87 Kristen L. Anderson, "German Americans, African Americans,
and the Republican Party in St. Louis, 1865-1872," Journal of
Ethnic History Vol. 28, No. 1 (2008), 38.
88 William E. Parrish, Frank Blair: Lincoln's Conservative
(Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1998), 65.
89 A.E. Zucker, "Biographical Dictionary of the Forty-Eighters,"
in A.E. Zucker, ed., The Forty-Eighters: Political Refugees of the
German Revolution of 1848 (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1950), 300.


90 "Fiir Coroner," Monday, July 12, 1858, Neuer-Anzeiger des
Westens, Beg-June 22, 1858, End-Feb. 21, 1859, Microfilm,
St. Louis County Library, St. Louis, Missouri.
91 "Unser Ticket," Sunday, August 1, 1858, Neuer-Anzeiger des
Westens, Beg-June 22, 1858, End-Feb. 21, 1859, Microfilm,
St. Louis County Library, St. Louis, Missouri.
9 "Resultat der August-Wahl von 1858," Thursday, August 5,
1858, Neuer-Anzeiger des Westens, Beg-June 22, 1858, End-
Feb. 21, 1859, Microfilm, St. Louis County Library, St. Louis,
Missouri.
93 "An meine Mitbiirger," Friday, August 6, 1858, Neuer-
Anzeiger des Westens, Beg-June 22, 1858, End-Feb. 21,
1859, Microfilm, St. Louis County Library, St. Louis, Missouri.
94 Peterson, Freedom and Franchise, 85.
95 Phillips, Missouri's Confederate, 183.
Rowan, Germansfor a Free Missouri, 102-4.
96 Rowan, Germansfor a Free Missouri, 105.
97 "Tenth Ward-Republican Ticket-Except for County
Recorder," Box 1, Folder 4: Frei Gemeinde, First Missouri
Republican Ticket, 1860, Frei Gemeinde von St. Louis Records,
1850-1974, Collection 37, Western Historical Manuscripts
Collection, University of Missouri-St. Louis, St. Louis, Missouri.
Rowan, Germansfor a Free Missouri, 125.
"Politics in St. Charles County," Thursday, July 15, 1858, St.
Louis Republican, 19th Century Newspapers (accessed 24 April
2010).
"Friede Family Papers, 1849-1977," Box 11: Folders 465-493,
Folder 480: Friede Family Papers, 1849-1977, The Missouri
Collection, Collection Number: C3982, Western Historical
Manuscripts Collection, Columbia, Missouri.
98 "Election Returns," Volume 11, William C. Breckenridge
Papers, 1752-1927, Roll 2, Volumes 10-18, Collection Number:
C1036, Western Historical Manuscripts Collection, Columbia,
Missouri.
99 Rowan, Germansfor a Free Missouri, 101-4.
100 Kamphoefner, "St. Louis Germans and the Republican Party,"
80.
Peterson, Freedom and Franchise, 91.
Tyler Anbinder, Nativism and Slavery: The Northern Know
'.;,rih,,i, and the Politics of the 1850s (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1992), 250-2.
James Bergquist, "The Forty-Eighters and the Republican
Convention of 1860," in Charlotte L. Brancaforte, ed., The
German Forty-Eighters in the United States (New York: Peter
Lang Publishing Inc., 1989), 144-5.
101 Bergquist, "The Forty-Eighters and the Republican
Convention of 1860," 148.
102 Bergquist, "The Forty-Eighters and the Republican
Convention of 1860," 147-8
Rowan, Germansfor a Free Missouri, 111.
103 Rowan, Germans for a Free Missouri, 113.
14 "To the Republicans and Free Democrats of St. Louis,"
Volume 11, William C. Breckenridge Papers, 1752-1927, Roll 2,
Volumes 10-18, Collection Number: C1036, Western Historical
Manuscripts Collection, Columbia, Missouri.
105 For more information on how Germans voted in states other
than Missouri, see Frederick C. Luebke, Ethnic Voters and the
Election of Lincoln (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press,
1971).


