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Aymara verbal derivational suffixes

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Aymara verbal derivational suffixes
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Aymara verbal derivational suffixes
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AYMARA VERBAL' DERIVATIONAL SUFFIXES


By

Nora Clearman England







A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL
FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS







UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1971
















ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS


I wish to ackncwledge the help of several people in the preparation of this thesis. The work would not have been possible at all without

the great help of the two native Aymara speakers, Mr. Juan de Dios Yapita Moya and Miss Juana Vasquez. Aside from being invaluable to the completion of this paper, they have been especially enjoyable to

work with.

I wish to specifically thank Dr. M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista, the chairman of my thesis committee, for her instruction, direction, and e ncouragement during the preparation of this thesis. She has helped to make the work exciting. Thanks must also be given to Dr. Norman N. Markel for serving on my committee, and t o Laura M. Barber for help and collaboration in the initial stages of analysis.

In addition, I wish to acknowledge the Department of Health,

Education, and Welfare for funding the Aymara Language. Materials Project at the University of Florida. Without the grant I would not have met Mr. Yapita and Miss Vasquez, and it has also supported me for a year as an assistant on the Aymara Language Materials Project. Finally, the Center for Latin American Studies at the University of Florida must be thanked for administering the Project and for providing it and me

with facil ities for working.
















TABLE OF CONTENTS


Page

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .i LIST OF FIGURES .VI A BSTRACT .VII


0. Introduction. 1


1. Summary of Major Features of the Aymara Language . 1.1 Phonology . 4

1.2 Morphophonemics .6

1.3 Morphology .7 1.31 Roots .8 1.31.1 Substantive Rgots .8 1.31.2 Verb Roots .8 1.31.3 Ambiguous Roots . 9
1 .31 .4 Part icl e Roots .9 1.32 Suffixes .9 1.31.1 Nominal Suffixes . .9 1.32.2 Verbal Suffixes . o.12 1.32.3 Independent Suffixes.13 1.32.4 Sentence Suffixes . o.13 1.4 Syntax . o. o.14


2. Verbal Derivational Suffixes - Structural Analysis .15 2. 1 Frozen Suffixes . o.17 2.11 1-ki-I . o.17 2.12 . -i- and -nki-3 .17 2.13 I-pa-1 .17 2.14 -xa-,l .18









TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued)

Page

2.2 Set I Suffixes . 18 2.21 1-cha-} .18 2.22 -ja- . 20
2.23 -su- . . . . .21
2.24 f-ra-1,fI api} .21 2.24.1 I-r6-1.22 2. 24.2 {-t'ap i-I . 22
2.25 1-nuqa-1, t-qa-1, f-xata-} . 23 2.25.1 J-nuqa-j . 23 2.25.2 [-qa-I .24
2.25.3 I-xata-I.
2.26 {-ta- .24
2.27 1-kata-1, -kipa-j, 1-naqa-1, -nta-1, (-nuku-2,
1-tatal, I-xaru-J, -xa:si-j, {-xaya-I . 25 2.27.1 1-kata-I .26 2.27.2 -kipa-7 .26 2.27.3 J-naqa- .27 2.27.4 J-nta-. .27
2.27.5 J-nuku-j . 28
2.27.6 {-tata-. 28
2. 27.7 J-xaru-1. 29
2.27.8 {-xa:si-I . . . . 29 2.27.9 {-xaya-} . . '. . 29
2.28 -t'a-}, {-ch'uki-} . 30 2 28.1 -t'a-. 30
2.28.1 -ch'uki- .30 2.29 t-rpaya-} .31 2.3 Set I Suffixes . 31
2.31 1-ya-} .32 2.32 i-si- I . . 33 2.33 1-ni-. . . 33
2.34 1-waya- 3.34 2.35 k-rapi-1, I-raqa-I . . . 34 2.35.1 I-rapi- .34 2.35.2 {-raqa-. 35
2.36 I-si-21 . 35
2.37 J-xa- . 36
2.38 . . . 36
2.39 \-xa- II I . . . 37
2.39.1 -x - . . . .37
2.39.2 {-ka-. . . . . . 37
2,4 Morphophonemic Summary .38








TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued)


Page

3. Verbal Derivational Suffixes - Comparisons and Combinations. 40


3.1 The causatives 1-cha-I and {-ya-1 . . 40 3.2 The directionals -qaj, I-su-}, -ta-j, f-nta-I . 41 3.3 The completives f-su- I and -xa-7 . 42 3.4 The distance suffixes I-nuku-i andi-waya-i . 43 3.5 Nearness 1-ni-} and distance j-waya-j . 43 3.6 Suffix Combinations in Aymara . 44
3.7 A Comparison of Functions of the Verbal Derivational
Suffixes . 46


