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survey of Bahamian archeology ...

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survey of Bahamian archeology ...
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survey of Bahamian archeology ...
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Granberry, Julian,
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Gainesville FL
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University of Florida
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Subjects / Keywords:
Archipelagos ( jstor )
Bones ( jstor )
Caves ( jstor )
Coasts ( jstor )
Colts ( jstor )
Eggshells ( jstor )
Keys ( jstor )
Pottery ( jstor )
Rum ( jstor )
Stone ( jstor )

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University of Florida
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University of Florida
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Copyright Julian Granberry. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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A SURVEY OF BAHAMIAN ARCHEOLOGY
















By

JULIAN CRANBERRY












A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS











UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
June, 1955











PREFACE


This thesis was presented to the Graduate

Council of the University of wlorida in partial

fulfilment of the requirements for the dorroo of ?'aster

of Arts in sociology and anthropology in June, 1955.

Its purpose is to present a synthesis of archeological

data from the Daharma Islands, :'ost Indies, and to

analyze this material in a usable manner, so that it

nay be correlated with findings in other parts of the

Caribbean area.

Serious study of Caribbean archeology on an

organized scale was not begun until the establishment

by Yale University of a program for Caribbean anthro-

pological research in 1933 (Osgood, 1942: 5), This

program has successfully delineated pre-Columbian

culture patterns and sequences in most portions of the

Caribbean area, concentrating on Florida, the Greater

Antilles, and the South American mainland, With this

work it has become both possible and necessary to

progress to the more detailed particulars of the indi-

vidual regions comprising the Caribbean area.

In accordance with this plan three problems

which might be cleared up or elucidated by work done in

the Bahamas have been isolated from northern Caribbean

ii











archeology: (1) the origins of the Ciboney complexes

in Cuba and Haiti, (2) the interrelationships of

Southeastern United States cultures and thoso of the

Caribbean, and (3) the nature of the Bahamian complexes

themselves and their relations to the rest of the

Caribbean.

With these problems in mind all accessible

Bahamian archoological material was analyzed. The

major concern of the analysis was to determine the

presence or absence and the nature of ceramic styles

and modes (Rouse, 1939: 11-12; 1951: 252), to delineate

any non-ceramic phases (Rouse, 1951: 252), and to

establish as secure a chronology as possible for the

region. The three problems chosen were then approached

through these factors.

There are nine major collections of Bahamian

archeological material in this country, I was able

to examine personally the three collections in the

Yale Peabody IIusouni, the two collections in the

Harvard Poabody museum and the two at the Museum of

the American Indian. Although not personally examined,

so!o information was gathered on the collections in

the United States National Museum and the Morton

Collection of Crania Americana,

In addition to the nine major collections

iii












there are numerous smaller ones in the United States,

Britain, and other areas. The British T'usourm has a

duho, or woodon stool, from the Bahamas; there is a

collection in the Public Library at Nassau; several

individuals in the islands have private collections;

there is some material in the Public Library on rrand

Turk; St. Johnts University, Collegoville, :innosota,

and St. Augustine's Collo';o, Nassau, both have small

collections; there is a single duho at the Academy of

Natural Sciences in Philadelphia; and there is sorno

material at the University of Florida. Other unlocated

specimens, both skeletal and cultural, are reported from

the American Museum of Natural History, Now York; the

South Kensington Fuscum, London; and the Tusoo du Cin-

quantenaire, Brussels. As much information as possible

was gathered about those collections; however, they have,

by and large, not contributed appreciably to the final

outcome of this paper.

I am indebted to many people and institutions

for their assistance in the preparation of this report,

Grateful acknowledgement is made to Yale Peabody :uusoui;

Harvard Peabody Museum; the Museum of the American Indian,

Heye Foundation, New York City; the University of Florida

Anthropology Laboratory; the Florida State '"usoum, Gainoa-

ville; the American VMuseum of -latural History, loev York;

iv












the Academy of Natural Sciences in Philadelphia; the

Institute of Jamaica in rin';ston; and to the British

husoum in London* These institutions either permitted

me to examine their Bahamian collections and to use their

facilities on several occasions or furnished me with

adequate data from their files. They have all allowed

me to photograph the collections or have loaned me

negatives of many specimens, Yale Peabody :iuseumi

through the courtesy of Dr. Irving Rouse, allowed me

to use Dr. Raineyts field notes*

Personal acknowledgements are many. M*S*

Valton of the Department of Geologyj Yale University,

assisted in the identification of stone materials*

Dr. Froelich G. Rainoy of the Univorsity of Pcnnsylvania

Fusoum gave me additional information not contained in

his field notes on his work in the Bahamas as well as

photographs of his excavations at Gordon Hilli Crooked

Island* Dr. Gordon Rf Willey of Harvard Peabody Museum

furnished me with helpful information on the Godet-

Groonay collection, and Dr. Cornelius Osgood of the

Yale Peabody Huseum, through Dr. Rouse, allowed me to

examine the Bahamian collections there m.r. EWKo Burnett

and Mr. Charles Turbyfill of the ::usou. of the American

Indian were of much assistance on several visits to New

York. The Very Reverend Frederic U. Frey, O.SB.., of Stj

V











Augustine's College, Nassau, kindly gave me data on

two duhos from Long Island. Lady Eunice Oal:es, of

W'estbourne, Nassau, showed interest in my work and

helped with several questions. JMr. C, Bernard Lov;is,

Director of the Institute of Jamaica in T:in-ston,

loaned me kodachrome slides of specimens in the Public

Library on Grand Turk. Dr. Harry L. Shapiro of the

Museum of Natural History, :ew York, and Hr. Adrian

Digby, Deputy-Keeper of Ethnography, British Museum,

London, were very helpful on several matters, I was

given the ::onorous loan of interesting Bahamian sources

by lr. Ralph C. Kophart of the College of Engineering,

University of Florida; and Dr. Oswaldo TMoralos Patino

of the Junta Nacional de Arqueologia y Etnologia, Havana,

sent me many difficult-to-obtain Cuban publications

containing information of interest from a comparative

point of view on several Cuban sites. Through Dr. John

G. Goggin I was able to borrow archeological material

from one of these sites, Cantabria, from the Florida State

Museum, where the material was deposited as a gift from

the Grupo Guama, Havana.

Dr. Lyle N. McAlister, Department of History,
University of Florida; Mr. Julien C. Yonge, Director of

the P.K. YonSo Library of Florida History, University of

Florida; and Mrs. Harriet Skofield of the P.K. Yon7e

vi











Library rendered me valuable time and assistance on the

historical aspects of this report. Dr. Winston W. Ehrmann,

Department of Sociology and Anthropology, and Dr. Donald

E. W..orcester, Department of History, University of

Florida, both members of my advisory cor.ilittee, Gave me

encouragement and assistance on various phases of my

work. Dr. Herbert J. Doherty, Department of History,

University of Florida, and Tr. T.H. '.Tagncr of St. Louis,

Missouri, have both given invaluable aid in the form of

many critical discussions and readings of the material

here presented.

I am particularly indebted to two people for

their constant assistance and advice. Dr. Irving Rouse,

Dopartnont of Anthropology, Yale Univorslty, first intro-

duced me to Caribbean archeology and su;-csted the topic

of this report. Dr. John ., Goggin, Department of

Sociology and Anthropolo-'y, University of Florida, served

as chairman of my advisory committoo in the preparation

of this thesis. To his patience over a period of several

years and his sincere and kind assistance the completion

of this report is largely due. They have both offered

continual encouraeoriont and much needed advice on all

phases of my work.

To my father, Dr. Edwin P. Granberry, chairman

of the Departmcnt of Inrlish, Rollins College, I am in-

vii












debated for a critical reading of the final manuscript.

An attempt has been made in this paper to

include all early historical, ethnographical, and

archeological material pertaining to the Bahamas, since

no General survey of the area has previously appeared

covering these three topics. As complete a descriptive

picture as possible has been given, even though at times

it may seem to obscure the goals mentioned earlier.

The value of such description is felt to be fully as

*rcat as any chronological conclusions presented, since

such treatment may, with future work in the area, be of

assistance in clarifying the larger scheme of events in

the archipelago* It was felt, in other words, that no

bounds should be placed on the descriptive report, simply

to make it fit the su'yested time and spatial sequences,

and that subjective analysis should be used as little as

possible.

It is hoped that this preliminary discussion

of Bahamian archeology will lead to further work in the

ror-lon. An archeological survey of the entire archi-

polago and extensive excavations are certainly called for

to supplement and round out this report and its attendant

problems and implications.


viii











Sur;eostions for a future program of excavations
in the Bahamas will be given in the concluding section

of this report. If such suggestions could be followed

up, the picture presented hero mirht not only be added

to, but pertinent cuoetions of lonr standing in northern

Caribbean archcology might be partially answered.



Julian Granberry


*-ainesville, Florida

June, 1955












S0 NTENTS

... ... Page

PREACgE.....,,............... .....,.,.....4..,4 ii

INTIODUCGPIOUTI *4....... *............*..4.. ..., 1

natural Setting4...4...... 44........... 1
Geography.......,.,,........,,.... 1

Climate. ,,*.,.*..*.....**...., ,o. 2

Topography and Geology.,.,........ 4

Flora and 9auna...., ......*,,...* 9

Historical Background.....*.........*.. 15

Ethnographical rackg!;round... ......*,,., 90

Tribal Idontifications.......*.... 90

Etihohistorical Notose.......9..44 94

Archoologic.l. Investigations.......... 107

ARC~ LOLOIICAL SITL3.....,........ ..,...... 123

Introduction ********,,,,,. ..,.**..*.* 123

The Biminis,**..,.*...,*....,,,.,,, 127

Grand Bfahama....*..... ... ..*..... 127

Little Abaco*...... .o**.....r......*... 131

Great Abaco*...1..3.1*.,...,4.,...,, 151

Imperial Lighthouse DwEllin'

Cavo....*..**,.......** .....**...* 132

Imperial Lighthouse Burial

Cavoten,,..Od av,,..,............* 132

Lantern Toad Cave,.d,*, ..... 13S

x












Page

1Toros Island......, ,,,....... ..... 133

.The Berry Islands,...,,,,...,, ,*,,, 134

.Lirnum-Vitae Cay.,,,,,,,,,, ,,., 154

Andros*...... *...*...* ...**,. ,,...,,* 135

Morgan's Bluff Caves.,,o,,,, 137

Bain Hill Cave,......,, ,,,..,.,, 137

Big ;'ood tay,.,,..., ,,,,,,,.. 138

T'anerove Cay..,.,... *.....o,., 138

Sinkort Hill Caves ,**.,,,...,,,, 139

Smith Hill Caves (Bluff

Settlement Caves)......,*.**..o.,. 139

New Providence,........***,,, ,,.,,.,, 140

Oakes Estate Cave, ..*,,.,,,.,,,, 142

Lake Gunningham Cave,........,,, 143

Eleuthoera...,...........,.* ...*e..... 143

The Bo uo..,,,.., .,,,,,... .. 144

Finloy burial Cavc 11o., 1,*,,,,... 144

Finley Burial. Cave To. 2,..,,..O 6 145

'emyss.Bight Burial Cave.......... 145

Cat Island....,......** ,,.. ...,......,, 145

Conception.Island.,..... ..*.....,. 146

San Salvador.*,..,., ..,****.. ..o*. 14G

South Victoria Hills

Settlement Caves. 4,7*.. *...., 147

xi












Page

Williamst Cave Io. 1i............. 148

Williamst Cave :o. 2........1..... 149

San Salvador Burial CaveC......... 149

Ru Black Bluff...................... 150
?nBlaca..k. ..... 151

Port Boyd Burial Cave No, *1...... 151

Port Boyd Burial Cave ITo, 2. ,,, 152

Indian Holo.,... .*....,*......., 152

Hartford Cave..,. *,..........,.. 153

Long Island.......................*.,.. 154

Glinton
Hamilton Caves...,,s,,i,., 157

rortimer Cae.O ..*.*4..,, ....... 158

Taylor's Burial Cavo..,.......... 1588

laronceo Tovmn avoc.........,... 159

Great Tagod Island,, ..,.,.......,,, 159

Crooked Island......,... ,* .........., 160

Gordon Hill Dwolling Cavo.,,..,,, 160

Gordon Hill Burial Cavo o, I 164

Gordon Hill Burial Cav Holo 2i,,ii 167

Acklins Island..,,,,..,,.o..i.,,^ 168

Spring Point Cavo.4 ,.,,<. ,, 168

Fish Cays..*,,,**..**, *, *,,,., , , 1G3

'Tira Por Vos Cay...,,s. ,,. *,^i. c ia 169

xii












Page
Eastern Plana Cay.,,,.................. 169

Groat Inagua,..e**.,,* ...,....**,, ,,. 169

Salt Pond Hill Cave.,,. ........ 170

.Tayasuana...,, ......,, ..,.o.*,....**, 170

.'ost Caico*s*......n... ............. 171

Providenciales......................... 172

Chalk Sound........,.......... 172

Kingston* ********... *.***..*. .. 172

Juba Point Cavos..,,..,,, ,,.. 174

Juba Point "ound..,..,.,......... 176

Vlest Harbor Bluff Cavo............ 176

Indian 'Hill (MTalcolm Roads)....... 177

Blue Hills,,................,.... 177

North Oaicos...............* ......... 178

Sandy Point Cave,.........,.,., 178

Pumpkin Bluff Cave.,............. 179


Bellovue ..ouds....,............., 180

Bollovue 0onds,o**,*...,,,..., 181

'I;ost of Bollovuo,,,*,*,,**,*,,* 182

,;indsor Tound...,..o.r .. .. ,, 183

Roady moneyy ;1ound,....... ,,*.... 185

Lockland Mounds. ............... 184

Kevw.............................. 184

xiii












Pago

St. Thomas e ill............,.. 185

Boston Caves,..*......,,,,*,...,. 185

Grand Caicos...,. **,,..** o..5,,,... 185

Fergusonts Point Caves....*....,.. 186

Conch Bar Caves*...,....*......o. 186

Dead ;an's Skull Bluff i'ound....., 187

Bambarao.,...,..*.... ....*....,.. 187

Lorimers .................*...... 188

Gamble Hill MIounds.,.19......,... 189

Indian Hill rounds.....,,, ... 189

Dark l-iUht Woll Cave,1...,,.,..... 190

Banana Tree CaveO...,,,o..,.,**** 190

East Caicos, ,*, *o****,,,.****, .....* 190

Jacksonville Cavos.,.........*.. 191

Flamingo Hill Cavo...,*.*......... 192

Flamingo Hill iounds.,....,.... 192

Kellyas Cave (Sail Rock)........., 195

Duck Pond Cave...1..... .......... 103

Fish Cays, Caicoa*..........*....***,,* 193

Ambergris Cay.,..,.,... ,.,,... .,. 194

Little Anbcorris Cay......*.,..*....... 104

Grand Turk........*..*..*.*.,*....*..., 194

I.:ATi'RIAL CULTURE ,...e..c.......... .............. 197

17othodolori:cal l:oto.,, ,..*.*,, *..... 197

xiv












Page
Ceramic Specimens.,.. ,.. ....*.....,. 201

:oillac Pottery,o.,..* ., .,,,,. 202

Carrier Pottery... .......,.,*.. 2 210

Unclassified Pottory Styles....... 218

Clay Griddlo.,. ,* .,,2.....*,,* 222

Clay Ball*...4*.4 ,*,.,,64... . 222

Stone Specimens*i*,,**, .,,, ,, ..., 225

Petaloid Stono Colts*#.o. v *4*.., 225

Double-bitted Stone Colts*...9,,*, 226

Aberrant Stone Celtso,*....,* ,8,. 228

Stone Effigy CGlts....9,..,,,..., 229

Monolithic Axes.*......*,,,,.... 231

Stono Chisols,,**. 4,,,49.....* ., 252

Stone Axos,***********,, *, ***,,, 233

Irregular Hamvmor-grinders,......* 234

Plint Scraperst...,...........***. 236

'.Vhottonoos. .,.. ************* *.** 236

Stono eallas,..... ..*2, 4,..44.*4 237

Stono Pendant,.9,,,,***,,,,...,,.. 233

Stone Zemis,,,***.............*,, 238

Shell Specimens,*.,.................... 240

Shell Celts............,... ... 240

Shell Gouges2.,..r,. ...,,..,.... 242

Strombus Cups....,. .,*,***** 242

xv












Page

Shell Pondant,*****.4**,.******,,, 243

Shell Zeada..., .., .... ,.(* 244

Done Specimens..**....*.........*,,, 246

Bone Pointsae*******.*****.****** 245

Dono Awls, ******444************* 247

Bone Gougos..,,,,,-,. ,,,,,, 248

Tortoise Shell Bracelets,,,,..,** 248

Uoodon Spoolmens..,,**,,.........o. 249

Canoos.*.....** .*.*...,.* ,.,,4*** 249

Canoe P2addles.. .*..,, ,,,* .,,, 251

V;oodon Duiosa........ ...* 9***. 252

Uoodon Zomis2.,7.,,,,..*,......, 257

Fire-bosmarda s.,ni**,, ,, ,,,,, 257

Wooden Fislhiool:s ,t.,,,,,..*,.,, 258

Wooden Point2s..*** ...,.,.,,.o 259

Wooden Bowls*..* .**.*,...,,.,,,4 260

Miscellaneous Specimene,....,,*,,,,**,, 261

S:aLETAL Er::AI;:S.,... *****P,, ,,,,, P..,,,, 262

A -lH:OLCLICAL DISCUSSIO .,..44,,4,,j...,,,, 267

Introduction**..........*o**. *,,....*,. 267

Aroal Affiliations****....***.......... 268

Spatial Complexes........** ....**.*.... 278

Torporal Complexes..,.*..,,,,,*,,. ,,4.. 285

OULT'UAL RECOUSTRUCTO~; *....,,...,. 290

xvi












Paso

COiHCLUJ1iOiS... ....................... ........... 508

APPIEDIX A: Animal omnains from the

Dahamian Sites,*.......,,.,........ 315

APPEI1DIX B: A Brief Summary of Bahanian

History fro:n 1550 to the Present.*.. 315

BIBLIOGRASPHYZ,, ,...*... ......*...**...... , S38

PLATES.................,........................ 369


xvii

















TABLES


Table

1. Variation in Island Hiaes in the Bahamas,

Turks, and Caicos through Times*.........*

2. Frequency and Distribution of Artifacts

in the Gordon Hill Dwelling Cave Site...o ,

3. Distribution by Island of Major Artifact

Typos and Stylos in the Bahamas, Turks,

and Caicos...*....* ,..,,....,.........

4. Frequency of Selected Modal Attributes

on Major Bahamian and Haitian Ceramic

Stylos.. .,*... ** ****.. *., ...*... ......


xviii


Page


26-27


165-166




223-224




270-271












PLATES


Explanation of Plates..s...*,,, .... *.. .,.o ,

Plato


A Lucayan Skull.........................

WoodCn Duhos.......*....................*

T.oillac Potshorda.... .... .......

ocillac Potsherds, .,,....,,*.,***,.*,,.

Meillao Potshords....*..............*....

Carrier Potshords..*.....................

Miscellaneous Ceramic Styles and

ITon-ccramic Types*...*,,,,*....... *,,,*.

Potaloid Stone Celts.....................

Miscellaneous Stone Celt Types*..........

r'iscollaneous Hon-ceraimic Artifact

"Typos.*o...*.......ot t .o o o*o*e o...**0


xix


I.

II,.



IV.

V.

VI.

VII.


VIII*

'X*

Xe


Page

370



376

377

378

579

380

381



382

383

384



335











FIGURES


PiGure Page

1. Map of the Bahnama, Turks, and Caicos

Islands.*********........ *O0*0** ......... xxi.

2. Columbust Voyage through the Bahamas...... 41

3., Major Dahamian Sites First Section..,,., 128

4. :ajor Bahamian Sites Second Section..... 129

5. T.ajor rahamian Sites Third Section..*,.. 130

6, Plan of Gordon Hill Dwelling Cavo,

Crooked Island.........16...,..,...,.... 162

7. Sites in the Turks and Caicos....,, ....... 173

8. Cross Sections of :;oillac Rim Shords..,*,, 207

9. Cross Sections of Carrier Rim, Body,

and Base Sherds.. ..,,.................. 215
10, Distribution of Pure and Mixed Sites

in the lahamas, Turks, and Caicos,*....... 281

11, Distribution of Cultures, Ceramic Stylos,

and Preceramic Phases in the Bahamas,

Turks, Caicos, and Neighboring Regions

through Time.,.......2,......., ....... 288


TEXT











ABBREVIATIONS OF INSTITUTIONS"


IT.A,I.



U.P,.A.L



U.S.N.nT.

Y *P.11*


British :!usoua, London.

Harvard Peabody Luscum, Cambridge.

Museum of the American Indian, IHeye

Foundation, New York.

University of Florida, Anthropology

Laboratory, Gainesville.

United States National Tusoum, Washinrton.

Yale Peabody Museum, New Haven.


*All collections have been personally studied
except those at the United States National Museum and
the British Tusouri. Numbers following the above ab-
breviations in the text refer to specific catalo, numbers.


xxi












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INTR 0 DUCT IO


NATURAL SETTING

Geography.

The Bahamas are an archipelago of islands,

cays, and reefs, lying off the southeast coast of

Florida between 20050, and 27025' north latitude and

71 and 80032, west longitude. They extend over 760

miles from the Florida coast opposite West Palm Beach

southeastwards to the northern coasts of Cuba and

Hispaniola, including nearly 600 islands and over

2,000 cays, roclks, and reefs. The Turks and Caicos

groups, although politically administered from Jamaica,

belong in the archipelago, being geologically of the

same formation.

The islands extend from Great Inagua on the
south to Hatanilla Reef on the north, and from Grand

Turk and its adjacent cays and banks on the east to and

including Cay Sal Bank in the wost. At their closest

point, the Biminis, they are about fifty miles from the

Florida coast. Great Inagua lies sixty miles north of

the Cuban coast and eighty miles northwest of the Haitian

coast. At its widest point, from Cay Sal Bank on the


-1Adapted from Great Britain, Colonial Office,
1950: 41.











west to San Salvador in the east, the archipelago is

320 miles wide. The aggregate land surface is 4,375 square

miles, slightly less than that of Jamaica, the largest

of the British Caribbean possessions.


Climate2

The climate of the Bahamas is very mild,
being classed by KSppen as Amnw, a tropical rainforest

climate with summer monsoon rains and a winter dry

season. The archipelago is divided by the Tropic of

Cancer and is surrounded by the warm waters of the Gulf

Stream to the west and the Atlantic Current to the

east. As a result there is little climatic variation

from one part of the archipelago to another.

Frost is unknown. The lowest temperature
registered is only slightly below 600F, the average
being 700F The hottest months are August and Septem-

ber, During these months the temperature ranges from

80F to a little over 90F. The annual temperature

variation is about 200,

Rainfall comes primarily during two distinct

seasons, May-Juno and September-October, and is rela-

tively slight, in the north averaging fifty inches and


2Adapted from Shattuck, 1905: 111-125.











rarely exceeding sixty inches a year* Annual pre-

cipitation decreases from 50-60 inches in the north to

between twenty and thirty inches in the Turks and

Caicos to the south.

The humidity is high, ranging between 85-90

per cent during the nights and about 75 per cent at

midday. The high humidity and summer heat are tem-

pered, however, by constant land and sea breezes, which

keep them from being oppressive. Since the islands lie

in the trade winds belt there is a fairly constant east

wind, the velocity usually being from five to fifteen

miles per hour. Overcast skies are rare and not per-

sistent over a long period of time, being more usual

during summer and fall months than during winter and

spring.

Sovoro storms are of rare occurrence. Thunder-

storms, however, average four or five per month, coming

mainly during the summer. They are of short duration

but are often accompanied by driving rains. The mean

path of Caribbean hurricanes touches the eastern edge of

the archipelago during the month of August and moves to

the western edge during September. Although hurricanes

do occur, they are rarely severe. They come during the

months of July-October, with occasional earlier or later

ones.











Malaria and the usual tropical diseases are,

by and largo, absent from the islands.


Topography and Geology3

The islands of the archipelago are distributed

unequally over the area. By far the largest number are

confined to the northwestern section. The largest

islands in the group -- Andros, Grand Bahama, and Great

Abaco -- are in this region. They lie on the peripheries

of banks which descend precipitously into deep water on

the Atlantic side, while on the side away from the

Atlantic there is a gradual decline, the water seldom

being more than a few fathoms in depth. The islands to

the southeast are smaller, less numerous, and are

assonbled in clusters on isolated banks somovwhat like

coral atolls. In the extreme south cays and rocks give

place to subnorgod banks. The Cay Sal and Anguila

Islands lie on a small bank of their own in the extreme

west.

The larger islands havo protective reefs, sand

bars, and coral heads around their coastlines. The shore

usually rises abruptly from the sea on the Atlantic side

to a long narrow, limestone ridgo, seldom more than 150


3Adapted from Schuchert, 1935: 528-540, and
Shattuck, 1905: 3-47, 147-181.











feet high. Behind these low limestone hills are marshy

swamps of mangrove, giving way to lagoons and pools on

the side away from the Atlantic, A few of the islands

have fresh-water lakes, but there are very few springs,

and drinking water must be obtained from rain-water

cisterns in most instances.

The northern islands lie on two large banks,

the Grand Bahama Bank and the Little Bahama ?Pan!., on

which the water is seldom more than a fow faLhorsM deep.

The southern islands, on the other hand, rise as isolated

eminences, separated by water often as deep as 1,000

fathoms. The Great Bahama Bank is separated from Cuba

by the Old Bahama Channel, which is from 276 to 296

fathoms in depth. Both of the two northern banks are

separated from Florida by the Gulf Stream, which averages

about 400-500 fathoms. Great Bahama Bank is divided

almost in half by an extension of deep water called

Tongue of the Ocean, which in places roaches 1,200

fathoms. Its easternmost limits are outlined by ixuma

Sound, The two northern banks are separated from the

southern islands by Crooked Island Passage.

This division of the archipelago into two

sections is both ,;cographical and geological. The north-

ern banks form part of the original continental land mass

of the Cuban Foreland, while the southern banks are of











younger age, originating at the time of the vast Upper

Cretaceous volcanic activity in the Antilles.

The surface covering of all the islands is

composed almost entirely of Recent limestones, consist-

ing of shell detritus and oolites born of the sea;

coral rock is rare. Beneath the surface soil are hard

limestones of Pleistocene age, extending down several

hundred feet. Below those are earlier formations,

unfolded strata in the northern islands, and strata of

more recent volcanic origin in the southern section.

The northern bans were out of water until the

Early Middle Cretaceous. During this period they were

submerged. Under the volcanic activity of the Upper

Cretaceous the southern islands were formed. The entire

area, however, remained inundated until Pleistocene

times, when there was a general uplift, which, in con-

junction with a lowering of the sea level, brought the

islands above water a-ain. For short periods between the

Cretaceous and the late Pleistocene they were probably

out of water, but by and large they remained submerged

until the late Pleistocene. During the Pleistocene the

subtraction of oceanic waters by continental glaciers and

its return as they melted away produced a constant var-

iation in sea level, During each high-water level the

organisms of the sea continued to grow, producing the











banks of today, built up almost to sea level.

There are no indications that the Bahamas
were ever connected to the North American mainland.

All fossils from the islands show clear affinities with

Cuban and Contral Amorican types, all date from the

Pleistocene, and all represent living species.

There are seven surface soil types found in the

islands, comprising coral sand, throe loam types, and

three marl types. The three loam types,are, of course,

the most fertile and are fairly well suited to culti-

vation, Bahama Black Loam is the principle soil and

occurs on most islands. It sometimes occupies as much

as three-fourths of the soil area of an island, which,

however, is often very small, surface soils occurring

in most instances only as thin layers or patches on

exposed bedrock. The situation is aggravated by the

rapid denudation of the soil throughout the entire archi-

polago, so that the underlying limestone is exposed

cvorywhero. This adds iimmoasurably to the difficulty of

cultivation. In most cases, even today, agriculture of

the "slash and burn" or milpa type is practiced, small

patches of produce being cultivated in the feo pure

pockets of soil scattered amnonS tho limestone rock. Even

these isolated patches of soil are often diluted with

limestone concretions, which are rarely removed if the











area is large because of the time and expense involved.

Extensive cultivation is therefore impossible under

normal conditions.

The lack of extensive stretches of cultivable

soil and the extreme erosion and denudation which

progross continually are apparently due to a paucity of

adequate cover vegetation. While the flora of the

islands is rather sparse today, indications are that it

was much noro luxuriant in earlier times, and, conse-

quently agriculture a more feasible means of liveli-

hood. It seems likely that large stands of forest once

covered most of the islands. Columbus comments at length

on the beautiful vegetation and is constantly diverted

from the account of his voyage through the islands by

this impressiveness and luxuriousness of the flora

(Columbus, 1893: 37, 40, 41, 44, 47, 49, 51, 52, 54). In

a few places in the islands one still encounters such

lush vegetation (TIorison, 1942: I, 305), but it is indeed

a rarity. ,The disappearance of cover vegetation and the

consequent denudation of the soil throughout the archi-

polago may be laid directly at the feet of the cotton

planters of the late 1700's and early 1800ts, who found

that the land wa. easily cleared and apparently well-

suited to cotton cultivation. In the late 1780's there

were on Crooked Island alone forty cotton plantations,











covering between 2,000 and 3,000 acres (Shattuck, 1905:

148). The situation was approximately the same in most

parts of the archipelago, although the industry was con-

centrated in the central islands. With the abolition of

slavery in 1838 the industry failed completely, and the

plantations went to rack and ruin, leaving vast areas

liable to denudation and erosion.

The numerous limestone caves in the islands

usually contain a soil deposit rich in minerals known

as cave-earth. This has been removed from most of the

accessible caves by the islanders for use as fertilizer,

Even with the use of cave-earth and commercial fertili-

zers, however, the output of the meager soil resources

has been little.

The soils of the Turks and Caicos are poorer

than those of the ahainas proper, but they, too, will

support agriculture of a rudimentary sort.



Flora and Fauna4
Tho flora of the Bahamas is largely of drift

origin from Cuba and Haiti, only a small number of species

oriCinatin'. in North and South America. Of the 1,974

species of Bahamian flora today only some 185 are native


4Adapted from Shattuck, 1905: 185-384.











to the region. Five hundred.and thirty-six species

are co-zion to the Bahamas and Cuba, 311 to the Bahamas

and Central America, 322 to the Bahamas and Southern

Florida, and 170 to the Bahamas and the Southern United

States (Shattuck, 1905: 195). Wind, ocean currents,

and ni-;ratory birds probably account for most of the

non-native species.

The Turks and Caicos are not as favorable to a

lar.o and varied flora as the other islands. This is
because of their distance from any lar-o mainland area

and because of the paucity of soil. The flora of both

groups is sparse and of the scrub, xerophytic type.

Among the loro usual species found in the
archipelago today are: Caicos Oak, Quorcus laurifolia;

Bahamian Pine, Pinus Bahamonsis; Thatch Palm, Inodes

Palmetto (:alt,); Silver Palm, Thrinax Bahalnmnsis (Cook);

Braziletto, Caesalpinia vosicaria (L.); Wild Tamarind,

Lysiloma latisiliqua (L.); Mahogany or M.!adeira, Swiotenia

mahogani (L.); Lignum-vitae, Guaiacum sanctum (L.);

cedar, Juniperus Barbadensis (L,); red mangrove, Rhizo-

phora mangle (L.); black mangrove, Avicennia nitida

(Jacq.); mastic, Sideroxylon mastichodendron (Jacq.);
yucca, Yucca aliofolia; Tree Cotton, Gossypium arboroum;

Jamaica Dorwood, Ichthyomethia picipula (L.); Vild Cin-

namon, Canella winterana (L.); plums, Chrysoph-llum olivi-











forme (Lam.), and Reynosia septentrionalis (Urban);
wild guava, Tetrazygia bicolor (Mill.); cocoa plum,

Chrysobalanus icaco (L.); sea-grape, Cocolobis uvi-
fora (L.); and Red-wood or ebony, Hypelate trifoliata

(Sw.) (Shattuck, 1905: 201-214). In addition to these
distinctive species, the papaya, Carica papaya (L.),

and the coconut palm, Cocos nucifera (L.), were probably

present from relatively early times (Shattuck, 1905:

209, 211; Anghiera, 1944: 499 Zdec. vii, lib. i, cap.

i7; Oviedo, 1851: I, 333 /Tib. ix, cap. iv7).

All the species mentioned above, with the
possible exception of the last two, were probably present

during pre-Columbian times, and, as can be seen from this
list, there are many economically useful varieties.

Certain of the woods make excellent building materials,
while Thatch Palm and Silver Palm supply roofing materials.

From Jamaica Dogwood a fish poison may be obtained. Tree
Cotton and yucca may well have served as sources of

fiber. There are, too, some species of edible fruits,

most important of which are the sea-grape and cocoa plum.
Although the number of native species of flora is small,

many of them are today, and probably wore in the past, of

direct economic use.

While Columbus speaks of the luxuriant flora

many times, he specifically mentions only one type of











tree, the mastic, which he calls correctly "lentisco"

(Columbus, 1893: 47; Navarrete, 1825: I, 30).

The land fauna of the archipelago is extremely
limited, even when introduced forms are included,

r!ammalian forms are especially rare, being limited

almost exclusively to rats, mice, the hutia, and bats

(Shattuck, 1905: 371-384). The only native mammalian

forms include the hutia, Capromys ingrahmi, a small
rodent, now almost extinct except on Atwood or Samana

Cay, and various species of bats. Mention is made in

earlier times of a small dog, or dog-like animal, called

the aco (l.oseley, 1926: 114), which has perhaps a domesti-

cated hutia. Mrs. Moseley does not document her refer-

ence to the aco nor her source for the name, but Columbus

(1893: 50) refers to the fact that one of his men saw a

barkless dog in one of the Indian villages on Pernandina

(Long Island). Archeological data indicate that the

hutia was used as a food source in earlier times and was

wide-spread throughout the islands.

Reptilian forms are almost as rare as mammalian
forms. No crocodiles are known to have inhabited the

islands, and there are no poisonous snakes. There are,

however, two species of boa, which seem to be indigenous

to the archipelago. These are Epicrates chrysogaster

(Cope) and Epicrates striatus (Fischer), Both are species










of the tree-boa. The first is found in the Turks, while
the second, Epicratos striatus, the true tree-boa, is
found on New Providence and several other islands
(Shattuck, 1905: 335-336). These two species of boa are

the only important snakes found in the archipelago.

It seems probable that they were present in early times.

Columbus (1893: 47) mentions that a boy from his crew
saw a large serpent. It is probable that this was a

boa, although we have no evidence to indicate positive

identification.

The iguana, Cyclura baeolopha (Cope), Cyclura
carinata (Harlan), and Cyclura rileyi (Stejneger),

called "yuana" by Oviedo (1950: 195 5/ap. lvi7), is found

today on Andros, in the Turks, and on San Salvador. It

undoubtedly had a much wider distribution in earlier
times and must have been used as a source of food by the

natives. The iguana of the Greater Antilles, Cyclura
cyclura (Cuvier), is not known from the Bahamas (Shattuck,
1905: 334),

The avifauna is more numerous and varied than
might be expected. Columbus (1893: 54) mentions the
large flocks of birds he saw on Isabella (Crooked Island).
He mentions particularly the parrot, "papagayo" (Nava-

rrete, 1825: I, 38), now extinct, which the natives had
domesticated (Columbus, 1893: 37)* Among the edible birds,











there are today pigeons, partridges, ducks, and of
course many wading and sea birds (Shattuck, 1905:
347-368). The most well-known bird is the Flamingo,

Phoenicopterus rubber (L.), which until recently was
found on Great Abaco, Andros, Little Inagua, Great

Inagua, Long Island, and Mayaguana (Shattuck, 1905:
559), Andros was the favorite haunt and breeding Cround
of the Flamingo, but American aviators from Florida

"buzzed" the colony for amusement during the last war,
finally causing its abandonment.

In contrast to the land fauna, marine forms
are quite numerous and varied, including many fish,
crustaceans, shell-fish, and turtles. Columbus (1893:

47) mentions the abundance and variety of fish he
observed in the waters of the archipelago. Among the
economically useful species are the Jew Fish, Promicrops
itaiara; mackerel, Soomberomorus maculatus; grouper,

Epinephelus striatus; snapper, Neomoenis analis; and
many others. The molluscan and crustacean forms include
crawfish, Panulirus argus; Blue Crab, Callinectes
aapidus; Pink Conch, Strombus gigas; and many species
of clams and oysters. Among the edible turtles are the
Hawksbill Turtle, Eretmochelys imbricata; Green Turtle,
Chelone mydas; and the Loggerhead Turtle, Caretta caretta
(Shattuck, 1905: 292-325).











By and large the present land fauna is sparse
and not native to the archipelago, but derived from Cuba

and Haiti. The marine fauna is typical of the Carib-

bean and is rich in useful forms.

This discussion of Bahamian environment is
felt to be rather pertinent to an examination of ab-

original cultures in the islands, for it is certainly

true that a culture can not exist except in terms of

its geographical environment. The correlation between

subsistence and technological patterns and the environ-

ment is necessarily close, particularly in less complex

cultural milieus such as we encounter in the Bahamas.

The natural setting need not be called a controlling

or determining factor, but at least it is a limiting

force beyond which a culture can rarely go, except with

outside assistance,


HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

The history of the Bahamas has been a rather
neglected study, particularly the earlier periods, and

there is no single completely accurate historical account

bearing on the region. The accounts differ not only on

minor points, but even on some of the more important

events, and brief coverages from here and there have to

be drawn together to arrive at a working presen-











station .

The islands enter recorded history on October

12, 1492, for one of them was the first land sighted

and touched upon in the Tocw World, This island, called

Guanahani by the natives, was named San Salvador by

Columbus (1893: 36, 42). After generations of debate

no definite decision has been reached concerning the

exact identification of the island. Concensus of opinion,

however, socms to favor Watling's, which has accordingly

been renamed San Salvador.

The present San Salvador did not achieve this
distinction without a long and arduous battle. Grand

Turk, Mayaguana (or "ariguana), Great Inagua, Samana

(or Atwood) Cay, Cat Island, Eleuthora, Rum Cay, Eastern

Plana Cay, 'Western Plana Cay (both of the latter some-

times called the French Cays), and South Caicos have all

been proposed as the "real" Guanahani. The entire problem

has been thoroughly discussed by Theodore De Booy (1919:


5Major sources for this section and its con-
tinuation in Appendix B are: Columbus, 1893; Go.lin, 1946;
Herrera y Tordesillas, 1934-35; Las Casas, 1877; Tori-
son, 1942; Oldmixon, 1949; Oviedo y Valdes, 1851-55,
1950; Siebert, 1913, 1929; '1oodbury, 1951. Translations
from Spanish sources are the author's unless otherwise
indicated by citation of the particular translation.
ITarkhamrs translation of Columbus' log, cited as Colum-
bus, 1893, has been used throughout. This is based on
the Spanish of Navarrote (1825), which is in turn based
upon a Spanish !'S of Las CasasCt











55-61), and it is interesting to note his conclusions.

Three methods have been used, he states, to
decide which of the islands is the Guanahani of Columbus.

The first is based on an explicit day by day and league

by league chock of Columbust log. This method, used by

twelve investigators, has resulted in the establishment

of Grand Turk, Mayaguana, Great Inagua, Samana, Cat

Island, Watling's Island, and Eleuthera as the "real"

Guanahani. De Booy, however, does not consider this

method trustworthy, since methods of navigation were

none too precise in Columbus' time, and because the

portions of the log still remaining to us are presumably

not complete. The original document, which was apparent-

ly sent to Ferdinand and Isabella, was lost sometime

during the 1500's. Las Casas is the only chronicler
iwho seems to have taken advantage of it. In his Historia

de las Indias, written during the years 1520-61, he gives

a very full abstract and seems to have had access to the

original. Ierrera's account (1601-15) is merely an

abstract of Las Casas, and Oviedo (1535- ) seems never to

have seen the original at all. Other writers, including

Ferdinand Columbus, Anfhiera, and Bernaldez make very

little use of the document. In the late 1700's a small

manuscript folio, in the handwriting of Las Casas, was

discovered in the archives of the Duke of Infantado.











It turned out to be another abstract of Columbust log.

A third copy, apparently not by Las Casas, was later

found, and the two were carefully collated by Tunoz and

Navarrete in 1791. The results of this collation were

published by Navarrete in 1825 in his Coleccion de los

Viages Z Descubrimientos que hicieron por Mar los

Espanoles decade fines del Siglo XV. The Las Casas

version contained in the Historia and the collated

abstracts presented by 1avarrete are all we have to fall

back upon for an historical examination of Columbus' first

voyage.

Determination of the degree of correspondence

between the topographical features of the various is-

lands lying within the probable limits of the landfall

and the topographical features of the island described

by Colu-ibus has yielded a second means for rediscovering

Guanahani. This method has su-oested Mayaguana, Watling's
Island, Cat Island, and Samana. It has been the most

popular method used and has led to the current acceptance

of V1atling's Island. WatlinZ's first received this

honor in 1793, when the Spanish historian IIunoz put

forth its claim to the title, and in 1856 Watling's was

officially accepted by the British Admiralty, largely

because of the research of Captain A. B. Beecher (Curry,

1928: 13). It is this method which has been used by many











of our present-day Columbus scholars, including the

most prominent, Samuel Eliot Morison (1942: I, 299-

300, 309). The evidence which has led M1orison and

others to believe that ?7atlin-,s is Guanahani is con-

tained in Las Casast transcripts of Columbust log, where

it is stated,

This island is rather large and very flat,
with bright green trees, much water, and
a very largo lake in the centre, without
any mountain, and the whole land is so
green that it is a pleasure to look on
it (Columbus, 1893: 40).

This is the entry of October 13, 1492, On the following

day Columbus added further description,

At dawn I ordered the ship's boat and the
boats of the caravels to be got ready, and
I went along the coast of the island to the
N.N.E., to see the other side, which was on
the other side to the east, and also to see the
villages. Presently I saw two or three, and
the people all came to the shore, calling out
and giving thanks to God...and shouting to us
to come on shore. But I was afraid to land,
seeing an extensive roof of rocks which sur-
rounded the island, with deep water between it
and the shore, fornin- a port large enough for
as many ships as there are in Christendom, but
with a very narrow entrance...I saw a piece of
land which appeared like an island, although it
is not one, and on it there were six houses.
It might be converted into an island in two
days... (Coluimbus, 1893: 40-41).

Las Casas adds the interesting note that, "This first

land discovered was one of the group of islands which

are known as the Lucayos...The aforesaid island has the











shape of a bean" (Las Casas, 1876: 241 /Tap. f/)6.

This description of Guanahani certainly seems to
fit Iatling's. :'orison (1942: I, 309) uses both descrip-

tive method and logbook method and has decided that the

question is settled once and for all in favor of

Unatling 's.

De Booy, however, feels that the descriptive
method has its faults, for during the late rainy season,

September and October, almost all the islands in the

central and southern Bahamas would seem to have a lake

or lagoon in the center, and there are many islands

shaped roughly like a bean with barrier reefs surrounding

them. On the first point he may have some grounds, for

Columbus himself mentions that it rained almost every

day during his stay in the Bahamas (Columbus, 1893: 51).

Do Booy feels, too, that Columbus indicates a
complete circumnavigation of Guanahani within twelve

hours time, .!atlin-'s Island could not have been travelled

around in such a short time in the longboats which


Docado or Volume, Libro, and Capitulo citations
from the original editions of Anghiera, Herrora y Tordo-
sillas, Las Casas, and Oviedo y Valdes are cited in
brackets after the volume and page of the later edition
used for this report. Decade or Volume citations are not
repeated unless they differ in the original edition from
the edition here consulted. At times, as above, only
Libro and Capitulo, or just Capitulo, citations are needed.











Columbus used. In fact the only islands which could

have been so traversed are Rum Gay, Samana, Eastern Plana

Cay, Western Plana Cay, South Caicos, and -'rand Turk.

This interpretation is, of course, purely a matter of

personal opinion.

The third method, proposed by De Booy, is the

identification of the "piece of land which appeared like

an island, although it is not one." De Booy feels that

an archeological approach to the question might prove

fruitful. If the peninsula mentioned by Columbus could

be found and excavations be conducted to find the

foundations of the six houses, we would have the roal

"ualanani without a doubt. It seems now that Do Booy's

alternative would not only be difficult and expensive

but rather unnecessary, since all other data indicate

that Watling's Island is Guanahani, The consensus of

opinion among scholars has led us the accept W7atlingts,

and so it must stand until seriously challenged.

The first map actually showing the Bahamas is

that drawn in 1500 by Juan de la Cosa, Columbus' pilot

on his second voyage to the 'New World7. He calls the


This discussion of Bahamian cartography is
based primarily upon examination of maps in the col-
lection at the P.K. Yonge Library of Florida History,
University of Florida. The more important maps con-
sulted are the following: de la Cosa, 1500; Cantino,










islands the "Lucayos." This is presumably the native
name, which is given to us in another form by Oviedo

(1950: 115 ap. 7) as "los yucayos." Brinton (1901:

441) and Loven (1935: 71) derive the term from the

Arawak words ludku, "man," and kairi, "island"; that is,

"island people." Brinton's discussions of the linguistic
affinities of Island Arawrak and Guiana Arawak (Brinton,
1871, 1901), while generally well-done, are occasionally

none too precise. It would perhaps be more accurate to

reduce the name Lucayo to the Island Arawak words luko,
"man," and kayo or its variant form kaia(ri), "island."

Translation of these two elements is based upon their

similarity to the Guiana Arawak forms loko, "man,"

(Goeje, 1359: 9), and kairi, "island" (Brinton, 1901:

441). Both of these words appear in the Island Carib
women's lanruaoo, so-called, which is a conglomorato
of both Carib and Arawak words and grammatical structures,

the latter predominating (Goeje, 1946: 43). Here lukuo


1502; Oliveriana, 1503?; Turin, 1523?; Ribero, 1529;
Santa Cruz, 1536; Santa Cruz, 1545; Desceliers, 1546;
de Bry, 1594; HIerrera y Tordesillas, 1601; Jansson,
1642; Ottens, 1730; Speer, 1774; Jefferys, 1775; Anony-
mous, 1794. U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey charts have
been used for present-day island designations. Complete
citations for these maps are given in the bibliography,
with references to fuller descriptions in Lowery, 1912.
References to Lowery are given by item number rather
than pae.











meant "man," and akaora, "island" (Goojo, 1939: 9,
13).

In 1507 the islands are called simply "caia":

by Joannes Ruysch, and on the 1511 map of An hiera they

are called "los iucaios." The firstmap to use the term

Bahama was the.Cantino map of 1502, not, as often indi-

cated, the 1523 Turin map (Cronau, 1921: 48), From 1564

on, the maps usually use the term Bahama, although

Lucayo or some variation of that name is often added as

an alternative designation. The meaning of Bahama is

obscure, and lack of adequate lmowlodco of the Arawakl

dialects makes it impossible to venture even a guess

concerning its use.

In the century between the compilation of the

de la Cosa map and Horrera's map of 1601, well over a
hundred maps show the Bahamas and give names for the

individual islands. The names used are predominantly

Indian, and are retained on all the maps until the

late 1600ts and early 1700ts, when English names begin

to appear. There is general uniformity after the middle

1500's from; map to map in the name used for any single

island, and it is a needless task to present here the

names used on all of them. It is apparent that most

cartographers of the late 1500ts and the 1600ts took

their data for the Bahamas from Spanish maps of the first











half of the 1500's, for they were often careless in

copying the correct names for the individual islands,

and islands are quite often misplaced or not included,

Spanish exploration in the archipelago apparently

ceased so:2ctime during the middle 1500's, for after

that time there are few changes or additions to island

names and locations on the maps, This cessation of

exploration can very probably be closely correlated with
groving Engliszh naval supremacy in the Caribbean, and

particularly with the increase of piracy in and about

Bahamian waters, initiated to harass Spanish shipping

from Vera Cruz and Havana through the Dahama Channel.

It would seem logical to scan the Spanish maps

of the area made around the years 1530-50 for the correct

location and native names of the islands. Unfortunately,

this has not been done before, and the best chart -- the

only one during the 1500's and 1600's specifically of the

Bahamas -- has not been consulted by earlier writers.

This chart was drawn in 1545 by one of Spaints leading

cartographers, Alonso de Santa Cruz, Santa Cruz's maps

are usually very reliable, well-exocuted, and quite

clear. His 1545 map, in two sheets, entitled Carta de

la Florida a de las Islas Lucayas, is no exception. It

co:.es closer to giving a clear delineation of relative

island position and coastline than any map until the late











1700's. Both shoots of the chart have recently boon

reproduced by the Academia Real do la Historia (1951:

Jf 17, 18, pp. 89-94). The most important names used.

on this map, as well as those used on other major charts

from 1500 to the present, are given in Table I. Docauso

of the geographical completeness and accuracy and the

high standards of workmanship represented in Santa Cruzts

map, it should perhaps be considered the most reliable

source for determination of original island namos,

There have been many changes in the individual
island names. The earlier Indian and Spanish names have,

by and large, been replaced by English names, dating

from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The only

islands still retaining Indian namos are the Biminis,

Grand 'ahana, the Abacos (originally the name for Andros),

Exuma (originally Yuta), Samana (originally applied to

the present Lon2 Island), T'ayaguana, the Inaguas, and

the Caicos. Saomete, or Socoto, originally the name for

Crooked Island, survives in modified form as Jumento, and

has been applied to the chain of cays stretching north

from Great Rar ed Island, to the west of Crooked Island.

The only remaining Spanish names, which were always few

and far betwoon, are Conception, which earlier in the form

of Santa Taria de la Concepcion was applied to Run Cay

(Columbus, 1893: 42), Tira For Vos, Cay Sal, and the











TABLE la

VARIATION IN ISLAND IAM'^S IN TiH E BAHAT.!A3,
TURKS, AND CAICOS THROUGH TIME


De la Cosa, 1500 Turin, 1523? Santa Cruz, 1545


Bomene

Bahama


Bimini

Bahama


Habacoa ?


Yumay ?

Guanahani


Samana

Someto


:Taiuana

Baoruco ?

Yucayo

Gaixmon ?


Ziguateo

Guanima

Zuma

Guanahani

Manigua



Yumete



Mayaguana


Yucayonec




Habacoa

gigUateo

Guanima

Yuma

Guanahani

Triangulo

Samana

Junento

Yabaque

.ayaguana

Ynauua

Caicos

Amuana


flames listed in this table do not represent com-
plete coverages of the charts used.











TABLE 1a-Continued


Herrera, 1601 Spoer, 1774 1900,sb


Bininy

Bahama


Yucayoneque




Habacoa

Ciguateo

Guanima

Yuma

Guanihana



Samana

Xumoto

Yabaque

.ayasuana

Ynagua

Caycos

Amana


Banis

Bahama

Lucayo

Abaco

Providence

Andreas

Eleuthera

Cat Island



Watlings Kay

Rum

Long Island

Crooked Island

Acklins Island

Miguana

Ynagua

Caicos

Turks


Bimini

Grand Bahama

Little Abaco

Great Abaco

New Providence

Andros

Elouthora

Cat Island

Great Exuma

San Salvador

Rum Cay

Lon- Island

Crooked Island

Acklins Island

:ayaguana

Great Inanua

Caicos

Turks


Based primarily upon U.S. Coast and Goodotic
Survey Chart No. 1002, the Straits of Florida, 1948.











Anguila Islands. An early Spanish name for Rum Cay,

Triangulo, has been dropped, as have the names for

:'ouchoir and Silver Banks, earlier called Bajos de

Babuoca and Bajos de Abreojo respectively. A few of

the smaller islands still retain Spanish names, such

as the Plana Cays, and Matanilla Reef in the north of

the archipelago owes its name to Spanish times.

Ciguateo has become Eleuthera, Curateo (Santa
Cruz, 1545) is Little Cat (or Little San Salvador)

Island, and Guanima is now Gat Island. The earlier

Samana is now Long Island, after having been called

Pernandina by Columbus (1893: 45). Saomete has become

Crooked Island, after having been named Isabella by

Columbus (1893: 51). Cabo Hermoso (Columbus, 1893: 51)

is now Fortune Island (or Long Cay), and the Islas de

Arena (Columbus, 1893: 59) are now the Jumento Cays and

Great ia~ged Island. Guanahani became San Salvador during

Spanish times, Watling's Island during English times,

and then amain San Salvador under the influence of the

Columbus scholars. Abaco, originally as Habacoa the name

of Andros, has been applied to the island originally

known as Yucayoneque or Lucayoneque. Yabaque was probably

the present Acklins Island, and T1ani.gua the present Rum

Cay. Ganahaun (Santa Cruz, 1545) is now Little Ina-ua.

Indian names of the various islands in the











Turks and Caicos groups are difficult to place. The

entire group seems to have been first called caios,

"islands," or caycos. From the 1545 Santa Crus map

we have the following probable names: Caicos -- '.*est

Caicos; Anjana or Aniana -- Providenciales; CGaiba or

Cansiba -- North Caicos; !~acaziei or Magarey (Herrera,

1601) -- Grand Caicos; Canaman or Caixmon (De la Cosa,

1500) -- East Caicos; Amuana -- Grand Turk; Capan --

Salt Cay; El Viejo -- Ambergris Gay. Exact correspon-

dence, however, is difficult to make and must as best

remain highly tentative. The early Nema (Santa Cruz,

1545) or ITazema (Oliveriana, 1503?) is now New Provi-

dence, after having first been called Sayle's Island by

its English discoverer (Oldmixon, 1949: 11). Other

islands have had name changes during English times, and

some are still today undergoing such change, but their

present designations have been fairly uniform throughout

most of their recent history.

On both the 1500 world map of De la Cosa and

the Cantino map of 1502 an island called Haiti appears

somewhere in the vicinity of the central islands, in the

general area between Cat and Crooked Islands. It is

represented as quite large on both maps. Because of the
close correspondence in the delineation of the Bahamas on

both charts, it has been assumed that Cantino probably











copied his detail from De la Cosa. It is difficult to

say whether Do la Cosa was using his imagination in

showing this larc island with the name Haiti or not.

Haiti meant "high" or "rouhh" in Island Arawak (Tojera,

1951: 262-263; Zayas y Alfonso, 1931: II, 89) and seems

to have referred to any mountainous region. The name

does not appear on subsequent charts, and we have no

explanation of this single occurrence on the De la Cosa

chart, repeated by Cantino. It can not be a mistake in

the position of Hispaniola, commonly called Haiti by

the Indians in early times, for that island is clearly

shown on both maps, Whether the name is accidental on

De la Cosa's map, whether it was a descriptive term used

by the inhabitants of one of the higher islands in the

central Bahamas for their own land, or whether the term

was applied by Indians from outside the area we will

probably never know for a certainty.

Haiti is the only charted island difficult to

place. There are other islands, however, indicated in

the works of the times, which can not be located on the

map. Islands mentioned in Herrera's account of the

voya;o of Ponco de Leon, for instance, are not all easily

placed on the map. Nevertheless, it has been possible to

indicate the Indian names for the majority of the islands

in the archipelago.











Because of the paucity of Island Arawak
linguistic data it is not possible to offer adequate
translations for many island names in the 3ahanas. Other

than the name Haiti, mentioned earlier, only two names

lend thoemsolvos to fairly plausible translation. These

are Bimini and :.:ayaguana. If Mayaguana is simply a

variation of the Island Arawak word maguana, as is indi-

cated on some early charts (Deseeliers, 1546), it pro-
bably moans "little plain" (Las Casas, 1876: 283-284

reap. vif7). Bimini may possibly come from the Island
Arawak semi, "spirit," plus the suffix -ni, of unknown
meaning. The name may, then, indicate a "place of

spirits," an island given over to the spirits. 7e are

certain of the meaning of semi both from its frequent

use in Las Casas and because of its similarity to the

Guiana Arawak form seme(-he) and the Island Carib "women's

language" form some, both meaning "spirit" or "super-
natural being" (Goeje, 1939: 7-8). The correspondence

between the bimi- of Bimini and semi is admittedly not

too close on first examination. There is, however,
another moaning of the Arawak some/semi, which is "good

to eat" (Goeje, 1939: 7). In the "women's lan"ua3o" of

Island Carib the word is rendered soeo, the samc form
that is used for "spirit." The corresponding form in

Island Carib "ments lantuaeo" is bime (Goeje, 1939: 7-8).











If we asnino that Island Carib was an Arawakan languago

with a sprinkling of mainland Carib words and only a

minor distinction between men's and women's vocabularies

(Gooje, 1946: 43; Taylor, D.M,, 1951: 41, 44), we are

loft with the possibility that Bimini night be translated

as "place of good food"(Goeje, 1939: 8). We are sure of

this second meaning becauso.the Carib word bime is still

retained, with the moaning "fsvoct," in tho lanua-oe of

the Black Carib of British Honduras (Taylor, D.Y., 1951:

163), As can be cathorod, even those few attempts at

translation must be considered highly speculative The

single characteristic which can be pointed out with some

certainty concerning Lucayan names is that a great many

of them were accented on the final syllable. Bimini,

Bahama, Guanima, Guanahani, Samana, and ;aniGua are

often written in the works of the early chroniclers with

the final syllable accented. Las Casas makes a point of

declaring that certain Lucayan words are pronounced with

"the last syllable long and acute" (Las Casas, 1877: I,

220 /Tib, i, cap. xl2),

Considering the fact that the Spanish never
colonized the Bahamas and that we have practically no

mentions of the islands in Spanish documents after the

time of Columbus, it is indeed interesting that by the

time Santa Cruz drow up his chart of Florida and the











Bahamas in 1545 the native nLamo of at least twenty-

seven islands were known, along with a good idea of

their relative positions to each other and of their
coastlines. In general, the maps indicate a rather

clear kmo:lced-o of Bahamian geography. There aro also

a few mentions of the region in the works of Spanish
chroniclers of the 1500's which would lead one to
believe that the Spanish vicre quite familiar with the

archipelago, even though they may not have settled there.

An rxamplo of this knowledge is soon in Oviodo, whore it
is sabated,

And in the middle of this distance are the
islands of the Virgins; and from the islands
of Sanct Johan, called Boriquon, running to
the northwest, fifty leagues, are the shoals
which they call Babuoca, and following the
same track, farther on from the aforementioned
shoals twenty-five leagues are the islands of
Amuana, and even farther ahead of these is the
island of TIayaguana, and farther ahead of that
is the island Yabaque, and even farther is
another which they call T.ayaguon, and beyond
Is7another island which is called Manigua, and
beyond are the islands of Guanahani and the
Princesses or '7hite Isles. Farther again
is the island called Huno Zumanf and following
the same course is another island called
Guanima, farther on is another that they call
Caguareo /Ziguateo7, and even farther is the
island of Lucayo, almost completely surrounded
by numerous shoals. To the west-northwest,
almost ten loagues, into the west wind, is the
island of Bahama, from which, running to the
west eleven leagues, is the land of Bimini and
that which they call Florida, on the coast of
the Continent in the northern portion (Oviedo,
1851: I, 614 R/ib. xix, cap. xvg).











Again it is stated,

...they are the island Guanahani, of which I
have spoken, and many others that are there,
which are generally all together called the
Islas de los Lucayos, notwithstanding that
each one of them has its own name, and there
are many; such as Guanahani, Caycos, Jumeto,
Yabaque, Mayaguana, Samana, Guanima, Yuma,
Curatheo, Ciguateo, Bahama (which is the
largest of all), Yucayo y Neque, Habacoa,
and many small islets that are there in that
re ion (Oviedo, 1851: I, 25 tfib. ii, cap.

From these references, written about the year

1535, it would seem that some rather extensive explora-

tions had been made in the islands during the early

1500's. Very probably this knowledge came from the short

period of slave raids, which will be discussed in more

detail later in this report.

Our actual recorded history of the Bahamas
during Indian times begins with the first voyage of

Columbus in 1492. His logbook gives us the details.

On October 11, 1492, the crews of the Pinta,

Nina, and Santa ::aria saw their first real signs of land.

Sandpipers and floating branches were noticed, and a small

board and a green reed drifted by. First indications of

human handiwork appeared in the form of a small pole

"which appeared to have been worked with iron" (Columbus

1893: 35). It was with a sigh of relief that these signs

were noted, for the voyage had been long and trying, and











mutinous thoughts had but recently been in the sailors

minds.

During the day the ships sailed about twenty-
six leagues and made all preparations for ,a landfall.

Around two a.m. .on the morning of the twelfth Rodrigo

de Triana, a sailor on the Pinta, set up the alarm.

17ith the moon shining high in the sky he saw the sands

of Guanahani in the distance. Columbus estimated their

distance from the island as about two lcanues, or six

nautical miles (Columbus, 1830: 36). Sails were immed-

iately shortened and the vessels hove to, waiting for

daylight, just off the coast of Guanahani.

On the morning of Friday, October 12, crowds

of naked natives were seen on the beach. Columbus, with

Martin Alonso Pinzon and his brother Vicente Yanez,

captains of the Pinta and the Nina, and several other

of the more important personnel of the fleet, embarked

in a longboat and took possession of the land in the name

of Ferdinand and Isabella (Columbus, 1893: 37). The rest

of the day was spent bartering with the natives and ex-

amining the immediate vicinity of the island.

It has been pointed out rather conclusively that

Columbus believed he had actually found the farthest

reaches of Asia, at least until his explorations around

the mouth of the Orinoco in the oumr.or of 1490 (Kunn, 1932:











39 ff.). He himself states that he hoped to be able to

bring letters to the "Gran Can" from Ferdinand (Columbus,

1893: 55). His first interest, therefore, after claim-

ing Guanahani in the name of the Catholic 1:onarchs, was

in learning if the mainland of Asia were somewhere close

by. He immediately directed his efforts toward gathering

information on that subject from the Indians. On the

thirteenth he noticed that several of the men wore gold

nose-plugs, and he questioned them as well as he could

about the origin of the metal. He understood from their

gestures that it came from the southwest, and he resolved

to set out the following afternoon in that direction

(Columbus, 1893: 39-40).

On the morning of October 14th, Columbus em-

barked toward the northeast along the west coast of the

island to see the other side and to determine the pre-

sence or absence of villages (Columbus, 1893: 40-41).

This statement would seem to imply that the actual land-

fall was on the western side of the island, and Torison

has accordingly placed it there, probably near Long Bay,

tho most feasible spot alonr the west coast. The north

shore was apparently rounded in this reconnaissance trip,

for a peninsula with six houses on it, referred to earlier,

is mentioned by Columbus. This was probably the penin-

sula to the east of Graham's Harbor (ijorison, 1942: I,













In the afternoon Columbus left Guanahani for

a search of the other islands to the southwest, according

to his plan of the previous day, and sometime during the

afternoon he sightod "so many islands that I hardly

know how to determine to which I should first go" (Colum-

bus, 1895: 42). These "islands" were the hills of Rum

Cay (::orison, 1942: I, 316). By noon he had reached the

island. He sailed around the south coast and anchored,

about sundown, near the western cape, but, fearing reefs,

laid by during the night of the fifteenth. On the morning

of Tuesday, October 16th, he went on shore to explore.

The wind shifted during the morning, however, and he felt

it wisest to get back to the ships. From the western

cape of Rum Cay, or Santa Maria de la Concepcion as he

named it, Columbus had sighted another island and de-

cided to go there next, He set sail around noon, but

light winds during the afternoon made it impossible for

him to reach land by nightfall, so, again, he anchored

and waited for daylight before proceeding. In the morning,

October 17th, he landed near the north end of the island,

which he called Pernandina (Ilorison, 1942: I, 322).

Today we call it Long Island. There he found a village,

tentatively located near the present town of Glinton

(Thompson, 1949: 30), where water and other provisions











were obtained from the natives.

At noon Columbus left the village and followed

the coast to the north-northwest, since the winds would

not permit him to sail south as he wished. At the ex-

treme north end of Long Island he came upon a "very

wonderful harbour" with an island in the middle (Colum-

bus, 1893: 48). Seeing a village, he anchored and went

ashore for more water, thilo waiting for the water casks

to be filled Columbus observed, for the first time at

close range and at his leisure, the village life of the

natives. His observations on this short visit, as given

us by Las Casas (Columbus, 1893: 49-50), form the most

complete account we have of the appearance of a Lucayan

settlement. This account will be discussed in some

detail later in the report.

After reloading the water casks Columbus sailed

farther towards the northwest. However, he had brought

several Indians from San Salvador with him as interpre-

ters (Columbus, 1893: 51), and they now asked him to

turn back to the south, saying that if he wished to find

gold it would be well to proceed in that direction, for

Saomete, an island in the south, was a source of the

motal. Columbus was persuaded, and the entire night of

the seventeenth was spent on an east-southeasterly course,

Fro:m midnight until dawn of the eighteenth it rained hard











and the seas wore high. By evening of the cightoonth

the fleet had reached the southwestern end of Long

Island, but the weather boing still too uncertain to

permit a landing, the ships were anchored shortly after

dark just off the coast.

At dawn on Friday, October 19th, anchors were
weighed and the three vessels were given separate courses,

the Pinta sailing to the east-southeast, the Nina to the

south-southeast, and the Santa laria to the aouthoast.

Those courses were to be kept until noon, whcn the Pinta

and the Nina were to rejoin the Santa Maria if no land

had been sighted (Columbus, 1893: 51). Around nine

o'clock in the morning an island was sighted to the cast

from the Santa TTaria. The natives said that it was

Saomete, the island of their destination. Columbus (1893:

51) renamed it Isabella, the present Crooked Island.

The three vessels rejoined each other and then

sailed south along the west coast of Crooked Island as

far as Cabo TIormoso, the southwestern cape of Fortune

Island, now called Long Cay (Morison, 1942: I, 321),

reaching there late in the afternoon. They anchored off

shore until Saturday morning, October 20th. During the

evening Columbus was told by the natives from San Salva-

dor that there were no villages near Cabo ilermoso, but

that there were some in the interior of the island











(Columbus, 1893: 52), so at dawn on the twentieth he

weighed anchor and sailed to the northern point of

Fortune Island. There, at the narrow channel between

Fortune Island and the southwest cape of Crooked Island,

which he called Cabo de.la Lnauna (Columbus, 1300: 53),

he anchored. Upon investigation, however, the sea

proved too shallow for navigation, so he weighed anchors

and followed his course up the western side of Crooked

Island to the northernmost cape, which he named Cabo

del Isloo (Columbus, 1893: 56), It took,him the entire

night of the twentieth to reach Cabo del Isleo, and it was

not until ten o'clock that morning that the ships were

anchored and he was prepared to go ashore (Columbus,

1893: 54). On shore a solitary house was found, but no

inhabitants, Columbus and his crew walked inland for about

a mile and found a village, where they remained for.a

short while and persuaded the natives to bring water for

the ships down to the beach (Columbus, 1803: 55). The

vessels remained off the coast of Crooked Island until

midnight of Woenosday, October 23rd, when they weighed

anchor for Cuba, which the Indians said lay to the west-

southwest (Columbus, 1803: 57), Although anxious to

roach the Asian mainland, which he supposed to be close

by, Colux-bus decided to pause on his way long enough to

learn what "tidings of gold or spices" he might obtain























































t:, t-,ia!aas (a-rlntei frorn Mor son,

1 Q,,12: 1T 321).L











in Cuba (Columbus, 1893: 55).

By morning it had begun to rain and a calm had

set in. The ships lay by until the afternoon, llhen the

wind began to pick up again. By nightfall Cabo Verde,

the southern cape of Long Island, had been sighted about

seven leagues, or twenty-one miles, to the northwest

(I'orison, 1942: I, 321). During the night of the twenty-

fourth the weather was very bad, with an incroane in the

rain and a heavy sea, but Columbus kept his west-south-

westerly course. At about three o'clock in the afternoon

of the twenty-fifth, seven or eight islands were sighted

running north-south about fifteen miles distant (Colum-

bus, 1893: 58). These were nnmed Las Islas de Arena

(Columbus, 1893: 59), the present Jumento chain and 3reat

Ragged Island. The night of the twenty-fifth and part

of the next day wore spent at anchor somewhere off Nurse

Cay (:"orison, 1942: I, 321, 329). During the afternoon

the fleet sailed south off the coast of Las Islas do

Arena, reaching a point just south of Little 7a-Srod

Island by nightfall (i.orison, 1242: I, 329), hero anchors

were lowered until the morning of the twenty-seventh.

That day the southward course was continued, and by night-

fall the Cuban mountains were sighted in the distance, a

thin purple line on the horizon (Y'orison, 1942: I, 330),

So endod Columbus' brief sojourn in the Bahamas.











He never returned there, and we have no other account

of the islands during Lucayan times giving' us a des-

criptivo statement on the life of the natives. On

Columbus the bulk of our historical and ethnographic

reconstruction must depend.

Cuba and the islands to the south wore more
intriguing to Columbus than the Bahamas, and all of

these islands were considered but stepping stones to

the Asian mainland, where Columbus hoped to be able to

deliver letters from Ferdinand to the "Gran Can," The

Bahamas were perhaps purposely glossed over in the

voyage, since the Guanahani natives mentioned Cuba and

the southern islands as sources of gold (Columbus, 1893:

58-59). ":iht not these islands be the Indies, the Spice

Islands, which were the forerunners to Asia itself?

This conscious search for gold-producing lands,
which were felt to be an evident indication of close

approach to Asia, accounts to a lar;e do-roe for the

somewhat erratic course Columbus took throu.:h theo ahamas

(Fig. 2). lie was simply following the advice of the

Guanahani natives concerning the course he should take to

find the "Indies." As T7orison points out ('orison, 1942:

I, 330), it is probable that the Indians made the south-

ward trip to Cuba by going from cay to cay, crossing the

shortest stretch of water possible at each jump. In the











same manner Columbus moved through the archipelago.

An interesting reference is made to the island
of Bosio or Bohio, lying beyond,Cuba (Columbus, 1893:

55). Las Casas (1877: I, 231 Jib. i, cap. xliif7)

interprets this as referring to Hispaniola and as sig-
nifyin; a land of largo houses, the word bohio inoaning

"house" in Island Arawak (Tejora, 1951: 70-72; Zayas

y Alfonso, 1931: I, 112-113). Morison (1942: I, 327,

332-333), however, offers the interesting possibility that

Bohio perhaps meant "home" or "homeland" to the Lucayans,

indicating the land of their origin. No evidence can

be given to support this interpretation, but it is

indeed an interesting speculation,

With the availability of other lands of greater

economic value to the south, it is not surprisin- that
the Spanish did not settle the Bahamas. From the outset,

however, the islands were part of the Spanish New World

under the Treaty of Tordesillas, promulgated by Pope

Alexander VI in 1493, and the Spanish came to play a

major role in their history. Spanish interest in the

Taharas during the 1500's and 1600's was closely bound to

the encomienda system, and a cursory examination of the

system as practiced in Cuba and Hispaniola is necessary

to bring this period of Bahamian history into its proper

perspective,











From earliest Spanish colonial times the use of
Indian labor for mining, farming, and all nonial tasks

was a privilege granted to influential colonists by the

Spanish Crown. These colonists were called oncomenderos,

and the system itself the oncominda. A brief suLr:.ary

of the development of the oncomienda in Spain and in

Cuba and Hispaniola is helpful in gaining an under-

standing of its importance and pervasiveness in Spanish

colonial economy.

During the Reconquest of MIoorish Spain by the
Spanish and Portuguese, larre grants of land, in the

feudal manner, were given to military leaders. Those

grants covered immense territories and often included

certain rights over the lives and properties of the

common people already living on the land. This type of

grant was called a repartimiento, the term encomienda

referring in the earliest times to the tax-collecting

power of the holder of a repartimiento. Such fiefs pre-

vailed in Spain and Portugal from the twelfth century

onward (Diffie, 1945: 58-59), and, although they wore

originally of a temporary nature, soon came to be

hereditary (De la Cruz, 1954: 7).

In general Spain's colonial policy may be

characterized as centralized and authoritarian, and it

was these two major characteristics which most aided the











ready transference of the encomienda-repartimiento

system from Spain to her TTow V.orld possessions. Church

and State were always in supreme control, and their word

was always law -- a heritage from the Reconquest period.

Both these aspects of Spanish nationalism prevailed

long after their utilitarian origins had vanished; that

is, unification of the Iberian peninsula, and contributed

the formulating factors to Spanish colonialism. Part of

this system of centralized authoritarianism in Spain was

the encomionda, and it was brought to the Hovw ,Jorld in

the best spirit of Iborian expansion.

A helping hand was given the enconionda in the

Indies by several additional factors. The Spanish had

behind them a long period of contact with alien peoples

in the Iberian peninsula, and they had no fear of as-

sociating with the Indian. The predominant mestizo

classes in many parts of Latin America today certainly

bear evidence to this. The fact that the Indians of

Cuba and Hispaniola vworo sedentary, agricultural groups,

in contrast to the more bellicose and nomadic groups in

other parts of the New World, made them particularly easy

prey to the encomienda, and the desire for the wealth to

be expected from the "outlying islands of Asia" made it

necessary for the invaders to have an available labor

supply to mine gold, precious stones, and to bring up











pearls. A final push toward the encomienda was pro-

vided by the simple fact that the Spanish had to have

their daily bread in order to survive, and they were

too few in number and too lacking of inclination to

solve this basic economic problem themselves. The

obvious alternative was food from the Indians, through

peaceful r.cans if possible, but by force if necessary

(Do la Cruz, 1954: 14, 16).

All phases of the newcomers' past and the

Indians' present seemed to dovetail together, so that

it was only natural that the encomienda should be trans-

planted, and successfully so, to the Spanish New World

with other aspects of Iberian culture; its beginnings are

indeed traceable to the first years of Spanish coloni-

zation.

By a royal decree of July 22, 1497, Columbus

was given the privilege of making land grants in the

1ew '.orld (Thacher, 1903-04: II, 547). However, land

grants without labor to work them were useless, so

provisions were made for a labor supply about the oarme

time that they wore made for the giving of grants. Las

Casas mentions this, saying,

The Admiral, before he went to Castille,
in 1496, about !'arch, or the Adelantado
after the departure of the Admiral, im-
posed, in addition to the tributes that
the chieftans and their people paid,











or perhaps as the principal tribute paid
(because I could not verify this point),
the obligation on certain chieftans and
jTndiaonlords of taking charge of the culti-
vation of the lands of the Spanish Christian
towns, and of working for them with all their
people to furnish maintenance and r;ive other
personal services. This was the origin of the
pestilence of the ropartimiento and-encomienda
which has devastated and destroyed the whole of
these Indies (Las Casas, 1877: I, 441 n/ib. i,
cap. c27).

The terms repartimiento and encomienda were

apparently used synonymously at first, as Las Casas

indicates above, to moan a distribution of lands or

Indians (Diffie, 1945: 61); later, however, a definite

distinction was made between the two. The repartimiento

came to mean a temporary grant of Indians to do a

specific task, while the encomienda was a grant of Indians
made for the lifetime of the encomendero, eventually be-

coming hereditary in both the family of the encomendero

and the families of his oncomondados, as the Indians work-

ing under this system were called (Diffie, 1945: 61).

Indian labor recruited under the repartimiento and en-

coinionda in both Cuba and Hispaniola was used to work the

minos, to farm, and to perform the various duties of

household servants (De la Cruz, 1954: 22), This system

formed the basis of control over Indian labor, and as

Diffie (1945: 61) has stated, cultivation of the land would

have been irnposnible without it,











In 1498 Columbus petitioned Isabella for por-
mission to use this type of labor, but he was merely

trying to legalize the status quo (Diffie, 1945: 61).

The fact that the system was not recognized on a legal

basis is shovn by the accompaniment of Nicolas de Ovandos

commission as Governor of Hispaniola in 1501 with an

order to treat the Indians as good subjects of the Crown

and to allow them complete freedom (Simpson, 1950: 11-

12).

This situation did not last for long, however,

for in 1503 Isabella issued a royal codula stating,

...we are informed that because of oxccssive
liberty enjoyed by the said Indians they avoid
contact and community with the Spaniards to
such an extent that they will not even work for
wages, but wander about idle, and cannot be had
by the Christians to convert to the Holy Catholic
Faith...I command you, our said Governor, that
beginning from the day you receive my letter
you will compel and force the said Indians to
associate with the Christians of the island and
to work on their buildings, and to till the fields
and produce food for the Christian inhabitants
and dwellers of the said island.../ngd on feast
days and such days as you think proper they may
be gathered together to hear and be taught in
matters of the Faith...and do not consent or
allow that any person do them any harm or oppress
them...(Simpson, 1950: 13).
This codula was issued to Governor Ovando of Hispaniola,

and it marked the beginning of the organized and local-

ized encomionda in the '!c V1;orld. It should be noted,

paradoxical though it be, that Isabella not only commanded











the enforced labor of the Indians, but she also

demanded that they should be instructed in "the Paith"

and be cared for without oppression. This point embodies

the basic difference between the Spanish encomienda and

that of the Indies. The system in Cuba and Hispaniola

was based upon "remunerated personal service in exchange

for the obligation of procuring the natives Christiani-

zation. Thus, the juridical form born in the colony is

totally different from the Castillian encomienda"

(Gongora, 1951: 105; Do la Cruz, 1954: 3).

Rigid application of the encomienda in Cubar and

Hispaniola from early settlement days brought about a

decimation of Indian encomendados by the early and

middle 1500ts, and attention was turned to other areas

as sources of labor. European diseases, poor health con-

ditions, poor working conditions, undernourishment, and

separation of males and females by the repartimiento un-

doubtedly contributed heavily to this sudden drop in native

population (De la Cruz, 1954: 24). It also seems probable

that the protein-deficient diet of the Indians -- based

largely on cassava and other starchy foods -- was in-

capable of supplying the energy needed to perform the

arduous tasks of full-time mining and farming imposed by

the encomienda, giving rise to an unusually high mortality

rate.











The Bahamas were one of the closest inhabited

regions, and in 1509 Ovando obtained authorization from

Ferdinand to recruit labor from the islands (:Iacmillan,

1911: 22), A raiding force was sent out under Alonso

de Hojeda (Morison, 1942: I, 327), and within a few

short years the entire population of the archipelago,

which has been roughly estimated.as 40,000, was dopleated

(Las Casas, 1877: II, 100 jTib. ii, cap. xli27; Edwards,

1819: IV, 219; De Booy, 1912: 87). Seemingly the Lu-

cayans wore recruited not on an encomondado basis, but

were hunted down and captured as slaves, for we have no

record of grants of oncomienda made within or concerning

the Bahamas; the population was simply deported and

vanished without a trace, as far as we know, in Cuba,

Hispaniola, and other areas,

Vio have definite evidence that commissioned

slave raids were sent out from Cuba to the Bahamas. Las

Casas (1877: II, 347-348 /1ib. iii, cap. xcif7) tells us

that around the year 1517 Governor Diego Velazquez of

Cuba commissioned several caravels and other ships for the

precise purpose of acquiring Lucayan slaves to replace the

diminishing; encomendado labor within Cuba itself. These

fleets, financed by private individuals, left Santiago de

Cuba and accomplished their purpose with "sword and lance"

(Las Caass, 1877: II, 348 /ib, iii, cap. xcif).











The same measures were taken in Hispaniola.

Las Casrs tolls us that,

It was that unfortunate cunning which y"vo the
King to know, either through letters of through
the Procurador whor.m they sent to the Court...
that the Islas de los Lucayos, or Yucayos,
noeihbors,to Espanola and Cuba, wore filled with
people, who were idle and who took advantage of
nothing
*.*be...... ..--.-- @*,4**Oe. e9--.*.e** *
Therefore, when permission came from Kin.
Ferdinand to bring to this island 51spanolga
the people who wore living in the islands we
were accustomed to call Lucayos, there gathered
together ten or twelve citizens of the city of
La Vega or Concepcion and the town of Santiago,
who raised between them 10 or 12,000 cold pesos,
with which they bought two or three ships and
hired fifty or sixty men.-- sailors and the
rest -- to go and attack the Indians who were
living, carefree, in the peace, quietude and
security of their native land
*.4..9..* e0O.O8e.@e0...*e.eO ***O*O*** **3*Oat****ee
Brought to this island and disembarked,
especially at Puerto de Plata and Puerto Real,
which are on the north coast facing the Lucayos
themselves, men and women, youn;- and old, were
divided into groups...in these groups it was not
seen that the wife should be with her husband nor
the son with his father, for no more attention
was paid to them than if they were truly the
vilest of animals (Las Casas, 1877: II, 98-100
/Tib. ii, cap. lii7).
Apparently Lucayans arrived by the shiploads in Hispaniola,

where, because of their numbers and the poor condition

of their health, they brought very low prices. Las Casas

tells us that "each Indian...which they called pieces...

as if they wore head of cattle, Zsold foj7 four gold pesos

and no more" (Las Casas, 1877: II, 100 /Iib, ii, cap.

xliij7).











At first Lucayan slaves wore used as miners,

agricultural workers, and personal servants to replace

the diminishing numbers of Cuban and Hispaniola en-

comendados (Anghiera, 1944: 505 /eoc. vii, lib. ii, cap,

1i7). This new life was hardly pleasing, and we have

the usual stories of exceptionally high mortality rates

and runaway slaves, Anghiera (1944: 500 e3ec. vii,

lib. i, cap. ij7) tells us that many died simply because

they refused to work and eat. Others apparently escaped

and died in the backlands of Cuba and Hispaniola before

they could be recaptured. It is reported that some

killed themselves. Those who successfully escaped and

who did not die in the attempt usually tried to reach

the western part of Hispaniola, from whence, if possible,

they made their way back to the Bahamas. Anghiera ibidd.)

reports one instance of a Lucayan carpenter who fashioned

a canoe and filled it with provisions for his escape

journey. He managed to reach western Hispaniola, where

he put out to sea and would have been successful, except

for the fact that a Spanish vessel came across him while

at sea and brought him back to Hispaniola.

The fate of the Lucayans, however, lay not in

Cuba and Hispaniola, but on the small island of Cubagua,
some five hundred miles to the south. This island, just

off the northeast coast of Venezuela near the district of











Cumana, ras a shining cem in the Spanish Crown, for from

it came some of the best pearls the world has over soon.

It has been reported (Boulton, 1952: 32) that pearls wore

so numerous in Cubagua during colonial times that they

were for awhile used as currency, the average pearl having

the value of twolve posos.

Cubagua was discovered in 1499 by IHojeda,

Guerra, and Vespucci a year after having been by-passed

by Columbus (Torison, 1942: II, 280-281, 290), and with-

in a few years came to be the center of the New V7orld

pearl industry along with the neighboring island of

:Rargarita (Las Casas, 1877: II, 105 I Tib, ii, cap.

xl~7). As an indication of Cubaguals wealth it was
called Insula Rica or Islote de las Perlas by the Spanish

(Boulton, 1952: 23),

The labor necessary to maintain Cubaguals pearl
fisheries and its position as "la Insula Rica" cane from

Indian sources. The rigors of this life for the Indian

are vividly described by Las Casas in his rrcvissima

Relacion do la Destruycion de las Indias, wvhore he says,

The tyranny which the Spanish exercise against
the Indians in the gathering or fishinG for
pearls is one of the most cruel and condemnable
things which there could ever be on earth.
There is no more infernal nor insane life in
this century with which it may be compared,
although that of mining gold is of its nature
vary arduous and wretched. They put them
/ithe Indians into the sea in three, four, or











five fathoms depth, from morning until sun-
down; they are always underwater, swimming
without being able to catch their breath,
tearing off the oysters in which the pearls
grow. They come back with a small net bag
filled with them to the surface for air,
where a cruel Spaniard waits in a canoe or
small boat, and if they take long in restin-
he gives them blows and shoves them under
the water again to dive by the hair, Their
meals are fish, oysters, cassava bread, and
some corn...with which they are never filled
to excess. The bed they give them at night
is to secure them in stocks on the ground, so
they will not escape. Many times they dive
into the sea,..and never return to the surface,
because the -tiburones and ;iarrajos, two tyreo -
of very savage sea animals /sharks/ which can
devour an entire man, kill and eat them (Las
Casas, 1879: 266-267 /From the section entitled
"Do la Costa de las Perlas y do Paria y la Isla
de la Trinidad).

These observations were apparently first-hand, for Las

Casas repeats, almost verbatim, the statements of Barto-

lome de la Pena, an eye-witness of the situation who

wrote down his impressions some years before Las Casas

composed his Brevisima Relaoion. Pena (1879: 560-361

seap. xxxviifi) describes the symptoms discernible in
the majority of fatalities as difficulty in breathing,
a tightness in the chest, and hemorrhaling from the mouth.

All indicate excessive internal bleeding and the rupture

of blood vessels in the lun-s, resulting from lack of air
ovor a long period of timnc If the symptoms have been

accurately reported we have a rather definite indication
thlat working hours for the Cubagua pearl fisherman were











very long and quite strenuous.

In 1512 special laws were passed to protect the

Indians enslaved as pearl fishermen. These laws re-

quired that no fishing should be done in the winter or

in times of bad weather, and that five fathoms should

be the maximum diving depth in most instances, eight

being the absolute maximum. In the case of divers

working at five fathoms or less the working day would

consist of no more than four hours, and in the case of

those working at depths from five to eight fathoms, three

hours would be the limit. Living conditions were to

be improved and punishment made milder. It was declared

illegal to fish for pearls with the "chinchorro" or

dragnet; instead, the smaller "redecilla" or net basket

was to be used at all times (Boulton, 1952: 29-36).

Such laws would seem to bear evidence that conditions

before 1512 must have been quite bad.

A document from the Archivo de Indias, without

date, but probably from the year 1522, describes the vice

and malpractices of the pearl industry on Cubagua in some

detail, pointing out the great number of pearls which

were withheld from the officials of the Crown and indi-

cating that much cruelty prevailed in the industry with-

out the officials of Cubagua beinr aware of it. All of

this seemed to exist in spite of and well before the laws











of 1512. The same document makes it clear that Las

Casas himself had visited Cubagua, although not before

1520 or thereabouts, and lends crodonce to his statenonts

about the pearling industry (Coloccion de Docuimontos

Inodltos, 1865-83: X, 35-36)8,

It was to this environment that the majority

of Lucayan slaves were brought. Few of them remained

in Hispaniola once it was discovered that they were

excellent swimmers, and it was at Cubagua that they met

their extinction. Las Casas reports that,

The Spanish began to send the Lucayan Indians
to gather pearls, because they are in general
all excellent swimmers...for which reason they
wore sold, usually in public, but with caution,
not at 4 pesos as had been ordered in the begin-
ning but at 100 and at 150 gold pesos and more
.... an it was a miracle if, after a feo days,
a singlo Lucayan could be found on this island
ZLspanola7. The course which through necessity
must be taken from this island to the isle of
Cubagua is around 300 long leagues, and they
carried them all there in ships by that route.
In that arduous and pernicious work -- much
more cruel than diS!in; gold in the mines --
they finally killed and finished them off in
a very few years; and in that way the entire
population of those islands which we call the


8This document is entitled "Relacion de T;iZuol
de Castellanos, Contador de la Costa de Tierra Firmo de
Paria, donde son las perlas, del viago que hizo con
Bartolome de Las Casas, clerigo, y de lo que antal paso
on aquellas parts, y de lo que le paresco acerca de lo
que vio hay nescesidad su magestad prove presto on cosas
que cumplen a su servicio y acrescentamionto de su
facienda."











Lucayos or Yucayos perished (Las Casas, 1877:
II, 103 /Tib. ii, cap. xlv).

Pena (1879: 361 seap. xxxviig), too, refers to the mass

exodus of Lucayan slaves to Cubagua. The situation

certainly was not as acute as indicated by Las Casas, who

would have us believe that it was possible to sail from

Hispaniola to the Bahamas without benefit of navigation
charts and instruments because the water was strewn for

the entire distance with Lucayan corpses thrown over-

board by the slavers (Las Casas, 1879: 266), but one

must credit the basic elements of the story with truth.

Las Casas is notable for his pro-Indian bias, but in the

majority of cases it sooes safe to assume that the under-

lying facts given are correct.

From the middle 1500's until the first organized

white settlement of the archipelago by the British in

1647, we have few records mentioning the Bahamas. As

far as can be determined, the islands were unpopulated

for this period of about a hundred years, and there is

today no noticeable trace of Lucayan blood in the native

white and Ilogro population of the Bahamas. As early as

1511 many of the islands soora to have been depopulated.

The folloviin- statement refers to this period.

Among others, seven citizens of the towns of
La Vega and Santiago...joined toogther, and
not lacking merchants to help them, they
armed two ships, placing in each one 50 or











60 men...They left from Puerto de Plata, from
which port in a day more or less they arrived
at the Islas de los Lucayos. Having arrived
there, and having searched many of them with
the greatest diligence, they found nothing,
because those who had already come before them
to those islands had finished off all /the
inhabitants with the haste which has been
well pointed out above in Book II...(Las
Casas, 1877: II, 198 Lfib. iii, cap. xg).
Anghiera (1944: 504 diec. vii, lib. ii, cap, A7) tells of

the same expedition.

In a less well-known work of Las Casas, The

Tears of the Indians, exact date of writing-unknown,

reference is made to the rapidly disappearing Lucayan

population. There it is stated,

The Lucayan Islands noi:lhboring toward
the North upon Cuba and Hispaniola, belng
above sixty or thereabouts.,are now totally
unpeopled and destroyed; the inhabitants
thereof amounting to above 500,000 /-sic
souls, partly killed and partly forced away
to work in other places; so that there going
a ship to visit those parts and to glean the
remainder of those distressed wretches, there
could be found no more than eleven men (Las
Casas, 1656: 3-4).

One of the few records from the 1500's specifi-
cally concerning the Bahamas is that of the voyage of

Juan Ponce de Leon, Governor of Puerto Rico. The motives

for this expedition through the Bahamas which led Ponce

to the iunitting discovery of Florida are hardly clear.
Howovor, they all sooe to revolve around the miraculous

Fountain of Youth, or Fountain of Bimini, as it is more











properly called, Oviedo, Anh;lcra, Las Casas, Herrera,

and Escalante Fontaneda all refer to this famous tale.

The jist of it is that soinowhero, on an unlocated island

in the alhanas called Pinini, was a fountain, the wator

of which had rejuvenating po.rers for those who drank it.

The chroniclers indicate that the story came from the

Indians of the Grcator Antilles (Herrera, 1934-35: III,

327 edec. i, lib. ix, cap. xij~ ; Escalante Fontanoda,

1944: 15).

Through troubles fomented by Diego Columbus,

Juan Ceron, and Higuol Diaz, Ponce had last his gover-

norship of Puerto Rico (Lawson, 1946: 4-6). His ambition,

and perhaps imagination, turned to other lands in the

New World, and in 1511 he wrote Ferdinand as:in,; for

permission to discover and settle the island of Bimini

(Lawson, 1946: 7). We do not have the original letter,

but we do have 7ordinandr's reply, "which is entitled

"To the officials of the Island Espanola upon the acroe-

ment which they have to take with Juan Ponce upon that

of the said Island of Dirminy which he has to go to dis-

cover" (Lawson, 104G: 79-81 ). The letter is dated

february 23, 1512, and simply aclnoviledges Ponce's re-

quest. However, on the same day Ferdinand issued an

official cedula containing contracts and general capitu-

lations for the discovery of the island of "Benimy"











(Lawson, 1946: 81-88; Lowery, 1911: 457-441). This

cedula gives Ponce the rights of adelantado, encoomendero,

and overlord of Bimini and any neighboring lands he might

discover. It was uphold by others issued in 1513 and

1514 (Lawson, 1946: q9-97).

Historians have tended to take one of two

extreme sides in the question of the Fountain of Bimini

and its importance in Ponco's voyago of discovery. It

is certainly true that the story should be considoe-d in

its proper proportions, rather than exaggerated into the

wanderings of the imaginative mind of a Spanish con-

quistador, or relegated to the ash-can; these seem to
have been the two alternatives, 'he historical documents

indicate that the facts as presented wore taken seriously

by all concerned, and that they did play a very large

part in the discovery of Florida (Davis, 1935: 1-70).

Herrera seems to be speaking the general feeling: of the

tirclos whcn he states that Ponce's major reason for

attempting the voyage was to discover the Fountain of

Bimini (Herrera, 1934-35: III, 527 /ec. i, lib. ix,

cap. xig17). As a recent article has aptly pointed out,

Certainly it may appear rather difficult to
understand that such a man should have wasted
a large part of his considerable fortune on an
expedition designed to catch the waters of a
fabulous spring. But the historical problem
lies just in this fact, and it cannot be solved
by references to the supposed credulity and











artlessness of the first chroniclers of
America. Aside from the fact that they were
genorally well informed, they definitely are
inclined to give a rational explanation of the
ovonts rclatcd...this applies in our case, too,
and we are justified in supposing that in this
way we have lost much of the knowledod of the
temper and feelings prevailing in the conquests
and adventures of ,the age of discovery (01schki,
1941: 363).

In short, we should consider the problem in the light of

its own times, not in the light of our times and their

changed concepts. The desire to find Bimini seems to have

been but a part of the heritage from the period of Recon-

quest, when any excuse for an adventurous foray was seized

upon. The encrgis of this period certainly prevailed

on into the 1500ts and vwro a leading factor giving

impetus to Spanish colonial expansion. The expeditions

of Diego de Ordaz (1531), Orellana (1540-41), and Raleigh

(1595) in search of the fabled land of El Dorado with its

gilded monarch and city of 1anoa, and the efforts of de

Soto, Father Marcos, and Coronado to find the wealthy

seven cities of Cibola bear ample testimony to the con-

tinuance of the energies from the Reconquest well into

the sixteenth century. The slightest suspicion of wealth

or the miraculous was enough to persuade men of common

sense and official stature to embark into the unknown.

As a part of this heritage it is not too far-fetchod to

suppose that Ponce felt it quite worthwhile to expend a











fortune in seeking out Bimini, Neither did the Spanish

Crown consider him wasteful, for patents were issued

him in 1513 and 1514 for,the colonization of the island,

(Davis, 1935: 9-14, 53-56),

The story of the Fountain is first mentioned

by Anghiera, who says, "Anran them 5The Lucayosg, at a

distance of three hundred and twenty-five loa-ucs from

Espanola, they say there is an island...which is called

Boyuca or Ananeo, and which has a fountain so notable that,

drinking of its water, old men are reinvigorated"

(Anghiora, 1944: 191-192 sdec. ii, lib. x, cap. iff).

He adds that the leocnd was taken quite seriously, and

elaborates the above statement, saying,

In my first Decades...notice was given of
a fountain which is said to have such secret
virtue that it reinvigorates old men wheno they
use the water to drink and to bathe in

Those whom I cite, aside from written
reports and accounts given me vocally by
casual acquaintances, are the Dean himself
AI1varez de Castro, Episcopal Dean of Con-
cepcion in Espanola the senador Ayllon,
the jurisconsult whom I have mentioned before
~/ucas Vaz uez de Ayllon, auditor to the Council
of Espanola_, and the third the accountant
Pi-uoroa...
The three unanimously declare that they
have heard of the fountain which restores
vigor, and that they believe in part those who
have told them of it,.,Of this the Dean g;avo an
oxariple
They have a Lucayan servant whom they call
Andres Barbudo...It is said that he was born of
a father already well advanced in age. From
his native island, near the region of Florida,











attracted by the fame of that fountain and
desiring to prolong his life, he f/he father
prepared all the necesary-T teams for the
journey in the manner of those today who go
to rocovor their health to Rome, rNaploc, or
e"e baths ao Puteol-., and went to got the
desired water from that fountain. He vwont
and remained there awhile, bathing in and
drinking the water for many days accordinK
to the remedies dictated by the spring-keepers,
and it is said that he returned home with
virile powers, and he performed all the male
functions and married again and had children.
This son of his gives as witnesses many who
were carried away from their native land,
Lucaya, who affirm that they saw that man
first when he was decrepit and afterwards
rejuvenated and with bodily strength and
vigor (Anghiera, 1944: 535-536 2dqc. vii,
lib, vii, cap.p 1)

Several rather obvious facts stem from the

above statement, From the wordin- used by .n.hliera,

especially those words italicized above, and from his

comparison of the Fountain of Bimini to the baths of

Puteoli, Rome, and the spas of Naples, we definitely do

not get the idea of a spring of water, a drink from

which could actually return one to youth -- the usual

conception of the Fountain. Instead the words "rein-

vigorate," "restores vigor," and others used by Anghiera

would incline one to think more of a present-day health

resort. Indeed, Anghiera himself considers the

Fountain as nothing more than a spa for the aged. He

gives the decided impression that this consideration

came fror. his conversations with the throe men mentioned











in the above quotation (Anghiera, 1944: 536-538 3 ec.

vii, lib. vii, cap. I7), and he elininatos the mystical
elorients of the story which we today are accustomed to

think of first. Ho states specifically that "I am not

ignoring the fact that those things go counter to the

opinion of all philosophers, who jud,;e it impossible to

have a regression in the progress of physical develop-

ment" (Annhiora, 1944: 536-537 /-ibid.J7), and he con-

tinues to say that he is not suggesting such miraculous

powers for the Fountain of Bimini, but that he is of the

opinion that the island was probably nothing more than
a very healthy place to live.