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010





BOLIVIAN AGRICULTURE LANDSCAPES: A BODY OF ART WORK


During my childhood I have always thought of my
country as the land with the most beautiful landscapes. One
can appreciate its splendor in the magnificent Andes
Mountains, salt flats of Uyuni, Tiahuanacu and Inca ruins,
and Lake Titicaca. And, although my future works will
probably make their way through these amazing wonders, I
based this project on the simpler mountain countryside
because this area is precious to me. I have traveled through
this place so many times as a child, and I've never ceased
to be intrigued and amazed by its humble beauty.


Figure 5: Aguayo Corani Field 1, 2009. Watercolor, color pencil, pencil.












































University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
3





KATHLEEN M. CRANE, SARAH ALTMAN, BRENDA SMITH


Results of the questionnaire participants filled out prior
to the teaching phase yielded the following results: eight
out of ten participants feel that vocal health is "highly
important" to their future career as music educators, and
the remaining two participants feel that vocal health is
important" or "very important."
All of the participants reported experiencing vocal
problems after prolonged voice use (more than 30
minutes). The most commonly reported problem was voice
fatigue, with nine of the ten participants reporting issues.
Throat pain and difficulty with loud dynamics were
reported four times each. Hoarseness, difficulty with soft
dynamics, and a tickling or choking sensation were each
reported twice, with breathiness and difficulty with
crescendo also mentioned.
Each lesson was video recorded for later analysis.
Criteria for analysis were developed from Sataloffs
Professional Voice. Kathleen Crane (Principal
Investigator), Brenda Smith (Mentor), and Sarah Altman
(Co-Investigator) viewed the videos in order to quantify
vocal misuses and perceptually evaluate behavioral voice
problems. The following vocal misuses were judged:
throat-clearing, pitch elevation/decrease overuse, glottal
attacks, glottal fry, jaw tension, and facial tension. The
researchers found minimal throat-clearing, but the pitch
elevation/decrease overuse, glottal fry, and glottal attacks
increased as the lesson progressed. The longer the
participants taught, the more they displayed vocal misuses.
The misuses appear to have reached a peak during the
rehearsal of "Amazing Grace" late in the rehearsal (see
Figure 1).
While all participants displayed vocal misuses, the
instrumentalists were responsible for a greater percentage
of the total observed misuses. For example, in the rehearsal
of "Ave Verum Corpus," the instrumentalists collectively
performed 69 glottal attacks while the singers performed
36. Similarly, they were observed performing glottal fry 48
times, while this was only observed in the singers 17 times.
This trend continued throughout the rehearsals. However,
the only throat-clearing that was observed was by one of
the participants, a vocalist (see Figures 2-5).
The researchers also perceptually evaluated the video
recordings for desirable and inefficient vocal behaviors.
Among the three inefficient vocal behaviors
(yelling/screaming, loud talking, and excessive talking),
the only behavior observed was excessive talking. The
researchers rated the inefficient behaviors according to the
frequency of their occurrence: never, rarely, sometimes,
often, or very often. Two of ten participants were often
found to talk excessively and one sometimes talked
excessively.
The data from the video perceptual analysis show that all
participants varied in the efficiency of their vocal behaviors
(see Figures 6 & 7). In general, it seems that the singers
were rated more efficient with regards to their voice use


(breath control, breath support, tone focus in singing and
speaking, projection and prosody) but were not
significantly different in terms of their posture efficiency
(see Figures 8 & 9).
In addition to the perceptual rating scale, the researchers
also recorded subjective observations of the participants'
vocal behaviors. For all participants, they observed a
decline in desirable vocal behaviors and an increase in
inefficient behaviors as time progressed, reaching the peak
during the rehearsal of "Amazing Grace." This decline
included increased vocal misuses, deteriorating posture,
and body and facial tension.
Many of the vocal behaviors observed had to do with
personal posture habits or other individual differences in
behavior. A few, however, related to the participants'
teaching and pedagogical actions. For example, a few
participants sung with the demonstration choir while they
were rehearsing. One participant made a habit of talking
over the singing. Another participant, a mezzo-soprano,
modeled the male parts in their octave rather than the
octave above. Additionally, many participants had repeated
speaking behaviors such as the participant who repeatedly
said "OK, so" in a staccato fashion and another who
repeated "ready, alright" at frequent intervals. These
teaching behaviors could contribute to deterioration of
vocal efficiency.