4. Suggestions for Further Research . 49 Notes . 51 Appendix A: Glossary of Words . 53 Appendix B: Index of Suffixes . 64 Appendix C: Morpheme Frequency . 66 Appendix D: Dialogue . 68 Bibliography . 76
















LIST OF FIGURES


Page
FIGURE

I Phonemic Alphabet of Aymara . 6 2. Order Classes of Aymara Verbal Derivational Suffixes . 19








Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of F ' lorida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts

AYMARA VERBAL DERIVATIONAL SUFFIXES By

Nora Clearman England

December, 1971

Chairman: Dr. M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista Major Department: Anthropology


Aymara Verbal Derivational Suffixes is a description of one class of verb suffixes in Aymara which combine with verb roots to form verb stems. Thirty-two suffixes and five frozen suffixes are described. Criteria for dividing the suffixes into two sets, one of which acts on the root of the verb, and one of which acts on the inflection, are explained. Each of the suffixes is analyzed separately, and then the functions of all the suffixes are compared. Suggestions for further research are noted, in that some description of the suffixes will have to wait for further research in the other parts of the language.















0. Introduction

Aymra is an Indigenous South American language spoken by about 6ne million people in Bolivia and Peru in the region around Lake Titicaca It belongs to the Jaqi language family which includes two other languages: Jaqaru and Kawki. Jaqaru is spoken by about two thousand people in Peru'; Kawki is a rapidly disappearing language �poken by a handful of older people in Peru. Both of these related languages have been studied by M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista, who has described Jaqaru (Hardman, 1966). There is, according to Hardman, historical evidence of other previously widespread languages in the daqi family, and some of these may be extant but as yet undiscovered.

It has been proposed that Aymara may be related to Quechua, but research bt present seems to indicate that if there is any genetic relationship between the Quechua and Jaqi families, it is not a close bne. There has certainly been extensive contact and mutual influence between the two families.

The research for this work was done primarily with the aid of

two native Aymara speakers who are presently in the United States while they work on the Aymara Language Materials Project at the University of Florida: Mr. Juan de Dios Yapita Moya and Miss Juana Vasquez. Mr. Yapita and Miss Vasquez are research associates on the project and are engaged in preparing bilingual teaching materials for, and teaching courses in Aymara. They are also working with the project director,








M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista, in preparing a dictionary and a grammar of Aymara. Mr. Yapita is from Qumpi in Omasuyos province in the department of La Paz, and learned Aymara as his first language from monolingual parents. He learned Spanish in school when he was about eleven and is fluent in it. He also speaks English with moderate fluency and knows some French. Mr. Yapita has advanced degrees as a Certified Public Accountant, as a specialist in linguistics, and is qualified as a high school teacher. He is forty years old. Miss Vasquez is from La Paz and her family is from Qallamarka-Tiwanaku in the department of La Paz. She learned Aymara and Spanish at the same time, from a grandmother who is monolingual in Aymara and her mother, who is bilingual in Spanish and Aymara. She speaks both fluently. She also kncws some Quechua as a result of extensive travel in Bolivia, and is making great progress in learning English. Miss Vasquez is thirty-three years old.

Texts used in this analysis include a number of stories and

descriptions told by Mr. Yapita and Miss Vasquez, ten dialogues prepared by Mr. Yapita and Miss Vasquez for the Aymara language courses at the University of Florida, and several copies of the Aymara Newsletter which is written by Mr. Yapita and Miss Vasquez. A taped story by Mr. Gervasio Moya (collected in Bolivia by M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista) was also used. Mr. Moya is from Llamakachi in the Omasuyos province of the department of La Paz. He is approximately 65 years old and is monolingual in Aymara. In addition, three stories told by Miss Vasquez and transcribed by Miss Lucy T. Briggs were used for the morpheme frequency count. Miss Vasquez and Mr. Yapita worked closely with me in analysis of these texts. Research was primarily done in the fall of 1969 and from January to July of 1971.






3

The principles of linguistic description and the theoretical

framework used here are basically outlined in Nida, 1949, and Hockett, 1958.
















I. Summary of Major Features of the Aymara Language

This will not be a complete description of Aymara by any means,

but will be a brief description of those features of Aymara which are most important for understanding the verbal derivational suffixes.

Aymara words are underlined, and periods indicate morpheme boundaries.