It is most unfortunate that the majority of
English and American research on the subject has been

based on ;c:tutt's translation of An-.hiera (1912), for

many facts and sentences in the original are telescoped
into a sin.-le sentence or less in that translation, and
the entire feeling; and meaning of the original are often

lost. This is particularly true in the case of thoso

sections mentioning the Fountain of Bimini (Anrhiera,

1912: I, 274; II, 295). Such telescoping has made it an

easy matter to inject religious and mystical interpretations
into the story, destroying the eminent practicality of
An hiora's own explanation. This is especially true be-

cause of the mistranslations of a single word, the crux











of the entire problem. The word.rejuvenare in the

original.Latin, orrejuvener, rejuvenecor as it is

translated into Spanish, is uniformly rendered into

English by the literal translation "rejuvenate, make

young." Today the word may mean either "to render

youthful again" in a literal sense, or "to reinvigo-

rate, to stimulate to health." The first meaning is

the more co::.on in procont-day English. In the Latin

and Spanish, however, the primary .ioanlin of the term

is simply "to stimulate to health," and this is ob-

viously the sense in which Anghiera was using it, as he

goes out of his way to explain in the previously cited

passages. Because of this mistranslation and the tele-

scoping of Anghiera's explanation we have lost the in-

tended feeling and meaning in McNutt's translation; we

have translated the story of Bimini into modern En;lish

in literal terms, and not, as should have been, into the

terms and with the meaning of Anghiera's own times.

For this reason it has been easy to misrepresent Anghi-

era's version of the facts as known in the early 1500's.

It does not soc:m out of place here to mention

briefly the genoral tone of Anghiera's writing and to

give him somewhat more credit than he usually receives,

particularly in the case of the subject at hand. Al-

though he never visited the eow World, he was a merbcr











of the Consejo de Indias and was in close contact with

many officials and residents of the oew world As a

member of the court of Perdinand and Isabella he came

into direct contact with Columbus and apparently dove-

loped an immediate interest in the new roalms which h

Columbus had discovered, an interest which lasted until

his death in 1526. Always a methodical and practical

man -- he was one of the loading diplomats of his

time -- he is careful to document the majority of his

statements. He rarely lapses into a reminiscing or

miraculous vein, but keeps his account straight and to

the point. His practicality is almost unparalleled for

his times. In the case of the Fountain of Bimini

account, Anghiera makes a definite point of stating that

his information comes from three well-qualified persons,

Alvarez de Castro, Episcopal Dean of Concepcion in

Espanola; Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon, auditor to the Council

of Espanola; and the accountant Figueroa, who was

attached to the Council of Espanola. All three men lived

for some time in the r.'ow 'iorld and were certainly in a

position to give Anghiora adequate knowlodco concerning

what they saw and hoard. None of their statements seems

calculated to create an air of exaggeration, and where

the throo differed among themselves, Anghiera points this

out (Anhiora, 1944: 507 5ec. vii, lib. ii, cap. i,7).











Because of the comparative erudition of those throo

men and the matter-of-fact way in which their state-

ments are reported by Anghiera, there seems to be little

reason to doubt their sincerity,

Ayllon's evidence would seem to be particularly

trustworthy. He came from a wealthy and well-educated

family of Toledo, from .'.hcnce he left for the 'oIw World

whore he eventually assumed some importance as a lgcal

auditor to the Council of Espanola. In 1520 a ship

commissioned by Ayllon and captained by Francisco

Gordillo was on its way through the Daiamas when it fell

in with a slaving party under Pedro do ruexon, sent out

from Espanola by Juan Ortiz de Tatienzo. Thie two cap-

tains not only acquired many Lucayan captives, but made

their way to Florida as well, where they succeeded in

capturing many Indians. These they brought back to

Ayllon and Matienzo in Espanola (Swanton, 1946: 36-37).

Being in charge of such professional slaving expeditions

as this, Ayllon was likely to have information on the

customs of the Lucayans, which he probably related to

An-hiora at the latter's request when he was at Court in

Miadrid in the early 1520's seeking a patent to settle a

colony on the Florida mainland.

Horrcra, writing in 1601, and later authors do

not offer much elaboration to Anr-hiora, but simply up-











hold belief in the Fountain. le are given no reason to

doubt their sincerity. Hoerrera (1934-35: III, 327

4lec. i, lib. ix, cap. xig7), states that the story

originated anmon the Indians of Cuba and Hiispaniola,

but he gives no supporting ovidonce for such a state-

ment. Hle may be referring to Anghiera's mention of

Andros Barbudo, though we have no way of :mowin- for

certain,

It has become the generally accepted opinion

today that the story of Bimini is simply an extension of

'uropcan marvels to the :!ow '".orld, another Ice;ond of the

same order as those concerning the Earthly Paradise, the

Arna.ons, the Ten Tribes of Israel, and Gog and "nagor

(Olschki, 1941: 384). It has been denied that there are

any West Indian elements involved. If we assume that the

Fountain was indeed a mystical and miraculous place of cure

for senility and gave actual return to physical youth,

the presently accepted opinion is of some worth. As has

been pointed out, however, this mystical concept is a

comparatively modern one and did not exist at the time

Anhlera wrote. It may, of course, have been current at

Court in Eadrid, but it hardly seems to have prevailed

in the 3ow World. Anghiorats approach is matter-of-fact,

and we can hardly discount his statements on the basis of

later interpretation,












The desire to reach Asia by sailing westward,

to see its wonders, and to bring back its wealth, was

still a potent one in the 1500's, and the general con-

census of opinion was still at that time that the new

lands were but a portal to Asia. It does not seem

difficult to inr.ma:in that the legend of a fabulous

Asiatic fountain of youth should be transplanted from

its Old kiorld setting to the .ow World, thought to be

an approach to Asia, and there receive elaboration

until it came to the attention of Ponco do Leon at a

time when he strongly needed a new force to bolster

his prestige.

If the tale sprang full-blown from Old Uorld

sources, however, how do we account for the level-

hcadcdnoss shown by Anghiera and his informants? How do

we account for the fact that Indian witnesses from the

Bahamas testified that there was a fountain which re-

stored vigor -- certainly they were not imbued with Old

'orld fables and the -raSftical mythology of medieval

Christianity? iHow do we account for the fact that the

gonoral location of DT3iini was known -- "three hundred

and twenty-five loa-uoo from Lspanola" -- although it had

never been soon by European eyes as far as we know? And,

sost important, how de we account for the simple fact

that the actual name of Dimini was ]kown? Ponce asks











specifically for the right to go and discover not the

"island" whoro thore was r-portod to be a rejuvenatinC

sprin'S, but the "Island of Bimini," If so much was

known of this island in the BEnhamas, untouched and

unseen by Europeans, and if this knowledge came from

Lucayan slaves, it would seem obvious that some im-

portance was attached to the island by the natives

themselves. In short, we can not consider the story

of Bimini as a whole-cloth European importation nor as

pure legend. There are definite Indian elements to be

examined.

Escalante Fontaneda (1944: 14-15) adds some

evidence to the .7ost Indian origins of the Fountain

story. Although it is felt by this writer that his

statements concerning the Bahanas are Gonorally quite

unreliable and probably based upon hearsay, there may be

some elements of truth in his account concerning the

Fountain, since it is mentioned in connection with the

Calusa Indians of South Florida, anong whom Fontaneda

lived during the 1560's He states that the story came


9An examination of Fontaneda's knowledge con-
cerning the Bahamas, to be discussed at greater length
later in this report, shows rather conclusively that the
majority of it was second-hand and based upon outdated
and incorrect sources. There seems no reason to assume,
in this particular instance, that his sources were any
more accurate. The statement on p. 15 of the edition











from the Indians of Cuba and Hispaniola and that it was
part of their traditional religious mythology. The


cited above, "It is cause for merriment, that Juan Ponz
de Leon wont to Florida to find the River Jordan /he
Fountain of Youth7" is enough in itself to discredit
Pontaneda's historical sense, for this latter statement
is completely counter to the codulas issued Ponce by
Fordinand, specifically mentioning the island of iir:iini
(Davis, 1935: 9-14, 53-56). Vrhilo Fontanoda's descrip-
tion of the South Florida Indians is undoubtedly accurate
enough, and while one should certainly not go so far as
to suspect the man's sincerity, one should take his
historical statements with a grain of salt. It is also
unfortunate that the editors of the edition cited above
did not notice the discrepancy between Fontanodats
eye-witness, descriptive report on Florida and his brief
historical side-lights. They have, for instance, on pp.
46-47, discredited both Anghiera and Herrera and given
Fontaneda credit for the correct version of the Fountain
story. With no documentary evidence they have stated,
"It is readily apparent that neither Tartyr nor ITorrora
had a first hand o~llecdoe of this tradition," indicating
that they woro unaware of the passages in An-hiora quoted
earlier in this report. They have also assuwod that the
tale portalns to Florida, which it manifestly does not,
as the reports of Anghiera and HIerrera witness. Their
assumption that the word of Fontaneda, writing at least
fifty years after Anghiora and his informants de Castro,
Ayllon, and Figueroa, is correct, while that of the latter
men is not, sooms to be stretching a point* It would seem
iaoro in eeopin. with accuracy to su:*-est that Fontaneda
perhaps obtained his historical data from Las Casas,
writing; between the years 1520 and 1501, for the latter
seems to have initiated the confusion between Bimini and
Florida (Las Casas, 1877: II, 200 /lib. iii, cap. xx7).
AnChiora, in any case, mentions both the Fountain of
Bimini (see preceding citations) and Ponce de Leon
(Anghiera, 1944: 322 /dc, iv, lib, V7, 355 /fee. v,
lib. i, cap, if7, 520 Lee. vii, lib. iv, cap. ii,7), and
shows no confusion between Bimini and Florida. Because of
Anghiera's full documentation of his statements, because
he was writing during Poncots lifetime, and because of
Fontaneda's lack of documentation and usual historical
vagueness, the account of the latter has not been
credited.











Fountain itself, however, he places in Florida, and he

adds that a group of Indians from Cuba actually sailed

to South Florida, where they settled a village in
Calusa country after having failed in their search for

the Fountain, The descendants of those people wore

apparently still living in the region when Fontaneda

was there, Because of Fontaneda's accuracy in reporting

the lives and customs of the Florida Indians with whom
he lived, it is assumod that his statement.is probably
accurate. The fact that those Cuban Indians were in

South Florida, however, is no necessary indication that
Florida was considered to be the land of the Fountain.
All other evidence, cited earlier, would seem to discount

this latter hypothesis, and it is felt by the writer that

this settlement in Calusa country may have been purely.
accidental, as will be explained later.

A tentative statement on the origins of the
mountain of Biaini story might be somewhat as follows.

The island was known to the Lucayan natives for its

healthful environment, restoring vigor-and strength to'

persons advanced in ago. We have some corroboration hero
from Las Casas (1877: I, 228 L:ib. i, cap. xl7), who

says that although there must be old people in the Bahamas
none of the natives seem to be so. This physical "presor-











ovation" oven in old age Las Casas attributes to the

mildness.and gonoral healthfulness of the climate.

He reports, too, that many Spaniards visited the islands

to recover their health, and that they returned well

to Hispaniola, whore he himself had seen some of them.

It is probable that the name Bimini indicted
that the island was a healthful place to live, if we

can indeed translate it as "place of good food," as

previously su-goated. There may even have been some

religious connotation riven to the island, if the con-

nection between the Arawak words for "good to eat,

sweet" and "spirit, supernatural being" is correct,

Perhaps the exact reasons for this new fcolin,- of

vigor and strength exacted from Bimini's environment

were not clear to the Indians; perhaps they felt it was

because some spirit or non-corporeal being was resident

on the island -- hence the name Bimini.

.:ith the imri.-ration through slavery of Lu-
cayans to Cuba and Hispaniola and the observation on the

part of some Spaniards, as mentioned by Las Casas, of the

invigorating qualities of the Bahamian environment, the

reputation of Dimnin may have come to the attention of

the Spanish as the ultimate in "health resorts." It is

true that we have no records mentioning the Fountain

before the year 1511, and it is possible that a correl-











action between slave raiding in the islands and the

appearance of the name Bimini can be made.

The Spanish, oager for now vistas to explore,

readily accepted the story and elaborated upon it with

elements of Christian mythology, eventually producing

a fountain with actual health restoring powers. Still,

from Anghierats report, in Ponce de Leonts time the

tale does not seem to have acquired the hyper-mystical

connotations it has today. Perhaps the fact that Ponce

never actually found the Fountain strengthened the

mystical element and allowed it to develop into the

leognd we have today,

An explanation of Fontaneda's Arawak village

in the Calusa country of South Florida may be postulated

in the light of the above proposals. The Cuban Indians

received their first story of the Fountain from Lucayan

slaves, just as the Spanish did, end they, too, were

anxious to check its efficacious powers. Setting out

from Cuba with no specific course by which to reach the

island of the Fountain, they may have come to South

Florida by mistake, where they were taken in and settled

by the Galusa loader, Senquene. This leader is referred

to by Fontanoda (1944: 15) as the father of "King Carlos"

and probably lived some thirty or forty years before

Pontanoda visited the country. This would place the











time of the migration from Cuba in the 1520's or

1530's, the period when the tale of Bimini was apparently

still current in both Cuba and Hlispaniola. This explana-

tion is, of course, purely speculation.

Ponce, then, was probably not chasing an
ephemeral rainbow. He was scoin-; a pleasant island,

which had an environment conducive to good health.

Because of the fables current in Christian mythology

of the times, the Indian story was slightly elaborated,

but probably not beyond all practicality. The new, the

unknown) and the miraculous were urges of the times

leading to many explorations, and it was therefore not

too unusual that Ponce should bend his efforts and

finances in the direction of Bimini.

Herrera (1934-35: III, 317-321 /dec. i, lib.
ix, cap. x7) gives a very cursory account of the actual

voyage through the Bahamas, mentioning the islands at

which Ponce stopped, but giving few details concerning

the presence or absence of natives. Judging from Las

Casast report of around the year 1511 (Las Casas, 1877:

II, 198 /fib. iii, cap, xx7), rinny of the islands were

already depopulated as a result of slave raids, and it

is possible that Ponce could have gone through the

entire archipelago meeting very few of the remaining

inhabitants, who by this time were probably well-impres-











ood with Spanish tactics and must have hidden them-

selves at the first sign of a Spanish vessel*

The fleet, consisting of three vessels at the

outset, left San German, Puerto Rico, on the third of

arch 1513 (Herrera,1934-35: III, 318 3Tec. i, lib.

ix, cap. x7). On the eighth the ships passed the Dajos

de Babueca -- prosont-day ?Touchoir Bank -- and anchored

off an island called El VieJo, possibly the present

raborgris Cay in the Caicos group. The next day they

anchored off Caicos island proper, probably the island

we call today '.cst Caicos, A woccst-northwest course was

then followed, taking the ships by the unidentified

islands of Yaguna and Amaguayo (Herrera, 1934-35:

ibid.). On the same day they passed Managua, which

can definitely be identified as Rum Cay (Turin, 1525?).

On- arch 14th the fleet stopped at Guanahani, -whore it

remained until the twenty-seventh. From there the

course was to the northwest, leading eventually to

Florida.

Returning from the Florida coast the ships

skirted the north coast of Cuba and then sailed up through

the Bahama Channel, where they came to "some islets which

are on the banks of the Lucayos farthest to the wost"

(:errora, 1934-35: III, 324 Cdec. i, lib. ix, cap. xif).

Those islets were probably to the north of Grand iHahama











or in the vicinity of Bimini, jud-inr; from the approxl-
Mlate position given, which is "twenty-oight doerces"

(Herrera, 1934-35: III, 325 r- ibid. 7). Hcrrora's

narrative here becomes notably interesting and is worth

quoting at length. Following the above statement he

says,

...and they anchored off them on the oeihtconth
of July, whoro they took on water. They named
them La Vieja, the Old Woman, after an old
Indian woman whom they found there without any
other people at all...
At first it wasn't possible to determine
the actual name of Florida...for the Indians
of jfhat land itself gave the name of each
section, and the Spanish thought that they
were being taken advantage of. Finally, be-
cause of these importunities, the Indians
said that it was called Cautio, a name which
the Lucayan Indians gave thaifland, because
the people there covered their private parts
with palm leaves, woven in the manner of
plaited strands. On the twenty-fifth of July
they loft the islands in search of Biinii,
sailing among islands which seemed submerged.
Having to stop, and not mkowin, whroro the ships
could find a passage, Juan Ponce sent the
ships boat to explore an island which seemed
submerged and found it to be Bahama. The old
woman whom the: had carried with them said that
same thing, as did Diego 1~iruelo, a pilot they
encountered in a ship from ;spanola which was
exploring, or, others say, which fortune had
carried there. They left on Saturday the sixth
of August,..and until they had determined the
depth ran towr2ds the northwest...until they
came to some small rock islands. They changed
their course only at the determination of the
depth, running by depths toward the south
(Ilerrora, 1934-35: III, 324-325 C~ ibid. ).

Fror this point the fleet touched unon various
islands of which only Guanima (Cat Island) and Cituatoo




Full Text
37
299),
In the afternoon Columbus left Guanahani for
a search of the other islands to the southwest, according
to his plan of the previous day, and sometime during the
afternoon he sighted "so many Islands that I hardly
knew ho?/ to determine to which I should first go (Colum
bus, 1893: 42). These "islands were the hills of Hum
Cay (Morison, 1942: I, 316), By noon he had reached the
island. He sailed around the south coast and anchored,
about sundown, near the western c ape, but, fearing reefs,
laid by during the night of the fifteenth. On the morning
of Tuesday, October 16th, he went on shore to explore.
The wind shifted during the morning, however, and he felt
it wisest to get back to the ships* Prom the western
cape of Hum Cay, or Santa Maria de la Concepcion as he
named it, Columbus had sighted another island and de
cided to go there next. He set sail around noon, but
light winds during tho afternoon made It Impossible for
him to reach land by nightfall, so, again, he anchored
and waited for daylight before proceeding. In the morning,
October 17th, he landed near the north end of the island,
which he called Feraandlna (Morison, 1942: I, 322),
Today we call It hong Island, There he found a village,
tentatively located near the present town of Gllnton
(Thompson, 1949: 30), where water and other provisions


48
or perhaps as the principal tribute paid
{because I could not verify this point),
the obligation on certain chieftans and
/indimilords of talcing charge of the cult!
vation of the lands of the Spanish Christian
towns, and of working for them with all their
people to furnish maintenance and give other
personal services# This was the origin of the
pestilence of the repartimiento and-encomienda
which has devastatoa and "destroyd the whole of
these Indies (Las Casas, 1877: I, 441 /lib, i,
cap, o7).
The terms repartimiento and encomienda were
apparently used synonymously at first, as Las Casas
indicates above, to mean a distribution of lands or
Indians (Diffie, 1945; 61); later, however, a definite
distinction was made between the two. The repartimiento
came to mean a temporary grant of Indians to do a
specific task, while the encomienda was a grant of Indians
made for the lifetime of the encomendero, eventually be
coming hereditary in both the family of the encomendero
and the families of his encomendados, as the Indians work
ing under this system were called (Diffie, 1945: 61),
Indian labor recruited under the repartimiento and en
comienda in both Cuba and Hispaniola was used to work the
mines, to farm, and to perform the various duties of
household servats (De la Cruz, 1954: 22), This system
formed the basis of control over Indian labor, and as
Diffie (1945: 61) has stated, cultivation of the land would
have been impossible without it.


265
artificial deformation, which has been fully described
and defined in a previous section of this report* 1
The non-cranlal bones show the some dense
structure that the crania have* Other than this single
characteristic they are not remarkable*
Tiiis brief examination of skeletal remains from
the Bahamas is supplemented by the accounts of Columbus
and Las Casas, both of whom mention the physical appear
ance of the Lucayans, Their statements fit well with
the characteristics listed by Brooks. Columbus says,
They are very well made, with> very handsome
bodies, and very good countenances...and aro
the colour of the Canarians, neither black
nor white,,,all of good stature, a very
handsome people. Their hair 3 not curly,
but loose and coarse, like horse hair. In
all the forehead is broad, more so than in
any other people I have hitherto seen. Their
eyes are very beautiful and not small, and they
themselves far from black..Their legs are very
straight, all in one line, and no belly, but
very well formed (Columbus, 1893s 58-39),
Las Casas adds that they were the most handsome, physically
robust, and healthy Indians he had seen (Las Casas, 1877j
I, 228 Tib. i, cap, rS/). He also points out the fact
that they were beardless (Las Casas, 1877s I, 221
r ibid, _7>. Both Brooks and Columbus stress the sturdi
ness of the Lucayans, and they must indeed have been an
extremely healthy and hardy group of people.
There is a single report of undeformed crania


228
relatively small siao in moat instances, however, their
primary us may hav been as a double-bitted chisel.
Diagnostic attributes. The characteristic
features of the double-bitted stone celts in the
Bahamian collections ares (1) igneous or met amorphic
rock, (2) cylindrical shape, (3) double, semicircular
bits* A fourth occasional attribute is: narrow, shallow
groove around the center.
Aberrant Stone Celts
Type specimen. See PI. IX: 20-21* The typo
specimen is made from a fine-grained igneous rock, from
jado-green to brown in color, lo single shape can
be assigned to this type. Two specimens have rather
prominent bulbs at one end, with the opposite end some
what narrower and similar to the butt of the petaloid
stone celt, although somewhat more rounded. A third
specimen is narrower at the center than at the extremi
ties (M.A.I. 3/2567). The three known specimens average
about five inches in length. One of them (Y.P.M. 137373)
is highly polished, while the other two are not.
Group of artifacts. Three examples of this type
are known from the Bahamas. All three are surface finds
with site provenience unknown. One specimen (M.A.I*


168
whether there had originally been more than one burial
(Rainey, MS: 22).
ACKLINS ISLAND
One site has been reported from Acklins
Island by De Booy (1915: 5-6). In his collection is
a single petaloid stone celt and aduho# The latter
came from Spring Point Gave, described below* The
site provenience of the celt is not known.
Spring Point Cave (28)
The duho (MA,I, 5/2575} mentioned above was
found, covered with debris, by a negro in Spring Point
Cave. He took the specimen to a Mr, Darrell on the
island, who in turn gave It to Dr, F.A. Holmes of Nassau,
The latter presented it to Do Booy* De Booy visited the
site in 1912, but he does not give its exact location
(De Booy, 1913: 5-6, Pig, 4),
FISH GAYS
Dr, Rainey spent two days on the Fish Cays,
Both are too small for habitation. Although Dr, Rainey
did not attempt to locate sites, he feels it improbable
that the islands were ever inhabited (Rainey, MS: 26),


374
20, Aberrant stone celt type, provenience,unknown; in
the Arnold Collection, 21, Aberrant stone colt type
from Bellevue, north Caicos, in the Godet-Greenway
Collection, All specimens aro at the Yale Peabody
Mus eir unless otherwise indicated,
(1,,137370; 2, 137403; 3, 137394; 4, 137387;
5, 137397; 6, 137400; 7, 137375; 8, 1373Q0; 9, 137388;
10, 137391; 11, 137656; 12, 137637; 13, 58330; 14,
137378; 15, 137383; 16, 137334; 17, 137381; 18, 137385;
19, 28854; 20, 137373; 21, H.P.M, 30/1377.)
PLATE X, : Miscellaneous llon-Ceramlc Artifact Types,
{Scale varies,)
1, Irregular stone hammer-grinder, \7emyss Bight,
Eleuthera, collected by Rainey, 2, Irregular stone
hammer-grinder, provenience unknown, in the Arnold Col
lection, 3, Ceremonial stone celt, provenience unknown,
In the Arnold Collection. 4, Stone zemi, provenience
unknown, in the Nassau Public Library. 5, Bone awl,
Gordon Hill Dwelling Cave, crooked Island, Section E-3,
collected by Rainey. 6, Bone point, Gordon Hill Dwelling
Cave, Crooked Island, Test Pit, collected by Rainey,
7, Sting ray barb point, Gordon Hill Dwelling Cave,
Crooked Island, Section C-6, collected by Rainey.
8, Bone point, Gordon Hill Dwelling Cave, Crooked Island,


52
The samo measuros wore taken in Hispaniola*
Las Casas tolls us that,
It was that unfortunate cunning which gave the
King to know, either through letters of through
the Procurador whom they sent to the Court,,
that the IsTas de los Lacayos, or Yucayos,
neighbors,to Espaola and Cuba, were filled with
people, who were idle and who took advantage of
nothing
Therefore, when permission came from King
Ferdinand to bring to this island Sspanola^
the people who were living in the islands we
were accustomed to call Lucayos, there gathered
together ten or twelve citizens of the city of
La Vega or Concepcion and the town of Santiago,
who raised between them 10 or 12,000 gold pesos,
with which they bought two or three ships and
hired fifty or sixty men sailors and the
rest to go and attack the Indians who were
living, carefree, in the peace, quietude and
security of their native land
Brought to this island and disembarked,
especially at Puerto de Plata and Puerto Heal,
which are on the north coast facing the Lucayos
themselves, men and women, young and old, were
divided into groups*.in these groups it was not
seen that the wife should be with her husband nor
the son with his father, for no more attention
was paid to them than if they wore truly the
vilest of animals (Las Casas, 1877: II, 98-100
/Tib, ii, cap, xliiji7).
Apparently Lucayans arrived by the shiploads In Hispaniola,
where, because of their numbers and the poor condition
of their health, they brought very low prices. Las Casas
tells us that each Indian,,.which they called pieces...
as If they were head of cattle, /sold for/ four gold pesos
and no moro (Las Gasas, 1877: II, 100 lib* ii, cap,
xliii/).


211
the collections studied. All but a few bear signs of
cooking fires, and It has been assumed, as in the case
of Meillac pottery, that it was used mainly for that
purpose.
Definition as a style,. Por the Bahamas this
paper, see PI, VI; for Haiti -- House, 1941: 113-140,
Pis, 27-34, Definition for the Bahamas is based on
sherds from Crooked Island and the Caicos,
Paste, There is insufficient evidence con
cerning the method of manufacture. In all probabilities
the pottery was made by colling and firing, but no
traces of coiling appear on any specimen examined,
The majority of the sherds from the central
Bahamas are moderately tempered with shell partidos
of medium sise. Host Carrier sherds from the Caicos
are moderately tempered with quarts particles of small
to medium size.
The paste texture is moderately to finely
granular, the Caicos specimens being usually finely
granular. The sherds are friable and range in hardness
from 2,5 to 5,5 on Koh*s scale (March, 1934), the
average being between 3,0 and 3*5,,
The paste color is usually a uniform rod,
ranging from buff to brick-rod, due probably to firing


125
The lack of village sitos In the central and
northern portions of the archipelago may represent
either a paucity of such sites in those sections, or,
which seems more likely at the present, a less thorough
survey of those,sections than of the southern portion
of the islands* Krieger (1937; >98) reports shell
midden sites from the Berry Islands and from Andros,
but we have no description of them from these localities
or from other sections of the archipelago*
It may be noted that productive sites have
in general been concentrated in the Caicos rather than
farther to the north* This, too, may simply be an indi
cation of less thorough work to the north, but in this
instance, as will be explained more fully later in the
report, it is felt that the Caicos may actually have
been more heavily populated than were the northern
islands.
In this survey all sites investigated have been
listed for each island* The listing has been presented
in a geographical fashion, moving from the north to the
south of the archipelago. When several sites occur on a
single Island, village sites have been discussed first,
then burial sites, and finally petroglyph sites. This
procedure has been followed whenever possible, but in the


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208
sometimes flare outwards slightly (Pig* 8: 6-8) pro
ducing an eversion of the rim. There is always a
slight taper of the rim walls toward the lip* In
several cases complex bevelling techniques were used
(Fig* 8: 11-12, 15). At times a folded rim occurs,
usually folded on the inside (Fig* 8: 8-9, 17-18, 21),
producing an Inside ridge beneath the lip, although at
times an outside fold with accompanying ridge is found
(Fig. 8: 15). In some cases there Is on inturned
shoulder, usually rounded and showing a gradual lntum
(Fig. 8: 5-4, 7, 16); in other Instances forming a
rather sharp angle with the walls (Fig. 8: 5, 19). In
the latter cases the vessels have flattened shoulders,
sometimes even concave, usually with a bevelled and
slightly outflaring lip, producing a short neck.
There is Insufficient evidence to reconstruct
the base form* In thickness the sherds vary from 6 to 14
mm., the average being 7 to 10 mm.
Appendages, affixed to the body surface, take
the form of simple handles (PI. V: 16), incised handles
(PI. 7s 17-20), cylindrical lugs (PI. Vs 23, 26), and
zoomorphic face lugs, usually with incised paws at
each side (PI, V: 24-25, 27-28). Zoomorphic face lugs
usually have coffee-bean yes and a simple slit for a


138
duals# The crania had boon taken away by the diggers
and could not be recovered (Goggin, 1939: 22-23)# This
material is at the University of New Mexico (Goggin 1937
Field Notes)*
Big Wood Cay
On Big Wood Cay, just north of Mangrove Cay
and divided from the latter by Middle Bight, Dr* Goggin
heard reports of a cave containing a skull* Although
he tried to locate the sit he was unable to do so
(Goggin, 1939s 23),
Mangrove Cay
There are mentions from three sources of an un
named cave on Mangrove Cay, the second southernmost
major island in the Andros group, which is supposed to
have contained a dugout and paddles. The earliest source
of this statement is W,K. Brooks (1888; 220), and it is
repeated by Moseley (1925i 67), In the previous citation
Brooks says that he was told personally about thi3 cave
but does not mention his informant* The specimens were
apparently removed sometime before 1888* Brooks (1880;
220) states that they were not preserved. Dr. Goggin
(1939; 26) also heard reports of the cave, but none of
the natives could tell him where it was nor what had


299
mentis (Anghlera, ibid*) Gold nose-plugs are mentioned
(Columbus, 1393: 50), but were rare, since gold had to
bo imported* Ear-plugs were probably worn, as the
pierced ears of a warrior-semi from Kew, North Caicos,
indicate (De Booy, 1912: PI. VI),
For land transportation the Lucayans had no
special conveyance. For sea transportation they used
canoes,, ranging in sise from the one-man type to vessels
large enough to hold, forty or fifty men at a time* They
wore made from single tree-trunks and were propelled by
paddles shaped like bakers* shovels (Columbus, 1893:
30). ,
No metal artifacts have been found in aboriginal
Bahamian sites, and Columbus (1893: 38) states definitely
that the natives had no metals other than gold. From
the archeological evidence we know that wood was. used to
malee duhos, semis, bowls, and fishhooks. Stone was used
for semis as woll as for chisels, hammer-grinders, and
chopping tools, both the latter probably being tools of
great and varied utility. All stone utilised for tools
or ceremonial objects Is of foreign origin, probably
coming from North Haiti,
No mention is made by Columbus of stone, shell,
bone, or pottery utensils or ornaments, although we know
from archeological data that they were a part of Lucayan


174
at the Museum, of tho American Indian* Ho details are
known about the sito itself*
Juba Point Oaves (35)
This site is located on a cape on the southern
coast of Providencalos Island* The cape itself is
called Juba Point, Hear tho cape are two caves, which,
according to De Booy (1912: 89), had not been entered
since 1880, He cites the superstitions of the native
nogro population as enough to keep them out of cave3
unless accompanied by a white man. This lack of dis
turbance indicated to De Booy that the caves had not
been molested before he entered them. He says that
both caves lead to a large ocean-hole, an underground
cavity in the rock leading to the ocean. The hole with
which these caves are connected is about three miles
inland from the cape.
The mouth of the first cave is about three
feet in diameter. The entrance is about ten feet long
and slopes down at a forty-five degree angle into a
long chamber, which branches off Into two or three
smaller ones. Access to the main chamber of this cave
can be had only by means of a rope. De Booy found no
signs of early habitation and no artifacts (De Booy, 1912:
89-90).


Page
Shell Pondant243
Shell Beads* * # 244
Bone Specimens***,,*.,,,**** 245
Bono Points*.***#*- ***,***, 245
Bono Awls*****,**,*,****** **** 247
Bone Gouges**,#*,**,,**,* *****#* 248
Tortoise Shell Bracelets*,**..,**. 248
Woodon Specimens***,* 249
Canoes ********.***.****,, ^ q, ****** 249
Canoe Paddles*******.*****,***** 251
Wooden Duhos*252
Woodon Zemis,,,,,,*#,********* 257
Pire-boards,*****o*,***,* 257
Wooden Pishhooks*#*,********,*,* 258
Wooden Points********************* 259
Wooden Bowls*,*,,.,*,****,,*,**** 2G0
Miscellaneous Specimens*,*.******.,*.** 261
SKELETAL REMAINS#*****#* ,******,.**,,* **,*,,*** 262
ARCHEOLOGICAL DISCUSSION ****** 267
Introduction************** 267
Aroal Affiliations, 263
Spatial Complexos****** 278
Temporal Complexos,*,,************* 285
CULTURAL RECONSTRUCTION.* 290


325
Britain decided they had assumed too much independence;
the time for restraint had come.
In 1714 the House of Lords ashed Queen Anne to
see 11 that the Island of Providence might be put into a
Posture of Defence, Their Lordships observing, rb would
be of fatal Consequence, if the Bohama-Islands should
fall into the hands of an Enemy (oldmixon, 1949: 25),
but Annej true to hor vacllating domestic and foreign
policy, did nothing. In 1718 they again appealed, to
George I, saying that there were not any the least means
used in Compliance with that Advice for securing the
Bahamas-Islands, and that then the Pirates had a Lodge
ment with a Battery on Harbour-Island, and that the usual
Retreat and general Receptacle for the Pirates are at
Providence (Oldmixon, 1949: 23), George, fortunately,
did heed this advice.
In 1718 Captain V/oodes Rogers, a well-known and
influential naval officer, was sent out as governor of
tho Bahamas. He was accompanied by two frigates of the
Royal Navy and a group of soldiers from the army. The
expedition 7/as well-equipped and carefully planned by the
resourceful Rogers before it embarked. In July, 1718,
he and his men reached I1as3au (Oldmixon, 1949: 24),
With Rogers* commission as Governor, Captain-


90
wood, Iohthyomethla sp, but since this is common in
the Host Indies, it can not be traced definitely to
Seminole origins, MacNeil remembered seeing the
rotting dugout3 which had been used by the immigrants
on their journey from Gape Florida, but these are not
made anymore. Some of the earlier house forms, such as
the wood and stone lean-to and tho log cabin, are of
Floridian origin, but they, too, are not used no?/ by the
Andros Seminole negroes (Goggin, 1946: 206),
ETHNOGRAPHICAL BACKGROUND
Tribal Identifications
Three distinct cultural groups aro defined for
the pre-Columbian West Indies, These are tho Ciboney,
the Arawak, and the Carib, They have been carefully
distinguished and described for us, othnographically,
by observers and historians of Spanish and French
colonial times; notably, Christopher Columbus, his son
Ferdinand Columbus, Anghiera, Las Casas, Oviedo y
Valdes, Breton, Herrera y Tordesillas, Gomara, de la
Borde, and Bemaldez, The remarks of these men, to
gether with archeological data gathered in recent years,
have been coalesced into a composite picture by Irving
Rouse (1948). Aside from the small Carib settlements on
the island of Dominica and in British Honduras (Taylor,


60
properly called Oviedo, Anghlera, Las Casas, Herrera,
and Escalante Fonfcaneda all refer to this famous tale*
The jist of it is that somewhere, on an unlocated island
in the Bahamas called Bimini, was a fountain, the wator
of which had rejuvenating powers for those who drank it.
The chroniclers indicate that the story came from the
Indians of the Greater Antilles (Herrera, 1954-35: III,
327 /dec, i, lib, lx, cap, xii7 Escalante Pontaneda,
1944: 15),
Through troubles fomented by Diego Columbus,
Juan Geron, and Miguel Dias, Ponce had last his gover
norship of Puerto Kico (Lawson, 1946: 4-6), His ambition,
and perhaps imagination, turned to other lands in the
New World, and in 1511 he wrote Ferdinand asking for
permission to discover and settle the island of Bimini
(Lawson, 1946: 7), We do not have the original letter,
but we do have Ferdinands reply, which is entitled
"To the officials of the Island Espaola upon the agree
ment which they have to take with Juan Ponce upon that
of the said Island of Biainy which he has to go to dis
cover" (Lawson, 1946; 79-81 )* The letter is dated
February 23, 1512, and simply acknowledges Ponces re
quest, However, on the same day Ferdinand issued an
official cdula containing contracts and general capitu
lations for the discovery of the island of "Benimy"


153
Hartford Cave (20)
One of the most famous sitos in the Bahamas
is Hartford Gave, It has been visited by many people,
and there have been numerous reports of It published*
It is located on the north coast of Bum cay on the
seashore about a smile and a half from the western point
of the island to the east of a bluff, and west of old
Port Boyd, The shore around it is bleak and rocky with
bare limestone cliffs. Close to the bluff is a "puffing
hole" through which the sea blows at times of high
water. The cave itself is semicircular in shape, the
mouth being about forty feet wide, and the interior
about sixty feet wide by sixty feet deep by fifteen
feet high. It is partially filled with rocks, earth, and
sand. The walls are coated with lime and salt.
The first description of the cave comes from
Lady Edith Blake, wife of Governor Blake, and is pub
lished in Mallery3 account of Indian picture-writing
(Mallory, 1893: 137-139), lady Blake reported a series
of petroglyphs and sent Mallory sketches of many of them,
Most of them represent human figures or stylised animal
forms, although a paddle and several mase-like designs
also occur. The faces are about ten inches or more across,
although Lady Blake states that she neglected to take


340
Channel, commonly called the Gulf Passage
between Florida, the Isle of Cuba, & the ,
Bahama Islands; from the Journals, Obser
vations and Draughts of mT Chas Roberts,
Master in the r! Davy..An original copy in
the P*K. Yonge Library of Florida History,
University of Florida, Gainesville, Lowery
698.
HERRERA Y TORDESILLAS, ANTONIO.DE
1601. Without title, author, or date. Original in
the first edition of Herrera*s Historia
Reproduced as Herrera, 1934-35: I, between
pp, 20-21.
JANSSOH,.JAN
1642. Insulae Americanas in Ocano Septentrional!
cum Terris adjacentibus, Amstolodami, Apud
loannem lanssonium. Undated* Original in
, Nouvel Theatre du Monde ou Novvel Atlas,
Amsterdam, 1642. Original in the P.K, Yonge
Library of Florida History, University of
Florida, Gainesville, Lowery 125,


70
The desire to reach Asia by sailing westward,
to see its fionders, and to bring back its wealth, was
still a potent one in the 1500s, and the general con
census of opinion was still at that time that the new
lands were but a portal to Asia, It does not seem
difficult to imagine that the legend of a fabulous
Asiatic fountain of youth should be transplanted from
its Old World setting to the Hew World, thought to be
an approach to Asia, and there receive elaboration
until it came to the attention of Ponce de Leon at a
time when he strongly needed a new force to bolster
Ms prestige.
If the tale sprang full-blown from Old World
sources, however, how do we account for the level
headedness shown by Anghiera and his informants? How do
we account for the fact that Indian witnesses from the
Bahamas testified that there was a fountain which re
stored vigor certainly they were not Imbued with Old
World fables and the mystical mythology of medieval
Christianity? How do we account for the fact that the
general location of Bimini was known three hundred
and twenty-five leagues from Espaola although it had
never been seen by European eyes a3 far as w know? And,
most important, how de we account for the simple fact
that the actual name of Bimini was known? Ponce asks


327
evening that things were afoot aboard Vanes vessel,
but no one knew exactly what measures he would take,
A breeze blew up later in the evening, and the Rose
and the Shark soon saw bearing down on them the French
brigantine, Vanes captured vessel* It was unmanned,
on fire, and every gun was directed at the British
ships, One after one the guns exploded, for they had
been loaded to the muzzle. The Rose and Shark cut
cable and ran out to sea ahead of this apparition of
moving destruction (Woodbury, 1951: 157), which was a
living display of fireworks reinforced with shot, musket
balls, and sundry items with which the guns had been
loaded. When the fire aboard the brigantine reached the
powder magazines, the ship exploded in a blast of fire
and smoke, under cover of which Vane rapidly left the
harbor and sailed out to sea, successfully escaping
capture and reprisal from Rogers men (Woodbury, 1951:
156-157).
In 1717, before receiving his commission,
Rogors had persuaded George I to release the Lords Pro
prietors from their patent to the military and civil
government of the Bahamas, In 1787 they surrendered
their entire rights to tho Crown for the sum of h 12,000
(Bahamas Board of Education, 1951: 2), The islands at that
time became a Crown Colony, directly under the juris-


148
from South Victoria Hills Settlement, In the oast-
central part of San Salvador, One of them was small -
and had no culture deposit, 'The other one, called
Indian Gave, was quite largo, having a central chamber
with three smaller ones off the sides. The earth had
been removed from thelarge central chamber, but the
smaller chambers had not been disturbed. In the first
two of those chambers, containing about eighteen inches
of earth, charcoal and clam shells wore found, as well
as a number of sherds. In the third were shells and
charcoal, but no sherds* In all, seventy-one sherds
were found, all Tie iliac (Y.P.M, 28872-20873), Many
have a cross-hatch design, and there is a single
Incised Me iliac handle from the site* The sherds have
the thin, buff-red surface typical of Great Abaco and
San Salvador Moillac sherds. Twelve of the seventy-one
sherds are missing from Raineys collection. It was
said that bones had been removed from the cave many years
before Rainey was there In 1934, A single human pre
molar from one of the side caves was recovered (Rainey,
M3: 14} 1940: 153),
Williams Gave Mo, 1 (13)
At .the southeast end of San Salvador on the


255
overall length of the seat Is 9-*- inches# The legs are
about 5 Inches in length. Two of the legs are in good
condition while the other two are partly rotted away*
The diameter of the two good logs is 2 Inches* Both
ends of the specimen are broken off near the seat where
the legs are joined to it. The specimen may have had
a back-rest tail and the usual anthropomorphic or
zoomorphic head on the opposite end (Be Booy, 1915: 5-
6), The eighth specimen comes from V/est Caicos, sit
unknown* It was collected by De Booy (M.A.I, 5/8028)*
The duho is 17-?! inches long and has an anthropomorphic
head on the front end, although the back-rest has been
destroyed. The specimen is generally in poor condition
(PI. II: 1),
The ninth duho comes from North Caicos, sit
provenience unknown (M.A.I, 5/9385). It is illustrated
as PI* II: 2 of this report, and is perhaps the most
typical specimen. It exhibits the usual form, with
anthropomorphic head and a long back-rest tall* The tail,
close to the point where it joins the seat, Is carved with
an intricate design, which has been Illustrated end dis
cussed by Holmes (1894: 75), The tenth specimen (M.A.I*
S/8027) and the eleventh, also at the Museum of the
American Indian, come from Grand Turk, site provenience


C Ol CL13101IS*
APPENDIX As Animal Remains from the
Bahamian Sites**
APPEITDIX B: A Brief Summary of Bahamian
History from 1550 to the Present*,.
BIBLIOGRAPHY*.*.**,,,,,.*,****,,*,*
PLATES
Pag
308
SIS
338
369
xvii


56
very long and quite strenuous.
In 1512 special laws were passed to protect the
Indians enslaved as pearl fishermen. These laws re
quired that no fishing should be done In the winter or
In times of bad weather, and that five fathoms should
be the maximum diving depth in most instances, eight
being the absolute maximum. In the case of divers
working at five fathoms or less the working day would
consist of no more than four hours, and in the case of
those working at depths from five to eight fathoms, three
hours would be the limit. Living conditions were to
be improved and punishment made milder. It was declared
illegal to fish for pearls with the "chinchorro" or
dragnet; Instead, the smaller "redecilla" or net basket
was to be used at all times (Boulton, 1952: 29-56).
Such laws would seem to bear evidence that conditions
before 1512 must have been quite bad.
A document from the Archivo de Indias, without
date, but probably from the year 1522, describes the vice
and malpractices of the pearl industry on Cub agua in some
detail, pointing out the great number of pearls which
were withheld from the officials of the Grown and indi
cating that much cruelty prevailed in the industry with
out the officials of Cubagua being aware of it. All of
this seemed to exist in spite of and well before the laws


205
majority of casos, although cylindrical, wedge-shaped,
triangular, and tubular punctationa alao occur*
Application is the procedure of laying stripe of clay
on the surface of a vessel to form designs, of which
cross-hatching is the most common* On lieillac speci
mens the clay fillets or strips are never pressed into
the body paste, but simply laid lightly on the surface.
In all eases decorative designs are positive
and are geometric In nature. Incised linos are
moderately rough.
The most characteristic decorativo motifs ares
cross-hatching (PI. Ill: 8-18) and alternatlng-oblique-
parallel-lines (PI# III: 1-7)* Cross-hatching is
usually executed by cutting incision, while other motifs
may be executed either by cutting or scratching incision*
In all designs the lines arc relatively widely spaced,
being equally spaced on individual specimens. Incision
seems to have boon done while the clay was still damp.
Other motifs present on Bahamian Moillac
specimens include: oblique-parallel-line design (PI* III:
19), vertical-parallel-line design (PI. Ill: 20-21),
horizontal-parallol-line design (Pi, III: 25; Pi* IV:
1-3), curvilinear design (PI, III: 22), application in
curvilinear design (PI, IV: 5-8), round punctatlon
(PI, IV: 11, 19, 23-24; PI, V: 1-2,5), cylindrical


105
bosses*
From Anghiera we learn that the Luc ajano wore
ear ornaments made from a red shell, the exact nature
of which he does not mention* Too, he says that certain
parts' of largo snail shells, probably Strombus gigas :
(fink Conch), Pecten, or Spondylua, were made into
beautiful, red, transparent, and shining ornaments,
which Anghiera says observers have compared to the ruby*
The shell was called cohobo and the jewel made from it
cohibid. Other ornaments were made from yellow and
black stones, found on land, and were used on necklaces,
bracelets, and ornaments which were worn around the calf
of the leg.
From the same account we know that the Lucayans
used the Pink Conch as a food source. From this point
(Anghiera, 1944: ibid.) the narrative becomes confusing,
for the author does not distinguish clearly between
Floridian and Lucayan customs.
Wo can, in all probability, credit Anghierafs
ethnographic information on the Lucayans as correct, for
it came primarily from Ayllon and do Castro, both of whom
were familiar with the area and its natives, as mentioned
earlier in the report. '
Las Casas gives us a few more particulars not
specifically mentioned by Columbus nor Anghiera. Vie do


130


51
The Bahamas were one of the closest inhabited
regions, and in 1509 Ovando obtained authorisation from
Ferdinand to recruit labor from the islands (Macmillan,
1911: 22). A raiding force was sent out under Alonso
de Ilojeda (Morison, 1942: I, 527), and within a few
short years the entire population of the archipelago,
which has been roughly estimated as 40,000, was depleated
(Las Casas, 1877: II, 100 Tib. 11, cap. xliv¡7; Edwards,
1819: IV, 219; De Booy, 1912: 87)* Seemingly the Lu-
cayans wore recruited not on an encomendado basis, but
were hunted down and captured as slaves, for wo have no
record of grants of oncomienda made within or concerning
the Bahamas; the population was simply deported and
vanished without a trace, as far as we hnow, in Cuba,
Hispaniola, and other areas.
We have definite evidence that commissioned
slave raids were sent out from Cuba to the Bahamas. Las
Casas (1877: II, 547-348 Tib, ill, cap, xcij7) tells us
that around the year 1517 Governor Diego Velazquez of
Cuba commissioned several caravels and other ships for the
precise purpose of acquiring Lucayan slaves to replace the
diminishing encomendado labor within Cuba itself, These
fleets, financed by private individuals, left'Santiago de
Cuba and accomplished their purpose with sword and lance
(Las Casas, 1877: II, 348 Tib, Hi, cap. xciij).


329
In the region once and for all# Hassau was allowed to
surrender with all the pomp and glory of such occasions;
there was a formal exchange of flags; the English garri
son was allowed to leave the colony peacefully, and the
English governor was sent back homo to England, 'Hie
inhabitants weregiven complete freedom and were allowed
to retain their property#
The following April, however, the colony was
retaken by Colonel Andre?/ Deveaux?without a shot. Do
ve aux outfitted five privateers at his own expense and
set out from St. Augustine with two hundred non# Landing
near Hassau, he foreod a surrender through the ruse of
setting up straw men to increase the apparent number of
his troops. On April 18th the Spanish governor, Claraco
y Sans, surrendered a force of five hundred men, seventy
cannon, and six galleys (Mowat, 1943i 139-140: Siebert,
1929* I, 145-147; Forbe3, 1821: 52-54). At the con
clusion of the war with Spain, the islands were ceded to
Great Britain in exchange for East Florida under the
terns of the Treaty of Paris, signed at Versailles on
September 19, 1783 (Mowat, 1943: 141). This represented
the formal exchange of the archipelago from Spanish hands
to English, and it effectually nullified Spanish claims
to the islands under the Treaty of Tordosillas and brought
to an end the continual strife over the Bahamas between the


21
Columbus used* In fact the only Islands which could
have been so traversed are Rum Cay, 5amana, Eastern Plana
Cay, Western Plana Cay, South Caicos, and Grand Turk.
This interpretation is, of course, purely a matter of
personal opinion.
The third method, proposed by De Booy, is the
identification of the "piece of land which appeared like
an island, although It is not one." De Booy feels that
an archeological approach to the question might prove
fruitful* If the peninsula mentioned by Columbus could
be found and excavations be conducted to find the
foundations of the six houses, we would have the real
Guanahani without a doubt. It seems no?/ that Do Booys
alternative would not only be difficult and expensive
but rather unnecessary, since all other data Indicate
that Watling*s Island is Guanahani, The concensus of
opinion among scholars has led us the accept Watllng*s,
and so it must stand until seriously challenged.
The first map actually showing the Bahamas is
that drawn in 1500 by Juan de la Cosa, Columbus pilot
on his second voyage to the New World He calls the
7
This discussion of Bahamian cartography is
based primarily upon examination of maps in the col
lection at the P.K. Xonge Library of Florida History,
University of Florida. The more important maps con-
stilted are the following: de la Cosa, 1500; Cantino,


322
/¡Governor Chillingwortl? was sent away, the
Lords Proprietaries made Clarke,
Esq: Governor, whose Pate iras worse' still than
Ms predecessors,,,
Mr, Trott, one of Governor Clarks
Successors, informed the Writer of this
Relation, that the Spaniards roasted Mr,
Clarke on a spit after they had killed him
Tr*ToTdmixon, 1949: 13),
Although the Spanish.did not remain on Hew Providence,
they returned again in November of the same year to
insure good results, The governor, Lilburno, appealed
for assistance to the governor of Jamaica, but none was
forthcoming,
Spanish raids became more and more frequent,
and terror spread throughout the colony. Many of the
colonists left their new homos to return to British
North America, Bermuda, or even back to England, In
1716 only twelve families were reported on How Pro
vidence (Cambridge History of the British Empire, 1929:
I, 334), Ordinary commerce came to a halt, and the
Islands shortly entered that period of their history for
which they are best known; they beeamo the center of
piracy in the West Indies,
For a brief period in the late 1600s an
attempt was made by the English to re-establish their
control over the islands. In 1693 Nicholas Trott was
sent out as governor. He tried to alleviate the situation
by building fortifications on Hew Providence, and, on


85
I
V/ know definitely that the Bahamas were
uninhabited by 1505-75 from the two foregoing accounts,
and it seems probable from the accounts of Las Casas
and Herrera, previously cited, that as early as 1511-13
there were very few inhabited islands left, at least
in the southern portion of the archipelago* Anghiera,
writing in the early 1520*s, says,
In the more than twenty years during which the
Spanish inhabitants of Esponla and Cuba have
gone over them /the Bahamas/, they say that
406 /islands/ have been inspected, and t hat
40,000 /Indians/ have been carried into, servi
tude* ,*(Anghiera, 1944: 499 /Sec* vil, lib. I,
cap, /)*
Later he adds,
They say that the majority of these
islands were, in earlier times, abundant with
various products, and I say "were because
today they are deserted,..(Anghiera, 1944:
503 /dec. vil, lib. li, cap, £/}.
Since Anghiera died in the year 1526 it seems safe to
assume that the above passages were written, at the
latest, between the years 1520 and 1526. This would indi-
Abaco as Yucayo its correct name perhaps to Grand
Bahama as Ahit, His location of the two islands would
fit Grand Bahama and Abaco, but his names, as well as
his information on their discovery, are taken from very
early sources. His knowledge of the Lucayan population
he could probably have obtained from any experienced
mariner of the dayj his historical knowledge obviously
comes from fifty and sevety-five year old sources and
is either mistaken or apooryphal.


MATERIAL
St, TIiottiSU Hilla,,,,*,**,,,,,*,,,
Boston Caves,****, **,
Grand caicos
Ferguson*a Point Caves*,
Conch. Bar Caves**,** ,,*,
Dead Man's Skull Bluff Mound,,.,,*
Bambara.**,,*,,,**,*******,
Lorimersa,,*,,,,,,***,*,*
Gamble Hill Mounds
Indian Hill Hounds
Dark Right Well Cavo
Banana Tree Cave
East Caicos
Jacksonville Caves,
Flamingo Hill Cavo.*
Flamingo Hill Mounds,,,,,,,,,#,,,.
Kelly's Cave (Sail Rock),,..,*,,,,
.Duck Pond Gave
Fish Gays, Caicos,
Ambergris Cay,**,,,,,,,,,
Little Ambergris Cay
Grand Turk,
CULTURE
Methodological Mote
Pag
185
185
185
186
186
187
187
188
189
189
190
190
190
191
192
192
193
193
193
194
194
194
197
197


CARRIER
- MEILLAC
' Hait
ian
; Baha
mian
-Hait
ian
Baha
mian
-
t
*S3
t
*t
Coiling
o
t
a
t
Boat-3haped bowl
a
t
Q
o
laburnod shoulder
o
O
S3
S3
Eversion of rim
a
t
t
S3
Flat rim top
>
>
T
t
Ornamentation bofore clay was
' relatively dry
*ti
t
*3
t
Ornamentation confined to should
a
o
... S3
>
naturalistic ornamentation
o
O
O
t
Affixation
>
>
3
t
Cylindrical lug
5
>
t
t
Wedge-shaped lug
o
t
S3 '
>
Plat lug
¡E
>
t
t
Eoomorphic face design
l Cl
o
S3
>
Zoombrphlc head lug
>
!>
t
- >t
Cutting incision
S3
m
Q.
wl
& i?
H C3
r5 ^
,11
M Q
tfl
> M
ei f
a td
o
S3 *-3
K3
> C3
h td
m
-3
t*
M S
> O
B
id
- >
o tr4
LP
3 >
jt 1-3
I2 ~a
H S3
O H
03
&3
to
*0
o


203
below the lip.
Definition as a stylo. For the Bahamas this
paper, see Pis* III, IV, V; for Haiti Rouse, 1941: 54-
91, Pis. 7-24. Definition for the Bahamas Is based on
specimens from sites on Great Abaco, San Salvador,
Crooked island, and the Caicos.
Paste. Method of manufacture appears to have
been by coiling and firing. Five sherds (Y.P.M,
28898A and B, 23916B) show evidences of coiling On these
specimens the colls are from 4-7 mm, wide, measuring from
the top of one coil to the top of the next. It has been
assumed that this was the method used in all other in
stances.
Sherds from the northern and central islands
are sparsely tempered with shell particles of moderate
sise. Most of the specimens from the Caicos are sparsely
tempered with quartz particles of small to moderate size,
although a few of these sherds are shell-tempered or
shell and quartz-terapered.
Paste texture Is moderately to finely granular,
being characterised by protruding Inclusions of small to
moderate size. Sherds are relatively friable.
In hardness the Bahamalan Melllac sherds vary
from 3,5 to 5,5 on Mohs scale (March, 1934), the average
being between.4 and 4*5, Paste color Is grey or light-


249
mad from tortoise shell and is a medium brown in
color, with a lighter circle of the samo material
inlaid in the center* The specimen is roughly
rectangular in shape and is 2-|- inches long, one half
an inch wide, and l/lO of an inch in thickness*
Looking at the specimen from the side presents a
slightly curved arc*
Group of artifacts. Only one specimen (Y.P.M,
28863, PI* Xi 14) is known* This comes from section
H-4, Gordon Hill Dwelling Gave, Crooked Island* It
seems to be a complete specimen,
Utility* Because of the decorative nature of
this type and because of its arcing. It has been assumed
that it must have been used as a bracelet* There are no
holes drilled in the ends of the specimen for insertion
of fibers to hold it on the wrist, and tho specimen may
be an unfinished one.
Diagnostic attributes. The diagnostic attributes
of this type are: (1) tortoise shell, (2) rectangular
shape, (3) arcing, (4) decoration.
WOODEN SPECIMENS
Canoes
Type specimen* Two specimens have been reported


144

.1
sit provenience of these specimens Is not known
(Hainey, MS: 8-9)# There Is also a single duho from
Eleuthera, site provonlence unknown, In the British
Museum (CC1918-1), This specimen has been .described
by Joyce (1919) and again by Braunholts (1951)# It will
be discussed at greater length In the next section of
this report#
The Bogue
There Is a single parallelo-fronto-occipitally
deformed cranium in the collection of Mrs. Hugh Johnson
of Nassau which comes from The Bogue on Eleuthera
(Goggln 1952 Field Notes), It is not specified whether
Upper Bogue or Lower Bogue, both settlements on the
northwestern coast of the island, is meant#
Finley Burial Gave No* 1 (9)
Near the south end of Eleuthera, at Bannerman
Town, Dr* Hainey located eight caves on the property of
a Mr# Finley* Six of them had been dug for cave-earth
and were sterile# The first of the remaining caves,
however, yielded evidence of a burial, a parallelo-
fronto-occipitally flattened cranium being found on the
floor near the cave entrance* in the cave deposit were
found some long bones, a piece of a pelvis, a small piece


330
two nations*
Through the efforts of Rogers and his succes
sors notably such able non as Henry Bruce, chief
engineer to fortify tho Bahamas in 1740 (Bruce, 1949:
11), peace again came to the islands, and they began to
prosper as a British Crown Colony*
Prom the year 1774 to 1785 the population of
tho Bahamas was increased several fold by immigration
from other regions, Host of this immigration was forced
by territorial exchanges dictated by the Peace of Paris,
signed in September, 1783* Many settlers came, especially
to Andros, from the Mosquito Coast of Nicaragua, which
was relinquished by the British in 1783. These colonists
were primarily of mixed Scotch, Indian, and Negro
ancestry (Parsons, 1918 ix). Tho bulk of the increase,
however, was provided from the ranks of British loyalists
in North America*
Prom the early days of the Revolutionary War
in the British colonies of North America, East Florida
and the city of St* Augustine served as a refuge for
loyalist rofugoos from Georgia and the Carolinas This
evacuation of territory eventually to become the United
States continued until the treaty of peace in 1703, The
situation in St, Augustine became critical, and Governor
Patrick Tonyn wrote in October, 1782, that the refugees


49
In 1498 Columbus petitioned Isabella for per
mission to use this type of labor, but he was merely
trying to legalize the status quo (Piffle, 1945: 61)*
The fact that the system was not recognised on a legal
basis is shown by the accompaniment of Nicolas de Ovandos
commission as Governor of Hispaniola In 1501 with an
order to treat the Indians as good subjects of the Crown
and to allow them complete freedom (Simpson, 1950i Il
ls)*
This situation did not last for long, however,
for in 1505 Isabella issued a royal cdula stating,
' * *we ore Informed that because of excessive
liberty enjoyed by the said Indians they avoid
contact and community with the Spaniards to
such an extent that they will not even work for
wages, but wander about idle, and cannot be had
by the Christians to convert to the Holy Gatholic
Faith. * I command you, our said Governor, that
beginning from the day you receive my letter
you will compel and force the said Indians to
associate with the Christians of the island and
to work on their buildings, and to till the fields
and produce food for the Christian Inhabitants
and dwellers of the said island...and/ on feast
days and such days as you think proper they may
be gathered together to hear and be taught In
matters of the Faith,..and do not consent or
allow that any person do them any harm or oppress
them.**(Simpson, 1950? 13).
This cdula was Issued to Governor Ovando of Hispaniola,
and It marked the beginning of the organized and legal
ized encomienda in the Hew World* It should be noted,
paradoxical though it be, that Isabella not only commanded


5
feet high. Behind these low limestone hills are marshy
swamps of mangrove, giving way to lagoons and pools on
the side away from the Atlantic, A few of the islands
have frosh-water lakes, but there are very few springs,
and drinking water must be obtained from rain-water
cisterns in mo3t instances.
The northern islands lie on two large banks,
the Grand Bahama Bank and the Little Bahama Bank, on
which the water is seldom more than a few fathoms deep.
The southern islands, on tho other hand, rise as isolated
eminences, separated by water often as deep as 1,000
fathoms. The Great Bahama Bank is separated from Cuba
by tho Old Bahama Channel, which is from 276 to 296
fathoms in depth. Both of the two northern banks are
separated from Florida by tho Gulf Stream, which averages
about 400-500 fathoms. Great Bahama Bank is divided
almost in half by an extension of deop water called
Tongue of tho Ocean, which in places roaches 1,200
fathoms. Its easternmost limits are outlined by Exuma
Sound, The two northern banks are separated from the
southern Islands by Crooked Island Passage.
This division of the archipelago into two
sections is both geographical and geological. The north
ern banks form part of the original continental land mass
of the Cuban Foreland, while tho southern banks are of


154
Fibld flotes; Photograph).
Ho sites, other than the one found by Do Booy,
have been located on Moros Island. It does seem
unusual, however, that so much material should come
from such a small and inhospitable spot* The island
might well merit specific attention in future archae
ological work In tho archipelago*
THE BERRY ISLANDS
This chain of islands, lying to the Immediate
northeast of Andros, was included by Mr, Krieger in
his survey of the Bahamas, Ho mentions the find of
GIboney sites hero, as well as on Andros (Krieger,
1957s 98). He does not, however, locate those sites,
nor does he state the nature of the material recovered
which has led him to state that they represent clboney
occupation* Apparently the sites are shell middens,
for he says that they are identical with 3itos at lie
a Vache in Haiti and at Samana in the Dominican Re
public (Krieger, 1937: 98), Other than these sites
reported by Mr. Krieger and the Lignum-vitae Gay site,
none are known from tho Berry group.
Lignum-Vitae Cay (4)
On the west side of Lignum-vitao Cay, in the


257
P&agnostic attributes. The diagnostic attributes
for this type .ares (1) v/ood, (2) legs, {3} back-rest
tail, (4) anthrop.omorphic/zoomorphie head, {,5}carved
decoration, (6) geometrical decoration.
Wooden Zerais
Typo specimen. The type specimen is a wooden
idol, probably of mahogany, Swletenia .mahoganl (L,),
about two and a half feet long and carved in anthropo
morphic form. Details of carving can not be stated,
Croup of artifacts. This typo is represented
by a single specimen at the Museum of the American
Indian, It comes from West Caicos, site unknown.
The specimen la very worn and in extremely poor con
dition,
Utility, This specimen was undoubtedly a zemi
in human form. Its use was probably only ceremonial*
Diagnostic attributes. The diagnostic attributes
of this type are: (1) wood, (2) anthropomorphic form,
(3) carving.
Fire-boards
Type specimen. See PI, X: 17, The type specimen
consists of a small piece of wood, eight inches long, with
a hole in the center of conical shape, penetrating the


debted for a critical reading of the final manuscript.
An attempt has been made in this paper to
include all early historical, ethnographical, and
archeological material pertaining to the Bahamas, since
no general survey of the area has previously appeared
covering these three topics. As complete a descriptive
picture as possible has been given, even though at times
it may seem to obscure the goals mentioned earlier.
The value of such description is felt to be fully as
great as any chronological conclusions presented, since
such treatment may, with future work in the area, be of
assistance in clarifying the larger scheme of events in
the archipelago. It was felt, in other words$ that no
bounds should be placed on the descriptive report, simply
to make it fit the suggested time and spatial sequences,
and that subjective analysis should bo used as little as
possible.
It is hoped that this preliminary discussion
of Bahamian archeology will load to further work in the
region. An archeological survey of the entire archi
pelago and extensive excavations aro certainly called for
to supplement and round out this report and its attendant
problems and implications.
viii


26
TABLE Ia
VARIATION IN ISLAND NAMES IN THE BAHAMAS,
TURKS, AND CAICOS THROUGH TIME
De la Cosa, 1500
Turin, 1523?
Santa Cruz, 1545
Bomene
Bimini
Bahama
Bahama
Yucayonec
Nema
Hbaeoa ?
Habacoa
Ziguateo
5iguateo
Guanina
Guanima
Yuraay ?
Zuma
Yuma
Guanahani
Guanahani
Guanahani
Manigua
Triangulo
Sanana
Sanana
Someto
Yumote
Jumento
Yabaque
Maiuana
Mayaguana
Mayaguana
Baoruco ?
Ynagua
Yucayo
Caicos
Caixmon ?
Amuana
aNames listed in this table do not represent com
plete coverages of the charts used.


503
thoy camo to,
nothing at all is.known about property rights,
roal or personal. The functions of the local cacique,
however, as described by Anghiora in a previous citation,
would soem to indicate a communal typo of real property
ownership, Personal property, such a3 ornaments, tools,
and other items were probably owned by the individual.
Religion and mores, Columbus (1893: 47} says
that the Lucayans did not seem to have a religion.
Archeological evidence contradicts this statement, how
ever, for wooden and stone ceremonial objects have been
found in all portions of the archipelago. These objects
correspond to the semis of other Arawak areas (Rouse,
1943: 555-537; Tojora, 1951: 127-131; Sayas y Alfonso,
1931: I, 190-193), Every person in most Arawak tribes
had his own personal semis, often as many as ton. It was
believed that power over the spirits of nature and the
docoased could be gained through ownership of a-semi,
or "spirit. Although semi3 might bo natural rock for
mations, they were usually wood, stone, shell, or cloth
idols in anthropomorphic or sooraorphic form. "emi3 have
been found in the Bahamas from the Biminio to East Caicos,
and they indicate a definite interest in the super
natural and a religious institution among the Lucayans,
The typical Arawak ball courts, probably serving


178
i
NORTH CAICOS17
Prom North Caicos, no definite site provenience
given, como the follo\ving specimens in Do Booys col
lections ono duho (M.A.I. 5/9385), twelve petaloid
stono celts, one stone zemi, one fragmentary shell
celt, one flat stone celt, ono whetstone made from an
old petaloid stone celt, twenty-nine Carrier sherds,
nineteen Meillac sherds, and a petaloid stone colt
complete Y/ith wooden haft (M.A.I, 6/0, Pi. VII: 11).
The latter specimen was originally a gift to the United
States National Museum from a Mr. Gibbs of Grand Turk
through Professor W.M. Gabb and Mr, Firth in 1875, and
was incorrectly referred to as coming from Grand Turk
(Anonymous, 1875b: 634).
Sandy Point Cave (38)
On the northwest coast of North Caicos, between
Parrot Cay and St* Mary Cay, Do Booy located a cave.
It Is on the St* James property, formerly a large cotton
plantation, and the ruins of the plantation house and
drivev/ay could still be seen In 1912. De Booy does not
17Por the solution adopted in this report to
the confusion between the names of North and Grand or
Middle Caicos, see footnote 15, pp. 115-116; particu
larly with reference to the Bellevue site and the
Godot-Greenway collection.


A
M
231
Monolithic Axes
Type specimen Monolithic axes are made from
fine-grained Igneous rock, usually jade-green, light or
dark, in color* They represent hafted petaloid and
double-bitted stono colts, both elements being clearly
shown* The specimens aro usually highly polished and
are smaller than actual size* Occasionally they
approach true celt size; that is, the celt is two or
three inches in length with a proportionately de
signed haft or about seven to eight inches (Y.P.T!.
5448)* The type specimen is represented by M.A.I*
5/9138 i
Group of artifacts* Six monolithic axes are
known from the Bahamas* One is from Grand Caicos
(U.S.IJ*?,!*; Mason, 0, 1077: Pig* 12); a second is from
Juba Point caves, Providenciales (M.A.I*j Do Booy,
1912: 91, Pig* 3d); a third is.from Grand Caicos, Conch
Bar Caves (Cundall, 1894: Pig* 7)j a fifth, both site and
island provenience unknown, is at the Muse du Clnquante-
naire, Brussels (Homy, 1906: Pig, 129); and a sixth, site
and island provenience also unknown, is at the British
Museum {Joyce, 1916: PI. XXXIII: 4).
Utility. The monolithic ax was undoubtedly
used as a ceremonial item.


variations and differences in clays used for manufacture*
The core is occasionally a little darker in color,
sometimos approaching a deop reddish-grey.
The pottery was, on the whole, well-made,
regardless of the softness and friability of the sherds.
That from the Caicos is perhaps more finely made,
' Surface texture, color, and finish. Both
inside and outside surfaces aro relatively smooth and
moderately polished, occasionally reflecting light.
There is no slip present on any of the Carrier sherds,
although sixty per cent of those from Gordon Hill,
Crooked Island, have a thin white coating on both,
exterior and interior surfaces. This coating is chalky
and rubs off oasily. It is not united to tho body paste.
This coating 3 reported from Haiti by House (1941: 115),
who tested it with concentrated hydrochloric acid. In his
test no precipitate was loft, and It was assumed that the
coating was simply calcium carbonate deposited from the
soil, The same procedure was followed with the sherds from
Gordon Hill with the same results. It has therefore been
assumed that the coating roproscuts a calcium carbonate
deposit from the soil on the Gordon-Hill specimens.
Sven though it is possible that a limestone slip might
have been used, it would seem dubious, since the coating
comes off easily, and It would certainly have contaminated


287
of tho Southern sub aro a It seems highly possible that
there ^as a physical migration of Indians into the
region, bringing .with them thoir Taino traits. The fact
that Carrier specimens from this subarea show the
closest correspondence to Haitian Carrier specimens would
indicate this. The use of quarts as a temper material is
another indication. As final evidence the establishment
of pure Carrier villages in the Turks and Caicos hints
at a physical movement of peoples.
This movement probably continued, very slowly,
up through the islands, penetrating the Central sub-
area. It Is felt, however, that most Taino influences
in the central Bahamas were probably a result of contact
with Taino culture and of trait diffusion, rather than
of physical replacement. Further excavation will per
haps clarify the picture.
The Lucayans, then, seem to have been basically
a Sub-Taino people throughout both Period III and Period
IV, with the exception of the peoples of the southern
islands, who seem to have been joined, amalgamated vyith,
or replaced by Tainos from Haiti, During Periods III and
IV the Southern sub-area seems to have followed about the
same path as northern Haiti, and House Is fully justified
in placing those islands in the Windward Passage area with
Haiti (House, 1951: 261, Fig. 3). The Sub-Taino traits


236
Flint Scrapers
Type specimen The type specimen is made from
black flint and is highly polished* A complete descrip
tion is not possible, since the only two known specimens
could not be located at the Museum of the American
Indian.
Group of artifacts. Two specimens are known:
from Flamingo Hill Mounds, East Caicos (Be Booy, 1912;
104), and from Jacksonville Caves, East Caicos (Be Booy,
1912: 105).
Utility. Without adequate description it is
Impossible to state the use of this type.
Diagnostic attributes. The only features
which can definitely be assigned to this type are:
(1) flint, (2) high polish ? .
Whetstones
Type specimen. The type specimen is the same
as the petaloid stone celt type, with the exception that
it is marked by a set of irregularly placed grooves on
one surface.
Group of artifacts. Only one specimen is known
from the Bahamas. This comes from North Caicos, site
provenience unknown (M.A.I.; Do Booy, 1912).


Bahamas* As a major* purpose of this report, that
problem has been given as detailed an airing as the .
data would permit. The results are briefly that (1) ,
Bahamian, complexes seem to be derivative from Haitian
complexes, (2) these complexes aro generally simpler than
the Haitian ones, and (3) culturally speaking the
Bahamas wore a peripheral Sub-Taino region, illustrating
most of tho usual Sub-Taino culture traits, with a few
Taino traits toward the central and southern portions
of tho area*
It is hoped that the overall purpose of tho
report to present a synthosis of archeological data
from the Bahamas, and to analyse this material in a
usable form, so that it may be correlated with findings
in other parts of tho Caribbean has been fulfilled*
With the full realisation that ceramic styles, non
ceramic types, and a chronology for the area have been
defined from the most meager of data, and therefore will
probably bear elaboration in the future, it is felt that
the material presented should at least help toward a more
adequate placing of the Bahamas in.the total picture of
Caribbean archeology and ethnology* As pointed out in the
Preface to this report, description of archeological
material and sites has been given as full a treatment as
possible in the desire to complete the major purpose of


22
Islands the Lucayo3. This is presumably the native
name, which is given to uo in another form by Oviedo
(1950: 115 cap as "los yucayos. BrJ-nton {1901s
441} and Loven (1955 s 71) derive the term from the
Arawak words lukku, man,and kairi, island; that is,
^island people. Brinton's discussions of the linguistic
affinities of Island Arawak and Guiana Arawak (Brinton,
1871, 1901), while generally well-done, are occasionally
none too precise* It would perhaps be more accurate to
reduce the name Lucayo to the Island Arawak words luko,
'man, and kayo or Its variant form kaia(ri), island.
Translation of these two elements is based upon their
similarity to the Guiana Arawak forras loko, **man,ff
(Goeje, 1939; 9), and kairi, **island (Brinton, 1901:
441). Both of these words appear in the Island Carih
women's language, so-called, which is a conglomerate
of both Carib and Arawak words and grammatical structures,
the latter predominating (Goeje, 1946; 43). Here lukuo
1502; Oliveriana, 1503?; Turin, 1523?; Ribero, 1529;
Santa Crus, 1536; Santa Cruz, 1545; Descellars, 1546;
de Dry, 1594; Herrera y Tordesilias, 1601; Jansson,
1642; Ottens, 1730; Speer, 1774; Jefferys, 1775; Anony
mous, 1794* U,S. Coast and Geodetic Survey charts have
been used for present-day island designations. Complete
citations for these maps are given in the bibliography,
with references to fuller descriptions in Lowery, 1912.
References to Lowery are given by item number rather
than page.


74
vat ion" oven in old age Las Casas attributes to the
mildness, and general healthfulnoss ol* the climate.
He reports, too, that many Spaniards visited the islands
to recover their health, and that they returned well
to Hispaniola, where he himself had seen some of them.
It is probable that the name Bimini indiacted
that the island was a healthful place to live, if we
can indeed translate It as "place of good food, as
previously.suggested. There may even have been some
religious connotation given to the Island, if the con
nection between the Arawalc words for "good to eat,
sweet" and "spirit, supernatural being" Is correct.
Perhaps the exact reasons for this new feeling of
vigor and strength exacted from Bimini a environment
were not clear to the Indians; perhaps they felt it was
because some spirit or non-corporeal being was resident
on the island hence the name Bimini.
With the immigration through slavery of Iu-
cayans to Cuba and Hispaniola and the observation on the
part of some Spaniards, as mentioned by Las Casas, of the
invigorating qualities of the Bahamian environment, the
reputation of Bimini may have come to the attention of
the Spanish as the ultimate In "health resorts." It Is
true that we have no records mentioning the Fountain
before the year 1511, and it is possible that a eorrel-


356
LAS CASAS, Pray BARTOLOME DE
1656* The Toara of the Indians**,made English by
J,P, John Phillips 7 London, 1656
(A reproduction of the English edition of .
1656, from an original in the Henry £*
Huntington Museum and Art Gallery, San
Marino, California, Academic Reprints,
Stanford, California)*
1076, La Apologtica Historia* Cuanto a las
Cualidades, Dlspuslclon, Descripcin, Cielo
X Sug3- deatas Tierras £ Condiciones natu
rales, policas. Repblicas, maneras de
vivir, y Costumbres de las Gentes deatas
Indias occidentales £ meridionales, cuyo
Imperio soberano pertenece a los Reyes de
Castilla (Coleccin de Documentos Inditos
para la Historia de Espaa, por el Marques de
la Fuensanta del Valle y D, Jos Sancho
Rayon, vol* lxvi, pp, 237-555* Impronta de
Miguel Ginesta, Madrid),
1377, Historia de las Indias (Editad by Jose M*
t/ Virgil, Biblioteca Mexicana* Imprenta y
litografa de Ireneo Pas, Mexico)*
1879, Brevissima Relacin de la Destruycion de las
Indias, colegida por el Obispo D, Fray


126
case of a complex of sites, such as those at Gordon Hill,
Crooked Island, the complex has been kept together, re
gardless of the break-up in the original scheme of
presentation* Preceding each discussion of the sites
on a particular Island, a brief statement has been made
concerning the material found on the island with no
specific site provenience*
An attempt has been made to correlate this
section with the preceding one on the archeological
investigations and collections and with the following
section on the specimens* As far as possible the
following features have been discussed in connection
with each site: location, excavations (with dates),
artifacts recovered, stratigraphy, present location of
the material from the site, and reference to plates in
this report illustrating the material* Where particu
larly important specimens are discussed their catalog
numbers have been given. All major sites listed have
been given a number designation, which is placed in
parentheses immediately following the site name. The
accompanying maps of the Bahamas and of the Turks and
Caicos (Pigs. 3-5, 7) show the location of each numbered
site16.
16
The following symbols have been used in Pigs.


571
PLATE IV* Meillac Potsherds* (l/2 natural alze.)
1-3, Horizontal-parallel-lino design* 4,
Deviant incised design* 5-8, Applied designs*
9-25, Functatlon* All specimens are from the Bellevue
site, north Caicos, the Godet-Greenway Collection, and
are at tho Harvard Peabody Museum*
(1-2, 30/1367; 3, 30/1570j 4-5, 30/1367J
6-8, 30/1371j 9, 30/1367; 10, 30/1370; 11-15, 30/1367;
16-17, 30/1369; 18-19, 30/1367} 20-25, 30/1369.)
PLA-tE V. Meillac Potsherds* (1/2 natural size*)
1-15, Punctatlon* 16, Cylindrical lug*
17, Cylindrical lug with horlsontal-parallel-line
design. 18, Cylindrical lug with vertical-parallel-
line design, 19, Deviant cylindrical lug, 20-26,
Limb design on lugs, 27-28, Zoomorphlc face design on
lugs. All specimens except Ho, 22 are from the Bellevue
site, North Caicos, the Godet-Greonway Collection, Ho*
22 is from South Victoria Hills Settlement Caves, San
Salvador, and was collected by Bainey, Unless other
wise indicated all specimens are at tho Harvard Peabody
Museum#
(1-5, 30/1367; 6-12, 30/1369; 13, 30/1371;
14, 30/1369; 15, 30/1367; 16, 30/1366; 17-20, 30/1371;
21, 30/1370; 22, Y.P.M. 28872; 23-28, 30/1371.)


57
of 1512* The samo document makes It clear that Las
Casas himself had visited Cub agua, although not before
1520 or thereabouts, and lends credence to his statements
about the pearling industry (Goleccion de Documentos
Inditos, 1855-05: X, 35-36)8.
It was to this environment that the majority
of Lucayan slaves were brought* Pew of them remained
in Hispaniola once it was discovered that they were
excellent swimmers* and it was at Cubagua that they met
their extinction* Las Casas reports that,
The Spanish began to send the Lucayan Indians
to gather pearls, because they are In general
all excellent swimmers ** for which reason they
were sold, usually in public, but with caution,
not at 4 pesos as had boon ordered in the bogin-
ning^ but at 100 and at 150 gold pesos and more
It was a miracle if, after a few days,
a single Lucayan could be found on this island
jEspanols^* The course which through necessity
must be taken from this island to the isle of
Cubagua Is around 300 long leagues, and they
carried them all there In ships by that route*
In that arduous and pernicious work much
more cruel than digging gold in the mines
they finally killed and finished them off in
a very few years; and In that way the entire
population of those Islands which we call the
O
This document Is entitled "Relacin de Miguel
de Castellanos, Contador de la Costa de Tierra Firme de
Paria, donde son las perlas, del viage que hizo con
Bartolom de Las Casas, clrigo, y de lo que ante! paso
en aquellas partes, y de lo que le paresce acerca de lo
que vio hay nescesidad su magostad provea presto en cosas
que cumplen a su servicio y acrescentamiento de su
facienda*"


79
(Eleuthera) are mentioned by name* The ships were de-
layed at Ciguateo for twenty-seven days because of a
hurricane and general bad weather (Herrera, 1934-35:
III, 325 £ ibid, 7) until the twenty-third of Sep
tember, During this period of delay the ship from
Espaola, piloted by Diego Miruelo, was lost, although
the personnel was saved. This loss probably did not
grieve Ponce too heavily, for it seems rather likely
that Miruelo had himself been sent in search of Bimini,
perhaps under orders from Diego Columbus, who had
helped depose Ponce from the governorship of Puerto
Rico,
By the seventeenth of September the weather
had cleared somewhat and the ships were put in order.
On that day Ponce decided that he would go on to Puerto
Rico, but that he would leave one ship in the Bahamas to
continue the search for Bimini, Herrera indicates that
this decision was against Ponce's personal desire (He
rrera, 1934-35: ibid,). It was probably dictated by the
presence of Miruelo, Ponce certainly did not want him
present when Bimini was discovered, and therefore planned
to procede to Puerto Rico with Miruelo aboard, A single
ship, with Juan Peres do Ortubia as captain and Anton de
Alaminos as pilot, was sent to continue the search on the
seventeenth of September, They "took two Indians as


ARCHEOLOGICAL DISCUSSION
INTRODUCTION
This section of the report presents a brief
analysis and synthesis of the data from Bahamian sites*
It can hardly be termed a complete exposition of
Bahamian prehistory, for such a presentation would be
Impossible with the present limitations on our knowledge
of Bahamian sites. The complete exposition must wait
for more thorough excavation in every portion of the
Islands*. Nevertheless, it is possible to arrive at
certain conclusions from the data wo have. The picture
indeed is brief and filled with many gaps, but it will
perhaps serve as ground-work upon which future analysis
can be based.
The analysis and synthesis of archeological
data has been divided into three sections, First, it
was felt necessary to clarify the archeological position
of the Bahamas, Turks, and Caicos in relation to other
immediate parts of the Caribbean and in relation to the
neighboring sections of North America, Second, an attempt
was made to delineate spatial complexes within the archi
pelago itself. Third, a tentative chronological sequence
was postulated from evidence in the first two sections.
As far as possible personal evaluations and feelings con-
267


276
enough to warrant the statement that the two areas are
affiliated culturally, particularly in view of the fact
that cranial deformation la actually very rare in
Florida,
iho similarity of the carved designs on some
Luc ay an duhoa (I.i.A.I, 5/9305, PI, II: 2) to some paddle-
stamped designs on Southeastern United States pottery
types {Holmes, 1894: 73-74} does not seem conclusive
evidence of cultural borrowing from one region to another,
as pointed out by Rouse (1949a: 132), The very
general similarities between Southeastern paddle-stamped
specimens with a check design and the fabric-impressed
potsherds from the Bahamas are much too vague to pro
pose any cultural affiliations between the two styles
(Rouse, 1948: 515j 1949b: 130-131).
There are only two reasons for postulating any
Ploridian-Bahamian contact, and those do not give us any
indication of the actual nature of contact, whether
through trade voyages, or through actual transfer of
peoples and cultures, One of these reasons is embodied
in Herrera*s statement (1934-35: III, 325 /dec* 1, lib,
ix, cap, xi7) that the Lucayans called Florida Canto,
a term describing the appearance of the Florida Indians
as "loincloth wearers," The second reason for postulating


162
Island ( scale 1 cir: 1 ra )0
Low Pass


164
6-1 $ five (Y.P.H, 23916) como from section J-2; and
one (Y.F.M, 28919) cornos from section 9-6. A complete
discussion of these sherds will be found in the next
section of the report.
Other artifact types present at Gordon Hill
are: bone point, bon awl, bono gouge, wooden fishhook,
wooden fire-board, shell pendant, bono ornament, shell
cup* The accompanying table illustrates the distri
bution and frequency of artifacts within the Gordon
Hill Dwelling Cave site* The sole source for infor
mation pertaining to this site is Hainey (MS: 25-26}
1940: 152)* All material from tho site is at Yale
Peabody Museum (23361-23867, 23335-23919).
Gordon Hill Burial Gave Ho* 1 (26)
Burial cavo no* 1 is a fairly low and open
cave in which two primary burials were found* The,
first skeleton was interred on a small rock shelf on
the cave floor beneath the earth* It was lying on tho
loft sido with tho logs partly flexed, the finger bones
covering the pubic regions Only the lower part of the
skeleton was completo, the upper part being quit frag
mentary* All of the torso bones and most of the cranium
wore missing, Apparently the upper portions of the burial


89
that bands of Seminles and runaway slaves entered the
Bahamas, mainly through the efforts of Bahamian wreckers
(Goggin, 1946: 203).
Aside from this historical data, Goggin pro- ,
vides us with an interesting first-hand account from an
interview with Felix Maclieil of Hastie Point, Andros*
Maclleil was seventy-six years old at the time of Goggins
Interview tilth him in the suramor of 1937 (Goggin, 1946:
204-205), and is the grandson of Scipio Bowlegs, a leader
of the Seminole negroes who came to Andros Island.
MacNeil related the travels of his grandfather In much the
same vein as quoted in the accounts above* Apparently
the group led by Bowlegs left from Capo Florida sometime
between 1810 and 1820. Some of the groups came in
Bahamian wreckers whilo others came in thoir dugout
canoes. The largest, under the leadership of Bowlegs,
landed at Hod Bay on the northern coast of Andros, and
the descendants of these people still center there,
although thoy havo spread to other parts of tho island
as well*.
Very few Indian customs remain in use by these
people, who seem physically to be predominantly Negro
(Goggin, 1946: 205-206), Bows and arrows, similar to
the Seminole types, are still made, but only as
Childrens toys. Fish poison is made from Jamaica Dog-


24
half of the 1500s, for they were often careless in
copying the correct names for the Individual islands,
and islands are quite often misplaced or not included,
Spanish exploration in the archipelago apparently
ceased sometime during the middle 1500s, for after
that time there are few changes or additions to island
names and locations on the maps, This cessation of
exploration can very probably be closely correlated with
growing English naval supremacy in the Caribbean, and
particularly with the Increase of piracy in and about
Bahamian waters, initiated to harass Spanish shipping
from Vera Crus and Havana through the Bahama Channel,
It would soem logical to scan the Spanish maps
of the area made around the years 1530*50 for the correct
location and native names of the islands# Unfortunately,
this has not been done before, and the best chart ~~ the
only one during the 1500s and 1600s specifically of the
Bahamas -* has not been consulted by earlier writers.
This chart was drawn in 1545 by one of Spains leading
cartographers, Alonso de Santa Crus, Santa Cruss maps
are usually very reliable, well*executed, and quit
clear. His 1545 map, in two sheets, entitled Carta de
la Florida £ de las Islas Luc ayas, is no exception. It
comes closer to giving a clear delineation of relativo
Island position and coastline than any map until the late


376
PLATE I


350
ESCALANTE FOHTANEDA, HERNANDO DE
1944 Memoir of D? d*Escalente Fontaneda Respecting
Floridaj written in Spain, about the Year
1575 (Translated from the Spanish with Notes
by Buckingham Smith, Washington, 1854
Reprinted with revisions, Miami)*
E3QDEMELING, JOHN (KXQUEMELIN, ALEX, OLIVIER)
1924# The Buccaneers of America* Wrltten originally
in Dutch by John Esquemoling, ono of the
Buccaneers who wa3 present at these Tragedies,,*
now faithfully rendered into English,
translation of 1684-85 (Revised and edited by
William Swan Stallybrass, George Rutledge and
Sons, Ltd,, London)* .
FEWKES, JESSE WALTER
1903, Preliminary Report of an Archeological Trip
t* 2 fc*16 Woat Indies (Smithsonian Miscellaneous
Collections, vol. xlv, no, 129, pp, 112-133,
Smithsonian Institution, Washington),
1907* The Aborigines of Porto Rico and Neighboring
V islands (Bureau of American Ethnology, Annual
Report no, 25, Washington)
1922* A Prehistoric Island Culture Area of America


244
with a perforation through the shell* The fragments
measure about l| Inches in length, but represent only
part of the original artifacts*
Group of artifacts* Two specimens are'known
from the Bahamas* One of these (Y.P.M. 288S1) comas
from section D-4, Gordon Hill Dwelling Care, Crooked
Island (PI* X: 13)* The other specimen comes from
Grand Caicos, site unknown, and is now at the Museum
of the American Indian with Do Booys material. As
mentioned before, both specimens are fragmentary.
TJtility* These specimens seem to have been
used as pendants and were probably hung around the neck*
Diagnostic attributes. Tho major character
istics of this type are: (1) conch shell, (2) rounded
top end, (3) perforated end*
Shell Beads
Type specimen. See PI* X: 16. Shell beads are
known to have been made from the Bleeding Tooth shell,
llerita sp* The she 11s, all very small,. are highly color
ful, usually exhibiting a yellow exterior, specked with
black and perhaps some red. The species derives its
name from the fact that there are tv/o or more brilliant
red tooth-like proturbencos on the outer whorl just op
posite the lip* All the specimens have the crown of the


98
other Island of San Salvador (Columbus, 1895: 45)#
The people of Hum Cay, too, had canoes, both large and
small (Columbus, 1895: Ibid.). They also bartered with
skeins of cotton (Columbus, 1895: Ibid#). The natives
of both San Salvador and Hum Cay Indicated that on an
island to the south the natives wore arm, leg, ear,
nose, and neck ornaments of gold (Columbus, 1895: 44).
At noon on the sixteenth Columbus sailed to
Fernandina, the present Long Island. When he was about
half way across the channel between Rum Cay and Long
Island he came across a native In a canoe (Columbus,
1893: 45). The man had a small piece of bread, a
calabash of water, some dried leaves, and a piece of
red earth kneaded Into a ball with him (Columbus, 1893:
ibid.). The latter was apparently used as a pigment for
body paint. He had, too, a native basket, which Colum-
%
bus does not describe.
On the evening of Tuesday, October 16th, anchors
were dropped off the northeast coast of Long Island, just
off a village The man Columbus had picked up in mid
channel apparently was from this village, for Columbus
states that he and his men were Immediately received and
canoes were around the ships all night long (Columbus,
1893: 46). He noted that "these people resemble those
of the said islands San Salvador and Santa Maria/, with


APPENDIX Bf A BRIEF SUMMARY 0? BAHAMIAN HISTORY PROM
1550 TO THE PRESENT
British seafarers of the sixteenth century often
passed through:Bahamian waters, but,we are left with few
detailed accounts* John Hawkins on his first voyage to
the ,West Indies in 1562 mentions passing by the "Hands
of the Caycos" (Hakluyt, 1904s X, 8), and in 1568 speaks
of passage through the "gulf of Bahama, which is between
the Gape of Florida, and the Hands of hue ayo'* (Hakluyt,
1904s X, 74)* An early English ruttler, or sailing
guide, written during the 1500*3, gives directions for
going through the Bahama Channel at various times of the
year, and mentions locations, in degrees of latitude,and
approximate distance from major points, of the Bahama
Channel and an island which is presumably Grand Bahama
(Hakluyt, 1904: X, 525-526, 554, 537). A second ruttler,
written during the 1600*s, mentions "the Island of
Sayles," an early name for New Providence (Hakluyt, 1904:
X, 299). It also makes mention of the Bahama Channel
(Hakluyt, 1904: X, 300). Such mentions, always of a
casual nature, are not Infrequent, but they are not in
formative from an historical or archeological point of
view (Hakluyt, 1904: VI, 404; VIII, 412, 451; IX, 43, 45,
55, 101, 460; X, 74, 226, 244, 251, 427).
315


220
twenty body sherds: two from section 0-1, Gordon Hill
Dwelling Cave, Crooked Island (Y.P,I!.- 28897') j one from
section D-8, Gordon Hill Dwelling Cavo, Crooked island
{Y.P.M, 28910A); five from section J-2, Gordon Hill
Dwelling Cave Crooked Island (Y.P.M. 2S916A); five from
Williams* Cavo No. 2, San Salvador {Y. 28919C)j
fivo from Bellevue* North Caicos (H.P.ll. 30/1372); and
two from Grand lurk at the Museum of the American
Indian* All these specimens have a uniformly buff-
colored paste and are moderately tempered with medium
sized shell particles. It is interesting to note that
even the specimens of this style from North Caicos and
Grand Turk are shell-tempered, as quarts is the usual
tempering material on those islands. The pottery was
very crudely made, the sherds being soft, friable, and
quit small. They are from 7 to 12 ram, thick and show
slight wall curvature {PI. VII: 1-2)* Without exception
they are marked on the exterior surface with what appears
to be a twined fabric improoslon, as is indicated
clearly from casts of several specimens {H.P.ll, 30/1372).
The individual units of the impression average 4 mm,
square on all specimens. The extreme thinness of the
sherds and the presence of wall curvature indicates that
they represent vessel forms and not griddles, which do
occur with fabric or textile impressions (M.A.I. 5/9357).


175
Juba Point Cavo No. 2 is located in close
proximity to cavo no. 1, although Do Booy (1912: 91)
does not Indicate the exact relationship of the two.
This second cave has a larger mouth than the first ,
about fourteen feot in diameter. The entrance is about
seven feet wide and slopes down gradually into a large
main chamber. This chamber has two branches leading
away from it, which De Booy assumed led to the ocean
hole mentioned above* The main chamber is readily
accessible. A groat deal of limestone from the roof
had fallen to the floor, which rendered actual excavation
impossible% however, a tost pit produced several pieces
of charred wood, a few turtle and other animal bones,
a small monolithic ax, and some sherds. The ax was found
in association with burned wood fragments and several
conch shells at a depth of eighteen inches below the
surface of the cave-earth. An unnamed number of plain
sherds viere found in addition to three decorated Carrier
sherds. One of the sherds is incised with llne-and-dot
Incision in alternating oblique and horizontal parallel
groups; another with circular punctations; and the third
with straight line incisions (Do Booy, 1912: 91, Pigs.
3c, 4).