Discussion

This study was designed to observe and measure vocal
behaviors in potential music educators that could
contribute to a decline in vocal integrity. Mild acoustical
differences were found between the initial and post-
teaching task acoustical screenings. Among the acoustical
measurements employed, a few measurements yielded
statistically significant changes. Each of the statistically
significant results discussed above displays a trend toward
deterioration of vocal integrity.
Not only did all participants display acoustical changes
indicative of vocal deterioration, but they all displayed
similar patterns in deterioration of desirable vocal
behaviors over the course of the thirty-minute lesson. In
general, the number of vocal misuses observed increased
for the participants as the lesson progressed. The number of
vocal misuses reached its peak during the rehearsal of
"Amazing Grace," seventeen minutes into the lesson. This
suggests that the vocal misuses increase over prolonged
voice use. This could be due to fatigue, decreased
concentration on how one is using one's voice, or many
other factors. The participants displayed similar trends
towards increasing deterioration of vocal integrity. This
general increase in vocal misuses occurred for the
participants regardless of their primary instrument, length
of time in the Music Education program, and other factors.


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 | Summer 2010
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MORDRED IN ARTHURIAN LEGENDS FROM SELECT WORKS OF THE SIXTH THROUGH THE FIFTEENTH CENTURIES


instilled in her sons, Mordred, Agravaine, Gareth,
Gaheris, and even Gawaine, a sense of necessary
revenge against Arthur because of the wrong their
father did to his mother Igraine, the grandmother of
these knights. As with medieval Arthurian legend, the
modem author White enhanced certain aspects of
Arthurian legend to mirror contemporary societal
concerns. Mordred's character extenuated the subtle
difference between good and evil, a theme that many
twentieth century authors and politicians tried to
reconcile. White's Mordred was very much conscious
of his genesis and of Arthur's attempt to rid himself of
the potential embarrassment and bellicose dealings
promised by Merlyn.
Like Malory's reiteration of a seemingly obsolete,
"quaint" tale of knights and quests in order to make a
political statement, White used Arthur's Round Table,
an anachronism of many centuries, to remark on
various political ideologies-chiefly, fascism and
communism, which were eminent concerns at the
time. In the fourteenth century, Fordun had written on
behalf of the Scottish people, a people who much like
the Irish had become subjugated to British rule, and
made Mordred and the Orkney faction into Scottish
heroes. In the twentieth century, White reprised this
role, equating the Orkney brothers to a "race, now
represented by the Irish Republican Army ... flayed
defenders of a broken heritage. They were the race



Endnotes

1 Written in 970, documenting the era from 447 to 533.
2 Though the character of Mordred is a relatively static figure, insofar as
Arthurian literature allows figures to be, the spelling of his name changes quite a
bit throughout time and space. As shown by the excerpt ofAnnales Cambriae, the
original spelling is Medraut, which became Medrod and Modred, and finally
stabilized at the commonly recognized Mordred. This philological transformation
is largely based on the author's lingual capacities, oral and aural. However,
certainly, the mutations of Mordred's name merit a more in-depth analysis.
3 Annales Cambriae, ed. The Rev. John Williams Ab Ithel (London: Eyre and
Spottiswoode, Her Majesty's Printers, 1860), 4.
4 The first significant mention of Arthur as a historical figure occurs in Historia
Brittonum composed in 830 by Nennius, a Welsh priest. According to Nennius's
Historia Brittonum, Arthur fought against the Saxon invasion, where he "was
twelve times chosen their commander [dux bellorum] and was often conqueror"
and won twelve battles, including the Battle of Badon Hill. Trans. J.A. Giles, 18,
1.,11. ..11 ... ... accessed April 2009.
5 This is a body of Celtic literature pertaining to Arthur that later influenced the
French romances.
6 Elizabeth Archibald, Incest and the Medieval Imagination (New York: Oxford
University Press, 2001), 203.
7 Ibid., 209.
8 qtd. in Archibald, 217.
9 Alan Lupack, The Oxford Guide to Arthurian Literature and Legend (New
York: Oxford University Press, 2005), 35.
10 V. H. Galbraith, "Nationality and Language in Medieval England," in
Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Fourth Series, Vol. 23, (1941), 113-
128.
1 Lupack, 41.
12 Archibald, 203.