1.1 Phonology

The summary of the phonology is based on the work of Barber, 1970.

Aymara has twenty-six consonant phonemes and three vacel phonemes. Fifteen of the consonants are voiceless stops, which are distinguished in five positions of articulation: labial, dental, alveopalatal, velar, and post-velar; and in three manners: simple, aspirated, and glottalized. The aleveopalatal series is actually a series of affricates, which may be considered among the stops because it does not contrast with a stop series in the same position and because all Aymara stops, especially the post-velars, tend to be affricated in normal speech.

In addition to the stops, Aymara has three fricatives, three nasals, two laterals, and three resonantso

The three vowels in Aymara are a front, central, and back vowel. The vowels have many allophones and are conditioned by the surrounding consonant environment, Conditioning can be progressive or regressive. The three most important conditioning factors and their effects are:

(1) the post-velar stops and fricative lower the vo.4els considerably;






5

(2) the alveopalatal nasal and resonant raise the vaoels; and (3) word initial vowels are raised. Word final vowels are frequently dropped or devoicedo Aymara vowels also have phonemic length. Although vowel length can distinguish roots, its primary occurrence is grammatical. There are a number of suffixes which consist of vcwel length alone; for instance the first person future inflection and one of the verbalizing nominal suffixes. In addition to phonemic vaoel length, there is also paralinguistic vowel length.

Stress is non-phonemic in Aymara and occurs on the penultimate vowel. The Aymara word may be defined as a sequence of phonemes containing one stress. Although the final vokqel in an Aymara word may be dropped or devoiced, its underlying presence may still be noted in stress placement. Stress still occurs on the penultimate voel of the

complete word.

Voqels do not cluster in Aymara. Consonants do not cluster initially, but frequently cluster medially. Consonant clusters up to six in number have been noted.

The alphabet used here is a phonemic alphabet developed by Mr. Juan de Dios Yapita, and is reproduced below. The only change made for the purposes of this study is that Mr. Yapita indicates vowel length by an umlaut, and I will use a colon immediately following the vowel. The change was made for ease in indicating morpheme boundaries, A digraph, /ch/, is used for the affricate series; /C'/ indicates glottalization; /C"/ indicates aspiration.









p t ch k q

p t ch' k' q

p, t"i ch" k', qII

s X

m n
1 11

w r y



U






Figure 1. Phonemic Alphabet of Aymara



1.2 Morphophonemics

Morphophonemic alternation in Aymara is phonologically and morphologically conditioned. Within words, morphological conditioning seems to be more common than phonological conditioning, but the full extent ofphonological conditioning is not knckn at present. All morphemes in Aymara, with only one exception (see 1.3), end in vowels. These vcxiels are retained or dropped according to the surrounding morphological environment. Most morphophonemic alternation is through regressive influence, but there is some progressive influence. Since none of the verbal derivational suffixes exhibit progressive influence, it will not be considered here. Each suffix in Aymara which shows regressive morphophonemic influence causes the final vctel of the preceding morpheme to be retained or dropped. Although Aymara consonants cluster quite






7

easily, there are some limitations, which undoubtedly affect the morphophonemic influences of the suffixes. The two verbal derivational suffixes which begin with consonant clusters, for instance, require a preceding vcwel, as do the verbal derivational suffixes which begin with resonants.

Morphophonemics serves to help distinguish homophonous suffixes on occasion. For example, 1-ta-I verbal derivational requires a preceding consonant, 1-tal verbal inflection requires a preceding consonant, and

-taj nominal izer requires a preceding voqel. Therefore ap.t.ta 'you picked up' (root + J-ta-J verbal derivational + 1-ta l inflection) is distinct from ap.ta.ta.'picked up' (root + -ta-j verbal derivational +

-taI nominalizer).

Statements about regressive influence of morphemes on the preceding vowel apply to roots containing two vowels. Roots with three voels do not follow the same rules, since the final vceel of these roots frequently drops no matter what the follaing suffix is.



1.3 Morphology

Morphology is extremely important in Aymara: most relationships are

defined through morphology. In Aymara there are two major classes of morphemes: roots and suffixes. Roots in Aymara are initial in the word and the term will only be used here to refer to single morphemes. A stem is a root plus derivation in which there is no class change. A theme is a root or stem plus derivation in which there is class change. That is, a nominalized Verbal root or a verbalized nominal root is a theme. All Aymara morphemes end in vowjels, with the exception of the verbal derivational suffix I-P-} � This suffix is only found before two
2
other suffixes which require a preceding consonant.