317
had passed and repassed with all security,
and without finding the least opposition,
through tho Channel of Bahama So that
Pierre le Grand set out to sea by the Caicos,
where he took this great ship with almost all
facility imaginable, The Spaniards they
found aboard wore all set on shore, and the
vessel presently sent to Prance,,,(Esqueme*
ling, 1924: 55-56),
\
This growth of piracy in the Caribbean came about rather
naturally in the late 1500a and the early 1600s as a
result of the increase in economic strife between Spain
and England,. England was gaining maritime supremacy and
had extended this supremacy to challenging the Spanish
in West Indian waters. The method often used was pro
fessional piracy. The Bahamas offered an excellent hide
away for these English sea-raiders, for the islands were
not too well charted and wore hard to get at with large
Spanish men-of-war.
As early as 1578 Elizabeth awarded the islands
to Sir Humphrey Gilbert, but he made ho attempt at
colonization (Shattuck,.1905: 421),. In 1629 they were
again granted, by Charles I, to Sir Robert Heath, the
Attorney-General of England, They formed part of a
larger grant which included most of tho Carolinas,
Georgia, Florida, and all tho islands of the Caribbean
(Shattuck, 1905: 421), There are two versions of the
outcome of this ambitious grant, as far as the Bahamas
were concerned. One (Dlerickx, 1952: 51) states that


CONTENTS
Pag
PREFACE.
INTRODUCTION 1
natural Setting......... 1
Geography.. 1
Climate.2
Topography and Geology......*.*..* 4
Flora and Fauna.9
Historical Background..*.* 15
Ethnographical Background.*..** 90
Tribal Identifications*. 90
Ethnohistorical Notes... 94
Archeological Investigations........... 107
ARCHEOLOGICAL SITES. 123
Introduction..a**....*.*.. 123
The Bimlnls....127
Grand Bahama*127
Little Abaco.****.*.*#****.******... 131
Great Abaco 131
Imperial Lighthouse Dwelling
C ave*** 132
Imperial Lighthouse Burial.
Cave* **.A*********************** 132
Lantern Head Cave .**. lo3
x-


167
had been disturbed at some time, but the lower parts
left in place. The cranium fragments wore found eight
inches below the surface; the pelvis about fourteen
inches. Other part3 of the torso and cranium were
receovered on digging around the skeleton. Part of the
cranium and jaw bone were found about two and a half
feet from the feet of the skeleton. These pieces
fitted the cranium fragments in situ and were assumed to
belong to it. The earth around the first skeleton con
tained bird, rat, and hutia bones.
At the south side of the cave, where it sloped
up to the entrance, a second burial was found. It, too,
had been disturbed, although the pelvis and upper ends
of the femurs were in place. The burial lay on the
rock floor of the cave. A few stray bones belonging to
this skeleton were found on the north side of the cave
(Rainey, MS: 20-22; 1940: 152).
Gordon Hill Burial Cave lo. 2 (27)
In a low cave next to burial cave no. 1, a
pelvis, radius, ulna, and many other stray bones were
found on the rock floor of the cave where it sloped up
near the entrance. The radius and ulna seemed to be in
original place of deposition. Most of the cave had been
dug out for cave-earth, and it could not be determined


344
1892, and representing the Latin edition of
1530* Coleccin de Fuentes para la Historia
de America, Editorial .Bajel, Buenos Aires)*
ANONYMOUS
1875a* Editor*s Scientific Record (Harpers New
Monthly Magazine, vol* 51, p. 150, New York)*
1875b* Untitled entry (Harpers New Monthly Magazine,
vol* 55, p. 634, New York),
BAHAMAS BOARD OF EDUCATION
1951. Annual Report* 1950* Presented to the
Legislature by His Exosllency the governor
(Nassau Guardian Publishers, Ltd*, Nassau).
BETHELL, .A, TALBOT,
nd. The Early Settlers of the Bahama Islands*.*
1/7 (Rounce and Wortley, Norfolk, England),
BEUCHAT,H,
1912. Manuel darcheologi americalne (Paris).
BODY, THEODORE DB
1912, Lucayan Remains in the Caicos Islands
(American Anthropologist, new series, vol* 14,


102
ibid.).
On the morning of Sunday, October 21st, Colum
bus went ashore on Isabella, the present Crooked Island,
here ho found on the northeast coast a single house.
The occupants had apparently fled, for he found the pre
mises deserted, although household belongings were still
there (Columbus, 1893: 54). About a league from the
anchorage Columbus and hi3 men came to a village (Colum
bus, 1893: 55). In the entry for this day no mention is
made of the appearance or customs of the Crooked Island
natives, but on the following day it was noted that the
people "were equally naked, and equally painted, some
white, some red, some black, and others in many ways"
(Columbus, 1893: 56) as the natives on the other islands.
They bartered with the usual skeins of cotton and with
darts (Columbus, 1893: ibid.). They also had gold nose-
plugs, some of which Columbus wa3 able to obtain through
barter. They were apparently very small, though, and he
considered them to be of very little worth (Columbus,
1893: ibid.). The natives seem to have used calabashes
as water containers (Columbus, 1893: 55),
Ho other islands were touched upon by Columbus
in his voyage through the Bahamas, and the above data are
almost all wo have to go on in reconstructing Lucayan
culture from historical accounts. There are, however,


Page
Eastern Plana Cay*163
Great magua*169
Salt Pond Hill Cave***.,.* 170
Mayaguana. 170
West Caicos171
Providenciales***** 172
Challc Sound*172
Kingston* ************ 172
Juba point Caves****************** 174
JUba Point Mound**,*,,.,.**,*.,*** 176
West Harbor Bluff Cave 176
Indian Hill (Malcolm Roads)....,*. 177
Blue Hills**** 177
North Caicos************* 178
Sandy Point Cave*..* 178
Pumpkin Bluff Cave..,,,*.,.*,.,,.. 179
Whitby *..*.......* 180
Bellevue*******,***.********* ** 180
Bellevue Mounds**,*.*,.,,,,,*,.,,, 181
Cost of Bellevue,,,,,,,.,,,,,*,,,, 182
V/indsor Mound, .a,,,,**,,*,*,,,*,** 183
Ready Money Mound,.,,..*,*,,*,*,., 183
Lockland Mounds184
Kev*f 184
xili


72
from the Indians of Cuba and Hispaniola and that it was
part of their traditional religious mythology. The
cited above, nIt is causo for merriment, that Juan Pons
de Leon went to Florida to find the River Jordan /Ehe
Fountain of Touth/" is enough in Itself to discredit
Fontaneda*s historical sense, for this latter statement
is completely counter to the cdulas issued Ponce by
Ferdinand, specifically mentioning the Island of Bimini
(Davis, 1935; 9-14, 53-56). While Fontaneda*s descrip
tion of the South Florida Indians is undoubtedly accurate
enough, and while one should certainly not go so far as
to suspect the man*s sincerity, one should talco his
historical statements with a grain of salt. It is also
unfortunate that the editors of the edition cited above
did not notice the discrepancy between Fontaneda*a
eye-witness, descriptive report on Florida and his brief
historical side-lights* They have, for Instance, on pp.
46-47, discredited both Anghiera and Herrera and given
Fontanoda credit for the correct version of the Fountain
story. With no documentary evidence they have stated,
"It is readily apparent that neither Martyr nor Herrera
had a first hand knowledge of this tradition," indicating
that they were unaware of the passages In Anghiera quoted
earlier in this report. They have also assumed that the
tale pertains to Florida, ?/hich It manifestly does not,
as the reports of Anghiera and Herrera witness. Their
assumption that the word of Fontaneda, writing at least
fifty years after Anghiera and his Informants de Castro,
Ayllon, and Figueroa, is correct, while that of the latter
men is not, seems to be stretching a point* It would seem
more in keeping with accuracy to suggest that Fontaneda
perhaps obtained his historical data from Las Casas,
writing between the years 1520 and 1561, for the latter
seems to have initiated the confusion between Bimini and
Florida (Las Casas, 1877s II, 200 ¡lib. iii, cap. x£7).
Anghiera, in any case, mentions both the Fountain of
Bimini (see preceding citations) and Ponce de Leon
(Anghiera, 1944s 322 cfec. Iv, lib. 355 Jetee, v,
lib. I, cap. 520 c. vii, 11b. iv, cap. 1 ily^), and
shows no confusion between Bimini and Florida. Because of
Anghiera*s full documentation of his statements, because
he was writing during Ponce* lifetime, and because of
Fontaneda*s lack of documentation and usual historical
vagueness, the account of the latter has not been
credited.


536
Por a timo, from 1804 to 1848, the Turks and
Caicos wore joined politically to the Bahamas, but the,
union,was dissolved in 1848 because of trouble with the
Bermudian inhabitants, who owned and controlled the
salt industry in the two groups They felt, logically
enough, that any union should preserve their holdings,
and that such a union, if necessary, should be with
Bermuda, not with the Bahamas, The income from the
salt Industry in,the Turks and Caicos bolstered
Bahamian eeonomy for this period, but with the granting
of political dominion over the two groups.to Jamaica in
1848 the economic situation again become rather des
perate, Wrecking was the major pursuit of the Bahamas
during this period, however, It was given a legal basis
in 1847, when an act was passed fixing the scale of sal
vage, When steam power took control of the seas away from
the sailing vessels, the "industry" rapidly failed, and ,
the erection of numerous lighthouses "deprived the in
habitants of most of their raw material" (Burn, 1951;
145), The Berry Islands wero one of the several head
quarters of this trade (Gisburn, 1950; 15),
Another breather was given during the American
Civil War, when the majority of Confederate ports wore
blockaded. Blockade running became the first occupation
of many of the islanders, and it kept the islands on even


CONCLUSIONS
In the Profaco to this report it was stated
that there were three problems, isolated from northern
Caribbean archeology, which might be cleared up or
elucidated by previous work done in the Bahamas, Those
throe problems wore (1) the origins of the Ciboney
complexes in Cuba and Haiti, (2) tho interrelationships
of Southeastern United States cultures and those of the
Caribbean, and (3) the nature of tho Bahamian complexes
themselves and their relations to the rest of the Carib
bean,, These problems were talcen at tho outset of the
writers Bahamian rosearch as the most challenging and
important questions to be investigated,- Por that reason
they should be restated here with a summation of the
data presented in this report leading to their clari
fication.
The first problem the origin of the Cuban
and Haitian Ciboney complexes has not been touched
upon in detail earlier in the report,- Unfortunately,
it can not be given such a treatment oven upon the com
pletion of the report,- We have very little data, positive
or negative, concerning tho presence of the Ciboney, or
any pro-Arawalc or pre-ceramic culture, in the Bahamas,
Mr, Krieger mentions Ciboney find3 on Andros and in the
308


CULTURAL' REOONSTRUCTIOH
As mentioned in the introductory section of
this report, precise ethnographical data on the Lu-
cayana are almost completely lacking. The single
first-hand historical account wo have is that of
Columbus, written down in logbook form during his
first voyage to the Hew World, and preserved for us
by Las Gasas in his Historia do las Indias at times
In the Admirals own words* The other accounts of
Ferdinand Columbus, Oviedo y Valdes, Acosta, Anghiera,
Herrera y Tordesillas, Bornaldoz, and Havarrete do
little more than substantiate Columbus* statements as
repeated by Las Casas, Aside from this ethnographic
data, the bulk of which was presented in the intro
duction of the report, we have only archeological evi
dence to relie upon In filling out our presentation of
Lucayan cultural patterns. It is sometimes possible to
generalise from accounts of Taino and Sub-Talno culture
In other regions of the Caribbean, but this is, by and
large, precarious unless done with the greatest of dis
cretion, nevertheless, the latter method has been re
sorted to at times in this brief reconstruction of
Bahamian life} only, however, with adequate statements to
that effect* For the most part Columbus historical
290


149
property of a Hr* Williams, Dr, Rainey located two caves*
All the earth in cave no, 1 was screened, producing
some human teeth, a human phalange, some bird bones,
and one piece of pottery with a crudely incised
altornatlng-oblique-Iine design on it. The sherd is
Yoiliac and has the usual buff-red surface (Y,P,M,
no catalog number). Ho other cultural material was
recovered (Rainey, MS: S3)*
Williams.Gave Ho, 2 (14)
The earth was also screened in a second shelter
cave on Hr, Williams property. This cavo was three
feet high by fifteen feet long, and eight feet deep,
A trench was dug inside the cave along the length of
the shelter, A few fish and bird bones, some conch
shells, charcoal, and some small sherds were recovered.
There are two decorated Ileillac sherds, twenty-four
Carrier sherds, and five fabric-impressed body sherds
from this site (Y,P.M* 28919; Rainey, ¡13: 33),
San Salvador Burial Cave (15)
A small cave containing a burial was found by
Dr* Rainey on San Salvador, but he does not give the
exact location in his field notes. Just inside the


40
(Columbus 1893: 52), so at dawn on the twentieth he
weighed anchor and sailed to the northern point of
Fortune Island* There, at the narrow channel between
Fortune Island and the southwest cape of Crooked Island,
which he called Cabo de,la Laguna (Columbus, 1893: 55),
he anchored. Upon investigation, however, the sea
proved too shallow for navigation, so he weighed anchors ,
and followed his course up the western side of Crooked
Island to the northernmost cape, which he named Cabo
del Isleo (Columbus, 1893: 56). It took,him the entire
night of the twentieth to reach Cabo del Isleo, and it was
not until ten oclock that morning that tho ships were
anchored and he was prepared to go ashore (Columbus,
1893: 54), On shore,a solitary house was found, but no
inhabitants, Columbus and his crew walked inland for about
a mil and found a village, where they remained for, a
short while and persuaded the natives to bring water for
the ships down to the beach (Columbus, 1893: 55). The
vessels remained off the coast of Crooked Island until
midnight of Wednesday, October 23rd,- when they weighed
anchor for Cuba, which the Indians said lay to the west-
southwest (Columbus, 1893: 57), Although anxious to
roach the Asian mainland, which he supposod to be close
by, Columbus decided to pause on his way long enough to
learn what Mtidings of gold or spices he might obtain


198
Gillen (1938), Kidder and Shepard (1936), McKern (1939),
and March (1934) for other details of ceramic analysis
and description. All these sources taken together have
served as the basis of the analytic methodology used
here*
The first step taken was an analysis of the
individual specimens in some detail to isolate what
House has termed modes (House, 1939: 11-12; 1952:
325), By mode is meant a significant attribute in
character, form, or structure common to a number of
artifacts and distinguishing them as a separate class.
Por example, the cross-hatch docorative motif is an
attribute held in common by a number of ceramic speci
mens in the Bahamian collections. In forming a
temporal and spatial reconstruction of Bahamian culture
it proved significant; therefore, it was termed a mode.
In order to define attributes and modes In all
the groups of specimens, an individual treatment of
specimens was necessary, as Indicated above. In making
such an analysis the methods used by Gillen (1938),
Kidder and Shepard (1936), and March (1934) were used.
Each specimen was analyzed on an Index card, listing all
attributes discernible from a visual examination, whether
they seemed significant or not at the outset. Then all


246
Group of artifacts# Seven bone points are
known from the Bahamas. One of these, at the Museum
of the American Indian, is made from a boapis fang
according to Do Booy, This specimen comes from West
Harbor Bluff Gave, Providenciales. Pour specimens
(Y.P.M. 28864, Pi. X: 6; Y.P.M. 28887, PI. X: Oj
Y.P.M. 28888, 28889) made from rodent bone come from
the test pit, Gordon Hill Dwelling Cave, Crooked Island,
One specimen (Y.P.M. 2S366, Pi, Xs 7) made from the
altered barb of a sting ray, comes from the test pit at
Gordon Hill Dwelling Gave, The final specimen (Y.P.M.
28918), made from rodent bone, comes from section Ii-2,
Gordon Hill Dwelling Cave. All specimens are complete.
Utility, The use of bone points can not be
postulated with too great a degree of certainty. They
may have been used as needles, punches, pins, pottery
decorators, bird points, or for a number of various
purposes. Because there do not seem to be any sub-type
characteristics discernible, they have all been left in
the general type bone point,
Diagnostic attributes. The diagnostic attributes
of this type are* (1) bone, (2) sharpened bottom end,
(S) unaltered top end, (4) small size, (5) small distal
and articulating processes.


Period
I Ib
Ha
Ib
la
Western
Cuba
Central
Cuba
Eastern
Cuba
Haiti
Turks
and
Caicos
Central
Bahamas
northern
Bahamas
Period
Cayo Redondo
And
Guayabo Blanco
Cabaret
And
Couri
cm
Ciboney
P777I
Sub-Taino
Eg 2
Taino
Smith Hill ?
Ilb
Ila
lb
la
Fig*11 Distribution of Cultures* Ceramic Styles, and Preceramic Phases in
the Bahamas, Turks, Caicos, and neighboring Regions through Time,
288


27
TABLE XContinued
Horrara, 1601
Spoer, 1774
1900sb
Biminy
Banis
Bimini
Bahama
Bahama
Grand Bahama
Luc ayo
Little Abaco
Yucayoneque
Abaco
Great Abaco
Providence
New Providence
Hbacoa
Andreas
Andros
CIguateo
Eleuthera
Eleuthera
Guanima
Cat Island
Cat Island
Yuma
Great Exuma
Guanihana
Y/atling s Kay
San Salvador
Rum
Rum Cay
S amana
Long Island
Long Island
Xumoto
Crooked Island
Crooked Island
Yabaque
Acklins Island
Acklins Island
Mayaguana
Miguana
Kayaguana
Ynagua
Ynagua
Great Inagua
Caycos
Caicos
Caicos
Amana
Turks
Turks
fe
Basad primarily upon U.S* Coast and Geodetic
Survey Chart No. 1002, the Straits of Florida, 1948.


525
April 12, 1695, persuaded the Lords Proprietors to
authorise the building -of a city on the site of Charles
Towno (Moseley, 1926: 16), This .now settlement was
called Nassau, af ter William III, Prince of Orange-
Nassau, then king of England, A .now city and forti
fications, however, wore not enough to sway the rising
tide of piracy and Spanish power.
Governors were still sent .out from England by
the Proprietors, but the population of the colony paid
them no heed* The notorious pirates of the time were
the actual rulers Blackboard, Avery, Fife, Rackham,
Kartell, Speed, and others (Smith, I960: 54; Woodbury,
1951; 70-87), The citizens of Nassau either partici
pated in the piratical.activities of their over-lords,
or they at least tacitly accepted such activities as the
best method they had of achieving a successful liveli*
hood. Before many years had passed Nassau was the
capital of the "Pirate Republic," whose power spread the
length and breadth of the Caribbean, Many of the island
names bear ample testimony to this period, such as
Morgan's Bluff on north Andros, named after tho infamous
buccaneer Henry Morgan, who had his headquarters for a
time at Nassau (Thompson, 1949: 20), At intervals Nassau
was captured and plundered by the Spanish, but this did
not deter tho buccaneers from re-establishing themselves,


335
The majority of the loyalist immigrants from
North America turned to agricultural pursuits. Cotton,
sisal, and pineapple cultivation prevailed. Through
the use of Negro slave labor the cotton plantations
grew to large proportions, and it seemed for a while that
they might prove the economic saving of the colony. In
1819 the settled islands, according to population, were
New Providence, the Turks, Eleuthera, Exuma and its
neighboring cays, Harbor Island, Crooked Island, Long
Island, Cat Island, the Caicos, San Salvador, Rum Cay,
and Great Inagua (Edward3, 1819: IV, 218). The cotton
industry prevailed throughout the archipelago, but it
was centered around Crooked Island, which had forty
plantations alone (Shattuck, 1905: 148). Other islands
lagged not far behind. However, insects, hurricanes, and
the growing United States cotton industry, caused the
Bahamian plantations to lose their position of importance.
The freeing of the slaves throughout the British Empire
in 1833 and the final abolition of all remnants of the
system in the Bahamas in 1838 dealt the final blow, and
the death warrant of plantation economy in the islands
was sealed. The more wealthy planters left for other
regions, and the large plantations were left in rack and
ruin.


191
cross-hatching, drilled holes, and affixed cross-hatching
1 Carrier sherd, with line-and-dot incision and curvi
linear design; 7 petaloid stone celts; and 2 double-
bitted-stone celts*
Jacksonville Caves (57) . -
The settlement of Jacksonville, now abandoned,
is on the northeast coast of East Caicos* It consisted
of a three thousand acre sisal plantation belonging to
the East Caicos Sisal Company, Ltd* There are several
caves on the property of the company. Around 1885,
according to De Booy (1912* 105), excavations for cave-
earth were undertaken in several of these caves, notably
the ones known as Old Ho, 1 and lo, 2* Skeletal
material was recovered, as well as several artifacts,
including a wooden duho and a woodon platter. There
was no additional material in either cave when De Booy
investigated them,
De Booy also investigated a cave called Hew Ho.
1 and found numerous petroglyphs on the walls of the
main chamber. They represent, by and large, human
figures in various poses, and are crude line drawings.
He also mentions a stone carved In the fora of a crude
couch or altar in the main chamber, A petroglyph was



324
usually moro strongly than before* Those buccaneers
meant business and viere hardly so employed simply
because they liked an adventuresome life. Their tactics
and actions were enough to make the most steadfast
waver. Some of the atrocities committed on the high
seas during and after this period are very effectively
reported in A.T. Bothells The Early Settlers (n.d.s
156-161).
Prom 1704 until 1718 the English Crown simply
forgot that the Bahamas existed, as did the Lords Pro
prietors, who were still theoretically the owners of the
archipelago. After the Spanish destruction of Nassau in
July, 1704 (Oldmixon, 1949s 21), the Crown left the
inhabitants to their own devices, and it was not until
citizens of the "Pirate Republic" began to attack English
vessels that it resumed any gubernatorial jurisdiction.
The population of Nassau had indeed become international
in character, and buccaneers of all nationalities were
represented. The city was the one place in the western
hemisphere where followers of the trade of piracy could
assemble and mingle freely without fear of the hangmans
noose, and it was there they all gathered. Little respect
could be found for Britain or any other nation in Nassau
during the days of pirate rule, and when citizens of the
city began plundering English ships indiscriminately,


46
ready transference of the encomionda-repartimiento
system from Spain to her New World possessions. Church
and State were always in supreme control, and their word
was always lav/ a heritage from the Reconquest period.
Both these aspects of Spanish nationalism prevailed
long after their utilitarian origins had vanished; that
is, unification of the Iberian peninsula, and contributed
the formulating factors to Spanish colonialism. Part of
this system of centralised authoritarianism in Spain was
the encomienda, and it was brought to the New World in
the best spirit of Iberian expansion.
A helping hand was given the encomienda in the
Indies by several additional factors. The Spanish had
behind them a long period of contact with alien peoples
in the Iberian peninsula, and they had no fear of as
sociating with the Indian. The predominant mestizo
classes in many parts of Latin America today certainly
boar evidence to this. The fact that the Indians of
Cuba and Hispaniola were sedentary, agricultural groups,
in contrast to the more bellicose and nomadic groups in
other parts of the New ¥/orld, made them particularly easy
prey to the encomienda, and the desire for the wealth to
be expected from the outlying islands of Asia made it
necessary for the invaders to have an available labor
supply to mine gold, precious stones, and to bring up


218
geographical range of the style. Sherds of
Carrier pottery occur from the following sites in the
Bahamasj Williams* Gave No, 2 (San Salvador); Hamilton
Caves (Long Island); Gordon Hill Dwelling Cave
(Crooked Island); 3alt Pond Hill Cave (Great Inagua);
unlocated sites investigated by Do Booy on West Caicos;
Juba Point Caves, Juba Point Mound, West Harbor Bluff
Cave (Providenciales); Sandy Point Cave, Pumpkin Bluff
Cave, Bellevue, Bellevue Mounds (North Caicos); Lorimers,
unlocated sites investigated by Do Booy (Grand Caicos);
Jacksonville Caves, Flamingo Hill Mounds, and various
unlocated sites investigated by De Booy (East Caicos),
As in the case of Meillac specimens, frequency and
complexity of decoration decreases as one moves north
in the archipelago from the Turks and Caicos,
Unclassified Pottery Styles
At least four other distinctive styles, each
represented by only a few small sherds, may be defined
for the Bahamas* It is impossible, with so few sherds
Illustrative of these forms, to give more than a brief
statement about each.
The first unique stylo is represented by two
small sherds from the test pit and section J-3, Gordon
Hill Dwelling Cave, Crooked Island (Y,P,M, 28890A and


58
Lucayos or Yucayos perished (Las Casas, 1877:
II, 103 lib. ii, cap. xl^)*
Pena (1879: 361 cap. xxxviii/), too, refers to the mass
exodus of Lucayan slaves to Cubagua* The situation
certainly was not as acute as indicated by Las Casas, who
would have us believe that it was possible to sail from
Hispaniola to the Bahamas without benefit of navegation
charts and instruments because the water was strewn for
the entire distance with Lucayan corpses thrown over
board by the slavers (Las Casas, 1879: 266), but one
must credit the basic elements of the story with truth.
Las Casas Is notable for his pro-Indi an bias, but in the
majority of cases It seems safe to assume that the under
lying facts given are correct.
From the middle 1500*s until the first organized
white settlement of the archipelago by the British in
1647, we have few records mentioning the Bahamas. As
far as can be determined, the islands were unpopulated
for this period of about a hundred years, and there is
today no noticeable trace of Lucayan blood In the native
white and Negro population of the Bahamas, As early as
1511 many of the islands seem to have been depopulated*
The following statement refers to this period.
Among others, seven citizens of the towns of
La Vega and Santiago.,.joined together, and
not lacking merchants to help them, they
armed two ships, placing in each one 50 or


193
At a second mound, on the surface, De Booy
found a Carrier soomorphlc lug; four decorated sherds, at
least two of which are Meillac; fifteen plain sherds;
one stone chisel, highly polished and with a cutting
edge; and one highly polished black flint scraper (De
Booy, 1912: 104, Pig. Sc).
Kelly* s Cave (Sail Rock) (59)
According to reports given De Booy, material
was known from this location, which De Booy himself
does not place* other than that it is on Bast Caicos*
He did not have time to Investigate (De Booy, 1912:
105).
Duck Pond Cave (60)
Pottery fragments from this site were reported
to De Booy, but he did not have time to investigate the
report. The site is located at Goodshill Settlement on
the southwest coast of East Caicos about ten miles from
Jacksonville (De Booy, 1912: 105).
PISH CAYS, CAICOS
The Fish Cays consist of throe small, rocky
islets which are covered by water during bad weather,


TABLES
Table
1, Variation In Island Names in the Bahamas,
Turks, and Gleos through Time*
2* Frequency and Distribution of Artifacts
in the Gordon Hill Dwelling Gave Site***
3* Distribution by Island of Major Artifact
Types and Styles in the Bahamas, Turks,
and Caicos**
4. Frequency of Selected Modal Attributes
on Major Bahamian and Haitian Ceramic
Styles ****************
Page
26-27
165-166
223-224
270-271
3CV


'
378
PLATE III


PLATES
Page
370
Explsnution of Platos*< ,*,**,**.*
Plat
I* A Lucayan Skull,,,.376
11, Vfood.su Duhos377
III# Meillac Potsherds, o7B
17 Meillac Potsherds379
7 Meillac Potsherds,#**** 380
VI, Carrier Potshords381
VII, Miscellaneous Ceramic Styles and
Hon**ceramic Types382
VIII# Petaloid Stone Celtso83
IX, Miscellaneous Stone Celt Types........... 384
X, Miscellaneous Mon-ceramic Artifact
Types385
2CX


77
sed with Spanish tactics and must have hidden them**
selves at the first sign of a Spanish vessel#
The fleet, consisting of three vessels at the
outset, left San German, Puerto Rico, on the third of
March 1513 (Herrera,<1934-35$ III, 318 dec. 1, lib*
ix, cap# *7). On the eighth the ships passed the Bajos
de Babueca present-day Moucholr Bank and anchored
off an island called El Viejo, possibly the present
Ambergris Cay in the Caicos group* The next day they ,
anchored off Caicos island proper, probably the island
we call today West Caicos* A west-northwest course was
then followed, taking the ships by the unidentified
islands of Yaguna and Amaguayo (Herrera., 1934-35:
ibid.)# On the same day they passed Managua, which
can definitely be identified as Rum Cay (Turin, 1523?)#
On^ March 14th the fleet stopped at Guanahani, where it
remained until the twenty-seventh* From there the
course was to the northwest, leading eventually to
Florida#
Returning from the Florida coast the ships
skirted the north coast of Cuba and then sailed up through
the Bahama Channel, where they came to nsoae islets which
are on the banks of the Lucayos farthest to the west
(Herrera, 1934-35: Ill, 324 dec* i, lib* ix, cap. xl/h
These islets were probably to the north of Grand Bahama


180
the lug* The diameter of the original vessel was about
ten inches,, as estimated .by Do Booy. The depth was
probably not much more than one inch (Be Booy, 1912:
95, Pig. 7).
Whitby (40)
This site consists of a field or mound in the
neighborhood of old Whitby plantation, the ruins of which
are still in existence. It is about a quarter of a mil
inland and one mile west of Pumpkin Bluff on the north
coast of north Caicos* Be Booy found no traces of
occupancy in the immediate vicinity of the plantation,
but he heard later of a field, apparently a bit removed
from the plantation, where sherds had been found* He
also purchased a single petaloid stone celt, which was
said to have come from the field (Be Booy, 1912: 95-96).
Bellevue (41)
Between the years of 1951 and 1936 Mr, Godet of
Bellevue, Berth Caicos, made an extensive surface col
lection in the immediate vicinity of Bellevue settlement.
This collection was presented to the Harvard Peabody
Museum through Dr* James 0* Greenway* Provenience data
is not complete, and no definite site involved is mention
ed* There are 1,291 specimens, all fragmentary, in this


382
ha ara:
r- *'


182
tation was about six miles south from the northern
coast of north Caicos, and, as pointed out earlier,
was situated on the western side of the Creek, Moun
tain plantation was about two miles inland from the west
coast and is presently connected with the settlement of
Bellevue proper by a small road. There are several
mounds on the grounds of old Mountain plantation. They
are covered with stones, which De Booy considers to have
been Lueayan house foundations or platforms (De Booy,
1912j 96), In these mounds De Booy found ash-pits,
animal bones, and potsherds* At least one of the mounds
was tested by De Booy, In that mound, the exact lo
cation of which is not given, he found seventeen plain
sherds, four decorated sherds, and one petaloid stone
celt. Three of the decorated sherds are Carrier with
punctated designs. The fourth sherd seems to have
deep, straight-line incision in alternating series of
oblique and vertical lines, with some curvilinear design
at intervals along the rim* This sherd Is Meillac (De
Booy, 1912j 96-98, Pigs, 2a, 2c, 10, 11),
West of Bellevue (45)
De Booy mentions reports of sites, apparently
in open fields, west of Bellevue, but he does not mention


104
women and girls wore no clothing until their first men
struation, after which they wore small genital coverings
woven from grasses. During the period.of.first menstru
ation Itself a woman wore no covering, but was exhibited
by her, parents to the.neighbors as being of obvious
marriageable age, Married women, or women who had lost
their virginity, wore skirts of grass or cotton down to
the knees# Anghlera also mentions the use of the hamaca
In the Bahamas,
: Concerning the political and economic organi
sation of the Lucayans, Anghlera says that they had
local "kinglets" who ruled with a firm but beneficent
hand. The primary duties of these leaders were economic.
They had charge of planting, hunting, fishing, and the
arts and.crafts, and apparently dictated.the time of year
when each would receive attention and the persons in the
local group who would participate in the stipulated
activity. The local king was also in charge of ball games,
dances, and other ceremonial proceedings, Anghlera very
aptly compares the duties of these monarchs with those of
a king bee, indicating that "The cacique is, then, like
a Icing bee, the economist and apportioner. of work for his
flock (Anghlera, 1944: 502 /cCec, vii, lib, I, cap, ij/)*
We are given the impression,of a relatively communistic
and classless society under the control of local work-


Ill
other full-fledged excavations or for a more thorough
search for sites. The majority of his sites were, cave
burials; non were opon village sitos. In casos where
culture deposits were present material was extremely
rare and quite fragmentary; a total of only 373 ceramic
specimens are included In his collection, all consisting
of small sherds, .
Prom October, 1936, to February, 1937, Herbert
Kriegor of the United States national Museum In Wash
ington conducted an archeological reconnaisanco of the
Bahamas, A preliminary report has boon published in the
Explorations and Field Work of the Smithsonian Institu
tion in 1936 (Kriegor, 1937), and brief montion of.this
expedition is made In the Annual Report of the Smithson
ian Institution for 1937 (Smithsonian Institution, 1938),
In all probabilities Mr, Kriegerfs work has been the most
extensive yet conducted, to judge from the preliminary
report, and it should be interesting to observe the cor
relations and differences between his conclusions and
those drawn here, which are based on the analysis of
relatively little material, Mr, Kriegor visited eight
of the islands, including Hew Providence, Bleuthora, Long
Island, Gat Island, San Salvador, Great Inagua, Andros,
and the Berry Islands, The only specific sites laentlonod,
in the preliminary report are Hamilton Caves on Long


345
pp, 81-105, Lancaster, Pa,)*
Luoayan Artifacts from the Bahamas (American
Anthropologist, new series, vol* 15, pp, 1-
7, Lancaster, Pa,),
On the Possibility of Determining the First
Landfall of Columbus by Archeological Re
search (The Hispanic American Historical
Review, vol, 2, pp, 55-61, Baltimore),
BOULTON, ALFREDO
1952, La Margarita (Caracas),
BRAUNHOLTZ, H, J.
1951, The Oldman Collection: Aztec Gong and Ancient
p/ Arawak Stool (The British Museum Quarterly,
vol, xvi, no, 2, pp, 54-55, London),
BRINTOR, DANIEL G,
1871. The Arawack Language of Guiana and its
Linguistic and Ethnological Relations
(Transactions of the American Philosophical
r/
1 Society, new series, vol, 14, pt, 3, art, 4,
pp* 427-444, Philadelphia),
1901, The American Race: a Linguistic Classification
and Ethnographic Description of the Native
1913,
/
1919,


279
ceramic styles ape concerned.
The southern islands and the central islands
as far north as Rum Gay are characterized by the presene
of eave-pofcroglyphs, monolithic axes, duhos, and a groat
many semis, which either do not occur farther north or
are relatively infrequent* Too, the irregular stone
hammer-grinder seems to be limited to the northenr islands
down to Eleuthera, as far as wo presently know*
The northern islands, then, from Grand Bahama
to Eleuthera and Andros, perhaps as far as Gat Island
and Great Exmna, have only the Koillac style of pottery
and do not have the abundance of distinctive ceremonial
objects found farther to the south. The islands from
San Salvador, Rum Gay, and Long Island south to Grand
Turk have both the Heiliac style and the Carrier style,
as well as several unique styles, and on abundance of
ceremonial objects* It has further been pointed out that
ceramic specimens from the southern portion of the archi
pelago exhibit more complex and frequent decorative tech
niques and motifs than are found in tho northern and
central Islands, and the general quality of the pottery,
both Heiliac and Carrier, from the southern islands is
better than in tho central and northern Islands,
Examination of the distribution of pure and


127
All areas ofthe archipelago have been sur
veyed cursorily for sites except tho Exuma Chain, Great
Exuma, the Jumento Cays, Cay Sal, and the Anguila
Isles* The incompleteness of these surveys, through
no particular fault of the Investigators themselves,
can not be overstressed* The archipelago has been
covered, indeed, but not at all thoroughly, and the
reader should use tho figures showing the spatial
distribution of sites with some caution#
THE BIMIBIS
There have been no sites reported from either
north or South Bimini# There is, however, a single
stone semi* in human form, from here in De Booys
collection at the Museum of the American Indian In
New York City, as well as a perforated stone pendant. -
GRAND BAHAMA
Rainey is the only investigator who has visited
Gran Bahama* He spent four days there looking for sites,
but heard of only four caves* Three of these reports
3-5, 7$ indicates a cave-habit at ion site, 4- indicates
a burial site, > a cave-habitation and burial site, and
indicates an open village site. The letter flpn has been
used to indicate petroglyph sites#


32
If we assume that Island Carib was an Arawakan language
with a sprinkling of mainland Carib words and only a
minor distinction between men3 and womens vocabularies
(Gooje, 1946: 43; Taylor, D.K., 1951: 41, 44), we are
loft with the possibility that Bimini might be translated
as "place of good food"(Goeje, 1939; 8)* We are sure of
this second meaning because the Carib word bime is still
retained, with the meaning "sweet," in, the language of
the Black Carib of British Honduras (Taylor, D*M., 1951:
163), As can be gathered, even these few attempts at
translation must be considered highly speculative* The
single characteristic which can be pointed out with some
certainty concerning Lucayan names is that a great many
of them were accented on the final syllable* Bimini,
Bahama, Guanima, Guanahani, Samana, and Manigua are
often written in the works of the early chroniclers with
the final syllable accented. Las Casas makes a point of
declaring that certain Lucayan words are pronounced with
"the last syllable long and acute" (Las Ca3as, 1877: I,
220 £Tib, i, cap, xl7).
Considering the fact that the Spanish never
colonised the Bahamas and that we have practically no
mentions of the islands in Spanish documents after the
time of Columbus, it is indeed interesting that by the
time Santa Crus drew up his chart of Florida and the


50
the enforced labor of the Indians, but she also
demanded that they should be instructed in "the Faith"
and be cared for without oppression. This point embodies
the basic difference between the Spanish encomienda and
that of the Indies* The system in Cuba and Hispaniola
was based upon "remunerated personal service in exchange
for the obligation of procuring the natives* Christiani
zation. Thus, the juridical form born in the colony Is
totally different from the Castillian encomienda"
(Gongora, 1951* 105; De la Cruz, 1954: 3),
Rigid application of the encomienda in Gubar and
Hispaniola from early settlement days brought about a
decimation of Indian encomendados by the early and
middle 1500*a, and attention was turned to other areas
as sources of labor, European diseases, poor health con
ditlons, poor working conditions, undernourishment, and
separation of males and females by the repartimiento un
doubtedly contributed heavily to this sudden drop in native
population (De la Cruz, 1954: 24). It also seems probable
that the protein-deficient diet of the Indians based
largely on cassava and other starchy foods was In
capable of supplying the energy needed to perform the
arduous tasks of full-time mining and farming imposed by
the encomienda, giving rise to an unusually high mortality
rate


351
(Bureau of American Ethnology, Annual
Report no. 34, pp. 35-281, Washington),
PORBES, JAMES GRANT
1821, Sketches, Historical and Topographical of
tho Floridas (New York),
GILLEN, JOHN
1938, A Method of Notation for tho Description and
O'""''" Comparison of Southwestern Pottery Sherds by
Formula (American Antiquity, vol, 4, pp, 22-
29, I.Ienasha, Wisconsin),
GISBURN, HAROLD G,D,
1950* The Postage Stamps and Postal History of the
Bahamas (Stanley Gibbons, Ltd,, London),
GOEJB, C.H. DE
1939, Nouvel Examen des Langusa des Antilles
(Journal de la Societe deas Amorlcanistes,
new serles, vol. 31, pp, 1-120, Paris),
1946. Etudes Linguistiques Paribes, vol. 2
(Amsterdam)


248
Bone Gongos
Typo specimen, Seo PI, X: 9* The type speci
men is made from a medium sized bone, probably Capromya
ingrahmi, the hutia, both ends of which have boon cut
off*' One end, with the distal and articulating pro
cesses, has been cut off evenly and ground smooth.
The opposite end has been cut off at a diagonal angle,
also removing the distal and articulating processes* The
bone itself is hollow end is 3?i inches long and about
l/S of an inch in diameter*
Group of artifacts. Only one specimen is known
from the Bahamas. This one (Y.P.I/l. 28865, Pl. X: 9)
comes from the test pit, Gordon Hill Dwelling Gave,
Crooked Island*
Utility* This instrument soems to have been
used as a gouge, since one end of the bone has been cut
diagonally* Perhaps such tools were used in connection
with the making of decorated pottery.
Diagnostic attributes. The type character
istics are: (1) bone, (2) hollowness, (3) evenly cut
top end, (4) diagonally cut opposite end, (5) small
size, (6) smoothing of cut ends. ,
Tortoise Shell Bracelets
Type specimen. See PI* X: 14* This specimen is


234
Group of artifacts A single example of.a
stono ax is known from the Bahamas... This specimen comes
from the Lorimers site on Grand Caicos (M.A.I, 3/1915),,
which was investigated by Do Booy (1912: 100-102). The
specimen is complete.
Utility As the type name indicates, the
specimen seems to have boon used as a hafted stone
chopping tool. It has been distinguished from the
petaloid stone celts as chopping tools primarily because
of the difference in shape.
Diagnostic attributes. Diagnostic attributes
for the stono ax typo aro: (1) igneous rock, (2) tri
angular shape, (3) pointed butt, (4) flat bit, (5) flat
sides, (6) hafting nicks.
Irregular Hammer-grinders
Typo specimen. See PI. X:- 1-2. Irregular stone
hammer-grinders are made from coarse-grained igneous
rock*. They seem to be roughly finished or water-worn
pebbles, and are occasionally pitted, though on the
whole they are moderately polished. In color the speci
mens range from brown to grey, both light and dark. The
specimens are roughly elliptical In shape when viewed from
above# Overall shape is somewhat like that of an egg,
although the bottom of most specimens is usually rather


260
Diagnostic attributes. The only diagnostic
attributes which can be suggested for this type are:
(1) wood, (2) arrow shape#
Wooden Bowls
Type specimen. This type represents a large
wooden bowl or platter, about twelve inches in diameter,
round in shape* The bowl is undecorated and shallow*
Group of artifacts# Two specimens are known .
from the Caicos, site and exact island provenience
unknown (communication from C* Bernard Lewis, November
4, 1954i Do Booy, 1913: 1), They are at present at the
Public Library on Grand Turk# One is in excellent con
dition? the other is somewhat worn, A third specimen is
reported to have been recovered from Jacksonville Caves,
East Caicos, around the year 1885 (De Booy, 1912: 103).
This specimen is undescribed and was apparently lost*
A fourth specimen is reported (Rainey, MS: 31-32) from
a cave near Gold Rock settlement on the south coast of
Grand Bahama, but no details were available concerning
its description or its whereabouts *
Utility* The type was probably used for
grinding maize or for mixing or eating food in*
Diagnostic attributes* The diagnostic attributes
for this type are: (1) wood, (2) bowl shape, (3) shallow-


4
i
332
was apparently either not received by the British
government or was turned down#
The emigration began without news of the
definitive treaty: the first to depart left in June
1783* One shipload went to Jamaica, and another to
New Providence* During the rest of the simmer and for
many months to come the outward stream continued to
flow (Lackey, 1949s 7). Lieutenant John Wilson, acting
engineer at St, Augustine was sent to the Bahamas in
July, 1785, to make a report on the condition of the
islands and thoir suitability for colonization and
agriculture, His report was not particularly favorable,
but upon further examination in September of the same
year it was decided that portions of the archipelago could
be adapted to agriculture (Siebort, 1929: I, 148-151),
Sometime during the summer of 1703, 1,458
loyalist refugees from New York settled on Great Abaco,
and their numbers wore soon supplemented by 1,500 from
East Florida (Siebert, 1929: I, 149-150), During the
Revolution years themselves many loyalists had gone to
British possessions in the Caribbean rather than to East
Florida, and the Bahamas had received their share (Siebert,
1929: I* 183).
Lieutenant Wilson reported in 1783 that the total


28
Anguila Islands* An early Spanish name for Rum Gay,
Triangulo, has been dropped, as have the names for
Moucholr and Silver Banks, earlier called Bajos de
Bbueca and Bajos de Abroojo respectively. A few of
the smaller Islands still retain Spanish names, such
as the Plana Cays, and Matanilla Reef In the north of
the archipelago owes its name to Spanish times.
Ciguateo has become Eleuthera, Curateo {Santa
Crus, 1545) Is Little Gat (or Little San Salvador)
Island, and Guanlma is now Cat island. The earlier
Samana Is now Long Island, after having been called
Femandina by Columbus (1895: 45), Saomete has become
Crooked Island, after having been named Isabella by
Columbus (1893: 51). Cabo Hermoso (Columbus, 1893: 51)
is now Fortune Island (or Long Cay), and the Islas de
Arena (Columbus, 1893: 59) are no?/ the Jumento Cays and
Great Ragged Island. Guanahani became San Salvador during
Spanish times, V/at ling's Island during English times,
and then again San Salvador under the Influence of the
Columbus scholars, Abaco, originally as Habacoa the name
of Andros, has been applied to the Island originally
known as Yucayoneque or Lucayoneque. Yabaque was probably
the present Acklins Island, and Manigua the present Rum
Cay. Ganahaun (Santa Cruz, 1545) is now Little Inagua.
Indian names of the various islands in the


66
of the entire problem. The word rejuvenare in the
original. Latin, or rejuvener, rejuvenecer as it is
translated into Spanish, is uniformly rendered into
English by the literal translation "rejuvenate, make
young," Today the word may mean either "to render
youthful again" in a literal sense, or "to reinvigo*
rate, to stimulate to health," The first meaning is
the more common in present-day English, In the Latin
and Spanish, however, the primary meaning of the term
is simply "to stimulate to health," and this is ob
viously the sense in which Anghiera was using it, as he
goes out of his way to explain in the previously cited
passages. Because of this mistranslation and the tele
scoping of Anghiera*s explanation we have lost the in
tended feeling and meaning in McNutt's translation; we
have translated the story of Bimini into modern English
in literal terms, and not, as should have been, into the
terms and with the meaning of Anghiera*s own times*
Por this reason it has been easy to misrepresent Anghi
era *s version of the facts as known in the early 1500*s.
It does not seem out of place here to mention
briefly the general tone of Anghiera*s writing, and to
give him somewhat more credit than he usually receives,
particularly in the case of the subject at hand. Al
though he never visited the Now World, he was a member


Fig.l. I-'ap of the Bahamas, Turks, and Caicos Islands.
xxii
MIS PAN I oLA


A SURVEY OF BAHAMIAN ARCHEOLOGY
By
JULIAN GRANBERRY
A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
June, 1955

PREFACE
This thesis was presented to the Graduate
Council of the University of Florida in partial
fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master
of Arts in sociology and anthropology in June, 1955*
Its purpose is to present a synthesis of archeological
data from the Bahama Islands, West Indies, and to
analyze this material in a usable manner, so that it
may be correlated with findings in other parts of the
Caribbean area.
Serious study of Caribbean archeology on an
organized scale was not begun until the establishment
by Yale University of a program for Caribbean anthro
pological research in 1955 {Osgood, 1942: 5). This
program has successfully delineated pre-Columbian
culture patterns and sequences in most portions of the
Caribbean area, concentrating on Florida, the Greater
Antilles, and the South American mainland. With this
work it has become both possible and necessary to
progress to the more detailed particulars of the Indi
vidual regions comprising the Caribbean area.
In accordance with this plan three problems
which might be cleared up or elucidated by work done in
the Bahamas have been isolated from northern Caribbean
li

archeology: (1) the origins of tho Ciboney complexes
in Cuba and Haiti, (2) the interrelationships of
Southeastern United States cultures and those of the
Caribbean, and (3) the nature of the Bahamian complexes
thornselvos and their relations to the rest of the
Caribbean,
With these problems in mind all accessible
Bahamian archeological material was analysed, The
major concern of the analysis was to determine the
presence or absence and the nature of ceramic styles
and modes (House, 1939: 11-12j 1951: 252), to delineate
any non-ceramic phases (Rouse, 1951: 252), and to
establish as secure a chronology as possible for the
region. The three problems chosen were then approached
through these factors.
There are nine major collections of Bahamian
archeological material in this country, I was able
to examine personally tho three collections in the
Yale Peabody Museum, the two collections in the
Harvard Peabody Museum, and the two at the Museum of
the American Indian, Although not personally examined,
some information was gathered on the collections in
the United States national Museum and tho Morton
Collection of crania Americana,
In addition to the nine major collections
ill

there are numerous smaller ones in the United States,
Britain, and other areas# The British Museum has a
duho, or wooden stool, from the Bahamas; there is a
collection in the Public Library at Nassau; several
individuals in the islands have private collections;
there is some material in the Public Library on Brand
Turk; St* John*s University, Collegeville, Minnesota,
and St* Augustines College, Nassau, both have small
collections; there is a single duho at the Academy of
Natural Sciences in Philadelphia; and there is some
material at the University of Florida* Other unlocated
specimens, both skeletal and cultural, are reported from
the American Museum of Natural History, New York; the
South Kensington Museum, London; and the Muse du Cin-
quantenaire, Brussels# As much information as possible
was gathered about these collections; however, they have,
by and large, not contributed appreciably to the final
outcome of this paper*
1 am indebted to many people and institutions
for their assistance in the preparation of this report#
Grateful acknowledgement is made to Yale Peabody Museum;
Harvard Peabody Museum; the Museum of the American Indian,
Heye Foundation, New York Cl;by; the University of Florida
Anthropology Laboratory; the Florida State Museum, Gaines**
ville; the American Museum of Natural History, New York;

the Academy of Natural Sciences in Philadelphia; the
Institute of Jamaica In Kingston; and to tho British
Museum.in London* These institutions either permitted
me to examine their Bahamian collections and to use their
facilities on several occasions or furnished me with
adequate data from their files* They have all allowed
me to photograph the collections or have loaned me
negatives of many specimens* Yale Peabody Museum*
through tho courtesy of Dr# Irving Rouse* allowed me
to use Dr* Raineys field notes*
Personal acknowledgements are many* M*S*
Walton of the Department of Geology* Yale University*
assisted in the Identification of stone materials*
Dr* Froelich G* Rainey of the University of Pennsylvania
Museum gave me additional information not contained in
his field notes on his work In the Bahamas* as well as
photographs of his excavations at Gordon Hill* Crooked
Island* Dr* Gordon R* Willey of Harvard Peabody Museum
furnished me with helpful information on the Godefc^
Greenway collection* and Dr* Cornelius Osgood of the
Yale Peabody Museum, through Dr# Rouse* allowed mo to
examine the Bahamian collections there* Mr* E#K* Burnett
and Mr. Charles Turbyfill of the Museum of the American
Indian were of much assistance on several visits to levi
York* The Very Reverend Frederic U* Frey* 0*S*B* of St*
v

Augustin*s College| Nassau* kindly gave me data on
two duhos from Long Island* Lady Eunice Oakes, of
Westboume* Nassau* showed interest in my work and
helped with several questions. Mr. C. Bernard Lewis,
Director of the Institute of Jamaica in Kingston,
loaned me kodachrome slides of specimens In the Public
Library on Grand Turk* Dr* Harry L. Shapiro of the
Museum of Natural History, Hew York, and Mr. Adrian
Digby* Deputy-Keeper of Ethnography, British Museum,
London* were very helpful on several matters, I was
given the generous loan of interesting Bahamian sources
by Mr, Ralph C* Kophart of the College of Engineering,
University of Florida; and Dr, Oswaldo llrales Patino
of the Junta Nacional de Arqueologa y Etnologa, Havana,
sent mo many dlfflcult-to-obtain Cuban publications
containing Information of interest from a comparative
point of view on several Cuban sites. Through Dr. John
LI, Goggin I was able to borrow archeological material
from one of these sites, Cantabria, from the Florida State
Museum, where the material was deposited a3 a gift from
the Grupo Guama, Havana,
Dr, Lyle N. McAlister, Department of History,
University of Florida; Mr, Julien C. Yonge, Director of
the P.K, Yonge Library of Florida History, University of
Florida; and Mrs. Harriet Skofiold of the P.K. Yonge
vi

Library rendered me valuable time and assistance on the
historical aspects of this report* Dr, Winston W* Ehrmann,
Department of Sociology and Anthropology, and Dr. Donald
E, Worcester, Department of History, University of
Florida, both members of my advisory committee, gave me
encouragement and assistance on various phases of my
work. Dr. Herbert J. Doherty, Department of History,
University of Florida, and Mr, T.E. Wagner of St. Louis,
Missouri, have both given invaluable aid In the form of
many critical discussions and readings of the material
here presented.
I am particularly Indebted to two people for
their constant assistance and advice. Dr, Irving Rouse,
Department of Anthropology, Yale university, first Intro
duced me to Caribbean archeology and suggested the topic
of this report. Dr. John M. Goggin, Department of
Sociology and Anthropology, University of Florida, served
as chairman of my advisory committee in the preparation
of this thesis. To his patience over a period of several
years and his sincere and kind assistance the completion
of this report is largely due. They have both offered
continual encouragement and much needed advice on all
phases of my work,
To my father, Dr, Edwin P# Cranberry, chairman
of the Department of English, Rollins College, I am in-
vil

debted for a critical reading of the final manuscript.
An attempt has been made in this paper to
include all early historical, ethnographical, and
archeological material pertaining to the Bahamas, since
no general survey of the area has previously appeared
covering these three topics. As complete a descriptive
picture as possible has been given, even though at times
it may seem to obscure the goals mentioned earlier.
The value of such description is felt to be fully as
great as any chronological conclusions presented, since
such treatment may, with future work in the area, be of
assistance in clarifying the larger scheme of events in
the archipelago. It was felt, in other words$ that no
bounds should be placed on the descriptive report, simply
to make it fit the suggested time and spatial sequences,
and that subjective analysis should bo used as little as
possible.
It is hoped that this preliminary discussion
of Bahamian archeology will load to further work in the
region. An archeological survey of the entire archi
pelago and extensive excavations aro certainly called for
to supplement and round out this report and its attendant
problems and implications.
viii

Suggestions for a future program of excavations
in the Bahamas will be given in the concluding section
of this report. If such suggestions could be followed
up, the picture presented here might not only be added
to, but pertinent questions of long standing in northern
Caribbean archeology might be partially ansv/ered.
Julian Cranberry
Gainesville, Florida
June, 1955
ix

CONTENTS
Pag
PREFACE.
INTRODUCTION 1
natural Setting......... 1
Geography.. 1
Climate.2
Topography and Geology......*.*..* 4
Flora and Fauna.9
Historical Background..*.* 15
Ethnographical Background.*..** 90
Tribal Identifications*. 90
Ethnohistorical Notes... 94
Archeological Investigations........... 107
ARCHEOLOGICAL SITES. 123
Introduction..a**....*.*.. 123
The Bimlnls....127
Grand Bahama*127
Little Abaco.****.*.*#****.******... 131
Great Abaco 131
Imperial Lighthouse Dwelling
C ave*** 132
Imperial Lighthouse Burial.
Cave* **.A*********************** 132
Lantern Head Cave .**. lo3
x-

Pag
Mores Island 133
. .The Berry Islands..., 154
, .Lignura-Vitae. Cay*134
Andros .#,,*,,**,,*,**,*9**- 133
Morgan's Bluff.Caves,,...,,,.,,,,* 137
Bain Hill Cave*.,,..***.,,*,,,,,* 137
Big Wood Gay,133
Mangrove Cay13Q
Sinkert Hill Caves**.*,*,* 139
Smith Hill Caves (Bluff
Settlement Caves),#***,*,*: 139
New Providence**#**,#,,,,*#*,,** 140
Oakes Estate Cave*,,..,,,,*,.,,,, 142
Lake Cunningham Cave143
Eleuthera,143
The .Bogue**.*** 144
Finley Burial Gave.Ho*,1* *,,,,*, 144
Pinley Burial.Cava No. 2* 145
Wemyss,Bight Burial Cave 145
Cat Island..,.., 145
Conception Island.****. *,.**,..,, 146
San Salvador.146
South Victoria Hills
Settlement Caves *147
xi

Page
W5.Xli.sius*' Cave lo#' l##'#*'#'*'#"#***#*#' 148
Williams Cave lio# 2# 149
San salvador Burial Cave* 149
Bum' CayISO
Black Bluff**** 151
Port Boyd Burial Caro Ho* 1#* 151
Port Boyd Burial Caro Ho* 2#**.** 152
Indian Hole**#*****# 152
Hartford Cave#*.*** 15o
Bong Island# *.#>***** 154
Glinton# #####**#>****# 156
Hamilton Caves*&**** 157
Mortimer Cave**#...... 158
Taylors Burial Cave*##.* 158
Clarence Town Caves*.............. 159
Great Bagged Island***.#..***. 159
Crooked Island#.**###*#****# 160
Gordon Hill Dwolling Cavo##**##*# 160
Gordon Hill Burial Cavo Ho. 1#.*.* 164
Gordon Hill Burial Gave Ho# 2*#*## 167
Acklins Island#168
Spring Point Cavo#*168
Pish Cays##*** 16B
Mira por Vos Cay#**..***(###***** 169

Page
Eastern Plana Cay*163
Great magua*169
Salt Pond Hill Cave***.,.* 170
Mayaguana. 170
West Caicos171
Providenciales***** 172
Challc Sound*172
Kingston* ************ 172
Juba point Caves****************** 174
JUba Point Mound**,*,,.,.**,*.,*** 176
West Harbor Bluff Cave 176
Indian Hill (Malcolm Roads)....,*. 177
Blue Hills**** 177
North Caicos************* 178
Sandy Point Cave*..* 178
Pumpkin Bluff Cave..,,,*.,.*,.,,.. 179
Whitby *..*.......* 180
Bellevue*******,***.********* ** 180
Bellevue Mounds**,*.*,.,,,,,*,.,,, 181
Cost of Bellevue,,,,,,,.,,,,,*,,,, 182
V/indsor Mound, .a,,,,**,,*,*,,,*,** 183
Ready Money Mound,.,,..*,*,,*,*,., 183
Lockland Mounds184
Kev*f 184
xili

MATERIAL
St, TIiottiSU Hilla,,,,*,**,,,,,*,,,
Boston Caves,****, **,
Grand caicos
Ferguson*a Point Caves*,
Conch. Bar Caves**,** ,,*,
Dead Man's Skull Bluff Mound,,.,,*
Bambara.**,,*,,,**,*******,
Lorimersa,,*,,,,,,***,*,*
Gamble Hill Mounds
Indian Hill Hounds
Dark Right Well Cavo
Banana Tree Cave
East Caicos
Jacksonville Caves,
Flamingo Hill Cavo.*
Flamingo Hill Mounds,,,,,,,,,#,,,.
Kelly's Cave (Sail Rock),,..,*,,,,
.Duck Pond Gave
Fish Gays, Caicos,
Ambergris Cay,**,,,,,,,,,
Little Ambergris Cay
Grand Turk,
CULTURE
Methodological Mote
Pag
185
185
185
186
186
187
187
188
189
189
190
190
190
191
192
192
193
193
193
194
194
194
197
197

Page
Ceramic Specimens ****.**.*, 201
MeIliac Pottery**#***#***#** 202
Carrier Pottery*..****,**.,***>. 210
Unclassified Pottery Styles#.. *.* 218
Clay Griddle#******##*##***##* 222
Clay Ball***# 222
Stone Specimens****** 225
PetaloidStone Celts*****. 225
Double-bitted stone*Celts***** 226
Aberrant Stone Celts*********** 228
Stone Effigy Colts**************** 229
Monolithic Axes********* 231
Stone Chisels*** 232
Stone Axes************************ 253
Irregular Hammer-grinders** 234
Flint Scrapers*********# 236
Whetstones *..**,.**.*. 236
Stone Balls#**************** 237
Stone Pendant********** 23S
Stone Semis233
Shell Specimens************* 240
Shell Celts ****-**''** * * * 240
Shell Gouges**** 242
Strombus Cups******* 242

Page
Shell Pondant243
Shell Beads* * # 244
Bone Specimens***,,*.,,,**** 245
Bono Points*.***#*- ***,***, 245
Bono Awls*****,**,*,****** **** 247
Bone Gouges**,#*,**,,**,* *****#* 248
Tortoise Shell Bracelets*,**..,**. 248
Woodon Specimens***,* 249
Canoes ********.***.****,, ^ q, ****** 249
Canoe Paddles*******.*****,***** 251
Wooden Duhos*252
Woodon Zemis,,,,,,*#,********* 257
Pire-boards,*****o*,***,* 257
Wooden Pishhooks*#*,********,*,* 258
Wooden Points********************* 259
Wooden Bowls*,*,,.,*,****,,*,**** 2G0
Miscellaneous Specimens*,*.******.,*.** 261
SKELETAL REMAINS#*****#* ,******,.**,,* **,*,,*** 262
ARCHEOLOGICAL DISCUSSION ****** 267
Introduction************** 267
Aroal Affiliations, 263
Spatial Complexos****** 278
Temporal Complexos,*,,************* 285
CULTURAL RECONSTRUCTION.* 290

C Ol CL13101IS*
APPENDIX As Animal Remains from the
Bahamian Sites**
APPEITDIX B: A Brief Summary of Bahamian
History from 1550 to the Present*,.
BIBLIOGRAPHY*.*.**,,,,,.*,****,,*,*
PLATES
Pag
308
SIS
338
369
xvii

TABLES
Table
1, Variation In Island Names in the Bahamas,
Turks, and Gleos through Time*
2* Frequency and Distribution of Artifacts
in the Gordon Hill Dwelling Gave Site***
3* Distribution by Island of Major Artifact
Types and Styles in the Bahamas, Turks,
and Caicos**
4. Frequency of Selected Modal Attributes
on Major Bahamian and Haitian Ceramic
Styles ****************
Page
26-27
165-166
223-224
270-271
3CV

PLATES
Page
370
Explsnution of Platos*< ,*,**,**.*
Plat
I* A Lucayan Skull,,,.376
11, Vfood.su Duhos377
III# Meillac Potsherds, o7B
17 Meillac Potsherds379
7 Meillac Potsherds,#**** 380
VI, Carrier Potshords381
VII, Miscellaneous Ceramic Styles and
Hon**ceramic Types382
VIII# Petaloid Stone Celtso83
IX, Miscellaneous Stone Celt Types........... 384
X, Miscellaneous Mon-ceramic Artifact
Types385
2CX

I E X 5 FIGURES
Figure Page
1. Map of the Bahamas, Turks, and Caicos
Islands*xxii
2* Columbus* Voyage through the Bahamas*..,,, 41
5*. Major Bahamian Sites First Section*,*,,. 128
4. Major Bahamian Sites Second Section..*,. 129
5. Major Bahamian Sites Third Section.*,*., ISO
6. Plan of Gordon Hill Dwelling Cave,
Crooked Island 162
7* Sites in the Turks and Caicos............. 173
3. Cross Sections of Melilac Rim Sherds..,*.. 207
9. Cross Sections of Carrier Rim, Body,
and Base Sherds..***.,. 215
10, Distribution of Pure and Mixed Sites
in the Bahamas, Turks, and Caicos,,*.,,,,. 281
11# Distribution of cultures, Ceramic Stylos,
and Preceramlc Phases In the Bahamas,
Turks, Caicos, and neighboring Regions
through Timo. * 288
xx

ABBREVIATIONS OP INSTITUTIONS*
B.M, British Museum, London.
H.P.M* Harvard Peabody Museum, Cambridge.
M.A.I. Museum of the American Indian, Heye
Foundation, New York.
U.F.A.L. University of Florida, Anthropology
Laboratory, Gainesville.
U.S.N.M* United States National Museum, ¥/ashlngton,
Y.P.M, Yale Peabody Museum, New Haven.
^All collections have been personally studied
except those at the United States National Museum and
the British Museum. Numbers following the above ab
breviations in the text refer to specific catalog numbers.
xxi

Fig.l. I-'ap of the Bahamas, Turks, and Caicos Islands.
xxii
MIS PAN I oLA

INTRODUCT ION
NATURAL SETTING
Geography1
The Bahamas are an archipelago of islands,
cays, and reefs, lying off the southeast coast of
Florida between 2050 and 2725 north latitude and
71 and 8032* west longitude. They extend over 760
miles from the Florida coast opposite West Palm Beach
southeastwards to the northern coasts of Cuba and
Hispaniola, Including nearly 600 islands and over
2,000 cays, rocks, and reefs. The Turks and Caicos
groups, although politically administered from Jamaica,
belong In the archipelago, being geologically of the
same formation.
The islands extend from Great inagua on the
south to Mat anilla Reef on the north, and from Grand
Turk and its adjacent cays and banks on the east to and
including Cay Sal Bank in the west. At their closest
point, the Biminis, they are about fifty miles from the
Florida coast. Great Inagua lies sixty miles north of
the Caban coast and eighty miles northwest of the Haitian
coast. At its widest point, from Cay Sal Bank on the
^Adapted from Great Britain, Colonial Office,
1950: 41.
1

2
west to San Salvador in the east, the archipelago is
320 miles wide. The aggregate land surface is 4,575 square
miles, slightly less than that of Jamaica, the largest
of the British Caribbean possessions.
Climate^
The climate of the Bahamas is very mild,
being classed by KBppen as Amar, a tropical rainforest
climate with summer monsoon rains and a winter dry
season. The archipelago is divided by the Tropic of
Cancer and is surrounded by the warm waters of the Gulf
Stream to the west and the Atlantic Current to the
east. As a result there is little climatic variation
from one part of the archipelago to another.
Frost is unknown. The lowest temperature
registered is only slightly below 60F, the average
being 70F, The hottest months are August and Septem
ber, During these months the temperature ranges from
80F to a little over 90F. The annual temperature
variation is about 20,
Rainfall comes primarily during two distinct
seasons, May-June and September-Qctober, and is rela
tively slight, in the north averaging fifty inches and
^Adapted from Shattuck, 1905: 111-125,

3
rarely exceeding sixty inches a year* Annual pre
cipitation decreases from 50-60 inches in the north to
between twenty and thirty inches in the Turks and
Caicos to the south.
The humidity is high, ranging between 85-90
per cent during the nights and about 75 per cent at
midday* The high humidity and summer heat are tem
pered, however, by constant land and sea breezes, which
keep them from being oppressive. Since the islands lie
in the trade winds belt there is a fairly constant east
wind, the velocity usually being from five to fifteen
miles per hour. Overcast skies are rare and not per
sistent over a long period of time, being more usual
during summer and fall months than during winter and
spring.
Severe storms are of rare occurrence. Thunder
storms, however, average four or five per month, coming
mainly during the summer. They are of short duration
but are often accompanied by driving rains. The mean
path of Caribbean hurricanes touches the eastern edge of
the archipelago during the month of August and moves to
the western edge during September. Although hurricanes
do occur, they are rarely severe. They come during the
months of July-October, with occasional earlier or later
ones*

4
Malaria and the usual tropical diseases are,
by and large, absent from the islands.
Topography and Geology3
The Islands of the archipelago are distributed
unequally over the area. By far the largest number are
confined to the northwestern section* The largest
islands in the,group Andros, Grand Bahama, and Great
Abaco * are in this region. They lie on the peripheries
of banks which descend precipitously into deep water on
the Atlantic side, while on the side away from the
Atlantic there is a gradual decline, the water seldom
being more than a few fathoms in depth. The islands to
the southeast are smaller, less numerous, and are
assembled In clusters on isolated banks somewhat like
coral atolls. In the extreme south cays and rocks give
place to submorgod banks. The Cay Sal and Anguila
Islands lie on a small bank of their own in the extreme
W03t.
The larger Islands have protective reefs, sand
bars, and coral heads around their coastlines. The shore
usually rises abruptly from tho sea on the Atlantic side
to a long narrow, limestone ridge, seldom more than 150
^Adapted from Schuchert, 1935: 528-540, and
Shattuck, 1905: 3-47, 147-181.

5
feet high. Behind these low limestone hills are marshy
swamps of mangrove, giving way to lagoons and pools on
the side away from the Atlantic, A few of the islands
have frosh-water lakes, but there are very few springs,
and drinking water must be obtained from rain-water
cisterns in mo3t instances.
The northern islands lie on two large banks,
the Grand Bahama Bank and the Little Bahama Bank, on
which the water is seldom more than a few fathoms deep.
The southern islands, on tho other hand, rise as isolated
eminences, separated by water often as deep as 1,000
fathoms. The Great Bahama Bank is separated from Cuba
by tho Old Bahama Channel, which is from 276 to 296
fathoms in depth. Both of the two northern banks are
separated from Florida by tho Gulf Stream, which averages
about 400-500 fathoms. Great Bahama Bank is divided
almost in half by an extension of deop water called
Tongue of tho Ocean, which in places roaches 1,200
fathoms. Its easternmost limits are outlined by Exuma
Sound, The two northern banks are separated from the
southern Islands by Crooked Island Passage.
This division of the archipelago into two
sections is both geographical and geological. The north
ern banks form part of the original continental land mass
of the Cuban Foreland, while tho southern banks are of

6
younger age, originating at the time of the vast Upper
Cretaceous volcanic activity in the Antilles*
The surface covering of all the islands is
composed almost entirely of Recent limestones, consist
ing of shell detritus and oolites born of the soaj
coral rock is rare. Beneath the surface soil are hard
limestones of Pleistocene age, extending down several
hundred feet. Below these are earlier formations,
unfolded strata in the northern islands, and strata of
more recent volcanic origin in the southern section.
The northern banks were out of water until the
Early Middle Cretaceous, During this period they were
submerged. Under the volcanic activity of the Upper
Cretaceous the southern islands were formed. The entire
area, however, remained innundated until Pleistocene
times, when there was a general uplift, which, in con
junction with a lowering of the sea level, brought the
islands above water again. Por short periods between the
Cretaceous and the late Pleistocene they were probably
out of water, but by and large they remained submerged
until the late Pleistocene, During the Pleistocene the
subtraction of oceanic waters by continental glaciers and
its return as they melted away produced a constant var
iation in sea level. During each high-water level the
organisms of the sea continued to grow, producing the

7
banks of today, built up almost to sea level.
There are no indications that the Bahamas
were ever connected to the North American mainland.
All fossils from the Islands show clear affinities with
Cuban and Central American types, all date from the
Pleiatooene, and all represent living species.
There are seven surface soil types found in the
islands, comprising coral sand, throe loam types, and
three marl types. The three loam types are, of course,
the most fertile and are fairly well suited to culti
vation, Bahama Black Loam is the principle soil and
occurs on most islands,. It sometimes occupies as much
as three-fourths of the soil area of an Island, which,
however, is often very small, surface soilsoccurring
in most instances only as thin layers or patches on
exposed bedrock. The situation is aggravated by the
rapid denudation of the soil throughout the entire archi
pelago, so that the underlying limestone Is exposed
everywhere This adds immeasurably to the difficulty of
cultivation. In most cases, even today, agriculture of
the "slash and burn" or milpa type is practiced, small
patches of produce being cultivated in the few pure
pockets of soil scattered among tho limestone rock. Even
these isolated patches of soil are often diluted with
limestone concretions, which are rarely removed If the

8
area is large because of the time and expense involved*
Extensive cultivation is therefore impossible under
normal conditions.
The lack of extensive stretches of cultivable
soil and the extreme erosion and denudation which
progress continually are apparently due to a paucity of
adequate cover vegetation. While the flora of the
islands is rather sparse today, indications are that it
was much more luxuriant in earlier times, and, conse
quently agriculture a more feasible means of livell-.
hood. It seems likely that large stands of forest once
covered most of the islands. Columbus comments at length
on the beautiful vegetation and is constantly diverted
from the account of his voyage through the islands by
this impressiveness and luxuriousness of the flora
(Columbus, 1893: 37, 40, 41, 44, 47, 49, 51, 52, 54). In
a few places in the islands one still encounters such
lush vegetation (Morlson, 1942: I, 505), but it is indeed
a rarity. The disappearance of cover vegetation and the
consequent denudation of the soil throughout the archi
pelago may be laid directly at the feet of the cotton
planters of the late 1700*s and early 1800*3, who found
that the land was easily cleared and apparently well-
suited to cotton cultivation. In the late 1780*s there
were on Crooked Island alone forty cotton plantations,

9
covering between 2,000 and 3,000 acres (Shattuck, 1905:
148), The situation was approximately the same in most
parts of the archipelago, although the industry was con
centrated in the central islands. With the abolition of
slavery in 1838 the industry failed completely, and the
plantations went to rack and ruin, leaving vast areas
liable to denudation and erosion.
The numerous limestone caves in the islands
usually contain a soil deposit rich in minerals known
as cave-earth. This has been removed from most of the
accessible caves by the islanders for use as fertilizer.
Even with the use of cave-earth and commercial fertili
zers, however, the output of the meager soil resources
has been little*
The soils of the Turks and Caicos are poorer
than those of the Bahamas proper, but they, too, will
support agriculture of a rudimentary sort.
Plora and Fauna4
The flora of the Bahamas is largely of drift
origin from Cuba and Haiti, only a small number of species
originating in north and South America. Of the 1,974
species of Bahamian flora today only some 185 are native
^Adapted from Shattuck, 1905: 185-384.

10
to the region. Five hundred, and. thirty-six species
are common to the Bahamas and Cuba, 311 to the Bahamas
and Central America, 322 to the Bahamas and Southern
Florida, and 170 to the Bahamas and the Southern United
States (Shattuck, 1905: 195). Wind, ocean currents,
and migratory birds probably account for moot of the
non-native species.
The Turks and Caicos are not as favorable to a
large and varied flora as the other islands. This is
because of their distance from any large mainland area
and because of the paucity of soil. The flora of both ,
groups is sparse and of the scrub, xerophytlc type.
Among the more usual species found in the
archipelago today are: Caicos Oak, Qucrcus laurlfolia;
Bahamian Pine, Pinu3 Baharaensis; Thatch Palm, Inodes
Palmetto (Walt,); Silver Palm, Thrinax Bahamensis (Cook);
Braziletto, Caesalpinia vesicaria (L*); Wild Tamarind,
hysiloma lats ill qua (L.); Mahogany or Madeira, Sv/ie tenia
mahogani (I..); Lignum-vitae, Guaiaoum sanctum (L.);
cedar, Junlperus Barbadensis (L,); red mangrove, Bhizo-
phora mangle (L,); black mangrove, Avicennia nitida
(Jacq.); mastic, Sideroxylon mastlchodendron (Jacq.);
yucca, Yucca aliofolla; Tree Cotton, Gossypium arboreum;
Jamaica Dogwood, Ichthyomethla picipula (L.); Wild Cin
namon, Canella winterana (L.); plums, Chrysophyllum ollvi-

n
forme (Lam.), and Reynosia septentrionalia (Urban);
wild guava, Tetrazygia bicolor (Mill*); cocoa plum,
Ohrysobalanus Icaco (L*); sea-grape, Cocolobls uvi-
fera (L.); and Red-wood or ebony, Hypelate trifoliata
(Sw,) (Shattuck, 1905: 201-214)* In addition to these
distinctive species, the papaya, Carica papaya (h.),
and the coconut palm, Cocos nucfera (L), were probably
present from relatively early timos (Shattuck, 1905:
209, 211; Anghiera, 1944: 499 /dec* vil, lib. 1, cap.
7; Oviedo, 1851: I, 333 lib. ix, cap. iv/).
All the species mentioned above, with the
possible exception of the last two, were probably present
during pre-Columbian timos, and, as can be seen from this
list, there are many economically useful varieties.
Certain of the woods make excellent building materials,
while Thatch Palm and Silver Palm supply roofing materials.
Prom Jamaica Dogwood a fish poison may be obtained. Tree
Cotton and yucca may well have served as sources of
fiber. There are, too, some species of edible fruits,
most important of which are the sea-grape and cocoa plum.
Although the number of native species of flora is small,
many of them are today, and probably were in the past, of
direct economic use.
While Columbus speaks of the luxuriant flora
many times, he specifically mentions only one type of

12
tree, th mastic, which he calls correctly "lentisco
(Columbus, 1893s 47} Havarrete, 1825s I, 30)*
The land fauna of the archipelago is extremely
limited, even when introduced forms are included*
Mammalian forms are especially rare, being limited
almost exclusively to rats, mice, the hutia, and bats
(Shattuck, 1905: 371-384), The only native mammalian
forms include the hutia, Capromys ingrahmi, a small
rodent, now almost extinct except on Atwood or Samana
Cay, and various species of bats. Mention is made in
earlier times of a small dog, or dog-like animal, called
the aco (Moseley, 1926: 114), which has perhaps a domesti
cated hutia. Mrs. Moseley does not document her refer
ence to the aco nor her source for the name, but Columbus
(1893s 50) refers to the fact that one of his men saw a
barkless dog in one of the Indian villages on Pernandina
(Long Island). Archeological data indicate that the
hutia was used as a food source in earlier times and was
wide-spread throughout the islands.
Reptilian forms are almost as rare as mammalian
forms. No crocodiles are known to have inhabited the
islands, and there are no poisonous snakes. There are,
however, two species of boa, which seem to be indegenous
to the archipelago. These are Eplcrates chrysogaster
(Cope) and Epicrates striatus (Fischer), Both are species

IS
of the tree-boa* The first is found in the Turks, while
the second, Eplcrates striatus, the true tree-boa, is
found on New Providence and several other islands
(Shattuck, 1905: 535-336). These two species of boa are
the only important snakes found in the archipelago.
It seems probable that they were present In early times.
Columbus (1893: 47) mentions that a boy from his crew
saw a large serpent. It is probable that this was a
boa, although we have no evidence to indicate positive
identification.
The iguana, Cyclura baeolopha (Cope), Cyolura
carinata (Harlan), and Cyclura rileyi (Stejneger),
called yuana by Oviedo (1950: 195 /cap. lvi/), Is found
today on Andros, in the Turks, and on San Salvador* It
undoubtedly had a much wider distribution in earlier
times and must have been used as a source of food by the
natives. The Iguana of the Greater Antilles, Cyclura
cyclura (Cuvier), is not known from the Bahamas (Shattuck,
1905: 334).
The avifauna is more numerous and varied than
might be expected. Columbus (1893: 54) mentions the
large flocks of birds he saw on Isabella (Crooked Island).
He mentions particularly the parrot, papagayo (Nava
rret e, 1825: I, 36), now extinct, which the natives had
domesticated (Columbus, 1893: 37)* Among the edible birds,

14
there are today pigeons, partridges, ducks, and of
course many wading and sea birds (Shattuck, 1905:
547-368)* The most well-known bird is the Flamingo,
Phoenicopterua ruber (L,), which until recently was
found on Great Abaco, Andros, Little Xnagua, Great
Inagua, Long Island, and Mayaguana (Shattuck, 1905*
359)* Andros was the favorite haunt and breeding ground
of the Flamingo, but American aviators from Florida
"buzzed the colony for amusement during the last war,
finally causing its abandonment*
In contrast to the land fauna, marine forms
are quite numerous and varied, including many fish,
crustaceans, shell-fish, and turtles* Columbus (1895:
47) mentions the abundance and variety of fish he
observed in the waters of the archipelago* Among the
economically useful species are the Jew Fish, Proxnicrops
Italara; mackerel, Soomberomoru3 maculatus; grouper,
Epinephelus striatus; snapper, Neomoenis analls; and
many others. The molluscan and crustacean forms include
crawfish, Panulirua argus; Blue Crab, Calllnectea
sapidus; Pink Conch, Strombus glgaa; and many species
of clams and oysters* Among the edible turtles are the
Hawksbill Turtle, Eretmochelys imbricate; Green Turtle,
Chelone mydas; and the Loggerhead Turtle, Carotta caretta
(Shattuck, 1905: 292-325).

25
By and large the present land fauna is sparse
and not native to the archipelago, but derived from Cuba
and Haiti. The marine fauna is typical of the Carib
bean and is rich in useful forms.
This discussion of Bahamian environment is
felt to be rather pertinent to an examination of ab
original cultures in the islands, for it is certainly
true that a culture can not exist except in terms of
its geographical environment. The correlation between
subsistence and technological patterns and the environ
ment is necessarily close, particularly in less complex
cultural milieus such as we encounter in the Bahamas.
The natural setting need not be called a controlling
or determining factor, but at least it is a limiting
force beyond which a culture can rarely go, except with
outside assistance.
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
The history of the Bahamas has been a rather
neglected study, particularly the earlier periods, and
there is no single completely accurate historical account
bearing on the region. The accounts differ not only on
minor points, but even on some of the more important
events, and brief coverages from here and there have to
be drawn together to arrive at a working presen-

16
tation5.
The islands enter recorded history on October
12, 1492, for one of them was the first land sighted
and touched upon in the New World. This Island, called
Guanahanl by the natives, was named San Salvador by
Columbus (1895s 36, 42). After generations of debate
no definite decision has been reached concerning the
exact identification of the island, Concensus of opinion,
however, seems to favor Watlings, which has accordingly
been renamed San Salvador,
The present San Salvador did not achieve this
distinction without a long and arduous battle. Grand
Turk, Mayaguana (or Mariguana), Great Inagua, 3amana
(or Atwood) Cay, Cat Island, Eleuthera, Hum Cay, Eastern
Plana Cay, Western Plana Cay (both of the latter some
times called the French cays), and South Caicos have all
been proposed as the "real" Guanahani. The entire problem
has been thoroughly discussed by Theodore Be Booy (1919:
%ajor sources for this section and its con
tinuation in Appendix B are: Columbus, 1893; Goggin, 1946
Herrera y Tordesillas, 1934-35; las Casas, 1877; iiori-
son, 1942; Oldmixon, 1949; Oviedo y Valdes, 1351-55,
1950; Siebert, 1913, 1929; Woodbury, 1951, Translations
from Spanish sources are the authors unless otherwise
indicated by citation of the particular translation,
Markhams translation of Columbus log, cited as Colum
bus, 1893, has been used throughout. This is based on
the Spanish of Navarrote (1825), which is in turn based
upon a Spanish MS of las Casas,

17
55-61), and it is interesting to note his conclusions*
Three methods have been used, he states, to
decide which of the islands is the Guanahani of Columbus.
The first is based on an explicit day by day and league
by league check of Columbus* log. This method, used by
twelve Investigators, has resulted in the establishment
of Grand Turk, Mayaguana, Great Inagua, 3amana, Cat
Island, Watlings Island, and Eleuthera as the "real**
Guanahani. De Booy, however, does not consider this
method trustworthy, since methods of navigation were
none too precise in Columbus* time, and because the
portions of the log still remaining to us are presumably
not complete. The original document, which was apparent
ly sent to Ferdinand and Isabella, was lost sometime
during the 1500*s. Las Casas is the only chronicler
who seems to have taken advantage of it. In his Historia
de las Indias* written during the years 1520-61, he gives
a very full abstract and seems to have had access to the
original. Herreras account (1601-15) is merely an
abstract of Las Casas, and Oviedo (1535- ) seems never to
have seen the original at all. Other writers, including
Ferdinand Columbus, Anfhiera, and Bemaldez make very
little use of the document. In the late 1700a a small
manuscript folio, in the handwriting of Las Casas, was
discovered in the archives of the Duke of Infantado.

18
It turned out to be another abstract of Columbus1 log;
A third copy, apparently not by Las Casas, was later
found, and the two were carefully collated by Munoz and
Navarrets in 1791. The results of this collation were
published by Navarrete in 1825 in his Coleccin de los
Viages x Descubrimientos que hicieron por Mar los
Espaoles desde fines del Siglo XV. The Las Casas
version contained in the Historia and the collated
abstracts presented by Navarrete are all we have to fall
back upon for an historical examination of Columbus first
voyage.
Determination of the degree of correspondence
between the topographical features of the various is
lands lying within the probable limits of the landfall
and the topographical features of the Island described
by Columbus has yielded a second means for rediscovering
Guanahani. This method has suggested Mayaguana, Watlings
Island, Cat Island, and 3amana. It has been the most
popular method used and has led to the current acceptance
of Watlings Island. Watlings first received this
honor in 1793, when the Spanish historian Munoz put
forth its claim to the title, and In 1856 Watlings was
officially accepted by the British Admiralty, largely
because of the research of Captain A. B. Beecher (Gurry,
19281 13). It is this method which has been used by many

19
of our present-day Columbus scholars, including the
most prominent, Samuel Eliot Morison (1942: I, 299-
300, 309). The evidence which has led Morison and
others to believe that Watling*s is Guanahani is con
tained in Las Casas* transcripts of Columbus* log* where
it is stated,
This Island is rather large and very flat,
with bright green trees, much water, and
a very large lake in the centre, without
any mountain, and the whole land is so
green that it is a pleasure to look on
it (Columbus, 1893i 40),
This is the entry of October 13, 1492* On the following
day Columbus added further description,
At dawn I ordered the ship s boat and the
boats of the caravels to be got ready, and
I went along the coast of the island to the
N.N.E., to see the other side, which was on
the other side to the east, and also to see the
villages. Presently I saw two or three, and
the people all came to the shore, calling out
and giving thanks to God.,*and shouting to us
to come on shore. But I was afraid to land,
seeing an extensive reef of rocks which sur
rounded the island, with deep water between it
and the shore, forming a port large enough for
as many ships as there are in Christendom, but
with a very narrow entrance...I saw a piece of
land which appeared like an island, although it
is not one, and on it there were six houses.
It might be converted into an island in two
days.,.(Columbus, 1893: 40-41).
Las Casas adds the interesting note that, This first
land discovered was one of the group of islands which
are known as the Lucayos..The aforesaid island has the

20
_ j¡%
shape of a beann (Las Casas, 1876: 241 cap. £f) ,
This description of Guanahani certainly seems to
fit Watling*s. Maricn (1942: X, 309) uses both descrip
tive method and logbook method and has decided that the
question is settled once and for all in favor of
Watlings,
De Booy, however, feels that the descriptive
method has its faults, for during the late rainy season,
September and October, almost all the islands in the
central and southern Bahamas would seem to have a lake
or lagoon in the center, and there are many islands
shaped roughly like a bean with barrier reefs surrounding
them. On the first point he may have some grounds, for
Columbus himself mentions that it rained almost every
day during his stay in the Bahamas (Columbus, 1893: 51),
De Booy feels, too, that Columbus indicates a
complete circumnavigation of Guanahani within twelve
hours time, Watllngs Island could not have been travelled
around in such a short time in the longboats r?hieh
6
Decade or Volume, Libro, and Capitulo citations
from the original editions of Anghiera, Herrera y Torde-
aillas. Las Casas, and Oviedo y Valdes are cited in
brackets after the volume and page of the later edition
used for thi3 report. Decade or Volume citations ore not
repeated unless they differ in the original edition from
the edition here consulted. At times, as above, only
Libro and Capitulo, or just Capitulo, citations are needed.

21
Columbus used* In fact the only Islands which could
have been so traversed are Rum Cay, 5amana, Eastern Plana
Cay, Western Plana Cay, South Caicos, and Grand Turk.
This interpretation is, of course, purely a matter of
personal opinion.
The third method, proposed by De Booy, is the
identification of the "piece of land which appeared like
an island, although It is not one." De Booy feels that
an archeological approach to the question might prove
fruitful* If the peninsula mentioned by Columbus could
be found and excavations be conducted to find the
foundations of the six houses, we would have the real
Guanahani without a doubt. It seems no?/ that Do Booys
alternative would not only be difficult and expensive
but rather unnecessary, since all other data Indicate
that Watling*s Island is Guanahani, The concensus of
opinion among scholars has led us the accept Watllng*s,
and so it must stand until seriously challenged.
The first map actually showing the Bahamas is
that drawn in 1500 by Juan de la Cosa, Columbus pilot
on his second voyage to the New World He calls the
7
This discussion of Bahamian cartography is
based primarily upon examination of maps in the col
lection at the P.K. Xonge Library of Florida History,
University of Florida. The more important maps con-
stilted are the following: de la Cosa, 1500; Cantino,

22
Islands the Lucayo3. This is presumably the native
name, which is given to uo in another form by Oviedo
(1950: 115 cap as "los yucayos. BrJ-nton {1901s
441} and Loven (1955 s 71) derive the term from the
Arawak words lukku, man,and kairi, island; that is,
^island people. Brinton's discussions of the linguistic
affinities of Island Arawak and Guiana Arawak (Brinton,
1871, 1901), while generally well-done, are occasionally
none too precise* It would perhaps be more accurate to
reduce the name Lucayo to the Island Arawak words luko,
'man, and kayo or Its variant form kaia(ri), island.
Translation of these two elements is based upon their
similarity to the Guiana Arawak forras loko, **man,ff
(Goeje, 1939; 9), and kairi, **island (Brinton, 1901:
441). Both of these words appear in the Island Carih
women's language, so-called, which is a conglomerate
of both Carib and Arawak words and grammatical structures,
the latter predominating (Goeje, 1946; 43). Here lukuo
1502; Oliveriana, 1503?; Turin, 1523?; Ribero, 1529;
Santa Crus, 1536; Santa Cruz, 1545; Descellars, 1546;
de Dry, 1594; Herrera y Tordesilias, 1601; Jansson,
1642; Ottens, 1730; Speer, 1774; Jefferys, 1775; Anony
mous, 1794* U,S. Coast and Geodetic Survey charts have
been used for present-day island designations. Complete
citations for these maps are given in the bibliography,
with references to fuller descriptions in Lowery, 1912.
References to Lowery are given by item number rather
than page.

23
meant "man," and akaora, "Island (Goejo, 1939: 9,
13).
In 1507 the Islands are called simply "cala":
by Joannes Ruysch, and on tho 1511 map of Anghiera they
are called "los iucaios." The first,map to use tho term
Bahama was the-Cantlno map of 1502, not, as often indi
cated, the 1523 Turin map (Gronau, 1921s 48). Prom 1564
on, tho maps usually uso tho term Bahama, although
Lucayo or some variation of that name is often added as
an alternativo designation. The meaning of Bahama is
obscure, and lack of adequate knowledge of the Arawak
dialects malees it Impossible to venture even a guess
concerning Its use.
In the century between the compilation of the
de la Cosa map and Horrera's map of 1601, well over a
hundred maps show the Bahamas and give names for the
individual islands. The names used are predominantly
Indian, and are retained on all the maps until the
late 1600 *s and early 1700* s, when English names begin
to appear. There is general uniformity after the middle
1500*s from map to map In the name used for any single
island, and It Is a needless task to present here the
names used on all of them. It is apparent that most
cartographers of the late 1500*3 and the 1600*3 took
their data for the Bahamas from Spanish maps of the first

24
half of the 1500s, for they were often careless in
copying the correct names for the Individual islands,
and islands are quite often misplaced or not included,
Spanish exploration in the archipelago apparently
ceased sometime during the middle 1500s, for after
that time there are few changes or additions to island
names and locations on the maps, This cessation of
exploration can very probably be closely correlated with
growing English naval supremacy in the Caribbean, and
particularly with the Increase of piracy in and about
Bahamian waters, initiated to harass Spanish shipping
from Vera Crus and Havana through the Bahama Channel,
It would soem logical to scan the Spanish maps
of the area made around the years 1530*50 for the correct
location and native names of the islands# Unfortunately,
this has not been done before, and the best chart ~~ the
only one during the 1500s and 1600s specifically of the
Bahamas -* has not been consulted by earlier writers.
This chart was drawn in 1545 by one of Spains leading
cartographers, Alonso de Santa Crus, Santa Cruss maps
are usually very reliable, well*executed, and quit
clear. His 1545 map, in two sheets, entitled Carta de
la Florida £ de las Islas Luc ayas, is no exception. It
comes closer to giving a clear delineation of relativo
Island position and coastline than any map until the late

25
1700s* Both shoots of tho chart have recently been
reproduced by the Academia Real de la Historia (1951:
# 17, 18, pp. 39-94) The most important names used,
on this map, as well a3 those used on other major charts
from 1500 to the present, are given in Table 1* Because
of the geographical completeness and accuracy and the
high standards of workmanship represented in Santa Cruzs
map, it should perhaps be considered the most reliable
source for determination of original island names.
There have been many changes in the individual
Island names. The earlier Indian and Spanish names have,
by and large, been replaced by English names, dating
from the soventeonth and eighteenth centuries. The only
islands still retaining Indian names ore the Biminis,
Grand Bahama, the Abacos (originally the name for Andros),
Ezuma (originally Yuma), 3amana (originally applied to
the present Long Island), Kayaguana, the Inaguas, and
the Caicos, Saoraete, or Somete, originally the name for
Crooked Island, survives in modified form as Jumento, and
has been applied to the chain of cays stretching north
from Great Ragged Island, to the west of Crooked Island,
The only remaining Spanish names, which were always few
and far between, are Conception, which earlier in the form
of Santa Maria de la Concepcion was applied to Rum Cay
(Columbus, 1895: 42), Mira Por Vos, Cay Sal, and the

26
TABLE Ia
VARIATION IN ISLAND NAMES IN THE BAHAMAS,
TURKS, AND CAICOS THROUGH TIME
De la Cosa, 1500
Turin, 1523?
Santa Cruz, 1545
Bomene
Bimini
Bahama
Bahama
Yucayonec
Nema
Hbaeoa ?
Habacoa
Ziguateo
5iguateo
Guanina
Guanima
Yuraay ?
Zuma
Yuma
Guanahani
Guanahani
Guanahani
Manigua
Triangulo
Sanana
Sanana
Someto
Yumote
Jumento
Yabaque
Maiuana
Mayaguana
Mayaguana
Baoruco ?
Ynagua
Yucayo
Caicos
Caixmon ?
Amuana
aNames listed in this table do not represent com
plete coverages of the charts used.

27
TABLE XContinued
Horrara, 1601
Spoer, 1774
1900sb
Biminy
Banis
Bimini
Bahama
Bahama
Grand Bahama
Luc ayo
Little Abaco
Yucayoneque
Abaco
Great Abaco
Providence
New Providence
Hbacoa
Andreas
Andros
CIguateo
Eleuthera
Eleuthera
Guanima
Cat Island
Cat Island
Yuma
Great Exuma
Guanihana
Y/atling s Kay
San Salvador
Rum
Rum Cay
S amana
Long Island
Long Island
Xumoto
Crooked Island
Crooked Island
Yabaque
Acklins Island
Acklins Island
Mayaguana
Miguana
Kayaguana
Ynagua
Ynagua
Great Inagua
Caycos
Caicos
Caicos
Amana
Turks
Turks
fe
Basad primarily upon U.S* Coast and Geodetic
Survey Chart No. 1002, the Straits of Florida, 1948.

28
Anguila Islands* An early Spanish name for Rum Gay,
Triangulo, has been dropped, as have the names for
Moucholr and Silver Banks, earlier called Bajos de
Bbueca and Bajos de Abroojo respectively. A few of
the smaller Islands still retain Spanish names, such
as the Plana Cays, and Matanilla Reef In the north of
the archipelago owes its name to Spanish times.
Ciguateo has become Eleuthera, Curateo {Santa
Crus, 1545) Is Little Gat (or Little San Salvador)
Island, and Guanlma is now Cat island. The earlier
Samana Is now Long Island, after having been called
Femandina by Columbus (1895: 45), Saomete has become
Crooked Island, after having been named Isabella by
Columbus (1893: 51). Cabo Hermoso (Columbus, 1893: 51)
is now Fortune Island (or Long Cay), and the Islas de
Arena (Columbus, 1893: 59) are no?/ the Jumento Cays and
Great Ragged Island. Guanahani became San Salvador during
Spanish times, V/at ling's Island during English times,
and then again San Salvador under the Influence of the
Columbus scholars, Abaco, originally as Habacoa the name
of Andros, has been applied to the Island originally
known as Yucayoneque or Lucayoneque. Yabaque was probably
the present Acklins Island, and Manigua the present Rum
Cay. Ganahaun (Santa Cruz, 1545) is now Little Inagua.
Indian names of the various islands in the

29
Turks and Caicos groups are difficult to place* The
entire group seems to have been first called cajos
"islands," or caycos* Prom the 1545 Santa Crus map
we have the following probable names: Caicos West
Caicos| Anjana or Aniana Providenciales! Ca$dba or
Cansiba North Caicos j Macaziei or fiaparey (Herrera,
1601) Grand Caicos; Canaman or Caixmon (De la Cosa,
1500) East Caicos; Amuana Grand Turk; Cagan
Salt Cay; El Viejo Ambergris Cay* Exact correspon
dence, however, is difficult to make and must as best
remain highly tentative* The early Nema (Santa Cruz,
1545) or Nazema (Ollveriana, 1503?) is now New provi
dence, after having first been called Sayles Island by
its English discoverer (Oldmlxon, 1949: 11). Other
islands have had name changes during English times, and
some are still today undergoing such change, but their
present designations have been fairly uniform throughout
most of their recent history.
On both the 1500 world map of De la Cosa and
the Cantino map of 1502 an island called Haiti appears
somewhere in the vicinity of the central Islands, in the
general area between Cat and Crooked Islands* It is
represented as quite large on both maps. Because of the
close correspondence in the delineation of the Bahamas on
both charts, it has been assumed that Cantlno probably

30
copied his detail from De la Cosa. It Is difficult to
say whether Do la Cosa was using his imagination in
showing this largo island with the name Haiti or not.
Haiti meant "high" or "rough in Island Arawak (Tejera,
1951: 262-2635 Zayas y Alfonso, 1931: II, 89) and seems
to have referred to any mountainous region* The name
does not appear on subsequent charts, and we have no
explanation of this single occurrence on the De la Cosa
chart, repeated by Cantlno. It can not be a mistake In
the position of Hispaniola, commonly called Haiti by
the Indians in early times, for that island is clearly
shown on both maps. Whether the name is accidental on
De la Cosa's map, whether it was a descriptive term used
by the inhabitants of one of the higher Islands in the
central Bahamas for their own land, or whether the term
was applied by Indians from outside the area we will
probably never know for a certainty.
Haiti Is the only charted island difficult to
place. There are other islands, however, indicated in
the works of the times, which can not be located on the
map. Islands mentioned in Herrera^s account of the
voyage of Ponce do Leon, for instance, are not all easily
placed on the map* nevertheless, It has been possible to
indicate the Indian names for the majority of the islands
in the archipelago.

31
Because of the paucity of Island Arawak
linguistic data it Is not possible to offer adequate
translations for many Island names in the Bahamas* Other
than the name Haiti, mentioned earlier, only two names
lend themselves to fairly plausible translation, These
are Bimini and Mayaguana, If llayaguana is simply a
variation of the Island Arawak word maguana, as is Indi
cated on some early charts (Descellers, 1546), It pro
bably means "little plain" (Las Casas, 1876: 283-284
^cap, vi£7). Bimini may possibly come from the Island
Arawak semi, "spirit, plus the suffix -nl, of unknown
moaning. The name may, then, Indicate a "place of
spirits," an island given over to the spirits. We are
certain of the meaning of semi both from its frequent
use in Las Casas and because of its similarity to the
Guiana Arawak form seme (-he) and the Island Carlb "womens
language form seme, both meaning spirit or "super
natural being" (Goeje, 1939: 7-8). The correspondence
between the bimi- of Bimini and semi Is admitedly not
too close on first examination. There is, however,
another moaning of the Arawak seme/semi, which is "good
to eat" (Goeje, 1939: 7), In the "womens language" of
Island carlb the word is rendered seme, the same form
that is used for "spirit." The corresponding form in
Island Carlb "mens language" is bime (Goeje, 1959: 7-8).