whose barbarous, cunning, valiant defiance had been
enslaved ... by the foreign people whom Arthur
represented."40 In this way, White continued the
tradition of reshaping Mordred and the Arthurian
myth to exhibit contemporary social anxieties into
modernity. The tales of Arthur and Mordred are
timeless, and parables can be drawn from them
timelessly.
Arthurian legend is more than an antiquated story of
Good triumphing over Evil. As in reality, there is no
clear line between these two forces: even the Good
have committed sins such as adultery (Lancelot and
Guinevere), incest (Arthur), and murder (the Orkney
brothers). Mordred's evil, the cause of the destruction
of Camelot and the end of King Arthur, is perpetrated
by what would have been the moral action had it been
done by any other man. With his revelation of the
adulterous affair of the protagonists Guinevere and
Lancelot, Mordred became the villain. Moreover, in
the consideration of what is Good and what is Evil in
Arthurian legend, if Arthur is Good and Mordred is
Evil, then the fact that Arthur is Mordred's progenitor
throws both of these figures even more into an
ambiguous area. Mordred is symbolic of the "father's
sins" coming home to roost. Through the transition
from annals to romance to modem novel, Arthur and
Mordred become "a discussion of the human
condition."41

13 Historia regum britanae; Rosemary Morris, The Character ofKing Arthur in
MedievalLiterature (Cambridge, England: D. S. Brewer, 1982), 139.
14 Morris, 139.
15 This assumption is made based on the nationality of the author as well as the
subject on which the author is writing, the history of the Scottish people from a
very pro-Scottish point of view. Chronca gentis Scotorum may have found
readership in England and France (due to the later connection through Mary de
Guise); however, it is of most interest to the Scottish people.
16 According to Morris, "the Vulgate Mort, which apparently invents the incest ...
emphasizes] only the son's treachery." Morris, 139.
17 Archibald, 210.
18 Ibid., 207.
19 Morris, 107.
20 Ibid., 108. King Arthur is, through his classic sin, elevated into mythology.
After French authors added the element of Arthur's moral failing resulting in
tragedy by the hand of his son, the cycles took on more weight than earlier,
folkloric Arthurian tales such as Culhwch ac Olwen. A shift into the vernacular
occurred from the high Latinate language preceding in the annals through the
Vulgate Cycle, and the content of the legend became classical and elevated. In
this way, despite his sin, Arthur's canonization finds a genesis. The Vulgate
Cycle allows a heightened pathos for the hero-king slain by his own son. Arthur
became martyr-like.
21Archibald, 212.
22 The Hundred Years War, culminating in the Battle of Agincourt, preoccupied
England with France. Meanwhile, the War of the Roses culminated in the battle
at Bosworth Field, which represented England's domestic turmoil.
23 Sir John Fortescue's writings are an example of Pro-Lancastrian propagandist,
polemic literature (though not fictitious) that was appearing. Fortescue also
appears to have had anti-French sentiments, as he described why the French
language did not remain the primary language of England because "the French
did not accept accounts of their revenues, unless in their own idiom, lest they
should be deceived thereby. They took no pleasure in hunting, nor in other
recreations... So the English contracted the same habit from frequenting such
company, so that they to this day speak the French language in such games and


University of Florida I Journal of Undergraduate Research I Volume 10, Issue 3 I Summer 2010
5