1.31 Roots

Aymara has three major classes of roots: substantives, verbs, and particles. There is also a small number of roots which are ambiguous as to class. Each class is defined structurally.



1.31.1 Substantive roots

Substantive roots include the subclasses of noun, adjective, demonstrative, interrogative, number, pronoun, and positional roots. This class is distinguished from verbs and particles in that it takes nominal suffixes, all of which are derivational suffixes. It also takes independent suffixes and sentence suffixes. The subclasses of the substantives are primarily defined by limitations in the suffixes which they may take, although there are some other criteria, Most substantive roots and many stems may be verbalized by a number of suffixes to become verb themes. Substantive roots are free; they may occur without any suffix and the recitation form is the root alone.



1.31.2 Verb Roots

Verb roots are distinguished from substantive and- particle roots in that they take verbal derivational suffixes and verbal inflections. Verb roots also take independent suffixes and sentence suffixes. Most verb roots and many themes may be nominal ized by a number *of suffixes to become substantive themes. Verb roots are bound; they must be inflected to be a verbal word, or nominal ized to be a substantive word. The recitation form of the verb root is the root plus the nominal izer 31--al.









1.31.3 Ambiguous Roots

There is a small class of roots in Aymara which are ambiguous as to class. They may take either nominal or verbal suffixes without modification. The pairs which result are semantically related.



1.31.4 Particle Roots

Particles are distinguished trom other roots in that they take only independent or sentence suffixes, or do not take any suffixes. Particle roots are free and the recitation form is the root alone. Aymara particles include, for example: j1a 'yes,' inasa maybe,' niya 'already,' jina 'let's go,' ami 'please,' anch"ita 'right now,' jich"a 'now,' iya1 'okay,' yasta 'all set,' antisansa 'better, rather.'



1.32 Suffixes

All suffixes are bound morphemes. There are several different

classes of suffixes: nominal derivational suffixes, verbal derivational suffixes, verbalizers, nominalizers, verbal inflections, independent suffixes, and sentence suffixes.



1,32.1 Nominal Suffixes

Only two types of nominal suffixes will be considered here. One of these is the set of complement suffixes. Every sentence which has a verb contains at least a subject and a complement, although more persons may be involved in many sentences, creating several complements. This is a characteristic of the verbal inflection, and need not be indicated nominally in the sentence. If, however, the persons involved in the






10

sentence are stated outside the verb, they are identified by a number of nominal suffixes which indicate different types of complements. Complements are very closely connected with, and dependent on, the verbal derivational suffixes as well as the inflections. The usual complement suffix on nouns is f-rul, which indicates the object of the verb, as show~n in the person inflection, and is tied to the inflectional part of the verb4-_ru may also function as a simple directional suffix, hoq'ever, and this may be difficult to distinguish from its complement function.

All verbs also have a zero complement which distinguishes the object of the action. The zero complements for each verb are the objects which semantically are most- closely identified with a particular verb root or stem and which are marked structurally by an absence of any complement noun suffix and by an obligatory absence of the final vcaqel of the noun stbm. The zero complement is usually, but not necessarily, found directly preceding the verb in a sentence. The use of verbal derivational suffixes

with a verb root can change the zero complement for the verb -- the resulting verb stem will have different zero complements from the original verb root. The zero complement is thus tied to the pre-inflectional part of the verb.

An example will help illustrate the I.-ru1 and zero complements:Jupaw jupar t'ant' chur.i 'He gives him bread.'. He to him bread he-him gives

t~n' 'bread' loses its vcw4el to become the zero complement of the verb chura,?ia 'to give.' It is the complement of the root. lua'he' adds {-rul to become the complement of the 3p to 3p inflection {-il, iuaw the subject, is also indicated by the inflection.








Aside from these two types of complements which every verb root

has, there are several other complements which are associated with verb stems containing different verbal derivational suffixes. The beneficiary suffix -rapi-I takes a beneficiary complement marked by t-takil. The

causative suffix 1-ya-I takes either a {-rul complement or an -mpij complement on the new actor. The reflexive suffix {-si-1l affects the complement which is a possessive phrase or some part of it.