32
If we assume that Island Carib was an Arawakan language
with a sprinkling of mainland Carib words and only a
minor distinction between men3 and womens vocabularies
(Gooje, 1946: 43; Taylor, D.K., 1951: 41, 44), we are
loft with the possibility that Bimini might be translated
as "place of good food"(Goeje, 1939; 8)* We are sure of
this second meaning because the Carib word bime is still
retained, with the meaning "sweet," in, the language of
the Black Carib of British Honduras (Taylor, D*M., 1951:
163), As can be gathered, even these few attempts at
translation must be considered highly speculative* The
single characteristic which can be pointed out with some
certainty concerning Lucayan names is that a great many
of them were accented on the final syllable* Bimini,
Bahama, Guanima, Guanahani, Samana, and Manigua are
often written in the works of the early chroniclers with
the final syllable accented. Las Casas makes a point of
declaring that certain Lucayan words are pronounced with
"the last syllable long and acute" (Las Ca3as, 1877: I,
220 £Tib, i, cap, xl7).
Considering the fact that the Spanish never
colonised the Bahamas and that we have practically no
mentions of the islands in Spanish documents after the
time of Columbus, it is indeed interesting that by the
time Santa Crus drew up his chart of Florida and the

33
Bahamas in 1545 the native names of at least twenty-
seven islands were known, along with a good idea of
their relative positions to each other and of their
coastlines. In general, the maps indicate a rather
clear knowledge of Bahamian geography. There are also
a few mentions of the region in the works of Spanish
chroniclers of the 1500*a which would lead one to
believe that the Spanish were quite familiar with the
archipelago, even though they may not have settled there.
An example of this knowledge is scon in Oviedo, whore it
is stated,
And in the middle of this distance are the
islands of the Virgins; and from the islands
of Sanct Johan, called Boriquon, running to
the northwest, fifty leagues, are the shoals
which they call Bahueca, and following the
same track, farther on from the aforementioned
shoals twenty-five leagues are the islands of
Amuana, and even farther ahead of these is the
island of f.iayaguana, and farther ahead of that
is the island Tabaque, and even farther is
another which they call Mayaguon, and beyond
/Ts/anothor island which is called Manigua, and
beyond are the islands of Guanhani and the
Princesses or White Isles, Farther again
is the island called Huno ^umatfj and following
the same course is another island called
Guaniraa, farther on is another that they call
Caguareo CiguateojTV and even farther is the
island of Lueayo, almost completely surrounded
by numerous shoals. To the west-northwest,
almost ten leagues, into the west wind, is the
island of Bahama, from which, running to the
west eleven leagues, is the land of Bimini and
that which they call Florida, on the coast of
the Continent in the northern portion (Oviedo,
1851: I, 614 Tib, xix, cap, xv/),

34
Again it Is stated,
.they are the island Guanahani, of which I
have spoken, and many others that,are there,
which are generally all together called the
Islas de los Lucayos, notwithstanding that
each one of them has its own name, and there
are manyj such as Guanahani, Gyeos, Jumeto,
Tabaque, Mayaguana, 3amana, Guanlma, Yuma,
Curatheo, Ciguateo, Bahama (which Is the
largest of all), Yucayo y eque, Habacoa,
and many small islets that are there in that
region (Oviedo, 1851: I, 25 ^lib* 11, cap*
W).
Prom these references, written about the year
1555, It would seem that some rather extensive explora
tions had been made In the islands during the early
1500s. Very probably this knowledge came from the short
period of slave raids, which will be discussed in more
detail later in this report*
Our actual recorded history of the Bahamas
during Indian times begins with the first voyage of
Columbus In 1492. His logbook gives us the details.
On October 11, 1492, the craws of the Pinta,
Nina, and Santa Maria saw their first real signs of land.
Sandpipers and floating branches were noticed, and a small
board and a green reed drifted by. First indications of
human handiwork appeared in the form of a small pole
which appeared to have been worked with iron (Columbus
1893: 35). It was with a sigh of relief that these signs
were noted, for the voyage had been long and trying, and

35
mutinous thoughts hud but recently been in the sailors*
minds.
During the day the ships sailed about twenty-
six leagues and made all preparations for a landfall*
Around two a.m* on the morning of the twelfth Rodrigo
de Triana, a sailor on the Pinta, set up the alarm*
With the moon shining high in the sky he .saw the sands
of G-uanahanl in the distance. Columbus estimated their
distance from the island as about two leagues, or six
nautical miles (Columbus, 1893: 36). Sails were immed
iately shortened and the vessels hove to, waiting for
daylight, just off the coast of Guanahani.
On the morning of Friday, October 12, crowds
of naked natives were seen on the beach. Columbus, with
Martin Alonso Pinzn and his brother Vicente Yanez,
captains of the Pinta and the Nina, and several other
of the more Important personnel of the fleet, embarked
in a longboat and took possession of the land in the name
of Ferdinand and Isabella (Columbus, 1893: 37). The rest
of the day was spent bartering with the natives and ex
amining the Immediate vicinity of the island.
It has been pointed out rather conclusively that
Columbus believed he had actually found the farthest
reaches of Asia, at least until his explorations around
the mouth of the Orinoco in the summer of 1498 (Nunn, 1932:

38
39 ff.) He himself states that he hoped to be able to
bring letters to the Gran Can from Ferdinand (Columbus,
1893; 55). His first interest, therefore, after claim
ing Guanahani in the name of the Catholic Monarohs, was
in learning if the mainland of Asia were somewhere close
by. He immediately directed his efforts toward gathering
information on that subject from the Indians. On the
thirteenth he noticed that several of the men wore gold
nose-plugs, and he questioned them as well as he could
about the origin of the metal. He understood from their
gestures that it came from the southwest, and he resolved
to set out the following afternoon in that direction
(Columbus, 1893; 39-40),
On the morning of October 14th, Columbus em
barked toward the northeast along the we3t coast of the
island to see the other side and to determine the pre
sence or absence of villages (Columbus, 1893; 40-41).
This statement would seem to imply that the actual land
fall was on the western side of the island, and Morison
has accordingly placed it there, probably near Long Bay,
the most feasible spot along the west coast. The north
shore was apparently rounded in this reconnaisance trip,
for a peninsula with six houses on it, referred to earlier,
is mentioned by Columbus. This was probably the penin
sula to the east of Graham*s Harbor (Morison, 1942; I,

37
299),
In the afternoon Columbus left Guanahani for
a search of the other islands to the southwest, according
to his plan of the previous day, and sometime during the
afternoon he sighted "so many Islands that I hardly
knew ho?/ to determine to which I should first go (Colum
bus, 1893: 42). These "islands were the hills of Hum
Cay (Morison, 1942: I, 316), By noon he had reached the
island. He sailed around the south coast and anchored,
about sundown, near the western c ape, but, fearing reefs,
laid by during the night of the fifteenth. On the morning
of Tuesday, October 16th, he went on shore to explore.
The wind shifted during the morning, however, and he felt
it wisest to get back to the ships* Prom the western
cape of Hum Cay, or Santa Maria de la Concepcion as he
named it, Columbus had sighted another island and de
cided to go there next. He set sail around noon, but
light winds during tho afternoon made It Impossible for
him to reach land by nightfall, so, again, he anchored
and waited for daylight before proceeding. In the morning,
October 17th, he landed near the north end of the island,
which he called Feraandlna (Morison, 1942: I, 322),
Today we call It hong Island, There he found a village,
tentatively located near the present town of Gllnton
(Thompson, 1949: 30), where water and other provisions

38
were obtained from the natives,
At noon Columbus left the village and followed
the coast to the north-northwe3t, since the winds would
not permit him to sail south as he wished* At the ex
treme north end of Long Island he came upon a nvery
wonderful harbour with an island in the middle (Colum
bus, 1893: 48). Seeing a village, he anchored and went
ashoro for more water. While waiting for the water casks
to be filled Columbus observed, for the first time at
close range and at his leisure, the village life of the
natives His observations on this short visit, as given
us by Las Casas (Columbus, 1893: 49-50), form the most
complete account we have of the appearance of a Lucayan
settlement. This account will be discussed in some
detail later in the report.
After reloading the water casks Columbus sailed
farther towards the northwest. However, he had brought
several Indians from San Salvador with him as interpre
ters (Columbus, 1893: 51), and they now asked him to
turn back to the south, saying that if he wished to find
gold it would be well to proceed in that direction, for
Saomete, an island in the south, was a source of the
metal, Columbus was persuaded, and the entire night of
the seventeenth was spent on an east-southeasterly course.
From midnight until dawn of the eighteenth it rained hard

39
and the sea3 were high. By evening of the eighteenth
the fleet had reached the southwestern end of Long
Island, but the weather being still too uncertain to
permit a landing, the ships were anchored shortly after
dark just off the coast.
At dawn on Friday, October 19th, anchors were
weighed and the three vessels were given separate courses,
the Pinta sailing to the east-southeast, the Nina.to the
south-southeast, and the Santa Maria to the southeast.
These courses were to be kept until noon, when the Pinta
and the Nina were to rejoin the Santa Maria if no land
had been sighted (Columbus, 1893: 51), Around nine
o*clock in the morning an island was sighted to the east
from the Santa Maria# The natives said that it wa3
Saomete, the island of their destination. Columbus (1893:
51) renamed it Isabella, the present Crooked Island.
The three vessels rejoined each other and then
sailed south along the west coast of Crooked Island as
fr as Cabo Hermoso, the southwestern cape of Fortune
Island, now called Long Gay (Morison, 1942: I, 321),
reaching there late In the afternoon. They anchored off
shore until Saturday morning, October 20th. During the
evening Columbus was told by the natives from San Salva
dor that there were no villages near Cabo Hermoso, but
that there were some in the interior of the island

40
(Columbus 1893: 52), so at dawn on the twentieth he
weighed anchor and sailed to the northern point of
Fortune Island* There, at the narrow channel between
Fortune Island and the southwest cape of Crooked Island,
which he called Cabo de,la Laguna (Columbus, 1893: 55),
he anchored. Upon investigation, however, the sea
proved too shallow for navigation, so he weighed anchors ,
and followed his course up the western side of Crooked
Island to the northernmost cape, which he named Cabo
del Isleo (Columbus, 1893: 56). It took,him the entire
night of the twentieth to reach Cabo del Isleo, and it was
not until ten oclock that morning that tho ships were
anchored and he was prepared to go ashore (Columbus,
1893: 54), On shore,a solitary house was found, but no
inhabitants, Columbus and his crew walked inland for about
a mil and found a village, where they remained for, a
short while and persuaded the natives to bring water for
the ships down to the beach (Columbus, 1893: 55). The
vessels remained off the coast of Crooked Island until
midnight of Wednesday, October 23rd,- when they weighed
anchor for Cuba, which the Indians said lay to the west-
southwest (Columbus, 1893: 57), Although anxious to
roach the Asian mainland, which he supposod to be close
by, Columbus decided to pause on his way long enough to
learn what Mtidings of gold or spices he might obtain

41
the ^abarras (adapted from Mor i son,
19i}.2: I 321)

42
in Cuba (Columbus, 1893: 55).
By morning it bad begun to rain and a calm had
sot in* The ships lay by until the afternoon, when the
wind began to pick up again* By nightfall Cabo Verde,
the southern cape of Long Island, had been sighted about
seven leagues, or twenty-one miles, to the northwest
(Morison, 1942: I, 521)* During the night of the twenty-
fourth the weather was very bad, with an increase in the
rain and a heavy sea, but Columbus kept his west-south-
westerly course# At about three oclock in the afternoon
of the twenty-fifth, seven or eight islands were sighted
running north-south about fifteen miles distant (Colum
bus, 1893: 58). These were named Las Islas de Arena
(Columbus, 1893: 59), the present Jumento chain and Great
Ragged Island# The night of the twenty-fifth and part
of the next day wore spent at anchor somewhere off Nurse
Gay (Morison, 1942: I, 321, 329). During the afternoon
the fleet sailed south off the coast of Las Islas de
Arena, reaching a point just south of Little Ragged
Island by nightfall (Morison, 1942: I, 329), where anchors
were lowered until the morning of the twenty-seventh*
That day the southward course was continued, and by night
fall the Cuban mountains were sighted in the distance, a
thin purple line on the horizon (Morison, 1942: I, 330),
So ended Columbus* brief sojourn in the Bahamas.

43
Ho never returned there, and we have no other account
of the islands during Lucayan times giving us a des
criptivo statement on the life of the natives# On
Columbus the bulk of our historical and ethnographic
reconstruction must depend#
Cuba and the islands to the south were more
intriguing to Columbus than the Bahamas, and all of
these islands were considered but stepping stones to
the Asian mainland, where Columbus hoped to be able to
deliver letters from Ferdinand to the "Oran Can," The
Bahamas were perhaps purposely glossed over in the
voyage, since the Guanahani natives mentioned Cuba and
the southern islands as sources of gold (Columbus, 1893:
58-59), Might not these islands be the Indies, the Spice
Islands, which were the forerunners to Asia itself?
This conscious search for gold-producing lands,
v/hich were felt to be an evident indication of close
approach to Asia, accounts to a large degree for the
somewhat erratic course Columbus took through tho Bahamas
(Pig, 2), He was simply following the advice of the
Guanahani natives concerning the course he should take to
find the "Indies," As Morlson points out (Morison, 1942:
I, 330), it is probable that the Indians made the south
ward trip to Cuba by going from cay to cay, crossing the
shortest stretch of water possible at each ^ump. In the

44
same manner Columbus moved through the archipelago.
An interesting reference is made to the Island
of Bosio or Boho, lying beyond,Cuba {Columbus, 1893:
55), Las Casas (1877: I, 231 /Tib, 1, cap, xllii7)
interprets this as referring to Hispaniola and as sig
nifying a land of largo houses, the word boho meaning
"house" in Island Arawak (Tejera, 1951: 70-72j Zayas
y Alfonso, 1931: I, 112-113), prison (1942: I, 327,
332-333), however, offers the interesting possibility that
Boho perhaps meant "home" or "homeland" to the Lucayans,
indicating the land of their origin. Ho evidence can
be given to support this Interpretation, but It is
Indeed an interesting speculation.
With the availability of other lands of greater
economic value to the south, it Is not surprising that
the Spanish did not settle the Bahamas* Prom the outset,
however, the islands were part of the Spanish New World
under the Treaty of Tordesillas, promulgated by Pope
Alexander 71 in 1493, and the Spanish came to play a
major role In their history. Spanish Interest in the
Bahamas during the 1500 s and 1600*s was closely bound to
the enoomienda system, and a cursory examination of the
system as practiced in Cuba and Hispaniola is necessary
to bring this period of Bahamian history into Its proper
perspective.

45
Prom earliest Spanish colonial times the se of
Indian labor for mining, farming, and all menial tasks
was a privilege granted to influential colonists by the
Spanish Crown* These colonists were called encomenderos,
and the system Itself the encomienda A brief summary
of the development of the encomienda in Spain and in
Cuba and Hispaniola is helpful in gaining an under
standing of its importance and pervasiveness in Spanish
colonial economy*
During the Reconquest of Moorish Spain by the
Spanish and Portuguese, large grants of land, in the
feudal manner, were given to military leaders. These
grants covered immense territories and often included
certain rights over the lives and properties of the
common people already living on the land. This type of
grant was called a repartimiento, the term encomienda
referring in the earliest times to the tax-collecting
power of the holder of a repartimiento* Such fiefs pre
vailed in Spain and Portugal from the twelfth century
onward (Diffie, 1945: 58-59), and, although they were
originally of a temporary nature, soon came to bo
hereditary {De la Cruz, 1954: 7).
In general Spain's colonial policy may be
characterized as centralized and authoritarian, and it
was these two major characteristics which most aided the

46
ready transference of the encomionda-repartimiento
system from Spain to her New World possessions. Church
and State were always in supreme control, and their word
was always lav/ a heritage from the Reconquest period.
Both these aspects of Spanish nationalism prevailed
long after their utilitarian origins had vanished; that
is, unification of the Iberian peninsula, and contributed
the formulating factors to Spanish colonialism. Part of
this system of centralised authoritarianism in Spain was
the encomienda, and it was brought to the New World in
the best spirit of Iberian expansion.
A helping hand was given the encomienda in the
Indies by several additional factors. The Spanish had
behind them a long period of contact with alien peoples
in the Iberian peninsula, and they had no fear of as
sociating with the Indian. The predominant mestizo
classes in many parts of Latin America today certainly
boar evidence to this. The fact that the Indians of
Cuba and Hispaniola were sedentary, agricultural groups,
in contrast to the more bellicose and nomadic groups in
other parts of the New ¥/orld, made them particularly easy
prey to the encomienda, and the desire for the wealth to
be expected from the outlying islands of Asia made it
necessary for the invaders to have an available labor
supply to mine gold, precious stones, and to bring up

47
pearls. A final push toward the encomienda was pro
vided by the simple fact that the Spanish had to have
their daily bread in order to survive, and they were
too few in number and too lacking of inclination to
solve this basic economic problem themselves. The
obvious alternative was food from the Indians, through
peaceful means if possible, but by force if necessary
{De la Cruz, 1954s 14, 16),
All phases of the newsomers past and the
Indians present seemed to dovetail together, so that
It was only natural that the encomienda should bo trans
planted, and successfully so, to the Spanish New f/orld
with other aspects of Iberian culture; Its beginnings are
indeed traceable to the first years of Spanish coloni
zation.
By a royal decree of July 22, 1497, Columbus
v/as given the privilege of making land grants in the
Hew World (Thaeher, 1903-04: II, 547). However, land
grants without labor to work them were useless, so
provisions were made for a labor supply about the same
time that they were made for the giving of grants. Las
Casas mentions this, saying,
The Admiral, before he went to Castillo,
in 1496, about r.'arch, or the Adelantado
after the departure of the Admiral, "ira-
posed, in addition to the tributes that
the chieftans and their people paid,

48
or perhaps as the principal tribute paid
{because I could not verify this point),
the obligation on certain chieftans and
/indimilords of talcing charge of the cult!
vation of the lands of the Spanish Christian
towns, and of working for them with all their
people to furnish maintenance and give other
personal services# This was the origin of the
pestilence of the repartimiento and-encomienda
which has devastatoa and "destroyd the whole of
these Indies (Las Casas, 1877: I, 441 /lib, i,
cap, o7).
The terms repartimiento and encomienda were
apparently used synonymously at first, as Las Casas
indicates above, to mean a distribution of lands or
Indians (Diffie, 1945; 61); later, however, a definite
distinction was made between the two. The repartimiento
came to mean a temporary grant of Indians to do a
specific task, while the encomienda was a grant of Indians
made for the lifetime of the encomendero, eventually be
coming hereditary in both the family of the encomendero
and the families of his encomendados, as the Indians work
ing under this system were called (Diffie, 1945: 61),
Indian labor recruited under the repartimiento and en
comienda in both Cuba and Hispaniola was used to work the
mines, to farm, and to perform the various duties of
household servats (De la Cruz, 1954: 22), This system
formed the basis of control over Indian labor, and as
Diffie (1945: 61) has stated, cultivation of the land would
have been impossible without it.

49
In 1498 Columbus petitioned Isabella for per
mission to use this type of labor, but he was merely
trying to legalize the status quo (Piffle, 1945: 61)*
The fact that the system was not recognised on a legal
basis is shown by the accompaniment of Nicolas de Ovandos
commission as Governor of Hispaniola In 1501 with an
order to treat the Indians as good subjects of the Crown
and to allow them complete freedom (Simpson, 1950i Il
ls)*
This situation did not last for long, however,
for in 1505 Isabella issued a royal cdula stating,
' * *we ore Informed that because of excessive
liberty enjoyed by the said Indians they avoid
contact and community with the Spaniards to
such an extent that they will not even work for
wages, but wander about idle, and cannot be had
by the Christians to convert to the Holy Gatholic
Faith. * I command you, our said Governor, that
beginning from the day you receive my letter
you will compel and force the said Indians to
associate with the Christians of the island and
to work on their buildings, and to till the fields
and produce food for the Christian Inhabitants
and dwellers of the said island...and/ on feast
days and such days as you think proper they may
be gathered together to hear and be taught In
matters of the Faith,..and do not consent or
allow that any person do them any harm or oppress
them.**(Simpson, 1950? 13).
This cdula was Issued to Governor Ovando of Hispaniola,
and It marked the beginning of the organized and legal
ized encomienda in the Hew World* It should be noted,
paradoxical though it be, that Isabella not only commanded

50
the enforced labor of the Indians, but she also
demanded that they should be instructed in "the Faith"
and be cared for without oppression. This point embodies
the basic difference between the Spanish encomienda and
that of the Indies* The system in Cuba and Hispaniola
was based upon "remunerated personal service in exchange
for the obligation of procuring the natives* Christiani
zation. Thus, the juridical form born in the colony Is
totally different from the Castillian encomienda"
(Gongora, 1951* 105; De la Cruz, 1954: 3),
Rigid application of the encomienda in Gubar and
Hispaniola from early settlement days brought about a
decimation of Indian encomendados by the early and
middle 1500*a, and attention was turned to other areas
as sources of labor, European diseases, poor health con
ditlons, poor working conditions, undernourishment, and
separation of males and females by the repartimiento un
doubtedly contributed heavily to this sudden drop in native
population (De la Cruz, 1954: 24). It also seems probable
that the protein-deficient diet of the Indians based
largely on cassava and other starchy foods was In
capable of supplying the energy needed to perform the
arduous tasks of full-time mining and farming imposed by
the encomienda, giving rise to an unusually high mortality
rate

51
The Bahamas were one of the closest inhabited
regions, and in 1509 Ovando obtained authorisation from
Ferdinand to recruit labor from the islands (Macmillan,
1911: 22). A raiding force was sent out under Alonso
de Ilojeda (Morison, 1942: I, 527), and within a few
short years the entire population of the archipelago,
which has been roughly estimated as 40,000, was depleated
(Las Casas, 1877: II, 100 Tib. 11, cap. xliv¡7; Edwards,
1819: IV, 219; De Booy, 1912: 87)* Seemingly the Lu-
cayans wore recruited not on an encomendado basis, but
were hunted down and captured as slaves, for wo have no
record of grants of oncomienda made within or concerning
the Bahamas; the population was simply deported and
vanished without a trace, as far as we hnow, in Cuba,
Hispaniola, and other areas.
We have definite evidence that commissioned
slave raids were sent out from Cuba to the Bahamas. Las
Casas (1877: II, 547-348 Tib, ill, cap, xcij7) tells us
that around the year 1517 Governor Diego Velazquez of
Cuba commissioned several caravels and other ships for the
precise purpose of acquiring Lucayan slaves to replace the
diminishing encomendado labor within Cuba itself, These
fleets, financed by private individuals, left'Santiago de
Cuba and accomplished their purpose with sword and lance
(Las Casas, 1877: II, 348 Tib, Hi, cap. xciij).

52
The samo measuros wore taken in Hispaniola*
Las Casas tolls us that,
It was that unfortunate cunning which gave the
King to know, either through letters of through
the Procurador whom they sent to the Court,,
that the IsTas de los Lacayos, or Yucayos,
neighbors,to Espaola and Cuba, were filled with
people, who were idle and who took advantage of
nothing
Therefore, when permission came from King
Ferdinand to bring to this island Sspanola^
the people who were living in the islands we
were accustomed to call Lucayos, there gathered
together ten or twelve citizens of the city of
La Vega or Concepcion and the town of Santiago,
who raised between them 10 or 12,000 gold pesos,
with which they bought two or three ships and
hired fifty or sixty men sailors and the
rest to go and attack the Indians who were
living, carefree, in the peace, quietude and
security of their native land
Brought to this island and disembarked,
especially at Puerto de Plata and Puerto Heal,
which are on the north coast facing the Lucayos
themselves, men and women, young and old, were
divided into groups*.in these groups it was not
seen that the wife should be with her husband nor
the son with his father, for no more attention
was paid to them than if they wore truly the
vilest of animals (Las Casas, 1877: II, 98-100
/Tib, ii, cap, xliiji7).
Apparently Lucayans arrived by the shiploads In Hispaniola,
where, because of their numbers and the poor condition
of their health, they brought very low prices. Las Casas
tells us that each Indian,,.which they called pieces...
as If they were head of cattle, /sold for/ four gold pesos
and no moro (Las Gasas, 1877: II, 100 lib* ii, cap,
xliii/).

53
At first Lucayan slaves were used as miners,
agricultural workers, and personal servants to replace
the diminishing numbers of Cuban and Hispaniola en
comendados (Anghiera, 1944: 505 doc* vii, lib. il, cap.
ij7). This new life was hardly pleasing, and we have
the usual stories of exceptionally high mortality rates
and runaway slaves. Anghiera (1944: 500 lib. 1, cap. iij) tells us that many died simply because
they refused to work and eat. Others apparently escaped
and died in the backlands of Cuba and Hispaniola before
they could be recaptured. It Is reported that some
killed themselves. Those who successfully escaped and
who did not die in the attempt usually tried to reach
the western part of Hispaniola, from whence, If possible,
they made their way back to the Bahamas. Anghiera (ibid.)
reports one Instance of a Luc ay an carpenter who fashioned
a canoe and filled it with provisions for his escape
Journey. He managed to reach western Hispaniola, where
he put out to sea and would have been successful, except
for the fact that a Spanish vessel came across him while
at sea and brought him back to Hispaniola,
The fate of the Lucayans, however, lay not In
Cuba and Hispaniola, but on the small Island of Cubagua,
some five hundred miles to the south. This Island, Just
off the northeast coast of Venezuela near the district of

54
Oumana, was a shining gem in the Spanish Crown, for from
it came some of the best pearls the world has ever soon*
It has been reported (Boulton, 1952: 52) that pearls were
so numerous in Cubagua during colonial times that they
were for awhile used as currency, the average pearl having
the value of twelve pesos
Cubagua was discovered in 1499 by Hojeda,
Guerra, and Vespucci a year after having boon by-passed
by Columbus (Morison, 1942: II, 280-281, 290), and with
in a few years came to be the center of the Hew World
pearl industry along with the neighboring Island of
Margarita (Las Casas, 1877: II, IOS Tib ii, cap,
xii7). As an Indication of Cub agua 3 wealth it was
called Insula Rica or Islote de las Perlas by the Spanish
(Boulton, 1952: 25)
The labor necessary to maintain Cubagua*s pearl
fisheries and its position as "la Insula Rica" came from
Indian sources* The rigors of this life for the Indian
are vividly described by Las Casas in his Brevlaslma
Relacin do la Destruyeion de las Indias, where he says,
The tyranny which the Spanish exercise against
the Indians in the gathering or fishing for
pearls is one of the most cruel and condemnble
things which there could ever be on earth.
There is no more infernal nor insane life in
this century with which it may be compared,
although that of mining gold is of its nature
vary arduous and wretched* They put them
the Indians^ into the sea in three, four, or

55
five fathoms depth, from morning until sun
down; they are always underwater, swimming
without being able to catch their breath,
tearing off the oysters in which the pearls
grow. They come back with a small net bag
filled with them to the surface for air,
where a cruel Spaniard waits in a canoe or
small boat, and if they take long in resting
ho gives them blows and shoves them under
the water again to dive by the hair* Their
meals are fish, oysters, cassava bread, and
some corn...with which they are never filled
to excess. The bed they give them at night
is to secure them in stocks on the ground, so
they will not escape. Hany times they dive
into the sea...and never return to the surface,
because the tiburones and myrajos, two types
of very savage sea animals /sharks/ which can
devour an entire man* kill and eae them (Las
Gasas, 1879: 266-267 /From the section entitled
De la Costa de las Perlas y de Paria y la Isla
de la Trinidad/).
These observations were apparently first-hand, for Las
Casas repeats, almost verbatim, the statements of Barto
lom de la Pena, an eye-witness of the situation who
wrote down his Impressions some years before La3 Casas
composed his Brevsima Relacin. Pena (1879: 360-561
/cap* xxxviif/) describes the symptoms discernible in
the majority of fatalities as difficulty in breathing,
a tightness in the chest, and hemorrhaging from the mouth.
All indicate excessive internal bleeding and the rupture
of blood vessels in the lungs, resulting from lack of air
over a long period of time# If the symptoms have been
accurately reported we have a rather definite Indication
that working hours for the Cubagua, pearl fisherman were

56
very long and quite strenuous.
In 1512 special laws were passed to protect the
Indians enslaved as pearl fishermen. These laws re
quired that no fishing should be done In the winter or
In times of bad weather, and that five fathoms should
be the maximum diving depth in most instances, eight
being the absolute maximum. In the case of divers
working at five fathoms or less the working day would
consist of no more than four hours, and in the case of
those working at depths from five to eight fathoms, three
hours would be the limit. Living conditions were to
be improved and punishment made milder. It was declared
illegal to fish for pearls with the "chinchorro" or
dragnet; Instead, the smaller "redecilla" or net basket
was to be used at all times (Boulton, 1952: 29-56).
Such laws would seem to bear evidence that conditions
before 1512 must have been quite bad.
A document from the Archivo de Indias, without
date, but probably from the year 1522, describes the vice
and malpractices of the pearl industry on Cub agua in some
detail, pointing out the great number of pearls which
were withheld from the officials of the Grown and indi
cating that much cruelty prevailed in the industry with
out the officials of Cubagua being aware of it. All of
this seemed to exist in spite of and well before the laws

57
of 1512* The samo document makes It clear that Las
Casas himself had visited Cub agua, although not before
1520 or thereabouts, and lends credence to his statements
about the pearling industry (Goleccion de Documentos
Inditos, 1855-05: X, 35-36)8.
It was to this environment that the majority
of Lucayan slaves were brought* Pew of them remained
in Hispaniola once it was discovered that they were
excellent swimmers* and it was at Cubagua that they met
their extinction* Las Casas reports that,
The Spanish began to send the Lucayan Indians
to gather pearls, because they are In general
all excellent swimmers ** for which reason they
were sold, usually in public, but with caution,
not at 4 pesos as had boon ordered in the bogin-
ning^ but at 100 and at 150 gold pesos and more
It was a miracle if, after a few days,
a single Lucayan could be found on this island
jEspanols^* The course which through necessity
must be taken from this island to the isle of
Cubagua Is around 300 long leagues, and they
carried them all there In ships by that route*
In that arduous and pernicious work much
more cruel than digging gold in the mines
they finally killed and finished them off in
a very few years; and In that way the entire
population of those Islands which we call the
O
This document Is entitled "Relacin de Miguel
de Castellanos, Contador de la Costa de Tierra Firme de
Paria, donde son las perlas, del viage que hizo con
Bartolom de Las Casas, clrigo, y de lo que ante! paso
en aquellas partes, y de lo que le paresce acerca de lo
que vio hay nescesidad su magostad provea presto en cosas
que cumplen a su servicio y acrescentamiento de su
facienda*"

58
Lucayos or Yucayos perished (Las Casas, 1877:
II, 103 lib. ii, cap. xl^)*
Pena (1879: 361 cap. xxxviii/), too, refers to the mass
exodus of Lucayan slaves to Cubagua* The situation
certainly was not as acute as indicated by Las Casas, who
would have us believe that it was possible to sail from
Hispaniola to the Bahamas without benefit of navegation
charts and instruments because the water was strewn for
the entire distance with Lucayan corpses thrown over
board by the slavers (Las Casas, 1879: 266), but one
must credit the basic elements of the story with truth.
Las Casas Is notable for his pro-Indi an bias, but in the
majority of cases It seems safe to assume that the under
lying facts given are correct.
From the middle 1500*s until the first organized
white settlement of the archipelago by the British in
1647, we have few records mentioning the Bahamas. As
far as can be determined, the islands were unpopulated
for this period of about a hundred years, and there is
today no noticeable trace of Lucayan blood In the native
white and Negro population of the Bahamas, As early as
1511 many of the islands seem to have been depopulated*
The following statement refers to this period.
Among others, seven citizens of the towns of
La Vega and Santiago.,.joined together, and
not lacking merchants to help them, they
armed two ships, placing in each one 50 or

59
60 men. .'They left from Puerto de Plata, from
which port in a day more or less they arrived
at the Islas de los Lucayos. Having arrived
there, and having searched raany of them with
the greatest diligence, they found nothing,
because those who had already come before them
to those Islands had finished off all /Ehe
inhabitants^ with the haste which has been
well pointed out above in Book II...(Las
Gasas, 1877: II, 198 Tib. Ill, cap.
Anghiera (1944: 504 dec. vii, lib. li, cap. £j?) tells of
the same expedition.
In a less well-known work of Las Casas, The
Tears of the Indians, exact date of writing unknown,
reference is made to the rapidly disappearing Lucayan
population. There it is stated,
The Lucayan Islands neighboring toward
the North upon Cuba and Hispaniola, being
above sixty or theroabouts,.,are now totally
unpeopled and destroyed; the inhabitants
thereof amounting to above 500,000 /"*sic 7
souls, partly killed and partly forced away
to work in other places; so that there going
a ship to visit those parts and to glean the
remainder of those distressed wretches, there
could be found no more than eleven men (Las
Casas, 1656: 3-4).
One of the few records from the 1500^specifi
cally concerning the Bahamas is that of the voyage of
Juan Ponce de Leon, Governor of Puerto Rico. The motives
for this expedition through the Bahamas which led Ponce
to the unwitting discovery of Florida are hardly clear.
However, they all seora to revolve around the miraculous
Fountain of Youth, or Fountain of Bimini, as it is more

60
properly called Oviedo, Anghlera, Las Casas, Herrera,
and Escalante Fonfcaneda all refer to this famous tale*
The jist of it is that somewhere, on an unlocated island
in the Bahamas called Bimini, was a fountain, the wator
of which had rejuvenating powers for those who drank it.
The chroniclers indicate that the story came from the
Indians of the Greater Antilles (Herrera, 1954-35: III,
327 /dec, i, lib, lx, cap, xii7 Escalante Pontaneda,
1944: 15),
Through troubles fomented by Diego Columbus,
Juan Geron, and Miguel Dias, Ponce had last his gover
norship of Puerto Kico (Lawson, 1946: 4-6), His ambition,
and perhaps imagination, turned to other lands in the
New World, and in 1511 he wrote Ferdinand asking for
permission to discover and settle the island of Bimini
(Lawson, 1946: 7), We do not have the original letter,
but we do have Ferdinands reply, which is entitled
"To the officials of the Island Espaola upon the agree
ment which they have to take with Juan Ponce upon that
of the said Island of Biainy which he has to go to dis
cover" (Lawson, 1946; 79-81 )* The letter is dated
February 23, 1512, and simply acknowledges Ponces re
quest, However, on the same day Ferdinand issued an
official cdula containing contracts and general capitu
lations for the discovery of the island of "Benimy"

61
(Lawson, 1946: 81-88; Lowery, 1911: 457-441). This
cdula gives Ponce the rights of adelantado, encomendero,
and overlord of Bimini and any neighboring lands he might
discover* It was upheld by others issued in 1515 and
1514 (Lawson, 1946: 89-97).
Historians have tended to take one of two
extreme sides In the question of the Fountain of Bimini
and Its importance in Ponce s voyage of discovery. It
is certainly true that the story should be considered in
its proper proportions, rather than exaggerated into the
wanderings of the imaginative mind of a Spanish con
quistador, or relegated to the ash-can; these seem to
have been the two alternatives* The historical documents
Indicate that the facts as presented were taken seriously
by all concerned, and that they did play a very largo
part In the discovery of Florida (Davis, 1935: 1-70),
Herrera seem3 to be speaking the general feeling of the
times when he states that Ponces major reason for
attempting the voyage was to discover the Fountain of
Bimini (Herrera, 1934-55: III, 327 /Sec. 1, lib. ix,
cap, xi£7) As a recent article has aptly pointed out,
Certainly it may appear rather difficult to
understand that such a man should have wasted
a largo part of his considerable fortune on an
expedition designed to catch the waters of a
fabulous spring. But the historical problem
lies just in this fact, and It cannot be solved
by references to the supposed credulity and

62
. artlessness of the first chroniclers of
America, Aside from the fact that they were
generally well Informed, they definitely are
inclined to give a rational explanation of the
events related,.this applies in our case, too,
and we are justified In supposing that in this
way we have lost much of the knowledge of the
temper and feelings prevailing in the conquests
and adventures of the age of discovery (Olschki,
1941: 363).
In short, we should consider the problem in the light of
its own times, not in the light of our times and their
changed concepts. The desire to find Bimini seems to have
been but a part of the heritage from the period of Recon-
quest, when any excuse for an adventurous foray was seized
upon. The energies of this period certainly prevailed
on into the 1500s and were a leading factor giving
impetus to Spanish colonial expansion. The expeditions
of Diego do Ordas (1531), Orellana (1540-41), and Raleigh
(1595) in search of the fabled land of El Dorado with its
gilded monarch and city of Kanoa, and the efforts of do
Soto, Father Marcos, and Coronado to find the wealthy
seven cities of Cibola bear ample testimony to the con
tinuance of the energies from the Reconquest well into
the sixteenth century. The slightest suspicion of wealth
or the miraculous was enough to persuade men of common
sense and official stature to embark into the unknown.
As a part of this heritage it is not too far-fetched to
suppose that Ponce felt it quite worthwhile to expend a

63
fortune In seeking out Bimini* neither did the Spanish
Grown consider him wasteful, for, patents were issued
him in 1513 and 1514 for, the colonization of the island,
(Davis, 1935: 9-14, 53-56),
The story of the Fountain is first mentioned
by Anghiera, who says, Among them the Lucayos/, at a
distance of three hundred and twenty-five leagues from
Espaola, they say there is an Island*..which is called
Boyuca or Ananeo, and which has a fountain so notable that,
drinking of its water, old men ore reinvigorated
(Anghiora, 1944: 191-192 dec, il, lib, x, cap, ii/).
He adds that the legend was taken quite seriously, and
elaborates the above statement, saying,
In my first Decades,,.notice was given of
a fountain which is said to have such secret
virtue that it reinvigorates old men when they
use the water to drink and to bathe in
Those whom I cite, aside from written
reports and accounts given me vocally by
casual acqualntencea, are the Dean himself
Alvarez de Castro, Episcopal Dean of Con
cepcion in Espaola/, the senador Ayllon,
the Jurisconsult whom I have mentioned before
Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon, auditor to the Council
of Espaolo/, and the third the accountant
Figueroa*,.
The three unanimously declare that they
have heard of the fountain which restores
vigor, and that they believe in part those who
have told them of it.,.Of this the Dean gave an
example,
They have a Lucayan servant whoa they call
Andres Barbudo...It is said that he was born of
a father already well advanced in age. From
his native island, near the region of Florida,

64
attracted by the fame of that fountain and
desiring to prolong his life,, he the fathe7
prepared all the necessary items for the
journey in the manner of those today who go
to recover their health to Romo, Naples, or
the baths of PuteoYi, 'and went to get the
desired water from that fountain. He went
and remained there awhile, bathing in and
drinking the water for many days according
to the remedies dictated by the spring-keepers,
and it is said that ho returned home with
virile powers, and he performed all the male
functions and married again and had children.
This son of his gives as witnesses many who
were carried away from their native land,
Lucaya, who affirm that they saw that man
first when he was decrepit and afterwards
rejuvenated and with bodily strength and
vigor (Anghiera, 1944: 535-536 dec. vii,
lib, vli, cap, 7).
Several rather obvious facts stem from the
above statement, Prom the wording used by Anghiera,
especially thoso words italicised above, and from his
comparison of the Fountain of Bimini to the baths of
Puteoli, Rome, and the spas of Naples, w definitely do
not get the idea of a spring of water, a drink from
which could actually return one to youth the usual
conception of the Fountain. Instead the words "rein
vigorate, "restores vigor," and others used by Anghiera
would incline one to think more of a present-day health
resort. Indeed, Anghiera himself considers the
Fountain as nothing more than a spa for the aged. He
gives the decided impression that this consideration
came from his conversations with the three men mentioned

65
in the above quotation (Anghiera, 1944: 536-538 /dec*
vii, lib. vil, cap, S'), and he eliminates the mystical
elements of the story which we today are accustomed to
think of first. Ho states specifically that l am not
ignoring the fact that those things go counter to the
opinion of all philosophers, who judge it impossible to
have a regression in the progress of physical develop
ment (Anghiera, 1944: 536-537 /"ibid, 7), and he con
tinues to say that he is not suggesting such miraculous
powers for the Fountain of Bimini, but that he is of the
opinion that the island was probably nothing more than
a very healthy place to live.
It is most unfortunate that the majority of
English and American research on the subject has been
based on McNutts translation of Anghiera (1912), for
many facts and sentences in the original are telescoped
into a single sentence or less in that translation, and
the entire feeling and meaning of the original are often
lost. This Is particularly true In the case of those
sections mentioning the Fountain of Bimini (Anghiera,
1912: I, 274; II, 293), Such telescoping has made it an
easy matter to Inject religious and mystical interpretations
Into the story, destroying the eminent practicality of
Anghiera*s own explanation. This Is especially true be
cause of the mistranslations of a single word, the crux

66
of the entire problem. The word rejuvenare in the
original. Latin, or rejuvener, rejuvenecer as it is
translated into Spanish, is uniformly rendered into
English by the literal translation "rejuvenate, make
young," Today the word may mean either "to render
youthful again" in a literal sense, or "to reinvigo*
rate, to stimulate to health," The first meaning is
the more common in present-day English, In the Latin
and Spanish, however, the primary meaning of the term
is simply "to stimulate to health," and this is ob
viously the sense in which Anghiera was using it, as he
goes out of his way to explain in the previously cited
passages. Because of this mistranslation and the tele
scoping of Anghiera*s explanation we have lost the in
tended feeling and meaning in McNutt's translation; we
have translated the story of Bimini into modern English
in literal terms, and not, as should have been, into the
terms and with the meaning of Anghiera*s own times*
Por this reason it has been easy to misrepresent Anghi
era *s version of the facts as known in the early 1500*s.
It does not seem out of place here to mention
briefly the general tone of Anghiera*s writing, and to
give him somewhat more credit than he usually receives,
particularly in the case of the subject at hand. Al
though he never visited the Now World, he was a member

67
of the Consejo de Indias and was in close contact with
many officials and residents of the New World. As a
member of the court of Ferdinand and Isabella he came
into direct contact with Columbus and apparently deve
loped an immediate interest In the new realms which
Columbus had discovered, an interest which lasted until
his death in 1526. Always a methodical and practical
man he was one of the leading diplomats of his
time he is careful to document the majority of his
statements. He rarely lapses into a reminiscing or
miraculous vein, but keeps his account straight and to
tho point. His practicality is almost unparalleled for
his times. In the case of the Fountain of Bimini
account, Anghiera makes a definite point of stating that
his information comes from three well-qualified persons,
Alvarez de Castro, Episcopal Dean of Concepcion in
Espaola; lucas Vazquez de Ayllon, auditor to the Council
of Espaola; and the accountant Figueroa, who was
attached to the Council of Espaola. All three men lived
for some time in the New World and were certainly in a
position to give Anghiera adequate knowledge concerning
what they saw and heard. Hone of their statements seems
calculated to create an air of exaggeration, and where
the three differed among themselves, Anghiera points this
out (Anghlora, 1944: 507 jcTec. vii, lib. ii, cap. li/)*

60
Because of the comparative erudition of these three
men and the matter-of-fact way in which their state
ments are reported by Anghiera, there seems to be little
reason to doubt their sincerity.
Ayllon|s evidence would seem to be particularly
trustworthy. He came from a wealthy and well-educated
family of Toledo, from whence he left for the Her; World
where he eventually assumed some importance as a legal
auditor to the Council of Espaola* In 1520 a ship
commissioned by Ayllon and captained by Francisco
Gordillo was on its way through the Bahamas when it fell
in with a slaving party under Pedro do Quexos, sent out
from Espaola by Juan Ortiz do Matienzo. The two cap
tains not only acquired many Lucayan captives, but made
their way to Florida as well, where they succeeded in
capturing many Indians. These they brought back to
Ayllon and Matienzo in Espaola (Swanton, 1946 36-37)
Being in charge of such professional slaving expeditions
as this, Ayllon was likely to have information on the
customs of the Lucayans, which he probably related to
Anghiera at the latter*s request when he was at Court in
Madrid in the early 1520*s seeking a patent to settle a
colony on the Florida mainland.
Herrera, writing in 1601, and later authors do
not offer much elaboration to Anghiera, but simply up-

hold belief in the Fountain# We are given no reason to
doubt their sincerity. Herrera (1934-55; III, 327
/dec. i, lib. ix, cap. xilf), states that the story
originated among the Indians of Cuba and Hispaniola,
but he gives no supporting ovidonce for such a state
ment* He may be referring to Anghiera*s mention of
Andres Barbudo, though we have no way of .knowing for
certain.
It has become the generally accepted opinion
today that the story of Bimini Is simply an extension of
European marvels to the New World, another legend of the
same order as those concerning the Earthly Paradise, the
Amazons, the Ten Tribes of Israel, and Gog and Magog
(Dlschki, 1941; 384). It has been denied that there are
any West Indian elements involved. If we assume that the
Fountain was indeed a mystical and miraculous place of our
for senility and gave actual return to physical youth,
the presently accepted opinion Is of some worth* As has
been pointed out, however, this mystical concept is a
comparatively modern one and did not exist at the time
Anghiera wrote. It may, of course, have boon current at
Court in Madrid, but it hardly seems to have prevailed
In the New World. Anghiera*s approach Is matter-of-fact,
and we can hardly discount his statements on the basis of
later interpretation.

70
The desire to reach Asia by sailing westward,
to see its fionders, and to bring back its wealth, was
still a potent one in the 1500s, and the general con
census of opinion was still at that time that the new
lands were but a portal to Asia, It does not seem
difficult to imagine that the legend of a fabulous
Asiatic fountain of youth should be transplanted from
its Old World setting to the Hew World, thought to be
an approach to Asia, and there receive elaboration
until it came to the attention of Ponce de Leon at a
time when he strongly needed a new force to bolster
Ms prestige.
If the tale sprang full-blown from Old World
sources, however, how do we account for the level
headedness shown by Anghiera and his informants? How do
we account for the fact that Indian witnesses from the
Bahamas testified that there was a fountain which re
stored vigor certainly they were not Imbued with Old
World fables and the mystical mythology of medieval
Christianity? How do we account for the fact that the
general location of Bimini was known three hundred
and twenty-five leagues from Espaola although it had
never been seen by European eyes a3 far as w know? And,
most important, how de we account for the simple fact
that the actual name of Bimini was known? Ponce asks

71
specifically for the right to go and discover not the
"island where there was reported to he a rejuvenating
spring, but the "Island of Bimini," If so much was
known of this island In the Bahamas, untouched and
unseen by Europeans, and If this knowledge came from
Lucayan slaves, it would seem obvious that some im
portance was attached to the Island by the natives
themselves, In short, we can not consider the story
of Bimini as a whole-cloth European importation nor as
pure legend. There are definite Indian elements to be
examined*
Escalante Fontaneda (1944: 14-15} adds some
evidence to the West Indian origins of the Fountain
story, Although it Is felt by this writer that his
statements concerning the Bahamas are generally quite
unreliable and probably based upon hearsay, there may be
some elements of truth in his account concerning the
Fountain, since it Is mentioned in connection with the
Calusa Indians of South Florida, among whom Fontaneda
Q
lived during the 1560*s, He states that the story came
9An examination of Fontaneda*s knowledge con
cerning the Bahamas, to be discussed at greater length
later in this report, shows rather conclusively that the
majority of It was second-hand and based upon outdated
and incorrect sources. There seems no reason to assume,
in this particular Instance, that his sources were any
more accurate. The statement on p, 15 of the edition

72
from the Indians of Cuba and Hispaniola and that it was
part of their traditional religious mythology. The
cited above, nIt is causo for merriment, that Juan Pons
de Leon went to Florida to find the River Jordan /Ehe
Fountain of Touth/" is enough in Itself to discredit
Fontaneda*s historical sense, for this latter statement
is completely counter to the cdulas issued Ponce by
Ferdinand, specifically mentioning the Island of Bimini
(Davis, 1935; 9-14, 53-56). While Fontaneda*s descrip
tion of the South Florida Indians is undoubtedly accurate
enough, and while one should certainly not go so far as
to suspect the man*s sincerity, one should talco his
historical statements with a grain of salt. It is also
unfortunate that the editors of the edition cited above
did not notice the discrepancy between Fontaneda*a
eye-witness, descriptive report on Florida and his brief
historical side-lights* They have, for Instance, on pp.
46-47, discredited both Anghiera and Herrera and given
Fontanoda credit for the correct version of the Fountain
story. With no documentary evidence they have stated,
"It is readily apparent that neither Martyr nor Herrera
had a first hand knowledge of this tradition," indicating
that they were unaware of the passages In Anghiera quoted
earlier in this report. They have also assumed that the
tale pertains to Florida, ?/hich It manifestly does not,
as the reports of Anghiera and Herrera witness. Their
assumption that the word of Fontaneda, writing at least
fifty years after Anghiera and his Informants de Castro,
Ayllon, and Figueroa, is correct, while that of the latter
men is not, seems to be stretching a point* It would seem
more in keeping with accuracy to suggest that Fontaneda
perhaps obtained his historical data from Las Casas,
writing between the years 1520 and 1561, for the latter
seems to have initiated the confusion between Bimini and
Florida (Las Casas, 1877s II, 200 ¡lib. iii, cap. x£7).
Anghiera, in any case, mentions both the Fountain of
Bimini (see preceding citations) and Ponce de Leon
(Anghiera, 1944s 322 cfec. Iv, lib. 355 Jetee, v,
lib. I, cap. 520 c. vii, 11b. iv, cap. 1 ily^), and
shows no confusion between Bimini and Florida. Because of
Anghiera*s full documentation of his statements, because
he was writing during Ponce* lifetime, and because of
Fontaneda*s lack of documentation and usual historical
vagueness, the account of the latter has not been
credited.

.1
Fount ala itself, however, ho places in Florida, and he
adds that a group of Indians from Cuba actually sailed
to South Florida, where they settled a village in
Calusa country after having failed in their search for
tho Fountain. The descendants of these people wore
apparently still living in the region when Fontaneda
was there* Because of Fontaneda*s accuracy in reporting
the lives and customs of the Florida Indians with whom
he lived, it is assumed that his statement is probably
accurate* The fact that these Cuban Indians were in
South Florida, however, is no necessary indication that
Florida was considered to be the land of the Fountain.
All other evidence, cited earlier, would seem to discount
this latter hypothesis, and it is felt by the writer that
this settlement in calusa country may have been purely,
accidental, as will be explained later.
A tentative statement on the origins of the
Fountain of Bimini story might be somewhat as follows.
The island was known to tho Lucayan natives for its
healthful environment, restoring vigor-and strength to*
persons advanced in age. We have some corroboration here
from has Casas (1877s I, 228 /lib* i> cap. x7), who
says that although there must be old people in the Bahamas
none of the natives seem to be so. This physical "presar**

74
vat ion" oven in old age Las Casas attributes to the
mildness, and general healthfulnoss ol* the climate.
He reports, too, that many Spaniards visited the islands
to recover their health, and that they returned well
to Hispaniola, where he himself had seen some of them.
It is probable that the name Bimini indiacted
that the island was a healthful place to live, if we
can indeed translate It as "place of good food, as
previously.suggested. There may even have been some
religious connotation given to the Island, if the con
nection between the Arawalc words for "good to eat,
sweet" and "spirit, supernatural being" Is correct.
Perhaps the exact reasons for this new feeling of
vigor and strength exacted from Bimini a environment
were not clear to the Indians; perhaps they felt it was
because some spirit or non-corporeal being was resident
on the island hence the name Bimini.
With the immigration through slavery of Iu-
cayans to Cuba and Hispaniola and the observation on the
part of some Spaniards, as mentioned by Las Casas, of the
invigorating qualities of the Bahamian environment, the
reputation of Bimini may have come to the attention of
the Spanish as the ultimate In "health resorts." It Is
true that we have no records mentioning the Fountain
before the year 1511, and it is possible that a eorrel-

75
atIon between slave raiding In the islands and the
appearance of the name Bimini can be made.
The Spanish, eager for new vistas to explore,
readily accepted the story and elaborated upon it with
elements of Christian mythology, eventually producing
a fountain with actual health restoring powers# Still,
from Anghieras report, in Ponce de Leons time the
tale does not seem to have acquired the hyper-mystical
connotations it has today* Perhaps the fact that Ponce
never actually found the Fountain strengthened the
mystical element and allowed it to develop into the
legend we have today*
An explanation of Fontanedas Arawak village
in the Calusa country of South Florida may be postulated
in the light of the above proposals* The Cuban Indians
received their first story of the Fountain from Lucayan
slaves, just as the Spanish did, and they, too, were
anxious to check its efficacious powers* Setting out
from Cuba with no specific course by which to reach the
Island of the Fountain, they may have come to South
Florida by mistake, where they were talcen in and settled
by the Calusa leader, Senquene# This leader is referred
to by Fontaneda (1944j 15) as the father of King Carlos"
and probably lived some thirty or forty years before
Fontaneda visited the country* This would place the

76
.i-
time of the migration from Cuba in the 1520*a or
1530*s, the period when the tale of Bimini was apparently
still current in both Cuba and Hispaniola* This explana
tion is, of course, purely speculation,
Ponce, then, was probably not chasing an
ephemeral rainbow, He was seeking a pleasant island, .
which had an environment conducive to good health.
Because of the fables current in Christian mythology
of the times, the Indian story was slightly elaborated,
but probably not beyond all practicality. The now, the
unknown* and the miraculous were urges of the times
leading to many explorations, and It was therefore not
too unusual that Ponce should bend his efforts and
finances in the direction of Bimini,
Herrera (1934-35: III, 317-321 /dec. I, lib,
ix, cap. x/) gives a very cursory account of the actual
voyage through the Bahamas, mentioning the Islands at
which Ponce stopped, but giving few details concerning
the presence or absence of natives. Judging from Las
Casas* report of around the year 1511 (Las Casas, 1877*
II, 198 /lib. ill, cap, xx7), many of the Islands were
already depopulated as a result of slave raids, and It
Is possible that Ponce could have gone through the
entire archipelago meeting very few of the remaining
Inhabitants, who by this time were probably well-Impres-

77
sed with Spanish tactics and must have hidden them**
selves at the first sign of a Spanish vessel#
The fleet, consisting of three vessels at the
outset, left San German, Puerto Rico, on the third of
March 1513 (Herrera,<1934-35$ III, 318 dec. 1, lib*
ix, cap# *7). On the eighth the ships passed the Bajos
de Babueca present-day Moucholr Bank and anchored
off an island called El Viejo, possibly the present
Ambergris Cay in the Caicos group* The next day they ,
anchored off Caicos island proper, probably the island
we call today West Caicos* A west-northwest course was
then followed, taking the ships by the unidentified
islands of Yaguna and Amaguayo (Herrera., 1934-35:
ibid.)# On the same day they passed Managua, which
can definitely be identified as Rum Cay (Turin, 1523?)#
On^ March 14th the fleet stopped at Guanahani, where it
remained until the twenty-seventh* From there the
course was to the northwest, leading eventually to
Florida#
Returning from the Florida coast the ships
skirted the north coast of Cuba and then sailed up through
the Bahama Channel, where they came to nsoae islets which
are on the banks of the Lucayos farthest to the west
(Herrera, 1934-35: Ill, 324 dec* i, lib* ix, cap. xl/h
These islets were probably to the north of Grand Bahama

78
or in the vicinity of Bimini, judging from the approxi
mate position given, which is "twenty-eight degrees
(Herrera, 1934-35:.Ill, 325 V~ ibid. 7). Herreras
narrative hero becomes notably interesting and is worth
quoting at length* Following the above statement he
says, .
,. and thoy anchored off them on the eighteenth
of July, where they took on water* They named
them La Vieja, the Old Woman, after an old
Indian woman whom they found there without any
other people at all,*.
At first it wasnt possible to determine
the actual name of Florida..for the Indians
of That land itself^ gave the name of each
section, and the Spanish thought that they
were being talten advantage of. Finally, be
cause of these importunities, the Indians
said that it was called Cautio, a name which
the Lucayan Indians gave that land, because
tho people there covered their private parts
with palm leaves, woven in the manner of
plaited strands. On the twenty-fifth of July
they left the islands in search of Bimini,
sailing among islands which seemed submerged*
Having to stop, and not knowing where the ships
could find a passage, Juan Ponce sent the
ships boat to explore an island which seemed
submerged and found it to be Bahama, The old
woman whom they had carried with them said that
same thing, as did Biego iliruelo, a pilot they
encountered In a ship from Espaola which was
exploring, or, others say, which fortune had
carried there. They left on Saturday the sixth
of August,,,and until they had determined the
depth ran towards the northwest,*until they
came to some small rock Islands. They changed
their course only at the determination of the
depth, running by depths toward the south
(Herrera, 1934-35: III, 324-325 ibid. 7).
From this point the fleet touched upon various
islands of which only Guanima (Gat Island) and Ciguateo

79
(Eleuthera) are mentioned by name* The ships were de-
layed at Ciguateo for twenty-seven days because of a
hurricane and general bad weather (Herrera, 1934-35:
III, 325 £ ibid, 7) until the twenty-third of Sep
tember, During this period of delay the ship from
Espaola, piloted by Diego Miruelo, was lost, although
the personnel was saved. This loss probably did not
grieve Ponce too heavily, for it seems rather likely
that Miruelo had himself been sent in search of Bimini,
perhaps under orders from Diego Columbus, who had
helped depose Ponce from the governorship of Puerto
Rico,
By the seventeenth of September the weather
had cleared somewhat and the ships were put in order.
On that day Ponce decided that he would go on to Puerto
Rico, but that he would leave one ship in the Bahamas to
continue the search for Bimini, Herrera indicates that
this decision was against Ponce's personal desire (He
rrera, 1934-35: ibid,). It was probably dictated by the
presence of Miruelo, Ponce certainly did not want him
present when Bimini was discovered, and therefore planned
to procede to Puerto Rico with Miruelo aboard, A single
ship, with Juan Peres do Ortubia as captain and Anton de
Alaminos as pilot, was sent to continue the search on the
seventeenth of September, They "took two Indians as

80
pilots over the shoals, since there are many of them
which one can navegat over only with the greatest of
danger (Herrera, 1934-35: ibid.). Whether the Indians
came from Ciguateq or from another island Is not
stated,
On October 13th Ponces vessel arrived at San
Juan, Puerto Rico, The actual discovery of Bimini must
be credited not to Ponce.but to Ortubia and Alaminos,
who arrived In San Juan sometime after Ponces own
arrival "having found Bimini, although not the fountain
(Herrera, 1934-35: III, 326 ibid. 7), They reported
that Bimini was "a large Island, fresh and with much
water and many forests..." (Herrera, 1934-35: ibid.).
It seems clear that Ponce was aware of the fact
that the land he discovered was not Bimini. Although It
has been stated that Bimini was perhaps an Arawak name
for Florida, we have absolutely no evidence to verify
such a belief. On the contrary, the name Oautio, de
finitely Lucayan, offers a simple negation of this
theory. That name, incidentally, is an accurate descrip
tion of the dress of the South Florida Indians, as dis
cussed by Goggin and Sommer (1949: 22), The discovery of
Bimini by Ortubia and Alaminos after the discovery of
Florida should do away with the fanciful idea that Florida
was the land of the fabled Fountain of Youth. On the

ai
Turin map of around 1523, only ton years after Ponce*s
voyage, both the present Florida and Bimini are cor
rectly named and located.
The ambiguity between Bimini and Florida comes
from Las Gasas (1877: II* 200 lib, iii, cap, 2C7) and
Oviedo (1851-55: III, 624 /lib, xxxvi, cap, £f)$ bofch of
whom equate the two regions, Anghiera (1944: 501
/¡fee, vli, lib, i, cap, ij7) and Herrera (1934-35: III,
326 /¡fee, i, lib, ix, cap, xi/) distinguish between
them. Perhaps the fact that Las Casas has long been
the standard reference for the early history of the
West Indies has influenced present-day scholars and has
added to the unnecessary confusion. Further doubt has
boon eliminated by three documents from the Archivo de
Indias, one written during the year 1519, and two in
tho year 1521, All three were written by Ponce do Leon,
and all three quite definitely distinguish between Bimini
and Florida, One, written in 1519, refers to Ponce as
"Adelantado de Vymine c Ysla Florida (Coleccin do
Documentos Inditos, 1865-83: XXXIV, 337)3"0, The second
This document Is entitled "proceso fecho en
Puerto-Rico, antel Lyeenciado Antonio de la Cana, Xuez
de Resydencia e Xustycia Mayor, en tres partes; de la
una el Adelantado Xoan ponce d Len, de otra el Lycan
clado Sancho Velasques, sobro agravios e perxuycios o
sobre ma quenta. It is dated September 13, 1519,

82
and third documents, both letters written by Ponce,
refer specifically to "la Ysla Florida {Coleccin de
11
Documentos Inditos, 1865*83: XI, 48, 51) and leave
very little doubt that Ponce himself was aware that
Bimini and Florida were quite distinct regions.
It is clear from Herreras account that there
were a few scattered Lucayans left In the Islands,
although they must have been few indeed. These star*
vivors of the slave raids seem to have beem limited
primarily to the northern islands. Ho mention of natives
is made in that part of the narrative concerning the
Caicos and Guanahanij It is not until the islands from
Eleuthera north are mentioned that Herrera speaks of the
natives. There also seems very little doubt that there
was communication between the Bahamas and Florida, since
the Lucayans had a specific name Oautio for Florida,
based upon the dress of the South Florida Indians. The
oft-quoted statement from Anghiera (1944: 501 /Sec. vii,
lib. 1, cap. 13/) that tho Florida natives visited the
"These documents are entitled "Carta del
Adelantado Joan Ponce de Leon al Cardenal de Tortosa,
pydlondo mercedes en atencin a sus largos oorvycios"
and "Otra carta del mismo a Su Magostad, dyclendole
abor descubierto a su costa e mynsion la Ysla Florida
e otra3 en su comarca; que volva a poblarlas, o que
dentro de cinco dias Iba a otros descubryraientos; por
lo que pedia mercedes." Both are dated February 10,
1521, from Puerto Rico.

83
Bahamas to hunt doves bolsters probabilities of contact
between the two areas*
The most important result of Ponces voyage of
1513, as mentioned by Herrera (1934-35: III, 328-329
dec* i, lib* ix, cap, xiff), was the discovery of the
Bahama channel, which became the main route of the
Spanish bullion fleets from Vera Cruz and Havana to
Spain, This passage of water between the archipelago
and Florida was an important artery leading from the New
World to Spain, and Spanish settlement of Florida came
about as a defence of it.
Although the voyage in search of Bimini, and
the slave raids in the Bahamas are the only recorded
Spanish explorations of the archipelago during the
1500s, there were certainly others, even though we have
no documents pertaining to them. The brief mention of
Diego Niruelo in the Bahamas (Herrera, 1934-35: IIIf
325 dec. 1, lib, ix. cap. xi/) indicates this, as do
the numerous maps of the region drawn by Spanish carto
graphers between the years 1500 and 1550, complete with
native names for most of the islands.
Two final Spanish documents complete our
historical knowledge of the vanishing Lueayans in the
1500*3, On Saturday, August 18, 1565, Pedro Menendez
do Aviles, on his way to Florida, mentions that ttwe came

04
within inspection distance/ of an uninhabited island,
called Aquann /Mayaguan$£?, and he speaks of the shoals
throughout the archipelago (Coleccin de Documentos
Inditos, 1865-83i III, 451)* On the twenty-sixth of
August he says, "we arrived within inspecting distance/
of two islands, one In front of the other, which they
call the Islas de Bahama; and the shoals which wo saw
between these Islands were so large that waves were
breaking In the middle of the sea,. (Coleccin do
Documentos Inditos, 1865-83: III, 454) These two
Islands were probably Little Abaco and Grand Bahama,
Around the year 1575 Hernando de Escalante Fontanela
wrote, "The Islands of Yucayo and of Ahte fall on
one side of the Channel of Bahama, There are no Indians
on them, and they lie between Havana and Florida
(Escalante Fontaneda, 1944: ll)13.
12
The document from which both of these quota
tions come is entitled Relacin de la jornada de Pedro
Menondes en la Florida," It was written by Francisco
Lopez de Mendoza Grajales,
^This statement concerning the population of
the Bahamas from Fontaneda is probably correct, although
his knowledge of tho region seems based, by and large,
on second-hand accounts* The island Ahit is not iden
tifiable, unless he got it from De la Cosa3 chart of
1500 and is referring to "Haiti" on that chart. On
p* 23 of tho edition here cited he makes the statement
that "Columbus discovered the Islands of Yucayo and
Ahitl," which, is, of course, totally incorrect, since
Columbus did not venture farther north than San Salvador
and Long Island, Apparently Fontaneda was referring to

85
I
V/ know definitely that the Bahamas were
uninhabited by 1505-75 from the two foregoing accounts,
and it seems probable from the accounts of Las Casas
and Herrera, previously cited, that as early as 1511-13
there were very few inhabited islands left, at least
in the southern portion of the archipelago* Anghiera,
writing in the early 1520*s, says,
In the more than twenty years during which the
Spanish inhabitants of Esponla and Cuba have
gone over them /the Bahamas/, they say that
406 /islands/ have been inspected, and t hat
40,000 /Indians/ have been carried into, servi
tude* ,*(Anghiera, 1944: 499 /Sec* vil, lib. I,
cap, /)*
Later he adds,
They say that the majority of these
islands were, in earlier times, abundant with
various products, and I say "were because
today they are deserted,..(Anghiera, 1944:
503 /dec. vil, lib. li, cap, £/}.
Since Anghiera died in the year 1526 it seems safe to
assume that the above passages were written, at the
latest, between the years 1520 and 1526. This would indi-
Abaco as Yucayo its correct name perhaps to Grand
Bahama as Ahit, His location of the two islands would
fit Grand Bahama and Abaco, but his names, as well as
his information on their discovery, are taken from very
early sources. His knowledge of the Lucayan population
he could probably have obtained from any experienced
mariner of the dayj his historical knowledge obviously
comes from fifty and sevety-five year old sources and
is either mistaken or apooryphal.

86
cat that slave raids began around 1500, apparently
progressed at a rapid pace for ten or fifteen years if,
we may believe Las Casas and Herrera, and had accom
plished the -depleat ion of Lucayan population by the
years 1520-26, Certainly 1550 is the latest date vie can
assign for a cessation of slave raids to the Bahamas and
the consequent disappearance of the Lucayans With their
disappearance, Spanish exploration and accounts cease,
and we enter another period of Bahamian history^.
Although the Lucayans are gone, tales have
persisted for many years that back in the fastness of
some of the islands they are still to be found in small,
isolated groups, living as they did in the times of the
Spanish, Little Abaco was supposed to have been host to
such groups, and reports of-"Indians? from the interior
of the island occur as late as 1902 (Culin, 1902: 185),
The legend which has gained the most vogue states that
remnants of the Lucayans still live in the interior of
Andros Island, a little-explored and uncharted area.
The question was long one of dispute and was not settled
14
For the interested reader, and because of the
lack of a general summary of Bahamian history, a brief
resume of events from about the year 1550 to the present
has beeh added as Appendix B of this report. The material
contained there was not felt to be directly pertinent to
the main text and consequently was not included there.

87
until the research of John M. Goggln (1939, 1946) made
it definite that these nIndians" were the descendants
of Seminole Negroes from the Florida mainland, and that
they lived quite out In the open and in well-known
settlements on the island. First mention of the
"Indians" is found in Elsie Clews Parson*s Folk-Tales
of Andros Island, Bahamas (1918s lx) where she malees
brief mention of their migrations to the Bahamas from
about the year 1830 to 1836. she does not, however,
document her statement, Kenneth W. Porter (1945)
helped to clear the problem, but it remained for Goggln
to give us definite data on these people*
During the period of British occupation In the
Floridas 1763 to 1784 the Seminles had formed
rather friendly relations with the British* After the
British left, the Seminole tribes became refuges for
runaway slaves from Georgia. The harboring of these
slaves eventually led to the first Seminole War in 1018
(Goggin, 1946* 202), The result of this war was a move
ment of both Seminles and runaway slaves toward the
southern extremities of the peninsula. Cape Florida
apparently became an Important focal point for these
pursued groups* Forbes (1821: 105j Goggln, 1946: 203)
reports that there was a group of about sixty Seminles
and an equal number of slaves congregated in this area

88
in 1821 He also mentions that twenty-seven Bahamian
wrecker vessels were there*
This statement is verified and followed up by
the testimony of Charles Vlgnoles (1823: 134), who says,
The remnants of the black and colored people
who had served with Colonel Nichols during
the late war TB12/, fugitive slaves from
all the southern section of the union, as
well as from Spanish plantations in Florida
and from St. Augustine, followed upon the
steps of the Indians, and formed considerable
settlements on the waters of Tampa Bay#
pone/ made their way down to Cape Florida
and Hihe reefs, about which they were collected
within a year and a half past IB2/ to upwards
of 300; vast numbers having been...since carried
off by the Bahama wreckers.../and^ smuggled into
the remoter islands, and at this period large
numbers have been found on St. Andrews Andros/
and the Biminis
As Qoggln (1946: 203) indicates, the Seminole
actually made a formal attempt to gain British haven in
the Bahamas in 1819. His source for this is Charles H.
Coe (1898; 22-23), who says,
A curious circumstance occurred in the fall of
1819, as a result of the severe treatment re
ceived by the Seminles at the hands of the
frontier settlers. On the 29th of September in
the above year, a party of twenty eight Seminles
arrived at Nassau, N.P., in a wrecking vessel
from the coast of Florida, for the purpose of
seeking assistance from the commander-in-chief
of the British troops stationed on that island.
The exiles were entirely destitute, and said
that they had been robbed and driven from their
homes. They were furnished with rations and
lodgings at the barracks, to relieve their
immediate distress.
From this time until the 1840*s it is possible

89
that bands of Seminles and runaway slaves entered the
Bahamas, mainly through the efforts of Bahamian wreckers
(Goggin, 1946: 203).
Aside from this historical data, Goggin pro- ,
vides us with an interesting first-hand account from an
interview with Felix Maclieil of Hastie Point, Andros*
Maclleil was seventy-six years old at the time of Goggins
Interview tilth him in the suramor of 1937 (Goggin, 1946:
204-205), and is the grandson of Scipio Bowlegs, a leader
of the Seminole negroes who came to Andros Island.
MacNeil related the travels of his grandfather In much the
same vein as quoted in the accounts above* Apparently
the group led by Bowlegs left from Capo Florida sometime
between 1810 and 1820. Some of the groups came in
Bahamian wreckers whilo others came in thoir dugout
canoes. The largest, under the leadership of Bowlegs,
landed at Hod Bay on the northern coast of Andros, and
the descendants of these people still center there,
although thoy havo spread to other parts of tho island
as well*.
Very few Indian customs remain in use by these
people, who seem physically to be predominantly Negro
(Goggin, 1946: 205-206), Bows and arrows, similar to
the Seminole types, are still made, but only as
Childrens toys. Fish poison is made from Jamaica Dog-

90
wood, Iohthyomethla sp, but since this is common in
the Host Indies, it can not be traced definitely to
Seminole origins, MacNeil remembered seeing the
rotting dugout3 which had been used by the immigrants
on their journey from Gape Florida, but these are not
made anymore. Some of the earlier house forms, such as
the wood and stone lean-to and tho log cabin, are of
Floridian origin, but they, too, are not used no?/ by the
Andros Seminole negroes (Goggin, 1946: 206),
ETHNOGRAPHICAL BACKGROUND
Tribal Identifications
Three distinct cultural groups aro defined for
the pre-Columbian West Indies, These are tho Ciboney,
the Arawak, and the Carib, They have been carefully
distinguished and described for us, othnographically,
by observers and historians of Spanish and French
colonial times; notably, Christopher Columbus, his son
Ferdinand Columbus, Anghiera, Las Casas, Oviedo y
Valdes, Breton, Herrera y Tordesillas, Gomara, de la
Borde, and Bemaldez, The remarks of these men, to
gether with archeological data gathered in recent years,
have been coalesced into a composite picture by Irving
Rouse (1948). Aside from the small Carib settlements on
the island of Dominica and in British Honduras (Taylor,

91
D.M., 1938, 1951), non of these groups has living
representatives, and the archeological and ethnographical
data mentioned above therefore constitute our only know
ledge of these peoples* A comparison of the meager data
on the Lucayans with Houses data on all three of the
cultural groups maltes it possible to place the aborigi
nal inhabitants of the Bahamas culturally,
There are two factors which, in addition to the
sum of the ethnographical and archeological data pre
sented in this paper, make It possible to place the
Lucayan3 as Arawak in culture. These two factors are
language and the presence of artificial cranial defor
mation. Other factors, to be discussed at length later
in this report, Indicate that Lucayan culture was a
regional variation of the 3ub-Taino branch of Island
Arawak culture in the Greater Antilles, as defined by
House (1948: 616, 521), It does not seem to merit
separate cultural distinction as ,,Lueayn,tt on the same
level as Taino and Sub-Taino.
Although many skeletal remains have been found
in Bahamian sites, the sole published source on them is
an article by W.K. Brooks (1888: 215-223). A comparison
of the data given by Brooks with that given by Columbus
(1893: 38-39} is revealing.
Brooks examined three Lucayan crania in Nassau,

92
as woll as other miscellaneous skeletal material in the
collection of Lady Edith Blake* The most prominent
characteristic of the three crania is the presence of
artificial parallelo-fronto-occipital flattening (PI*
X)i All other crania described from the islands* with
the possible exception of one or more from Smith Hill
Cave* Andros* show this same characteristic* Columbus
(1893: 39) mentions the same feature in his description
of the physical appearance of the natives of Guanahani,.
saying, ln all the forehead is broad, more so than in
any other people I have hitherto scon*
Rouse (1948: 504) indicates that skeletal
remains from Ciboney sitos in Hispaniola and Cuba do
not show cranial deformation* On the other hand, such
deformation is typical of both Arawak and Carib crania
(Rouse, 1943: 526, 552)* The usual deformation of the
crania from Arawak and Carib sites is parallelo-fronto-
occipital, as defined by Stewart (1950: 43-48)* The
frontal and occipital parts of the cranium were altered
by pressure exerted in directly opposite directions*
The occiput is usually symmetrically rounded, rather than
flat, while the frontal is usually markedly flattened*
The deformation of crania from Bahamian sites conforms
exactly to this definition. Since the Carib were limited
to the Lesser Antilles (Rouse, 1948: 547), it would seem

93
probable that the Lucayans were Arawak in culture, If
cranial deformation 3 a proper Index of cultural
affiliation*
linguistic data, monger as it is, supports.the
Arawak nature of Lucayan culture, Columbus (1893: 38,
42-43) states that ho took six natives from San Sal
vador with him to act as interpreters on his voyage
through the West Indies* He points out several instances
when the speech of those natives was understood on other
islands in tho Bahamas and in Cuba (Columbus, 1893: 42-43,
46, 52, 64 ff*)* Prom those general indications, which
are followed by House (1948: 522), we can assume with
some definiteness that tho Luc ay an dialect vas very
close to that spoken in Cuba, which we know was Arawak*
The cursory analysis of several Lucayan names, given
earlier in this report, is in itself sufficient to indi
cate, at tho least, probable Arawak influence on the
language of the Lucayans*
These two factors, of course, are not in them
selves enough to assure us positively that Lucayan
culture was Arawak, for it is quite possible that both
cranial deformation and language might have been adopted
by the Lucayans, while the rest of their culture traits
were non-Arawak. This seems highly improbable, however,
and further ethnographical and archeological data will

94
boar out the cultural affiliations of the Lucayans with
the Island Arawak proper.
It-should be remembered that even positive
cultural identification of the Lucayans does not neces
sarily indicate physical origin as well* Although there
is'usually an equation between the two it is not a
necessary one, and it could be possible that the Lucayana
of Columbus* time represented, physically, a pre-Arawak
stock in the archipelago, which had adoped Arawak
culture patterns practically In toto. Unfortunately,
no- definite conclusion can be reached concerning this
problem* Intorosting though it may be, however, it for
tunately has little direct bearing upon a cultural de
finition of the Lucayans during Immediately pre-Columbian
and post-Columbian times,
Ethnohistorical Notes
Precise ethnographic data on the Lucayans are
almost completely lacking# The aingle first-hand account
remaining to us is that of Columbus, written down in
logbook form during his first voyage to the New World,
Unfortunately, as mentioned before, the original of this
document has boon lost. However, Las Casas, in his
Historia- de las Indias, has preserved a verbatim record
of much of Columbus* account {Las Casas, 1877; I, 222-

95
232 lib, i, caps, xl-xliil/), He apparently had access
to Columbus log, and, although it is gathered that his
record is only an abstract of the complot document, he
specifically states that he la using the Admirals own
words (Las Casas, 1877} I, 222 Tib, i, cap. x/)* It;
especially fortunate in this case that has Casas quotes
directly from the log at greater length for the period
covering October 12, 1492, until October 27th of the
same year than for any other period, for this was the
time when Columbus was in the Bahamas. Two additional
versions of the log are presented by Navarret (1825:
I) and have been used here to supplement Las Casas.
The translation of Navarrete which has been used through
out this report is that of Markham, cited as "Columbus,
1893." At times direct quotes from La3 Casas are made,
usually in the authors own translation. Additional
sources are cited when necessary, but by and large they
do little more than substantiate Las Casas. The accounts
of Ferdinand Columbus, Oviedo y Valdes, Anghiora, Herrera
y Tordosillas, Bernaldez, and Acosta seem in complete
accord with Las Casas and Navarret with reference to the
Bahamas.
In giving this brief account of Lueayan ethno
graphy every attempt has been made to eliminate extraneous
material. It would have been possible to generalise from

96
other accounts pertaining to Cuba and Hispaniola, hut it
seemed wiser to limit the discussion hero to Columbus*
mm words# In a later section of this paper, dealing
with a reconstruction of Lucayan culture patterns in the
light of archeological findings, 3uch correlations will
ho made to a greater extent*
On Friday, October 12, 1492, Columbus first set
foot on Hew V/orld soil* This was the island called
Guanahani (Columbus, 1093s 36) and renamed San Salvador
by Columbus# The natives came out to the three vessels
riding at anchor in the harbor and bartered with the
Spanish* They brought with them ,!parrots, cotton threads *
in skeins, darts, and many other things* (Columbus, 1893s
37), and were nas naked as when their mothers bore
them (Columbus, 1893: 38), Their hair was short and
coarse, and it was worn down to the eyebrows in front,
with a few long locks which they never cut in back* They
painted themselves black, white, red, and other colors,
sometimes just their faces, eyes, or noses, and sometimes
the entire body (Columbus, 1893: 33)* They carried no
weapons, although they did have darts, as mentioned above*
These were pointed with a fish*3 tooth or simply sharpen
ed, and were apparently made from wood (Columbus, 1893:
38), Columbus noticed that some of the natives had
scars* By gestures they indicated that the source of

97
those wounds was away from their own Island (Columbus,
1393: 33) and said that Indians from the northwest often
t
came to attack them and then went on to the southwest
in search of gold (Columbus, 1893: 40).
The natives of San Salvador came out to the
ships in small canoes* "made out of the trunk of a tree
like a long boat, and all of one piece, and wonderfully
worked {Columbus, 1893: 39), Columbus states that many
of these canoes were large enough to hold forty to
forty-five men, while others were built to hold only one,'
They wore propelled by paddles shaped like a baiter's
shovel (Columbus, 1893: 39),
Some of the men wore nose ornaments of gold,
which they said came from the south (Columbus, 1893:
ibid,), Columbus attempted to barter for the ornaments,
but was refused. In this connection Columbus indicates
that the people of San Salvador were generally very easy
to deal with and apparently quite cordial and hospitable
(Columbus, 1S93: 39, 40), Although mention is made of both
villages and houses on San Salvador (Columbus, 1893: 41),
no actual description is given of either*
On the morning of Tuesday, October 16th, Colum
bus landed at Rum Gay, or Santa liarla de la Concepcion
as he called it (Columbus, 1893: 42-43), There he found
many people, all naked, and generally like those of the

98
other Island of San Salvador (Columbus, 1895: 45)#
The people of Hum Cay, too, had canoes, both large and
small (Columbus, 1895: Ibid.). They also bartered with
skeins of cotton (Columbus, 1895: Ibid#). The natives
of both San Salvador and Hum Cay Indicated that on an
island to the south the natives wore arm, leg, ear,
nose, and neck ornaments of gold (Columbus, 1895: 44).
At noon on the sixteenth Columbus sailed to
Fernandina, the present Long Island. When he was about
half way across the channel between Rum Cay and Long
Island he came across a native In a canoe (Columbus,
1893: 45). The man had a small piece of bread, a
calabash of water, some dried leaves, and a piece of
red earth kneaded Into a ball with him (Columbus, 1893:
ibid.). The latter was apparently used as a pigment for
body paint. He had, too, a native basket, which Colum-
%
bus does not describe.
On the evening of Tuesday, October 16th, anchors
were dropped off the northeast coast of Long Island, just
off a village The man Columbus had picked up in mid
channel apparently was from this village, for Columbus
states that he and his men were Immediately received and
canoes were around the ships all night long (Columbus,
1893: 46). He noted that "these people resemble those
of the said islands San Salvador and Santa Maria/, with

99
the same language and customs, except that these appear
to me a rather more domestic and tractable people, yet
also moro subtle (Columbus,,1893s ibid,). The latter
remark stemmed from the fact that the natives of Long
Island apparently drew a harder bargain in their barter
ing than had the natives of San Salvador and.Santa Maria,
The natives had mantles made from cotton cloth, and the *
women wore a small genital covering of the same material
(Columbus, 1893; 4G-47), Here Columbus noticed for the
first time patches of maize or Indian Corn, which he
called "panizo (Navarrete, 1825; I, 29), They did not
seem to have any religious paraphernalia as far as could
be discerned (Columbus, 1893; 47), although this statement
does not, of course, negate the presence of religious
practices and beliefs*
At noon on the seventeenth Columbus weighed
anchor and sailed around the northern coast of Long
Island, There he found a very wonderful harbour
(Columbus, 1893; 48) with an island in the middle. On
shore he found eight or ten men, who took him to their
village, which was close by (Columbus, 1893; ibid,), He
waited there for two hours while his men filled their
water casks. During his two-hour wait he "walked among
the trees (Columbus, 1893; 49) and observed the village
life. Prom this brief stay Columbus got his only close

100
view of Lucayan village life,, and it is in this section
of his log that we find the most complete references to
Lucajan cultural patterns, .
The people, he says, were all like those of the
other islands. They were all naked and of the same sise
(Columbus, 1893: ibid,), Their houses were very plain and
clean, being constructed in the following manner.
The houses are of wood and thatch, very
long and narrow, made in the manner of a
tent, narrow at the top and broad at the
base, and very well suited to hold many
people. They leave a hole in the. top to
let the smoke out, and on top are crowns
which are very well made and proportioned.
The houses are made either like a tent or
like a boll-shaped pavillion, and both are
very much like each other (Las Casas, 1877:
I, 229 /lib. i, cap, 3Clix7),
The beds and bags for holding articles in these houses
wore like nets of cotton (Columbus, 1893: 49), The
beds are described at some length by La3 Casas, He
refers to the type used in Hispaniola, which was the same
as that in us among the Lucayans, saying,
These are here in Hispaniola called hamacas,
which are in the form of slings, not woven
like nots with the threads going sigsag, but
the lengthwise threads are so loose that you
can insert the hand and fingers, and at a hand*s
breadth more or less they are crossed with
other close-woven threads like well made lace-
trimmings,,. The hammocks are a good five and
a half feet in length, and the two ends are
finished off in many loops of the same threads,
in each of which are inserted some delicate
threads of another substance stouter than
cotton, like hemp; and each of these is a

11
fathom long, And at the head all these loops
are joined together as in a sword hilt, which
at each end Is attached to the posts of the
houses, and thus the hammocks are off the
ground and swing in the air; and as the good
ones are three mid four varas /eight to
eleven feet^ and more in width one opens them
when they swing as we should open a very big
sling, putting oneself in diagonally as In an
angle; and thus there Is the rest of the
hammock with which to cover oneself, and this
Is sufficient because It la never cold. It
is very restful to sleep in, (Las Gasas,
1877: I, 223 lib, i, cap, xliy).
Columbus states that he saw many villages,
although he does not specify whether he is referring
exclusively to Long Island or not (Columbus, 1893: 50),
He also says that they never consisted of more than
twelve to fifteen housos (Columbus, 1895: ibid,),
Columbus contradicts an earlier statement that
the natives of this village were all naked by saying that
the married women wore genital coverings of cotton, while
young girls under the age of eighteen went naked (Colum
bus, 1893: ibid,), Prom this it is implied that all
women and girls over the age of puberty wore the genital
covering.
One man in this village wore a gold nose-plug,
which Columbus says was inscribed with letters of some
sort, although he was not able to examine it closely
(Columbus, 1893: ibid,), Logs and hounds are mentioned
as domestic animals In the same village (Columbus, 1893:

102
ibid.).
On the morning of Sunday, October 21st, Colum
bus went ashore on Isabella, the present Crooked Island,
here ho found on the northeast coast a single house.
The occupants had apparently fled, for he found the pre
mises deserted, although household belongings were still
there (Columbus, 1893: 54). About a league from the
anchorage Columbus and hi3 men came to a village (Colum
bus, 1893: 55). In the entry for this day no mention is
made of the appearance or customs of the Crooked Island
natives, but on the following day it was noted that the
people "were equally naked, and equally painted, some
white, some red, some black, and others in many ways"
(Columbus, 1893: 56) as the natives on the other islands.
They bartered with the usual skeins of cotton and with
darts (Columbus, 1893: ibid.). They also had gold nose-
plugs, some of which Columbus wa3 able to obtain through
barter. They were apparently very small, though, and he
considered them to be of very little worth (Columbus,
1893: ibid.). The natives seem to have used calabashes
as water containers (Columbus, 1893: 55),
Ho other islands were touched upon by Columbus
in his voyage through the Bahamas, and the above data are
almost all wo have to go on in reconstructing Lucayan
culture from historical accounts. There are, however,

103
two other brief accounts which add somewhat to the pre
sentation given above# These are 'the accounts of
Anghlera (1944: 501-502 /Zec. vii, lib. I, cap* ijj),
and various mentions in the Historia of Las Casas (1877s
I, 221 222, 223, 227, 228, 229 /Tib. i, caps, xl,
xlij7). The account of Gomara (1941s I, 87-89 /cap#
X1J7) is simply a reworking of material presented by
Anghiera and is extremely faulty, since Gomara includes
passages from Anghiera actually describing the Florida
Indians, For this mistake he is perhaps not to blame,
since Anghiera himself confuses Lucayan culture traits
with those reported by Ayllon from Chi cora and Duhare on
the Florida mainland and discusses them all under the
heading of Mlas Islas Yucayas (Anghiera, 1944: 503-
514 /Zee* vii, lib. 11, caps, i-lii; lib# Hi, caps*
i-i£/).
The short section in Anghiera which can definitely
be said to refer to the Lucayans supplements Columbus *
data, although we are not told to what section of the ar
chipelago Anghiera Is referring. He states that the
women of the Islands were very beautiful and were sought
after by natives from neighboring regions# He also says
that the men ordinarily wore no clothing except in times
of war or at festive dances, when they donned plumes of
various colors and elegant tufts of feathers* Young

104
women and girls wore no clothing until their first men
struation, after which they wore small genital coverings
woven from grasses. During the period.of.first menstru
ation Itself a woman wore no covering, but was exhibited
by her, parents to the.neighbors as being of obvious
marriageable age, Married women, or women who had lost
their virginity, wore skirts of grass or cotton down to
the knees# Anghlera also mentions the use of the hamaca
In the Bahamas,
: Concerning the political and economic organi
sation of the Lucayans, Anghlera says that they had
local "kinglets" who ruled with a firm but beneficent
hand. The primary duties of these leaders were economic.
They had charge of planting, hunting, fishing, and the
arts and.crafts, and apparently dictated.the time of year
when each would receive attention and the persons in the
local group who would participate in the stipulated
activity. The local king was also in charge of ball games,
dances, and other ceremonial proceedings, Anghlera very
aptly compares the duties of these monarchs with those of
a king bee, indicating that "The cacique is, then, like
a Icing bee, the economist and apportioner. of work for his
flock (Anghlera, 1944: 502 /cCec, vii, lib, I, cap, ij/)*
We are given the impression,of a relatively communistic
and classless society under the control of local work-

105
bosses*
From Anghiera we learn that the Luc ajano wore
ear ornaments made from a red shell, the exact nature
of which he does not mention* Too, he says that certain
parts' of largo snail shells, probably Strombus gigas :
(fink Conch), Pecten, or Spondylua, were made into
beautiful, red, transparent, and shining ornaments,
which Anghiera says observers have compared to the ruby*
The shell was called cohobo and the jewel made from it
cohibid. Other ornaments were made from yellow and
black stones, found on land, and were used on necklaces,
bracelets, and ornaments which were worn around the calf
of the leg.
From the same account we know that the Lucayans
used the Pink Conch as a food source. From this point
(Anghiera, 1944: ibid.) the narrative becomes confusing,
for the author does not distinguish clearly between
Floridian and Lucayan customs.
Wo can, in all probability, credit Anghierafs
ethnographic information on the Lucayans as correct, for
it came primarily from Ayllon and do Castro, both of whom
were familiar with the area and its natives, as mentioned
earlier in the report. '
Las Casas gives us a few more particulars not
specifically mentioned by Columbus nor Anghiera. Vie do

106
not know his sources, but judging from his usual raeti-
culousness in reporting Indian affairs, his statements
are probably credible* He describes the usual Lucayan
weapon, used more for spearing fish than for killing
men, as a lanco made from a wooden pole with the end
sharpened and roasted to hardness by fire* Some of
these spears wore equipped with points of fish teeth
or spines (Las Casas, 1877; I, 221 lib, i, cap* rS/)9
Woven cotton cloth is mentioned briefly as a trade
item (Las Casas, 1877: I, 222 £ ibid, _7>.
The native bread of the Lucayans Las Casas calls
cazabd, indicating that it was made from yuca or cassava
as in other areas of the West Indies (Las Casas, 1877: I,
227 Lib. 1, cap, xlii/) He also speaks of the female
genital covering, as described by Anghiera (Las Casas,
1877: I, 227 c ibid, J). and describes the cleanliness
of Lucayan dwellings and the "beds of cotton netting
(Las Casas, 1877; I, 228 JT ibid* 7), He says that
Columbus reported the natives had dogs as pets, although
he had never seen the animals himsolf, but had his infor
mation from sailors who had seen them. These dogs were
reported to be Hmuts,t of both light and dark colors.
The only difference noted between these animals and those
of Spain was that Lucayan dogs could not bark; they were
able to utter a growl from the throat, but nothing more

107
(Las Gasas, 1877; I, 229 ib Id J). Iguanas aro
mentioned as usual articles in the hucayan diet (Las
Casas, 1877; 1, 230 Tb, i, cap. xlli/)*
The ethnographic information covered in the
previous pages Is all gathered from historical sources#
It has boen presented here in a somewhat disjointed
manner, perhaps, but will be coalesced with archeological
data to produce a more coherent picture later in the
report. With such a combined presentation the picture
can be broadened somewhat, but even then It remains
rather sketchy,
AHCIISOLOCI CAL INVESTIGATIONS
Although there are nine major collections of
Bahamian archeological material in this country, most
material from all but three comes from surface collec
tions. Site provenience, and often island provenience,
is usually indefinite In the case of specimens from the
other collections. This paucity of data affords little
concrete assistance In the establishment of a cultural
sequence for the archipelago, The smaller collections,
some of importance, v/ill be discussed after a more
thorough presentation has been given of the seven major
explorations. These latter include surveys made by \7,K,
Brooks, Theodore Pe Booy, Froelich G. Bainey, two by

103
John M* Goggin, and two by Herbert 17. Krioger. It should
be pointed out that all of these Investigations, with
the possible exception of Mx*. Kriegor's and a single site
investigated by Dr* Rainey, were but reconnaisaneo
surveys* Ho attempt was made to conduct serious exea*
vations. Hot enough data are available on Mr* Krioger*s
work to determine the exact extent of his oxacavtions.
The first published account on Bahamian arch
ology is a paper by W.K, Brooks in the Memoirs of the
national Academy of Sciences, vol. 4, 1833* It consists
of a description of three crania found in caves in
various parts of the archipelago* Mention has previously
been made of this paper, and a more thorough examination
of it will be found in the section of this report en
titled Skeletal Remains. Plato I illustrates one of
the crania examined by Brooks, all three of which are
presently in the Morton Collection of Crania Americana
in Philadelphia*
Prom June to December, 1912, Theodore De Booy
and his assistant Mr. C*Y. Spicer conducted an archeolo
gical survey of the Bahamas, Turks, and Caicos, under the
auspices of Georgo G* Hey, founder of the Museum of the
American Indian, Hew York City. This represented the
first survey made of the archipelago* Results have been

109
published, in two reports, appearing In the American
Anthropologist (Do Booy, 1912; 1913). Mr, Do Booy
explored and collected material from some thirty-
eight sitos in all, but apparently did no actual
excavation. Among tlio moro important sites he in
vestigated wore: Juba Point, West Harbor Bluff, Indian
Hill (all on Providenciales Island); Sandy Point,
Pumpkin Bluff, Whitby, Bellevue Mounds, Kew (all on
north Caicos); Fergusons Point, Conch Bar, Lorimers*
Bombara (on Grand or Middle Caicos); and Jacksonville
(on East Caicos), Various sites were visited in the
Turks group. In the Bahamas proper he investigated:
Mayaguana, Eastern Plana Gay, the Biminls, Cat Island,
Long Island, Blcuthera, Little Abaco, San Salvador,
Great Ragged Island, Andros, Rum Cay, Acklins Island,
Crooked Island, Hoy? Providence, and Great Inagua, As
can bo Judged, Mr, Do Booys survey was extensive. It
Is unfortunate that the only reports published are rather
brief. However, he gathered much material from these
sites, all of which Is In the Museum of the American
Indian. The majority of these specimens were analyzed
for this report.
During February and March, 1934, Froolich G*
Rainey, then a graduate student at Yale University, con
ducted an archeological survey of the Bahamas on behalf

110
of Yale Peabody Museum* This expedition, pant of
Yales Caribbean program, was mad possible by Mr*
Allison V# Amour of IIew York, who invited Rainey to
accompany him on his research yacht Iltowana for a
general survey of archeological sitos in the Bahamas
and Haiti (Rainey, 1941: 3), A briof account of the
survey is contained in vol. XVIII, Part 1, of the
Scientific Survey of Porto Rico and the Virgin Islands
(Rainey, 1940). Additional information on Dr* Raineys
work was available from his fiold notos (Rainey, MS),
which are on file in manuscript form at the Yale Peabody
Museum Annex, Hew Haven* Dr* Rainey undertook Invest!*
gations on eleven islands, including: Grand Bahama,
G-reat Abaco, New providence, Bleuthera, Cat Island,
Conception Island, Rum Cay, San Salvador, Long Island,
Crooked Island, and Great Inagua, Other islands wero
visited briefly during the course of his research, in*
eluding Mira Por Vos and tho Pish Cays* In all, fifteen
productive sites were found. Much of Raineys material,
especially tho stone celts, was purchased on various
islands. The expedition was primarily a reconnalsance
one, and only one site was thoroughly excavated, the
Gordon Hill site on Crooked Island, This, however, re
presents the only complete excavation made in the Bahamas,
Pressure of time gave Dr* Rainey little opportunity for

Ill
other full-fledged excavations or for a more thorough
search for sites. The majority of his sites were, cave
burials; non were opon village sitos. In casos where
culture deposits were present material was extremely
rare and quite fragmentary; a total of only 373 ceramic
specimens are included In his collection, all consisting
of small sherds, .
Prom October, 1936, to February, 1937, Herbert
Kriegor of the United States national Museum In Wash
ington conducted an archeological reconnaisanco of the
Bahamas, A preliminary report has boon published in the
Explorations and Field Work of the Smithsonian Institu
tion in 1936 (Kriegor, 1937), and brief montion of.this
expedition is made In the Annual Report of the Smithson
ian Institution for 1937 (Smithsonian Institution, 1938),
In all probabilities Mr, Kriegerfs work has been the most
extensive yet conducted, to judge from the preliminary
report, and it should be interesting to observe the cor
relations and differences between his conclusions and
those drawn here, which are based on the analysis of
relatively little material, Mr, Kriegor visited eight
of the islands, including Hew Providence, Bleuthora, Long
Island, Gat Island, San Salvador, Great Inagua, Andros,
and the Berry Islands, The only specific sites laentlonod,
in the preliminary report are Hamilton Caves on Long

112
Island and..Salt Pond Hill Cavo on Groat Inagua (ICriegor,
1937; 98), According to the Smithsonian Institution
Annual Report (1938: 28-29), kitchen middens and burials
were excavated on Long Island, Groat Inagua, and Now
Providence, The only conclusions mentioned in either
report are that data were uncovered pointing to a close
cultural contact between the Lucayans and the Arawak of
Hispaniola, and that the tribal migrations of the Lu~
cayana came from Hispaniola, apparently at a relatively.,
recent date (Smithsonian Institution, 1938; 29)#
,, Mr# Krioger ronewed his work in the Bahamas
during January-May, 1947, A brief, undetailed account
of this expedition is given in the Annual Report of the
Smithsonian Institution for 1947 (Smithsonian Institution,
1948: 16-17), Under a grant from Ernest N, Hay, Mr#
Krleger conducted an investigation of fifteenth century
historic Indian villages and some of the early Spanish
settlements In the West Indies, The expedition lasted
from January 16th to May 5th, 1947, during which time Mr#
Krleger visited and made tost excavations at Indian
villages referred to by Christopher Columbus In the jour
nal of his first voyage to tho Now World# One village site
was located, and excavations wore conducted, near the
town of Clinton, on the north end of Long Island (Thomp
son, 1949: 30), This site Is presumably that mentioned

IIS
by Columbus (1893; 47} as having fields of excellent
Indian corn,
.ir* Krieger also reports excavation in a cave
site with plain pottery on the estato of tho late Sir
Ilarry Oakes on Hew Providenco, but no details wore
given about the nature of the site nor the specimens
recovered from it (communication from Herbert W Kriegor
to John K* Goggln). Ho further information was avail
able concerning the expedition, although it has been
assumed by the writer that other village sites itere
among those investigated by Hr, Kricger. Material from
both of these surveys is at the United States national
Museum in Washington,
In July-August, 1937, John !.!, Goggln, then an
undergraduate student at the University of How Mexico,
made an anthropological reoonnaisance of Andros Island,
He also studied and photographed the archeological
collection In the Nassau Public Library, Andros Island
was searched as thoroughly as possible over a four-woek
period for Indian remains, but no village sites were
located, The caves examined showed no signs of habi
tation, but at Bain Hill, Mastic Point, on the northeast
side of the.island, a single burial cave was located. It
had been disturbed and most of the bones taken, away. The
remaining bones were collected and deposited at the Uni-

114
versity of Hew Mexico, Dr, Goggin secured fourteen
celts by purchase* but found no ceramic specimens nor
other artifacts* Two of these celts are at the niver
sity of New Mexico; one is at Yale Peabody Museum; and
the rest are at the University of Florida, While in
Nassau he saw human bones in a cave near balee Gunning*
ham, about two miles west of the city (Goggin 1957
Field Notes}* An article in American Antiquity (Goggin,
1939) gives a report of this reconnaisance expedition.
During the summer of 1952 Dr, Goggin again
visited the Bahamas as a member of the University of
Florida expedition to study the economy and resources
of the islands. He visited Hew Providence, Exuma, Long
Island, Fortune Island, Crooked Island, Bum Cay, Cat
Island, and Great Abaco, Although he inquired for
"thunderbolts or celts everywhere he was able to pur*
chase only one, on Rum Cay, This celt is now at the
University of Florida Anthropology Laboratory, Dr*
Goggin visited the famous Hartford Cave petroglyph site
near Port Boyd on Bum Cay and a cave at Deadmans Bay on
Long Island (Goggin 1952 Field Notes), but no artifacts
were found in either of those caves. In addition to these
personal Investigations he had reports of four other
sites, to be noted subsequently, and supplemented data
from his previous trip to the islands. Collections in

I
115
Nassau, specially, that of, Mrs*. Hugh Johnson, were
studied* .
These investigations have boon the only ones
conducted for the precise purpose of obtaining arche
ological material from the Bahamas, Turks, and Caicos.
As may be seen, none of them has been too extensive,
and,none has been followed up by serious excavation.
Unfortunately this means that our knowledge of Bahamian
archeology is quite limited* It has been further
limited by the fact that no detailed reports have been
written for any of the surveys. Furthermore, no attempt
at correlation of the several finds has been made, a
function which this report attempts to fill.
As mentioned earlier, there are several smaller
collections of archeological material from the Bahamas in
this country. They are, notably, the Godet-Greenway
collection and a second smaller one at the Harvard
Peabody Museum, the Arnold collection at the Yale Pea
body Museum, and the collection of Lady Edith Blake at
the Museum of the American Indian*
The Goddt-Groenway collection consists of
1,291 specimens, mainly ceramic, from North Caicos^*
^This collection Is catalogued as coming from
Grand Caicos, the Bellevue site* Both North and Grand
Caicos were formerly often collectively called Grand or

116
The collection was nado between the years 1931 and 1936
by Mr, ffodet of Bellevue, and apparently cane from the
immediate vicinity of the sottlement. It was presented
to Harvard Peabody Museum through Dr, James C, Green
way, All the material was collected from the surface.
There are many decorated sherds, and the collection has
consequently proven of great value in the delineation
of Bahamian ceramic stylos.
The Arnold collection consists of fort^r-seven
shell and stone specimens collected by the late Mr.
Benjamin Arnold of Albany,.New York, It was presented
to Yale Peabody Museum around. 1945-46, and represents
the work of Mr, Arnold over a period of thirty years. In
the collection arc: 35 potaloid stone celts, 5 double-
bitted stone celts, 1 abberatod stone celt, 1 stone
effigy colt, 2 stone chisels, 1 Irregular stone hammer-
grinder, and 2 shell colts. Only four of those specimens
have any provenience, and for these there Is only island
provenience. One potaloid stone celt (Y.P.M. 137370, PI.
VIII: 8) comes from the vicinity of Nassau, New Provi-
Middlo Caicos, as If they were a single Island (Do Booy,
1912: 81, 82), Bellevue is on the present North Caicos,
and the Island provenience for this collection has
accordingly been modified in this report. Several sites,
including Bellevue, Bellevue Mounds, and Now are listed
by De Booy (1912) as Grand Caicos sites, These errors
have been rectified in the next section of this report.