One other type of noun suffix which is of importance here is the

verbalizer. Nouns can be verbalized by at least three nominal verbalizing suffixes: I-pta-1 , {-ka-j, and {-:-1. This 1-ka-1 must be distinguished from the homophonou verbal derivational suffix 1-ka- . In addition to the nominal suffixes which act as verbalizers, several of the verbal derivational suffixes act directly on the noun roots to create verbs. If a substantive root is verbalized by a nominal verbalizer suffix, it retains strong nominal characteristics semantically, while if it is verbalized by a verbal derivational suffix it has stronger verbal characteristics. For example:

uta 'house' plus I-ja-1 (verbal derivational suffix) is ut.ja.na

'to exist, to live someplace.'

uta 'house' plus -:-j (nominal verbalizer) is uta.:.na 'to be a house.' Nouns which are verbalized by verbal derivational suffixes are free to take any other verbal suffix, while those that are verbalized by a nominal suffix are more limited in their ability to take verbal suffixes. Noun roots which are verbalized by verbal derivational suffixes act as verb stems rather than themes.








1.32.2 Verbal Suffixes

Verbs take derivational suffixes, which immediately follow the verb

theme; independent suffixes, which follow the derivational suffixes; verbal

inflections, which follow independent suffixes; and sentence suffixes, which come last. Nominalizing suffixes follow verbal derivational suffixes and may end the word, or the form may be reverbalized.

Verbal derivational suffixes number thirty-two, and fall into two classes. They are extremely important in Aymara, because many important relationships are expressed by the verbs. The main portion of this thesis will be devoted to a discussion of the verbal derivational suffixes.

The verbal inflections indicate tense and person. Tense involves

time and mode. There are two primary tenses in Aymara, future and aorist (non-future). Each one has a complete paradigm of verb inflection. In addition to these primary tenses, there are inflections for the imperative, desiderative, remote, conjectural, and inferential. Aymara has four

simple persons: first person is I (or we) exclusive of you, second person is you exclusive of me, third person is he/she/they exclusive of me and you, fourth person is you and I. Verbal inflections include both subject and complement, and the four persons are combi-ned in a total of nine ways. These are Ip to 2p, lp to 3p, 2p to lp, 2p to 3p, 3p to lp, 3p to 2p, 3p to 3p, 3p to 4p, and 4p to 3p. These inflections cannot at the present time be divided into morphemes for the different persons,3 Aymara does not inflect for singular and plural, nor for gender.

Verbal suffixes which nominal ize are 1-ial, {-taj, {-wiJ, {-iri},

andl-tatalo {-tal and -tatal must be distinguished from the homophonous verbal derivational suffixes t-ta-I and I-tata-1. After a verb is






13

nominalized, it may only take noun suffixes. This may include a suffix which reverbalizes; nominalization and verbalization are cyclical in Aymara and a single word can be transformed several times. For example: kawki.n.k.iri.:ota.sa 'where are you from?' is {kawki-} + {-nal + {-ka-I + {-iri} +{-:-} + 1-tal + -sa I

where in location he who verbalizer inflec- informaverbalizer nominalizer tion tion
question

This example begins with a noun root, is verbalized, renominalized, and reverbalized before it is inflected and made into a sentence. If the final transformation is into a verb, it must be followed by verbal inflections.


1.32o3 Independent Suffixes

There is a class of suffixes which may be added to either substantive or verb stems or to particles and which do not change the class of the stern. Independent suffixes occur after both verb and noun derivational suffixes and before verbal inflections and sentence suffixes. So far four independent suffixes have been found: {-jamal 'like,' 1-kil 'only,' {-Puni] 'really,' and I-.rakil 'also.'



1.32,4 Sentence Suffixes

Sentence suffixes are independent of root classes and may occur on all classes. They may not be followed by any other suffixes. Every sentence must be marked by one or more sentence suffixes, which serve to define the sentence type. Some sentences are marked by a lack of a particular sentence suffix, A sentence need not contain a verb or a substantive, but it must have the proper sentence suffixes. Various









combinations of sentence suffixes define the indicative sentence, the yes/no question sentence, the information question sentence, and also mark lists., alternates, surprise, sentence conjunction, and so on. Aymara has no copulative verb; connection or identity is indicated by

sentence suf f ixes.



1.4 Syntax

Syntax as such (that is, word order) is not very important in Aymara relative to morphology, especially since the sentence is defined morphologically through sentence suffixes. The particular combinations of these s suffixes should be considered under syntax, along with preferred word order. Word order is not rigid except in a feq phrases, although there are certain usual or preferred orders. Other than this, syntax plays a small role in Aymara. Morphology is far more important.















2. Verbal Derivational Suffixes - Structural Analysis

Verbal derivational suffixes in Aymara are defined structurally by order class: they occur directly after the verb root or theme and before the independent suffixes. Thirty-two verbal derivational suffixes have been discovered. They occur in a definite order and may be divided into two sets Set 1, those that act on the root or theme (the action), and Set 11, those that act on the inflection (the persons). Set I verbal derivational suffixes precede Set 11 verbal derivational suffixes, and those suffixes which occur in the order classes nearest the division

share character ist ics of both classes (see Figure 2 for morpheme order and sets). -7

There are structural grounds as well as semantic grounds for the division of the verbal derivational suffixes into two sets. Of the

twenty-one suffixes which precede 1-ya-1, ten of them have been found to verbalize noun roots. They only verbalize noun roots, and the resulting construction acts like a verb stem. This is in contrast to nouns verbalized by the nominal verbalizers which may verbalize noun stems and

which result in verb themes. f-ya-I also verbalizes, but the suffixes following 1-ya-I never do. The suffixes which follow 1-ya-I can occur on virtually every verb root and meaning is quite predictable; in this way they begin to resemble inflectional suffixes. The suffixes which precede 1-t'a-I are fairly unpredictable in meaning and have limited distribution, which is typical of derivational suffixes. The only







16

�;uffixes which change the usual {-ru} conpiernent to some other type of complement occur after 1-ya-1; all the preceding suffixes have no effect on the i-rujcomplement, but may on the zero complement. The {-ruj complement is directly tied to the inflection of the verb, since the complement is the substantive expression of the object of the verb which Is contained in the inflection. Those suffixes which affect complements are also acting on the verb inflection, since the complement is carried in the inflection and is only redundantly marked in the nouns. The

group of suffixes that follows J-ya-J includes some that semantically are clearly acting on the inflection alone. These are the reflexive

the beneficiary I-rapi-J, the victimary I-raqa-1, and the plural

-p-J, which pluralizes either subject or object or both. Plurality of action is marked by Set I suffixes,

The characteristics outlined above clearly define the two sets of verbal derivational suffixes as one set which acts on the root or theme or stem of the verb and another set which acts on the inflection of the verb. The division of the two classes occurs between J-t'a-J and 1-ya-1. These two suffixes exhibit transition characteristics: they both occur on most but not all roots, they have fairly predictable meanings, and both verbalize. Although 1-ya-I can verbalize limitedly, it affects the Complements and semantically seems to act on the inflection, so it properly belongs in Set Iio Although {-ta-1 Is quite predictable in meaning and occurs on almost all roots, it does not affect the complement structure and semantically seems to act on the root, so it belongs in Set I. Set I suffixes do not combine with ease; Set ii suffixes do. Order class is therefore neater for Set II than for Set I.









2.1 Frozen Suffixes

There are several suffixes in Aymara which occur in the slot for

verbal derivational suffixes, but which are totally non-productive and cannot be separated from the one or two roots on which they occur.



2.11 {-ki-1

This suffix has been found on one unattested root. The root regularly takes other verbal derivational suffixes, and has been reconstructed from such occurrences, but the recitation form is not acceptable alone. {-ki-} does not necessarily occur when the other derivational suffixes occur, so it is not part of the root.

*ana.na 'to shoo animals' plus J-ki-} is ana.kioa 'to herd animals.' An example of *ana.a with another suffix is ana.nuku.a 'to herd away.,



2.12 {-li-} and {-nki-I

These two suffixes are found on one root. They are rather closely related in meaning.

ayti.na 'to wash with a :swirling motion' plus J-li-I is ayti.li na 'to

sway, like a bridge, or to nod the head jerkily.'

ayti. a plus [-nki-I is ayti.nki. a 'to sway up and down and around in

the air, like a pollera (an Andean fiesta skirt), or a top at the

end of its spin.'

-li-I seems to indicate up and down motion in the air, while 1-nki-} indicates up and dcwn and circular motion on the ground.


2.13 {-pa-}

This suffix appears on two roots, but has different morphophonemics.








ira.ia 'to carry a small object with the fingers' plus [-nn-1 is

ir.pa.na 'to lead someone.'

ira.na plus {-ta-) is ir.ta.-a 'to pick up.' yana na 'to try' plus (-pa-1 is yana.pa.Ta 'to help.'



2.14 I-xa-]

This suffix appears on two roots.

pirqa. a 'to build a wall' plus {-xa-1} is pirq.xa. a 'to divide a wall.' pirqa. ia plus {-su-1 is pirq.su._ia ' to finish building.' tugu.'a 'to scold' plus -xa-1J is tuq.xa.ia 'to scold someone.'



2.2 Set I Suffixes

These are the suffixes that act on the root rather than the inflection of the verb. They modify the meaning of the root. There are twenty-one suffixes in this set, and they will be discussed in order of order class (see Figure 2).