117
dene* Another pefcaloid stone celt (Y.P.M. 137370, PI.
IX: 1) comes from Rum Cay, and two final specimens
(Y,P.M, 137306, Y.P.M, 137367) come from Andros, Pub
lished reference to this collection Is found in Moore-
head* s The Stone Age in North America (1911), with
illustrations of the specimen from New Providence
(Moorehoad, 1911: I, Pig, 226), one of the Andros
specimens (Moorehoad, 1911: Ibid.), and of two additional
specimens, provenience not given (Moorehead, 1911: II,
Pig. 223). Lady Edith Blake, wife of Sir Henry Arthur
Blake, governor of the Bahamas from 1884 to 1887,
gathered together a rather extensive collection of
artifacts and skeletal material, the majority of which
is now at the Museum of the American Indian,
There are also several other collections. The
Public Library on Grand Turk has some archeological
material from the Caicos group, exact island and site
provenience unknown (Rainey, 1940: 151; communication
from C.B. Lewis, November 4, 1954), Two duhos and two
wooden platters or bowls seem to make up the total
collection.
The Nassau Public Library has a collection of
approximately 12 petaloid stone celts, 1 double-bitted
stone celt, 1 stone chisel, a single stone zetni (PI.

118
X: 4), and several crania, all of the latter exhibiting
the usual porallelo-fronto-occipital deformation describ
ed earlier in the report. This material has been
cursorily mentioned by Rainey (1940: 149, 151j MS: 7),
Brooks (1888: 216), Shattuck (1905: 421), and Goggln
(1937 Field Notes, Photographs; 1952 Field Notes)# One
of the crania is Illustrated as PI# I of this report.
The celts are of varying sizes, and provenience is not
known for any of them#
Mr# Elgin J* Forsyth, former Commissioner of
Andros Island, at one time had a collection of eight
celts from Mores Island (Goggin 1937 Field Notes)#
Mr. Forsyth, who is retired now, Is undoubtedly the
outstanding local authority on the archeology of the
area, and has not only shown much Interest In the-field,
but has been very helpful to the archeologists who have
visited the Bahamas#
The British Museum has a duho (CC1918-I) from
Elouthcra. This has been described and illustrated by
Joyce (1919: PI* 2, 3)* Braunholtz (1951: 54-55) sub
sequently describes the specimen again. It seems pro
bable that the Museum may have more material from the
Bahamas, but lack of proper staff has made it impossible
to maleo any definite identification of such specimens at
the present time (communication from the British Museum,

119
December 1, 1955),* Joyce, (1916s PI* XXXIIIj 4) reports
a monolithic ax, provenience unknown, in the Museum*s
collection*
Mrs* Hugh Johnson of N as a au has a collection
consisting of twenty-four celts from Long Island, two
of them double-bitted; a celt from Cherokee Sound, Great
Abaco; a celt from Mores Island; and a celt from Andros*
She also has two crania in her.collection, both exhibit*
ing artificial parallolo-fronto-occipital deformation*
They come from The Bogue on Eleuthera and from Maya-
guana (Goggin 1952 Field Notes)* Mrs, Johnson very
kindly allowed Dr* Goggin to examine her collection
during the summer of 1952,
Mrs, Herbert Brown, also of Nassau, has a
unique potaloid stone celt measuring 12 3/4 inches
in length (Goggin 1952 Field Notes)* This is the largest
celt known from the,islands* The South Kensington Museum
in London Is reported to have been the recipient of a
duho* in turtle form, and some pottery from Black Bluff
Gave, Rum Cay (Goggin 1952 Field Notes), but it has not
been possible to locate this material (communication from
Adrian Digby, November 10, 1954)* A single duho, an
almost complete bowl, and some potsherds are in the museum
of St* John*s University, Collegevillo, Minnesota* They
were found by Father Arnold Mondloch, 0*S.B*, in a cave

120
near Mortimer settlement, Long Island (communication
from Frederic U, Frey, Hay 10, 1954)* Ho report has
boon published on this material*
A duho obtained from a family on Long Island,
by Father Arnold Mondlooh around 1940 is at St* Augus
tine 3 College in Nassau (communication from FrodorIc
U, Prey, Hay 10, 1954). Four crania and a collection of
shell-tempered sherds were found at Smith Hill Cave,
Andros Island, by Captain L.vV.B, Hoes, who sent them to
the American Museum of Natural History in Now York
(Goggin 1952 Field Notes; data from 13*1. Forsyth), Dr.
Harry L. Shapiro, Curator of Physical Anthropology at
the American Museum, reports that he has no record of
receipt for the material and that all attempts to locate
it have been unrev/arded (communication from Harry L.
Shapiro, November 8, 1954), Another duho, from San
Salvador, is in the collection of the Academy of Natural
Sciences in Philadelphia (communication from Miss H,
Newell Wardle to John M, Goggin, December 28, 1945), and
a final duho, reported by De Booy (1912; 87) is at the
United States National Museum in Washington* A mono
lithic ax is reported from the Muses du Cinquantenalre,
Brussels (Laven, 1935: 158; flamy, 1906: Fig. 129), Site
and island provenience for tills specimen are unknown.

121
Various other smaller collections have been
reported to the writer. Skeletal remains have been
noted on Hew Providence by several people, but all these
finds have been incorrect, or the remains have proven
to be later than Luccyan times.
Several specimens from Spanish timos havo been
recovered. Aside from tho Lucayan material gathered by
Dr, Goggin, now at the University of Florida, there,are
also a body sherd and a complete rim sherd from a
Spanish olive jar, both collected by Charles K, Brook
field from tho well-known wreck off Gorda Cay, to the
immediate southwest of Great Abaco, A seventy-pound
silver bar, now in Nassau, was found at the same wreck*
There seems reason to believe that this wreck may be
that mentioned by Lefroy (1879: II, 112-115), who states
that in July 1657 treasure v/as recovered from a Spanish
wreck off the coast of Abaco# A typical Spanish bell,
dated 1657, is in the possession of J.P, Sands Company
of Nassau. It was brought up from a roof off Great Abaco
about the year 1898, A short statement concerning the
specimen and a photograph of it have been prepared by
J,F, Sands Company. Holmes (1899: 129-130, Pig, 59c}
mentions a Spanish olive jar, then in the Natural History
Museum at Boston, which was brought up off the coast of

122
Grand Turk at the point where the British frigate
Govern wrecked about the jeer 1793.
In general It may be noted that collections
of Bahamian archeological material are few, and that
the specimens contained in the Individual collections
are small in number. Organised attempts on the part of
professionals to clarify the archeological picture of
the region have been even fewer. Nevertheless, It is
possible to make some fairly definite statements on tho
basis of the data at hand. It will, of course, remain
for further excavation In the archipelago to fill out
these statements and determine their veracity.

ARCHEOLOGICAL SITES
INTRODUCTION
Prom the descriptive listing which follows it
may seem that sites are not uncommon in the Bahamas,
Turks, and Caicos, However, the listing hero is per
haps somewhat misleading, for many of the entries
recorded as ffarcheological sites represent small,
isolated finds, often consisting of nothing more than
a handful of sherds or a single stone celt* In actuality
the number of productivo sites is extremely small, and
even those have given us little data when treated
singly* It Is solely through a composite examination
of all the sites that any cultural reconstruction can
be attempted* Even then, as will bo pointed out later
in the report, spatial and temporal reconstructions are
only tentative and await further and more thorough work
in the islands*
The term "stratigraphy Is almost meaningless
when applied to our present knowledge of Bahamian
archeology* Even the one completely excavated site* at
Cordon Hill on Crooked Island, was not excavated using
stratigraphic techniques* natural stratigraphy has either
been disregarded by past workers or was not present; at
least no mention of strata or levels is made by any
123

124
worker with the exception of Rainoy, who dug the Gordon
Hill sito# Nevertheless, examination of surface col**
lections and of material from the few sites dug does
enable us to present a brief cultural reconstruction
of sorts, which, fortunately or unfortunately, must
serve our neods for the present#
Of the sixty-one major sites mentioned in this
report, only sixteen represent open village sites#
The remaining sites are cave-habitationa presumably
used only by small groups of people, cave-burials, or
cave-petroglyph sites# Fifteen of the village sites are
in the Caicos Islands# These sites are: Juba Point
Mound, Indian Hill (on Providenciales); Whitby, Belle
vue Mounds, West of Bellevue, Windsor Mound, Ready Money
Mound, Lockland Mound, St# Thomas Hill (on North Caicos);
Dead Han's Skull Bluff Mound, Bombara, Lorimers, Gamble
Hill Mounds, Indian Hill Mounds (on Grand or Middle
Caicos); and Flamingo Hill Mounds (on East Caicos). The
remaining village sit is located near the town of Glinton
on Long Island# Unfortunately, no actual excavation has
been attempted at any of these village sites as far as we
know, which has augmented the difficulty of determining
Bahamian cultural stratigraphy and a sequence of cultures
for the islands#

125
The lack of village sitos In the central and
northern portions of the archipelago may represent
either a paucity of such sites in those sections, or,
which seems more likely at the present, a less thorough
survey of those,sections than of the southern portion
of the islands* Krieger (1937; >98) reports shell
midden sites from the Berry Islands and from Andros,
but we have no description of them from these localities
or from other sections of the archipelago*
It may be noted that productive sites have
in general been concentrated in the Caicos rather than
farther to the north* This, too, may simply be an indi
cation of less thorough work to the north, but in this
instance, as will be explained more fully later in the
report, it is felt that the Caicos may actually have
been more heavily populated than were the northern
islands.
In this survey all sites investigated have been
listed for each island* The listing has been presented
in a geographical fashion, moving from the north to the
south of the archipelago. When several sites occur on a
single Island, village sites have been discussed first,
then burial sites, and finally petroglyph sites. This
procedure has been followed whenever possible, but in the

126
case of a complex of sites, such as those at Gordon Hill,
Crooked Island, the complex has been kept together, re
gardless of the break-up in the original scheme of
presentation* Preceding each discussion of the sites
on a particular Island, a brief statement has been made
concerning the material found on the island with no
specific site provenience*
An attempt has been made to correlate this
section with the preceding one on the archeological
investigations and collections and with the following
section on the specimens* As far as possible the
following features have been discussed in connection
with each site: location, excavations (with dates),
artifacts recovered, stratigraphy, present location of
the material from the site, and reference to plates in
this report illustrating the material* Where particu
larly important specimens are discussed their catalog
numbers have been given. All major sites listed have
been given a number designation, which is placed in
parentheses immediately following the site name. The
accompanying maps of the Bahamas and of the Turks and
Caicos (Pigs. 3-5, 7) show the location of each numbered
site16.
16
The following symbols have been used in Pigs.

127
All areas ofthe archipelago have been sur
veyed cursorily for sites except tho Exuma Chain, Great
Exuma, the Jumento Cays, Cay Sal, and the Anguila
Isles* The incompleteness of these surveys, through
no particular fault of the Investigators themselves,
can not be overstressed* The archipelago has been
covered, indeed, but not at all thoroughly, and the
reader should use tho figures showing the spatial
distribution of sites with some caution#
THE BIMIBIS
There have been no sites reported from either
north or South Bimini# There is, however, a single
stone semi* in human form, from here in De Booys
collection at the Museum of the American Indian In
New York City, as well as a perforated stone pendant. -
GRAND BAHAMA
Rainey is the only investigator who has visited
Gran Bahama* He spent four days there looking for sites,
but heard of only four caves* Three of these reports
3-5, 7$ indicates a cave-habit at ion site, 4- indicates
a burial site, > a cave-habitation and burial site, and
indicates an open village site. The letter flpn has been
used to indicate petroglyph sites#

128

129
from U.S.C. & G.S. Chart Ko.1002, scale 1:1,210,765)

130

131
turned out to bo false, and the fourth, in which a
wooden mortar was said to have been found, could not
be located. The latter cave was said to be near Gold
Rock, a settlement on the south-central coast.
Two fractured pataloid stone celts and a single
stone hammer-grinder wore purchased in Gold Rock, but
no other artifacts were obtained from the island
(Rainey, MS: 29-30, 31-32), All three specimens wore
sent to the Yale Peabody Museum (Y.P.n. 28868-28870),
but the hammer-grinder and complete celt are missing
from the collection,
LITTLE ABACO
No sites have been located on Little Abaco,
De Booy obtained a single petalold stone celt and an
abberated stone celt (M*A*I* 5/2567), The latter
specimen is narrower at the center than at the ex
tremities, and Is approximately four inches long,
GREAT ABACO
Three caves were investigated by Rainey on
Great Abaco, Two isolated petalold stone celts are
known from the island. One of these Is in Do Booy*s
collection at the Museum of the American Indian; the
other, from Cherokee Sound on the east-central coast.

132
is in the collection of Mrs. Hugh Johnson of Nassau
(Goggin 1952 Field Notes).
Imperial Lighthouse Dwelling Cave (1)
About a mile and a quarter from the Imperial
Lighthouse on the extremo southern end of Great Abaco,
and fifty yards off the main trail, Rainey located a
small cavo It had a small entrance and no largo
chambers, and had boon dug for cave-earth* A little
earth had been left, however, in a small niche near
the entrance, This was screened, producing hutia,
fish, and bird bones, and the stem of a clay pipe
(Rainey, MS: 28-29),
Imperial Lighthouse Burial Cave (2)
About one mile from the Imperial Lighthouse,
and a mile in from the shore, Rainey found an ocean
sink-hole. On a low shelter at the side of the hole,
a few inches below the surface, ho found a single
parallelo-fronto-occipitally flattened cranium, later
identified as that of an elderly woman. The jaw, several
long bones, a hutia cranium, and five thin, undecorated
Meiliac sherds (Y.P.M, 29714) were also recovered
(Rainey, MS: 28-29),

133
Lantern Head Gave
Rainey had reports of a cave near a rock
called Lantern Hoad, three and a half miles past tho
Imperial Lighthouse on the southern coast of the
Island, It was said to be small, and nothing had been
found on it, so it was not investigated (Rainey, MS:
29).
MORES ISLAND (3)
Mores Island, also called Moors Island, is
located on the western edge of Little Bahama Bank,
just to the north of Great Abacos southwestern cape.
The island is covered with innumerable limestone caves,
several of which Do Booy investigated In 1912. His
single but distinguished find was a cedar canoe paddle
(M.A.I, 3/2574), which is described in the following
section of this report and Illustrated as PI. X: 10.
The cave whore the paddle was found is not specifically
located by Do Booy (1913: 2-5, Pig. 1).
Mrs* Hugh Johnson of Nassau has a single,
small, double-bitted, celt from Mores Island in her
collection (Goggin 1952 Field Notes). Mr, E. J* Forsyth
had a collection of eight potaloid stone celts from the
island, but they have since been stolen (Goggin 1937

154
Fibld flotes; Photograph).
Ho sites, other than the one found by Do Booy,
have been located on Moros Island. It does seem
unusual, however, that so much material should come
from such a small and inhospitable spot* The island
might well merit specific attention in future archae
ological work In tho archipelago*
THE BERRY ISLANDS
This chain of islands, lying to the Immediate
northeast of Andros, was included by Mr, Krieger in
his survey of the Bahamas, Ho mentions the find of
GIboney sites hero, as well as on Andros (Krieger,
1957s 98). He does not, however, locate those sites,
nor does he state the nature of the material recovered
which has led him to state that they represent clboney
occupation* Apparently the sites are shell middens,
for he says that they are identical with 3itos at lie
a Vache in Haiti and at Samana in the Dominican Re
public (Krieger, 1937: 98), Other than these sites
reported by Mr. Krieger and the Lignum-vitae Gay site,
none are known from tho Berry group.
Lignum-Vitae Cay (4)
On the west side of Lignum-vitao Cay, in the

135
Berry Islands, near the site of an old house, a large
cave was accidentally opened up by a landslide some-*
time during the oarly 1950*s, The cave apparently
contained archeological material. It was reported to
Dr, Goggln In the summor of 1952 by Mr, 13, J, Forsyth
of Andros (Goggln 1952 Field Notess 0), Mr* Forsyth
had not seen the site Itself, but had seen a cranium,
fragment from the cave,
ANDROS
Be Booy was the first investigator to make a
site survey of Andros, In his collection from tho
Bahamas at the Museum of the American Indian are two
petaloid stone celts and two decorated Meillac sherds.
The site provenience for these specimens is not given.
One of tho Moillac sherds has a typical cylindrical lug;
the other, a docoratod shoulder sherd, has a series of
diamond-like Incisions underlined by a single incised
line. Both sherds are tempered with shell inclusions of
moderate to large size# The surfaces of these sherds are
very crudely finished,
Mr, Krleger covered Andros -in his survey, but
he mentions no specific sites from the island. As
pointed out under the discussion of the Berry Islands,
he does mention finding GIboney shell middens Again,

IS 6
they are not located, nor does ho describe material
from them* Flo other specimens aro mentioned in Hr#
Krlegor*a preliminary roport (Krieger, 1957* 96, 98)#
Dr, Goggin spent four weeks on Andros in the
summer of 1957* Ho managed to obtain through purchase
fourteen stone colts, twelve of them potaloid in shape,
one double-bitted, and one an unfinished potaloid stone
celt* Two of the potaloid celts are at the University
of Hew Mexico, eleven are at the University of Florida,
and the single double-bitted specimen is at the Yale
Peabody Museum (Y.P.M# 58350, PI, IX: 15), The latter
comes from Mastic Point, while the unfinished potaloid
celt comes from Mangrove Cay, Two of the finished
petaloid celts come from Mastic Point, eight come from
Mangrove Cay, one comes from Little Wood Cay, Middle
Bight, and one comes from Nov/ York Shore# They range
from 2-y- inches to 6 s/4 inches in length (Goggin, 1959:
23, PI, III: Pigs, 1-3; Goggin 1937 Field Notes and
Photograph), A single stone ball was reported by Dr,
Goggin (1937 Field Notes and Photograph), He saw
several other unfinished petaloid stone celts which he
was not able to purchase (personal communication from
John K, Goggin, 1954),
A single petaloid stone celt from. Andros, site
provenience unknown, is in the collection of Mrs, Hugh

3.37
Johnson of Nassau (Goggin 1952 Field Notes)* Two
additional specimens in the Arnold collection (Y.F.M.
137306, Y.P.K, 137367) come from Andros, site pro
venience unknown* They have been illustrated by
Hoorehead (1911: I, Fig. 226).
Morgan*s Bluff Caves
A series of caves were located by Dr. Goggin
in the summer of 1937 at Morgan s Bluff on the extreme
northeast coast of Andros. Only one of the caves was
dry and still contained fill. This cave, the northern
most in the group, was tested, but no signs of aboriginal
occupation were found (Goggin, 1939: 21). It probably
deserves more thorough testing in view of the scarcity
of material in given Bahamian sites (personal coramuni-
/
cation from John M. Goggin, 1954),
Bain Hill Cave (5)
Near Mastic Point, south of Morgan*s Bluff
on the northeast coast of Andros, is a small ridge
called Bain Hill, Here Dr. Goggin found a single
burial cave. It had been worked for cave-earth, and
bones had been found. The diggers had thrown these out
to one side, where Dr. Goggin was able to recover some
of them. They seem to represent at least two indivi-

138
duals# The crania had boon taken away by the diggers
and could not be recovered (Goggin, 1939: 22-23)# This
material is at the University of New Mexico (Goggin 1937
Field Notes)*
Big Wood Cay
On Big Wood Cay, just north of Mangrove Cay
and divided from the latter by Middle Bight, Dr* Goggin
heard reports of a cave containing a skull* Although
he tried to locate the sit he was unable to do so
(Goggin, 1939s 23),
Mangrove Cay
There are mentions from three sources of an un
named cave on Mangrove Cay, the second southernmost
major island in the Andros group, which is supposed to
have contained a dugout and paddles. The earliest source
of this statement is W,K. Brooks (1888; 220), and it is
repeated by Moseley (1925i 67), In the previous citation
Brooks says that he was told personally about thi3 cave
but does not mention his informant* The specimens were
apparently removed sometime before 1888* Brooks (1880;
220) states that they were not preserved. Dr. Goggin
(1939; 26) also heard reports of the cave, but none of
the natives could tell him where it was nor what had

139
happened to the dugoufc and paddles, Moseley (1926:
67) gives the location of the cave as ^behind the hills
on Mangrove Cay in an unusual rock formation,
Sinkert Hill Caves
Dr* Goggin (1939: 23) found several caves near
Sinkert Hill on Mangrove Cay* Hone of them showed any
signs of aboriginal occupation.
Smith Hill Oaves (Bluff Settlement Caves) (6)
On the southernmost major island of the Andros
group, near the Barrack Gays, which lie off the east
coast, Dr* Goggin heard of a group of caves near the
town of Bluff Settlement* He did not investigate the
caves himself, but he had a first-hand report from Mr*
E*J. Forsyth, Mr, Forsyth reported the caves* location
as seven miles north of Deep Creek and one quarter of a
mile north and two hundred yards in from Smith Hill*
The caves are open and joined together, Mr, Forsyth
and Captain L*W,B. Rees recovered a skeleton there, and
some years earlier Captain Rees had found four crania,
not all of them deformed* These were sent to the American
Museum of Natural History in Hew York with a fow shell-
tempered sherds, also found in the cave. According to

140
Mr* Forsyth they were tempered with whelk (Livona
plea L.) shell. Only one bone and a few sherds wore
found beneath the surface; the rest of the material
was found above ground (Goggin, 1939: 21-22; 1952
Field notes: 7-8).
NE/ 'PROVIDENCE :
Sites on Hew Providence are scarce, and we have
no complete Information on any single site. The first
mention of aboriginal habitation sites comes from J.D*
Schoopf, a traveler in the Bahamas in the middle 1780*a
who noted that "In the cavos of Hew Providence dwelt
the aboriginal Indians, where often now Indian utensils
and antiquities are to be found"(Schoopf, 1911: 280).
He does not, however, bear out this statement, A second
report says "All that now remains to tell of this un
fortunate people that once existed, is the record of
history, and some of their stone hatchets and domestic
utensils, which are occasionally found"(Edwards, 1819:
IV, 219). A third report comes from a short article in
Harpers Hew Monthly Magazine (Anonymous, 1875a: 150).
Here it is stated that several clay balls were in the
"Museum of Haasan," The author of the article reports
Dr. E* Palmer as suggesting that they wore used as war-
clubs or cooking stones. Palmer gave no sources for his

141
conjectures* Brooks (1388* 216) reports that Lady
Edith Blako personally supervised the excavation of a
small burial cavo in the interior of Nov/ Providence
sometime between the years 1084-1887. The exact lo
cation is not given. Two fragmentary skeletons wore
found, portions of which wero examined by Brooks for
his 1888 report.
It was not until some years later, in 1912,
that Do Booy visited Hew Providence during his recon
naissance of the archipelago. In his collection at the
Museum of the American Indian aro a single petaloid
stone celt, one stone parrot effigy head, a worked shell
fragment, and four shell gouges.
Dr, Rainey spent seven days on Hew Providence,
He saw a three-legged stone metate in the Nassau Public
Library, but there was no data to indicate whether it
came from Hew providence or not. A single cave near
Nassau was also located, but the cave-earth had been
removed for fertiliser. Dr, Rainey dug a test pit from
the cave entrance into the mouth. There ho found eighteen
inches of flre-doposlt and some European sherds and iron
fragments. No Indian material v/aa present (Rainey, MS:
6-7).
Mr* Kriegor (1937* 96) reports that he ex
cavated three caves on Hew Providonco during his 1936-37

142
expedition, but does not mention any material re
covered nor the location of the sites* He also
reports digging a cave containing plain pottery on
the estate of the late Sir Harry Oakes near Nassau
during his 1947 expedition (communication to John
Goggin).
There are several specimens from New Providence
in private collections* Some of the celts in the col
lection of the Nassau Public Library, discussed earlier
in the report, may come from New Providence, although
there is no site nor island provenience for any of them*
One of the celts in the Arnold collection (Y.P.M.
157370, PI* VIIIi 8) also comes from New Providence
(I'oorehoad, 1911: I, Pig* 226)* One of the crania ex
amined by WK* Brooks in the Nassau Public Library, and
referred to by Brooks as No*l (Brooks, 1888: 216), is
said to have come from a cave on New Providence*
Oakes Estate Gave (7)
Mr* Kriegor (communication to John 1* Goggin,
April, 1952) reports a cave on the estate of the late
Sir Harry Oakes from which he obtained plain pottery*
He does not give any details concerning the specimens
recovered nor the exact location of the site on the
estate. Eunice, Lady Oakes, was unable to add any

145
further details, since she had not been aware of the
excavations, which wore apparently conducted somewhere
on Westbourne, the Oakes* estate near Nassau (communi
cation from Eunice, Lady Oakes, November 8, 1954)*
( Lake Cunningham Cave (8)
Dr* Goggin mentions finding human bones in a
cave near Lake Cunningham, west of Nassau, The bones
were on the surface of the ground, llo further details
are given (Goggin 1937 Field Ilotes) *
'ELETHERA ...
Do Booy, Krieger, and Rainey all visited
Bleuthera and searched for sites* There is a single
petaloid stone celt from the island in Do Booy*s col
lection at the Museum of the American Indian, Mr,
Krieger (1937j 96) mentions finding much material of
wood, pottery, shell, and stone, as well as skeletal
material, in banana holes and caves on Bleuthera, but
does not, however, list sit locations nor definite
specimens. Dr, Rainey spent three days on Bleuthera,
He located nine caves, but only three burial caves
furnished any material, nine petaloid stone celts and
one stone hammer-grinder were purchased by Dr, Rainey
at Wemyss Bight ,(Y.P.M, .28857-28860, 2887Q-2888S) The

144

.1
sit provenience of these specimens Is not known
(Hainey, MS: 8-9)# There Is also a single duho from
Eleuthera, site provonlence unknown, In the British
Museum (CC1918-1), This specimen has been .described
by Joyce (1919) and again by Braunholts (1951)# It will
be discussed at greater length In the next section of
this report#
The Bogue
There Is a single parallelo-fronto-occipitally
deformed cranium in the collection of Mrs. Hugh Johnson
of Nassau which comes from The Bogue on Eleuthera
(Goggln 1952 Field Notes), It is not specified whether
Upper Bogue or Lower Bogue, both settlements on the
northwestern coast of the island, is meant#
Finley Burial Gave No* 1 (9)
Near the south end of Eleuthera, at Bannerman
Town, Dr* Hainey located eight caves on the property of
a Mr# Finley* Six of them had been dug for cave-earth
and were sterile# The first of the remaining caves,
however, yielded evidence of a burial, a parallelo-
fronto-occipitally flattened cranium being found on the
floor near the cave entrance* in the cave deposit were
found some long bones, a piece of a pelvis, a small piece

145
of the cranium, some ribs, and some small bones* The
soil was nowhere more than, eight eon Inches deep, and'
no artifacts were recovered (Rainey, MS: 8-9),
Finley Burial Cavo No, 2 (10)
The second of the Finley caves furnished no
cultural material, but immediately in front of it were
found two human long bones and part of a pelvis,
apparently thrown out from the Interior of the cave.
In a cleft in the cave itself, near the pelvis, a
perfect femur was found (Hainey, US: 9)*
Wemyss Bight Burial Cave (11)
Near the town of Wemyss Bight, on the south
west coast of Eleuthora, a burial cave was located by
Dr* Hainey, Several bones, including a jaw bone, were
found on the surface of a low shelf in the cave, No
artifacts were recovered, A cranium purchased by Dr,
Hainey in Wemyss Bight fitted the jaw from the burial
cave perfectly, and he assumed that they probably cam
from the same burial (Rainey, MS: 10-11),
CAT ISLAND
Be Booy, Krloger, and Ralhey all survoyed Cat

146
Island for sitos* De Booy obtained a single petaloid
stone celt on the island, Mr* Kriegor mentions finding
much material of pottery, wood, shell, and stone in
caves on Gat Island, but he locates no sites and dis
cusses no definto specimens (Krieger, 1937: 96). Dr,
Rainey attempted twice to land on the island, but the
water was too rough. In Nassau, however, he heard that
there were many large undug caves on the island, in some
of which bones had be on found. He tried to locate some
of these skeletal remains but was unsuccessful (Rainey,
MS: 26), Dr, Goggln visited the island during the
summer of 1952 but ¥/as not able to locate any sites
(Goggln 1952 Field Notes),
CONCEPTION ISLAND
Dr, Rainey spent one day on Conception Island,
to the northwest of Rum Cay, which is presently un
inhabited, He was not able to locate any sites, and no
other Investigations of the island have been made (Rainey,
MS: 11),
SAN SALVADOR
The earliest report of a specimen collected from
San Salvador datos from 1828, Miss II, Newell Wardles

147
reported to Dr* Goggin (communication of December 28,
1945) that an undescribod v/ooden duho was In the col
lection of the Academy of Natural Sciences in Phila
delphia* She reports that the specimen was collected
around 1828* It was formerly on display, but may at
present be in storage* In De Booy's collection there
is one complete petaloid stone celt and a fragmentary
one from the island*
Mr* Krieger (1937: 96) mentions finding material
of pottery, wood, shell, and stone in caves on San Sal
vador, but no listing of sites nor of definite specimens
is given* Dr* Rainey spent five days on the island
looking for sites* Ho succeeded in locating six caves,
four of which produced cultural material, the other two
being sterile* Two complete petaloid stone celts and
four fragmentary ones were purchased (Y.P.M* 23855-
23856, 28874-28877), and a nearly complete Moillac bowl
was found in a small hole near the head of the central
lake on the inland* It was brought to Dr. Rainey in
fragmentary condition, however, having been broken on the
trip from the lake (Rainey, MSi 13-18, 33)*
South Victoria Hills Settlement Oaves (12)
Dr* Rainey located two caves about two miles

148
from South Victoria Hills Settlement, In the oast-
central part of San Salvador, One of them was small -
and had no culture deposit, 'The other one, called
Indian Gave, was quite largo, having a central chamber
with three smaller ones off the sides. The earth had
been removed from thelarge central chamber, but the
smaller chambers had not been disturbed. In the first
two of those chambers, containing about eighteen inches
of earth, charcoal and clam shells wore found, as well
as a number of sherds. In the third were shells and
charcoal, but no sherds* In all, seventy-one sherds
were found, all Tie iliac (Y.P.M, 28872-20873), Many
have a cross-hatch design, and there is a single
Incised Me iliac handle from the site* The sherds have
the thin, buff-red surface typical of Great Abaco and
San Salvador Moillac sherds. Twelve of the seventy-one
sherds are missing from Raineys collection. It was
said that bones had been removed from the cave many years
before Rainey was there In 1934, A single human pre
molar from one of the side caves was recovered (Rainey,
M3: 14} 1940: 153),
Williams Gave Mo, 1 (13)
At .the southeast end of San Salvador on the

149
property of a Hr* Williams, Dr, Rainey located two caves*
All the earth in cave no, 1 was screened, producing
some human teeth, a human phalange, some bird bones,
and one piece of pottery with a crudely incised
altornatlng-oblique-Iine design on it. The sherd is
Yoiliac and has the usual buff-red surface (Y,P,M,
no catalog number). Ho other cultural material was
recovered (Rainey, MS: S3)*
Williams.Gave Ho, 2 (14)
The earth was also screened in a second shelter
cave on Hr, Williams property. This cavo was three
feet high by fifteen feet long, and eight feet deep,
A trench was dug inside the cave along the length of
the shelter, A few fish and bird bones, some conch
shells, charcoal, and some small sherds were recovered.
There are two decorated Ileillac sherds, twenty-four
Carrier sherds, and five fabric-impressed body sherds
from this site (Y,P.M* 28919; Rainey, ¡13: 33),
San Salvador Burial Cave (15)
A small cave containing a burial was found by
Dr* Rainey on San Salvador, but he does not give the
exact location in his field notes. Just inside the

150
entrance a fragmentary femur and a fragmentary occiput
were recovered* Digging produced a fow teeth and
further fragments of bone* Ho artifacts wore found,
(Rainey, MS: 15)*
RIB! GAY
Lady Edith Blake, Theodore D Booy, Froelich
G, Rainey, and John M* Goggin have all visited Rum Gay*
There are two Carrier sherds and a single small petaloid
stone celt in De Booys collection at the Museum of the
American Indian* Dr* Goggin purchased a single petaloid
Stone celt on Rum Cay in the summer of 1952 (Goggin
1952 Field Hotes)* This latter specimen is at the
University of Florida Anthropology Laboratory* A single
petaloid stone celt in the Arnold collection (Y.P.M.
137570, PI, IX: 1) comes from Rum Cay*
Dr. Rainey spent four days on Rum Cay* He
located three caves, but all three had been dug for
cave-earth, and no culture deposit was found. He did
see a single, sharp petaloid stone celt, but the owner
refused to sell it (Rainey, MS: 11-13)* Dr, Rainey also
heard a report while in Nassau, from Dr, Dolley, of a
petroglyph cave some fifteen miles from Port Poison on
the south coast of the island.

151
Black Bluff (16)
At Black Bluff| about three miles southeast of
Port nelson on the road to the dam of the salt pond, are
several small caves. One of them is exposed and clear of
brush at the entrancej the largest, however, is about
100 yards inland from the shore and is hidden by brush,
which covers the entrance so that it is not easily seen
from the beach. It is not over twelve feet above the
high tide level and may be subject to wash at times of
storm and high water, The cave-earth has been removed
in recent years, Mr, E.J, Forsyth reported the cave to
Dr, Goggin (1952 Field Notes), While Dr, Goggin was
visiting Hartford Gave on the north side of the island,
J,M, Duncan, University of Florida, College of Engineer
ing, visited this site. No cultural material was found,
although Mr, Forsyth told Dr Goggin (1952 Field Notes:
8) that his grandfather had found a duho in turtle form
and some pottery in this cave, It was said to have been
sent to the South Kensington Museum, London, but the
writer has not been able to get a definite report on it
(communication from Adrian Digby, November 10, 1954),
Port Boyd Burial Cave No, 1 (17)
Near old Port Boyd, on the north coast of Hum

152
Cay Dr* Rainey located a burial cave* He does not
give a precise location in his field notes nor in his
published report (Rainey, MS: 12-15; 1940: 152)* At
one side of the cave under a low roof numerous human
bones were found. More were in the cave-earth itself.
Port Boyd Burial Cave Ho, 2 (18)
Bight miles from old Port Boyd Dr, Rainey
found a single cave. It was sterile, but a solitary
petroglyph, undescribed, was on one of the walls* A
complete skeleton was said to have been taken from tills
cave not many years before Dr, Rainey was there in 1954
(Rainey, IIS: 15),
Indian Hole (19)
On the northwest shore of Rum Cay is a cave
known locally as Indian Hole, According to reports
(Moseley, 1926: 01) it contains petroglyphs. The
entrance to the cave is low, and there is a white sand
beech in front of it. Inside are several chambers, some
deep and others shallow. The lowest parts of the cave
are filled with sand, which covers a great part of the
cave and hid3 many of the petroglyphs.

153
Hartford Cave (20)
One of the most famous sitos in the Bahamas
is Hartford Gave, It has been visited by many people,
and there have been numerous reports of It published*
It is located on the north coast of Bum cay on the
seashore about a smile and a half from the western point
of the island to the east of a bluff, and west of old
Port Boyd, The shore around it is bleak and rocky with
bare limestone cliffs. Close to the bluff is a "puffing
hole" through which the sea blows at times of high
water. The cave itself is semicircular in shape, the
mouth being about forty feet wide, and the interior
about sixty feet wide by sixty feet deep by fifteen
feet high. It is partially filled with rocks, earth, and
sand. The walls are coated with lime and salt.
The first description of the cave comes from
Lady Edith Blake, wife of Governor Blake, and is pub
lished in Mallery3 account of Indian picture-writing
(Mallory, 1893: 137-139), lady Blake reported a series
of petroglyphs and sent Mallory sketches of many of them,
Most of them represent human figures or stylised animal
forms, although a paddle and several mase-like designs
also occur. The faces are about ten inches or more across,
although Lady Blake states that she neglected to take

154
accurate measurements. The figures are about a foot
and a half in length, and the markings are about an
inch in depth into the surface of the walls. She
judges that they were made with a sharp stone imple-,
mont,
Dr, Rainey visited Hartford Cave in 1934,
although ho doos not refer to it by name in his field
notos. Photographs talcen by him show the same figures
illustrated by Mallory (1893: 137-139), so it seems
definite that this is the same cave (Rainey, MS: 12;
1940: 152), Dr. Rainey reports that many of the glyphs
were obliterated when he observed.them.
In the summer of 1952 Dr, Goggin visited the
cave. Ho states (1952 Field notes) that most of the
cave-earth had been removed and that a careful trowling
of such pockets of earth as remained revealed no
culture deposit.. The petroglyphs, which are located on
the back and side walls of the cave, are still in good
condition, although they.are becoming heavily coated
with algae and/or moss.
LONG ISLAND
Long Island, Columbus* Fernandina, has been
productive of a great many archeological finds. Among

155
these aro at least three duhos, a canoe fragment, celts,
pottery, and other miscellaneous specimens* It is
unfortunate that the only reports we have on these
finds are brief and scattered, for it is from Long
Island that we have the most complete ethnographical
data (Columbus, 1893: 46-51)*
In De Booy's collection at the Museum of the
American Indian is a single petaloid stone celt from
Long Island, site provenience not given. Mr. Krioger
excavated some sites on Long Island, the most Important
of which were Hamilton Caves and Clinton* He also has
an unpublished duho in his material at the United States
national Museum (communication from Herbert W, Krieger
to John M* Goggln).
Mr* E.J. Forsyth reported to Dr* Goggin (1952
Field Hotes) that his father had found a pointed bow
fragment from a canoe in a cave on Long island. Ap
parently Mr. Forsyth did not know the location of the
cave nor the whereabouts of the specimen* Mrs. Hugh
Johnson of Nassau has twenty-four celts In her col
lection which come from Iiong Island, site provenience
unknown. Two of these are double-bitted, the remainder
being petaloid in shape (Goggin 1952 Field Notes).
Mary Moseley (1926; 83) reports that in a large

166
cave on Long Island, location not given, a skeleton
of a voi*y large man was found some years ago. The
cave is reached through an opening in the side of a
hill, and it is said to be about two hundred yards in
depth* A narrow passage, about thirty feet wide, lead3
from the main chamber to another one* The writer was
unable to trace the present whereabouts of the material
from this site.
I5r. Krieger mentions digging a banana hole, not
definitely located, on Long Island* Prom It he recovered
a bundle of hard-wood arrowheads* On the floor of the
hole, at an unspecified depth, were crab claws and shells
and a deep deposit of ash and charcoal (Krieger, 1937:
96).
Clinton
It has been reported (Thompson, 1949: 30) that
Hr* Krieger excavated a village site near the settlement
of Glinton, on the north end of Long Island, during his
stay In the Bahamas in January-May, 1947, This site was
apparently Identified by Krieger with the village refer
red to by Columbus as having large fields of Indian Corn
(Columbus, 1893: 47), Ho details were available con
cerning the excavations nor the specimens obtained, and
exact location of the site Is not known.

157
Hamilton Caves (21)
These eaves ar*e located in the Headman's Cay
district of Long Island, on the west-central coast*
Mr# Krieger excavated here during his roconnaisanco of
the Bahamas In 1936-37# Ho does not list any definite
site locations, nor does he discuss specific specimens
recovered# He does, however, give some of the charac
teristics of the pottery, and states that these are
typical of finds made elsewhoro in the archipelago
(Krieger, 1937: 98, Pig. 92)# The pottery is thick-
walled and shell-tempered. The designs seems typically
Carrier, for he mentions curvilinear incision, circular
designs, and llne-and-dot Incision# He also mentions
finding stone celts, and, at the 3ame time, notes the
absence of any nativo shell or stone celts in any of
the sites he excavated In the Bahamas#
A report to the writer from the Very Reverend
Frederic U. Prey, O.S.B., of Nassau (communication to
the author, May 10, 1954), states that a duho was ob
tained from a family on Long Island by Father Arnold
Ilondloch, 0#S#B#, about 1940# The family found It at
Hamilton Caves some years before that* Father Arnold
obtained the duho and sent it to St* Augustine's College
In Nassau, where It is presently located. A description

158
of this duho will be given in the next section of the
report
Mortimer Cave (22)
Pathor Prey reported a personal find on Long
Island to the writer. In 1938 or 1939 Father Arnold
Mondloch of Nassau found a duho, an almost completo
bowl, and potsherds in a cave near Mortimer settle
ment on Long Island. During the summer of 1940 Father
Arnold and Father Frey visited the oave again, but no
other material was found. These specimens are now in
the museum at St, John*s University, Collegeville,
Minnesota, where they were personally talcen by Father
Arnold in 1942 or 1944, No definite descriptive report
has yet been obtained of those specimens,
Taylor*s Burial Cave (23)
On the west coast of Long Island, opposite
Clarence Town, Dr. Rainey found a large cave facing a
bay* It Is called Taylor s Cave by the local inhab
itants. Except for several small side chambers it had
been dug for cave-earth. In one of these chambers, on
the surface, a maxillary bone with teeth was found, and
below it in the cave-earth wore found a jaw and other

159
fragmentary small bonos* A singlo pioc of pottery,
undescrfbed, iras also recovered. In another chamber
some pelvis bones were found on the surface* Digging
produced a jaw bone, sternum, sacrum, leg-bone, and an
iron ship*s spike* Some clam shells and charcoal wore
also found. In all, the deposit was not over two foot
deep {Rainey, MS; 16; 1940; 152),
Clarenco Town Caves (24)
Three sterile caves were located north of
Clarence Town, Long Island, by Dr* Rainey. One of them
is called Cartwright Cave, Six miles south of Clarence
Town another cave was found which contained a femur and
decayed parts of a cranium* Ho cultural material was
found (Rainey, MS: 16-17}*
GREAT RAGGED ISLAND
There are two 3tone colts in Do Booy*s collection
at the Museum of the American Indian which come f rom
Great Ragged Island, One of thorn is a long, petaloid
colt; the other is. a very large, flat stone celt or grind
ing stone.

160
CROOKED ISLAND
The only completely excavated sit in the
Bahamas, so far reported, is that excavated by Dr,
Rainey at Gordon Hill, Crooked Island, Other than the
material obtained from Gordon Hill, all of which is now
at Yale Peabody Museum, there are only three other
specimens known from the island. These are three small
petaloid stone celts in De Booy*s collection at the
Museum of the American Indian,
Gordon Hill Dwelling cave (25)
Dr, Rainey spent five days on Crooked Island*
On the north ond of the island, near Gordon Bluff, a
series of caves in a limestone ledge about five hundred
yards from the shore were located. The site had been
located first by Dr. Thomas Barbour and Dr. James Green
way of the Harvard Museum of Comparative Zoology in 1933
(Rainey, 1941: 3), In front of the caves was a wide, level
space, at the time being used for crops. In all, seven
caves were dug in this series. In tv/o of them, dis
cussed later, burials were found; in only one of them
was there a culture deposit. Pour of the caves had
already been dug out for cave-earth and were sterile.
The single cave showing any signs of occupation

161
was about 120 square meters in area, and consisted of a
central chamber about eight feet high and two smaller
side chambers about five,feet high. Almost fifty
square meters were excavated (Pig, S),
The cave was laid out in meter squares and
taken down, roughly, by natural strata. All culture
deposit was within the first 25 centimeters. The
strata were: (1) two or three inches or recent sterile
sand; (2) blackened sand containing the culture de
posit, which was usually three or four inches in depth
and never over eight to ten inches} (3) sub-sand of a
whitish-yellow color varying from two to three feet in
depth} and (4) the underlying rock floor*
The front and rear of the cave contained the
most cultural material. The richest deposits were up
against the walls, while the low chambers at the sides
were sterile* Fire-pits were numerous, but were not
over nine to ten inches deep. Charcoal appeared all
over the eave floor, Hutia, fish, and bird bono3, and
some clam and conch shells were found in the refuse
deposit. Conch feet were very common. One cut and
cracked human bone was found near the entrance of the
cave. Fragments of human bone wero also found in the
field in front of the cave. They wore probably thrown

162
Island ( scale 1 cir: 1 ra )0
Low Pass

165
out along with the cave-earth usod for fertilizer*
Specimens wore found in twenty-four of the
forty-seven sections excavated and in the test pit. The
other sections were sterile except for refuse* In all,
264 specimens were recovered, comprising 245 potsherds and
19 miscellaneous non-ceramic types. Both 1'eillo.c and
Carrier sherds were found. One hundred and forty-five
Moiliac sherds and 89 Carrier sherds occurred. The
Melilac specimens all show the characteristics typical
of that style. Carrier sherds, too, show the usual
features* Fifty-one of the Carrier sherds have a white
coating, Y/hile thirty-eight do not. It sooms to be due
to deposition In the soil, which is composed mainly of
limestone concretions* A test of this white coating
with concentrated hydrochloric acid Indicated It to be
pure calcium carbonate, limestone, for no precipitate
was left after the reaction had reached completion.
Only nine decorated sherds come from this site.
Eight of those are fabric-impresses. This style is very
unusual for the Caribbean, As far as the writer could
determine the only sherds from the Caribbean showing
fabric-impressions are those from Gordon Hill and
several from San Salvador and Horth Caicos. Two of the
Gordon Hill specimens (Y.P.M, 23897) come from section

164
6-1 $ five (Y.P.H, 23916) como from section J-2; and
one (Y.F.M, 28919) cornos from section 9-6. A complete
discussion of these sherds will be found in the next
section of the report.
Other artifact types present at Gordon Hill
are: bone point, bon awl, bono gouge, wooden fishhook,
wooden fire-board, shell pendant, bono ornament, shell
cup* The accompanying table illustrates the distri
bution and frequency of artifacts within the Gordon
Hill Dwelling Cave site* The sole source for infor
mation pertaining to this site is Hainey (MS: 25-26}
1940: 152)* All material from tho site is at Yale
Peabody Museum (23361-23867, 23335-23919).
Gordon Hill Burial Gave Ho* 1 (26)
Burial cavo no* 1 is a fairly low and open
cave in which two primary burials were found* The,
first skeleton was interred on a small rock shelf on
the cave floor beneath the earth* It was lying on tho
loft sido with tho logs partly flexed, the finger bones
covering the pubic regions Only the lower part of the
skeleton was completo, the upper part being quit frag
mentary* All of the torso bones and most of the cranium
wore missing, Apparently the upper portions of the burial

165
TABLE 2
FREQUENCY AND DISTRIBUTION OP ARTIFACTS IN
TIIE GORDON HILL DWELLING CAFE SITE
Section
tie iliac
Carrier
Unelassi-
Bone
Bone
Pottery
Pottery
fled
Point
Awl
Test Pit
36
2
1
4
A-l
10
5
B-l
11
B-2
11
B-4
13
0-1
1
2
i
o
21
16
C-5
4
12
0-6
1
7
1
0-8
2
1
D-l
2
D-2
D-4
5
D-6
3
1
£-3
2
1
E-4
5
P-3
7
H-l
1
2
II-2
5
H-4
1
H-5
1
2
H-6
16
J-2
12
8
5
J-3
8
3
2
K-2
1

166
TABLE 2Continued
Bone Pish- Pire- Shell Shell/Bone
Gouge hooks Board Cup Ornaments
1 1 1
1
2
1
1
1
1
1

167
had been disturbed at some time, but the lower parts
left in place. The cranium fragments wore found eight
inches below the surface; the pelvis about fourteen
inches. Other part3 of the torso and cranium were
receovered on digging around the skeleton. Part of the
cranium and jaw bone were found about two and a half
feet from the feet of the skeleton. These pieces
fitted the cranium fragments in situ and were assumed to
belong to it. The earth around the first skeleton con
tained bird, rat, and hutia bones.
At the south side of the cave, where it sloped
up to the entrance, a second burial was found. It, too,
had been disturbed, although the pelvis and upper ends
of the femurs were in place. The burial lay on the
rock floor of the cave. A few stray bones belonging to
this skeleton were found on the north side of the cave
(Rainey, MS: 20-22; 1940: 152).
Gordon Hill Burial Cave lo. 2 (27)
In a low cave next to burial cave no. 1, a
pelvis, radius, ulna, and many other stray bones were
found on the rock floor of the cave where it sloped up
near the entrance. The radius and ulna seemed to be in
original place of deposition. Most of the cave had been
dug out for cave-earth, and it could not be determined

168
whether there had originally been more than one burial
(Rainey, MS: 22).
ACKLINS ISLAND
One site has been reported from Acklins
Island by De Booy (1915: 5-6). In his collection is
a single petaloid stone celt and aduho# The latter
came from Spring Point Gave, described below* The
site provenience of the celt is not known.
Spring Point Cave (28)
The duho (MA,I, 5/2575} mentioned above was
found, covered with debris, by a negro in Spring Point
Cave. He took the specimen to a Mr, Darrell on the
island, who in turn gave It to Dr, F.A. Holmes of Nassau,
The latter presented it to Do Booy* De Booy visited the
site in 1912, but he does not give its exact location
(De Booy, 1913: 5-6, Pig, 4),
FISH GAYS
Dr, Rainey spent two days on the Fish Cays,
Both are too small for habitation. Although Dr, Rainey
did not attempt to locate sites, he feels it improbable
that the islands were ever inhabited (Rainey, MS: 26),

160
MIRA POR VOS CAY
. Dr* Rainey did not attempt to locate any sites
on Mira Por Vos, but again ho feels It improbable that
any habitation sites would be found, sinoe the island
is so small (Rainey, MS: 26), Ho other investigator
touched upon the island,
EASTERN PEAHA CAY
In Be Booy*s collection at the Museum of the
American Indian is a coral semi (M.A.I. 3/2230) carved
In the form of a human head, which comes from Eastern
Plana Cay, There is no site provenience given for the
specimen.
GREAT IHAGTJA ...
Do Booy, Rainey, and Krioger all visited Great
Inagua during their roconnalaance surveys of the Bahamas*
There are two petaloid stone celts, one large ceremonial
celt, and one shell gouge in Do Booys material at the
Museum of the American Indian, Dr, Rainey spent four days
on Great Inagua and purchased two petaloid stono celts*
He had several reports of oaves, but they all proved
false (Rainey, MS: 18-20, 34; 1940? 153)* He also had a
report from Major Bell of Great Abaco that there were.

170
petroglyphs in several caves in the southeastern section
of Great Inagua. Rainey did not, however, check this
report (Rainey, MS: 28). Mr. Krieger mentions finding
much material of pottery, wood, shell, and stone In
caves on the island during his 1936-37 survey but does
not list any definite specimens (Krieger, 1937? 96).
Salt Pond Hill Cave (29)
Mr* Krieger excavated at Salt Pond Hill Gave#
He does not locate the site precisely. He does say,
though, that the pottery recovered was typically thin-
walled, red ware, with molded figurine heads as lugs.
From this information we may tentatively assume that the
site represents Carrier occupation (Krieger, 1937: 98).
Dr, Goggin (communication from E.J. Forsyth in 1952
Field Notes) reports that about a hundred years ago a
greyish-brown jar, without glaze, and with walls about
1 inches thick was recovered from this site. The vessel
is twenty-nine inches high, twenty inches wide at the
center of the body, and fifteen Inches wide at the rim.
It is presumably Spanish. Location of this specimen at
present is not given.
MAYAGUAHA
There are five specimens from Mayaguana in De

171
Booys collection at the Museum of the American Indian,
These include four petaloid stone celts and a stone
ceremonial celt, one side of.which is carved in the
form of a stylized human figure. This specimen will be
described later in the report. It has been described
by De Booy (1913: 6)* Dr, Rainey spent a single day on
Mayaguana, but did not have an opportunity to search
for sites (Rainey, MS: 20),
In the collection of Mrs. Hugh Johnson of
Nassau is a single parallelo-fronto-occipitally
flattened cranium from Mayaguana, The site provenience
is unknown (Goggln 1952 Field Notes),
WEST GAIGGS (30)
All excavations and site surveys in the Turks
and Caicos were conducted by De Booy in 1912. Ho other
investigator has visited these islands, which seem to
have been the most productive of sites.
Only two non-ceramic specimens are known from
West Caicos* Those are a wooden idol and a duho (M.A.I,
5/8028), both in De Booyfs collection at the Museum of the
American Indian, The Idol, presumably a zerai, Is two and
a half feet long and Is in human forra. It has been very
much weathered and worn. It was originally mis catalogued
as coming from Grand Turk (Anonymous, 1875b: 634), and

172
belonged to the United States national Museum, which
received it from Profossor W.M* Gbb and Mr* Firth
in 1875* The wrong provenience was apparently given
the specimen because it came from a Ur. Gibbs of Grand
Turk (Do Booy, 1919: 61). In,addition to these speci
mens there are seventeen Meillac sherds and one Carrier
sherd from West Caicos with Do Booys material* No site
provenience is given for the latter specimens*
PROVIDENCIALES
Bight sites were located and investigated by
De Booy on the Island of Providenciales In the Caicos,
Four petaloid stone celts, one shell celt, one mono
lithic ax, twenty-four Meillac (?) sherds, and one
Carrier sherd, site provenience not given, are in De
Booy*a collection from Providenciales at the Museum of
the American Indian.
Chalk Sound (51)
There are ten Carrier sherds from this site
at the Museum of the American Indian* No details are
known about the,site itself*
Kingston (32)
There arc eleven Carrier sherds from this site

175
?if>7* Sites in the Turks and Caicos
(adapted from Colonial Surveys Chart,
19^9 ).

174
at the Museum, of tho American Indian* Ho details are
known about the sito itself*
Juba Point Oaves (35)
This site is located on a cape on the southern
coast of Providencalos Island* The cape itself is
called Juba Point, Hear tho cape are two caves, which,
according to De Booy (1912: 89), had not been entered
since 1880, He cites the superstitions of the native
nogro population as enough to keep them out of cave3
unless accompanied by a white man. This lack of dis
turbance indicated to De Booy that the caves had not
been molested before he entered them. He says that
both caves lead to a large ocean-hole, an underground
cavity in the rock leading to the ocean. The hole with
which these caves are connected is about three miles
inland from the cape.
The mouth of the first cave is about three
feet in diameter. The entrance is about ten feet long
and slopes down at a forty-five degree angle into a
long chamber, which branches off Into two or three
smaller ones. Access to the main chamber of this cave
can be had only by means of a rope. De Booy found no
signs of early habitation and no artifacts (De Booy, 1912:
89-90).

175
Juba Point Cavo No. 2 is located in close
proximity to cavo no. 1, although Do Booy (1912: 91)
does not Indicate the exact relationship of the two.
This second cave has a larger mouth than the first ,
about fourteen feot in diameter. The entrance is about
seven feet wide and slopes down gradually into a large
main chamber. This chamber has two branches leading
away from it, which De Booy assumed led to the ocean
hole mentioned above* The main chamber is readily
accessible. A groat deal of limestone from the roof
had fallen to the floor, which rendered actual excavation
impossible% however, a tost pit produced several pieces
of charred wood, a few turtle and other animal bones,
a small monolithic ax, and some sherds. The ax was found
in association with burned wood fragments and several
conch shells at a depth of eighteen inches below the
surface of the cave-earth. An unnamed number of plain
sherds viere found in addition to three decorated Carrier
sherds. One of the sherds is incised with llne-and-dot
Incision in alternating oblique and horizontal parallel
groups; another with circular punctations; and the third
with straight line incisions (Do Booy, 1912: 91, Pigs.
3c, 4).

176
Juba Point Mound (34)
Directly outside of* Juba Point Cave Ho, 1 is
a small mound. On the surface of this mound De Dooy
found a single small punctated Carrier sherd (De Booy,
1912s 90, Fig, 2e),
?/est Harbor Bluff Cave (35)
West Harbor Bluff is a cape on the south*
western point of Providenciales Island, An open cave,
consisting of two protected chambers under the rock,
was found by De Booy on the western side of the bluff,
A stretch of beach about twenty feet long leads from
the cave to the sea, De Booy (1912: 92) found many
conch shells, which had been opened in the character
istic Indian fashion of knocking a hole in the side,
Imbedded in the rock botween the entrance to the cave
and the water.
The bottom of the first chamber of the cave
was covered with cave-earth, De Booy excavated this
chamber and found, just above the rock floor at an un
specified depth, one hoe (?) made from turtle bone,
three bone awls, one or two smaller worked bones, one
boar (?) fang, ten sherds of plain Carrier pottery, and
three decorated sherds, Two of these decorated sherds are

177
described by Do Booyv On has curvilinear incision
and line-and-dot incision. The second has straight-
line Incision slanting obliquely away from the rim*
Both oherd3 are rim sherds, and at least these two
would seem to be Carrier. The third decorated sherd
is undescribed, A single Carrier anthropomorphic
lug was recovered (De Dooy, 1912: 91-93, Pigs, 2b,
2d, 5a),
Indian Hill (Malcolm Roads) (36)
Indian Hill is a mound near the Malcolm
Roads on the western coast of Providenciales. De Booy
(1912: 93) had several reports that much material was
to be found there, but he did not have the time to
check them. He has assumed, however, that they were
reliable.
Blue Hills (37)
A small colored settlement called Blue Hills is
located on tho northern coast of Providenciales. De Booy
had several reports of "thunderbolts from tho neigh
borhood, but again had no time to investigate his
sources (De Booy, 1912: 93).

178
i
NORTH CAICOS17
Prom North Caicos, no definite site provenience
given, como the follo\ving specimens in Do Booys col
lections ono duho (M.A.I. 5/9385), twelve petaloid
stono celts, one stone zemi, one fragmentary shell
celt, one flat stone celt, ono whetstone made from an
old petaloid stone celt, twenty-nine Carrier sherds,
nineteen Meillac sherds, and a petaloid stone colt
complete Y/ith wooden haft (M.A.I, 6/0, Pi. VII: 11).
The latter specimen was originally a gift to the United
States National Museum from a Mr. Gibbs of Grand Turk
through Professor W.M. Gabb and Mr, Firth in 1875, and
was incorrectly referred to as coming from Grand Turk
(Anonymous, 1875b: 634).
Sandy Point Cave (38)
On the northwest coast of North Caicos, between
Parrot Cay and St* Mary Cay, Do Booy located a cave.
It Is on the St* James property, formerly a large cotton
plantation, and the ruins of the plantation house and
drivev/ay could still be seen In 1912. De Booy does not
17Por the solution adopted in this report to
the confusion between the names of North and Grand or
Middle Caicos, see footnote 15, pp. 115-116; particu
larly with reference to the Bellevue site and the
Godot-Greenway collection.

179
give a definite location of the site in relation to
these ruins Tho site consists of a single cave with
two mouths, both of which lead to a central chamber.
When Do Booy examined the site it had not been dug for
cave-earth. In one spot the roof of the cave was
covered with smoke. Beneath this spot, under the cave-
earth, were found Green Turtle bones, five or six plain
sherds, one sherd of Incised Carrier pottery with a
lug attached, one brown petaloid stone celt, and one
highly polished black stone chisel with a cutting
edge (De Booy, 1912: 94-95).
Pumpkin Bluff Cave (59)
Pumpkin Bluff lies between Sandy Point and
the mouth of Bottle Creek on tho north coast of North
Caicos. About fifty yards due east of the bluff pro
per is a cave with a single chamber. The cave floor
was covered with a heavy deposit of cave-earth with a
considerable amount of ocean sand when De Booy saw It
in 1912. Under the earth at an unspecified depth he
found turtle bones, a few plain sherds, and a single
Carrier rim sherd. This sherd has a well-made anthropo
morphic lug attached. Deep-line incision, oblique,
surrounded by elliptical incisions lie on each side of

180
the lug* The diameter of the original vessel was about
ten inches,, as estimated .by Do Booy. The depth was
probably not much more than one inch (Be Booy, 1912:
95, Pig. 7).
Whitby (40)
This site consists of a field or mound in the
neighborhood of old Whitby plantation, the ruins of which
are still in existence. It is about a quarter of a mil
inland and one mile west of Pumpkin Bluff on the north
coast of north Caicos* Be Booy found no traces of
occupancy in the immediate vicinity of the plantation,
but he heard later of a field, apparently a bit removed
from the plantation, where sherds had been found* He
also purchased a single petaloid stone celt, which was
said to have come from the field (Be Booy, 1912: 95-96).
Bellevue (41)
Between the years of 1951 and 1936 Mr, Godet of
Bellevue, Berth Caicos, made an extensive surface col
lection in the immediate vicinity of Bellevue settlement.
This collection was presented to the Harvard Peabody
Museum through Dr* James 0* Greenway* Provenience data
is not complete, and no definite site involved is mention
ed* There are 1,291 specimens, all fragmentary, in this

181
collectionj 274 are Kelllac sherds, 1008 aro Carrier
sherds, 2 are unclassified sherds,,possibly Meiliac,
5 'are fabric-improssod sherds, and 2 are potalold stone
colts* <
Bellevue Hounds (42)
Tills sito is located by Do Booy (1912; 36) and
is listed under the name of Bottlo Creek, In Do Booy*s
time there was no actual settlement of that name, and he
was referring to a series of sites Bellevue, Windsor,
Beady Money, and Lockland, which aro all situated on
Bottle Creek Itself. Today there is actually a settle
ment called Bottlo Creek to the north of Bellevue
(Groat Britain, Colonial Office, 1949: 26), Be Booy is
not referring to this settlement, and it seemed wiser to
altor his names to avoid misplacing the sites.
Bottle Greek is an inlet dividing north Caicos
from Middle or Grand Caicos, On tho western shore of
the Creek on north Caicos tho above settlements are
located,
Bellevue Vas the northernmost settlement in
1912 and is tho first one mentioned by Be Booy, The
settlement consists of the old McIntosh and Mountain
plantations, the latter of which still retains it name
in the immediate vicinity of Bellevue. McIntosh plan

182
tation was about six miles south from the northern
coast of north Caicos, and, as pointed out earlier,
was situated on the western side of the Creek, Moun
tain plantation was about two miles inland from the west
coast and is presently connected with the settlement of
Bellevue proper by a small road. There are several
mounds on the grounds of old Mountain plantation. They
are covered with stones, which De Booy considers to have
been Lueayan house foundations or platforms (De Booy,
1912j 96), In these mounds De Booy found ash-pits,
animal bones, and potsherds* At least one of the mounds
was tested by De Booy, In that mound, the exact lo
cation of which is not given, he found seventeen plain
sherds, four decorated sherds, and one petaloid stone
celt. Three of the decorated sherds are Carrier with
punctated designs. The fourth sherd seems to have
deep, straight-line incision in alternating series of
oblique and vertical lines, with some curvilinear design
at intervals along the rim* This sherd Is Meillac (De
Booy, 1912j 96-98, Pigs, 2a, 2c, 10, 11),
West of Bellevue (45)
De Booy mentions reports of sites, apparently
in open fields, west of Bellevue, but he does not mention

183
Investigating them himself He indicates, however,
that there are many caves in thi3 region of North Caicos,
and he personally feels that the area would have been
an excellent habitation spot during early times (Do
Booy, 1912: 98).
Windsor Mound (44)
Windsor is a small settlement lying on Bottle
Creek about a mile south of Bellevue, The site refer
red to by Do Booy as Windsor is about two miles inland
from the settlement of that name. There, In a clearing,
he found two decorated sherds, both with diagonal In
cisions1 (De Booy, 1912: 98), and eight plain sherds.
The decorated sherds are Meillac. The site is on a
hill called Tommy Hill by the negroes of the area,
De Booy had a report from a negro woman that she had
once found an entire pot there. She had given it to her
baby as a toy, however, and it had long since been broken
and thrown away (De Booy, 1912: 98).
Ready Money Mound (45)
De Booy reports that he heard of finds In the
range of hills back of Bellevue and Windsor, particu
larly In the neighborhood of Ready Money and Lockland,

184
areas relatively unfrequented by the natives. No ,
attempt was made to check the reports (Do Booy, 1912s
98-99).
Lockland Mounds (46)
The same statement made above for Heady Money
Mound applies to the Lockland Mound report (De Booy,
1912: 98-99),
Kew (47)
Kew is located in the interior of North Caicos,
and was the seat of the Caicos government in earlier
days. Now it is almost deserted* De Booy located no
sites in the vicinity of the settlement, but he was able
to purchase a small stone implement of unknown use, and
undescribed by him, from a local resident. Some years
before he visited Kew a stone zemi had been found there.
It belonged at the time to a Mr, J.S. Cameron, owner of
the East Caicos Sisal Plantation, De Booy was unable to
purchase this specimen, which is the finest known, but
he was able to photograph it. His photographs have been
reproduced as Plate ¥1 in his article on the Caicos
(De Booy, 1912: 99), The specimen will be described in
more detail in the next- section of this report.

185
St, Thomas Hill (48)
St, Thomas Hill is in the neighborhood of
Sandy Point, on the northwestern coast of North Caicos,
between Parrot Cay and St, Mary Gay, Reports indicated
that the southorn border of St, Thomas Hill had produced
some archeological material, but Do Booy does not give
any further details about the site nor the specimens.
Ho apparently did not investigate the roport (Do Booy,
1912: 99),
Boston Cavos (49)
Near Boston settlement, northeast of Hew in
the interior of North Caicos, there are known to be
several caves in which potsherds have been found. Do
Booy (1912: 99) does not mention examining these caves,
nor does he indicate the location or nature of the
material obtained from them,
GRAND GAIGOS
The following material from Grand Caicos is
in De Booy*s collection at the Museum of the American
Indian, None of these specimens has definite site pro
venience.
One monolithic ax (M.A.I, 5/9138); 15 Meiliac
sherds, including seven rim sherds, one adorno, and one

186
lug; 49 Carriel sherds; 5 highly distinctive sherds
(M.A.I. 6/1410), which are Illustrated as Pi. VII:
3-7 in this report; 1 shell gouge; 1 perforated
petaloid stone celt; and 1 perforated shell ornament.
Fergusons Point Caves
Fergusons Point is located on the northern
coast of C*rand Caicos* There are two small caves there.
Although easy to get into, Do Booy found no Indications
of habitation (De Booy, 1912: 99).
Conch Bar Caves (50)
Conch Bar is a settlement on the north coast
of Grand Caicos, one mile west of Fergusons Point.
There are several caves near the settlement, all of which
had been worked for cave-earth about the year 1880, They
are easy to enter and are quite large, according to De
Booy the largest In the Caicos group, Some of them have
small fresh-water lakes Inside. The two largest have
been named Village Cave and Orange Tree Cave by the local
inhabitants. Village Cave has several mouths.
From one of these caves the 1880 diggers ob
tained two small duhos, some skeletal material, and some
crude bedsteads" made of forked sticks and boughs, all
beneath the cave-earth. De Booy does not substantiate

187
this report, which he had from a guide, nor did he
himself find additional material when he Investigated
the caves (De Booy, 1912: 99-100}* Cundall (1894:
Pig, 7} reports a monolithic ax from Conch Bar Caves#
Dead Man*'a Skull Bluff Mound (51)
This bluff is in the neighborhood of Conch
Bar, De Booy does not give a precise location for
it. On the crest of the bluff is a clearing, in which
De Booy found ten plain potsherdsjand two decorated
sherds, turtle bones, and ashes. These he found by
making a small test pit in the mound. He does not de
scribe the sherds, and they were not seen with his
material at the-Museum of the American Indian (De Booy,
1912: 100),
Bambara (52)
Pour miles north of Lorimers settlement on
Grand Caicos is the small settlement of Bambara. De
Booy had reports of potsherds and stone implements from
the vicinity of Bombara but did not have time to invest
gate himself (De Booy, 1912: 102-103),

188
Lorimers (53)
Lorimers is a settlement three and a half miles
inland from Bis Landing on the eastern coast of Grand
Caicos. It is situated on Lorimers Creek, which divides
Grand Caicos from East Caicos and which is actually
nothing more than an ocean inlet. The Lorimers site
is about four miles southwest of the settlement of that
name on a salt marsh overgrown with guinea-grass. It
consists of a number of mounds. Do Booy considered them
to have been artificially erected as a protection against
the sea and as foundations for dwellings. Apparently
there are a great number of mounds in the group, for he
states that they are usually arranged in groups of not
more than six, in crescent formation. The mounds average
threo feet high, eight feet wide, and about twelve feet
long. They are built of coral rock.
On the mounds Do Booy found 12 plain sherds;
5 decorated sherds; 1 dark-green stone ax, referred to
by him as a "knife, with a cutting edge and two small
nicks on the edges, apparently for lashing to a haft
(II.A.I. 3/1915).
Only two of the decorated sherds are described,
and it was not possible to locate the others at the
Museum of the American Indian, One of these, a Carrier

189
specimen, is a rim sherd with punctations and an out-
flaring, folded lip* The other, a I toiliac specimen,
is from the shoulder and lower rim of a vessel. It
has two rows of parallel punetations just.below the
Incurving lip (De Booy, 1912s 100-102* Pigs* 3b, 12,
15, 14).
Gamble Hill Mounds (54)
About two miles north of Larimers settlement
are two hills* One is called Gamble Hill, the other
Indian Hill, De Booy mentions eight to ten mounds on
Gamble Hill, Ho details are given concerning the size
or formation of the mounds* De Booy found eight plain
sherds and two decorated sherds on Gamble Hill* One
decorated sherd is Meiliac, with applied strips of clay
used to make a cross-hatch pattern*. He does not describe
the other decorated sherd. Seemingly the plain sherds,
too, are Moillac (De Booy, 1912: 102, Pig, 15),
Indian Kill Mounds (55)
Indian Hill is located in close proximity to
Gamble Hill, about two miles north of Lorimers settle
ment* De Booy mentions finding two mounds on Indian
Hill, He found three plain sherds and three decorated

190
sherds there* He also found a large petaloid stone celt.
The sherds all seem to bo Meillac, although they could
not be located for study in the Museum of the American
Indian. Do Booy says they were all very crudely made,
and he describes one as having straight-line incision
without definite pattern (De Booy, 1912: 102, Pig* 3d).
Dark Night Well Gave
Within a mile of Lorimers is a cave called
Dark Night Well Gave, It is not located more definitely
by De Booy, who found no trace of habitation there (De
Booy, 1912: 102).
Banana Tree Cave (56)
Banana Tree Cave is located within a mile of
Lorimers. Again no definite location is given by De
Booy, He had a report from an old negro that he had
once found an entire bowl In the cave. On investi
gation the cave mouth had fallen in, and it was Im
possible to make an entrance (De Booy, 1912: 102),
EAST CAICOS
In De Booyfs collection from East Caicos at the
Museum of the American Indian, without site provenience,
are the following specimens: 13 Meillac sherds, with

191
cross-hatching, drilled holes, and affixed cross-hatching
1 Carrier sherd, with line-and-dot incision and curvi
linear design; 7 petaloid stone celts; and 2 double-
bitted-stone celts*
Jacksonville Caves (57) . -
The settlement of Jacksonville, now abandoned,
is on the northeast coast of East Caicos* It consisted
of a three thousand acre sisal plantation belonging to
the East Caicos Sisal Company, Ltd* There are several
caves on the property of the company. Around 1885,
according to De Booy (1912* 105), excavations for cave-
earth were undertaken in several of these caves, notably
the ones known as Old Ho, 1 and lo, 2* Skeletal
material was recovered, as well as several artifacts,
including a wooden duho and a woodon platter. There
was no additional material in either cave when De Booy
investigated them,
De Booy also investigated a cave called Hew Ho.
1 and found numerous petroglyphs on the walls of the
main chamber. They represent, by and large, human
figures in various poses, and are crude line drawings.
He also mentions a stone carved In the fora of a crude
couch or altar in the main chamber, A petroglyph was


192
carved directly over this stone on the wall* In
addition to tho petroglyphs and the carved stone, a
human head was carved, slightly larger than life-size,
on one of the walls of the main chamber (De Booy, 1912:
103-104, Pigs* 16, 17), A single Carrier zoomorphic
head lug was found on tho Jacksonville property and given
to De Booy, as well as a small stone scraper (De Booy,.
1912: 105, Pig. 5b),
Flamingo Ilill Cave .
Flamingo Hill is on the property of the
Bast Caicos Sisal Company at Jacksonville, The cave is
vory difficult to get Into* The ontranceway is a per
pendicular shaft which runs for about twenty foot before
entering the cave proper. Ho material was found thero
(De Booy, 1912: 104).
Flamingo Hill Mounds (58)
There are eight mounds on Flamingo Hill, In -
one of those mounds at an unspecified depth De Booy
found a small stone zemi, three decorated sherds, and
a fragmentary potaloid stone celt. Ho does not describe
any of these specimens in his report (De Booy, 1912:
104, Figs. 3a, 18),

193
At a second mound, on the surface, De Booy
found a Carrier soomorphlc lug; four decorated sherds, at
least two of which are Meillac; fifteen plain sherds;
one stone chisel, highly polished and with a cutting
edge; and one highly polished black flint scraper (De
Booy, 1912: 104, Pig. Sc).
Kelly* s Cave (Sail Rock) (59)
According to reports given De Booy, material
was known from this location, which De Booy himself
does not place* other than that it is on Bast Caicos*
He did not have time to Investigate (De Booy, 1912:
105).
Duck Pond Cave (60)
Pottery fragments from this site were reported
to De Booy, but he did not have time to investigate the
report. The site is located at Goodshill Settlement on
the southwest coast of East Caicos about ten miles from
Jacksonville (De Booy, 1912: 105).
PISH CAYS, CAICOS
The Fish Cays consist of throe small, rocky
islets which are covered by water during bad weather,

194
Landing is difficult, and Do Booy assumed that habi
tation would have been unfeasible (De Booy, 1912: 94}#
' AMBERGRIS .CAY
About a mile inland from the southern shore of
Ambergris Gay a small island to the south of Bast Caicos,
is a large ocean-hole with about six caves* Underground
passages lead from the caves to the hole# The passages
to the eaves were closed when De Booy investigated them
in 1912, The only trace of Lucayan habitation he noticed
was a single conch shell in the mouth of one of the caves#
Although the cay is small, four miles long by
threo miles wide, the soil is quite fertile, and there
are good beaches on the south and east coasts# De Booy
found no indication of village mounds (De Booy, 1912:
93-94),
LITTLE AMBERGRIS CAY
Little Ambergris Cay Is a small, sandy cay
with excellent fresh-water from wells* It is just to
the southeast of Ambergris Cay* De Booy found no signs
of habitation (De Booy, 1912: 94)*
GRAND TURK (61)
The following material is at the Museum of the

195
American Indian among Do Booys specimens from Grand
Turks 6 lleillac sherds; 2 fabric-impressed sherds; one
pottery griddle heavily tempered with large inclusions
of shell and about 15 to 16 m. thick (M.A.I* 5/9357);
and two duhos (M.A.I. 5/8027). The latter two specimens,
both from a cave on Grand Turk, were originally in the
United States National Museum, having been presented to
that Institution In 1875 by a Mr. Gibbs of Grand Turk
through Professor W.. Gabb and Mr. Firth. These tv/o
duhos are among our most perfect specimens and will be
described in detail in the next section of this report.
Apparently some stone celts, undescribed, were Included
in the Gibbs presentation (Anonymous, 1875b:. 634).
In addition to these specimens De Booy (1913:
1) reports two wooden bowls or platters in the library
on Grand Turk, He does not describe them, but, through
the courtesy of Mr, G. Bernard Lewis, Director of the
Institute of Jamaica, Kingston, the writer was able to
obtain additional information as well as photographs of
these specimens and of two additional duhos (communication
from G. Bernard Lewis, November 4, 1954). Mr, Lewis re
ports that all the specimens were .said to have been found
in a cave in the Caicos group, but, since both site and
island provenience are unknown, they have for conveniences

196
sale been listed her trader Grand Turk*

MATERIAL CULTURE
METHODOLOGICAL NOTE
In this section a simple descriptive treat
ment is given Bahamian ceramic styles and non-ceramic
types* Ho attempt has been made to indicate relation
ships of these styles and types with those of neighbor
ing regions of the Caribbean or with areas outside the
Caribbean* A discussion of this nature has been left
to the following section of the report* Quite to the
contrary, in every case an attempt has been made to
treat the Bahamian material as if it were Isolated
from the surrounding regions. In this way it was hoped
that a desired Impartiality and objectivity would be
imposed upon tho analytic system adopted.
It is necessary, before beginning a descriptive
account of the ceramic styles and non-ceramic types
themselves, to explain briefly the methodology used.
Basically, it Is derived from Irving Rouse*s work in
Haitian archeology, A few modifications have been made,
but only where It seemed required to suit the particular
conditions met with in the Bahamian specimens. Rouse
(1939: 11-35; 1941: 13-23; 1952: 324-330) outlines in some
detail his methodology for classifying and defining
Caribbean artifacts. Further reference has been made to
19?

198
Gillen (1938), Kidder and Shepard (1936), McKern (1939),
and March (1934) for other details of ceramic analysis
and description. All these sources taken together have
served as the basis of the analytic methodology used
here*
The first step taken was an analysis of the
individual specimens in some detail to isolate what
House has termed modes (House, 1939: 11-12; 1952:
325), By mode is meant a significant attribute in
character, form, or structure common to a number of
artifacts and distinguishing them as a separate class.
Por example, the cross-hatch docorative motif is an
attribute held in common by a number of ceramic speci
mens in the Bahamian collections. In forming a
temporal and spatial reconstruction of Bahamian culture
it proved significant; therefore, it was termed a mode.
In order to define attributes and modes In all
the groups of specimens, an individual treatment of
specimens was necessary, as Indicated above. In making
such an analysis the methods used by Gillen (1938),
Kidder and Shepard (1936), and March (1934) were used.
Each specimen was analyzed on an Index card, listing all
attributes discernible from a visual examination, whether
they seemed significant or not at the outset. Then all

specimens having one attribute in common, were put into ,
a single class* The most typical of these specimens were
taken and examined again* Prom this examination a de
finition of the attribute was arrived at. The definition
was tested by applying it to all the specimens in the
class, whether typical or not. If they could all be
fitted into the defined attribute, the definition was
considered adequate and final; if hot, the attribute
was redefined, or the less typical specimens were placed
in another class* Finally, these definitions were given
names; e,g* cross-hatch design, flat lip, zoomorphic .
face lug, etc* The defined and named attributes which
later proved significant from a temporal or spatial
point of view wore termed modes*. Modes were dofined
primarily for ceramic artifacts*
Rouses second concept of type (Rouse, 1939: ,
11-12) or style (Rouse, 1952: 326-330) was next applied*
The term type was defined as an abstract non-ceramic
specimen symbolising the class of artifacts, The term
stylo was defined as an abstract ceramic specimen symboli
zing the class of artifacts* The diagnostic features.,in
the establishment of styles, as contrasted with types,
have been limited to shapes and decorative motifs and
techniques* Paste material and other features do not

200
soom to be as diagnostic.
In defining the styles and types of Bahamian
specimens approximately the same procedure was U3ed -
as when defining modes, except that groups of specimens
were considered the basic unit of analysis rather than
individual specimens, -
All specimens wore assigned to groups, accord
ing to material of manufactur alone, The groups of
artifacts were then separated Into classes on the basis
of visual appearance. In this separation specimens
were assigned to classes as nearly as possible according
to their original appearance, not according to their
present fragmentary or altered condition. For example,
stone artifacts could bo subdivided into the classes
celts, semi-forms, ornaments, etc, The typical specimens
were then selected from each class, and a type or style
definition was made. This definition tiras tested by
applying it to all members of the class* If it fitted
it was considered final; if not, the definition was
altered, or the specimens In the class not conforming to
the definition were set aside as possibly forming a
second type or style. After this checking procedure, the
types and styles were named; e,g., Meillac ceramic style,
Carrier ceramic style, petaloid atone celt type, shell

201
gongo type, etc. The basic criterion for stylo and
type definition ivas the presence of a similarly re
curring complex of modes or attributes on each speci
men within a class. In most cases there was more than
one recurring complex, which led to the definition
of moro than one stylo or type for a classj ,g,
petoloid stone celt and double-bitted stone celt.
This procedure proved valuablo in analysing
the Bahamian specimens from a puroly mechanical point
of view, and it later proved of great assistance in
establishing temporal and spatial complexes. More
detailed discussion of modes, types, and styles will
be left to the following section of this report. It
will be sufficient here simply to point out that the
names adopted for the specimen types and stylo are
justified in that section,
CERAMIC SPECIMENS
In all, 1,842 ceramic specimens, all potsherds,
were examined In the Bahamian collections for the
analysis presented here. They have all been placed in
one of the styles or.types discussed below.

202
Meillac Pottery
Typical Specimen, The typical reconstructed
Meillac specimen from the Bahamas is a vessel, probably
a bowl, of moderate size with a large aperture* It
seems to have been round or boat-shaped* The bottom
form is unknown* The bowl sometimes bears a moderately
thick red-clay slip* The walls are relatively thick
and only moderately polished. The surface of the
vessel is hard, and there may or may not be narrow
shoulder, turning not far below the lip* The lip
itself is either round with a straight rim or bevelled
with a slightly flaring rim. The vessel is usually not
decorated, though in some instances it may have an
incised design on the shoulder just below the lip,
usually a cross-hatch design and commonly extending
around the vessel* Decoration is made by scratching
incision in most cases* Occasionally lugs in the form
of an animal*3 face occur on opposite ends of the
vessel. Vessels were probably boat-shaped rather than
round when lugs were present.
Some 549 fragments of Meillac pottery were
analyzed for this report. All but a few bear signs of
use as cooking pottery, and it has been assumed that the
specimens were used primarily for that purpose, A few
specimens (PI, III: 10) have mending-holes drilled just

203
below the lip.
Definition as a stylo. For the Bahamas this
paper, see Pis* III, IV, V; for Haiti Rouse, 1941: 54-
91, Pis. 7-24. Definition for the Bahamas Is based on
specimens from sites on Great Abaco, San Salvador,
Crooked island, and the Caicos.
Paste. Method of manufacture appears to have
been by coiling and firing. Five sherds (Y.P.M,
28898A and B, 23916B) show evidences of coiling On these
specimens the colls are from 4-7 mm, wide, measuring from
the top of one coil to the top of the next. It has been
assumed that this was the method used in all other in
stances.
Sherds from the northern and central islands
are sparsely tempered with shell particles of moderate
sise. Most of the specimens from the Caicos are sparsely
tempered with quartz particles of small to moderate size,
although a few of these sherds are shell-tempered or
shell and quartz-terapered.
Paste texture Is moderately to finely granular,
being characterised by protruding Inclusions of small to
moderate size. Sherds are relatively friable.
In hardness the Bahamalan Melllac sherds vary
from 3,5 to 5,5 on Mohs scale (March, 1934), the average
being between.4 and 4*5, Paste color Is grey or light-

204
black* the cope sometimes being darker.
Surface texture, color, and finish. Exterior
surfaces are moderately polished. Interior surfaces are
usually much rougher, and were only slightly polished,
enough, however, to erase traces of coiling in most
instances. All specimens from San Salvador and Great
Abaco and many from Crooked Island have a thin to
moderately thick red-clay slip, from buff to brick-red
in color. It was applied before firing, since it is
firmly united to the body paste. This slip is thinner
on the sherds from San Salvador and Great Abaco than on
those from Crooked Island, A very few sherds from the
Caicos have this slip, hut most do not.
Decoration, Decoration is relatively rare,
occurring on somewhat less than fifty per cent of the
specimens, The decorative techniques used on Melllac
pottery are: incision, punctation, application, and
affixation, as defined by House (1941: 64-65, 68, 71-
72), Incisions wore executed either by the cutting or
scratching techniques* Cutting incision produces deep,
narrow lines which usually fade out slightly at both ends*
Scratching incision produces shallow, thin lines, often
leaving an excess of clay at the edges of the incision*
PunetatIons wore made with a round, pointed tool in the

205
majority of casos, although cylindrical, wedge-shaped,
triangular, and tubular punctationa alao occur*
Application is the procedure of laying stripe of clay
on the surface of a vessel to form designs, of which
cross-hatching is the most common* On lieillac speci
mens the clay fillets or strips are never pressed into
the body paste, but simply laid lightly on the surface.
In all eases decorative designs are positive
and are geometric In nature. Incised linos are
moderately rough.
The most characteristic decorativo motifs ares
cross-hatching (PI. Ill: 8-18) and alternatlng-oblique-
parallel-lines (PI# III: 1-7)* Cross-hatching is
usually executed by cutting incision, while other motifs
may be executed either by cutting or scratching incision*
In all designs the lines arc relatively widely spaced,
being equally spaced on individual specimens. Incision
seems to have boon done while the clay was still damp.
Other motifs present on Bahamian Moillac
specimens include: oblique-parallel-line design (PI* III:
19), vertical-parallel-line design (PI. Ill: 20-21),
horizontal-parallol-line design (Pi, III: 25; Pi* IV:
1-3), curvilinear design (PI, III: 22), application in
curvilinear design (PI, IV: 5-8), round punctatlon
(PI, IV: 11, 19, 23-24; PI, V: 1-2,5), cylindrical

206
punctation (PI. IV* 9, 16, 18; PI. V: 3-4, 14), wedge-
shaped punctation (Pi. IV: 10, 12-15, 22;.PI, triangular punctation (Pl. IV: 20, 25), tubular punc
tation (PI. V* 9-11), and pinched designs (PI, V: 13).
Decoration is confined above tho shoulder or
to the rim on spocinon3 having no shouldor* In a few
Instances (PI. IV: 11) the lip itself is decorated,
usually with punctation. Designs arc always un
polished.
Fora. Lips are rounded in most Instances
18
(Pig, 8s 1-10, 18, 21) although a few flat examples
do occur (Pig. 8j 13-15, 20), Completely rounded lips
usually are on a straight rim.(Pig, 8; 1-2), Most
round lips aro bevelled, however, always on one side,
usually the Interior (Pig, 8: 5-9, 16-17), Bevelled lip$
18
Proveniences for specimens pictured in Pig#
8 are as follows* 1-2, 8, 16-17, 19-21* north Caicos;
3-7, South Victoria Hills Settlement Caves, Son Salvador;
9, Kingston, Providenciales; 10-15, Gordon Hill Dwelling
Cave, Crooked Island; 18, Lorimora, Grand Caicos, Catalog
numbers ares 1, H.P.M. 30/1365; 2, H.P.M. 30/1365; 3,
Y.P.1I, 28372A; 4, Y.P.M, 288713; 5, .Y,P,M, 28872C; 6,
Y.P.I:!. 23872A; 7, Y.P.M. 28372D; 8, H.P.M. 30/l365; 9,
l-T.A.I, 3/2207A; 10, Y.P.M, 28898B; 11, Y.P.M. 28895A;
12, Y.P.M. 28895B; 13, Y.P.M. 28900A; 14, Y.P.M. 28910A;
15, Y.P.M, 288950; 16, H.P.M. 30/1365; 17, H.P.M,
30/1365; 18, M.A.I, 3/2201; 19, H.P.M. 30/l367; 20,
H.P.M. 30/1367; 21, H.P.M, 30/1366

spaets *L'^ i ^ ^ C X "i J O olZGTJ.OS o 3 (> i*,
LQZ

208
sometimes flare outwards slightly (Pig* 8: 6-8) pro
ducing an eversion of the rim. There is always a
slight taper of the rim walls toward the lip* In
several cases complex bevelling techniques were used
(Fig* 8: 11-12, 15). At times a folded rim occurs,
usually folded on the inside (Fig* 8: 8-9, 17-18, 21),
producing an Inside ridge beneath the lip, although at
times an outside fold with accompanying ridge is found
(Fig. 8: 15). In some cases there Is on inturned
shoulder, usually rounded and showing a gradual lntum
(Fig. 8: 5-4, 7, 16); in other Instances forming a
rather sharp angle with the walls (Fig. 8: 5, 19). In
the latter cases the vessels have flattened shoulders,
sometimes even concave, usually with a bevelled and
slightly outflaring lip, producing a short neck.
There is Insufficient evidence to reconstruct
the base form* In thickness the sherds vary from 6 to 14
mm., the average being 7 to 10 mm.
Appendages, affixed to the body surface, take
the form of simple handles (PI. V: 16), incised handles
(PI. 7s 17-20), cylindrical lugs (PI. Vs 23, 26), and
zoomorphic face lugs, usually with incised paws at
each side (PI, V: 24-25, 27-28). Zoomorphic face lugs
usually have coffee-bean yes and a simple slit for a

209
mouth* Incision is not used on the lugs thornselvos,
although it is often used to represent the toes of
the paws on either side of the face. Handles are
never decorated zoomorphically, but may have incised
geometric designs* The reverse is true of lugs, which
are always zoomorphic and never have Incised design*
Diagnostic attributes* The most important '
attributes diagnostic of Meillac pottery, all modes*
are the followings (1) red slip, (2) coiling,
(3) boat-shaped bov/1, (4) inturned shoulder, (5) orna
mentation boforo clay was relatively dry, (6) orna
mentation confined to shoulders, (7) lug, (8) cylin
drical lug, (9) wedge-shaped lug, (10) zoomorphie
face design, (11) cutting incision, (12) cross-hatch
design, (13) altemating-oblique-parallol-line design,
(14) vertical-parallel-lino design, (15) horizontal-
parallel-line design, (16) punct&tion, (17) limb
design, (18) application, (19) affixation, (20) ridge
on outside rim, (21) strip on outside rim. ^
Geographical range of the style* Specimens of
the Meillac style are known from the following sites in
the Bahamas: Imperial Lighthouse Burial Cave (Great
Abaco); unlocated sites investigated by De Booy on
Andros; South Victoria Hills Settlement Caves, Williams*
Cave No, 1, Williams* Gave No, 2 (San Salvador); Gordon

210
Hill Dwelling Gave (Crooked Island)? unlocated sites
Investigated by D Booy on West Caicos? Bellevue,
Bellevue bounds, Windsor Mound, and unlocatod sites
Investigated by Do Booy (Worth Caicos)? Larimers, Gamble
Hill Mounds, Indian Hill Mounds, and unlocated sites
investigated by Do Booy (Grand Caicos)? Flamingo Hill
Mounds, and unlocated sites Investigated by Do Booy
(East Caicos); Grand Turk, Frequency and complexity
of decorated sherds Is highest In the Turks and Caicos,
decreasing as one moves to the north in the archipelago.
Carrier pottery
Typical specimen. The typical reconstructed
Carrier specimen from the Bahamas Is a thick-walled
vessel, probably a bowl, the body shape and bottom
contours of which are uncertain. It Is, however,
probably a round or boat-shaped vessel. The surface
is relatively soft In comparison with Holline pottery.
Lips are round, and shoulders rarely occur. Decoration
is usually by engraving incision, and ssoomorphic head
lugs representing the features of a bat are very common,
usually on both ends of the vessel. Decorative design
itself is usually curvilinear. The vessel never has a
slip.
There are 1,239 sherds of Carrier pottery in

211
the collections studied. All but a few bear signs of
cooking fires, and It has been assumed, as in the case
of Meillac pottery, that it was used mainly for that
purpose.
Definition as a style,. Por the Bahamas this
paper, see PI, VI; for Haiti -- House, 1941: 113-140,
Pis, 27-34, Definition for the Bahamas is based on
sherds from Crooked Island and the Caicos,
Paste, There is insufficient evidence con
cerning the method of manufacture. In all probabilities
the pottery was made by colling and firing, but no
traces of coiling appear on any specimen examined,
The majority of the sherds from the central
Bahamas are moderately tempered with shell partidos
of medium sise. Host Carrier sherds from the Caicos
are moderately tempered with quarts particles of small
to medium size.
The paste texture is moderately to finely
granular, the Caicos specimens being usually finely
granular. The sherds are friable and range in hardness
from 2,5 to 5,5 on Koh*s scale (March, 1934), the
average being between 3,0 and 3*5,,
The paste color is usually a uniform rod,
ranging from buff to brick-rod, due probably to firing

variations and differences in clays used for manufacture*
The core is occasionally a little darker in color,
sometimos approaching a deop reddish-grey.
The pottery was, on the whole, well-made,
regardless of the softness and friability of the sherds.
That from the Caicos is perhaps more finely made,
' Surface texture, color, and finish. Both
inside and outside surfaces aro relatively smooth and
moderately polished, occasionally reflecting light.
There is no slip present on any of the Carrier sherds,
although sixty per cent of those from Gordon Hill,
Crooked Island, have a thin white coating on both,
exterior and interior surfaces. This coating is chalky
and rubs off oasily. It is not united to tho body paste.
This coating 3 reported from Haiti by House (1941: 115),
who tested it with concentrated hydrochloric acid. In his
test no precipitate was loft, and It was assumed that the
coating was simply calcium carbonate deposited from the
soil, The same procedure was followed with the sherds from
Gordon Hill with the same results. It has therefore been
assumed that the coating roproscuts a calcium carbonate
deposit from the soil on the Gordon-Hill specimens.
Sven though it is possible that a limestone slip might
have been used, it would seem dubious, since the coating
comes off easily, and It would certainly have contaminated

2X3
food and interferred Tilth fcho use of the vessels as
cooking pottery.
Decoration. Decoration* as in the case of
Meillac sherds from tho Bahamas, is relatively rare,
occurring on less than fifty per cent of the shords.
Decorated specimens 3how tho following tochniques:
Incision, punctation, application, and affixation*
Incision is usually engraved. This Is defined by
Rouse {1941: 84) as the drawing of a blunt tool across
the surface of the specimen, while wet, to produce a .
fairly wide, shallow line, Punctations are usually
round, shallow, and large. Applied strips, although
rare, occur, and are always pressed firmly into the
surface of the vessel, contrary to the technique as used,
on the I.'o Iliac specimens. Incised and applied designs
are carefully polished,
Line-and-dot Incision, ovoid design, and
curvilinear design predominate, Line-and-dot incision
(PI, .Vis 8-12) is perhaps the most common. Ovoid design
(PI, VI: 5) is also frequent. Curvilinear designs are
of varying forms. Designs consisting of a series of
concentric circles with a dot in the center are fairly
common (PI, VI: 3), as ore designs consisting of simple
concentric circles (PI* VI: 4), or of circles and oblongs

214
with rounded corners (Pi* Vis 1-2), In several cases
simple series of horisontal-parallel-lines occur (PI*
Vis 6-7}* In the latter case the designs differ from
the same motif on Meillac specimens In the technique of
execution# which is engraving Incision in every case on
Carrier specimens, but scratching incision in most cases
on Meillac specimens. Occasionally linear decoration
occurs (PI* Vis 17-18), but this Is rare* In all cases
noted Incised decoration is by engraving alone and is
usually positive* Punctations are always round, shallow,
and fairly large in comparison to the varying punctates
found on Meillac specimens (PI* VI: 19-20)*
Decoration seems to have been confined to the
shoulder and rim areas of tho vessel. In most cases this
is limited to the exterior surface, although in a few
cases there is decoration, usually punctation, on the
Interior surface as well*
Form* Lips are either flat or rounded, the
19
latter predominating (Fig* 9s 1-8, 12-14) Bounded
^Proveniences for specimens pictured in Pig*
9 are as follows: 1-2, 16-18 Gordon Hill Dwelling
Cave, Crooked Island? 3, Williams* Cave Ho. 2, San
Salvador? 4-7, 9-15, 19-22 Bellevue., North Caicos?
8, Chalk Sound, Providenciales, Catalog numbers are:
1, Y.P.l-I, 28892? 2, Y.P.M. 289163 ? 3, Y.P.Il. 28919C?
4, II.P.K. 30/1365? 5, H.P.IJ. 30/1365? 6, H.P.H.
30/1565? 7, H.P*M* 30/1365; 8, I'.A.I. 3/2204? 9,
30/1365; 10, H.P.M* 30/1355; 11, H.P.H. 30/1365?

15
n
19
ir. 91
Cross sections of
Carrier Hi

lips usually do not have tapering rims (Pig* 9s 1)*
When round lips do thin, they taper more from the inside
of the vessel than from the outside. Plat lips typically
are not tapered (Pig, 9: 16). Rounded lips are often
bevelled, either on the exterior or the interior (Pig,
9* 2-3, 5-10), producing an eversion of the rim.
Interior-bevelled lips taper slightly (Pig, 9s 10),
usually with an accompanying outflaro of the rim* A
few specimens have constricted necks formed by a slight
intum of the shoulder (Pig, 9: 13-15), which is itself
often convex. The inturn is generally abrupt and is
often highlighted by an incised line. This is almost
always the case when the shoulder has a ridge on the
Inturn (Fig, 9 s 14), The intum may, however, bo
gradual (Pig, 9s 13), Interior-folded rims, producing
an Interior ridge just below the rim, are fairly common
(Pig, 9s 5-10), Partially folded lips, producing a
slight inward eversion of the rim occur at times on
vessels with necks (Pig* 9* 14),
Several Carrier base sherds have been recovered
(Fig, 9s 17*22), All seem to show a flattened bottom*
12, H.P.M. 30/1365; 13, H.P.M. 30/1365; 14, H.P.M*
30/1365; 15, H.P.M. 30/l375; 16, Y.P.M. 28902; 17,
Y.P.M, 28396C; 18, Y,P.M, 28912; 19, H.P.M* 30/1374;
20, H.P.M, 30/L374; 21, H.P.M. 30/1375; 22, H.P.M.
30/1375.

217
In general, however, there is insufficient evidence to
postulate definite bottom forms*
Wall thickness varies from 7 to 16 mm*, the
average being between 10 and.12 mm*
.Appendages in the form of zoomorphic head lugs
are of.frequent occurrence* They are usually prismatic
in shape and represent a modelled bat or human face
looking outward from the vessel (PI* VI: 21*23} with
eyes and mouth often incised, the nose usually punc
tated* Plat modelled lugs, also zoomorphic, occur.
They usually have coffee-bean eye3 and look toward the
interior of the vessel (PI, VI: 24)* Ho handle forms
were noted on the sherds examined.
Diagnostic.attributes* The most important
attributes diagnostic of Bahamian Carrier pottery are
the following, all modest (1) boat-shaped vessel,
(2) Inturnod shoulder, (3) eversion of rim, (4) orna
mentation 'confined to shoulders, (5) naturalistic
ornamentation, (6) lug, (7) flat lug, (8) zoomorphic
head lug, (9) engraving incision, (10) line-and-dot
Incision, (11) curved incised lines, (12) ovoid design,
(13) curvilinear design, (14) punctation, (15)affixation,
(16) application, (17)ridge on outside rim, (18) ridge
on Inside rim, (19) modelling.

218
geographical range of the style. Sherds of
Carrier pottery occur from the following sites in the
Bahamasj Williams* Gave No, 2 (San Salvador); Hamilton
Caves (Long Island); Gordon Hill Dwelling Cave
(Crooked Island); 3alt Pond Hill Cave (Great Inagua);
unlocated sites investigated by Do Booy on West Caicos;
Juba Point Caves, Juba Point Mound, West Harbor Bluff
Cave (Providenciales); Sandy Point Cave, Pumpkin Bluff
Cave, Bellevue, Bellevue Mounds (North Caicos); Lorimers,
unlocated sites investigated by Do Booy (Grand Caicos);
Jacksonville Caves, Flamingo Hill Mounds, and various
unlocated sites investigated by De Booy (East Caicos),
As in the case of Meillac specimens, frequency and
complexity of decoration decreases as one moves north
in the archipelago from the Turks and Caicos,
Unclassified Pottery Styles
At least four other distinctive styles, each
represented by only a few small sherds, may be defined
for the Bahamas* It is impossible, with so few sherds
Illustrative of these forms, to give more than a brief
statement about each.
The first unique stylo is represented by two
small sherds from the test pit and section J-3, Gordon
Hill Dwelling Cave, Crooked Island (Y,P,M, 28890A and

219
289178) Both sherds aro quito thin, averaging about
4 ram# in thickness, and are tempered with.very fine
quarts and shell particles* These body sherds have a
very fine, yellow-brown paste with an unslipped, un
decorated, highly polished, and quite hard surface
(5,5 on Koh*s scale)* They arc unlike any other :
specimens from the archipelago. Whether they represent
trade ware, or whether they were manufactured in the
archipelago can not be determined at present*
The second unique style is represented by a
single sherd from section J-3, Gordon Hill Dwelling
Cave, Crooked Island (Y*P.M. 28917A). The dark red
paste is sparsely tempered with very small shell particles.
Surfaces are highly polished, and the sherd is very hard
(5.5 on llohs scale), with walls 8 ram* in thickness* A
single, deep, incised line runs across the exterior
surface of the sherd, which comes from, the body of the
vessel. The incised line was executed with the engraving
technique and is not polished. This specimen is quit
atypical of the Bahamian Heiliac and Carrier styles*
It is not known whether this is of local origin or
whether It represents a trade ware from elsewhere in the
Antilles.
A highly divergent style is represented by

220
twenty body sherds: two from section 0-1, Gordon Hill
Dwelling Cave, Crooked Island (Y.P,I!.- 28897') j one from
section D-8, Gordon Hill Dwelling Cavo, Crooked island
{Y.P.M, 28910A); five from section J-2, Gordon Hill
Dwelling Cave Crooked Island (Y.P.M. 2S916A); five from
Williams* Cavo No. 2, San Salvador {Y. 28919C)j
fivo from Bellevue* North Caicos (H.P.ll. 30/1372); and
two from Grand lurk at the Museum of the American
Indian* All these specimens have a uniformly buff-
colored paste and are moderately tempered with medium
sized shell particles. It is interesting to note that
even the specimens of this style from North Caicos and
Grand Turk are shell-tempered, as quarts is the usual
tempering material on those islands. The pottery was
very crudely made, the sherds being soft, friable, and
quit small. They are from 7 to 12 ram, thick and show
slight wall curvature {PI. VII: 1-2)* Without exception
they are marked on the exterior surface with what appears
to be a twined fabric improoslon, as is indicated
clearly from casts of several specimens {H.P.ll, 30/1372).
The individual units of the impression average 4 mm,
square on all specimens. The extreme thinness of the
sherds and the presence of wall curvature indicates that
they represent vessel forms and not griddles, which do
occur with fabric or textile impressions (M.A.I. 5/9357).

221
Origina], attempts to correlato those specimens with
Florida paddle-stamped typos do not seem feasible, for
there are no evident similarities other, than the
vaguely reminiscent chock pattern* This decorative
technique is unknovm in any other Caribbean region,
and further excavation will definitely be needed
before any attempt can be made to define this stylo
more fully*
The fourth divergent style is equally as
unique as the fabric-impressed specimens. It is
represented by five sherds (PI. VIIj 3-7) from Grand
Caicos, exact site provenience unknown (If,A,I, 6/1410)*
These are large rim sherds,' with a light grey paste,
uniform in color throughout the sherds. They are all
heavily grit-tempered v/ith medium to large protruding
inclusions of quarts, and are relatively hard* Method
of manufacture is unknown, for the surface is well
polished and no signs of coiling could be detected by
visual examination. The sherds seem to represent large
vessels, probably round in shape with large apertures,
outflaring rims, and rounded lips* Base fora is unknown*
All the sherds are docorated by bold engraving incision,
which superficially looks like paddle-stamping* Designs
are geometric, quite interesting with intricate straight

222
or wavy lines. We have no indication of the source
of those unusual specimens* They are definitely not
Spanish, and no known aboriginal v/aro of tho Caribbean
resembles them in any respect.
Clay Griddle
A single example of a clay griddle is known
from the Bahamas. This specimen was collected by De
Booy on Grand Turk {M.A.I, 5/9357), In consists of
a single slab of fired clay, buff in color, heavily
tempered with largo shell inclusions. It is 15 to 16
mm, thick and approximately 30 cm, squaro. The lower ,
surface of tho spocimon is covered with fabric-impres
sions, very much like those of the fabric-impressed
pottery, except that the checks aro much larger. In
all probability the griddle was used for baking cassava,
Manihot manihot {Cockerell)
Clay Ball
There is a single report {Anonymous, 1875a; ,
150) of clay balls from tho Bahamas* Ho description of
these specimens is given, nor is the sito or island pro
venience mentioned. At the time the report was written
tho specimens, were said to be in tho "Musourn of Nassau,

223
TABLE 3a
DISTRIBUTION BY ISLAND OP MAJOR ARTIFACT TYPES
AND STYLES IN THE BAHAMAS, TURKS, AND CAICOS
Island
Lleillac
Pottery
Carrier
Pottery
Fabric-
Impress.
Petaloid
Celt
Double
BitfColt
Biminis
Or. Bahama
X
Abacos
X
X
Mores Is.
X
X
Andros
X
X
X
New Prov,
?
X
X
Bleuthera
?
X
Cat is.
?
X
San Sal.
X
X
X
X
Rum Cay
X
X
Long Is.
X
X
X
Gt.Ragged
X
Crooked
X
X
X
X
Acklins
X
E* Plana
Gt,Inagua
X
X
Mayaguana
X
W.Caicos
X
X
Providen,
X
X
X
N.Caicos
X
X
X
X
Gr,Caicos
X
X
X
E.Caicos
X
X
X
X
Gr.Turk
X
?
X
a,,Xt indicates that specimens have been found in
sites so far investigated. indicates that specimens have
been reported but not identified with certainty.

224
TABLE 3Continued
Monolith, Hammer- Zemis Shell Canoes/ Duhos
Axes Grinders Gouges Paddles
X
X
X
?
X X
X
X
?
? X
X
X
X
X
X X
X
X X
X
X
X
X
?
X
X

225
%
They have not been subsequently described, and apparently
they have been lost, lo other examples have been re
ported*
STONE SPECIMENS
Petaloid Stone Celts
Type specimen. See Pis. VIII and IX. The
typical petaloid stone celt is made from a fine
grained igneous or metamorphic rock, from light to
dark jade-green in color* The color, may, however, vary
from shades of jade-green to green-brown, brown, slate-
grey, or even a bluish-grey* The rock type used to
manufacture celts is primarily serpentine* Actual
method of manufacture is not known* As Indicated by
the type name the specimen is petaloid in shape, with a
pointed butt at one end and a semicircular bit at the
other. The bit is usually fairly sharp* Both top and
bottom of the specimen are convex, and they meet at a
point around the edge of the artifact* It Is highly
polished and rarely shows any pitting* The average
petaloid stone celt measures 7.5 cm. In length, 2*3
cm* in thickness, and 3*5 cm* maximum width* Some
specimens (PI, VIII: 11) are large enough to have been
hafted, but others (PI, IX: 6-10) are quite small. The

226
typical specimen is represented by Y,P,M* ,137409
(PI, VIHi 7).
Group of artifacts. There are 151 petaloid
stone celts in the Bahamian collections discussed in
this report. All of them are surface finds* site pro
venionce unknown. Table 3 illustrates island pro
venienco, One* from Andros* is an unfinished specimen
(Goggin, 1939: 24),
Utility, The primary use of the petaloid stone
celt was as a hafted ax (PI, VII: 11), The petal shape
facilitated hafting* and use as a chopping tool is shown
by the semicircular bit. The smaller specimens may have
been used for ceremonial purposes, for many are far too
small and seemingly too well-finished to have had any
actual utility (PI, IX: 10), A single specimen at the
Museum of the American Indian has a hole drilled through
the butt end and may have been used as a pendant.
Diagnostic attributes. The diagnostic attributes
for this type are: (1) igneous or metamorphic rock*
(2) petaloid shape, (3) pointed butt, (4) semicircular
bit, (5) convex sides.
Double-bitted Stone Celts
Type specimen. See PI, IX: 11-16* This, type

227
Is mad from a fine-grained Igneous or notamorhpic
rook, from light to dark jade-greon in color. Hock typo
used for manufacture seems to have boon primarily
serpentine. Actual method of manufacture is unknown.
The specimen is cylindrical in shape, with a comparative
ly dull cutting edge at both ends, A few specimens,
however, still have fairly sharp cutting edges. It is
highly polished and, as in the case of the petaloid
stone celt, rarely shows any pitting. The average
double-bitted stone celt Is about 6 cm* in length and
about 2 cm, in diameter* Specimens occasionally have a
very narrow, shallow groove around the center, but this
is quite rare. The typical specimen is represented by
Y.P.M, 137656 (PI, IX: 11), '
Group of artifacts* There are twelve double-
bitted stone colts from the collections. All are
complete. All represent surface finds, and no site pro
veniences are known. Island proveniences are given In
Table 3,
Utility, The double-bitted stone celt may have
been halted, as indicated by the presence of a narrow,
shallow groove on several specimens (PI, IX: 13) and by
the recovery of a single monolithic bx showing a double-
bitted celt (Ilamy, 1906: Pig, 129), Because of their

228
relatively small siao in moat instances, however, their
primary us may hav been as a double-bitted chisel.
Diagnostic attributes. The characteristic
features of the double-bitted stone celts in the
Bahamian collections ares (1) igneous or met amorphic
rock, (2) cylindrical shape, (3) double, semicircular
bits* A fourth occasional attribute is: narrow, shallow
groove around the center.
Aberrant Stone Celts
Type specimen. See PI. IX: 20-21* The typo
specimen is made from a fine-grained igneous rock, from
jado-green to brown in color, lo single shape can
be assigned to this type. Two specimens have rather
prominent bulbs at one end, with the opposite end some
what narrower and similar to the butt of the petaloid
stone celt, although somewhat more rounded. A third
specimen is narrower at the center than at the extremi
ties (M.A.I. 3/2567). The three known specimens average
about five inches in length. One of them (Y.P.M. 137373)
is highly polished, while the other two are not.
Group of artifacts. Three examples of this type
are known from the Bahamas. All three are surface finds
with site provenience unknown. One specimen (M.A.I*

229
3/2567) comes from Little Abaco? a second (Y.P.I.l,
137373, Pi. IX; 20) comes from the Arnold collection,
island provenience unknown; the third (H.P.M,
30/1377, Pi. IX; 21) comes from North Caicos, in the
vicinity of Bellevue settlement,
, Utility, Ho utility can be suggested for these
divergent stone celts. It is possible that they were
halted in the usual manner, and that their unusual forms
are due to the original pebble form before modification.
It la also possible that these specimens were used as
hammers or even that they represent unfinished petaloid
stone celts.
Diagnostic attributes. The few diagnostic
characteristics of the aberrant stone celts are:
(1) Igneous rock, (2) partially petaloid in shape,
(3) rounded butt, (4) bulbous bit, (5) convex sides.
Stone Effigy Celts
. Type specimen, See PI. X; 3, Stone effigy
celts were made from a fine-grained igneous rock,
similar to that used for petaloid and double-bitted stone
celts. They are jade-green in color, varying from light
to dark hues. In shape they are elliptical, with convex
sides and rounded ends* All examples were highly polished

230
although they have lost some polish over tho years. They
vary in size from 4~| inches to almost eight inches* The
feature which most clearly distinguishes these celts from
all other types is that on one side a human figure is
carved in shallow relief* The features are highly
conventionalized and stylised, only the basic elements
of head, with eyes, nose, and mouth, and the limbs
being shown.
Group of artifacts* Only three stone effigy
celts are known from the Bahamas. One of those comes
from Great Inagua, site unknown, and Is presently in
the Museum of the American Indian in Hew York. A
second, also at the Museum of the American Indian,
comes from Mayaguana, site unknown* The third
(Y,P*M, 137362) is from the Arnold collection, site and
island provenience unknown. Two additional ones, site
and island provenience unknown, are reported by Moore-
head (1911: II, Pig, 223b, 223c).
Utility. The obvious use of these offigy celts
was as zemis.
Diagnostic attributes. The diagnostic attri
butes for stone effigy celts are (1) igneous rock,
(2) elliptical shape, (3) rounded ends, (4) convex
sides, (5) anthropomorphic carved relief, (6) stylized
anthropomorphic decoration.

A
M
231
Monolithic Axes
Type specimen Monolithic axes are made from
fine-grained Igneous rock, usually jade-green, light or
dark, in color* They represent hafted petaloid and
double-bitted stono colts, both elements being clearly
shown* The specimens aro usually highly polished and
are smaller than actual size* Occasionally they
approach true celt size; that is, the celt is two or
three inches in length with a proportionately de
signed haft or about seven to eight inches (Y.P.T!.
5448)* The type specimen is represented by M.A.I*
5/9138 i
Group of artifacts* Six monolithic axes are
known from the Bahamas* One is from Grand Caicos
(U.S.IJ*?,!*; Mason, 0, 1077: Pig* 12); a second is from
Juba Point caves, Providenciales (M.A.I*j Do Booy,
1912: 91, Pig* 3d); a third is.from Grand Caicos, Conch
Bar Caves (Cundall, 1894: Pig* 7)j a fifth, both site and
island provenience unknown, is at the Muse du Clnquante-
naire, Brussels (Homy, 1906: Pig, 129); and a sixth, site
and island provenience also unknown, is at the British
Museum {Joyce, 1916: PI. XXXIII: 4).
Utility. The monolithic ax was undoubtedly
used as a ceremonial item.

232
Piagnostic attributes. The major charac
teristics of monolithic axes are; (1) igneous rock,
(2) ax shape.
Stone Chisels
Type specimen. See PI, IX; 17-19, The typical
stone chisel is made from the same fine-grained igneous
or metamorphic rock that was utilized in the making of
potaloid stone celts. It is usually light to dork
jade-green In color. It is highly polished and is of
the same average size as the potaloid colt. In shape the
stone chisel is characterized by a rounded butt at one
end and a semicircular bit at the other* Overall form
is roughly cylindrical or cigar-like. Both top and
bottom sides are highly polished, and pitting is rarely
present. The specimen is not adapted to hafting and
has therefore been termed a chisel. The typical specimen
is represented by Y.P.M. 137331 (PI. IX; 17),
Group of artifacts, A total of five stone
chisels are known from the Bahamas* Two are in the,
Arnols collection (Y.P.M. 137381, PI* IX; 17} Y.P.M,
137385, PI, IX; 18), site and island provenience unknown.
One comes from Great Inagua, site unknown (Y.P.M, 28854,
PI* IX; 19)* A fourth comes from the Sandy Point Cave
site on North Caicos (M.A.I.J Do Booy, 1912; 94-95), and

233
the fifth specimen comes from Flamingo Hill Founds,
East Caicos (it.A.I,; Do Dooy, 1912: 104). All speci
mens are complete.
Utility. As mentioned earlier, these specimens
are not adapted to halting and were probably used as
chisels.
Diagnostic attributes. The features diagnostic
of Bahamian stone chisels ares (1) igneous or meta-
morphlo rock, (2) cylindrical shape, (3) rounded butt,
(4) semicircular bit.
Stone Axes
Type specimen. This specimen is made from a
fine-grained igneous rock, Jade-green in color. It is
highly polished, in shape it is roughly triangular, with
a pointed butt at one end and a flat, sharp bit at the
other. The specimen is quite thin, with flat sides. It
has two triangular nicks a little over half way up the
specimen toward the butt. The nicks are on the edges of
the specimen directly opposite each other and were
apparently placed there for convenience in halting* The
specimen Is about four inches in length and one half an
inch thick. The type specimen is M.A.I, 3/1915 (De Booy,
1912: 100-102),

234
Group of artifacts A single example of.a
stono ax is known from the Bahamas... This specimen comes
from the Lorimers site on Grand Caicos (M.A.I, 3/1915),,
which was investigated by Do Booy (1912: 100-102). The
specimen is complete.
Utility As the type name indicates, the
specimen seems to have boon used as a hafted stone
chopping tool. It has been distinguished from the
petaloid stone celts as chopping tools primarily because
of the difference in shape.
Diagnostic attributes. Diagnostic attributes
for the stono ax typo aro: (1) igneous rock, (2) tri
angular shape, (3) pointed butt, (4) flat bit, (5) flat
sides, (6) hafting nicks.
Irregular Hammer-grinders
Typo specimen. See PI. X:- 1-2. Irregular stone
hammer-grinders are made from coarse-grained igneous
rock*. They seem to be roughly finished or water-worn
pebbles, and are occasionally pitted, though on the
whole they are moderately polished. In color the speci
mens range from brown to grey, both light and dark. The
specimens are roughly elliptical In shape when viewed from
above# Overall shape is somewhat like that of an egg,
although the bottom of most specimens is usually rather

235
flat The average length is about six inches, the
width averaging about two inches* The t^po is repre
sented by Y.P.M, 23878 (Pi, X: 1). . .
Group of artifacts* Only three irregular
stone hammer-grinders are known from the Bahamas, One
of these comes from Eleuthera, site unknown (Y,P*M.
28878, PI* X: 1), A second comes from Grand Bahama,
site unknown (Y.P.M. 28368), The third is in the
Arnold collection, site and island provenience unknown
(Y.P.M. uncataloguod). All three specimens are complete*
Utility* These specimens are assumed to have
been natural, water-worn and polished pebbles utilised
as grinding tools, primarily, perhaps as hammering
tools secondarily* They,may have been used to grind
foods such as corn, or they may have been used to grind
out other stone implements? exact use can not be stated.
A secondary use as a hammering tool is suggested, since
the ends of the specimens seem somewhat more worn than
the top surface, but less worn than the bottom surface.
Diagnostic attributes* The characteristic
features of irregular stone hammer-grinders are: (1)
igneous rock, (2) egg shape, (3) flattened bottom surface,
(4) somewhat pitted end surface*

236
Flint Scrapers
Type specimen The type specimen is made from
black flint and is highly polished* A complete descrip
tion is not possible, since the only two known specimens
could not be located at the Museum of the American
Indian.
Group of artifacts. Two specimens are known:
from Flamingo Hill Mounds, East Caicos (Be Booy, 1912;
104), and from Jacksonville Caves, East Caicos (Be Booy,
1912: 105).
Utility. Without adequate description it is
Impossible to state the use of this type.
Diagnostic attributes. The only features
which can definitely be assigned to this type are:
(1) flint, (2) high polish ? .
Whetstones
Type specimen. The type specimen is the same
as the petaloid stone celt type, with the exception that
it is marked by a set of irregularly placed grooves on
one surface.
Group of artifacts. Only one specimen is known
from the Bahamas. This comes from North Caicos, site
provenience unknown (M.A.I.; Do Booy, 1912).

237
Utility Tills specimen represents an old
petaloid stone celt which has been utilised as a
whetstone, probably for the re-sharpening of celts and ...
similar types, ...
Diagnostic attributes. The diagnostic attributes
for this type are the same as those for the petaloid
stone celt, with the addition of irregular grooving on
a single side surface.
Stone Balls
Type specimen. The type specimen is mad from
what appears to be a dark grey medium to.coarse-grained
igneous rock. It is moderately polished, Hie shape is
spherical. The diameter of the specimen is 5 1/8
inches.
Group of artifacts. This type is known only
from a single specimen from Pure Gold settlement on
Andros (Goggln 1937 Field Notes and photograph).
Utility, The utility of this type can not be
postulated, unless it was used as a cooking stone,
Diagnostic attributes. The diagnostic attributes
of the specimen seem to be: (1) igneous rock, (2) spheri
cal shape.

238
Stone Pendant
Type specimen. The specimen is made from fine
grained igneous rock, A complete description is not
possible, since the only known specimen could not be
located at the Museum of the American Indian, It
apparently is a perforated stone pendant,
Group of artifacts. Site provenience is not
known. The specimen comes from the Biminis and was
collected by De Booy,
Utility. Apparently the specimen was used as
an ornament, probably hung around the neck.
Diagnostic attributes. The only attributes
which can be suggested for this type are: (1) igneous
rock, (2) perforation.
Stone Zemis
Type specimen. See PI, X: 4, No single type
specimen can be picked. However, all specimens are
made from fine-grained igneous rock with the exception
of a single coral somi (In.A,I. 3/2230), All are relatively
highly polished. Color varies considerably. In size
the zemis average around throe to four inches in heighth.
Group of artifacts. Seven specimens are known
from the Bahamas, One, at the Museum of the American
Indian, comes from Bimini, site unknown, and is anthro-

239
poraorphic in form, rather stylized, A second, site and
island provenience unluiown, is at the Public Library in
Nassau, It represents a human-figure, again stylized,
with only the basic features emphasized in relief. In
color the specimen is a light grey. It is illustrated
as PI, X: 4, A third specimen 3/2230) is made
from coral, and is carved in the form of a human head.
It comes from Eastern Plana Cay, site provenience un
known, The fourth specimen, at the Museum of the
American Indian, comes from Hew Providence, site pro
venience unknown, and represents a parrot head. The
fifth specimen is from North Caicos, sito provenience
unknown, and represents a human figure* It is at the
Museum of the American Indian, The sixth specimen
(Do Booy, 1912: PI, VI) is tho finest known from the
archipelago. It reprosonto a man, In a partially
kneeling posture, wearing a feathered headdress. He Is
apparently a warrior, or 13 dressed for a festive
occasion. The features of this zemi are well-carved.
Although stylized, it is the most life-like zemi from
the Bahamas, The ear-lobes are pierced as if for the
Insertion of ear-plugs. The specimen comes from Kew,
North Caicos, It was the property of Mr, J, S, Cameron
of tho East Caicos Sisal Company, Ltd, when De Booy ex
amined and photographed it in 1912, The final specimen

240
is a fragmentary anthropomorphic zemi. at the,Museum of
the American Indian, from Flamingo Hill Mounds, East
Caicos* Only the head and the upper portion of the .
body have been recovered* .
Utility* Stone semis were used as ceremonial
objects and,had no actual utilitarian.purpose* Posses
sion of such a zemi was construed to mean possession .
over a supernatural spirit, human or othervdlee, It is
not known whether the form of the semi determined the
nature of the spirit or not*
Diagnostic attributes* Most characteristic
attributes for this type are: (1) igneous rock/coral,
(2) small size, (3) anthropomorphic/zoomorphlc form,
(4) stylized decoration, {£>) shallow relief/a culpt ing *
SHELL SPECIMENS
Shell Celts
Type specimen. See PI, VII: 9-10* Shell celts
were made from conch shell, probably Strombus glgas*.the
Pink Conch. In color they are now a cream-white. They
have been ground fairly smooth, although they do not show
much polish nor reflect light. One specimen (Y.P.K,
137363} is made from the lip of a Strombus shell and still
has a wavy upper surface (PI* inis' 10 }* In shape shell,
celts roughly parallel petaloid stone colts, except that

241
both butt end and bit edge ano mono noundod and dullon
and the aide sunlaces ano not as uniformly convex as they
an on petaloid aton celts. One of the thnee known
specimens is 1-|* Inches in length and about half that in
width at the widest point, A second specimen is about
thnee Inches long and about lfj Inches in width at the
widest point. Thickness is not unlfonm on either
specimen*
Group of artifacts. Two specimens have no
site non island provenience* Both are in the Arnold
collection (Y.P.M, 137364, PI, VII: 9} Y.P.M, 137363,
PI, VII: 10). both specimens are complete. A third,
fragmentary 3heli celt, at the Museum of the American
Indian, is known from north Caicos, site provenience
unknown.
Utility, Tho use of the shell celt is
difficult to postulate. Despite the softness of the
shell it is not hard to imagine such specimens being used
as chopping tools. The three known specimens seem some
what small to have been halted, but they may have served
a non-utilitarian, ceremonial purpose, symoblizing
petaloid stone celts.
Diagnostic attributes. The attributes of this
type are: (1) conch shell, (2) petaloid shape, (5) pointed
butt, (4) semicircular bit, (5) slightly convex sides.

242
Shell Gouges
Type specimen The topical shell gouge Is
made from the base tip of a.conch shell, probably
Strombua glgaa, the Pink Gonch. In color It is cream-
white, without luster at present, but probably having
the natural luster of the shell when first made and
used. The shape of the shell gouge is triangular, the
base of the triangle being the gouging or cutting edge.
The specimens are about three inches In length and about
2-ji Inches wide at the basal point. The cutting edge
forms an arc of approximately 180 degrees, -
Group of artifacts. Six completespecimens of
this type are known from the Bahamas. In every case
site provenionce is unknown. Pour of these specimens
come from Hew Providence, one comes from Great Inagua,
and on from Grand Caicos. They are all at the Museum
of the American Indian.In De Booy*s collection.
Utility. Use of the shell gouge is unknown.
Diagnostic attributes, Major features of this
type are: (1) conch shell, (2)triangular shape,
(3) arced cutting,edge* >
Strombu3 Cups
Type specimen. See PI, X: 15, Gups-were mad
from.the outer whorl of the Pink Conch, Strombus gigas,

243
the color of which is cream-white* Most of the original
luster of the shell has been lost* The shape of the cup
is irregular, and the specimen was apparently broken out
as best possible from the outer whorl of the conch near
the crown of the shell. Roughly -circular in shape, the
interior of the specimen in concave, allowing it to
hold food or liquid.
Group of artifacts. Only one specimen of the ,
Strombus cup is known* It comes from section D-2,
depth unspecified, Gordon Hill Dwelling Cave, Crooked
Island (Y.P.M. 28909, PI. X: 15).
Utility. The obvious use of this type was for
eating and drinking purposes. The concavity of the
interior surface fits it well for this use.
Diagnostic attributes. The diagnostic attributes
for this typo are; (1) Strombus shell, (2) irregular
circular shape, (3) concave interior surface*
3holl Pendant
Type specimen. See PI. X: 13. The type speci
men is made from conch shell, probably Strombus gigas,
Pink Conch, It is cream-white in color, and it has lost
the original luster of the shell. Sxact shape is dif
ficult to determine because of the fragmentary condition
of the specimens. The Upper end, however, is rounded

244
with a perforation through the shell* The fragments
measure about l| Inches in length, but represent only
part of the original artifacts*
Group of artifacts* Two specimens are'known
from the Bahamas* One of these (Y.P.M. 288S1) comas
from section D-4, Gordon Hill Dwelling Care, Crooked
Island (PI* X: 13)* The other specimen comes from
Grand Caicos, site unknown, and is now at the Museum
of the American Indian with Do Booys material. As
mentioned before, both specimens are fragmentary.
TJtility* These specimens seem to have been
used as pendants and were probably hung around the neck*
Diagnostic attributes. Tho major character
istics of this type are: (1) conch shell, (2) rounded
top end, (3) perforated end*
Shell Beads
Type specimen. See PI* X: 16. Shell beads are
known to have been made from the Bleeding Tooth shell,
llerita sp* The she 11s, all very small,. are highly color
ful, usually exhibiting a yellow exterior, specked with
black and perhaps some red. The species derives its
name from the fact that there are tv/o or more brilliant
red tooth-like proturbencos on the outer whorl just op
posite the lip* All the specimens have the crown of the

shell out off to permit threading* The shells them
selves are roughly spherical in shape*
Group of artifacts* Pour specimens (Y.P*M*
28898, 23897} PI* X: 16} aro known from sections C-l
and C-4 respectively at tho Gordon Hill Dwelling Gave
site, Crooked Island,
Utility, These specimens were probably
threaded on a fiber string for use as a necklace,
bracelet, or leg ornament.
Diagnostic attributes* Tho diagnostic attributes
of this typo are: {1} Merita shell, (2) highly color
ful, (3) spherical shape, (4) sliced crown.
BOMB SPECIMENS
Bone Points
Typo specimen See PI, X: 8-8* Bone points
were made from small rodent bones, probably huta,
Capromys ingrahmi; from sting ray barbs; from largo
rodent teeth, possibly huta, although referred to by
De Booy mistakenly as 'boars fang" (Do Booy, 1912: 91);
and possibly from turtle bone* One end of the bone still
retains the articulating process, while the other end has
been sharpened to a point. The specimens vary from l|
to Sir Inches In length*

246
Group of artifacts# Seven bone points are
known from the Bahamas. One of these, at the Museum
of the American Indian, is made from a boapis fang
according to Do Booy, This specimen comes from West
Harbor Bluff Gave, Providenciales. Pour specimens
(Y.P.M. 28864, Pi. X: 6; Y.P.M. 28887, PI. X: Oj
Y.P.M. 28888, 28889) made from rodent bone come from
the test pit, Gordon Hill Dwelling Cave, Crooked Island,
One specimen (Y.P.M. 2S366, Pi, Xs 7) made from the
altered barb of a sting ray, comes from the test pit at
Gordon Hill Dwelling Gave, The final specimen (Y.P.M.
28918), made from rodent bone, comes from section Ii-2,
Gordon Hill Dwelling Cave. All specimens are complete.
Utility, The use of bone points can not be
postulated with too great a degree of certainty. They
may have been used as needles, punches, pins, pottery
decorators, bird points, or for a number of various
purposes. Because there do not seem to be any sub-type
characteristics discernible, they have all been left in
the general type bone point,
Diagnostic attributes. The diagnostic attributes
of this type are* (1) bone, (2) sharpened bottom end,
(S) unaltered top end, (4) small size, (5) small distal
and articulating processes.

247
Bon Awls
Type specimen 3oo PI* Xs 5 This type Is
mad from a medium sized bone, probably turtle, one end
of which has been sharpened to a point, the other end of
which still retains the articulating process. The speci
mens average about four inches in length. The type
differs from the bone point In larger sis and in the
fact that the articulating and distal processes of the
bones used for awls are larger than those of the bones
used for points*
G-roup of artifacts. Pour specimens of this
type are known from the Bahamas* Three of these, at
the Museum of the American Indian, come from.West
Harbor Bluff Cave, Providenciales (De Booy, 1912s
91-95). On (Y.P.M, 20906, PI, X: 5) comes from section
E-3, Gordon Hill Dwelling Gave, Crooked Island* All
specimens are complete,
Utility* This type was probably used to make
holes In fabric or other similar surfaces in preparation
for sewing*
Diagnostic attributes. The major character
istics of this type ares (1) bone, (2) sharpened bottom
end, (3) unaltered top end, (4) large size, (5) large
distal and articulating processes.

248
Bone Gongos
Typo specimen, Seo PI, X: 9* The type speci
men is made from a medium sized bone, probably Capromya
ingrahmi, the hutia, both ends of which have boon cut
off*' One end, with the distal and articulating pro
cesses, has been cut off evenly and ground smooth.
The opposite end has been cut off at a diagonal angle,
also removing the distal and articulating processes* The
bone itself is hollow end is 3?i inches long and about
l/S of an inch in diameter*
Group of artifacts. Only one specimen is known
from the Bahamas. This one (Y.P.I/l. 28865, Pl. X: 9)
comes from the test pit, Gordon Hill Dwelling Gave,
Crooked Island*
Utility* This instrument soems to have been
used as a gouge, since one end of the bone has been cut
diagonally* Perhaps such tools were used in connection
with the making of decorated pottery.
Diagnostic attributes. The type character
istics are: (1) bone, (2) hollowness, (3) evenly cut
top end, (4) diagonally cut opposite end, (5) small
size, (6) smoothing of cut ends. ,
Tortoise Shell Bracelets
Type specimen. See PI* X: 14* This specimen is

249
mad from tortoise shell and is a medium brown in
color, with a lighter circle of the samo material
inlaid in the center* The specimen is roughly
rectangular in shape and is 2-|- inches long, one half
an inch wide, and l/lO of an inch in thickness*
Looking at the specimen from the side presents a
slightly curved arc*
Group of artifacts. Only one specimen (Y.P.M,
28863, PI* Xi 14) is known* This comes from section
H-4, Gordon Hill Dwelling Gave, Crooked Island* It
seems to be a complete specimen,
Utility* Because of the decorative nature of
this type and because of its arcing. It has been assumed
that it must have been used as a bracelet* There are no
holes drilled in the ends of the specimen for insertion
of fibers to hold it on the wrist, and tho specimen may
be an unfinished one.
Diagnostic attributes. The diagnostic attributes
of this type are: (1) tortoise shell, (2) rectangular
shape, (3) arcing, (4) decoration.
WOODEN SPECIMENS
Canoes
Type specimen* Two specimens have been reported

250
i
but neither can be located, and adequate type description
is impossible.
Group of artifacts. One complete canoe, with
paddles, is reported to have come from an unlocatcd
cave on Mangrove Gay, Andros Island (Brooks, 1883:
220; Moseley, 1926: 67; Goggin, 1939: 26). Brooks
indicates that ho was personally told about the cave and
the specimens, and he states that the specimens were not
preserved, Moseley adds that the cave Is behind the hills
on Mangrove Cay in an unusual rock formation.
A second specimen is reported (Goggin 1952
Field Motes) from an unlocated cave on Long Island.
Thi3 specimen was the pointed bow fragment of a canoe.
Tfo further description is given. The specimen was re
covered by the grandfather of Mr. E. J. Forsyth of
Andros, who said that he himself did not know the where
abouts of the specimen.
Utility. If the reports are correct, it has
been assumed that the specimens represent rather small
wooden canoes. They were probably used for short-distance
travel.
Diagnostic attributes. The only characteris
tics which can be definitely suggested for this type are;
(1) wood, (2) small sise, (3) pointed bow*

251
Canoe Paddles
Type specimen. See PI, X: 10, This specimen
was made from a single piece of cedar wood, Junperas
barbadensis (1*)# It consists of a crosspiece, a shaft,
and a blade. The crosspiece is 4-| inches long and 1 3/8
inches thick. There is a small knob on the underside
of the crosspiece at each id to afford a good hold. The
shaft Is 2 feet long, thickening toward the blade end,
the diameter being 15/16 of an inch at the top and
ill inch at the bottom where the shaft meets the blade.
The blade is 2 feet 3/4 inches long and 6-|- Inches wide at
its broadest point. At the extremity of the blade It is
1|- inch wide. Thickness is 5/8 of an inch at the widest
point and an Inch at the tip. Pour simple angular
lines are carved on each side of the specimen where the
blade meets the shaft. Total length of the paddle is
4 feet 2 3/4 inches (Do Booy, 1913: 3),
Group of artifacts. Only one specimen is known
from the Bahamas (If.A.I* 3/2574), This came from an
unlocated cave on Mores Island, There is another re
port of two paddles, and canoe, from Mangrove 0ay,
Andros Island, as mentioned earlier, but this account
can not bo verified,
Utility, The use of this specimen was obviously

252
to propel a canoe. The canoe Itself must havo been a
relatively small one, .Judging from the, size of the
paddle, although paddle size may have been,uniform
regardless of canoe size.
Diagnostic attributes. The diagnostic attri
butes for this type are: (1) wood, (2) crosspiece,
(5) shaft, (4) blade, (5) carved decoration.
Wooden Duhos
Type specimen. See PI* II. A generalised type
specimen might be described as a wooden stool, made
from various typos of wood, about two feet long and
about 15 inches high from tall to ground. The speci
men has four short legs. The lower end of the stool
usually has a carved head in anthropomorphic or zoo-
raorphlc form, and the back-rest or tall end, usually
higher, Is often carved with intricate design on the
interior back, PI. II: 2 Is perhaps the most typical
example (Il.A.I. 5/9385).
Group of artifacts. Thirteen wooden duhos are
definitely known from the Bahamas, Thor are reports of
three additional ones as well, bringing the total to
sixteen. One of these specimens (B.M, 0C1918-1, PI, II*
3) comes from Eleuthera, site unknown. It has been describ
ed by Joyce (1919) and Braunholtz (1951), A second spool-

raen comea from San Salvador. This specimen looks very
much like Pi. II s S, It was collected around 1828 and
sent to tho Academy of Natural Sciences in Phildolphla
(communication from Miss-H# Newell Wardle to John !.
Goggin, December 28, 1945}. A-thid duho. in turtle
form is reported from Black Bluff, Hum Cay (Goggin 1952
Field Notos). This specimen was collected by Mr, B.
J, Forsyth*s grandfather and was said to have been sent
to the South Kensington Museum, London. It has been
impossible to locato this specimen or to obtain a more
complete description of it (communication from Adrian
Digby, November 10, 1954), A fourth specimen is at the
United States National Museum, Washington. It comes from
Long Island, site undesignated, and was collected by
Mr. Herbert V/* Krieger {communication to John U, Goggin).
Ho details were available concerning this specimen. A
fifth duho comes from Hamilton Cavos, Long Island, It
was recovered by a family living in the vicinity of the
cave and was given by them to Father Arnold Mondloch of
Nassau. Father Mondloch gave the duho to St. Augustines
College, Nassau, where it still remains. Description of
this specimen was obtained from Father Frederic IT* Frey,
O.S.B., of St, Augustines College,, The specimen is
30 3/4 inches in length from tail to nose and 18 inches
in height from tail to ground. The logs, are well worn,

254
and the original height was. probably greater* The
head is 9*- inches from the ground. Front to back
legs is a distance of 12 inches, and the maximum width
of the seat is 5 3/4 inches, The width of the breast
is inches. The head of, the stool is carved in zoo-
morphic form and is 3 7/8 inches from the bottom of the
chin to the top of the head. It has ears, which are
spaced 4| Inches apart from tip to tip, 'file face and
entire head are in very good condition. The eye sockets
are empty, and it is probable that they were set with
ornaments. The sockets are about l/s of an inch deep.
The mouth is open, being about l/8 of an inch deep and
an inch wide. The specimen had been painted by the
family after recovery; however, Father Mondloch restored
it to its original clean wood finish (communication from-
Frodrelc U, Frey, May 10, 1954),
A sixth specimen is reported from Mortimer
Gave, Long Island, It is presently at St, John*s Uni
versity, Collogeville, Minnesota, where it was sent by
Father.Mondloch around 1942 or 1944 (communication from
Frederic U, Prey, May 10, 1954), No description of this
specimen was available, A seventh specimen, at the Museum
of the American Indian, comes from-Addins Island, Spring
Point Cave, This specimen stands 5-1: inches high, is 9
inches wide at one end and 8 inches at the other* The

255
overall length of the seat Is 9-*- inches# The legs are
about 5 Inches in length. Two of the legs are in good
condition while the other two are partly rotted away*
The diameter of the two good logs is 2 Inches* Both
ends of the specimen are broken off near the seat where
the legs are joined to it. The specimen may have had
a back-rest tail and the usual anthropomorphic or
zoomorphic head on the opposite end (Be Booy, 1915: 5-
6), The eighth specimen comes from V/est Caicos, sit
unknown* It was collected by De Booy (M.A.I, 5/8028)*
The duho is 17-?! inches long and has an anthropomorphic
head on the front end, although the back-rest has been
destroyed. The specimen is generally in poor condition
(PI. II: 1),
The ninth duho comes from North Caicos, sit
provenience unknown (M.A.I, 5/9385). It is illustrated
as PI* II: 2 of this report, and is perhaps the most
typical specimen. It exhibits the usual form, with
anthropomorphic head and a long back-rest tall* The tail,
close to the point where it joins the seat, Is carved with
an intricate design, which has been Illustrated end dis
cussed by Holmes (1894: 75), The tenth specimen (M.A.I*
S/8027) and the eleventh, also at the Museum of the
American Indian, come from Grand Turk, site provenience

256
unknovm. They show the typical form, with intricate .
back carvings, illustrated by Holmes (1894: 74)* The
twelfth specimen, from a site in the Caicos, exact
island and site provenience unknown, is at the Public
Library on Grand Turk* It is almost Identical to the
specimen illustrated as PI* II: 2 (communication from
C* Bernard Lewis, November 4, 1954), The thirteenth
specimen, also from an undesignated island and site in the
Caicos group, is at the Public Library on Grand Turk*
It is a small duho In turtle form* The back-rest tail
is worn off, but the head, with definite turtle features,
Is still intact, as are the legs and most of the seat
(communication from 0* Bernard Lewis, November 4, 1954),
A single duho, tmdescribed, is reported from
Jacksonville Caves, East Caicos (De Booy, 1912: 103), and
was recovered around the year 1885,. but apparently has
been lost since then. Two duhos are reported from Conch
Bar Caves, Horth Caicos (De Booy, 1912: 99-100), They
are undescribed and apparently have been lost.
Utility* Those specimens were probably not
given every-day use, but rather were reserved for
ceremonial purposes. They have all come from cave sites
as far as is known, and were probably used in connection
v/lth religious ceremonies. It is possible that they wore
reserved for the chief class*

257
P&agnostic attributes. The diagnostic attributes
for this type .ares (1) v/ood, (2) legs, {3} back-rest
tail, (4) anthrop.omorphic/zoomorphie head, {,5}carved
decoration, (6) geometrical decoration.
Wooden Zerais
Typo specimen. The type specimen is a wooden
idol, probably of mahogany, Swletenia .mahoganl (L,),
about two and a half feet long and carved in anthropo
morphic form. Details of carving can not be stated,
Croup of artifacts. This typo is represented
by a single specimen at the Museum of the American
Indian, It comes from West Caicos, site unknown.
The specimen la very worn and in extremely poor con
dition,
Utility, This specimen was undoubtedly a zemi
in human form. Its use was probably only ceremonial*
Diagnostic attributes. The diagnostic attributes
of this type are: (1) wood, (2) anthropomorphic form,
(3) carving.
Fire-boards
Type specimen. See PI, X: 17, The type specimen
consists of a small piece of wood, eight inches long, with
a hole in the center of conical shape, penetrating the

258
specimen for about a third its diameter*
Group of artifacts. Only one specimen is
known, This comes from the test pit, Gordon Hill Dwel
ling Gave, Crooked Island (Y.P.!. 28SS5, Pi X: 17) It
is charred but otherwise in good condition.
Utility, The specimen was undoubtedly used as
a fire-board, It was probably part of a fire-malting
apparatus of the drill type.
Diagnostic attributes. The major character
istics of this type are; (1) wood, (2) unfinished
surfaces, (3) conical hole.
Wooden Fishhooks
Type specimen. See Pi, X: 11-12, The typical
fishhook is made from wood. It is in modern fishhook
form, except in a single instance (Y.F.M. 28886) where
the barb does not curve around toward the top end of the
specimen. All specimens are quit small, ax^eraglng less
than an inch from top of the hook to the conter of the
bottom curve.
Group of artifacts. Six specimens are known,
Two of these are fragmentary and four are complete. They
all come from the Gordon Kill Dwelling Cave site, Crooked
Island, One {Y.F.M. 28886, PI, X: 11) comes from the
test pit, A fragmentary specimen (Y.P.M. 28894) comes

259
Â¥
from section B-2. One fragmentary specimen and a
completo ono {Y,P*M* 28399, PI* Xs 12) come from section
C-5, A completo specimen (Y.P.M, 23903) comes from
section 0-8, and tho final specimen (Y,P,M, 23882, Pi,
Xi 12) comes from section J-2,
Utility, The obvious use of those specimens
was as fishhooks* They are all small and must have been
used, consequently, for catching the smaller types of
'.V
fish.
Diagnostic attributes. The diagnostic attributes
for this type are: (1) wood, (2) hook form, (5) small
size.
Wooden Points
Type specimen, !!o adequate description can be
given of this type, except to say that the specimens
were apparently made from a hard wood.
Group of artifacts, Tho only Indication of
this type is a report from Herbert ¥, Kriegcr (1937:
96) stating that he found a bundle of hardwood narrow
heads" in a banana hole on Dong Island, exact location
not given, The specimens are presumably at tho United
States National Museum in Washington*
Utility, Apparently the type was used as a
point. It may represent an actual bird-point type.

260
Diagnostic attributes. The only diagnostic
attributes which can be suggested for this type are:
(1) wood, (2) arrow shape#
Wooden Bowls
Type specimen. This type represents a large
wooden bowl or platter, about twelve inches in diameter,
round in shape* The bowl is undecorated and shallow*
Group of artifacts# Two specimens are known .
from the Caicos, site and exact island provenience
unknown (communication from C* Bernard Lewis, November
4, 1954i Do Booy, 1913: 1), They are at present at the
Public Library on Grand Turk# One is in excellent con
dition? the other is somewhat worn, A third specimen is
reported to have been recovered from Jacksonville Caves,
East Caicos, around the year 1885 (De Booy, 1912: 103).
This specimen is undescribed and was apparently lost*
A fourth specimen is reported (Rainey, MS: 31-32) from
a cave near Gold Rock settlement on the south coast of
Grand Bahama, but no details were available concerning
its description or its whereabouts *
Utility* The type was probably used for
grinding maize or for mixing or eating food in*
Diagnostic attributes* The diagnostic attributes
for this type are: (1) wood, (2) bowl shape, (3) shallow-

261
ness*
MISCELLANEOUS SPECIMENS
Among the miscellaneous types occurring, most
of them of European origin, are: clay pipe {Imperial
Lighthouse Dwelling Cave, Great Abaco)} pottery jar
{Salt Pond Hill Cave, Acklins Island); wooden bod-
steads {Conch Bar Cavos, Grand Caicos); Spanish olive
jar {Gorda Cay, PI, VII: 8; Grand Turk); silver ingot
(Gorda Cay); Spanish bell (Great Abaco),

SKELETAL REMAINS
Twenty-four of the Lucayan sites In the Bahamas
have produced skeletal remains* These ares Imperial
Lighthouse Burial Gave (Great Abaco); Lignum-Vitae Cay
(Berry Islands); Bain Hill cave, Big Wood Cay, and Smith
Hill Cave (Andros); Lake Cunningham Cave, the library
collection in Nassau (New Providence); Finley Burial
Cave Ho* 1, Finley Burial Gave No* 2, The Bogue,
Wemysa Bight, and an unidentified site excavated by
Krleger (Eleuthera); South Victoria Hills Settlement
Cave, f/illiams* Cave No* 1, San Salvador Burial Cave
(San Salvador); Port Boyd Burial Cave No* 1, Port Boyd
Burial Cave No* 2 (Rum Cay); Taylors Burial Cave,
Clarence Town Caves, and an unidentified site visited
by Father Arnold Mondloch (Long Island); Gordon Hill
Burial Cave No* 1, Gordon Hill Burial Cave No. 2
(Crooked Island); Mayagauna; and Conch Bar Caves (Grand
Caicos), These sites have. In every case, been cave sites*
In most Instances the remains have been very fragmentary
and In poor condition, but there is sufficient evidence
to warrant a short discussion of the physical character
istics of the Lucayans Only brief mention will be given
to non-cranial portions of the skeleton, since they differ
little from Island to island and chow no unusual charac-
262

263
teristics.
All the crania found, with the possible re
ported exception of one or more from Smith Hill Gave,
Andros, exhibit artificial parallolo-fronto-occipital
deformation. V/.K* Brooks (1888) has published an excellent
and detailed report on three such crania from the
Bahamas, and this will be relied upon for the analysis
presented here#
Brooks* article presents a description of three
crania found'in caves in various parts of the archi
pelago# Rainey (1940: 149; M3: 6-7) refers to four, but
Brooks himself indicates only the three: two adult male
crania and one adult female cranium.
The female skull, called Ho* 1 by Brooks
(1888: 216), was given to the Horton Collection of
Crania Americana in Philadelphia by the owner, Dr* J#C#
Albury of Nassau. The skull lacks the lower mandible,
but is otherwise perfect. The first adult male skull,
Brooks' Ho. 2, cam from a cave in one of the out-islands,
exact provenience apparently unknown. The second adult
male cranium, No. 3, has no definite provenience. Both
the adult male crania are complete with lower mandibles.
Ho. 3 is in poor condition according to Brooks (1888:
216). The latter two crania were in the Nassau Public
Library when Brooks examined them. Shat tuck (1905:

264
421) mentions a single skull from the library, which he
illustrates with a photograph. Comparison of Shattuck*s
photograph with the plates and data in Brooks account
indicate it to be Brooks* skull Ho. 2. This plate is
reproduced as PI* 1 of thi3 report*
Brooks also examined some fragmentary skeletal
material from the collection of Lady Edith Blako, wife
of the governor of the Bahamas. Lady Blake had in her
collection portions of two skeletons from a cave on Hew
Providence, Including the roof of a cranium with the
frontals and parletals nearly complete, together with
part of an occiput and broken maxillae and malars,
probably from the same skeleton; the frontal and frag
ments of the parletals, occipitals, and mandible of a
second cranium; three femurs, three radii, three fibulae;
an innominate bone; a sacrum; fragments of two or more
humeri!; several vortebrae; and a number of fragments of
various bones (Brooks, 1888: 216)*
All the crania examined by Brooks showed extreme
brachyeephaly (indices around 90), dense bone structure,
relatively large size, prominent parietal eminences,
prognathism, protruding symphisis of the lower jaw, large
eye sockets, and strongly pronounced muscular attach
ments. The most prominent feature, however, was the

265
artificial deformation, which has been fully described
and defined in a previous section of this report* 1
The non-cranlal bones show the some dense
structure that the crania have* Other than this single
characteristic they are not remarkable*
Tiiis brief examination of skeletal remains from
the Bahamas is supplemented by the accounts of Columbus
and Las Casas, both of whom mention the physical appear
ance of the Lucayans, Their statements fit well with
the characteristics listed by Brooks. Columbus says,
They are very well made, with> very handsome
bodies, and very good countenances...and aro
the colour of the Canarians, neither black
nor white,,,all of good stature, a very
handsome people. Their hair 3 not curly,
but loose and coarse, like horse hair. In
all the forehead is broad, more so than in
any other people I have hitherto seen. Their
eyes are very beautiful and not small, and they
themselves far from black..Their legs are very
straight, all in one line, and no belly, but
very well formed (Columbus, 1893s 58-39),
Las Casas adds that they were the most handsome, physically
robust, and healthy Indians he had seen (Las Casas, 1877j
I, 228 Tib. i, cap, rS/). He also points out the fact
that they were beardless (Las Casas, 1877s I, 221
r ibid, _7>. Both Brooks and Columbus stress the sturdi
ness of the Lucayans, and they must indeed have been an
extremely healthy and hardy group of people.
There is a single report of undeformed crania

266
from Smith Hill Cavo, Andros (Goggin 1952 Field Hotos:
7-8), which has, unfortunately, not been verified*
Several crania from this site wore reported sent by their
finder, Captain L*W*B* Hoes of Andros, to the American
Museum of Natural History in New York* As previously
stated, Dr* Harry L# Shapiro, Curator of Physical
Anthropology at the Museum, had no record of receipt and
was unable to locate the specimens (communication from
Harry h. Shapiro, November 8, 1954).* Such crania may
indicate a pre-Arawak, pre-ceramic occupation of at ,
least the northern portion of the archipelago, but
this question must await further excavation for a positive
solution*

ARCHEOLOGICAL DISCUSSION
INTRODUCTION
This section of the report presents a brief
analysis and synthesis of the data from Bahamian sites*
It can hardly be termed a complete exposition of
Bahamian prehistory, for such a presentation would be
Impossible with the present limitations on our knowledge
of Bahamian sites. The complete exposition must wait
for more thorough excavation in every portion of the
Islands*. Nevertheless, it is possible to arrive at
certain conclusions from the data wo have. The picture
indeed is brief and filled with many gaps, but it will
perhaps serve as ground-work upon which future analysis
can be based.
The analysis and synthesis of archeological
data has been divided into three sections, First, it
was felt necessary to clarify the archeological position
of the Bahamas, Turks, and Caicos in relation to other
immediate parts of the Caribbean and in relation to the
neighboring sections of North America, Second, an attempt
was made to delineate spatial complexes within the archi
pelago itself. Third, a tentative chronological sequence
was postulated from evidence in the first two sections.
As far as possible personal evaluations and feelings con-
267

corning spatial and temporal complexes have been ignored,
and the data have been allowed to speak for themselves*
At points, however, it has been necessary to give such
personal statements, and these have been clearly label
led as such whenever they occur*
AREAL AFFILIATIONS
Mention was made earlier of modes, ceramic
styles, and non-ceramic types. These three concepts,
utilized in analyzing Bahamian specimens, also proved
of inestimable value in determining the spatial and
temporal complexes within the archipelago and their
relationships to other complexes outside the region.
The modes established for Bahamian pottery
styles were the following: (1) colling, (2) boat
shaped bowl, (3) intumed shoulder, (4) eversion of rim,
(5) flat rim top, (6) ornamentation before clay was
relatively dry, (7) ornamentation confined to shoulders,
(8) naturalistic ornamentation, (9) affixation, (10), lug,
(11) cylindrical lug, (12) wedge-shaped lug, (13) flat
lug, (14) zoomorphic face design, (15) zoomorphic head
lug, (16) cutting Incision, (17) engraving incision,
(19) line-and-dot incision, (19) curved incised lines,
(20) cross-hatch design, (21) alternating-oblique-

269
parallel-line design, (22) vertical-parallel-line design,
(23) horisontal-parallel-lin dosign, (24) ovoid design,
(25) curvilinear design, (26) punetation, (27) appli
cation, (28) limb design, (29) ridge on outside rim,
(30) strip on outside rim, (31) .ridge on inside rim, ^
(32) ridge on intum, (33) modelling, (34) red slip#
No modes were established for other specimen
types, although traits or attributes wero defined for
all specimens. This decision was based upon the paucity
of non-ceramic specimens in the collections and the lack
of data about them# Although non-ceramic specimens and
types are, of course, important, they have proven to be
less diagnostic of Bahamian culture than are the ceramic
styles* In the first analysis some of the modes listed
here were given other names, but they have all been
adjusted to conform with those defined by Rouse (1939:
55-56) for Haiti, since the similarities were so close#
The obvious affiliations of all Bahamian speci
mens from little more than a cursory visual analysis were,
with those from northern Haiti as analysed and described
by Rouse (1939j 1941). Table 4 Illustrates the striking
likeness between the two main ceramic styles in the.
Bahamas and the two main one in northern Haiti* These
similarities account for the style names "Meillac and
"Carrier as applied to the Bahamian styles* Abbrovia-

CARRIER
- MEILLAC
' Hait
ian
; Baha
mian
-Hait
ian
Baha
mian
-
t
*S3
t
*t
Coiling
o
t
a
t
Boat-3haped bowl
a
t
Q
o
laburnod shoulder
o
O
S3
S3
Eversion of rim
a
t
t
S3
Flat rim top
>
>
T
t
Ornamentation bofore clay was
' relatively dry
*ti
t
*3
t
Ornamentation confined to should
a
o
... S3
>
naturalistic ornamentation
o
O
O
t
Affixation
>
>
3
t
Cylindrical lug
5
>
t
t
Wedge-shaped lug
o
t
S3 '
>
Plat lug
¡E
>
t
t
Eoomorphic face design
l Cl
o
S3
>
Zoombrphlc head lug
>
!>
t
- >t
Cutting incision
S3
m
Q.
wl
& i?
H C3
r5 ^
,11
M Q
tfl
> M
ei f
a td
o
S3 *-3
K3
> C3
h td
m
-3
t*
M S
> O
B
id
- >
o tr4
LP
3 >
jt 1-3
I2 ~a
H S3
O H
03
&3
to
*0
o


a .
S3
. > .
-
*13
. >
>
a
O
S3
S3
>
5s*
S3
O
S3
¡>
a
S3
5>
T3 '
*t3
S3
S3.
*U
>
S3
*XJ
> '
>
o
a
O
a
S3
p
d
>
.... S>
*T£j
>
>
hd
S3
O
a
S3
S3
S3'
U
S3
a
O
S3
>
>
5> :
S3
S3
Engraving incision
Line-and-dot incision
Curved incised lines
Cross-hatch design
Alt-oblique-parall line design
7ort.(or)Itoriz-parallline des.
Ovoid design
Curvilinear design ;
Punetation
Application
Limb design
Strip on outside rim
Ridge on inside rim
Ridge on Inturn
Modelling
-Red slip '

272
tions used in fable 4 are; P, present; c, comon; H,
rare; A, absent; unknown or questionable! Such a
close point-by-point correspondence of attributes can not
be mere coincidence, particularly since no such corres
pondence exists between the two major Bahamian ceramic
styles and styles outside of northern Haiti. It has been
felt that these similarities conclusively indicate the
Haitian origin of Bahamian ceramic styles and therefore
establish the,basic Arawak nature of Lucayan culture!
Correspondence of attributes assigned to non
ceramic specimens in the Bahamas and northern Haiti Is
also striking* This is particularly true of the attri
butes assigned to tho petaloid stone celt, a common non-
ceramic artifact In both regions* In this report the
following attributes wore said to typify the Bahamian
potaloid 3tone celts: (1) Igneous or metamorphic rode,
(2) potaloid shape, (3) pointed butt, (4) semicircular
bit, (5) convex sidos* The attributes for the same type
in northern Haiti, as defined by House (1941; 95) are
identical* Such correspondence has been taken as de
finite Indication that the technique of making petaloid
stone celts in the Bahamas came from northern Haiti*
This seems the more probable when one considers the fact
that there is no native Igneous rock In the Bahamas, Turks,
and Caicos* All specimens in the Bahamas made from

igneous rook must have originated in some neighboring
region either eastern Cuba or northern Haiti, most
probably the latter, and in addition it seems likely
that the finished specimens were not imported, for
there is a single unfinished potaloid stone celt known
from Andros (Goggin, 1939i 24)# Apparently the finished
product was made in tho Islands, only the rock and the
technique coming from an outside region#
Importation of raw materials, as well as
techniques, from northern II$iti, is further made more
likely by tho fact that almost all ceramic specimens
from the Turks and Caicos are tempered with quarts
particles, which do not occur in the islands, and which
must have come from an outside region#
The presence of stone effigy celts, zemls of
stone and wood, and duhos strengthens the likelihood
that Lucayan culture was Arawak and of Haitian origin.
All of these artifact types are known from Haiti (Rouse,
1948: 525, 535)# In conjunction with the thnographlc
evidence presented earlier in the report, there is no
doubt that Lucayan culture v/as Arawak, Prom the arche
ological evidence alone, particularly ceramic styles, there
is very little doubt that Lucayan culture originated on
the island of Hispaniola, most probably in the region

274
oosst to tho archipelago, northern Haiti. The
hypothesis proposed by Beuchat (1912: 526-523) that
tho Bahamas were populated and received their cultural
patterns from Florida, through movements of tho Tirauoua
and Calusa, seems to be at least partially wrong#
Perhaps the earliest people in the archipelago come from
Florida, but at least we are now certain that the basic
aspects of Lucayan culture came from Haiti* A last and
rather persuasive pleco of evidence In favor of Haitian
origin is the presence of cave-petroglyphs in the Bahamas
and Caicos# This is a typically Arawak trait#
There are very few indications of affiliations
between Cuban and Bahamian ceramic styles While the
Bahamian Meillac is much more like the Haitian style of
the same name, it does in some Instances bear strong re
semblance to Cuban styles, particularly the Ban! of
eastern and central Cuba as defined by House (1942: 164),
and a style found at the Cayo Ocampo site near Cienfuogos
in south-central Cuba (Morales Patino, 1947) and at the
Cantabria site, Ojo de Agua, also near Cienfuogos# The
similarities between Bahamian Meillac and these stylos .
is based purely upon decorative motifs# A single
Meillac sherd (H.P.M. 30/1367, PI. Ill: 22) from the
Bellevue site, North Caicos, is decorated by scratching

275
Incision with a double row of semicircular loops* This
same motif appears on specimens from Cayo Ocampo (Mo
rales Patino, 1947} 122) and on specimens from the
Cantabria site (Florida State Museum, Gainesville)*
The Cayo Ocampo specimens show in addition punctation,
cylindrical lugs, and rim profiles which are similar
to some of the Bahamian Maillac specimens* Other than
these few, very general correspondences, however, there
is little to indicate extensive contact between Cuba and
the Bahamas or an actual transfer of techniques from one
region to the other*
The remaining area with which the Bahamas may
have been culturally affiliated is the Southeastern
United States, by way of Florida* There are even fewer
indications of areal relationship and contact between
these two areas than there are of contact between the
Bahamas and Cuba* Much has been made in the past of
Anghleris statement that the Florida Indians visited
the Bahamas to hunt doves (Anghiera, 1944? 501 /dec,
vil, lib. i, cap* 137) and the fact that both the
Florida Indians and the Lucayans exhibited artificial
parallelo-fronto-occlpitally deformed crania (Gower,
1927: 30; Brooks, 1888: 215-222)*, These factors in them
selves, however, ore quite inconclusive and are not

276
enough to warrant the statement that the two areas are
affiliated culturally, particularly in view of the fact
that cranial deformation la actually very rare in
Florida,
iho similarity of the carved designs on some
Luc ay an duhoa (I.i.A.I, 5/9305, PI, II: 2) to some paddle-
stamped designs on Southeastern United States pottery
types {Holmes, 1894: 73-74} does not seem conclusive
evidence of cultural borrowing from one region to another,
as pointed out by Rouse (1949a: 132), The very
general similarities between Southeastern paddle-stamped
specimens with a check design and the fabric-impressed
potsherds from the Bahamas are much too vague to pro
pose any cultural affiliations between the two styles
(Rouse, 1948: 515j 1949b: 130-131).
There are only two reasons for postulating any
Ploridian-Bahamian contact, and those do not give us any
indication of the actual nature of contact, whether
through trade voyages, or through actual transfer of
peoples and cultures, One of these reasons is embodied
in Herrera*s statement (1934-35: III, 325 /dec* 1, lib,
ix, cap, xi7) that the Lucayans called Florida Canto,
a term describing the appearance of the Florida Indians
as "loincloth wearers," The second reason for postulating

27?
some type of contact between Florida and the Bahamas is
found in certain similarities in decorative motif on
Bahamian and Floridian pottery specimens* The same
specimen referred to in connection with the Cuban sites
of Cayo Ocampo and Cantabria (H.P.M. 50/1567, Fl. Ills
22) bears a striking.resemblance.to some South Florida
incised wares illustrated by Goggin and Sommer (1949s
Pi* 3* a-o) and Rouse (1949a: 131, Fig* 8)* The same
loop designs are present on these specimens coming from
the Florida Keys and the general region of South Florida.
An especially strong resemblance to Meillac pottery is
seen in a single rim sherd of Surfside Incised from
Katecumbo Key (Goggin and Sommer, 1949s PI* 5: b), which
seems to have come from a vessel roughly boat-shaped with
the equivalent of Meillac wedge-shaped lugs on each end*
Even these postulated similarities, however,
are very general, and much more excavation in the Bahamas
and comparative examination of specimens from South
Florida and the Bahamas is called for before a positive
statement can be made*
Relationships between Lucayan culture and the-
cultures of the Southeastern United States, with em
phasis on Florida, are not particularly evident Re
lationships between the Bahamas and Cuba are certainly

278
more likely, but they are no less obscure than in the
case of Florida and the Southeast. The primary cultural
affiliations of Luoayan culture are with .northern Haiti.
Beyond that point it would be hazardous to go without
much more data than v;e have at present* :
SPATIAL COMPLEXES
An examination of Bahamian prehistoric sites
and artifacts from the viewpoint of distribution in
space brings to light two immediately discernible
facts* One is the unusual distribution of ceramic
styles in the archipelago; the second is the distri
bution of pure and mixed sites, defined from a ceramic
approach, in the islands.
An examination of Table 3 shows that the
majority of non-ceramic artifacts are rather evenly ,
distributed throughout the archipelago; or, at least
they are found at both extremes. On the other hand,
ceramic specimens show a definite scheme. Molllc speci
mens are found from Great Abaco to Grand Turk, while
Carrier specimens are found only as far north as San
Salvador, Hum Cay, and Long Island, Fabric-impressed
sherds and other divergent styles are present only as far
north as San Salvador. We seem to bo presented with, at
least a two-fold division of the archipelago as far as

279
ceramic styles ape concerned.
The southern islands and the central islands
as far north as Rum Gay are characterized by the presene
of eave-pofcroglyphs, monolithic axes, duhos, and a groat
many semis, which either do not occur farther north or
are relatively infrequent* Too, the irregular stone
hammer-grinder seems to be limited to the northenr islands
down to Eleuthera, as far as wo presently know*
The northern islands, then, from Grand Bahama
to Eleuthera and Andros, perhaps as far as Gat Island
and Great Exmna, have only the Koillac style of pottery
and do not have the abundance of distinctive ceremonial
objects found farther to the south. The islands from
San Salvador, Rum Gay, and Long Island south to Grand
Turk have both the Heiliac style and the Carrier style,
as well as several unique styles, and on abundance of
ceremonial objects* It has further been pointed out that
ceramic specimens from the southern portion of the archi
pelago exhibit more complex and frequent decorative tech
niques and motifs than are found in tho northern and
central Islands, and the general quality of the pottery,
both Heiliac and Carrier, from the southern islands is
better than in tho central and northern Islands,
Examination of the distribution of pure and

280
mixed sites, referring to Meiliac and Carrier pottery
styles, as shown in Pig* 10, is rewarding* Pare
Meillac sites, and only Meillac sites, are found from
Great Abaco south to Andros* Prom San Salvador, Rum
Cay, and Long Island south to Great Inagua and the
Turks and Caicos, pure sites of both Meillac and
Carrier styles are found, as well as mixed sites con
taining specimens of both styles* On Great Inagua and
in the Turks and Caicos no mixed sites are found, but
both pure Meillac and pure Carrier sites occur*
Prom this spatial examination of Bahamian sites
and artifacts we may postulate the following division of
the archipelago without reference to temporal complexos*
The islands from Grand Bahama and Great Abaco south,
probably including Great Exuma and Cat Island, may be
called a Northern archeological sub-area of the Bahamas*
The Meillac style was in continuous occupation of the
sub-area until the extinction of the Lucayans in the
early 1500a* This sub-area is characterised not only
by the Meillac style, exclusively, but also by the absence
of many ceremonial objects and of petroglyphs.
The islands from San Salvador, Rum Gay, and Long
Island south to, but not including, Groat Inagua and the
Turks and Caicos, may be called a Central or Transitional

281
Pig* 10* Distribution of Pure and Mixed Sites
in the Bahamas, Turks, and Caicos* o indicates
pure Meiliac sites, indicates pure Carrier
sites, and x indicates mixed sites*
archeological sub-area. The Meillac style was in occupa
tion of the area for some time, but Carrier influence was
beginning to make itself felt by the time of European
intervention in the islands. In a very few cases the
Meillac style seems to have been replaced by the Carrier,
but usually, as at the Gordon Hill Dwelling Cave site on
Crooked Island, and the Williams Cave Ho* 2 site, San

282
Salvador, both styles seem to have been coexistent or
closely followed one by the other in the same sites.
The sub-area is characterised not only by a basic
Meillao style with Carrier encroachment, but also by
the presence of many ceremonial objects and of petro-
glyphs.
Great Inagua and the Turks and Gleos may bo
called a Southern archeological sub-area. The Meillao
style seems to have been In occupation of the region for
some time, but it wa3 apparently replaced almost in toto
by the Carrier at some time before European movement into
the region* All sites are pure sites, and both MoIliac
and Carrier sites are represented, as indicated in Fig#
10. The Southern sub-area was characterized by replace
ment of the Meillac style with the Carrier and also by
the presence of many ceremonial objects and of petro-
glyphs. .
A further distinction can be made between these
three sub-areas. In the northern islands only cave-
habitation and cave-burial sites are known, In the
central islands both cave-habitation sites and open
village sites are known, cave sites predominating as far
as wo can determine at present. In the southern islands
the majority of habitation sites are open, village sites,

283
although cave sites are also found.
This division, of the archipelago into three
archeological sub-areas should not be construed to imply
a total difference in culture patterns from one sub-area
to another. It refers basically to differences in
ceramic techniques, although, as pointed out earlier,
cultural complexity seems to increase from north to
south both as far as ceramic styles are concerned and
S3 far as general culture patterns are concerned. The
sole utility of such spatial divisions, without re
ference to time, is to facilitate the establishment of
a series of temporal complexes within the islands,
TEMPORAL COMPLEXES
The Information gathered to produce the first
two sections of this analysis and synthesis of Bahamian
archeological material contributes directly to the estab
lishment of at least a tentative chronology for the
Bahamas*
Rouse (1951* 251) has presented a chronological
chart for the Arawalc ceramic styles and cultures of
Haiti. Because of the definiteness of his data and the
comparative preciseness of his chronology it is possible
to arrive at a temporal sequence of ceramic styles and
cultures in the Bahamas, assuming, of course, that we are

284
correct In assigning the origin of these styles and
cultures to northern Haiti*
Rouse (1951 s' 251} has divided his time scale
into four major periods* Tho first two in Haiti re*
present a pre-ceramic occupation. Por this reason we
can not assign the Meillac style to tho Bahamas until
Period III, when it appears in Haiti* Period I and
Period II in Bahamian archeology are blanks at the
present. However, Indications of Ciboney or at least
of pro-Arawak culture are present, and it has been
tentatively assumed that further excavation will indi
cate tho presence of such complexes, which have been
termed Smith Hill for convenience. This site is the
only well-authenticated, possibly pre-Arawak site in the
islands. The presence of shell gouges throughout the
archipelago may also be an indication of a pre-Arawak
people*
In Period Ilia north Haiti saw the emergence of
the Meillac style, It has not been assumed that this
style spread immediately to the Bahamas, but, as in the
case of Cuba (Rouse, 1951: 251) spread during the middle
of Period III, called Period Illb by Rouse (ibid.). The
reasons for this assumption are the comparative infre
quency of a red slip on the Bahamian Meillac sherds, the
absence of any coloring matter In the paste of these

285
specimens, and, perhaps, the presence of incised lines
on outside ridges all characteristics of the late
Moillac style in northern Haiti, The style apparently
spread throughout the entire archipelago, since speci
mens are found from Great Abaco to Grand Turk,
In Period XVa the Moillac style was largely
replaced by the Carrier style in northern Haiti (Rouse,
ibid,), It has been assumed that the style spread
relatively soon to the Turks and Caicos, where it must
have been well-established by the time the Spanish arrived
in the New World, judging from the archeological evi
dence and the existence of pure Carrier village sites*
During Period IVb, which Rouse tentatively begins around
1500 (Rouse, ibid*), the Carrier style probably began
spreading from the Southern sub-area to the Central sub-
area, where it did not effect a complete replacement of
Moillac techniques to judge from tho archeological evi
dence ,
Apparently this spread of the Carrier style was
accompanied by a spread of other traits,to the Southern
and Central sub-areas of the Bahamas, Those traits were
primarily ceremonial and are evidenced by the presence
of fluhoa* gemis in abundance, stone effigy celts, and
petroglyphs In these two sub-areas. Rouse (1948: 503,

286
516, 521) places the Meillac style as Sub-Taino In
Haiti. The Carrier style he places as Taino. The
Sub-Taino (Rouse, ibid.) had pottery decorated with
simple, incised-line designs such as Meillac. pottery,
and were characterized by the lack of an extensive
ceremonial complex. They had zemis In Haiti but no
potroglyphs. The Taino culture, on the other hand, was
characterized by modelled and incised pottery, and it
exhibited a highly developed ceremonial complex, in
cluding potroglyphs and ball courts.
Prom Rouses definition of Taino and Sub-Taino
in Haiti, it would seem safe to call the Lucayan culture
basically Sub-Taino* Both archeological and ethnograph
ical evidence uphold this decision# There are, however,
definite Taino traits in the central and southern Islands,
and It is postulated that these traits penetrated the
archipelago with the Carrier style in Period IV, moving
Into the Turks and Caicos first in Period IVa and on into
the central Islands at least by the beginning of Period
IVb*
We are loft with two alternativos In the question
of Taino penetration into the Bahamas, Turks, and Caicos,
Such a movement might either have represented a physical
movement of peoples, or it might have represented simply
a transfer of techniques and culture traits. In the case

287
of tho Southern sub aro a It seems highly possible that
there ^as a physical migration of Indians into the
region, bringing .with them thoir Taino traits. The fact
that Carrier specimens from this subarea show the
closest correspondence to Haitian Carrier specimens would
indicate this. The use of quarts as a temper material is
another indication. As final evidence the establishment
of pure Carrier villages in the Turks and Caicos hints
at a physical movement of peoples.
This movement probably continued, very slowly,
up through the islands, penetrating the Central sub-
area. It Is felt, however, that most Taino influences
in the central Bahamas were probably a result of contact
with Taino culture and of trait diffusion, rather than
of physical replacement. Further excavation will per
haps clarify the picture.
The Lucayans, then, seem to have been basically
a Sub-Taino people throughout both Period III and Period
IV, with the exception of the peoples of the southern
islands, who seem to have been joined, amalgamated vyith,
or replaced by Tainos from Haiti, During Periods III and
IV the Southern sub-area seems to have followed about the
same path as northern Haiti, and House Is fully justified
in placing those islands in the Windward Passage area with
Haiti (House, 1951: 261, Fig. 3). The Sub-Taino traits

Period
I Ib
Ha
Ib
la
Western
Cuba
Central
Cuba
Eastern
Cuba
Haiti
Turks
and
Caicos
Central
Bahamas
northern
Bahamas
Period
Cayo Redondo
And
Guayabo Blanco
Cabaret
And
Couri
cm
Ciboney
P777I
Sub-Taino
Eg 2
Taino
Smith Hill ?
Ilb
Ila
lb
la
Fig*11 Distribution of Cultures* Ceramic Styles, and Preceramic Phases in
the Bahamas, Turks, Caicos, and neighboring Regions through Time,
288

289
In the archipelago, evidenced by the ceramic styles in
particular, were probably somewhat simpler than those
on the, mainland in Haiti, Environmental differences
undoubtedly helped to create this lack of complexity,
for native stones, clays, building materials, and food
sources were vastly different from those of Haiti', In
most cases the supply of these materials was probably
smaller and probably of poorer quality than on the
mainland.
Pig, 11, on the preceding page, illustrates
the proposed chronology for the Bahamas, It must be
emphasized again, however, that this statement is not
and can not be final* Paucity of data render any
definitive judgements precarious, and questions must
remain in many cases unsolved

CULTURAL' REOONSTRUCTIOH
As mentioned in the introductory section of
this report, precise ethnographical data on the Lu-
cayana are almost completely lacking. The single
first-hand historical account wo have is that of
Columbus, written down in logbook form during his
first voyage to the Hew World, and preserved for us
by Las Gasas in his Historia do las Indias at times
In the Admirals own words* The other accounts of
Ferdinand Columbus, Oviedo y Valdes, Acosta, Anghiera,
Herrera y Tordesillas, Bornaldoz, and Havarrete do
little more than substantiate Columbus* statements as
repeated by Las Casas, Aside from this ethnographic
data, the bulk of which was presented in the intro
duction of the report, we have only archeological evi
dence to relie upon In filling out our presentation of
Lucayan cultural patterns. It is sometimes possible to
generalise from accounts of Taino and Sub-Talno culture
In other regions of the Caribbean, but this is, by and
large, precarious unless done with the greatest of dis
cretion, nevertheless, the latter method has been re
sorted to at times in this brief reconstruction of
Bahamian life} only, however, with adequate statements to
that effect* For the most part Columbus historical
290

291
narrativa has been supplemented by archeological data
to give the following synthesis, which must, because of
paucity of data from either source, be regarded as
purely tentative and sufficient only at the present stage
of our knowledge of Bahamian archeology.
It is not possible to bring the temporal and
spatial considerations discussed in the previous section
of this report to bear too heavily on this cultural re
construction. As pointed out there, the basic cultural
patterns in the Bahamas seem to have been Sub-Taino
throughout all the archeological periods, with the
possible exception of the Turks and Caicos, during
Period IV, which may have seen an actual replacement
of Sub-Taino techniques by those of Taino culture.
In tho rest of tho archipelago it has been assumed that
the Sub-Taino patterns remained substantially unchanged.
For that reason Lucayan culture patterns have been con
sidered as forming a singlo unit, basically Sub-Taino
in nature, with certain exceptions, which will be pointed
out.
Settlement patterns. The usual Taino or Sub-
Taino habitation site in the Greater Antilles consisted
of a group of houses around a central plaza or ball
court (House, 1948: 524-525), In the Bahamas sixteen
possible village sites have been located, although t hey

292
can not be positively identified as such without further
excavation* Those sites are in the Caico3 and on Long
Island, Columbus, however, tells us that there were
small villages on all of the Islands he visited, in
cluding San Salvador, Rum Cay, Long Island, and Crooked
Island, He estimated that thoy did not consist of more
than twelve to fifteen houses (Las Casas, 1877s I, 229
/Tib, i, cap, xliff), the structure of which has been
described in some detail in the introductory section of
this report, Columbus never mentions a village directly
on the shore, but always at some distance inland, or at
least removed from the open beach itself.
The majority of habitation sites so far lo
cated have been cave-habitations. They wore probably
used as dwellings for individual families, or may have
been used rather as refuges during stomas (De Booy, 1912s
87). After the Spanish began their slave raids It is
possible that the Lucayans U3ed cave-dwellings as per
manent homes to avoid capture by the raiders. These cave-
habitations are known primarily from the northern and
central Bahamas, which Columbus never reached, but they
also occur In the Turks and Caicos,
From Columbus description of the houses, we can
gather that both the bohio, or chief's house, and the
caney, or commoners house, were present in the Lueayan

293
village# It Is assumed that the bell-shaped pavillion
described by him (Las Casas, 1877: I, 229 lib. 1,
cap, xlii7) i bhe caney and the larger tent-like
structure the boho. Oviedo (1851-55: I, PI, 1)
illustrates both of these typos from Hispaniola, and
they seem to conform generally with Columbus description
of the Lucayan houses*
Columbus does not mention ball courts, nor do
any of the archeological investigations indicate their
presence. From this it has been assumed that they were
not present in the Lucayan village complex. Although
Anghiera (1944: 502 cfoc# vil, lib* 1 cap. if/) says
that the local caciques presided over ball games, he
presents no documentation for this statement, and it is
felt that it can not by itself be taken to indicate
positive presence of ball courts* In this respect the
Lucayans were more representative of Sub-Taina culture
than of Taino,
The only furniture specifically mentioned is
the hamaca or hammock,..which was in common use among
the Arawak throughout the Antilles (Rouse, 1948: 525,
552), A description of the hammock type used in His
paniola has alroady been given earlier in the report.
Its use in the Bali amas is indicated by Anghiera (1944:
502 C ibid, 7) and Las Casas (1877* I, 228 Tib. 1,

294
cap* X1I7).
The duho, or wooden stool, found in many-cave
sites in the Bahamas, is not mentioned by Columbus nor
by the chroniclers of tho tiraos. It may$ however, have
been used as household furniture, although such seats
wore probably reserved for chiefs or for ceremonial
occasions {House, 1943: 525),
Subsistence pat terns. Prora all indications the
Lucayans were dependent primarily upon hunting, fishing,
and tho gathering of wild plants for their livelihood.
Fishhooks are of relative frequency in tho-Bahamian
sites, and it is probable that fish-poison was made from
Jamaica Dogwood, Ichthyomethia picipula (L.)* Specific
mention is made of tho use of wooden spoors for fishing
(Las Casas, 1377: I, 221 Tib. i, cap, xl7) and Anghiera
(1944: 502 /doc. vii, lib. i, cap, ii/) says that, the Pink
Conch, Strorabus gigas, was oaten. The huta, iguana,
and various birds were eaten along with a plentiful
supply of sea-food and wild plants. There were no large
land animals (Columbus, 1895: 47), and the iguana ap
parently supplied much of the meat in theLucayan diet
(Las Casas, 1877: I, 230 /lib, i, cap, xliiij?), although
the frequent presence of hutla bones in the sites indi
cates that this small mammal was certainly an important
food source. Arrow-points have not been recovered from

295
any well-documented sit, although Mr, Krioger refers
briefly to wooden points from a banana hoi on Long
Island (Krleger, 1937: 96), and it seems probable that
snares and traps were the major devices used in hunting
animals and birds.
No remains of agricultural implements have been
found, and the sitos so far Investigated do not give any
indication that Lucayan culture was agriculturally
oriented. There are, however, several roasons for assum
ing that In certain parts of the archipelago the economy
was serai-agricultural* Tho evidence is both historical
and archeological*
Columbus (1893: 45) mentions the fact that the
native ho met in mid-channel between Rum Cay and Long
Island, was carrying with him.a small supply of native
bread, which Las Casas (1877: 1, 227 ¡Tib, I, cap*
xlli/) identifies as casabi, broad made from cassava,
Manihot manihot (Cockerell), known also as yuca, While
at Pornondlna, or Long Island, Columbus mentions seeing
for the first time a patch of Indian com, which he
called panicum (Las Casas, 1877* I, 227 Tib, i,
cap* r£?) His son, Ferdinand Columbus, refers to It
correctly as mohls (Columbus, F,, 1944: 81)* Columbus
also refers to Fernandina as being so fertile that grain
could be planted all year round (Las Casas, 1877: I, 227

S96
Toe. clt* J). Anghiera, too, indicates the presence
of agriculture in the islands, although he does not
mention specifically what part of the archipelago he
is speaking of (Anghiera, 1944: 502 /[dec# vii, lib* i,
cap# 1*7)* A final historical reference comes from
Columbus (1895: 45), who states that dried leaves,
which must be a thing highly valued by them the Lu-
cayans7, /are/ bartered with**.at San Salvador*0 This
description sounds very much like tobacco, although ho
mention is made of the actual use or nature of these
*dried leaves *n
Archeological indications of agriculture in
the archipelago are limited to the occurrence of a single
cassava griddle (M.A.I, 5/9357) from Grand Turk, It is
postulated hero, however, that islands having fabric-
impressed pottery may coincide with agricultural areas
in the Bahamas. It is possible that the fabric impres
sions on griddle forms were pleasing to the Lucayan
potter, who adopted the technique for regular pottery
forms. This, of course, is pure speculation, but not
completely unlikely. Such specimens occur on San Sal
vador, Crooked Island, and Horth Caicos*
Prom the historical and archoological evidence
wo can say with certainty that agriculture was present
vk¡ ,
from Grand Turk north to Long Island, San Salvador, and

297
probably Him Cay* Beyond this -limit we have no ovidenco
of agriculture, and it must be assumod for the present
that it did not form part of the economy of the northern
islands. It is possiblo that agriculture spread into
the archipelago with tho Carrier pottery style and other
Taino culture traits, and that it spread no further
north than those traits; namely, the central islands*
- Fir? for cooking, v;e -know from archeological
data, was made by using a wooden fire-making device of
tho drill type. The only domostieated animals were the
parrot (Columbus, 1895: 37) and tho aco (Koseloy, 1926:
114), which seems to have been the barkless dog mentioned
by Las Casas (1877: I, 229 /Tib* i, cap* zli£/), although
it may have been a -species of domesticated hutia, ouch
as the enana in-Cuba today,
Techniculture* The Lucayans wore little
clothing. The-men went naked, except in time of war
or on festive and ceremonial occasions, when they wore
colored tufts and plumes of feathers (Anghiera, 1944:
501-502 doc* vli, lib, i, cap, ijC7}* The use of such
plumes is also indicated by tho small stone warrior-
semi found by Do Boay at Kow, North Caicos, for it wears
a feathered headdress (De Booy, 1912: PI, 71), Tho younger
girls also went naked (Columbus, 1893: 38), but after tho
first menstruation they wore a short genital covering of

298
woven grass (Columbus, 1893: 46-47). Married women and
those who had otherwise loot their virginity wore skirts
of woven cotton or grass down to the knees (Anghiera,
1944: 502 dec, vii, lib, i, cap* lij)* Cloth was
probably made from Tree Cotton, Gossypium arboreum,
Columbus (1893: 46) mentions that he saw mantles of
such cloth on Fernandina, and Las Casas (1377: I, 222
Tib. 1, cap. xl/) says that woven cotton cloth was
used as a trade item.
The hair was worn short in front, falling as
far as the eyebrows. This style is mentioned for men,
and no distinction is noted for the hair style of women.
A tuft was allowed to hang down behind and was never cut
(Columbus, 1893: 38). The men were beardless (Las Casas,
1877: I, 221 lib. i, cap. xjj).
Both men and women painted their bodies,
sometimes only the eyes, the nose, or the face, but
often the entire body. The colors used were black,
white, yellow, and red (Columbus, 1893: 50). Coloring
was obtained from different soils (Columbus, 1893: 45)
and perhaps from plant sources as well. Both sexes wore
necklaces, bracelets, and leg-ornaments. These were made
from tho Pink Conch, utilising either the shell or actual
conch pearls (Anghiera, 1944: 502 cTec. vii, lib, i, cap,
i|7K Yellow and black stones were also popular as orna-

299
mentis (Anghlera, ibid*) Gold nose-plugs are mentioned
(Columbus, 1393: 50), but were rare, since gold had to
bo imported* Ear-plugs were probably worn, as the
pierced ears of a warrior-semi from Kew, North Caicos,
indicate (De Booy, 1912: PI. VI),
For land transportation the Lucayans had no
special conveyance. For sea transportation they used
canoes,, ranging in sise from the one-man type to vessels
large enough to hold, forty or fifty men at a time* They
wore made from single tree-trunks and were propelled by
paddles shaped like bakers* shovels (Columbus, 1893:
30). ,
No metal artifacts have been found in aboriginal
Bahamian sites, and Columbus (1893: 38) states definitely
that the natives had no metals other than gold. From
the archeological evidence we know that wood was. used to
malee duhos, semis, bowls, and fishhooks. Stone was used
for semis as woll as for chisels, hammer-grinders, and
chopping tools, both the latter probably being tools of
great and varied utility. All stone utilised for tools
or ceremonial objects Is of foreign origin, probably
coming from North Haiti,
No mention is made by Columbus of stone, shell,
bone, or pottery utensils or ornaments, although we know
from archeological data that they were a part of Lucayan

300
culturo Shell, was primarily used for making ornaments,
although celts,: cups, and gouges made from that material
are known to have been used. Bone was used for fish
hooks, a\7ls, pins, and for ornaments# Pottery, of
course, was used primarily for cooking purposes, al
though It may have been used for storage as well# In
connection with cooking, it is possible that stone balls
were heated and used to boil liquids*
Gourds were used as drinking cups and to.carry
and store water in (Columbus, 1893: 45), Basketry and
weaving seem to have occupied a minor role in Lucayan
culture, although Columbus (1893: 45) indicates that
rude baskets were used, and we know from archeological
evidence that fabric-matting must have been made#
Weapons and the materials used to make them will be
mentioned in connection with warfare.
Social organisation. The people seem to have
been quite docile and friendly, Columbus mentions this
characteristic in his log and waxes sentimental over the
pliability of the natives and their obedience to his
commands (Columbus, 1893: 38, 41)# Columbus also noticed
a paucity of weapons and assumed that warfare was very
unusual (Columbus, 1893: 38), A few men had scars which
they said they had received during fights with the neigh
boring islands, the natives of which had come to take them

sox
into captivity (Columbus, 1893: 38). Specific mention ,
is mad of attacks on San Salvador by Indians from the
northwest on their way to the south In search of gold
(Columbus, 1893s 40)* Anghiera (1944s 502 /dec. vii,
lib, i, cap* ij7> indicates that warfare was present
among the Lucayans with the statement that men donned
feathered plumes at such times. Las Casas (1877: I,
221 /Tib, i, cap, xl7) describes the usual weapon as
a lance of wood, sharpened at one end and hardened by
fire. The lance was often pointod with fish teeth or
spines. In the same citation, however, he states that
these weapons wore used more for fishing than they were
to kill men*
It is not known whether the Island or the
village was the basic political, economic, and social
unit, Columbus does not mention any central authority
In the islands or even a cacique of an Individual island,
so we can perhaps assume tentatively that the village was
the basic unit, Anghiera (1944: 502 /dec. vii, lib, I,
cap, ii/r) describes the local cacique as a kinglet,
much akin in nature and duties to the king bee* Apparent
ly his primary duty was to apportion work and village
duties to picked individuals at the proper times of year.
Too, ho seems to have presided over religious and
festive gatherings and to have had charge of central

302
storage houses for produce and food# Ho may also have
served as an arbiter of justice# V/e are presented with
an apparently classless society, In which one man is
ranked above the others simply to bring order to
village life# This man seems to have served as both
religious and civil leader of the society, and seems
to have taken the place of the special shaman class in
the GreaterAntilles#
We have no indication of marriage customs other
than .the statement by Anghlera (1944; 502 /dec# vii,
lib, 1, cap* I7) that girls passing through their first
period of menstruation were exhibited by their parents
to tho village as being of marriageable age# De Booy
(1912: 86) refers to monogamous marriages among tho
commoners and polygynous marriages among the caciques*
but does not document his statement*
Nothing definite Is known about tho organ!
zatlon of the commercial aspect of the economic institu
tion, other than the fact that cotton both as thread
and.as finished cloth, tobacco, and parrots were used
as barter Items (Columbus, 1893; 37, 45; Las Casas, 1877;.
I, 222 /lib* I, cap# x]¡7) Cotton especially seems to
have been important as a trade item# It was natural that
those common barter items wore among the first noticed by
Columbus and his men at San Salvador and the other Islands

503
thoy camo to,
nothing at all is.known about property rights,
roal or personal. The functions of the local cacique,
however, as described by Anghiora in a previous citation,
would soem to indicate a communal typo of real property
ownership, Personal property, such a3 ornaments, tools,
and other items were probably owned by the individual.
Religion and mores, Columbus (1893: 47} says
that the Lucayans did not seem to have a religion.
Archeological evidence contradicts this statement, how
ever, for wooden and stone ceremonial objects have been
found in all portions of the archipelago. These objects
correspond to the semis of other Arawak areas (Rouse,
1943: 555-537; Tojora, 1951: 127-131; Sayas y Alfonso,
1931: I, 190-193), Every person in most Arawak tribes
had his own personal semis, often as many as ton. It was
believed that power over the spirits of nature and the
docoased could be gained through ownership of a-semi,
or "spirit. Although semi3 might bo natural rock for
mations, they were usually wood, stone, shell, or cloth
idols in anthropomorphic or sooraorphic form. "emi3 have
been found in the Bahamas from the Biminio to East Caicos,
and they indicate a definite interest in the super
natural and a religious institution among the Lucayans,
The typical Arawak ball courts, probably serving

304
partially religious functions in tho Greater Antilles,
are not found in the Bahamas, although Anghiera (1944: ,
501 dec. vil, lib, I, cap* IIJ) indicates that ball .
games were played. In their placo aro cave-shrines.
Various ceremonial objects have been found in these
caves. Duhos, or intricately carved wooden stools,
have been found in many cavos from San Salvador south
to Grand Turk. These stools are low benches, about two
feet long and approximately a foot wide, often with a
carved back and/or arm rests. Tho back and arm rests
were usually carved in anthropomorphic or soomorphic
form. It Is assumed that the duho had primarily a
religious or ceremonial use, Petroglyphs have been
found on Run Gay and on East Caicos. They are also ,
reported from Great Inagua, Thoso glyphs are always
found carved on the walls of caves and usually represent
crude human figures, animals, items of everyday use such
as canoe paddles, or geometric designs* It is felt by
this writer that the glyphs probably served two functions*
Human and animal figures may well have been semis, while
such utilitarian Items as canoe paddles may have repre
sented powers or items the worshipper wished to have
through the medium of a semi. This division in meaning
of petroglyphs has been suggested by Rouse (1949b: 495)
for other parts of the Caribbean, The meaning of tho

305
geometric designs, usually mases, circles, and lines,
is not clear, Petroglyphs are a typically Taino trait
in other parts of the Antilles, and they may represent
some overlap of Taino traits into the otherwise Sub-
Taino Bahamas, as indicated in the preceding section of
this report.
Nothing is known about the actual religious
practices, tales* or festivals of the Lucayans, It
is not known whether there was a distinct priesthood
or not, although it has been gathered that the local
village leader served as shaman, or religious leader,
for the community in addition to performing secular
duties. No shaman class, usual in Cuba and Hispaniola
(Rouse, 1948s 537-538), seems to have existed as far as
we can determine at present.
Life cycle. Nothing is known about the life
cycle of the Lucayan native, Columbus spent such a short
time in tho archipelago that there was hardly time to
observe such aspects of the culture, and the later Spanish
slavers were undoubtedly not interested in gathering
ethnographical material on their victims.
Burial patterns. Ho Information is given by
Columbus or the chroniclers on this phase of Lucayan
life* Archeological data indicate that interments were
usually made in caves. Burials were by inhumation,

306
usually primary, the body often being placed In a flexed
position and laid on one side* Some of the burials were
on low shelves within caves, while others were boneath
the cave-earth itself. In some cases pottery has boon
receovered from burial sites. Such specimens may re
present grave goods, although they do not seem to have
been specially placed with reference to the body in any
case, nor does the familiar practice of nkilling" the
offering occur* In two cases, at Gordon Hill, Crooked
Island, and on Hew Providence, multiple burial was
practiced*
Language. As mentioned earlier in the report,
the Lucayans spoke an Arawak dialect similar to that
spoken.in Cuba and Hispaniola.
Population estimates. The population of the
Bahamas during pre-Columbian times and immediately
thereafter has been estimated at around 40,000 (Anghlera,
1944s 499 clac, vil, lib, 1, cap, ?; Las Casas, 1877:
II, 100 Tib* ii, cap, xliv/^S Edwards, 1819s IV, 219;
De Booy, 1912: 87), Judging from the archeological sites
located so far, the population would not.seem to have been
large, and this estimate is probably rather exaggerated.
An accurate estimate, however, can not be suggested at
this.time.
General statements# Prom the cultural recon-

307
struction given above, brief and tentative as it is, it
seems obvious that Lucayan culturo was predominantly
Sub-Taino in nature. Certain Taino traits, such as
petroglyphs and the Carrier style of pottery, and possibly
agriculture, were present in,the Turks and Caicos and
the central Bahamas for a short period of time before
European discovery of the archipelago.
Although possible Ciboney, or at least pre-
Arawak and perhaps pre-ceramic, sites have been re
ported from Andros and tho Berry Islands, thore is
insufficient evidence at present to verify the reports
or to postulate any cultural patterns for such pre-
Arawak groups if they did exist.