2.21 -cha-I causative. This suffix is one of two causatives, and acts on the root. It verbalizes rather frequently, and occurs more commonly on noun roots than on verb roots. When 1-cha-3 verbalizes it is as a causative. {-cha-} requires a preceding vcael.

{-cha-} on noun roots:

uta 'house' plus 1-cha-} is uta.cha. a 'to build a house.' wawa 'baby' plus 1--cha-I is wawa.cha. a 'to have offspring' (animals). suti 'name' plus 1-cha-} is suti.cha.ia 'to nickname, call names'. 1-cha-I on verb roots:

yati.Ra 'to knov' plus 1-cha-I is yati.cha.' a 'to teach' (cause knacina).







ROOT/ THEME 1 2 3 4 6 8
#(-cha-j # -ja-I (-su-} #-t"lapi-} -ta-} #-t'a-}
# -ra-} {-ch'uki-j

5
#{-nuqa-f
{-qa-}
-xata-}
7 Set II
#{-kata-}
{-kipa-} J-naqa-I # -nta-} #{-nuku-} #{-tata-I U' {-xaru-I
{-xa:si-} k-xaya-}

9
-rpaya-j


1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
#-ya- -sil- -ni-I {-waya-} {-rapi-} {-si-21 {-xa-21 {-p-1 {-ka-?
{-raqa- {-xa- 3
) 3


#Suffixes which can verbalize noun roots.


Figure 2. Order Classes of Aymara Verbal Derivational Suffixes






20
2.22 {-ja-} 'divider.' This suffix verbalizes noun roots more frequently than any other derivational suffix. When {-ja-} verbalizes it does not perform any other function. The relatively high position of {-ja-} on the frequency chart (Appendix C) is because of the frequency of ut.ja.7ia 'to exist.' The most common function of f-ja-} other than to verbalize is to divide the action or to divide through the action of the verb. There is a large class of verbs which with the addition of {-ja-j are translated 'to divide or separate (different kinds of objects).' Other functions of I-ja- are not predictable. (-ja-1 requires a preceding consonant.

{-ja-} on noun roots:

uta 'house' plus (-ja-} is ut.ja.71a 'to exist, to live someplace.' t"aya 'cold' plus (-ja-j is t"ay.ja._a 'to be cold' (persons, animals). junt'u 'hot' plus (-ja-jis junt'.ja.ja 'to be hot' (persons, animals). {-ja-} on verb roots, dividing through the action: k"uch"u.-a 'to cut' plus {-ja-jis k"uch".ja.a 'to divide with a blade. chinu.na 'to tie' plus {-ja-lis chin.ja.na 'to divide and tie up.' jak"u.na 'to count' plus (-ja-jis jak':'ja.na 'to divide in equal groups'

(by counting).

I-ja-I on verb roots, dividing the action: a a a 'to carry' plus 1-ja-} is ap.ja. a 'to help to carry.' saya.?ia 'to stand' plus 1-ja-lis say.ja.ia 'to stand on one foot.' {-ja-Jas a divider through metaphorical extension: liwa.ia 'to feed (animals)' plus {-ja-} is liw.ja. a 'to serve food'

(separate from the whole).

ala.7a 'to buy' plus t-ja-} is al.ia.76a 'to sell' (the part sold is

separated from the whole).








{-ja-1 with less predictable meaning: nuwa. a 'to slap' plus {-ja-J is nuw.ja.ia 'to punch.' usu.?ia 'to be sick, to hurt' plus [-ja-} is us.ja.^a 'to be sick after

drinking too much.'

wiru.ia 'to float' plus (-ja-J is wir.ja.na 'to circle in the air like

buzzards.'



2.23 {-su-) 'out,' completive. This suffix has not appeared as a verbalizer. It usually functions as a completive or indicates action out of something. If the action outward must terminate in upward or downward action, (-su-1 indicates upward rather than downward motion. Otherwise neither of these is indicated. {-su-J requires a preceding consonant.

1-su-1 as a completive:
ala.?ia 'to buy' plus {-su-1 is al.su.ia 'to buy a lot.' jila.'~a 'to grow' plus (-su-} is jil.su.a 'to groj up' (finish growing). u~a.Ta 'to see' plus -su-} is u.su.i a 'to look at all over.' 1-su-}as outward motion:
apa.na 'carry' plus {-su-1 is ap.su.a 'take out.' p"usa.ia 'to blow' plus I-su-} is p"us.su.a 'take out the word, pronounce. jaqu.ia 'thrac' plus {-su-J is jaq.su. a throata out and up.' Other uses of i-su-}:

jacha.ia 'to cry' plus {-su-} is jach.su.na 'to cry suddenly.' t"uqu.a 'to dance' plus (-su-} is t"uq.su. a 'to jump up.'