CONCLUSIONS
In the Profaco to this report it was stated
that there were three problems, isolated from northern
Caribbean archeology, which might be cleared up or
elucidated by previous work done in the Bahamas, Those
throe problems wore (1) the origins of the Ciboney
complexes in Cuba and Haiti, (2) tho interrelationships
of Southeastern United States cultures and those of the
Caribbean, and (3) the nature of tho Bahamian complexes
themselves and their relations to the rest of the Carib
bean,, These problems were talcen at tho outset of the
writers Bahamian rosearch as the most challenging and
important questions to be investigated,- Por that reason
they should be restated here with a summation of the
data presented in this report leading to their clari
fication.
The first problem the origin of the Cuban
and Haitian Ciboney complexes has not been touched
upon in detail earlier in the report,- Unfortunately,
it can not be given such a treatment oven upon the com
pletion of the report,- We have very little data, positive
or negative, concerning tho presence of the Ciboney, or
any pro-Arawalc or pre-ceramic culture, in the Bahamas,
Mr, Krieger mentions Ciboney find3 on Andros and in the
308

309
Berry Islands, and wo have a report of possibly un-
deformed crania from the Smith Hill Cave sito on Andros,
neither of those statements has been verified as yet.
If they aro Indeed both correct, we will have the begin
nings of a clue to Giboney occupation; however, it will
take much more thorough excavation In the northern and
western portions of the archipelago to turn this hypo
thesis into fact. All the documented sites In the
islands are, without doubt, Arawak. This leaves us
little alternative at the present but to state that we
do not know whether the CIboney were present In the
Bahamas* If they were, we still have no dioa where their
point of origin was.
In answer to the second problem, It was seen
that evidences of Anfcillean-Southeastern United States
prehistoric relationships are few. They have been sum
marised carefully by Gower (1927) and Rouse (1949a), There
are no cases of similarity between Bahamian and South
eastern United States culturo traits which can be said
to indicate a definite relationship between the tvro
areas. The matter Is still a void, to date filled only
with several questionable similarities of culture traits.
The third question has been investigated in the
bulk of this report and particularly in those sections
dealing with temporal and spatial complexes within the

Bahamas* As a major* purpose of this report, that
problem has been given as detailed an airing as the .
data would permit. The results are briefly that (1) ,
Bahamian, complexes seem to be derivative from Haitian
complexes, (2) these complexes aro generally simpler than
the Haitian ones, and (3) culturally speaking the
Bahamas wore a peripheral Sub-Taino region, illustrating
most of tho usual Sub-Taino culture traits, with a few
Taino traits toward the central and southern portions
of tho area*
It is hoped that the overall purpose of tho
report to present a synthosis of archeological data
from the Bahamas, and to analyse this material in a
usable form, so that it may be correlated with findings
in other parts of tho Caribbean has been fulfilled*
With the full realisation that ceramic styles, non
ceramic types, and a chronology for the area have been
defined from the most meager of data, and therefore will
probably bear elaboration in the future, it is felt that
the material presented should at least help toward a more
adequate placing of the Bahamas in.the total picture of
Caribbean archeology and ethnology* As pointed out in the
Preface to this report, description of archeological
material and sites has been given as full a treatment as
possible in the desire to complete the major purpose of

311
the paper and to present as objective a coverage as
possible. Although certain archeological and etlino-
logical traits with their chronological implications
seam' quite definitely to be indicated to the writer*
they have* by and large, been relegated to the position
of questions, largely because of a paucity of data. It
would bo tempting to state these feelings as fact or at
least with moro definiteness, but it would be entirely
unfair in' the light of the-meager and rather superficial
excavations, so far conducted in the archipelago.
In short, this report has succeeded only in
delineating Bahamian cultural complexes, and then only
tentatively. The other two problems investigated at
present melt away into archeological questions, leaving
us with no answors. Those questions are a result of -
inadequate archeological investigation of the archi
pelago It is indeed unfortunate, and somewhat unusual,
that such a potentially productive area has been so
neglected as have the Bahamas in the past.
If few answers have resulted from the present
report, perhaps it will at least serve to create an-
awareness of the problems to be mot with in Bahamian
archeology, and, since,the bulk of the archeological
work in the Greater Antilles has been completed, perhaps
it may be possible in the future to turn to tho Bahamas

312
v>
and other peripheral regions for a filling-out of the
temporal and spatial aproad of Gib one?/ and Arawak
cultures* Without making an apologia it is deemed most
necessary to state that the presentation given here is
but a preliminary and sketchy outline of Bahamian
archeology. It is so of necessity, and elaboration
must await the future*
Por an answer to the questions of Ciboney
occupation in the Bahamas and of interrelationships
between the Bahamas and the Southeastern United States
excavation on Grand Bahama, Andros, the Biminis, and Gay
Sal might prove of interest. Por a better definition of
the northernmost limits of agriculture in the Bahamas
excavations on Crooked Island Great Exuraa, and Cat
Island might be suggested. To clarify the Carrier-
Mo lilac, or Taino-Sub-Talno fusion in the central islands
further exeavation on Crooked Island and on Acklins
Island would certainly help*

APPENDIX A! ANIMAL REMAINS PROM THE BAHAMIAN SITES
Bird, fish, turtle, rodent, and crab bones and
shells were of frequent occurrence in the Bahamian
sites, particularly at Gordon Hill, Crooked Island, the
single thoroughly excavated site*, The bird and fish
bones have not been positively identified# Crab shells
occur only occasionally# Ilutia bones, Capromys ingrahmi.
are of very frequent occurrence, indicating that this
small rodent was apparently a staple in the Lucayan diet#
In all, fifteen species of shells were identi*
fled# These aro: Perln (Strophiopa) pepperi Cepolis
maynardi, Spirula spirula, Nerita versicolor, Tollina
radiata, Crassatellites glbbal, Lucina orbicularis,
Tonna perdlx, Pasclolaria.tulipa, Marginella apicina,
Ollvella mutica, Strombua gigas, Pinctada radiata,
Gardium robustum, and Busycon perveraus All but six
of these species are large enough to have been used as
food sources# Perln sp,, Cepolis maynardl, Spirula
spirula, Nerita versicolor, Herglnella apicina, and
Ollvella mutica are generally rather small shells and
probably did not provide food for the Lucayons# Strombus
gigas, the Pink Conch; Pinctada radiata, tho Pearly
Oyster; Cardium robustum, the cockle; and Busycon per*
versus, the Left-handed Whelk are large enough to be used
313

314
as food, all four still being so used in the Caribbean
and Gulf areas*
It is interesting to note that no iguana,
Cyolura sp*, bones were found In the refuse from
Bahamian sites, This seems unusual, since the reptile
was apparently used as a food source (Columbus, 1893:
54). Perhaps with excavation of village sites the bones
will occur.
The huta, reserved in other parts of the
Caribbean as food for the chief class (House, 1948:
524), seems to have been part of the daily diet of the
hucayans, judging from Its frequency in the Gordon Hill
alte and in sites on San Salvador, Perhaps the paucity
of meat sources forcod this change upon the Lucayana *

APPENDIX Bf A BRIEF SUMMARY 0? BAHAMIAN HISTORY PROM
1550 TO THE PRESENT
British seafarers of the sixteenth century often
passed through:Bahamian waters, but,we are left with few
detailed accounts* John Hawkins on his first voyage to
the ,West Indies in 1562 mentions passing by the "Hands
of the Caycos" (Hakluyt, 1904s X, 8), and in 1568 speaks
of passage through the "gulf of Bahama, which is between
the Gape of Florida, and the Hands of hue ayo'* (Hakluyt,
1904s X, 74)* An early English ruttler, or sailing
guide, written during the 1500*3, gives directions for
going through the Bahama Channel at various times of the
year, and mentions locations, in degrees of latitude,and
approximate distance from major points, of the Bahama
Channel and an island which is presumably Grand Bahama
(Hakluyt, 1904: X, 525-526, 554, 537). A second ruttler,
written during the 1600*s, mentions "the Island of
Sayles," an early name for New Providence (Hakluyt, 1904:
X, 299). It also makes mention of the Bahama Channel
(Hakluyt, 1904: X, 300). Such mentions, always of a
casual nature, are not Infrequent, but they are not in
formative from an historical or archeological point of
view (Hakluyt, 1904: VI, 404; VIII, 412, 451; IX, 43, 45,
55, 101, 460; X, 74, 226, 244, 251, 427).
315

516
Spains title to the Bahamas under the Treaty
of Tordesillas went undisputed for many years, because
the islands were soon depopulated and because they pro
duced little of economic value* The Spanish themselves -
were not interested In the archipelago, but they did wish
to maintain control of the Bahama Channel, their major
shipping lane to Europe* With Spains rapid rise in
the Caribbean during the 1500*3 and her increasing use
of the Bahama Channel, the Islands were used more and
more as a refuge to followers of a now profession. First
settlements, usually of a transitory nature, seem to have
been made by English pirates, seeking a base of operations
against the Spanish* John Esquemellng, a famous Dutch
buccaneer of the times, refers to such an instance in
his Do Araericaensche geerovers (Buccaneers of America)*
published in Amsterdam In 1678. He does not mention a
specific date, but the episode seems to have occurred in
the early 1600*s. He says,
The first pirate that v/as known upon the
island of Tortuga was named Pierre le
Grand, or Peter the Great He was born
at the town of Dieppe, in Normandy* The
action which rendered him famous was his
taking of the Vice-Admiral of the Spanish
flota ^/merchant fleel/, nigh unto t he Gape
of Tiburn, upon the Western side of the
island of Hispaniola* This bold exploit
he performed alone with only on boat, wherein
ho had eight-and-twenty persons, no more, to
help him* What gave occasion unto this enter
prise v/as that until that time the Spaniards

317
had passed and repassed with all security,
and without finding the least opposition,
through tho Channel of Bahama So that
Pierre le Grand set out to sea by the Caicos,
where he took this great ship with almost all
facility imaginable, The Spaniards they
found aboard wore all set on shore, and the
vessel presently sent to Prance,,,(Esqueme*
ling, 1924: 55-56),
\
This growth of piracy in the Caribbean came about rather
naturally in the late 1500a and the early 1600s as a
result of the increase in economic strife between Spain
and England,. England was gaining maritime supremacy and
had extended this supremacy to challenging the Spanish
in West Indian waters. The method often used was pro
fessional piracy. The Bahamas offered an excellent hide
away for these English sea-raiders, for the islands were
not too well charted and wore hard to get at with large
Spanish men-of-war.
As early as 1578 Elizabeth awarded the islands
to Sir Humphrey Gilbert, but he made ho attempt at
colonization (Shattuck,.1905: 421),. In 1629 they were
again granted, by Charles I, to Sir Robert Heath, the
Attorney-General of England, They formed part of a
larger grant which included most of tho Carolinas,
Georgia, Florida, and all tho islands of the Caribbean
(Shattuck, 1905: 421), There are two versions of the
outcome of this ambitious grant, as far as the Bahamas
were concerned. One (Dlerickx, 1952: 51) states that

S18
Heath was unable to colonize the area and was forced to
cede It back to the Crown, No documentation is offered,
however, for this statement. The other (Shattuck, 1905:
422} Edwards, 1819: IV, 219) states that a small settle
ment was made !on New Providence, but that the Spanish
seised It in 1641 and helt it, uncolonised, until 1666,
when they were forced out by an expeditionary force sent
from Jamaica under Major Samuel Smith, Both statements
agree, however, that the settlement, if indeed there was
one, was unsuccessful, Edwards (1819: IV, 219) states
that this settlement was recolonized after the expulsion
of the Spanish in 1666,
The first organized attempt at colonisation
came In 1649, when a group of discontented English left
the island of Bermuda for the Bahamas (Lefroy, 1877:
10-11), In tho same year they landed at the island of
Ciguateo, which v/as renamed Eleuthera, from the Greek
word for freedom (Moseley, 1926: 21), The original
articles of settlement were drawn up on July 9, 1647, and
Indicate that the colony was settled primarily for
religious reasons (Curry, 1928: 28-46), On August 31,
1649, the Commonwealth parliament passed an act author
ising settlement of the islands (Moseley, 1926: 18),
This colony grew, despite inner dissention.

519
By 1657, however, strife had become so great that
Captain William Saylo, founder of the colony, returned -
to Bermuda in an attempt to. obtain financial assistance*
He suggested to tho Lords Proprietors of the Carolinas
that they ask the English Crown for a patent to the
Bahamas# In 1670 this request was granted by Charles
II to six of the Lords Proprietors, headed by the Buko
of Albemarle (West Indies and Caribbean Year Book,
1954: 69)#
Under the new patent Hugh Wentworth was
appointed first governor} however, he died in Barbados
in 1671 before reaching the Bahamas and was replaced by
his brother, Captain John Wentworth, who established his
headquarters on Mow Providence near the present sit of
Nassau# By 1672 five hundred colonists were settled
there (Smith, 1950: 54), This settlement was called
Charles Town, after Charles II (Moseley, 1926: 38j
Glsburn, 1950: 12), Mew Providence had been discovered
by Captain Saylo in 1667 while on his way from Eleuthera .
to the Carolinas# He was twice forced by bad weather to
harbor there, and ho named the island Providence in thanks
for his deliverance from the storms# The word nMew" was
apparently added to distinguish it from Providence Island
off the Mosquito Coast of Nicaragua (Powlos, 1888: 32),
The latter colony was founded in 1630 by royal grant to

S20
the Earl of Warwick and John Pyra (Bum, 1951: 19)*
John Oldmlxon in his 1741 History of the Isle of Pro
vidence says in relation to the discovery of the Island
and its third governor, Charles Chilllngworth,
The Island called Providence was
discovered by Capt, William Sayle* who was
afterwards Governor of Carolina* He was
driven thither by a Stornu' as he was on a
voyage to the Continent /Worth Amoro^:
Prom him it had the Name of Sayle*s Island
**It had the Blame of Providence given It by
Capt. Sayle, after he haxT be ori a second Time
driven upon It, when he was bound for the
Continent,
The first Governor that was sent thither
by the Proprietaries was Chilllngworth.
Esq: The Time of his going there we cannot b
certain inj it is probable that it was about
the Year 1672. Several people went from
England and the other Colonies to settle there,
ana''living a lewd, licentious Sort of Life, they
were Impatient under government. Mr* Chilling-
worth could not bring them to Reason: They
assembled tumultuously, seised him, shipped
him off for Jamaica, and lived every Man as
he thought best "for his Pleasure and Interest
{Oldmlxon, 1949: 11-13).
This Information is generally quite reliable, for Old
mlxon states that it was gathered from conversations
with Woodes Rogers and B3i cholas Trott, both ex-governors
of the Bahamas (Oldmlxon, 1949: 7). Its only failing
is that Chilllngworth was in actuality the third governor
appointed by the Proprietors, and he arrived In New Pro
vidence in 1676 (Moseley, 1926: 103).
During the administration of Chilllngworth*s
successor, Robert Clarke, from 1577 to 1682, trouble with

321
the Spanish began in earnest. Until this time the
Spanish had tolerated English settlement within their
rightful dominion of the Lucayos, but Clarke, without
appealing to higher authority, paid seamen to.prey upon
Spanish ships in the Caribbean, He gave letters of
marque to privateers, including Mr, Coxon, a famous
buccaneer from Hoatan, who took it upon himself to show
Ills commission to Governor Lynch of Jamaica, Lynch for
warded the letter to England, and in August, 1682, the
Lords Proprietors were ordered by the Crown to give an
explanation. Fortunately, they had already relieved
Clarke of his position, replacing him with Robert
Lilburne, so further trouble with the Crown was avoided
(Haring, 1910? 237-238),
Meanwhile the Spanish Governor-General of Cuba
put up with these piratical maraudings for as long as
possible, but by January, 1684, his patience had indeed
been severely taxed, and he sent out a number of ships
to remedy the affair. His expedition* headed by Juan
do Lorca, captured Hew Providence and plundered Charles
Towne unmercifully (Smith, 1950: 35), Clarke was un
fortunate enough to be captured and was executed by the
Spanish, Oldmixon adds a spicy touch to this foray,
saying,
.However, six or seven years after he

322
/¡Governor Chillingwortl? was sent away, the
Lords Proprietaries made Clarke,
Esq: Governor, whose Pate iras worse' still than
Ms predecessors,,,
Mr, Trott, one of Governor Clarks
Successors, informed the Writer of this
Relation, that the Spaniards roasted Mr,
Clarke on a spit after they had killed him
Tr*ToTdmixon, 1949: 13),
Although the Spanish.did not remain on Hew Providence,
they returned again in November of the same year to
insure good results, The governor, Lilburno, appealed
for assistance to the governor of Jamaica, but none was
forthcoming,
Spanish raids became more and more frequent,
and terror spread throughout the colony. Many of the
colonists left their new homos to return to British
North America, Bermuda, or even back to England, In
1716 only twelve families were reported on How Pro
vidence (Cambridge History of the British Empire, 1929:
I, 334), Ordinary commerce came to a halt, and the
Islands shortly entered that period of their history for
which they are best known; they beeamo the center of
piracy in the West Indies,
For a brief period in the late 1600s an
attempt was made by the English to re-establish their
control over the islands. In 1693 Nicholas Trott was
sent out as governor. He tried to alleviate the situation
by building fortifications on Hew Providence, and, on

525
April 12, 1695, persuaded the Lords Proprietors to
authorise the building -of a city on the site of Charles
Towno (Moseley, 1926: 16), This .now settlement was
called Nassau, af ter William III, Prince of Orange-
Nassau, then king of England, A .now city and forti
fications, however, wore not enough to sway the rising
tide of piracy and Spanish power.
Governors were still sent .out from England by
the Proprietors, but the population of the colony paid
them no heed* The notorious pirates of the time were
the actual rulers Blackboard, Avery, Fife, Rackham,
Kartell, Speed, and others (Smith, I960: 54; Woodbury,
1951; 70-87), The citizens of Nassau either partici
pated in the piratical.activities of their over-lords,
or they at least tacitly accepted such activities as the
best method they had of achieving a successful liveli*
hood. Before many years had passed Nassau was the
capital of the "Pirate Republic," whose power spread the
length and breadth of the Caribbean, Many of the island
names bear ample testimony to this period, such as
Morgan's Bluff on north Andros, named after tho infamous
buccaneer Henry Morgan, who had his headquarters for a
time at Nassau (Thompson, 1949: 20), At intervals Nassau
was captured and plundered by the Spanish, but this did
not deter tho buccaneers from re-establishing themselves,

324
usually moro strongly than before* Those buccaneers
meant business and viere hardly so employed simply
because they liked an adventuresome life. Their tactics
and actions were enough to make the most steadfast
waver. Some of the atrocities committed on the high
seas during and after this period are very effectively
reported in A.T. Bothells The Early Settlers (n.d.s
156-161).
Prom 1704 until 1718 the English Crown simply
forgot that the Bahamas existed, as did the Lords Pro
prietors, who were still theoretically the owners of the
archipelago. After the Spanish destruction of Nassau in
July, 1704 (Oldmixon, 1949s 21), the Crown left the
inhabitants to their own devices, and it was not until
citizens of the "Pirate Republic" began to attack English
vessels that it resumed any gubernatorial jurisdiction.
The population of Nassau had indeed become international
in character, and buccaneers of all nationalities were
represented. The city was the one place in the western
hemisphere where followers of the trade of piracy could
assemble and mingle freely without fear of the hangmans
noose, and it was there they all gathered. Little respect
could be found for Britain or any other nation in Nassau
during the days of pirate rule, and when citizens of the
city began plundering English ships indiscriminately,

325
Britain decided they had assumed too much independence;
the time for restraint had come.
In 1714 the House of Lords ashed Queen Anne to
see 11 that the Island of Providence might be put into a
Posture of Defence, Their Lordships observing, rb would
be of fatal Consequence, if the Bohama-Islands should
fall into the hands of an Enemy (oldmixon, 1949: 25),
but Annej true to hor vacllating domestic and foreign
policy, did nothing. In 1718 they again appealed, to
George I, saying that there were not any the least means
used in Compliance with that Advice for securing the
Bahamas-Islands, and that then the Pirates had a Lodge
ment with a Battery on Harbour-Island, and that the usual
Retreat and general Receptacle for the Pirates are at
Providence (Oldmixon, 1949: 23), George, fortunately,
did heed this advice.
In 1718 Captain V/oodes Rogers, a well-known and
influential naval officer, was sent out as governor of
tho Bahamas. He was accompanied by two frigates of the
Royal Navy and a group of soldiers from the army. The
expedition 7/as well-equipped and carefully planned by the
resourceful Rogers before it embarked. In July, 1718,
he and his men reached I1as3au (Oldmixon, 1949: 24),
With Rogers* commission as Governor, Captain-

326
General, and Vice-Admiral of the Bahamas, dated August
1, 1718, the Crown issued a proclamation giving immunity
to any of the pirates who would surrender to the new
government and take an oath of allegionee to George I,
About two hundred pirates took the oath, but there wore
seventeen others whp preferred to take their own chances*
These were "hanged by the neck until dead." Among the
important pirate leaders who took the oath were Arthur
Davis, Benjamin Hornigold, Thomas Carter, and Joseph
Burgess.
The only pirate who escaped both the oath and
the noose was Captain Charles Vane, who eluded the
entire Kings Fleet in Nassau Harbor (Oldmixon, 1949;
25-26), Vane had x*econtly captured a French brigantine
and insisted that he be allowed to dispose of his prize
before signing the Kings oath. Rogers considered such
a request open effrontery and refused to reply. Instead,
late on the afternoon of July 25th, he blockaded the
entrance to Nassau Harbor with the man-of-war Dose and
the sloop Shark. Vane responded to the blockade,with a
broadsides, damaging the Roses rigging. It was too
dark for reprisal so the two British vessels simply
stood by, A lieutenant from tho Rose was sent to parley
with Vane, but Vane sent him back with the message that
he would fight it out. It was obvious during tho early

327
evening that things were afoot aboard Vanes vessel,
but no one knew exactly what measures he would take,
A breeze blew up later in the evening, and the Rose
and the Shark soon saw bearing down on them the French
brigantine, Vanes captured vessel* It was unmanned,
on fire, and every gun was directed at the British
ships, One after one the guns exploded, for they had
been loaded to the muzzle. The Rose and Shark cut
cable and ran out to sea ahead of this apparition of
moving destruction (Woodbury, 1951: 157), which was a
living display of fireworks reinforced with shot, musket
balls, and sundry items with which the guns had been
loaded. When the fire aboard the brigantine reached the
powder magazines, the ship exploded in a blast of fire
and smoke, under cover of which Vane rapidly left the
harbor and sailed out to sea, successfully escaping
capture and reprisal from Rogers men (Woodbury, 1951:
156-157).
In 1717, before receiving his commission,
Rogors had persuaded George I to release the Lords Pro
prietors from their patent to the military and civil
government of the Bahamas, In 1787 they surrendered
their entire rights to tho Crown for the sum of h 12,000
(Bahamas Board of Education, 1951: 2), The islands at that
time became a Crown Colony, directly under the juris-

328
diction of the King and his responsible deputies*
As soon as Rogers had either made friends with
or hanged all the pirates of New Providence, he began
a career of public service. He brought new settlers
to the colony, including some German immigrants from,the
Palatinate (Burn, 1951: 61); he fortified the town of
Nassau, and he successfully quelled revolts of rebellious
pirates and the advances of the Spanish, Although he was
replaced in 1721 by George Phonny, he was returned as
governor again in 1728, after.Phenny had made it obvious
that he was in office for his own personal gain, In
this samo year the Bahamas House of Assembly was created
by George II by Order-in-Council (Dupuch, 1952: 15),
Rogers served his second governorship from 1728 until
1733.
By the year 1760 the pirate threat had become
so small that the colony could adopt without fear as its
motto the owrds of Rogers, Bxpulsis Plratla, Restituta
Oommercia, "The pirates are gone, and commerce is .back"
(Moseley, 1926: 25), Still, this did not end trouble with
the Spanish, In 1782 a Spanish force captured Nassau and
seized the entire colony. This force was led in person
by Governor-General Juan Manuel Cagigal of Cuba (Smith,
1950: 36). The seizure was apparently a definite attempt
on the part of the Spanish,to consolidate their position

329
In the region once and for all# Hassau was allowed to
surrender with all the pomp and glory of such occasions;
there was a formal exchange of flags; the English garri
son was allowed to leave the colony peacefully, and the
English governor was sent back homo to England, 'Hie
inhabitants weregiven complete freedom and were allowed
to retain their property#
The following April, however, the colony was
retaken by Colonel Andre?/ Deveaux?without a shot. Do
ve aux outfitted five privateers at his own expense and
set out from St. Augustine with two hundred non# Landing
near Hassau, he foreod a surrender through the ruse of
setting up straw men to increase the apparent number of
his troops. On April 18th the Spanish governor, Claraco
y Sans, surrendered a force of five hundred men, seventy
cannon, and six galleys (Mowat, 1943i 139-140: Siebert,
1929* I, 145-147; Forbe3, 1821: 52-54). At the con
clusion of the war with Spain, the islands were ceded to
Great Britain in exchange for East Florida under the
terns of the Treaty of Paris, signed at Versailles on
September 19, 1783 (Mowat, 1943: 141). This represented
the formal exchange of the archipelago from Spanish hands
to English, and it effectually nullified Spanish claims
to the islands under the Treaty of Tordosillas and brought
to an end the continual strife over the Bahamas between the

330
two nations*
Through the efforts of Rogers and his succes
sors notably such able non as Henry Bruce, chief
engineer to fortify tho Bahamas in 1740 (Bruce, 1949:
11), peace again came to the islands, and they began to
prosper as a British Crown Colony*
Prom the year 1774 to 1785 the population of
tho Bahamas was increased several fold by immigration
from other regions, Host of this immigration was forced
by territorial exchanges dictated by the Peace of Paris,
signed in September, 1783* Many settlers came, especially
to Andros, from the Mosquito Coast of Nicaragua, which
was relinquished by the British in 1783. These colonists
were primarily of mixed Scotch, Indian, and Negro
ancestry (Parsons, 1918 ix). Tho bulk of the increase,
however, was provided from the ranks of British loyalists
in North America*
Prom the early days of the Revolutionary War
in the British colonies of North America, East Florida
and the city of St* Augustine served as a refuge for
loyalist rofugoos from Georgia and the Carolinas This
evacuation of territory eventually to become the United
States continued until the treaty of peace in 1703, The
situation in St, Augustine became critical, and Governor
Patrick Tonyn wrote in October, 1782, that the refugees

from Georgia, recently surrendered to the revolutionary
forces, "are about fifteen hundred whites and a thousand
negroes; there are a few respectable families but they
consist chiefly of bach-woodsmen who are intolerably
indolent; perhaps about four hundred may be found fit to
bear- arms, but their appearance is against them, their
families are in distress, and they are exceedingly
dissatisfied" (Siebert, 1913: 7), The evacuation of
Charleston in August-Decembor, 1782, swelled the popu
lation of St, Augustine yet again. Of the total number
of evacuees, 3,826 went to East Florida (Siebert, 1913:
8), By April, 1783, the number of refugees entering
East Florida from Georgia and the Carolinas alone mounted
to 13,375 (Siebert, 1929: I, 130), St, Augustine be
came a crowdod boom city, and city maps of the time show
that the torn limits were expanded all the way to the
San Sebastian River (Siebert, 1929: I, 120),
When first intimations of the terms of the Treaty
of Paris reached Governor Tonyn in June, 1782, the citi
zens of East Florida were greatly surprised and somewhat
panic striken, for the word had it that East Florida was
to be ceded to Spain in return for Gibraltar and the
Baiiamas, It was recommended by the Assembly of Georgia
that East Florida be retained as an asylum for loyalist
refugees (siebert, 1913: 17), but this recommendation

4
i
332
was apparently either not received by the British
government or was turned down#
The emigration began without news of the
definitive treaty: the first to depart left in June
1783* One shipload went to Jamaica, and another to
New Providence* During the rest of the simmer and for
many months to come the outward stream continued to
flow (Lackey, 1949s 7). Lieutenant John Wilson, acting
engineer at St, Augustine was sent to the Bahamas in
July, 1785, to make a report on the condition of the
islands and thoir suitability for colonization and
agriculture, His report was not particularly favorable,
but upon further examination in September of the same
year it was decided that portions of the archipelago could
be adapted to agriculture (Siebort, 1929: I, 148-151),
Sometime during the summer of 1703, 1,458
loyalist refugees from New York settled on Great Abaco,
and their numbers wore soon supplemented by 1,500 from
East Florida (Siebert, 1929: I, 149-150), During the
Revolution years themselves many loyalists had gone to
British possessions in the Caribbean rather than to East
Florida, and the Bahamas had received their share (Siebert,
1929: I* 183).
Lieutenant Wilson reported in 1783 that the total

333
population of the Bahamas at that time was approximately
4,000, and that only the islands of Hew Providence,
Sleuthera, Harbor Island, cat Island, Exuna, Long Island,
and Turks Island were inhabited (Siebert, 1929: I, 184),
This is probably an accurate estimate, and it is upheld
by a statement,that in 1773 the total population of the
islands consisted of 2,052 whites and 2,241 blacks
(Edwards, 1819: II, 190), The population in 1790 was
estimated at 13,220, not including Groat Abaco (Siebert,
1929: 197). If we Include an approximate figure of
3,000 for Abaco from loyalist sources alone, the total
would be swelled to over 16,000 persons, a four-fold
increase over pro-lo volutionary timos. Abaco, Hew
Providence (mainly Nassau), Exurna, Cat Island, and
Eleuthera received the greatest number of refugees, in
that order (Siebert, 1929: II, 361). At least 3,247
of these immigrants came from East Florida (Siebert,
1929: I, 208). .
Hass Immigration to the Bahamas.was stimulated
not only by Wilsons second report on tholr suitability
to agriculture, but also by the fact that the British
government promised to buy land thero to supply free
grants to loyalists from North America (Mowat, 1943: 144),
The Crowns formal proclamation was issued to Lieutenant-
Governor Powell of the Bahamas on September 10, 1784,

334
Ho was to grant unoccupied lands in the Bahamas under the
following conditions:
To every head of a family, forty acres,
and to every white or black man, woman
or child in a family, twenty acres, at .
an annual quit rent of 2s. per hundred
acres. But in the case of the Loyalist
refugees from the continent such lands
will be delivered freo of charges, and
will be exempted from the burden of the
quit rents for ten years from the date
of making the grants {Siebort, 1913: 20),
Even into tho oarly months of 1785 Immigration
continued without abbatement* The Spanish government,
already in occupation in St, Augustine, extended the
period allowed British subjects to settle their affairs
and withdraw from the colony from Maroh 19, 1785, to
July 19th of tho samo year {Siebort, 1929: I, 175),
Governor Tonyn, who was still administering the affairs
of the British subjects in East Florida, announced that
the last transport would leave the province on February
20, 1785, "with all the refugees who had not yet availed
themselves of his Majestys bounty {Siebort, 1929: I,
191), and he urged all persons of British birth to leave
at that time for the Bahamas {Shattuck, 1905: 424), The
final occupation by the Spanish viras completed by Septem
ber 1st, and the last British vessel, the Gyrus, left
St, Augustine on November 19th, ending British rule in
East Florida,

335
The majority of the loyalist immigrants from
North America turned to agricultural pursuits. Cotton,
sisal, and pineapple cultivation prevailed. Through
the use of Negro slave labor the cotton plantations
grew to large proportions, and it seemed for a while that
they might prove the economic saving of the colony. In
1819 the settled islands, according to population, were
New Providence, the Turks, Eleuthera, Exuma and its
neighboring cays, Harbor Island, Crooked Island, Long
Island, Cat Island, the Caicos, San Salvador, Rum Cay,
and Great Inagua (Edward3, 1819: IV, 218). The cotton
industry prevailed throughout the archipelago, but it
was centered around Crooked Island, which had forty
plantations alone (Shattuck, 1905: 148). Other islands
lagged not far behind. However, insects, hurricanes, and
the growing United States cotton industry, caused the
Bahamian plantations to lose their position of importance.
The freeing of the slaves throughout the British Empire
in 1833 and the final abolition of all remnants of the
system in the Bahamas in 1838 dealt the final blow, and
the death warrant of plantation economy in the islands
was sealed. The more wealthy planters left for other
regions, and the large plantations were left in rack and
ruin.

536
Por a timo, from 1804 to 1848, the Turks and
Caicos wore joined politically to the Bahamas, but the,
union,was dissolved in 1848 because of trouble with the
Bermudian inhabitants, who owned and controlled the
salt industry in the two groups They felt, logically
enough, that any union should preserve their holdings,
and that such a union, if necessary, should be with
Bermuda, not with the Bahamas, The income from the
salt Industry in,the Turks and Caicos bolstered
Bahamian eeonomy for this period, but with the granting
of political dominion over the two groups.to Jamaica in
1848 the economic situation again become rather des
perate, Wrecking was the major pursuit of the Bahamas
during this period, however, It was given a legal basis
in 1847, when an act was passed fixing the scale of sal
vage, When steam power took control of the seas away from
the sailing vessels, the "industry" rapidly failed, and ,
the erection of numerous lighthouses "deprived the in
habitants of most of their raw material" (Burn, 1951;
145), The Berry Islands wero one of the several head
quarters of this trade (Gisburn, 1950; 15),
Another breather was given during the American
Civil War, when the majority of Confederate ports wore
blockaded. Blockade running became the first occupation
of many of the islanders, and it kept the islands on even

337
keel for a few years. Exports rose from h 196,000 in
1861 to h 4,672,000 in 1864 as a result of blockade
running. This period was one of extreme prosperity
for the Bahamas, but the cessation of the Civil War
and the disastrous hurricane of 1866 brought a definite
end to tho era, and the islanders had little to fall
back upon for a livelihood.
Since the late 1800s tho tourist trade has
been of importance to tho economy of the islands, and
the Bahamian government is today planning agricultural
improvements as well, so that the future of the colony
seems bright enough at present* During tho first world
war and the Prohibition period in tho United States
bootlegging added a steady income to Bahamian revenues,
but today it plays no rolo in island economy.

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del Siglo XV, 5 vola, (De Orden de S*M, en
la Imprenta Real, Madrid).
NUIH, GEORGE E.
1924 The Geographical Conceptions of Columbus,
a Critical Consideration of Pour Problems
(American Geographical Society, Research
Series no, 14, New York),
1932, The Columbus and Magellan Concepts of

361
Southern American Geography (Glenside).
OBER, FREDERICK A.
1895* Aborigines of the West Indies (Proceedings
of the American Antiquarian Society, new
L/ series, vol. 9, pp. 270-313, Worcester,
Mass*)*
0LDMIX0N, JOHN
1949. The History of the Isle of Providence
(John Gulmor, London}.
OLSGHKI, LEONARD
1941. Ponce de Leones Fountain of Youth; History
of a Geographical Myth (The Hispanic American
Historical Review, vol. 21, no. 3, pp* 361-
385, Durham, North Carolina).
OSGOOD, CORNELIUS
1942. The Ciboney Culture of Cayo Redondo. Cuba
(Yale University Publications in Anthro
pology, no. 25, New Haven).
OVIEDO Y VALDES, GONZALO FERNANDEZ DE
1851. Historia General j Natural de las Indias.

Islas -jr Tierra Firme de la Mar Ocano,-
4 vola, (Jos Amador de los Rios, editor,
Madrid).
1950, Sumario do la natural Historia de las Indias
(Edicin, introduccin y notas de Jos
Miranda, Fondo,de Cultura Econmica, Mexico),
PARSON, ELSIE CLEWS
1918, Folk-Tales of Andros Island. Bahamas
(American Folk-Lore Society, Memoirs,
no* xiii, New York).
PENA, Fray BARTOLOME DE LA
1879, 1storla Sumarla y Relacin Brevsima y
verdadera de lo que vio y escribi el
reberendo Padre Fray Bartolom de.la Pona.
do la Orden, de los Predicadores. de la-
lamentable y; lastimosa destruicion de las
Indias, Islas ^ Tierra Firme del Mar del
Norte* Ano do 1548 (Vida y Escritos de Don
Pray Bartolom de las Casas, Obispo de Chiapa,
por Don Antonio Maria Pabia, de la Academia
de la Historia, val* 2, pp. 293-407. Imprenta
de Miguel Ginesta, Madrid).

363
PORTER, KENNETH W.
1945, Notes on Seminole Negroes in the Bahamas >
(Florida Historical Quarterly, vol, 24,
no, 1, pp. 56-60, Tallahassee),
POWLES, L.D. *
1888, The Land of the Pink Pearl (S, Low, Marston,
3earle, and Rivington, London),
RAINEY, FR0ELI0H G,
1940, Porto Rican Archeology (Scientific Survey
of Porto Rico and the Virgin Islands, vol,
xvill, pt, 1, Hew York Academy of Sciences,
* New York)*
1941, Excavations in the Ft, Liberte Region, Haiti
(Yale University Publications in Anthropology,
no, 23, New Haven),
MS Diary Beginning January 22, 1954, Upon Arrival
in Port Au Prince, Haiti (Unpublished MS in
the Peabody Museum, Yale University, Hew Haven),
ROUSE, IRVING
1939, Prehistory in Haitit A Study in Method
(Yale University Publications in Anthro
pology, no. 21, New Haven).

364
1941. Culturo of the Ft, Liberte Region, Haiti
(Yale University Publications in Anthro-
pology, no, 24, Hew Haven),
1942, Archeology of the Haniabon Hills, Cuba
(Yale University Publications in Anthro
pology, no, 26, Hew Haven),
1948, The West Indies (Bureau of American Ethno
logy, Bulletin no, 143, vol, 4, pt, 3, pp,
495-565, Washington)*
1949a, The Southeast and the West Indies (The
Florida Indian and His neighbors, pp, 117-
137, Winter Park, Florida),
1949b, Potroglyphg (Bureau of American Ethnology,
Bulletin no, 143, vol. 5, pt, 1, pp, 493-
502, Washington),
1951, Areas and Periods of Culture in the Greater
Antilles (Southwestern Journal of Anthropology,
vol, 7, no, 3, pp, 248-265, Albuquerque),
1952, Porto Rican Prehistory! Introduction; Ex
cavations in the West and North; Excavations
in the Interior, South and East; Chrono
logical Implications (Scientific Survey of
Porto Rico and the Virgin Islands, vol,
xvill, pts, 3 and 4, New York Academy of
Sciences, Now York),

365
3CH0EEF,. JOHANN DAVID
1911, Travels In the Confederation c 1785-1784 J
X (Translated and dited by Alfred T, Morri
son, Philadelphia) *
SCHUCHERT, CHARLES
1955, Historical Geology of the Antlllean-
Carlbbean Region (John Wiloy and Sons, Ltd,,
London)
SHATTUCK, GEORGE BURBANK
1905, The Bahama Islands (The Geographical Society
of Baltimore, Macmillan Company, Now York),
SIEDERT, WILBUR II,
1913, The Legacy of the American Revolution to
the British West Indies and Bahamas, a
Chapter out of the History, of the American
Loyalists (Ohio State University Bulletin,
vol, xvii, no, 27, Columbus),
1929, Loyalists in East Florida, 1774 to 1785,
the most Important Documents pertaining
thereto edited with an accompanying
Narrativesv vol, II,.Records of Their Claims
for Losses of Property in the Province

366
{Publications of the Florida State Historical
Society, no* 9, Deland, Florida)*
SIMPSON, LESLEY BYHD
1950* The Encomienda in Hew Spain, the Beginning
of Spanish Mexico (University of California
Press, Berkeley)*
SMITH, EGBERT T*
1950, The Bahama Islands (Egbert T, Smith Publishing
Company, Ft, Myers, Florida),
SMITHS ONIAH INSTITUTION
1938, Annual Report of the Board of Regents of the
Smithsonian Institution.for the Year
Ending June 30, 1937 (U.S.,Government Printing
Office, Washington),
1948, Annual Report of the Board of Regents of the
Smithsonian Institution*,.for the Year
Ending June 30, 1947 (U.S, Government Printing
Office, Washington),
STEWART, T.D.
1950, Deformity, Trephining, and Mutilation in
South American Indian Skeletal Remains

367
(Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin
no. 143, vol. 6, pt. 2, pp. 43-48, Washing
ton)
SWANTON, JOII R,
1946. The Indiana of the Southeastern United States
(Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin no*
137, Washington}*
TAYLOR, DOUGLAS MacRAE
1938* The Qaribs of Dominica (Bureau of American
Ethnology, Bulletin no* 119, pp. 109-169,
*
Washington).
1951. The Blade Garib of British Honduras (Viking
Fund Publications in Anthropology, no* 17,
New York)
TEJERA, EMILIANO
1951. Palabras Indgenas de la Isla de Santo
Domingo* con Adiciones hechos por Emilio
Tejera (Editora del Caribe, Ciudad Trujillo)*
TEACHER, JOHN BOYD
1904 Christopher Columbus, 3 volo. (Putnam*s, New
York)

368
THOMPSON,
1949.
T.A.
A Short Geography of the Bahamas, revised
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VIGNOLES, CHARLES
1823. Observations Upon the Floridas (E. Bliss and
E. imite, New York).
WEST INDIES AND CARIBBEAN YEAR BOOK r'
< "
1954. The West Indies and Caribbean Year Book...
1955-1954 (Thomas Skinner and Company,
Publishers, Ltd., London).
WOODBURY, GEORGE
1951. The Great Days of Piracy in the West Indies
(W.W. Norton and Company, New York).
ZAYAS Y ALFONSO, ALFREDO
1931. Lexicografa Antillana, segunda edicin,
corregida g aumentada, 2 vols. (Tipos.-
Molina y Cia., La Habana).

PLATES

EXPLANATION OF PLATES
PLATE I* A Luo ay an Skull,
Reproduced from Shattuck, 1905s PI, LXXX,
PLATE II, Wooden Buhos. (Scale varios,)
1, West Caicos, 17-jj inches long, 2, north
Caicos, with carved back, 35-| Inches long, 3, Elou-
thera,
(1, M,A,I, 5/8028| 2, M.A.I. 5/9305; 3, B,l,
CC1918-1,)
PLATE III, Meiliac Potsherds, (l/2 natural size*)
1-7, Altemating-obiique-parallel-line design,
8-18, Cross-hatch design, 19, Oblique-parallel-line
design, 20-21, Vortical-parallel-line design, 22,
Deviant curvilinear design, 23, Horizontal-parallel-
line design. All specimens except Nos, 8-14 are from
North Caicos, the Bellevue site, Godet-Greenway Col
lection, Nos, 8-14 are from South Victoria Hills Settle
ment Caves, San Salvador, and were collected by Rainey*
(1-4, HP,M 30/1370; 5-7, H.P.M. 30/1367; 8-14,
Y.P.M. 28872; 15-20, H.P.M, 30/1370; 21-22, H.P.M.
30/1367; 23, H.P.M. 30/1371,)
370

571
PLATE IV* Meillac Potsherds* (l/2 natural alze.)
1-3, Horizontal-parallel-lino design* 4,
Deviant incised design* 5-8, Applied designs*
9-25, Functatlon* All specimens are from the Bellevue
site, north Caicos, the Godet-Greenway Collection, and
are at tho Harvard Peabody Museum*
(1-2, 30/1367; 3, 30/1570j 4-5, 30/1367J
6-8, 30/1371j 9, 30/1367; 10, 30/1370; 11-15, 30/1367;
16-17, 30/1369; 18-19, 30/1367} 20-25, 30/1369.)
PLA-tE V. Meillac Potsherds* (1/2 natural size*)
1-15, Punctatlon* 16, Cylindrical lug*
17, Cylindrical lug with horlsontal-parallel-line
design. 18, Cylindrical lug with vertical-parallel-
line design, 19, Deviant cylindrical lug, 20-26,
Limb design on lugs, 27-28, Zoomorphlc face design on
lugs. All specimens except Ho, 22 are from the Bellevue
site, North Caicos, the Godet-Greonway Collection, Ho*
22 is from South Victoria Hills Settlement Caves, San
Salvador, and was collected by Bainey, Unless other
wise indicated all specimens are at tho Harvard Peabody
Museum#
(1-5, 30/1367; 6-12, 30/1369; 13, 30/1371;
14, 30/1369; 15, 30/1367; 16, 30/1366; 17-20, 30/1371;
21, 30/1370; 22, Y.P.M. 28872; 23-28, 30/1371.)

372
PLATE VI* Carrier Potsherds, (l/2 natural sise*)
1-4, Curvilinear design* 5, Ovoid design,
6-7, Linear design. 8-12, Line-and-dot Incised
linear design. 13-18, Deviant incised designs.
19-20, Punetation. 21-23, Bat-head design on pris
matic lugs. 24, Zooraorphio design on flat lug. All
specimens except Nos* 17-18 are from North Caicos, the
Bellevue site, Godet-Greenway Collection, Nos. 17-18
are from Williams* Cave No. 2, San Salvador, and were
collected by Rainey. Unless otherwise indicated all
specimens are at the Harvard Peabody Museum*
(1-9, 30/1370; 10-12, 30/1367; 13, 30/1371;
14, 30/1369; 15-16, 50/1367; 17-18, Y.P.M. 28919;
19, 30/1367; 20, 30/1369; 21-24, 30/1371.)
PLATE VII* Miscellaneous Ceramic Styles and Non-Ceramic
Types. (Scale varies.)
1-2, Fabric-impressed pottery from Bellevue,
North Caicos, the Godet-Greenway Collection* 3-7, Un
classified incised pottery from the Caicos, collected by
De Booy; No, 5 is 3f inches long, 8, Rim sherd from a
Spanish olive jar from a wreck off Gorda Cay, 9-10, Shell
celts, provenience unknown, from the Arnold Collection.
11, Haftod celt from North Caicos, 21 5/4 inches long,
collected by Do Booy.

573
. (1-2, II.P ,M. 30/lS72| 3-7, M.A.I. 6/1410;
3, U.F.A.L. pncatalogued; 9, Y.P.M. 137364; 10, Y.P.IT.
137363; 11, M.A.I. 6/0.)
PLATE, VIII* PetaloId Stone Celts, (Approximately l/3
natural sise.)
All specimens are from the Arnold Collection,
Provenience is unknown, except for No, 8, which is from
Nassau, They are all at the Yale Peabody Museum*
(1, 137395; 2, 137390; 3, 137372; 4, 137405;
5, 137309; 6, 137392; 7, 137409; 8, 137376;,9, 137393;
10, 137399} 11, 137379; 12, 137371; 13, 137365.)
PLATE DC, Miscellaneous Stone Celt Types. (Approxi
mately l/3 natural size.)
Nos. 1-10 are petaloid stone celts from the
Arnold Collection, provenience unknown, except for Mo,
1, which comes from Hum Cay. Nos, 11-12 are double-
bitted stone celts, provenience unknown, in.the Arnold
Collection, 13, Double-bitted stone celt from Mastic
Point, Andros Island, collected by Goggln. 14-16,
Double-bitted stone celts, provenience unknown, in the
Arnold Collection, 17-18, Stone chisels, provenience
unknown, in the Arnold Collection. 19, Stone chisel r
from Mathew Town, Great Inagua, collected by Rainey.

374
20, Aberrant stone celt type, provenience,unknown; in
the Arnold Collection, 21, Aberrant stone colt type
from Bellevue, north Caicos, in the Godet-Greenway
Collection, All specimens aro at the Yale Peabody
Mus eir unless otherwise indicated,
(1,,137370; 2, 137403; 3, 137394; 4, 137387;
5, 137397; 6, 137400; 7, 137375; 8, 1373Q0; 9, 137388;
10, 137391; 11, 137656; 12, 137637; 13, 58330; 14,
137378; 15, 137383; 16, 137334; 17, 137381; 18, 137385;
19, 28854; 20, 137373; 21, H.P.M, 30/1377.)
PLATE X, : Miscellaneous llon-Ceramlc Artifact Types,
{Scale varies,)
1, Irregular stone hammer-grinder, \7emyss Bight,
Eleuthera, collected by Rainey, 2, Irregular stone
hammer-grinder, provenience unknown, in the Arnold Col
lection, 3, Ceremonial stone celt, provenience unknown,
In the Arnold Collection. 4, Stone zemi, provenience
unknown, in the Nassau Public Library. 5, Bone awl,
Gordon Hill Dwelling Cave, crooked Island, Section E-3,
collected by Rainey. 6, Bone point, Gordon Hill Dwelling
Cave, Crooked Island, Test Pit, collected by Rainey,
7, Sting ray barb point, Gordon Hill Dwelling Cave,
Crooked Island, Section C-6, collected by Rainey.
8, Bone point, Gordon Hill Dwelling Cave, Crooked Island,

375
Test Pit, collected by Rainey, 9 Bon gouge, Gordon
Hill Dwelling Cave, Crooked Island, Test Pit, collected
by Rainey, 10, Wooden canoe paddle, 50 3/4 inches long,
Mores Island, collected by De Booy, 11, Wooden fishhook,
Gordon Hill Dwelling Cave, Crooked Island, Test Pit,
collected by Rainey, 12, Two wooden fishhooks, Gordon
Hill Dwelling Cave, Crooked Island, Sections c-5 and
J-2, collected by Rainey, 13, Shell pendant, Gordon

Hill Dwelling Cave', Crooked Island, Section B-4, col
lected by Rainey* 14, Tortoise-shell bracelet, Gordon
Hill Dwelling Cave, Crooked Island, between sections
H-4 and 1-3, collected by Rainey, 15, Strombus cup,
Gordon mil Dwelling Cave, Crooked Island, Section D-2,
collected by Rainey* 16, Pour shell beads, Gordon Hill
Dwelling Cave, Crooked Island, Sections C-l and C-4,
collected by Rainey, 17, Wooden fire-board, Gordon Hill
Dwelling Cave, Crooked Island, Test Pit, collected by
Rainey, All specimens are at the Yale Peabody Museum
unless otherwise Indicated,
(1, 28878; 2, uncatalogued; 3, 137362;
4, llassau Public Library, uncatalogued; 5, 28908;
6, 28884; 7, 28866; 8, 28887; 9, 28865; 10, M.A.I.
3/2574; 11, 28886; 12, 28899 and 28862; 13, 28861;
14, 28863; 15, 28909; 16, 20898 and 28897; 17, 28885.)

376
PLATE I

J

'
378
PLATE III



381
PLATS VI

382
ha ara:
r- *'

383
PLATE VIII

384



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Julian Cranberry was born in East Orange, New
r c"
Jersey, on March 15, 1929. His undergraduate studies
wore pursued at Yale University, with a major in anthro
pology and Near Eastern languages, leading to the B.A*
degree. Graduate study for the M.A. degree in anthro
pology was completed at the University of Florida,
where the writer Is currently a teaching-assistant In
the Department of Social Sciences.

This thesis was prepared under the direction
of the chairman of the candidates supervisory com
mittee and has been approved by all members of the
committee. It was submitted to the Dean of the College
of Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate Council and
was approved as partial fulfillment of the requirements
for tho degree of Master of Arts*
June 6, 1955
'
Dean, college of Artsand Sciences
Dean, Graduate 'ScKooi '
SUPERVISORY COMMITTEE*
¡Ai )maXo^ 10- fcyfi/isLtA.

August 2007
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Author: AlJ>
Title- Or fc&CPriH&U&f
Publication Date: l ^ t> 6T
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aforementioned dissertation, hereby grant specific and limited archive and distribution
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240
is a fragmentary anthropomorphic zemi. at the,Museum of
the American Indian, from Flamingo Hill Mounds, East
Caicos* Only the head and the upper portion of the .
body have been recovered* .
Utility* Stone semis were used as ceremonial
objects and,had no actual utilitarian.purpose* Posses
sion of such a zemi was construed to mean possession .
over a supernatural spirit, human or othervdlee, It is
not known whether the form of the semi determined the
nature of the spirit or not*
Diagnostic attributes* Most characteristic
attributes for this type are: (1) igneous rock/coral,
(2) small size, (3) anthropomorphic/zoomorphlc form,
(4) stylized decoration, {£>) shallow relief/a culpt ing *
SHELL SPECIMENS
Shell Celts
Type specimen. See PI, VII: 9-10* Shell celts
were made from conch shell, probably Strombus glgas*.the
Pink Conch. In color they are now a cream-white. They
have been ground fairly smooth, although they do not show
much polish nor reflect light. One specimen (Y.P.K,
137363} is made from the lip of a Strombus shell and still
has a wavy upper surface (PI* inis' 10 }* In shape shell,
celts roughly parallel petaloid stone colts, except that


47
pearls. A final push toward the encomienda was pro
vided by the simple fact that the Spanish had to have
their daily bread in order to survive, and they were
too few in number and too lacking of inclination to
solve this basic economic problem themselves. The
obvious alternative was food from the Indians, through
peaceful means if possible, but by force if necessary
{De la Cruz, 1954s 14, 16),
All phases of the newsomers past and the
Indians present seemed to dovetail together, so that
It was only natural that the encomienda should bo trans
planted, and successfully so, to the Spanish New f/orld
with other aspects of Iberian culture; Its beginnings are
indeed traceable to the first years of Spanish coloni
zation.
By a royal decree of July 22, 1497, Columbus
v/as given the privilege of making land grants in the
Hew World (Thaeher, 1903-04: II, 547). However, land
grants without labor to work them were useless, so
provisions were made for a labor supply about the same
time that they were made for the giving of grants. Las
Casas mentions this, saying,
The Admiral, before he went to Castillo,
in 1496, about r.'arch, or the Adelantado
after the departure of the Admiral, "ira-
posed, in addition to the tributes that
the chieftans and their people paid,


41
the ^abarras (adapted from Mor i son,
19i}.2: I 321)


154
accurate measurements. The figures are about a foot
and a half in length, and the markings are about an
inch in depth into the surface of the walls. She
judges that they were made with a sharp stone imple-,
mont,
Dr, Rainey visited Hartford Cave in 1934,
although ho doos not refer to it by name in his field
notos. Photographs talcen by him show the same figures
illustrated by Mallory (1893: 137-139), so it seems
definite that this is the same cave (Rainey, MS: 12;
1940: 152), Dr. Rainey reports that many of the glyphs
were obliterated when he observed.them.
In the summer of 1952 Dr, Goggin visited the
cave. Ho states (1952 Field notes) that most of the
cave-earth had been removed and that a careful trowling
of such pockets of earth as remained revealed no
culture deposit.. The petroglyphs, which are located on
the back and side walls of the cave, are still in good
condition, although they.are becoming heavily coated
with algae and/or moss.
LONG ISLAND
Long Island, Columbus* Fernandina, has been
productive of a great many archeological finds. Among


63
fortune In seeking out Bimini* neither did the Spanish
Grown consider him wasteful, for, patents were issued
him in 1513 and 1514 for, the colonization of the island,
(Davis, 1935: 9-14, 53-56),
The story of the Fountain is first mentioned
by Anghiera, who says, Among them the Lucayos/, at a
distance of three hundred and twenty-five leagues from
Espaola, they say there is an Island*..which is called
Boyuca or Ananeo, and which has a fountain so notable that,
drinking of its water, old men ore reinvigorated
(Anghiora, 1944: 191-192 dec, il, lib, x, cap, ii/).
He adds that the legend was taken quite seriously, and
elaborates the above statement, saying,
In my first Decades,,.notice was given of
a fountain which is said to have such secret
virtue that it reinvigorates old men when they
use the water to drink and to bathe in
Those whom I cite, aside from written
reports and accounts given me vocally by
casual acqualntencea, are the Dean himself
Alvarez de Castro, Episcopal Dean of Con
cepcion in Espaola/, the senador Ayllon,
the Jurisconsult whom I have mentioned before
Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon, auditor to the Council
of Espaolo/, and the third the accountant
Figueroa*,.
The three unanimously declare that they
have heard of the fountain which restores
vigor, and that they believe in part those who
have told them of it.,.Of this the Dean gave an
example,
They have a Lucayan servant whoa they call
Andres Barbudo...It is said that he was born of
a father already well advanced in age. From
his native island, near the region of Florida,


94
boar out the cultural affiliations of the Lucayans with
the Island Arawak proper.
It-should be remembered that even positive
cultural identification of the Lucayans does not neces
sarily indicate physical origin as well* Although there
is'usually an equation between the two it is not a
necessary one, and it could be possible that the Lucayana
of Columbus* time represented, physically, a pre-Arawak
stock in the archipelago, which had adoped Arawak
culture patterns practically In toto. Unfortunately,
no- definite conclusion can be reached concerning this
problem* Intorosting though it may be, however, it for
tunately has little direct bearing upon a cultural de
finition of the Lucayans during Immediately pre-Columbian
and post-Columbian times,
Ethnohistorical Notes
Precise ethnographic data on the Lucayans are
almost completely lacking# The aingle first-hand account
remaining to us is that of Columbus, written down in
logbook form during his first voyage to the New World,
Unfortunately, as mentioned before, the original of this
document has boon lost. However, Las Casas, in his
Historia- de las Indias, has preserved a verbatim record
of much of Columbus* account {Las Casas, 1877; I, 222-


SKELETAL REMAINS
Twenty-four of the Lucayan sites In the Bahamas
have produced skeletal remains* These ares Imperial
Lighthouse Burial Gave (Great Abaco); Lignum-Vitae Cay
(Berry Islands); Bain Hill cave, Big Wood Cay, and Smith
Hill Cave (Andros); Lake Cunningham Cave, the library
collection in Nassau (New Providence); Finley Burial
Cave Ho* 1, Finley Burial Gave No* 2, The Bogue,
Wemysa Bight, and an unidentified site excavated by
Krleger (Eleuthera); South Victoria Hills Settlement
Cave, f/illiams* Cave No* 1, San Salvador Burial Cave
(San Salvador); Port Boyd Burial Cave No* 1, Port Boyd
Burial Cave No* 2 (Rum Cay); Taylors Burial Cave,
Clarence Town Caves, and an unidentified site visited
by Father Arnold Mondloch (Long Island); Gordon Hill
Burial Cave No* 1, Gordon Hill Burial Cave No. 2
(Crooked Island); Mayagauna; and Conch Bar Caves (Grand
Caicos), These sites have. In every case, been cave sites*
In most Instances the remains have been very fragmentary
and In poor condition, but there is sufficient evidence
to warrant a short discussion of the physical character
istics of the Lucayans Only brief mention will be given
to non-cranial portions of the skeleton, since they differ
little from Island to island and chow no unusual charac-
262


254
and the original height was. probably greater* The
head is 9*- inches from the ground. Front to back
legs is a distance of 12 inches, and the maximum width
of the seat is 5 3/4 inches, The width of the breast
is inches. The head of, the stool is carved in zoo-
morphic form and is 3 7/8 inches from the bottom of the
chin to the top of the head. It has ears, which are
spaced 4| Inches apart from tip to tip, 'file face and
entire head are in very good condition. The eye sockets
are empty, and it is probable that they were set with
ornaments. The sockets are about l/s of an inch deep.
The mouth is open, being about l/8 of an inch deep and
an inch wide. The specimen had been painted by the
family after recovery; however, Father Mondloch restored
it to its original clean wood finish (communication from-
Frodrelc U, Frey, May 10, 1954),
A sixth specimen is reported from Mortimer
Gave, Long Island, It is presently at St, John*s Uni
versity, Collogeville, Minnesota, where it was sent by
Father.Mondloch around 1942 or 1944 (communication from
Frederic U, Prey, May 10, 1954), No description of this
specimen was available, A seventh specimen, at the Museum
of the American Indian, comes from-Addins Island, Spring
Point Cave, This specimen stands 5-1: inches high, is 9
inches wide at one end and 8 inches at the other* The


15
n
19
ir. 91
Cross sections of
Carrier Hi


83
Bahamas to hunt doves bolsters probabilities of contact
between the two areas*
The most important result of Ponces voyage of
1513, as mentioned by Herrera (1934-35: III, 328-329
dec* i, lib* ix, cap, xiff), was the discovery of the
Bahama channel, which became the main route of the
Spanish bullion fleets from Vera Cruz and Havana to
Spain, This passage of water between the archipelago
and Florida was an important artery leading from the New
World to Spain, and Spanish settlement of Florida came
about as a defence of it.
Although the voyage in search of Bimini, and
the slave raids in the Bahamas are the only recorded
Spanish explorations of the archipelago during the
1500s, there were certainly others, even though we have
no documents pertaining to them. The brief mention of
Diego Niruelo in the Bahamas (Herrera, 1934-35: IIIf
325 dec. 1, lib, ix. cap. xi/) indicates this, as do
the numerous maps of the region drawn by Spanish carto
graphers between the years 1500 and 1550, complete with
native names for most of the islands.
Two final Spanish documents complete our
historical knowledge of the vanishing Lueayans in the
1500*3, On Saturday, August 18, 1565, Pedro Menendez
do Aviles, on his way to Florida, mentions that ttwe came


04
within inspection distance/ of an uninhabited island,
called Aquann /Mayaguan$£?, and he speaks of the shoals
throughout the archipelago (Coleccin de Documentos
Inditos, 1865-83i III, 451)* On the twenty-sixth of
August he says, "we arrived within inspecting distance/
of two islands, one In front of the other, which they
call the Islas de Bahama; and the shoals which wo saw
between these Islands were so large that waves were
breaking In the middle of the sea,. (Coleccin do
Documentos Inditos, 1865-83: III, 454) These two
Islands were probably Little Abaco and Grand Bahama,
Around the year 1575 Hernando de Escalante Fontanela
wrote, "The Islands of Yucayo and of Ahte fall on
one side of the Channel of Bahama, There are no Indians
on them, and they lie between Havana and Florida
(Escalante Fontaneda, 1944: ll)13.
12
The document from which both of these quota
tions come is entitled Relacin de la jornada de Pedro
Menondes en la Florida," It was written by Francisco
Lopez de Mendoza Grajales,
^This statement concerning the population of
the Bahamas from Fontaneda is probably correct, although
his knowledge of tho region seems based, by and large,
on second-hand accounts* The island Ahit is not iden
tifiable, unless he got it from De la Cosa3 chart of
1500 and is referring to "Haiti" on that chart. On
p* 23 of tho edition here cited he makes the statement
that "Columbus discovered the Islands of Yucayo and
Ahitl," which, is, of course, totally incorrect, since
Columbus did not venture farther north than San Salvador
and Long Island, Apparently Fontaneda was referring to


280
mixed sites, referring to Meiliac and Carrier pottery
styles, as shown in Pig* 10, is rewarding* Pare
Meillac sites, and only Meillac sites, are found from
Great Abaco south to Andros* Prom San Salvador, Rum
Cay, and Long Island south to Great Inagua and the
Turks and Caicos, pure sites of both Meillac and
Carrier styles are found, as well as mixed sites con
taining specimens of both styles* On Great Inagua and
in the Turks and Caicos no mixed sites are found, but
both pure Meillac and pure Carrier sites occur*
Prom this spatial examination of Bahamian sites
and artifacts we may postulate the following division of
the archipelago without reference to temporal complexos*
The islands from Grand Bahama and Great Abaco south,
probably including Great Exuma and Cat Island, may be
called a Northern archeological sub-area of the Bahamas*
The Meillac style was in continuous occupation of the
sub-area until the extinction of the Lucayans in the
early 1500a* This sub-area is characterised not only
by the Meillac style, exclusively, but also by the absence
of many ceremonial objects and of petroglyphs.
The islands from San Salvador, Rum Gay, and Long
Island south to, but not including, Groat Inagua and the
Turks and Caicos, may be called a Central or Transitional


261
ness*
MISCELLANEOUS SPECIMENS
Among the miscellaneous types occurring, most
of them of European origin, are: clay pipe {Imperial
Lighthouse Dwelling Cave, Great Abaco)} pottery jar
{Salt Pond Hill Cave, Acklins Island); wooden bod-
steads {Conch Bar Cavos, Grand Caicos); Spanish olive
jar {Gorda Cay, PI, VII: 8; Grand Turk); silver ingot
(Gorda Cay); Spanish bell (Great Abaco),


3.37
Johnson of Nassau (Goggin 1952 Field Notes)* Two
additional specimens in the Arnold collection (Y.F.M.
137306, Y.P.K, 137367) come from Andros, site pro
venience unknown* They have been illustrated by
Hoorehead (1911: I, Fig. 226).
Morgan*s Bluff Caves
A series of caves were located by Dr. Goggin
in the summer of 1937 at Morgan s Bluff on the extreme
northeast coast of Andros. Only one of the caves was
dry and still contained fill. This cave, the northern
most in the group, was tested, but no signs of aboriginal
occupation were found (Goggin, 1939: 21). It probably
deserves more thorough testing in view of the scarcity
of material in given Bahamian sites (personal coramuni-
/
cation from John M. Goggin, 1954),
Bain Hill Cave (5)
Near Mastic Point, south of Morgan*s Bluff
on the northeast coast of Andros, is a small ridge
called Bain Hill, Here Dr. Goggin found a single
burial cave. It had been worked for cave-earth, and
bones had been found. The diggers had thrown these out
to one side, where Dr. Goggin was able to recover some
of them. They seem to represent at least two indivi-


96
other accounts pertaining to Cuba and Hispaniola, hut it
seemed wiser to limit the discussion hero to Columbus*
mm words# In a later section of this paper, dealing
with a reconstruction of Lucayan culture patterns in the
light of archeological findings, 3uch correlations will
ho made to a greater extent*
On Friday, October 12, 1492, Columbus first set
foot on Hew V/orld soil* This was the island called
Guanahani (Columbus, 1093s 36) and renamed San Salvador
by Columbus# The natives came out to the three vessels
riding at anchor in the harbor and bartered with the
Spanish* They brought with them ,!parrots, cotton threads *
in skeins, darts, and many other things* (Columbus, 1893s
37), and were nas naked as when their mothers bore
them (Columbus, 1893: 38), Their hair was short and
coarse, and it was worn down to the eyebrows in front,
with a few long locks which they never cut in back* They
painted themselves black, white, red, and other colors,
sometimes just their faces, eyes, or noses, and sometimes
the entire body (Columbus, 1893: 33)* They carried no
weapons, although they did have darts, as mentioned above*
These were pointed with a fish*3 tooth or simply sharpen
ed, and were apparently made from wood (Columbus, 1893:
38), Columbus noticed that some of the natives had
scars* By gestures they indicated that the source of


381
PLATS VI


292
can not be positively identified as such without further
excavation* Those sites are in the Caico3 and on Long
Island, Columbus, however, tells us that there were
small villages on all of the Islands he visited, in
cluding San Salvador, Rum Cay, Long Island, and Crooked
Island, He estimated that thoy did not consist of more
than twelve to fifteen houses (Las Casas, 1877s I, 229
/Tib, i, cap, xliff), the structure of which has been
described in some detail in the introductory section of
this report, Columbus never mentions a village directly
on the shore, but always at some distance inland, or at
least removed from the open beach itself.
The majority of habitation sites so far lo
cated have been cave-habitations. They wore probably
used as dwellings for individual families, or may have
been used rather as refuges during stomas (De Booy, 1912s
87). After the Spanish began their slave raids It is
possible that the Lucayans U3ed cave-dwellings as per
manent homes to avoid capture by the raiders. These cave-
habitations are known primarily from the northern and
central Bahamas, which Columbus never reached, but they
also occur In the Turks and Caicos,
From Columbus description of the houses, we can
gather that both the bohio, or chief's house, and the
caney, or commoners house, were present in the Lueayan


corning spatial and temporal complexes have been ignored,
and the data have been allowed to speak for themselves*
At points, however, it has been necessary to give such
personal statements, and these have been clearly label
led as such whenever they occur*
AREAL AFFILIATIONS
Mention was made earlier of modes, ceramic
styles, and non-ceramic types. These three concepts,
utilized in analyzing Bahamian specimens, also proved
of inestimable value in determining the spatial and
temporal complexes within the archipelago and their
relationships to other complexes outside the region.
The modes established for Bahamian pottery
styles were the following: (1) colling, (2) boat
shaped bowl, (3) intumed shoulder, (4) eversion of rim,
(5) flat rim top, (6) ornamentation before clay was
relatively dry, (7) ornamentation confined to shoulders,
(8) naturalistic ornamentation, (9) affixation, (10), lug,
(11) cylindrical lug, (12) wedge-shaped lug, (13) flat
lug, (14) zoomorphic face design, (15) zoomorphic head
lug, (16) cutting Incision, (17) engraving incision,
(19) line-and-dot incision, (19) curved incised lines,
(20) cross-hatch design, (21) alternating-oblique-


APPENDIX A! ANIMAL REMAINS PROM THE BAHAMIAN SITES
Bird, fish, turtle, rodent, and crab bones and
shells were of frequent occurrence in the Bahamian
sites, particularly at Gordon Hill, Crooked Island, the
single thoroughly excavated site*, The bird and fish
bones have not been positively identified# Crab shells
occur only occasionally# Ilutia bones, Capromys ingrahmi.
are of very frequent occurrence, indicating that this
small rodent was apparently a staple in the Lucayan diet#
In all, fifteen species of shells were identi*
fled# These aro: Perln (Strophiopa) pepperi Cepolis
maynardi, Spirula spirula, Nerita versicolor, Tollina
radiata, Crassatellites glbbal, Lucina orbicularis,
Tonna perdlx, Pasclolaria.tulipa, Marginella apicina,
Ollvella mutica, Strombua gigas, Pinctada radiata,
Gardium robustum, and Busycon perveraus All but six
of these species are large enough to have been used as
food sources# Perln sp,, Cepolis maynardl, Spirula
spirula, Nerita versicolor, Herglnella apicina, and
Ollvella mutica are generally rather small shells and
probably did not provide food for the Lucayons# Strombus
gigas, the Pink Conch; Pinctada radiata, tho Pearly
Oyster; Cardium robustum, the cockle; and Busycon per*
versus, the Left-handed Whelk are large enough to be used
313


27?
some type of contact between Florida and the Bahamas is
found in certain similarities in decorative motif on
Bahamian and Floridian pottery specimens* The same
specimen referred to in connection with the Cuban sites
of Cayo Ocampo and Cantabria (H.P.M. 50/1567, Fl. Ills
22) bears a striking.resemblance.to some South Florida
incised wares illustrated by Goggin and Sommer (1949s
Pi* 3* a-o) and Rouse (1949a: 131, Fig* 8)* The same
loop designs are present on these specimens coming from
the Florida Keys and the general region of South Florida.
An especially strong resemblance to Meillac pottery is
seen in a single rim sherd of Surfside Incised from
Katecumbo Key (Goggin and Sommer, 1949s PI* 5: b), which
seems to have come from a vessel roughly boat-shaped with
the equivalent of Meillac wedge-shaped lugs on each end*
Even these postulated similarities, however,
are very general, and much more excavation in the Bahamas
and comparative examination of specimens from South
Florida and the Bahamas is called for before a positive
statement can be made*
Relationships between Lucayan culture and the-
cultures of the Southeastern United States, with em
phasis on Florida, are not particularly evident Re
lationships between the Bahamas and Cuba are certainly


200
soom to be as diagnostic.
In defining the styles and types of Bahamian
specimens approximately the same procedure was U3ed -
as when defining modes, except that groups of specimens
were considered the basic unit of analysis rather than
individual specimens, -
All specimens wore assigned to groups, accord
ing to material of manufactur alone, The groups of
artifacts were then separated Into classes on the basis
of visual appearance. In this separation specimens
were assigned to classes as nearly as possible according
to their original appearance, not according to their
present fragmentary or altered condition. For example,
stone artifacts could bo subdivided into the classes
celts, semi-forms, ornaments, etc, The typical specimens
were then selected from each class, and a type or style
definition was made. This definition tiras tested by
applying it to all members of the class* If it fitted
it was considered final; if not, the definition was
altered, or the specimens In the class not conforming to
the definition were set aside as possibly forming a
second type or style. After this checking procedure, the
types and styles were named; e,g., Meillac ceramic style,
Carrier ceramic style, petaloid atone celt type, shell


122
Grand Turk at the point where the British frigate
Govern wrecked about the jeer 1793.
In general It may be noted that collections
of Bahamian archeological material are few, and that
the specimens contained in the Individual collections
are small in number. Organised attempts on the part of
professionals to clarify the archeological picture of
the region have been even fewer. Nevertheless, It is
possible to make some fairly definite statements on tho
basis of the data at hand. It will, of course, remain
for further excavation In the archipelago to fill out
these statements and determine their veracity.


82
and third documents, both letters written by Ponce,
refer specifically to "la Ysla Florida {Coleccin de
11
Documentos Inditos, 1865*83: XI, 48, 51) and leave
very little doubt that Ponce himself was aware that
Bimini and Florida were quite distinct regions.
It is clear from Herreras account that there
were a few scattered Lucayans left In the Islands,
although they must have been few indeed. These star*
vivors of the slave raids seem to have beem limited
primarily to the northern islands. Ho mention of natives
is made in that part of the narrative concerning the
Caicos and Guanahanij It is not until the islands from
Eleuthera north are mentioned that Herrera speaks of the
natives. There also seems very little doubt that there
was communication between the Bahamas and Florida, since
the Lucayans had a specific name Oautio for Florida,
based upon the dress of the South Florida Indians. The
oft-quoted statement from Anghiera (1944: 501 /Sec. vii,
lib. 1, cap. 13/) that tho Florida natives visited the
"These documents are entitled "Carta del
Adelantado Joan Ponce de Leon al Cardenal de Tortosa,
pydlondo mercedes en atencin a sus largos oorvycios"
and "Otra carta del mismo a Su Magostad, dyclendole
abor descubierto a su costa e mynsion la Ysla Florida
e otra3 en su comarca; que volva a poblarlas, o que
dentro de cinco dias Iba a otros descubryraientos; por
lo que pedia mercedes." Both are dated February 10,
1521, from Puerto Rico.


9
covering between 2,000 and 3,000 acres (Shattuck, 1905:
148), The situation was approximately the same in most
parts of the archipelago, although the industry was con
centrated in the central islands. With the abolition of
slavery in 1838 the industry failed completely, and the
plantations went to rack and ruin, leaving vast areas
liable to denudation and erosion.
The numerous limestone caves in the islands
usually contain a soil deposit rich in minerals known
as cave-earth. This has been removed from most of the
accessible caves by the islanders for use as fertilizer.
Even with the use of cave-earth and commercial fertili
zers, however, the output of the meager soil resources
has been little*
The soils of the Turks and Caicos are poorer
than those of the Bahamas proper, but they, too, will
support agriculture of a rudimentary sort.
Plora and Fauna4
The flora of the Bahamas is largely of drift
origin from Cuba and Haiti, only a small number of species
originating in north and South America. Of the 1,974
species of Bahamian flora today only some 185 are native
^Adapted from Shattuck, 1905: 185-384.


112
Island and..Salt Pond Hill Cavo on Groat Inagua (ICriegor,
1937; 98), According to the Smithsonian Institution
Annual Report (1938: 28-29), kitchen middens and burials
were excavated on Long Island, Groat Inagua, and Now
Providence, The only conclusions mentioned in either
report are that data were uncovered pointing to a close
cultural contact between the Lucayans and the Arawak of
Hispaniola, and that the tribal migrations of the Lu~
cayana came from Hispaniola, apparently at a relatively.,
recent date (Smithsonian Institution, 1938; 29)#
,, Mr# Krioger ronewed his work in the Bahamas
during January-May, 1947, A brief, undetailed account
of this expedition is given in the Annual Report of the
Smithsonian Institution for 1947 (Smithsonian Institution,
1948: 16-17), Under a grant from Ernest N, Hay, Mr#
Krleger conducted an investigation of fifteenth century
historic Indian villages and some of the early Spanish
settlements In the West Indies, The expedition lasted
from January 16th to May 5th, 1947, during which time Mr#
Krleger visited and made tost excavations at Indian
villages referred to by Christopher Columbus In the jour
nal of his first voyage to tho Now World# One village site
was located, and excavations wore conducted, near the
town of Clinton, on the north end of Long Island (Thomp
son, 1949: 30), This site Is presumably that mentioned


195
American Indian among Do Booys specimens from Grand
Turks 6 lleillac sherds; 2 fabric-impressed sherds; one
pottery griddle heavily tempered with large inclusions
of shell and about 15 to 16 m. thick (M.A.I* 5/9357);
and two duhos (M.A.I. 5/8027). The latter two specimens,
both from a cave on Grand Turk, were originally in the
United States National Museum, having been presented to
that Institution In 1875 by a Mr. Gibbs of Grand Turk
through Professor W.. Gabb and Mr. Firth. These tv/o
duhos are among our most perfect specimens and will be
described in detail in the next section of this report.
Apparently some stone celts, undescribed, were Included
in the Gibbs presentation (Anonymous, 1875b:. 634).
In addition to these specimens De Booy (1913:
1) reports two wooden bowls or platters in the library
on Grand Turk, He does not describe them, but, through
the courtesy of Mr, G. Bernard Lewis, Director of the
Institute of Jamaica, Kingston, the writer was able to
obtain additional information as well as photographs of
these specimens and of two additional duhos (communication
from G. Bernard Lewis, November 4, 1954). Mr, Lewis re
ports that all the specimens were .said to have been found
in a cave in the Caicos group, but, since both site and
island provenience are unknown, they have for conveniences


360
Brown, and Company, Boston)*
MOSELEY,.MARY
1926. The Bahamas Handbook (Nassau Guardian,
Nassau). ,
M0.7AT, CHARLES LOCH
1943,, East Florida as a British Province. 1763-
1734 (Univorsity of California Publications
in History, vol. 32, University of California
Press, Berkeley),
NAVARRETE, MARTIN FERNANDEZ DE
1325-
1337. Coleccin de los Viajes g Descubrimientos
que hicieron por Mar los Espaoles desde fines
del Siglo XV, 5 vola, (De Orden de S*M, en
la Imprenta Real, Madrid).
NUIH, GEORGE E.
1924 The Geographical Conceptions of Columbus,
a Critical Consideration of Pour Problems
(American Geographical Society, Research
Series no, 14, New York),
1932, The Columbus and Magellan Concepts of


177
described by Do Booyv On has curvilinear incision
and line-and-dot incision. The second has straight-
line Incision slanting obliquely away from the rim*
Both oherd3 are rim sherds, and at least these two
would seem to be Carrier. The third decorated sherd
is undescribed, A single Carrier anthropomorphic
lug was recovered (De Dooy, 1912: 91-93, Pigs, 2b,
2d, 5a),
Indian Hill (Malcolm Roads) (36)
Indian Hill is a mound near the Malcolm
Roads on the western coast of Providenciales. De Booy
(1912: 93) had several reports that much material was
to be found there, but he did not have the time to
check them. He has assumed, however, that they were
reliable.
Blue Hills (37)
A small colored settlement called Blue Hills is
located on tho northern coast of Providenciales. De Booy
had several reports of "thunderbolts from tho neigh
borhood, but again had no time to investigate his
sources (De Booy, 1912: 93).


334
Ho was to grant unoccupied lands in the Bahamas under the
following conditions:
To every head of a family, forty acres,
and to every white or black man, woman
or child in a family, twenty acres, at .
an annual quit rent of 2s. per hundred
acres. But in the case of the Loyalist
refugees from the continent such lands
will be delivered freo of charges, and
will be exempted from the burden of the
quit rents for ten years from the date
of making the grants {Siebort, 1913: 20),
Even into tho oarly months of 1785 Immigration
continued without abbatement* The Spanish government,
already in occupation in St, Augustine, extended the
period allowed British subjects to settle their affairs
and withdraw from the colony from Maroh 19, 1785, to
July 19th of tho samo year {Siebort, 1929: I, 175),
Governor Tonyn, who was still administering the affairs
of the British subjects in East Florida, announced that
the last transport would leave the province on February
20, 1785, "with all the refugees who had not yet availed
themselves of his Majestys bounty {Siebort, 1929: I,
191), and he urged all persons of British birth to leave
at that time for the Bahamas {Shattuck, 1905: 424), The
final occupation by the Spanish viras completed by Septem
ber 1st, and the last British vessel, the Gyrus, left
St, Augustine on November 19th, ending British rule in
East Florida,


132
is in the collection of Mrs. Hugh Johnson of Nassau
(Goggin 1952 Field Notes).
Imperial Lighthouse Dwelling Cave (1)
About a mile and a quarter from the Imperial
Lighthouse on the extremo southern end of Great Abaco,
and fifty yards off the main trail, Rainey located a
small cavo It had a small entrance and no largo
chambers, and had boon dug for cave-earth* A little
earth had been left, however, in a small niche near
the entrance, This was screened, producing hutia,
fish, and bird bones, and the stem of a clay pipe
(Rainey, MS: 28-29),
Imperial Lighthouse Burial Cave (2)
About one mile from the Imperial Lighthouse,
and a mile in from the shore, Rainey found an ocean
sink-hole. On a low shelter at the side of the hole,
a few inches below the surface, ho found a single
parallelo-fronto-occipitally flattened cranium, later
identified as that of an elderly woman. The jaw, several
long bones, a hutia cranium, and five thin, undecorated
Meiliac sherds (Y.P.M, 29714) were also recovered
(Rainey, MS: 28-29),


251
Canoe Paddles
Type specimen. See PI, X: 10, This specimen
was made from a single piece of cedar wood, Junperas
barbadensis (1*)# It consists of a crosspiece, a shaft,
and a blade. The crosspiece is 4-| inches long and 1 3/8
inches thick. There is a small knob on the underside
of the crosspiece at each id to afford a good hold. The
shaft Is 2 feet long, thickening toward the blade end,
the diameter being 15/16 of an inch at the top and
ill inch at the bottom where the shaft meets the blade.
The blade is 2 feet 3/4 inches long and 6-|- Inches wide at
its broadest point. At the extremity of the blade It is
1|- inch wide. Thickness is 5/8 of an inch at the widest
point and an Inch at the tip. Pour simple angular
lines are carved on each side of the specimen where the
blade meets the shaft. Total length of the paddle is
4 feet 2 3/4 inches (Do Booy, 1913: 3),
Group of artifacts. Only one specimen is known
from the Bahamas (If.A.I* 3/2574), This came from an
unlocated cave on Mores Island, There is another re
port of two paddles, and canoe, from Mangrove 0ay,
Andros Island, as mentioned earlier, but this account
can not bo verified,
Utility, The use of this specimen was obviously


384


272
tions used in fable 4 are; P, present; c, comon; H,
rare; A, absent; unknown or questionable! Such a
close point-by-point correspondence of attributes can not
be mere coincidence, particularly since no such corres
pondence exists between the two major Bahamian ceramic
styles and styles outside of northern Haiti. It has been
felt that these similarities conclusively indicate the
Haitian origin of Bahamian ceramic styles and therefore
establish the,basic Arawak nature of Lucayan culture!
Correspondence of attributes assigned to non
ceramic specimens in the Bahamas and northern Haiti Is
also striking* This is particularly true of the attri
butes assigned to tho petaloid stone celt, a common non-
ceramic artifact In both regions* In this report the
following attributes wore said to typify the Bahamian
potaloid 3tone celts: (1) Igneous or metamorphic rode,
(2) potaloid shape, (3) pointed butt, (4) semicircular
bit, (5) convex sidos* The attributes for the same type
in northern Haiti, as defined by House (1941; 95) are
identical* Such correspondence has been taken as de
finite Indication that the technique of making petaloid
stone celts in the Bahamas came from northern Haiti*
This seems the more probable when one considers the fact
that there is no native Igneous rock In the Bahamas, Turks,
and Caicos* All specimens in the Bahamas made from


304
partially religious functions in tho Greater Antilles,
are not found in the Bahamas, although Anghiera (1944: ,
501 dec. vil, lib, I, cap* IIJ) indicates that ball .
games were played. In their placo aro cave-shrines.
Various ceremonial objects have been found in these
caves. Duhos, or intricately carved wooden stools,
have been found in many cavos from San Salvador south
to Grand Turk. These stools are low benches, about two
feet long and approximately a foot wide, often with a
carved back and/or arm rests. Tho back and arm rests
were usually carved in anthropomorphic or soomorphic
form. It Is assumed that the duho had primarily a
religious or ceremonial use, Petroglyphs have been
found on Run Gay and on East Caicos. They are also ,
reported from Great Inagua, Thoso glyphs are always
found carved on the walls of caves and usually represent
crude human figures, animals, items of everyday use such
as canoe paddles, or geometric designs* It is felt by
this writer that the glyphs probably served two functions*
Human and animal figures may well have been semis, while
such utilitarian Items as canoe paddles may have repre
sented powers or items the worshipper wished to have
through the medium of a semi. This division in meaning
of petroglyphs has been suggested by Rouse (1949b: 495)
for other parts of the Caribbean, The meaning of tho


53
At first Lucayan slaves were used as miners,
agricultural workers, and personal servants to replace
the diminishing numbers of Cuban and Hispaniola en
comendados (Anghiera, 1944: 505 doc* vii, lib. il, cap.
ij7). This new life was hardly pleasing, and we have
the usual stories of exceptionally high mortality rates
and runaway slaves. Anghiera (1944: 500 lib. 1, cap. iij) tells us that many died simply because
they refused to work and eat. Others apparently escaped
and died in the backlands of Cuba and Hispaniola before
they could be recaptured. It Is reported that some
killed themselves. Those who successfully escaped and
who did not die in the attempt usually tried to reach
the western part of Hispaniola, from whence, If possible,
they made their way back to the Bahamas. Anghiera (ibid.)
reports one Instance of a Luc ay an carpenter who fashioned
a canoe and filled it with provisions for his escape
Journey. He managed to reach western Hispaniola, where
he put out to sea and would have been successful, except
for the fact that a Spanish vessel came across him while
at sea and brought him back to Hispaniola,
The fate of the Lucayans, however, lay not In
Cuba and Hispaniola, but on the small Island of Cubagua,
some five hundred miles to the south. This Island, Just
off the northeast coast of Venezuela near the district of


516
Spains title to the Bahamas under the Treaty
of Tordesillas went undisputed for many years, because
the islands were soon depopulated and because they pro
duced little of economic value* The Spanish themselves -
were not interested In the archipelago, but they did wish
to maintain control of the Bahama Channel, their major
shipping lane to Europe* With Spains rapid rise in
the Caribbean during the 1500*3 and her increasing use
of the Bahama Channel, the Islands were used more and
more as a refuge to followers of a now profession. First
settlements, usually of a transitory nature, seem to have
been made by English pirates, seeking a base of operations
against the Spanish* John Esquemellng, a famous Dutch
buccaneer of the times, refers to such an instance in
his Do Araericaensche geerovers (Buccaneers of America)*
published in Amsterdam In 1678. He does not mention a
specific date, but the episode seems to have occurred in
the early 1600*s. He says,
The first pirate that v/as known upon the
island of Tortuga was named Pierre le
Grand, or Peter the Great He was born
at the town of Dieppe, in Normandy* The
action which rendered him famous was his
taking of the Vice-Admiral of the Spanish
flota ^/merchant fleel/, nigh unto t he Gape
of Tiburn, upon the Western side of the
island of Hispaniola* This bold exploit
he performed alone with only on boat, wherein
ho had eight-and-twenty persons, no more, to
help him* What gave occasion unto this enter
prise v/as that until that time the Spaniards


295
any well-documented sit, although Mr, Krioger refers
briefly to wooden points from a banana hoi on Long
Island (Krleger, 1937: 96), and it seems probable that
snares and traps were the major devices used in hunting
animals and birds.
No remains of agricultural implements have been
found, and the sitos so far Investigated do not give any
indication that Lucayan culture was agriculturally
oriented. There are, however, several roasons for assum
ing that In certain parts of the archipelago the economy
was serai-agricultural* Tho evidence is both historical
and archeological*
Columbus (1893: 45) mentions the fact that the
native ho met in mid-channel between Rum Cay and Long
Island, was carrying with him.a small supply of native
bread, which Las Casas (1877: 1, 227 ¡Tib, I, cap*
xlli/) identifies as casabi, broad made from cassava,
Manihot manihot (Cockerell), known also as yuca, While
at Pornondlna, or Long Island, Columbus mentions seeing
for the first time a patch of Indian com, which he
called panicum (Las Casas, 1877* I, 227 Tib, i,
cap* r£?) His son, Ferdinand Columbus, refers to It
correctly as mohls (Columbus, F,, 1944: 81)* Columbus
also refers to Fernandina as being so fertile that grain
could be planted all year round (Las Casas, 1877: I, 227


Library rendered me valuable time and assistance on the
historical aspects of this report* Dr, Winston W* Ehrmann,
Department of Sociology and Anthropology, and Dr. Donald
E, Worcester, Department of History, University of
Florida, both members of my advisory committee, gave me
encouragement and assistance on various phases of my
work. Dr. Herbert J. Doherty, Department of History,
University of Florida, and Mr, T.E. Wagner of St. Louis,
Missouri, have both given invaluable aid In the form of
many critical discussions and readings of the material
here presented.
I am particularly Indebted to two people for
their constant assistance and advice. Dr, Irving Rouse,
Department of Anthropology, Yale university, first Intro
duced me to Caribbean archeology and suggested the topic
of this report. Dr. John M. Goggin, Department of
Sociology and Anthropology, University of Florida, served
as chairman of my advisory committee in the preparation
of this thesis. To his patience over a period of several
years and his sincere and kind assistance the completion
of this report is largely due. They have both offered
continual encouragement and much needed advice on all
phases of my work,
To my father, Dr, Edwin P# Cranberry, chairman
of the Department of English, Rollins College, I am in-
vil


357
Bsirtolome de laa Caaaa o Casaus. do la Orden
de Saneto Domingo ano 1555 (Vida y Es
critos do Don Fray Bartolom de las Casas,
Obispo de Ghiapa, por Don Antonio Maria
Pablo, de la Academia de la Historia *vol.
2, pp, 209-291, Imprenta deMiguel Ginesta,
Madrid),
LAWSON, EDWARD W,
1946, The Discovery of Florida and its Discoverer,
Juan Ponce de Leon (Edward W. Lawson, St.
Augustine, Florida).
LEFRQY, J.11*
1877. Memorials of the Bermudas. 2 vols, (Long
mans, Green and Company, London),
LOCKEY, JOSEPH BYRNE
1949. East Florida, 1783-1785 (University of
California Press, Berkeley).
LQVEN, SVEN
1935. Origins of the Tainan Culture, West Indies
^./ (Slanders Bokfryckori Akfiebolag, GSteborg).


222
or wavy lines. We have no indication of the source
of those unusual specimens* They are definitely not
Spanish, and no known aboriginal v/aro of tho Caribbean
resembles them in any respect.
Clay Griddle
A single example of a clay griddle is known
from the Bahamas. This specimen was collected by De
Booy on Grand Turk {M.A.I, 5/9357), In consists of
a single slab of fired clay, buff in color, heavily
tempered with largo shell inclusions. It is 15 to 16
mm, thick and approximately 30 cm, squaro. The lower ,
surface of tho spocimon is covered with fabric-impres
sions, very much like those of the fabric-impressed
pottery, except that the checks aro much larger. In
all probability the griddle was used for baking cassava,
Manihot manihot {Cockerell)
Clay Ball
There is a single report {Anonymous, 1875a; ,
150) of clay balls from tho Bahamas* Ho description of
these specimens is given, nor is the sito or island pro
venience mentioned. At the time the report was written
tho specimens, were said to be in tho "Musourn of Nassau,


229
3/2567) comes from Little Abaco? a second (Y.P.I.l,
137373, Pi. IX; 20) comes from the Arnold collection,
island provenience unknown; the third (H.P.M,
30/1377, Pi. IX; 21) comes from North Caicos, in the
vicinity of Bellevue settlement,
, Utility, Ho utility can be suggested for these
divergent stone celts. It is possible that they were
halted in the usual manner, and that their unusual forms
are due to the original pebble form before modification.
It la also possible that these specimens were used as
hammers or even that they represent unfinished petaloid
stone celts.
Diagnostic attributes. The few diagnostic
characteristics of the aberrant stone celts are:
(1) Igneous rock, (2) partially petaloid in shape,
(3) rounded butt, (4) bulbous bit, (5) convex sides.
Stone Effigy Celts
. Type specimen, See PI. X; 3, Stone effigy
celts were made from a fine-grained igneous rock,
similar to that used for petaloid and double-bitted stone
celts. They are jade-green in color, varying from light
to dark hues. In shape they are elliptical, with convex
sides and rounded ends* All examples were highly polished


91
D.M., 1938, 1951), non of these groups has living
representatives, and the archeological and ethnographical
data mentioned above therefore constitute our only know
ledge of these peoples* A comparison of the meager data
on the Lucayans with Houses data on all three of the
cultural groups maltes it possible to place the aborigi
nal inhabitants of the Bahamas culturally,
There are two factors which, in addition to the
sum of the ethnographical and archeological data pre
sented in this paper, make It possible to place the
Lucayan3 as Arawak in culture. These two factors are
language and the presence of artificial cranial defor
mation. Other factors, to be discussed at length later
in this report, Indicate that Lucayan culture was a
regional variation of the 3ub-Taino branch of Island
Arawak culture in the Greater Antilles, as defined by
House (1948: 616, 521), It does not seem to merit
separate cultural distinction as ,,Lueayn,tt on the same
level as Taino and Sub-Taino.
Although many skeletal remains have been found
in Bahamian sites, the sole published source on them is
an article by W.K. Brooks (1888: 215-223). A comparison
of the data given by Brooks with that given by Columbus
(1893: 38-39} is revealing.
Brooks examined three Lucayan crania in Nassau,


4
Malaria and the usual tropical diseases are,
by and large, absent from the islands.
Topography and Geology3
The Islands of the archipelago are distributed
unequally over the area. By far the largest number are
confined to the northwestern section* The largest
islands in the,group Andros, Grand Bahama, and Great
Abaco * are in this region. They lie on the peripheries
of banks which descend precipitously into deep water on
the Atlantic side, while on the side away from the
Atlantic there is a gradual decline, the water seldom
being more than a few fathoms in depth. The islands to
the southeast are smaller, less numerous, and are
assembled In clusters on isolated banks somewhat like
coral atolls. In the extreme south cays and rocks give
place to submorgod banks. The Cay Sal and Anguila
Islands lie on a small bank of their own in the extreme
W03t.
The larger Islands have protective reefs, sand
bars, and coral heads around their coastlines. The shore
usually rises abruptly from tho sea on the Atlantic side
to a long narrow, limestone ridge, seldom more than 150
^Adapted from Schuchert, 1935: 528-540, and
Shattuck, 1905: 3-47, 147-181.


269
parallel-line design, (22) vertical-parallel-line design,
(23) horisontal-parallel-lin dosign, (24) ovoid design,
(25) curvilinear design, (26) punetation, (27) appli
cation, (28) limb design, (29) ridge on outside rim,
(30) strip on outside rim, (31) .ridge on inside rim, ^
(32) ridge on intum, (33) modelling, (34) red slip#
No modes were established for other specimen
types, although traits or attributes wero defined for
all specimens. This decision was based upon the paucity
of non-ceramic specimens in the collections and the lack
of data about them# Although non-ceramic specimens and
types are, of course, important, they have proven to be
less diagnostic of Bahamian culture than are the ceramic
styles* In the first analysis some of the modes listed
here were given other names, but they have all been
adjusted to conform with those defined by Rouse (1939:
55-56) for Haiti, since the similarities were so close#
The obvious affiliations of all Bahamian speci
mens from little more than a cursory visual analysis were,
with those from northern Haiti as analysed and described
by Rouse (1939j 1941). Table 4 Illustrates the striking
likeness between the two main ceramic styles in the.
Bahamas and the two main one in northern Haiti* These
similarities account for the style names "Meillac and
"Carrier as applied to the Bahamian styles* Abbrovia-


275
Incision with a double row of semicircular loops* This
same motif appears on specimens from Cayo Ocampo (Mo
rales Patino, 1947} 122) and on specimens from the
Cantabria site (Florida State Museum, Gainesville)*
The Cayo Ocampo specimens show in addition punctation,
cylindrical lugs, and rim profiles which are similar
to some of the Bahamian Maillac specimens* Other than
these few, very general correspondences, however, there
is little to indicate extensive contact between Cuba and
the Bahamas or an actual transfer of techniques from one
region to the other*
The remaining area with which the Bahamas may
have been culturally affiliated is the Southeastern
United States, by way of Florida* There are even fewer
indications of areal relationship and contact between
these two areas than there are of contact between the
Bahamas and Cuba* Much has been made in the past of
Anghleris statement that the Florida Indians visited
the Bahamas to hunt doves (Anghiera, 1944? 501 /dec,
vil, lib. i, cap* 137) and the fact that both the
Florida Indians and the Lucayans exhibited artificial
parallelo-fronto-occlpitally deformed crania (Gower,
1927: 30; Brooks, 1888: 215-222)*, These factors in them
selves, however, ore quite inconclusive and are not


372
PLATE VI* Carrier Potsherds, (l/2 natural sise*)
1-4, Curvilinear design* 5, Ovoid design,
6-7, Linear design. 8-12, Line-and-dot Incised
linear design. 13-18, Deviant incised designs.
19-20, Punetation. 21-23, Bat-head design on pris
matic lugs. 24, Zooraorphio design on flat lug. All
specimens except Nos* 17-18 are from North Caicos, the
Bellevue site, Godet-Greenway Collection, Nos. 17-18
are from Williams* Cave No. 2, San Salvador, and were
collected by Rainey. Unless otherwise indicated all
specimens are at the Harvard Peabody Museum*
(1-9, 30/1370; 10-12, 30/1367; 13, 30/1371;
14, 30/1369; 15-16, 50/1367; 17-18, Y.P.M. 28919;
19, 30/1367; 20, 30/1369; 21-24, 30/1371.)
PLATE VII* Miscellaneous Ceramic Styles and Non-Ceramic
Types. (Scale varies.)
1-2, Fabric-impressed pottery from Bellevue,
North Caicos, the Godet-Greenway Collection* 3-7, Un
classified incised pottery from the Caicos, collected by
De Booy; No, 5 is 3f inches long, 8, Rim sherd from a
Spanish olive jar from a wreck off Gorda Cay, 9-10, Shell
celts, provenience unknown, from the Arnold Collection.
11, Haftod celt from North Caicos, 21 5/4 inches long,
collected by Do Booy.


30
copied his detail from De la Cosa. It Is difficult to
say whether Do la Cosa was using his imagination in
showing this largo island with the name Haiti or not.
Haiti meant "high" or "rough in Island Arawak (Tejera,
1951: 262-2635 Zayas y Alfonso, 1931: II, 89) and seems
to have referred to any mountainous region* The name
does not appear on subsequent charts, and we have no
explanation of this single occurrence on the De la Cosa
chart, repeated by Cantlno. It can not be a mistake In
the position of Hispaniola, commonly called Haiti by
the Indians in early times, for that island is clearly
shown on both maps. Whether the name is accidental on
De la Cosa's map, whether it was a descriptive term used
by the inhabitants of one of the higher Islands in the
central Bahamas for their own land, or whether the term
was applied by Indians from outside the area we will
probably never know for a certainty.
Haiti Is the only charted island difficult to
place. There are other islands, however, indicated in
the works of the times, which can not be located on the
map. Islands mentioned in Herrera^s account of the
voyage of Ponce do Leon, for instance, are not all easily
placed on the map* nevertheless, It has been possible to
indicate the Indian names for the majority of the islands
in the archipelago.


archeology: (1) the origins of tho Ciboney complexes
in Cuba and Haiti, (2) the interrelationships of
Southeastern United States cultures and those of the
Caribbean, and (3) the nature of the Bahamian complexes
thornselvos and their relations to the rest of the
Caribbean,
With these problems in mind all accessible
Bahamian archeological material was analysed, The
major concern of the analysis was to determine the
presence or absence and the nature of ceramic styles
and modes (House, 1939: 11-12j 1951: 252), to delineate
any non-ceramic phases (Rouse, 1951: 252), and to
establish as secure a chronology as possible for the
region. The three problems chosen were then approached
through these factors.
There are nine major collections of Bahamian
archeological material in this country, I was able
to examine personally tho three collections in the
Yale Peabody Museum, the two collections in the
Harvard Peabody Museum, and the two at the Museum of
the American Indian, Although not personally examined,
some information was gathered on the collections in
the United States national Museum and tho Morton
Collection of crania Americana,
In addition to the nine major collections
ill


34
Again it Is stated,
.they are the island Guanahani, of which I
have spoken, and many others that,are there,
which are generally all together called the
Islas de los Lucayos, notwithstanding that
each one of them has its own name, and there
are manyj such as Guanahani, Gyeos, Jumeto,
Tabaque, Mayaguana, 3amana, Guanlma, Yuma,
Curatheo, Ciguateo, Bahama (which Is the
largest of all), Yucayo y eque, Habacoa,
and many small islets that are there in that
region (Oviedo, 1851: I, 25 ^lib* 11, cap*
W).
Prom these references, written about the year
1555, It would seem that some rather extensive explora
tions had been made In the islands during the early
1500s. Very probably this knowledge came from the short
period of slave raids, which will be discussed in more
detail later in this report*
Our actual recorded history of the Bahamas
during Indian times begins with the first voyage of
Columbus In 1492. His logbook gives us the details.
On October 11, 1492, the craws of the Pinta,
Nina, and Santa Maria saw their first real signs of land.
Sandpipers and floating branches were noticed, and a small
board and a green reed drifted by. First indications of
human handiwork appeared in the form of a small pole
which appeared to have been worked with iron (Columbus
1893: 35). It was with a sigh of relief that these signs
were noted, for the voyage had been long and trying, and


176
Juba Point Mound (34)
Directly outside of* Juba Point Cave Ho, 1 is
a small mound. On the surface of this mound De Dooy
found a single small punctated Carrier sherd (De Booy,
1912s 90, Fig, 2e),
?/est Harbor Bluff Cave (35)
West Harbor Bluff is a cape on the south*
western point of Providenciales Island, An open cave,
consisting of two protected chambers under the rock,
was found by De Booy on the western side of the bluff,
A stretch of beach about twenty feet long leads from
the cave to the sea, De Booy (1912: 92) found many
conch shells, which had been opened in the character
istic Indian fashion of knocking a hole in the side,
Imbedded in the rock botween the entrance to the cave
and the water.
The bottom of the first chamber of the cave
was covered with cave-earth, De Booy excavated this
chamber and found, just above the rock floor at an un
specified depth, one hoe (?) made from turtle bone,
three bone awls, one or two smaller worked bones, one
boar (?) fang, ten sherds of plain Carrier pottery, and
three decorated sherds, Two of these decorated sherds are


ai
Turin map of around 1523, only ton years after Ponce*s
voyage, both the present Florida and Bimini are cor
rectly named and located.
The ambiguity between Bimini and Florida comes
from Las Gasas (1877: II* 200 lib, iii, cap, 2C7) and
Oviedo (1851-55: III, 624 /lib, xxxvi, cap, £f)$ bofch of
whom equate the two regions, Anghiera (1944: 501
/¡fee, vli, lib, i, cap, ij7) and Herrera (1934-35: III,
326 /¡fee, i, lib, ix, cap, xi/) distinguish between
them. Perhaps the fact that Las Casas has long been
the standard reference for the early history of the
West Indies has influenced present-day scholars and has
added to the unnecessary confusion. Further doubt has
boon eliminated by three documents from the Archivo de
Indias, one written during the year 1519, and two in
tho year 1521, All three were written by Ponce do Leon,
and all three quite definitely distinguish between Bimini
and Florida, One, written in 1519, refers to Ponce as
"Adelantado de Vymine c Ysla Florida (Coleccin do
Documentos Inditos, 1865-83: XXXIV, 337)3"0, The second
This document Is entitled "proceso fecho en
Puerto-Rico, antel Lyeenciado Antonio de la Cana, Xuez
de Resydencia e Xustycia Mayor, en tres partes; de la
una el Adelantado Xoan ponce d Len, de otra el Lycan
clado Sancho Velasques, sobro agravios e perxuycios o
sobre ma quenta. It is dated September 13, 1519,


286
516, 521) places the Meillac style as Sub-Taino In
Haiti. The Carrier style he places as Taino. The
Sub-Taino (Rouse, ibid.) had pottery decorated with
simple, incised-line designs such as Meillac. pottery,
and were characterized by the lack of an extensive
ceremonial complex. They had zemis In Haiti but no
potroglyphs. The Taino culture, on the other hand, was
characterized by modelled and incised pottery, and it
exhibited a highly developed ceremonial complex, in
cluding potroglyphs and ball courts.
Prom Rouses definition of Taino and Sub-Taino
in Haiti, it would seem safe to call the Lucayan culture
basically Sub-Taino* Both archeological and ethnograph
ical evidence uphold this decision# There are, however,
definite Taino traits in the central and southern Islands,
and It is postulated that these traits penetrated the
archipelago with the Carrier style in Period IV, moving
Into the Turks and Caicos first in Period IVa and on into
the central Islands at least by the beginning of Period
IVb*
We are loft with two alternativos In the question
of Taino penetration into the Bahamas, Turks, and Caicos,
Such a movement might either have represented a physical
movement of peoples, or it might have represented simply
a transfer of techniques and culture traits. In the case


223
TABLE 3a
DISTRIBUTION BY ISLAND OP MAJOR ARTIFACT TYPES
AND STYLES IN THE BAHAMAS, TURKS, AND CAICOS
Island
Lleillac
Pottery
Carrier
Pottery
Fabric-
Impress.
Petaloid
Celt
Double
BitfColt
Biminis
Or. Bahama
X
Abacos
X
X
Mores Is.
X
X
Andros
X
X
X
New Prov,
?
X
X
Bleuthera
?
X
Cat is.
?
X
San Sal.
X
X
X
X
Rum Cay
X
X
Long Is.
X
X
X
Gt.Ragged
X
Crooked
X
X
X
X
Acklins
X
E* Plana
Gt,Inagua
X
X
Mayaguana
X
W.Caicos
X
X
Providen,
X
X
X
N.Caicos
X
X
X
X
Gr,Caicos
X
X
X
E.Caicos
X
X
X
X
Gr.Turk
X
?
X
a,,Xt indicates that specimens have been found in
sites so far investigated. indicates that specimens have
been reported but not identified with certainty.


226
typical specimen is represented by Y,P,M* ,137409
(PI, VIHi 7).
Group of artifacts. There are 151 petaloid
stone celts in the Bahamian collections discussed in
this report. All of them are surface finds* site pro
venionce unknown. Table 3 illustrates island pro
venienco, One* from Andros* is an unfinished specimen
(Goggin, 1939: 24),
Utility, The primary use of the petaloid stone
celt was as a hafted ax (PI, VII: 11), The petal shape
facilitated hafting* and use as a chopping tool is shown
by the semicircular bit. The smaller specimens may have
been used for ceremonial purposes, for many are far too
small and seemingly too well-finished to have had any
actual utility (PI, IX: 10), A single specimen at the
Museum of the American Indian has a hole drilled through
the butt end and may have been used as a pendant.
Diagnostic attributes. The diagnostic attributes
for this type are: (1) igneous or metamorphic rock*
(2) petaloid shape, (3) pointed butt, (4) semicircular
bit, (5) convex sides.
Double-bitted Stone Celts
Type specimen. See PI, IX: 11-16* This, type


539
1594* Original in the P,K. Yonge Library
of Florida History, University of Florida,
Gainesville, Lowery 79,
CANTINO, ALBERTO
1502* Without title, author, or date, but with the
note written on the original stating, Carta
da navigar per 1 isole novamente trvate en
la parte d* India dono Alberto Cantino al
signor duca Hercole, Original in the
Biblioteca Estense, Modena, Reproduced as
Columbus, 1893: PI* VI, and Harrises, 1900:
PI, III, Lowery 3,
DE LA COSA, JUAN
1500, Mapamundi* Original In the Museo Naval,
Madrid, Reproduced as Academia Real de la
Historia, 1951: §2, 3,
DESCELIERS, PIERRE
1546, Map of Amerioa. Reproduced as Cronau, 1921;
48*
FADEN, 'WILLIAM
1794. A Chart of the Gulf of Florida, or New Bahama
\


45
Prom earliest Spanish colonial times the se of
Indian labor for mining, farming, and all menial tasks
was a privilege granted to influential colonists by the
Spanish Crown* These colonists were called encomenderos,
and the system Itself the encomienda A brief summary
of the development of the encomienda in Spain and in
Cuba and Hispaniola is helpful in gaining an under
standing of its importance and pervasiveness in Spanish
colonial economy*
During the Reconquest of Moorish Spain by the
Spanish and Portuguese, large grants of land, in the
feudal manner, were given to military leaders. These
grants covered immense territories and often included
certain rights over the lives and properties of the
common people already living on the land. This type of
grant was called a repartimiento, the term encomienda
referring in the earliest times to the tax-collecting
power of the holder of a repartimiento* Such fiefs pre
vailed in Spain and Portugal from the twelfth century
onward (Diffie, 1945: 58-59), and, although they were
originally of a temporary nature, soon came to bo
hereditary {De la Cruz, 1954: 7).
In general Spain's colonial policy may be
characterized as centralized and authoritarian, and it
was these two major characteristics which most aided the


38
were obtained from the natives,
At noon Columbus left the village and followed
the coast to the north-northwe3t, since the winds would
not permit him to sail south as he wished* At the ex
treme north end of Long Island he came upon a nvery
wonderful harbour with an island in the middle (Colum
bus, 1893: 48). Seeing a village, he anchored and went
ashoro for more water. While waiting for the water casks
to be filled Columbus observed, for the first time at
close range and at his leisure, the village life of the
natives His observations on this short visit, as given
us by Las Casas (Columbus, 1893: 49-50), form the most
complete account we have of the appearance of a Lucayan
settlement. This account will be discussed in some
detail later in the report.
After reloading the water casks Columbus sailed
farther towards the northwest. However, he had brought
several Indians from San Salvador with him as interpre
ters (Columbus, 1893: 51), and they now asked him to
turn back to the south, saying that if he wished to find
gold it would be well to proceed in that direction, for
Saomete, an island in the south, was a source of the
metal, Columbus was persuaded, and the entire night of
the seventeenth was spent on an east-southeasterly course.
From midnight until dawn of the eighteenth it rained hard


274
oosst to tho archipelago, northern Haiti. The
hypothesis proposed by Beuchat (1912: 526-523) that
tho Bahamas were populated and received their cultural
patterns from Florida, through movements of tho Tirauoua
and Calusa, seems to be at least partially wrong#
Perhaps the earliest people in the archipelago come from
Florida, but at least we are now certain that the basic
aspects of Lucayan culture came from Haiti* A last and
rather persuasive pleco of evidence In favor of Haitian
origin is the presence of cave-petroglyphs in the Bahamas
and Caicos# This is a typically Arawak trait#
There are very few indications of affiliations
between Cuban and Bahamian ceramic styles While the
Bahamian Meillac is much more like the Haitian style of
the same name, it does in some Instances bear strong re
semblance to Cuban styles, particularly the Ban! of
eastern and central Cuba as defined by House (1942: 164),
and a style found at the Cayo Ocampo site near Cienfuogos
in south-central Cuba (Morales Patino, 1947) and at the
Cantabria site, Ojo de Agua, also near Cienfuogos# The
similarities between Bahamian Meillac and these stylos .
is based purely upon decorative motifs# A single
Meillac sherd (H.P.M. 30/1367, PI. Ill: 22) from the
Bellevue site, North Caicos, is decorated by scratching


278
more likely, but they are no less obscure than in the
case of Florida and the Southeast. The primary cultural
affiliations of Luoayan culture are with .northern Haiti.
Beyond that point it would be hazardous to go without
much more data than v;e have at present* :
SPATIAL COMPLEXES
An examination of Bahamian prehistoric sites
and artifacts from the viewpoint of distribution in
space brings to light two immediately discernible
facts* One is the unusual distribution of ceramic
styles in the archipelago; the second is the distri
bution of pure and mixed sites, defined from a ceramic
approach, in the islands.
An examination of Table 3 shows that the
majority of non-ceramic artifacts are rather evenly ,
distributed throughout the archipelago; or, at least
they are found at both extremes. On the other hand,
ceramic specimens show a definite scheme. Molllc speci
mens are found from Great Abaco to Grand Turk, while
Carrier specimens are found only as far north as San
Salvador, Hum Cay, and Long Island, Fabric-impressed
sherds and other divergent styles are present only as far
north as San Salvador. We seem to bo presented with, at
least a two-fold division of the archipelago as far as


78
or in the vicinity of Bimini, judging from the approxi
mate position given, which is "twenty-eight degrees
(Herrera, 1934-35:.Ill, 325 V~ ibid. 7). Herreras
narrative hero becomes notably interesting and is worth
quoting at length* Following the above statement he
says, .
,. and thoy anchored off them on the eighteenth
of July, where they took on water* They named
them La Vieja, the Old Woman, after an old
Indian woman whom they found there without any
other people at all,*.
At first it wasnt possible to determine
the actual name of Florida..for the Indians
of That land itself^ gave the name of each
section, and the Spanish thought that they
were being talten advantage of. Finally, be
cause of these importunities, the Indians
said that it was called Cautio, a name which
the Lucayan Indians gave that land, because
tho people there covered their private parts
with palm leaves, woven in the manner of
plaited strands. On the twenty-fifth of July
they left the islands in search of Bimini,
sailing among islands which seemed submerged*
Having to stop, and not knowing where the ships
could find a passage, Juan Ponce sent the
ships boat to explore an island which seemed
submerged and found it to be Bahama, The old
woman whom they had carried with them said that
same thing, as did Biego iliruelo, a pilot they
encountered In a ship from Espaola which was
exploring, or, others say, which fortune had
carried there. They left on Saturday the sixth
of August,,,and until they had determined the
depth ran towards the northwest,*until they
came to some small rock Islands. They changed
their course only at the determination of the
depth, running by depths toward the south
(Herrera, 1934-35: III, 324-325 ibid. 7).
From this point the fleet touched upon various
islands of which only Guanima (Gat Island) and Ciguateo


548
Cristobal Colon (Introduction by Manuel
Serrano y Sana. Coleccin d Puentes para
la Historia de America, Editorial Bajel,
Buenos Aires),
CRQNAIT, RUDOLF
y1921* The Discovery and the Landfall of Columbus
(New York)#
CULIN, STEWART
1902* Indians of Cuba (Bulletin of the Free Museum
, of Science and Art, vol. 3, pp. 185-226,
v?-
Univorsity of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia),
CUNDALE, FRANK
1894, The Story of the Life of Columbus and the
Discovery of Jamaica (journal of the Institute
of Jamaica, vol, 2, no, 1, Kingston, Jamaica),
CURRY, ROBERT A.
1928, Bahamian Lore (Paris),
DAVIS, T. FREDERICK
1935, Ponce de Leon*a First Voyage and Discovery
of Florida (The Florida Historical Quarterly,


S18
Heath was unable to colonize the area and was forced to
cede It back to the Crown, No documentation is offered,
however, for this statement. The other (Shattuck, 1905:
422} Edwards, 1819: IV, 219) states that a small settle
ment was made !on New Providence, but that the Spanish
seised It in 1641 and helt it, uncolonised, until 1666,
when they were forced out by an expeditionary force sent
from Jamaica under Major Samuel Smith, Both statements
agree, however, that the settlement, if indeed there was
one, was unsuccessful, Edwards (1819: IV, 219) states
that this settlement was recolonized after the expulsion
of the Spanish in 1666,
The first organized attempt at colonisation
came In 1649, when a group of discontented English left
the island of Bermuda for the Bahamas (Lefroy, 1877:
10-11), In tho same year they landed at the island of
Ciguateo, which v/as renamed Eleuthera, from the Greek
word for freedom (Moseley, 1926: 21), The original
articles of settlement were drawn up on July 9, 1647, and
Indicate that the colony was settled primarily for
religious reasons (Curry, 1928: 28-46), On August 31,
1649, the Commonwealth parliament passed an act author
ising settlement of the islands (Moseley, 1926: 18),
This colony grew, despite inner dissention.


311
the paper and to present as objective a coverage as
possible. Although certain archeological and etlino-
logical traits with their chronological implications
seam' quite definitely to be indicated to the writer*
they have* by and large, been relegated to the position
of questions, largely because of a paucity of data. It
would bo tempting to state these feelings as fact or at
least with moro definiteness, but it would be entirely
unfair in' the light of the-meager and rather superficial
excavations, so far conducted in the archipelago.
In short, this report has succeeded only in
delineating Bahamian cultural complexes, and then only
tentatively. The other two problems investigated at
present melt away into archeological questions, leaving
us with no answors. Those questions are a result of -
inadequate archeological investigation of the archi
pelago It is indeed unfortunate, and somewhat unusual,
that such a potentially productive area has been so
neglected as have the Bahamas in the past.
If few answers have resulted from the present
report, perhaps it will at least serve to create an-
awareness of the problems to be mot with in Bahamian
archeology, and, since,the bulk of the archeological
work in the Greater Antilles has been completed, perhaps
it may be possible in the future to turn to tho Bahamas


PLATES


365
3CH0EEF,. JOHANN DAVID
1911, Travels In the Confederation c 1785-1784 J
X (Translated and dited by Alfred T, Morri
son, Philadelphia) *
SCHUCHERT, CHARLES
1955, Historical Geology of the Antlllean-
Carlbbean Region (John Wiloy and Sons, Ltd,,
London)
SHATTUCK, GEORGE BURBANK
1905, The Bahama Islands (The Geographical Society
of Baltimore, Macmillan Company, Now York),
SIEDERT, WILBUR II,
1913, The Legacy of the American Revolution to
the British West Indies and Bahamas, a
Chapter out of the History, of the American
Loyalists (Ohio State University Bulletin,
vol, xvii, no, 27, Columbus),
1929, Loyalists in East Florida, 1774 to 1785,
the most Important Documents pertaining
thereto edited with an accompanying
Narrativesv vol, II,.Records of Their Claims
for Losses of Property in the Province


128


221
Origina], attempts to correlato those specimens with
Florida paddle-stamped typos do not seem feasible, for
there are no evident similarities other, than the
vaguely reminiscent chock pattern* This decorative
technique is unknovm in any other Caribbean region,
and further excavation will definitely be needed
before any attempt can be made to define this stylo
more fully*
The fourth divergent style is equally as
unique as the fabric-impressed specimens. It is
represented by five sherds (PI. VIIj 3-7) from Grand
Caicos, exact site provenience unknown (If,A,I, 6/1410)*
These are large rim sherds,' with a light grey paste,
uniform in color throughout the sherds. They are all
heavily grit-tempered v/ith medium to large protruding
inclusions of quarts, and are relatively hard* Method
of manufacture is unknown, for the surface is well
polished and no signs of coiling could be detected by
visual examination. The sherds seem to represent large
vessels, probably round in shape with large apertures,
outflaring rims, and rounded lips* Base fora is unknown*
All the sherds are docorated by bold engraving incision,
which superficially looks like paddle-stamping* Designs
are geometric, quite interesting with intricate straight


264
421) mentions a single skull from the library, which he
illustrates with a photograph. Comparison of Shattuck*s
photograph with the plates and data in Brooks account
indicate it to be Brooks* skull Ho. 2. This plate is
reproduced as PI* 1 of thi3 report*
Brooks also examined some fragmentary skeletal
material from the collection of Lady Edith Blako, wife
of the governor of the Bahamas. Lady Blake had in her
collection portions of two skeletons from a cave on Hew
Providence, Including the roof of a cranium with the
frontals and parletals nearly complete, together with
part of an occiput and broken maxillae and malars,
probably from the same skeleton; the frontal and frag
ments of the parletals, occipitals, and mandible of a
second cranium; three femurs, three radii, three fibulae;
an innominate bone; a sacrum; fragments of two or more
humeri!; several vortebrae; and a number of fragments of
various bones (Brooks, 1888: 216)*
All the crania examined by Brooks showed extreme
brachyeephaly (indices around 90), dense bone structure,
relatively large size, prominent parietal eminences,
prognathism, protruding symphisis of the lower jaw, large
eye sockets, and strongly pronounced muscular attach
ments. The most prominent feature, however, was the


184
areas relatively unfrequented by the natives. No ,
attempt was made to check the reports (Do Booy, 1912s
98-99).
Lockland Mounds (46)
The same statement made above for Heady Money
Mound applies to the Lockland Mound report (De Booy,
1912: 98-99),
Kew (47)
Kew is located in the interior of North Caicos,
and was the seat of the Caicos government in earlier
days. Now it is almost deserted* De Booy located no
sites in the vicinity of the settlement, but he was able
to purchase a small stone implement of unknown use, and
undescribed by him, from a local resident. Some years
before he visited Kew a stone zemi had been found there.
It belonged at the time to a Mr, J.S. Cameron, owner of
the East Caicos Sisal Plantation, De Booy was unable to
purchase this specimen, which is the finest known, but
he was able to photograph it. His photographs have been
reproduced as Plate ¥1 in his article on the Caicos
(De Booy, 1912: 99), The specimen will be described in
more detail in the next- section of this report.


361
Southern American Geography (Glenside).
OBER, FREDERICK A.
1895* Aborigines of the West Indies (Proceedings
of the American Antiquarian Society, new
L/ series, vol. 9, pp. 270-313, Worcester,
Mass*)*
0LDMIX0N, JOHN
1949. The History of the Isle of Providence
(John Gulmor, London}.
OLSGHKI, LEONARD
1941. Ponce de Leones Fountain of Youth; History
of a Geographical Myth (The Hispanic American
Historical Review, vol. 21, no. 3, pp* 361-
385, Durham, North Carolina).
OSGOOD, CORNELIUS
1942. The Ciboney Culture of Cayo Redondo. Cuba
(Yale University Publications in Anthro
pology, no. 25, New Haven).
OVIEDO Y VALDES, GONZALO FERNANDEZ DE
1851. Historia General j Natural de las Indias.


6
younger age, originating at the time of the vast Upper
Cretaceous volcanic activity in the Antilles*
The surface covering of all the islands is
composed almost entirely of Recent limestones, consist
ing of shell detritus and oolites born of the soaj
coral rock is rare. Beneath the surface soil are hard
limestones of Pleistocene age, extending down several
hundred feet. Below these are earlier formations,
unfolded strata in the northern islands, and strata of
more recent volcanic origin in the southern section.
The northern banks were out of water until the
Early Middle Cretaceous, During this period they were
submerged. Under the volcanic activity of the Upper
Cretaceous the southern islands were formed. The entire
area, however, remained innundated until Pleistocene
times, when there was a general uplift, which, in con
junction with a lowering of the sea level, brought the
islands above water again. Por short periods between the
Cretaceous and the late Pleistocene they were probably
out of water, but by and large they remained submerged
until the late Pleistocene, During the Pleistocene the
subtraction of oceanic waters by continental glaciers and
its return as they melted away produced a constant var
iation in sea level. During each high-water level the
organisms of the sea continued to grow, producing the


35
mutinous thoughts hud but recently been in the sailors*
minds.
During the day the ships sailed about twenty-
six leagues and made all preparations for a landfall*
Around two a.m* on the morning of the twelfth Rodrigo
de Triana, a sailor on the Pinta, set up the alarm*
With the moon shining high in the sky he .saw the sands
of G-uanahanl in the distance. Columbus estimated their
distance from the island as about two leagues, or six
nautical miles (Columbus, 1893: 36). Sails were immed
iately shortened and the vessels hove to, waiting for
daylight, just off the coast of Guanahani.
On the morning of Friday, October 12, crowds
of naked natives were seen on the beach. Columbus, with
Martin Alonso Pinzn and his brother Vicente Yanez,
captains of the Pinta and the Nina, and several other
of the more Important personnel of the fleet, embarked
in a longboat and took possession of the land in the name
of Ferdinand and Isabella (Columbus, 1893: 37). The rest
of the day was spent bartering with the natives and ex
amining the Immediate vicinity of the island.
It has been pointed out rather conclusively that
Columbus believed he had actually found the farthest
reaches of Asia, at least until his explorations around
the mouth of the Orinoco in the summer of 1498 (Nunn, 1932:


165
TABLE 2
FREQUENCY AND DISTRIBUTION OP ARTIFACTS IN
TIIE GORDON HILL DWELLING CAFE SITE
Section
tie iliac
Carrier
Unelassi-
Bone
Bone
Pottery
Pottery
fled
Point
Awl
Test Pit
36
2
1
4
A-l
10
5
B-l
11
B-2
11
B-4
13
0-1
1
2
i
o
21
16
C-5
4
12
0-6
1
7
1
0-8
2
1
D-l
2
D-2
D-4
5
D-6
3
1
£-3
2
1
E-4
5
P-3
7
H-l
1
2
II-2
5
H-4
1
H-5
1
2
H-6
16
J-2
12
8
5
J-3
8
3
2
K-2
1


282
Salvador, both styles seem to have been coexistent or
closely followed one by the other in the same sites.
The sub-area is characterised not only by a basic
Meillao style with Carrier encroachment, but also by
the presence of many ceremonial objects and of petro-
glyphs.
Great Inagua and the Turks and Gleos may bo
called a Southern archeological sub-area. The Meillao
style seems to have been In occupation of the region for
some time, but it wa3 apparently replaced almost in toto
by the Carrier at some time before European movement into
the region* All sites are pure sites, and both MoIliac
and Carrier sites are represented, as indicated in Fig#
10. The Southern sub-area was characterized by replace
ment of the Meillac style with the Carrier and also by
the presence of many ceremonial objects and of petro-
glyphs. .
A further distinction can be made between these
three sub-areas. In the northern islands only cave-
habitation and cave-burial sites are known, In the
central islands both cave-habitation sites and open
village sites are known, cave sites predominating as far
as wo can determine at present. In the southern islands
the majority of habitation sites are open, village sites,


358
LOWERY, WOODBURY
1911. The Spanish Settlements vflthln the Present
Limits of the United States. 1513-1561
(G.P. Putnam*s Sons, Hew York).
1912, A Desoriptive List of Maps of the Spanish
Possessions within the Present Limits of the
United States, 1502-1820 (Government Printins
Office, Washington),
MACMILLAN, ALLISTER
1911. The West Indies (W.H* and L. Colllngrldge,
London),
MALLERY, GARRICK
1093. Picture-writing of the American Indians
(Bureau of American Ethnology, Annual Report
no. 10, pp. 137-139, Washington).
MARCH, BENJAMIN
1334. Standards of Pottery Description (University
of Michigan Museum of Anthropology, Occasional
Contributions no* 3, Ann Arbor).
MASON, OTIS T,
1877, Latimer Collection of Antiquities


44
same manner Columbus moved through the archipelago.
An interesting reference is made to the Island
of Bosio or Boho, lying beyond,Cuba {Columbus, 1893:
55), Las Casas (1877: I, 231 /Tib, 1, cap, xllii7)
interprets this as referring to Hispaniola and as sig
nifying a land of largo houses, the word boho meaning
"house" in Island Arawak (Tejera, 1951: 70-72j Zayas
y Alfonso, 1931: I, 112-113), prison (1942: I, 327,
332-333), however, offers the interesting possibility that
Boho perhaps meant "home" or "homeland" to the Lucayans,
indicating the land of their origin. Ho evidence can
be given to support this Interpretation, but It is
Indeed an interesting speculation.
With the availability of other lands of greater
economic value to the south, it Is not surprising that
the Spanish did not settle the Bahamas* Prom the outset,
however, the islands were part of the Spanish New World
under the Treaty of Tordesillas, promulgated by Pope
Alexander 71 in 1493, and the Spanish came to play a
major role In their history. Spanish Interest in the
Bahamas during the 1500 s and 1600*s was closely bound to
the enoomienda system, and a cursory examination of the
system as practiced in Cuba and Hispaniola is necessary
to bring this period of Bahamian history into Its proper
perspective.


133
Lantern Head Gave
Rainey had reports of a cave near a rock
called Lantern Hoad, three and a half miles past tho
Imperial Lighthouse on the southern coast of the
Island, It was said to be small, and nothing had been
found on it, so it was not investigated (Rainey, MS:
29).
MORES ISLAND (3)
Mores Island, also called Moors Island, is
located on the western edge of Little Bahama Bank,
just to the north of Great Abacos southwestern cape.
The island is covered with innumerable limestone caves,
several of which Do Booy investigated In 1912. His
single but distinguished find was a cedar canoe paddle
(M.A.I, 3/2574), which is described in the following
section of this report and Illustrated as PI. X: 10.
The cave whore the paddle was found is not specifically
located by Do Booy (1913: 2-5, Pig. 1).
Mrs* Hugh Johnson of Nassau has a single,
small, double-bitted, celt from Mores Island in her
collection (Goggin 1952 Field Notes). Mr, E. J* Forsyth
had a collection of eight potaloid stone celts from the
island, but they have since been stolen (Goggin 1937


230
although they have lost some polish over tho years. They
vary in size from 4~| inches to almost eight inches* The
feature which most clearly distinguishes these celts from
all other types is that on one side a human figure is
carved in shallow relief* The features are highly
conventionalized and stylised, only the basic elements
of head, with eyes, nose, and mouth, and the limbs
being shown.
Group of artifacts* Only three stone effigy
celts are known from the Bahamas. One of those comes
from Great Inagua, site unknown, and Is presently in
the Museum of the American Indian in Hew York. A
second, also at the Museum of the American Indian,
comes from Mayaguana, site unknown* The third
(Y,P*M, 137362) is from the Arnold collection, site and
island provenience unknown. Two additional ones, site
and island provenience unknown, are reported by Moore-
head (1911: II, Pig, 223b, 223c).
Utility. The obvious use of these offigy celts
was as zemis.
Diagnostic attributes. The diagnostic attri
butes for stone effigy celts are (1) igneous rock,
(2) elliptical shape, (3) rounded ends, (4) convex
sides, (5) anthropomorphic carved relief, (6) stylized
anthropomorphic decoration.


321
the Spanish began in earnest. Until this time the
Spanish had tolerated English settlement within their
rightful dominion of the Lucayos, but Clarke, without
appealing to higher authority, paid seamen to.prey upon
Spanish ships in the Caribbean, He gave letters of
marque to privateers, including Mr, Coxon, a famous
buccaneer from Hoatan, who took it upon himself to show
Ills commission to Governor Lynch of Jamaica, Lynch for
warded the letter to England, and in August, 1682, the
Lords Proprietors were ordered by the Crown to give an
explanation. Fortunately, they had already relieved
Clarke of his position, replacing him with Robert
Lilburne, so further trouble with the Crown was avoided
(Haring, 1910? 237-238),
Meanwhile the Spanish Governor-General of Cuba
put up with these piratical maraudings for as long as
possible, but by January, 1684, his patience had indeed
been severely taxed, and he sent out a number of ships
to remedy the affair. His expedition* headed by Juan
do Lorca, captured Hew Providence and plundered Charles
Towne unmercifully (Smith, 1950: 35), Clarke was un
fortunate enough to be captured and was executed by the
Spanish, Oldmixon adds a spicy touch to this foray,
saying,
.However, six or seven years after he


PREFACE
This thesis was presented to the Graduate
Council of the University of Florida in partial
fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master
of Arts in sociology and anthropology in June, 1955*
Its purpose is to present a synthesis of archeological
data from the Bahama Islands, West Indies, and to
analyze this material in a usable manner, so that it
may be correlated with findings in other parts of the
Caribbean area.
Serious study of Caribbean archeology on an
organized scale was not begun until the establishment
by Yale University of a program for Caribbean anthro
pological research in 1955 {Osgood, 1942: 5). This
program has successfully delineated pre-Columbian
culture patterns and sequences in most portions of the
Caribbean area, concentrating on Florida, the Greater
Antilles, and the South American mainland. With this
work it has become both possible and necessary to
progress to the more detailed particulars of the Indi
vidual regions comprising the Caribbean area.
In accordance with this plan three problems
which might be cleared up or elucidated by work done in
the Bahamas have been isolated from northern Caribbean
li


368
THOMPSON,
1949.
T.A.
A Short Geography of the Bahamas, revised
edition (Nassau Daily Tribune, Nassau)
VIGNOLES, CHARLES
1823. Observations Upon the Floridas (E. Bliss and
E. imite, New York).
WEST INDIES AND CARIBBEAN YEAR BOOK r'
< "
1954. The West Indies and Caribbean Year Book...
1955-1954 (Thomas Skinner and Company,
Publishers, Ltd., London).
WOODBURY, GEORGE
1951. The Great Days of Piracy in the West Indies
(W.W. Norton and Company, New York).
ZAYAS Y ALFONSO, ALFREDO
1931. Lexicografa Antillana, segunda edicin,
corregida g aumentada, 2 vols. (Tipos.-
Molina y Cia., La Habana).


354
HA!IT, E.-T,
1908* Contras Internationale d1 Anthropolor;lo ot
d*Archoologie vol* 2 (Monaco)*
IIARIHG, C.H,
1910. The Buccaneers in the V/est Indies in the
XVII Century (Methuen and Company, Ltd*,
London).
HARHI3SE, IIENHY
1900. Decouverte et evolution eartograchique de
Torre-Heuve et des pays circonvoisins*
1497-1501-1769, Essala de geographie his-
torique et documentaire (Henry Stevens,
Sons and Stiles, London).
HERRERA Y TORDESILLAS, AHTOHIO DE
1934-
1935. Historia General de los Hechos de los
Castellanos en las Islas y Tlerrafirme del
Mar Ocano (Publicado por acuerdo do la
> Academia de la Historia, con notas del
acadmico do numero Angel de Altolaguirre
y Duvalo, Madrid),


146
Island for sitos* De Booy obtained a single petaloid
stone celt on the island, Mr* Kriegor mentions finding
much material of pottery, wood, shell, and stone in
caves on Gat Island, but he locates no sites and dis
cusses no definto specimens (Krieger, 1937: 96). Dr,
Rainey attempted twice to land on the island, but the
water was too rough. In Nassau, however, he heard that
there were many large undug caves on the island, in some
of which bones had be on found. He tried to locate some
of these skeletal remains but was unsuccessful (Rainey,
MS: 26), Dr, Goggln visited the island during the
summer of 1952 but ¥/as not able to locate any sites
(Goggln 1952 Field Notes),
CONCEPTION ISLAND
Dr, Rainey spent one day on Conception Island,
to the northwest of Rum Cay, which is presently un
inhabited, He was not able to locate any sites, and no
other Investigations of the island have been made (Rainey,
MS: 11),
SAN SALVADOR
The earliest report of a specimen collected from
San Salvador datos from 1828, Miss II, Newell Wardles


110
of Yale Peabody Museum* This expedition, pant of
Yales Caribbean program, was mad possible by Mr*
Allison V# Amour of IIew York, who invited Rainey to
accompany him on his research yacht Iltowana for a
general survey of archeological sitos in the Bahamas
and Haiti (Rainey, 1941: 3), A briof account of the
survey is contained in vol. XVIII, Part 1, of the
Scientific Survey of Porto Rico and the Virgin Islands
(Rainey, 1940). Additional information on Dr* Raineys
work was available from his fiold notos (Rainey, MS),
which are on file in manuscript form at the Yale Peabody
Museum Annex, Hew Haven* Dr* Rainey undertook Invest!*
gations on eleven islands, including: Grand Bahama,
G-reat Abaco, New providence, Bleuthera, Cat Island,
Conception Island, Rum Cay, San Salvador, Long Island,
Crooked Island, and Great Inagua, Other islands wero
visited briefly during the course of his research, in*
eluding Mira Por Vos and tho Pish Cays* In all, fifteen
productive sites were found. Much of Raineys material,
especially tho stone celts, was purchased on various
islands. The expedition was primarily a reconnalsance
one, and only one site was thoroughly excavated, the
Gordon Hill site on Crooked Island, This, however, re
presents the only complete excavation made in the Bahamas,
Pressure of time gave Dr* Rainey little opportunity for


297
probably Him Cay* Beyond this -limit we have no ovidenco
of agriculture, and it must be assumod for the present
that it did not form part of the economy of the northern
islands. It is possiblo that agriculture spread into
the archipelago with tho Carrier pottery style and other
Taino culture traits, and that it spread no further
north than those traits; namely, the central islands*
- Fir? for cooking, v;e -know from archeological
data, was made by using a wooden fire-making device of
tho drill type. The only domostieated animals were the
parrot (Columbus, 1895: 37) and tho aco (Koseloy, 1926:
114), which seems to have been the barkless dog mentioned
by Las Casas (1877: I, 229 /Tib* i, cap* zli£/), although
it may have been a -species of domesticated hutia, ouch
as the enana in-Cuba today,
Techniculture* The Lucayans wore little
clothing. The-men went naked, except in time of war
or on festive and ceremonial occasions, when they wore
colored tufts and plumes of feathers (Anghiera, 1944:
501-502 doc* vli, lib, i, cap, ijC7}* The use of such
plumes is also indicated by tho small stone warrior-
semi found by Do Boay at Kow, North Caicos, for it wears
a feathered headdress (De Booy, 1912: PI, 71), Tho younger
girls also went naked (Columbus, 1893: 38), but after tho
first menstruation they wore a short genital covering of


117
dene* Another pefcaloid stone celt (Y.P.M. 137370, PI.
IX: 1) comes from Rum Cay, and two final specimens
(Y,P.M, 137306, Y.P.M, 137367) come from Andros, Pub
lished reference to this collection Is found in Moore-
head* s The Stone Age in North America (1911), with
illustrations of the specimen from New Providence
(Moorehoad, 1911: I, Pig, 226), one of the Andros
specimens (Moorehoad, 1911: Ibid.), and of two additional
specimens, provenience not given (Moorehead, 1911: II,
Pig. 223). Lady Edith Blake, wife of Sir Henry Arthur
Blake, governor of the Bahamas from 1884 to 1887,
gathered together a rather extensive collection of
artifacts and skeletal material, the majority of which
is now at the Museum of the American Indian,
There are also several other collections. The
Public Library on Grand Turk has some archeological
material from the Caicos group, exact island and site
provenience unknown (Rainey, 1940: 151; communication
from C.B. Lewis, November 4, 1954), Two duhos and two
wooden platters or bowls seem to make up the total
collection.
The Nassau Public Library has a collection of
approximately 12 petaloid stone celts, 1 double-bitted
stone celt, 1 stone chisel, a single stone zetni (PI.


43
Ho never returned there, and we have no other account
of the islands during Lucayan times giving us a des
criptivo statement on the life of the natives# On
Columbus the bulk of our historical and ethnographic
reconstruction must depend#
Cuba and the islands to the south were more
intriguing to Columbus than the Bahamas, and all of
these islands were considered but stepping stones to
the Asian mainland, where Columbus hoped to be able to
deliver letters from Ferdinand to the "Oran Can," The
Bahamas were perhaps purposely glossed over in the
voyage, since the Guanahani natives mentioned Cuba and
the southern islands as sources of gold (Columbus, 1893:
58-59), Might not these islands be the Indies, the Spice
Islands, which were the forerunners to Asia itself?
This conscious search for gold-producing lands,
v/hich were felt to be an evident indication of close
approach to Asia, accounts to a large degree for the
somewhat erratic course Columbus took through tho Bahamas
(Pig, 2), He was simply following the advice of the
Guanahani natives concerning the course he should take to
find the "Indies," As Morlson points out (Morison, 1942:
I, 330), it is probable that the Indians made the south
ward trip to Cuba by going from cay to cay, crossing the
shortest stretch of water possible at each ^ump. In the


172
belonged to the United States national Museum, which
received it from Profossor W.M* Gbb and Mr* Firth
in 1875* The wrong provenience was apparently given
the specimen because it came from a Ur. Gibbs of Grand
Turk (Do Booy, 1919: 61). In,addition to these speci
mens there are seventeen Meillac sherds and one Carrier
sherd from West Caicos with Do Booys material* No site
provenience is given for the latter specimens*
PROVIDENCIALES
Bight sites were located and investigated by
De Booy on the Island of Providenciales In the Caicos,
Four petaloid stone celts, one shell celt, one mono
lithic ax, twenty-four Meillac (?) sherds, and one
Carrier sherd, site provenience not given, are in De
Booy*a collection from Providenciales at the Museum of
the American Indian.
Chalk Sound (51)
There are ten Carrier sherds from this site
at the Museum of the American Indian* No details are
known about the,site itself*
Kingston (32)
There arc eleven Carrier sherds from this site


359
(Smithsonian Institution, Annual Report for
- 1876, Washington),
1884, The Guesde Collection of Antiquities in
PointeaPltre, Guadeloupe, West Indies
(Smithsonian Institution, Annual Report for
1884, Washington),
MCKERN, W.C,
1939, A Midwestern Taxonomic Method as an Aid to
^ Archeological Culture Study (American Anti
quity, vol, 4, pp, 301-313, tienasha, Wiscon
sin),
M0QRE1EEAD, WARREN K,
1911*
1/
The Stone Age in North America, 2 vols,
(London),
MORALES PATINO, 0SWAL150 and others
1947, Cayo Ocampo; Historia do un Cayo (Revista de
Arqueologa y Etnologa, 2 ser,, ano I,
poca II, num, 4-5, pp, 55-123, La Habana)
MORISOH, SAMUEL ELIOT
1942, Admiral of the Ocean Sea, a Life of
Christopher Columbus, 2 vols, (Little,


241
both butt end and bit edge ano mono noundod and dullon
and the aide sunlaces ano not as uniformly convex as they
an on petaloid aton celts. One of the thnee known
specimens is 1-|* Inches in length and about half that in
width at the widest point, A second specimen is about
thnee Inches long and about lfj Inches in width at the
widest point. Thickness is not unlfonm on either
specimen*
Group of artifacts. Two specimens have no
site non island provenience* Both are in the Arnold
collection (Y.P.M, 137364, PI, VII: 9} Y.P.M, 137363,
PI, VII: 10). both specimens are complete. A third,
fragmentary 3heli celt, at the Museum of the American
Indian, is known from north Caicos, site provenience
unknown.
Utility, Tho use of the shell celt is
difficult to postulate. Despite the softness of the
shell it is not hard to imagine such specimens being used
as chopping tools. The three known specimens seem some
what small to have been halted, but they may have served
a non-utilitarian, ceremonial purpose, symoblizing
petaloid stone celts.
Diagnostic attributes. The attributes of this
type are: (1) conch shell, (2) petaloid shape, (5) pointed
butt, (4) semicircular bit, (5) slightly convex sides.


155
these aro at least three duhos, a canoe fragment, celts,
pottery, and other miscellaneous specimens* It is
unfortunate that the only reports we have on these
finds are brief and scattered, for it is from Long
Island that we have the most complete ethnographical
data (Columbus, 1893: 46-51)*
In De Booy's collection at the Museum of the
American Indian is a single petaloid stone celt from
Long Island, site provenience not given. Mr. Krioger
excavated some sites on Long Island, the most Important
of which were Hamilton Caves and Clinton* He also has
an unpublished duho in his material at the United States
national Museum (communication from Herbert W, Krieger
to John M* Goggln).
Mr* E.J. Forsyth reported to Dr* Goggin (1952
Field Hotes) that his father had found a pointed bow
fragment from a canoe in a cave on Long island. Ap
parently Mr. Forsyth did not know the location of the
cave nor the whereabouts of the specimen* Mrs. Hugh
Johnson of Nassau has twenty-four celts In her col
lection which come from Iiong Island, site provenience
unknown. Two of these are double-bitted, the remainder
being petaloid in shape (Goggin 1952 Field Notes).
Mary Moseley (1926; 83) reports that in a large


309
Berry Islands, and wo have a report of possibly un-
deformed crania from the Smith Hill Cave sito on Andros,
neither of those statements has been verified as yet.
If they aro Indeed both correct, we will have the begin
nings of a clue to Giboney occupation; however, it will
take much more thorough excavation In the northern and
western portions of the archipelago to turn this hypo
thesis into fact. All the documented sites In the
islands are, without doubt, Arawak. This leaves us
little alternative at the present but to state that we
do not know whether the CIboney were present In the
Bahamas* If they were, we still have no dioa where their
point of origin was.
In answer to the second problem, It was seen
that evidences of Anfcillean-Southeastern United States
prehistoric relationships are few. They have been sum
marised carefully by Gower (1927) and Rouse (1949a), There
are no cases of similarity between Bahamian and South
eastern United States culturo traits which can be said
to indicate a definite relationship between the tvro
areas. The matter Is still a void, to date filled only
with several questionable similarities of culture traits.
The third question has been investigated in the
bulk of this report and particularly in those sections
dealing with temporal and spatial complexes within the


242
Shell Gouges
Type specimen The topical shell gouge Is
made from the base tip of a.conch shell, probably
Strombua glgaa, the Pink Gonch. In color It is cream-
white, without luster at present, but probably having
the natural luster of the shell when first made and
used. The shape of the shell gouge is triangular, the
base of the triangle being the gouging or cutting edge.
The specimens are about three inches In length and about
2-ji Inches wide at the basal point. The cutting edge
forms an arc of approximately 180 degrees, -
Group of artifacts. Six completespecimens of
this type are known from the Bahamas. In every case
site provenionce is unknown. Pour of these specimens
come from Hew Providence, one comes from Great Inagua,
and on from Grand Caicos. They are all at the Museum
of the American Indian.In De Booy*s collection.
Utility. Use of the shell gouge is unknown.
Diagnostic attributes, Major features of this
type are: (1) conch shell, (2)triangular shape,
(3) arced cutting,edge* >
Strombu3 Cups
Type specimen. See PI, X: 15, Gups-were mad
from.the outer whorl of the Pink Conch, Strombus gigas,


202
Meillac Pottery
Typical Specimen, The typical reconstructed
Meillac specimen from the Bahamas is a vessel, probably
a bowl, of moderate size with a large aperture* It
seems to have been round or boat-shaped* The bottom
form is unknown* The bowl sometimes bears a moderately
thick red-clay slip* The walls are relatively thick
and only moderately polished. The surface of the
vessel is hard, and there may or may not be narrow
shoulder, turning not far below the lip* The lip
itself is either round with a straight rim or bevelled
with a slightly flaring rim. The vessel is usually not
decorated, though in some instances it may have an
incised design on the shoulder just below the lip,
usually a cross-hatch design and commonly extending
around the vessel* Decoration is made by scratching
incision in most cases* Occasionally lugs in the form
of an animal*3 face occur on opposite ends of the
vessel. Vessels were probably boat-shaped rather than
round when lugs were present.
Some 549 fragments of Meillac pottery were
analyzed for this report. All but a few bear signs of
use as cooking pottery, and it has been assumed that the
specimens were used primarily for that purpose, A few
specimens (PI, III: 10) have mending-holes drilled just


166
cave on Long Island, location not given, a skeleton
of a voi*y large man was found some years ago. The
cave is reached through an opening in the side of a
hill, and it is said to be about two hundred yards in
depth* A narrow passage, about thirty feet wide, lead3
from the main chamber to another one* The writer was
unable to trace the present whereabouts of the material
from this site.
I5r. Krieger mentions digging a banana hole, not
definitely located, on Long Island* Prom It he recovered
a bundle of hard-wood arrowheads* On the floor of the
hole, at an unspecified depth, were crab claws and shells
and a deep deposit of ash and charcoal (Krieger, 1937:
96).
Clinton
It has been reported (Thompson, 1949: 30) that
Hr* Krieger excavated a village site near the settlement
of Glinton, on the north end of Long Island, during his
stay In the Bahamas in January-May, 1947, This site was
apparently Identified by Krieger with the village refer
red to by Columbus as having large fields of Indian Corn
(Columbus, 1893: 47), Ho details were available con
cerning the excavations nor the specimens obtained, and
exact location of the site Is not known.


42
in Cuba (Columbus, 1893: 55).
By morning it bad begun to rain and a calm had
sot in* The ships lay by until the afternoon, when the
wind began to pick up again* By nightfall Cabo Verde,
the southern cape of Long Island, had been sighted about
seven leagues, or twenty-one miles, to the northwest
(Morison, 1942: I, 521)* During the night of the twenty-
fourth the weather was very bad, with an increase in the
rain and a heavy sea, but Columbus kept his west-south-
westerly course# At about three oclock in the afternoon
of the twenty-fifth, seven or eight islands were sighted
running north-south about fifteen miles distant (Colum
bus, 1893: 58). These were named Las Islas de Arena
(Columbus, 1893: 59), the present Jumento chain and Great
Ragged Island# The night of the twenty-fifth and part
of the next day wore spent at anchor somewhere off Nurse
Gay (Morison, 1942: I, 321, 329). During the afternoon
the fleet sailed south off the coast of Las Islas de
Arena, reaching a point just south of Little Ragged
Island by nightfall (Morison, 1942: I, 329), where anchors
were lowered until the morning of the twenty-seventh*
That day the southward course was continued, and by night
fall the Cuban mountains were sighted in the distance, a
thin purple line on the horizon (Morison, 1942: I, 330),
So ended Columbus* brief sojourn in the Bahamas.


12
tree, th mastic, which he calls correctly "lentisco
(Columbus, 1893s 47} Havarrete, 1825s I, 30)*
The land fauna of the archipelago is extremely
limited, even when introduced forms are included*
Mammalian forms are especially rare, being limited
almost exclusively to rats, mice, the hutia, and bats
(Shattuck, 1905: 371-384), The only native mammalian
forms include the hutia, Capromys ingrahmi, a small
rodent, now almost extinct except on Atwood or Samana
Cay, and various species of bats. Mention is made in
earlier times of a small dog, or dog-like animal, called
the aco (Moseley, 1926: 114), which has perhaps a domesti
cated hutia. Mrs. Moseley does not document her refer
ence to the aco nor her source for the name, but Columbus
(1893s 50) refers to the fact that one of his men saw a
barkless dog in one of the Indian villages on Pernandina
(Long Island). Archeological data indicate that the
hutia was used as a food source in earlier times and was
wide-spread throughout the islands.
Reptilian forms are almost as rare as mammalian
forms. No crocodiles are known to have inhabited the
islands, and there are no poisonous snakes. There are,
however, two species of boa, which seem to be indegenous
to the archipelago. These are Eplcrates chrysogaster
(Cope) and Epicrates striatus (Fischer), Both are species


54
Oumana, was a shining gem in the Spanish Crown, for from
it came some of the best pearls the world has ever soon*
It has been reported (Boulton, 1952: 52) that pearls were
so numerous in Cubagua during colonial times that they
were for awhile used as currency, the average pearl having
the value of twelve pesos
Cubagua was discovered in 1499 by Hojeda,
Guerra, and Vespucci a year after having boon by-passed
by Columbus (Morison, 1942: II, 280-281, 290), and with
in a few years came to be the center of the Hew World
pearl industry along with the neighboring Island of
Margarita (Las Casas, 1877: II, IOS Tib ii, cap,
xii7). As an Indication of Cub agua 3 wealth it was
called Insula Rica or Islote de las Perlas by the Spanish
(Boulton, 1952: 25)
The labor necessary to maintain Cubagua*s pearl
fisheries and its position as "la Insula Rica" came from
Indian sources* The rigors of this life for the Indian
are vividly described by Las Casas in his Brevlaslma
Relacin do la Destruyeion de las Indias, where he says,
The tyranny which the Spanish exercise against
the Indians in the gathering or fishing for
pearls is one of the most cruel and condemnble
things which there could ever be on earth.
There is no more infernal nor insane life in
this century with which it may be compared,
although that of mining gold is of its nature
vary arduous and wretched* They put them
the Indians^ into the sea in three, four, or


258
specimen for about a third its diameter*
Group of artifacts. Only one specimen is
known, This comes from the test pit, Gordon Hill Dwel
ling Gave, Crooked Island (Y.P.!. 28SS5, Pi X: 17) It
is charred but otherwise in good condition.
Utility, The specimen was undoubtedly used as
a fire-board, It was probably part of a fire-malting
apparatus of the drill type.
Diagnostic attributes. The major character
istics of this type are; (1) wood, (2) unfinished
surfaces, (3) conical hole.
Wooden Fishhooks
Type specimen. See Pi, X: 11-12, The typical
fishhook is made from wood. It is in modern fishhook
form, except in a single instance (Y.F.M. 28886) where
the barb does not curve around toward the top end of the
specimen. All specimens are quit small, ax^eraglng less
than an inch from top of the hook to the conter of the
bottom curve.
Group of artifacts. Six specimens are known,
Two of these are fragmentary and four are complete. They
all come from the Gordon Kill Dwelling Cave site, Crooked
Island, One {Y.F.M. 28886, PI, X: 11) comes from the
test pit, A fragmentary specimen (Y.P.M. 28894) comes


20
_ j¡%
shape of a beann (Las Casas, 1876: 241 cap. £f) ,
This description of Guanahani certainly seems to
fit Watling*s. Maricn (1942: X, 309) uses both descrip
tive method and logbook method and has decided that the
question is settled once and for all in favor of
Watlings,
De Booy, however, feels that the descriptive
method has its faults, for during the late rainy season,
September and October, almost all the islands in the
central and southern Bahamas would seem to have a lake
or lagoon in the center, and there are many islands
shaped roughly like a bean with barrier reefs surrounding
them. On the first point he may have some grounds, for
Columbus himself mentions that it rained almost every
day during his stay in the Bahamas (Columbus, 1893: 51),
De Booy feels, too, that Columbus indicates a
complete circumnavigation of Guanahani within twelve
hours time, Watllngs Island could not have been travelled
around in such a short time in the longboats r?hieh
6
Decade or Volume, Libro, and Capitulo citations
from the original editions of Anghiera, Herrera y Torde-
aillas. Las Casas, and Oviedo y Valdes are cited in
brackets after the volume and page of the later edition
used for thi3 report. Decade or Volume citations ore not
repeated unless they differ in the original edition from
the edition here consulted. At times, as above, only
Libro and Capitulo, or just Capitulo, citations are needed.


23
meant "man," and akaora, "Island (Goejo, 1939: 9,
13).
In 1507 the Islands are called simply "cala":
by Joannes Ruysch, and on tho 1511 map of Anghiera they
are called "los iucaios." The first,map to use tho term
Bahama was the-Cantlno map of 1502, not, as often indi
cated, the 1523 Turin map (Gronau, 1921s 48). Prom 1564
on, tho maps usually uso tho term Bahama, although
Lucayo or some variation of that name is often added as
an alternativo designation. The meaning of Bahama is
obscure, and lack of adequate knowledge of the Arawak
dialects malees it Impossible to venture even a guess
concerning Its use.
In the century between the compilation of the
de la Cosa map and Horrera's map of 1601, well over a
hundred maps show the Bahamas and give names for the
individual islands. The names used are predominantly
Indian, and are retained on all the maps until the
late 1600 *s and early 1700* s, when English names begin
to appear. There is general uniformity after the middle
1500*s from map to map In the name used for any single
island, and It Is a needless task to present here the
names used on all of them. It is apparent that most
cartographers of the late 1500*3 and the 1600*3 took
their data for the Bahamas from Spanish maps of the first


224
TABLE 3Continued
Monolith, Hammer- Zemis Shell Canoes/ Duhos
Axes Grinders Gouges Paddles
X
X
X
?
X X
X
X
?
? X
X
X
X
X
X X
X
X X
X
X
X
X
?
X
X


119
December 1, 1955),* Joyce, (1916s PI* XXXIIIj 4) reports
a monolithic ax, provenience unknown, in the Museum*s
collection*
Mrs* Hugh Johnson of N as a au has a collection
consisting of twenty-four celts from Long Island, two
of them double-bitted; a celt from Cherokee Sound, Great
Abaco; a celt from Mores Island; and a celt from Andros*
She also has two crania in her.collection, both exhibit*
ing artificial parallolo-fronto-occipital deformation*
They come from The Bogue on Eleuthera and from Maya-
guana (Goggin 1952 Field Notes)* Mrs, Johnson very
kindly allowed Dr* Goggin to examine her collection
during the summer of 1952,
Mrs, Herbert Brown, also of Nassau, has a
unique potaloid stone celt measuring 12 3/4 inches
in length (Goggin 1952 Field Notes)* This is the largest
celt known from the,islands* The South Kensington Museum
in London Is reported to have been the recipient of a
duho* in turtle form, and some pottery from Black Bluff
Gave, Rum Cay (Goggin 1952 Field Notes), but it has not
been possible to locate this material (communication from
Adrian Digby, November 10, 1954)* A single duho, an
almost complete bowl, and some potsherds are in the museum
of St* John*s University, Collegevillo, Minnesota* They
were found by Father Arnold Mondloch, 0*S.B*, in a cave


314
as food, all four still being so used in the Caribbean
and Gulf areas*
It is interesting to note that no iguana,
Cyolura sp*, bones were found In the refuse from
Bahamian sites, This seems unusual, since the reptile
was apparently used as a food source (Columbus, 1893:
54). Perhaps with excavation of village sites the bones
will occur.
The huta, reserved in other parts of the
Caribbean as food for the chief class (House, 1948:
524), seems to have been part of the daily diet of the
hucayans, judging from Its frequency in the Gordon Hill
alte and in sites on San Salvador, Perhaps the paucity
of meat sources forcod this change upon the Lucayana *


170
petroglyphs in several caves in the southeastern section
of Great Inagua. Rainey did not, however, check this
report (Rainey, MS: 28). Mr. Krieger mentions finding
much material of pottery, wood, shell, and stone In
caves on the island during his 1936-37 survey but does
not list any definite specimens (Krieger, 1937? 96).
Salt Pond Hill Cave (29)
Mr* Krieger excavated at Salt Pond Hill Gave#
He does not locate the site precisely. He does say,
though, that the pottery recovered was typically thin-
walled, red ware, with molded figurine heads as lugs.
From this information we may tentatively assume that the
site represents Carrier occupation (Krieger, 1937: 98).
Dr, Goggin (communication from E.J. Forsyth in 1952
Field Notes) reports that about a hundred years ago a
greyish-brown jar, without glaze, and with walls about
1 inches thick was recovered from this site. The vessel
is twenty-nine inches high, twenty inches wide at the
center of the body, and fifteen Inches wide at the rim.
It is presumably Spanish. Location of this specimen at
present is not given.
MAYAGUAHA
There are five specimens from Mayaguana in De


93
probable that the Lucayans were Arawak in culture, If
cranial deformation 3 a proper Index of cultural
affiliation*
linguistic data, monger as it is, supports.the
Arawak nature of Lucayan culture, Columbus (1893: 38,
42-43) states that ho took six natives from San Sal
vador with him to act as interpreters on his voyage
through the West Indies* He points out several instances
when the speech of those natives was understood on other
islands in tho Bahamas and in Cuba (Columbus, 1893: 42-43,
46, 52, 64 ff*)* Prom those general indications, which
are followed by House (1948: 522), we can assume with
some definiteness that tho Luc ay an dialect vas very
close to that spoken in Cuba, which we know was Arawak*
The cursory analysis of several Lucayan names, given
earlier in this report, is in itself sufficient to indi
cate, at tho least, probable Arawak influence on the
language of the Lucayans*
These two factors, of course, are not in them
selves enough to assure us positively that Lucayan
culture was Arawak, for it is quite possible that both
cranial deformation and language might have been adopted
by the Lucayans, while the rest of their culture traits
were non-Arawak. This seems highly improbable, however,
and further ethnographical and archeological data will


33
Bahamas in 1545 the native names of at least twenty-
seven islands were known, along with a good idea of
their relative positions to each other and of their
coastlines. In general, the maps indicate a rather
clear knowledge of Bahamian geography. There are also
a few mentions of the region in the works of Spanish
chroniclers of the 1500*a which would lead one to
believe that the Spanish were quite familiar with the
archipelago, even though they may not have settled there.
An example of this knowledge is scon in Oviedo, whore it
is stated,
And in the middle of this distance are the
islands of the Virgins; and from the islands
of Sanct Johan, called Boriquon, running to
the northwest, fifty leagues, are the shoals
which they call Bahueca, and following the
same track, farther on from the aforementioned
shoals twenty-five leagues are the islands of
Amuana, and even farther ahead of these is the
island of f.iayaguana, and farther ahead of that
is the island Tabaque, and even farther is
another which they call Mayaguon, and beyond
/Ts/anothor island which is called Manigua, and
beyond are the islands of Guanhani and the
Princesses or White Isles, Farther again
is the island called Huno ^umatfj and following
the same course is another island called
Guaniraa, farther on is another that they call
Caguareo CiguateojTV and even farther is the
island of Lueayo, almost completely surrounded
by numerous shoals. To the west-northwest,
almost ten leagues, into the west wind, is the
island of Bahama, from which, running to the
west eleven leagues, is the land of Bimini and
that which they call Florida, on the coast of
the Continent in the northern portion (Oviedo,
1851: I, 614 Tib, xix, cap, xv/),


GONGORA, MARIO
1951*- El Estado en el Derecho Indiano, Epoca do
Fundacin, 1492-1570 (Universidad de Chile,.
Santiago de Chile),
GOWER, CHARLOTTE D, .
1927, The northern and Southern Affiliations of
Antillean Culture (American Anthropological
" Association, Memoirs, no, 35, Menasha,
Wisconsin), .
GREAT BRITAIN, COLONIAL OFFICE
1949, Annual Report on the Turks and Caicos Islands
for the Year 1943 (His Majestys Stationery
Office, London),
1950, Colonial Office Report on the Bahamas for tho
Year 1949 (His Majestys Stationery Office,
London),
HAKLUYT, RICHARD
1904, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traf-
fiques, and Discoveries of the English
Nation,,,at any Time-within the Compasse of
these 1800 Years (James MacLehoso and Sons,
Glasgow),


219
289178) Both sherds aro quito thin, averaging about
4 ram# in thickness, and are tempered with.very fine
quarts and shell particles* These body sherds have a
very fine, yellow-brown paste with an unslipped, un
decorated, highly polished, and quite hard surface
(5,5 on Koh*s scale)* They arc unlike any other :
specimens from the archipelago. Whether they represent
trade ware, or whether they were manufactured in the
archipelago can not be determined at present*
The second unique style is represented by a
single sherd from section J-3, Gordon Hill Dwelling
Cave, Crooked Island (Y*P.M. 28917A). The dark red
paste is sparsely tempered with very small shell particles.
Surfaces are highly polished, and the sherd is very hard
(5.5 on llohs scale), with walls 8 ram* in thickness* A
single, deep, incised line runs across the exterior
surface of the sherd, which comes from, the body of the
vessel. The incised line was executed with the engraving
technique and is not polished. This specimen is quit
atypical of the Bahamian Heiliac and Carrier styles*
It is not known whether this is of local origin or
whether It represents a trade ware from elsewhere in the
Antilles.
A highly divergent style is represented by


225
%
They have not been subsequently described, and apparently
they have been lost, lo other examples have been re
ported*
STONE SPECIMENS
Petaloid Stone Celts
Type specimen. See Pis. VIII and IX. The
typical petaloid stone celt is made from a fine
grained igneous or metamorphic rock, from light to
dark jade-green in color* The color, may, however, vary
from shades of jade-green to green-brown, brown, slate-
grey, or even a bluish-grey* The rock type used to
manufacture celts is primarily serpentine* Actual
method of manufacture is not known* As Indicated by
the type name the specimen is petaloid in shape, with a
pointed butt at one end and a semicircular bit at the
other. The bit is usually fairly sharp* Both top and
bottom of the specimen are convex, and they meet at a
point around the edge of the artifact* It Is highly
polished and rarely shows any pitting* The average
petaloid stone celt measures 7.5 cm. In length, 2*3
cm* in thickness, and 3*5 cm* maximum width* Some
specimens (PI, VIII: 11) are large enough to have been
hafted, but others (PI, IX: 6-10) are quite small. The


ARCHEOLOGICAL SITES
INTRODUCTION
Prom the descriptive listing which follows it
may seem that sites are not uncommon in the Bahamas,
Turks, and Caicos, However, the listing hero is per
haps somewhat misleading, for many of the entries
recorded as ffarcheological sites represent small,
isolated finds, often consisting of nothing more than
a handful of sherds or a single stone celt* In actuality
the number of productivo sites is extremely small, and
even those have given us little data when treated
singly* It Is solely through a composite examination
of all the sites that any cultural reconstruction can
be attempted* Even then, as will bo pointed out later
in the report, spatial and temporal reconstructions are
only tentative and await further and more thorough work
in the islands*
The term "stratigraphy Is almost meaningless
when applied to our present knowledge of Bahamian
archeology* Even the one completely excavated site* at
Cordon Hill on Crooked Island, was not excavated using
stratigraphic techniques* natural stratigraphy has either
been disregarded by past workers or was not present; at
least no mention of strata or levels is made by any
123


124
worker with the exception of Rainoy, who dug the Gordon
Hill sito# Nevertheless, examination of surface col**
lections and of material from the few sites dug does
enable us to present a brief cultural reconstruction
of sorts, which, fortunately or unfortunately, must
serve our neods for the present#
Of the sixty-one major sites mentioned in this
report, only sixteen represent open village sites#
The remaining sites are cave-habitationa presumably
used only by small groups of people, cave-burials, or
cave-petroglyph sites# Fifteen of the village sites are
in the Caicos Islands# These sites are: Juba Point
Mound, Indian Hill (on Providenciales); Whitby, Belle
vue Mounds, West of Bellevue, Windsor Mound, Ready Money
Mound, Lockland Mound, St# Thomas Hill (on North Caicos);
Dead Han's Skull Bluff Mound, Bombara, Lorimers, Gamble
Hill Mounds, Indian Hill Mounds (on Grand or Middle
Caicos); and Flamingo Hill Mounds (on East Caicos). The
remaining village sit is located near the town of Glinton
on Long Island# Unfortunately, no actual excavation has
been attempted at any of these village sites as far as we
know, which has augmented the difficulty of determining
Bahamian cultural stratigraphy and a sequence of cultures
for the islands#


363
PORTER, KENNETH W.
1945, Notes on Seminole Negroes in the Bahamas >
(Florida Historical Quarterly, vol, 24,
no, 1, pp. 56-60, Tallahassee),
POWLES, L.D. *
1888, The Land of the Pink Pearl (S, Low, Marston,
3earle, and Rivington, London),
RAINEY, FR0ELI0H G,
1940, Porto Rican Archeology (Scientific Survey
of Porto Rico and the Virgin Islands, vol,
xvill, pt, 1, Hew York Academy of Sciences,
* New York)*
1941, Excavations in the Ft, Liberte Region, Haiti
(Yale University Publications in Anthropology,
no, 23, New Haven),
MS Diary Beginning January 22, 1954, Upon Arrival
in Port Au Prince, Haiti (Unpublished MS in
the Peabody Museum, Yale University, Hew Haven),
ROUSE, IRVING
1939, Prehistory in Haitit A Study in Method
(Yale University Publications in Anthro
pology, no. 21, New Haven).


160
MIRA POR VOS CAY
. Dr* Rainey did not attempt to locate any sites
on Mira Por Vos, but again ho feels It improbable that
any habitation sites would be found, sinoe the island
is so small (Rainey, MS: 26), Ho other investigator
touched upon the island,
EASTERN PEAHA CAY
In Be Booy*s collection at the Museum of the
American Indian is a coral semi (M.A.I. 3/2230) carved
In the form of a human head, which comes from Eastern
Plana Cay, There is no site provenience given for the
specimen.
GREAT IHAGTJA ...
Do Booy, Rainey, and Krioger all visited Great
Inagua during their roconnalaance surveys of the Bahamas*
There are two petaloid stone celts, one large ceremonial
celt, and one shell gouge in Do Booys material at the
Museum of the American Indian, Dr, Rainey spent four days
on Great Inagua and purchased two petaloid stono celts*
He had several reports of oaves, but they all proved
false (Rainey, MS: 18-20, 34; 1940? 153)* He also had a
report from Major Bell of Great Abaco that there were.


142
expedition, but does not mention any material re
covered nor the location of the sites* He also
reports digging a cave containing plain pottery on
the estate of the late Sir Harry Oakes near Nassau
during his 1947 expedition (communication to John
Goggin).
There are several specimens from New Providence
in private collections* Some of the celts in the col
lection of the Nassau Public Library, discussed earlier
in the report, may come from New Providence, although
there is no site nor island provenience for any of them*
One of the celts in the Arnold collection (Y.P.M.
157370, PI* VIIIi 8) also comes from New Providence
(I'oorehoad, 1911: I, Pig* 226)* One of the crania ex
amined by WK* Brooks in the Nassau Public Library, and
referred to by Brooks as No*l (Brooks, 1888: 216), is
said to have come from a cave on New Providence*
Oakes Estate Gave (7)
Mr* Kriegor (communication to John 1* Goggin,
April, 1952) reports a cave on the estate of the late
Sir Harry Oakes from which he obtained plain pottery*
He does not give any details concerning the specimens
recovered nor the exact location of the site on the
estate. Eunice, Lady Oakes, was unable to add any


Page
Ceramic Specimens ****.**.*, 201
MeIliac Pottery**#***#***#** 202
Carrier Pottery*..****,**.,***>. 210
Unclassified Pottery Styles#.. *.* 218
Clay Griddle#******##*##***##* 222
Clay Ball***# 222
Stone Specimens****** 225
PetaloidStone Celts*****. 225
Double-bitted stone*Celts***** 226
Aberrant Stone Celts*********** 228
Stone Effigy Colts**************** 229
Monolithic Axes********* 231
Stone Chisels*** 232
Stone Axes************************ 253
Irregular Hammer-grinders** 234
Flint Scrapers*********# 236
Whetstones *..**,.**.*. 236
Stone Balls#**************** 237
Stone Pendant********** 23S
Stone Semis233
Shell Specimens************* 240
Shell Celts ****-**''** * * * 240
Shell Gouges**** 242
Strombus Cups******* 242


160
CROOKED ISLAND
The only completely excavated sit in the
Bahamas, so far reported, is that excavated by Dr,
Rainey at Gordon Hill, Crooked Island, Other than the
material obtained from Gordon Hill, all of which is now
at Yale Peabody Museum, there are only three other
specimens known from the island. These are three small
petaloid stone celts in De Booy*s collection at the
Museum of the American Indian,
Gordon Hill Dwelling cave (25)
Dr, Rainey spent five days on Crooked Island*
On the north ond of the island, near Gordon Bluff, a
series of caves in a limestone ledge about five hundred
yards from the shore were located. The site had been
located first by Dr. Thomas Barbour and Dr. James Green
way of the Harvard Museum of Comparative Zoology in 1933
(Rainey, 1941: 3), In front of the caves was a wide, level
space, at the time being used for crops. In all, seven
caves were dug in this series. In tv/o of them, dis
cussed later, burials were found; in only one of them
was there a culture deposit. Pour of the caves had
already been dug out for cave-earth and were sterile.
The single cave showing any signs of occupation


19
of our present-day Columbus scholars, including the
most prominent, Samuel Eliot Morison (1942: I, 299-
300, 309). The evidence which has led Morison and
others to believe that Watling*s is Guanahani is con
tained in Las Casas* transcripts of Columbus* log* where
it is stated,
This Island is rather large and very flat,
with bright green trees, much water, and
a very large lake in the centre, without
any mountain, and the whole land is so
green that it is a pleasure to look on
it (Columbus, 1893i 40),
This is the entry of October 13, 1492* On the following
day Columbus added further description,
At dawn I ordered the ship s boat and the
boats of the caravels to be got ready, and
I went along the coast of the island to the
N.N.E., to see the other side, which was on
the other side to the east, and also to see the
villages. Presently I saw two or three, and
the people all came to the shore, calling out
and giving thanks to God.,*and shouting to us
to come on shore. But I was afraid to land,
seeing an extensive reef of rocks which sur
rounded the island, with deep water between it
and the shore, forming a port large enough for
as many ships as there are in Christendom, but
with a very narrow entrance...I saw a piece of
land which appeared like an island, although it
is not one, and on it there were six houses.
It might be converted into an island in two
days.,.(Columbus, 1893: 40-41).
Las Casas adds the interesting note that, This first
land discovered was one of the group of islands which
are known as the Lucayos..The aforesaid island has the


291
narrativa has been supplemented by archeological data
to give the following synthesis, which must, because of
paucity of data from either source, be regarded as
purely tentative and sufficient only at the present stage
of our knowledge of Bahamian archeology.
It is not possible to bring the temporal and
spatial considerations discussed in the previous section
of this report to bear too heavily on this cultural re
construction. As pointed out there, the basic cultural
patterns in the Bahamas seem to have been Sub-Taino
throughout all the archeological periods, with the
possible exception of the Turks and Caicos, during
Period IV, which may have seen an actual replacement
of Sub-Taino techniques by those of Taino culture.
In tho rest of tho archipelago it has been assumed that
the Sub-Taino patterns remained substantially unchanged.
For that reason Lucayan culture patterns have been con
sidered as forming a singlo unit, basically Sub-Taino
in nature, with certain exceptions, which will be pointed
out.
Settlement patterns. The usual Taino or Sub-
Taino habitation site in the Greater Antilles consisted
of a group of houses around a central plaza or ball
court (House, 1948: 524-525), In the Bahamas sixteen
possible village sites have been located, although t hey


192
carved directly over this stone on the wall* In
addition to tho petroglyphs and the carved stone, a
human head was carved, slightly larger than life-size,
on one of the walls of the main chamber (De Booy, 1912:
103-104, Pigs* 16, 17), A single Carrier zoomorphic
head lug was found on tho Jacksonville property and given
to De Booy, as well as a small stone scraper (De Booy,.
1912: 105, Pig. 5b),
Flamingo Ilill Cave .
Flamingo Hill is on the property of the
Bast Caicos Sisal Company at Jacksonville, The cave is
vory difficult to get Into* The ontranceway is a per
pendicular shaft which runs for about twenty foot before
entering the cave proper. Ho material was found thero
(De Booy, 1912: 104).
Flamingo Hill Mounds (58)
There are eight mounds on Flamingo Hill, In -
one of those mounds at an unspecified depth De Booy
found a small stone zemi, three decorated sherds, and
a fragmentary potaloid stone celt. Ho does not describe
any of these specimens in his report (De Booy, 1912:
104, Figs. 3a, 18),


349
i
vol. 14 no. 1, pp 7-70, fallahasseo)
DE LA CHUZ, MARGOT PREECE
1954. The Encomienda in Cuba (Unpublished ?.!,A.
Thesis, University of Florida Library,
Gainesville).
DIERICKX C. WALLACE
1952. An Historical Geography of the Bahama
Islands (Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University
of Florida Library, Gainesville).
DIFPIE, BAILEY W.
1945. Latin-Amorican Civilisation, Colonial
Period (stackpole Sons, Harrisburg, Pa,).
DUPUCH, EUGENE
1952. Historical.Sketch (What-To-Do in Nassau,
January 12-19 1952, pp, 10-23, Nassau),
EDWARDS,.BRYAN
1819, The History, Civil and Commercial, of the
British West Indies...Fifth edition, 5 vola
(T* Miller, London)


18
It turned out to be another abstract of Columbus1 log;
A third copy, apparently not by Las Casas, was later
found, and the two were carefully collated by Munoz and
Navarrets in 1791. The results of this collation were
published by Navarrete in 1825 in his Coleccin de los
Viages x Descubrimientos que hicieron por Mar los
Espaoles desde fines del Siglo XV. The Las Casas
version contained in the Historia and the collated
abstracts presented by Navarrete are all we have to fall
back upon for an historical examination of Columbus first
voyage.
Determination of the degree of correspondence
between the topographical features of the various is
lands lying within the probable limits of the landfall
and the topographical features of the Island described
by Columbus has yielded a second means for rediscovering
Guanahani. This method has suggested Mayaguana, Watlings
Island, Cat Island, and 3amana. It has been the most
popular method used and has led to the current acceptance
of Watlings Island. Watlings first received this
honor in 1793, when the Spanish historian Munoz put
forth its claim to the title, and In 1856 Watlings was
officially accepted by the British Admiralty, largely
because of the research of Captain A. B. Beecher (Gurry,
19281 13). It is this method which has been used by many


189
specimen, is a rim sherd with punctations and an out-
flaring, folded lip* The other, a I toiliac specimen,
is from the shoulder and lower rim of a vessel. It
has two rows of parallel punetations just.below the
Incurving lip (De Booy, 1912s 100-102* Pigs* 3b, 12,
15, 14).
Gamble Hill Mounds (54)
About two miles north of Larimers settlement
are two hills* One is called Gamble Hill, the other
Indian Hill, De Booy mentions eight to ten mounds on
Gamble Hill, Ho details are given concerning the size
or formation of the mounds* De Booy found eight plain
sherds and two decorated sherds on Gamble Hill* One
decorated sherd is Meiliac, with applied strips of clay
used to make a cross-hatch pattern*. He does not describe
the other decorated sherd. Seemingly the plain sherds,
too, are Moillac (De Booy, 1912: 102, Pig, 15),
Indian Kill Mounds (55)
Indian Hill is located in close proximity to
Gamble Hill, about two miles north of Lorimers settle
ment* De Booy mentions finding two mounds on Indian
Hill, He found three plain sherds and three decorated


25
1700s* Both shoots of tho chart have recently been
reproduced by the Academia Real de la Historia (1951:
# 17, 18, pp. 39-94) The most important names used,
on this map, as well a3 those used on other major charts
from 1500 to the present, are given in Table 1* Because
of the geographical completeness and accuracy and the
high standards of workmanship represented in Santa Cruzs
map, it should perhaps be considered the most reliable
source for determination of original island names.
There have been many changes in the individual
Island names. The earlier Indian and Spanish names have,
by and large, been replaced by English names, dating
from the soventeonth and eighteenth centuries. The only
islands still retaining Indian names ore the Biminis,
Grand Bahama, the Abacos (originally the name for Andros),
Ezuma (originally Yuma), 3amana (originally applied to
the present Long Island), Kayaguana, the Inaguas, and
the Caicos, Saoraete, or Somete, originally the name for
Crooked Island, survives in modified form as Jumento, and
has been applied to the chain of cays stretching north
from Great Ragged Island, to the west of Crooked Island,
The only remaining Spanish names, which were always few
and far between, are Conception, which earlier in the form
of Santa Maria de la Concepcion was applied to Rum Cay
(Columbus, 1895: 42), Mira Por Vos, Cay Sal, and the


175
?if>7* Sites in the Turks and Caicos
(adapted from Colonial Surveys Chart,
19^9 ).


259
Â¥
from section B-2. One fragmentary specimen and a
completo ono {Y,P*M* 28399, PI* Xs 12) come from section
C-5, A completo specimen (Y.P.M, 23903) comes from
section 0-8, and tho final specimen (Y,P,M, 23882, Pi,
Xi 12) comes from section J-2,
Utility, The obvious use of those specimens
was as fishhooks* They are all small and must have been
used, consequently, for catching the smaller types of
'.V
fish.
Diagnostic attributes. The diagnostic attributes
for this type are: (1) wood, (2) hook form, (5) small
size.
Wooden Points
Type specimen, !!o adequate description can be
given of this type, except to say that the specimens
were apparently made from a hard wood.
Group of artifacts, Tho only Indication of
this type is a report from Herbert ¥, Kriegcr (1937:
96) stating that he found a bundle of hardwood narrow
heads" in a banana hole on Dong Island, exact location
not given, The specimens are presumably at tho United
States National Museum in Washington*
Utility, Apparently the type was used as a
point. It may represent an actual bird-point type.


3
rarely exceeding sixty inches a year* Annual pre
cipitation decreases from 50-60 inches in the north to
between twenty and thirty inches in the Turks and
Caicos to the south.
The humidity is high, ranging between 85-90
per cent during the nights and about 75 per cent at
midday* The high humidity and summer heat are tem
pered, however, by constant land and sea breezes, which
keep them from being oppressive. Since the islands lie
in the trade winds belt there is a fairly constant east
wind, the velocity usually being from five to fifteen
miles per hour. Overcast skies are rare and not per
sistent over a long period of time, being more usual
during summer and fall months than during winter and
spring.
Severe storms are of rare occurrence. Thunder
storms, however, average four or five per month, coming
mainly during the summer. They are of short duration
but are often accompanied by driving rains. The mean
path of Caribbean hurricanes touches the eastern edge of
the archipelago during the month of August and moves to
the western edge during September. Although hurricanes
do occur, they are rarely severe. They come during the
months of July-October, with occasional earlier or later
ones*


543
TURIN ATLAS
1523? Without name or date. It Is No, 406 of tho
"Elenco degli Atlanti. Plnnisferi o Carte
nautieh do 0, Uzlelli et P, Amat dl S.
Filippo," Original in the Royal Library at
Turin, Italy* Reproduced as Cronau, 1921;
48* Lowery 20,
BOOKS AND ARTICLES
ACADEMIA REAL DE LA.HISTORIA, Madrid
1951, Mapas espaolea do America* siglos XV-XVII
(Edited by the Duque de Alba, at al, from
the Academia Real de la.Historia, Madrid),
ANCHIERA, PIETRO MARTIRE D (PEDRO MARTIR DE ANGLBRIA)
1912, Do.Qrbo Novo the Eight Decades of Petero
DAnghera, translated from the Latin with
Notes and Introduction by Francis Augustus
McNutt (G,P. Putnams Sons, New York),
1944, Pecadas del Nuevo Mundo vertidas del latin
a iQflgna castellana por el Dr, D. Joaquin
Torres Asenslo quien lselas a las prensas
* como homenaje al cuatro centenario del
descubrimiento (First Argentine edition, being
a reprint of the first Spanish edition of


256
unknovm. They show the typical form, with intricate .
back carvings, illustrated by Holmes (1894: 74)* The
twelfth specimen, from a site in the Caicos, exact
island and site provenience unknown, is at the Public
Library on Grand Turk* It is almost Identical to the
specimen illustrated as PI* II: 2 (communication from
C* Bernard Lewis, November 4, 1954), The thirteenth
specimen, also from an undesignated island and site in the
Caicos group, is at the Public Library on Grand Turk*
It is a small duho In turtle form* The back-rest tail
is worn off, but the head, with definite turtle features,
Is still intact, as are the legs and most of the seat
(communication from 0* Bernard Lewis, November 4, 1954),
A single duho, tmdescribed, is reported from
Jacksonville Caves, East Caicos (De Booy, 1912: 103), and
was recovered around the year 1885,. but apparently has
been lost since then. Two duhos are reported from Conch
Bar Caves, Horth Caicos (De Booy, 1912: 99-100), They
are undescribed and apparently have been lost.
Utility* Those specimens were probably not
given every-day use, but rather were reserved for
ceremonial purposes. They have all come from cave sites
as far as is known, and were probably used in connection
v/lth religious ceremonies. It is possible that they wore
reserved for the chief class*


IS 6
they are not located, nor does ho describe material
from them* Flo other specimens aro mentioned in Hr#
Krlegor*a preliminary roport (Krieger, 1957* 96, 98)#
Dr, Goggin spent four weeks on Andros in the
summer of 1957* Ho managed to obtain through purchase
fourteen stone colts, twelve of them potaloid in shape,
one double-bitted, and one an unfinished potaloid stone
celt* Two of the potaloid celts are at the University
of Hew Mexico, eleven are at the University of Florida,
and the single double-bitted specimen is at the Yale
Peabody Museum (Y.P.M# 58350, PI, IX: 15), The latter
comes from Mastic Point, while the unfinished potaloid
celt comes from Mangrove Cay, Two of the finished
petaloid celts come from Mastic Point, eight come from
Mangrove Cay, one comes from Little Wood Cay, Middle
Bight, and one comes from Nov/ York Shore# They range
from 2-y- inches to 6 s/4 inches in length (Goggin, 1959:
23, PI, III: Pigs, 1-3; Goggin 1937 Field Notes and
Photograph), A single stone ball was reported by Dr,
Goggin (1937 Field Notes and Photograph), He saw
several other unfinished petaloid stone celts which he
was not able to purchase (personal communication from
John K, Goggin, 1954),
A single petaloid stone celt from. Andros, site
provenience unknown, is in the collection of Mrs, Hugh


217
In general, however, there is insufficient evidence to
postulate definite bottom forms*
Wall thickness varies from 7 to 16 mm*, the
average being between 10 and.12 mm*
.Appendages in the form of zoomorphic head lugs
are of.frequent occurrence* They are usually prismatic
in shape and represent a modelled bat or human face
looking outward from the vessel (PI* VI: 21*23} with
eyes and mouth often incised, the nose usually punc
tated* Plat modelled lugs, also zoomorphic, occur.
They usually have coffee-bean eye3 and look toward the
interior of the vessel (PI, VI: 24)* Ho handle forms
were noted on the sherds examined.
Diagnostic.attributes* The most important
attributes diagnostic of Bahamian Carrier pottery are
the following, all modest (1) boat-shaped vessel,
(2) Inturnod shoulder, (3) eversion of rim, (4) orna
mentation 'confined to shoulders, (5) naturalistic
ornamentation, (6) lug, (7) flat lug, (8) zoomorphic
head lug, (9) engraving incision, (10) line-and-dot
Incision, (11) curved incised lines, (12) ovoid design,
(13) curvilinear design, (14) punctation, (15)affixation,
(16) application, (17)ridge on outside rim, (18) ridge
on Inside rim, (19) modelling.


364
1941. Culturo of the Ft, Liberte Region, Haiti
(Yale University Publications in Anthro-
pology, no, 24, Hew Haven),
1942, Archeology of the Haniabon Hills, Cuba
(Yale University Publications in Anthro
pology, no, 26, Hew Haven),
1948, The West Indies (Bureau of American Ethno
logy, Bulletin no, 143, vol, 4, pt, 3, pp,
495-565, Washington)*
1949a, The Southeast and the West Indies (The
Florida Indian and His neighbors, pp, 117-
137, Winter Park, Florida),
1949b, Potroglyphg (Bureau of American Ethnology,
Bulletin no, 143, vol. 5, pt, 1, pp, 493-
502, Washington),
1951, Areas and Periods of Culture in the Greater
Antilles (Southwestern Journal of Anthropology,
vol, 7, no, 3, pp, 248-265, Albuquerque),
1952, Porto Rican Prehistory! Introduction; Ex
cavations in the West and North; Excavations
in the Interior, South and East; Chrono
logical Implications (Scientific Survey of
Porto Rico and the Virgin Islands, vol,
xvill, pts, 3 and 4, New York Academy of
Sciences, Now York),


573
. (1-2, II.P ,M. 30/lS72| 3-7, M.A.I. 6/1410;
3, U.F.A.L. pncatalogued; 9, Y.P.M. 137364; 10, Y.P.IT.
137363; 11, M.A.I. 6/0.)
PLATE, VIII* PetaloId Stone Celts, (Approximately l/3
natural sise.)
All specimens are from the Arnold Collection,
Provenience is unknown, except for No, 8, which is from
Nassau, They are all at the Yale Peabody Museum*
(1, 137395; 2, 137390; 3, 137372; 4, 137405;
5, 137309; 6, 137392; 7, 137409; 8, 137376;,9, 137393;
10, 137399} 11, 137379; 12, 137371; 13, 137365.)
PLATE DC, Miscellaneous Stone Celt Types. (Approxi
mately l/3 natural size.)
Nos. 1-10 are petaloid stone celts from the
Arnold Collection, provenience unknown, except for Mo,
1, which comes from Hum Cay. Nos, 11-12 are double-
bitted stone celts, provenience unknown, in.the Arnold
Collection, 13, Double-bitted stone celt from Mastic
Point, Andros Island, collected by Goggln. 14-16,
Double-bitted stone celts, provenience unknown, in the
Arnold Collection, 17-18, Stone chisels, provenience
unknown, in the Arnold Collection. 19, Stone chisel r
from Mathew Town, Great Inagua, collected by Rainey.


367
(Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin
no. 143, vol. 6, pt. 2, pp. 43-48, Washing
ton)
SWANTON, JOII R,
1946. The Indiana of the Southeastern United States
(Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin no*
137, Washington}*
TAYLOR, DOUGLAS MacRAE
1938* The Qaribs of Dominica (Bureau of American
Ethnology, Bulletin no* 119, pp. 109-169,
*
Washington).
1951. The Blade Garib of British Honduras (Viking
Fund Publications in Anthropology, no* 17,
New York)
TEJERA, EMILIANO
1951. Palabras Indgenas de la Isla de Santo
Domingo* con Adiciones hechos por Emilio
Tejera (Editora del Caribe, Ciudad Trujillo)*
TEACHER, JOHN BOYD
1904 Christopher Columbus, 3 volo. (Putnam*s, New
York)


116
The collection was nado between the years 1931 and 1936
by Mr, ffodet of Bellevue, and apparently cane from the
immediate vicinity of the sottlement. It was presented
to Harvard Peabody Museum through Dr, James C, Green
way, All the material was collected from the surface.
There are many decorated sherds, and the collection has
consequently proven of great value in the delineation
of Bahamian ceramic stylos.
The Arnold collection consists of fort^r-seven
shell and stone specimens collected by the late Mr.
Benjamin Arnold of Albany,.New York, It was presented
to Yale Peabody Museum around. 1945-46, and represents
the work of Mr, Arnold over a period of thirty years. In
the collection arc: 35 potaloid stone celts, 5 double-
bitted stone celts, 1 abberatod stone celt, 1 stone
effigy colt, 2 stone chisels, 1 Irregular stone hammer-
grinder, and 2 shell colts. Only four of those specimens
have any provenience, and for these there Is only island
provenience. One potaloid stone celt (Y.P.M. 137370, PI.
VIII: 8) comes from the vicinity of Nassau, New Provi-
Middlo Caicos, as If they were a single Island (Do Booy,
1912: 81, 82), Bellevue is on the present North Caicos,
and the Island provenience for this collection has
accordingly been modified in this report. Several sites,
including Bellevue, Bellevue Mounds, and Now are listed
by De Booy (1912) as Grand Caicos sites, These errors
have been rectified in the next section of this report.


121
Various other smaller collections have been
reported to the writer. Skeletal remains have been
noted on Hew Providence by several people, but all these
finds have been incorrect, or the remains have proven
to be later than Luccyan times.
Several specimens from Spanish timos havo been
recovered. Aside from tho Lucayan material gathered by
Dr, Goggin, now at the University of Florida, there,are
also a body sherd and a complete rim sherd from a
Spanish olive jar, both collected by Charles K, Brook
field from tho well-known wreck off Gorda Cay, to the
immediate southwest of Great Abaco, A seventy-pound
silver bar, now in Nassau, was found at the same wreck*
There seems reason to believe that this wreck may be
that mentioned by Lefroy (1879: II, 112-115), who states
that in July 1657 treasure v/as recovered from a Spanish
wreck off the coast of Abaco# A typical Spanish bell,
dated 1657, is in the possession of J.P, Sands Company
of Nassau. It was brought up from a roof off Great Abaco
about the year 1898, A short statement concerning the
specimen and a photograph of it have been prepared by
J,F, Sands Company. Holmes (1899: 129-130, Pig, 59c}
mentions a Spanish olive jar, then in the Natural History
Museum at Boston, which was brought up off the coast of




38
39 ff.) He himself states that he hoped to be able to
bring letters to the Gran Can from Ferdinand (Columbus,
1893; 55). His first interest, therefore, after claim
ing Guanahani in the name of the Catholic Monarohs, was
in learning if the mainland of Asia were somewhere close
by. He immediately directed his efforts toward gathering
information on that subject from the Indians. On the
thirteenth he noticed that several of the men wore gold
nose-plugs, and he questioned them as well as he could
about the origin of the metal. He understood from their
gestures that it came from the southwest, and he resolved
to set out the following afternoon in that direction
(Columbus, 1893; 39-40),
On the morning of October 14th, Columbus em
barked toward the northeast along the we3t coast of the
island to see the other side and to determine the pre
sence or absence of villages (Columbus, 1893; 40-41).
This statement would seem to imply that the actual land
fall was on the western side of the island, and Morison
has accordingly placed it there, probably near Long Bay,
the most feasible spot along the west coast. The north
shore was apparently rounded in this reconnaisance trip,
for a peninsula with six houses on it, referred to earlier,
is mentioned by Columbus. This was probably the penin
sula to the east of Graham*s Harbor (Morison, 1942; I,


289
In the archipelago, evidenced by the ceramic styles in
particular, were probably somewhat simpler than those
on the, mainland in Haiti, Environmental differences
undoubtedly helped to create this lack of complexity,
for native stones, clays, building materials, and food
sources were vastly different from those of Haiti', In
most cases the supply of these materials was probably
smaller and probably of poorer quality than on the
mainland.
Pig, 11, on the preceding page, illustrates
the proposed chronology for the Bahamas, It must be
emphasized again, however, that this statement is not
and can not be final* Paucity of data render any
definitive judgements precarious, and questions must
remain in many cases unsolved


31
Because of the paucity of Island Arawak
linguistic data it Is not possible to offer adequate
translations for many Island names in the Bahamas* Other
than the name Haiti, mentioned earlier, only two names
lend themselves to fairly plausible translation, These
are Bimini and Mayaguana, If llayaguana is simply a
variation of the Island Arawak word maguana, as is Indi
cated on some early charts (Descellers, 1546), It pro
bably means "little plain" (Las Casas, 1876: 283-284
^cap, vi£7). Bimini may possibly come from the Island
Arawak semi, "spirit, plus the suffix -nl, of unknown
moaning. The name may, then, Indicate a "place of
spirits," an island given over to the spirits. We are
certain of the meaning of semi both from its frequent
use in Las Casas and because of its similarity to the
Guiana Arawak form seme (-he) and the Island Carlb "womens
language form seme, both meaning spirit or "super
natural being" (Goeje, 1939: 7-8). The correspondence
between the bimi- of Bimini and semi Is admitedly not
too close on first examination. There is, however,
another moaning of the Arawak seme/semi, which is "good
to eat" (Goeje, 1939: 7), In the "womens language" of
Island carlb the word is rendered seme, the same form
that is used for "spirit." The corresponding form in
Island Carlb "mens language" is bime (Goeje, 1959: 7-8).


187
this report, which he had from a guide, nor did he
himself find additional material when he Investigated
the caves (De Booy, 1912: 99-100}* Cundall (1894:
Pig, 7} reports a monolithic ax from Conch Bar Caves#
Dead Man*'a Skull Bluff Mound (51)
This bluff is in the neighborhood of Conch
Bar, De Booy does not give a precise location for
it. On the crest of the bluff is a clearing, in which
De Booy found ten plain potsherdsjand two decorated
sherds, turtle bones, and ashes. These he found by
making a small test pit in the mound. He does not de
scribe the sherds, and they were not seen with his
material at the-Museum of the American Indian (De Booy,
1912: 100),
Bambara (52)
Pour miles north of Lorimers settlement on
Grand Caicos is the small settlement of Bambara. De
Booy had reports of potsherds and stone implements from
the vicinity of Bombara but did not have time to invest
gate himself (De Booy, 1912: 102-103),


243
the color of which is cream-white* Most of the original
luster of the shell has been lost* The shape of the cup
is irregular, and the specimen was apparently broken out
as best possible from the outer whorl of the conch near
the crown of the shell. Roughly -circular in shape, the
interior of the specimen in co