2.24 f-ha-}, serial action; and {-t"api-} gathering action.








2.24.1 [-ia-3 serial action. This suffix can verbalize. Its most frequent and predictable meaning is singular repetition, or serial action, often translated one-by-one. Another function is that of reversing the action. {-ra-3 requires a preceding vowel.

(-ra-J on noun roots:

junt'u 'hot' plus f-ra-) is junt'u.ra.6a 'to be hot after being cold.' L-ra-] on verb roots, serial action: chinu.ia 'to tie' plus (-ra-3 is chinu.ra.Ka 'to tie one-by-one.'

pisa. a 'to weigh' plus [-ra- is pisa.ra.?ia 'to weigh one at a time.' mistu.~ia 'to come out' plus [-ra-3 is mistu.ra.'ia 'to come out one-by-one.' {-ra-) on verb roots reversal:

apa.na 'to carry' plus (-ra- is apa.ra. a 'to grab.' sama.7ia 'to breathe' plus (-ra-] is sama.ra., a 'to rest' .(stop breathing). ana.na 'to shoo (animals)' plus {-ra-] is ana.ra.na 'to impound herd

animals.'

Other uses of (-ra-]:

parla. a 'to speak' plus [-ra-3 is parla.ra.?~a 'to talk louder at another
time' (several persons).

nak"a. a 'to burn' plus f-ra- is nak"a.ra.-a 'to burn on the surface

but not inside.'

jacha. a 'to cry' plus (-ra-I is jacha.ra. a 'to cry loudly' (several

persons).



2.24.2 (-t"api-} gatherer. This suffix can verbalize. It usually means gathering by the action. It requires a preceding consonant.

f-t"api-3 on noun roots:

uta 'house' plus (-t"api-3 is ut.t"api. a 'to sit very close' (be close

together).







[-t"api-3 on verb roots, gathering: apa.ja 'carry' plus (-t"api-] is ap.t"api.?7a 'to gather.' lluxi.-a 'spread out granular substance' plus C-t"api-J is llux.t"api.?a

'gather granular substance.'

chinu.^ia 'to tie' plus (-t"api-3 is chin.t"api. ia 'to tie two things

together.'

Other uses of (-t"api- :

sara.na 'to go' plus (-t"api-} is sar.t"api.ia 'to get up.'



2.25 [-nuqa-J 'placer'; -qa-I 'dcwn'; -xata-) 'on top of'

These three suffixes are kncwn to precede [-ta- , and (-qa-3

has been found after (-ja-3. It has not been possible to establish order class any more definitely, because they have not been found in combination with any other suffixes that precede (-ta- . They may be in the same order class with each other.



2.25.1 {-nuqu-3 'placer.' This suffix can verbalize. It is usually fond with carry verbs and other object transporting verbs, and changes the action from dynamic action to static action. Instead of being transported, the object is placed. {-nuqa- requires a preceding

consonant.

(-nuqa- with noun roots:
uta 'house' plus -nuqa-} is ut.nuqa. a 'sit down' (be doin). [-nuqa-3 with verb roots:

apa.ia 'carry' plus 1-nuqa-3 is ap.nuqa.ia 'to put down.' jaqu.ba 'to throw' plus {-nuqa-3 is jaq.nuqa. a 'to put down with force.'








2.25.2 [-qa-I 'dain' This suffix does not verbalize. It occurs most frequently on sara.na 'to go,' and indicates downward motion. This is the most frequent meaning of {-qa-}, but not its only one, {-qa-I requires a preceding vowel.

j-qa-} as downward motion:

sara.a 'to go' plus {-qa-} is sara.qa.-ia 'to go down. p"usa.~a 'to blow' plus {-qa-I is p"usa.qa.na 'to blow dcwn or off.' apa.a 'carry' plus f-qa-} is apa.qa.ia 'to take down.' Other uses of I-qa-}:

iki.ia 'to sleep' plus (-qa-1 is iki.qa. a 'to sleep somewhere else.' Iluji.ja 'to spread-out a granular substance' plus (-qa-} is Iluji.qa. a

'to separate a lot off one side.'

tuyuna 'to swim' plus {-qa-} is tuyu.qa.na 'to swim far little by

little.'

yati.7ia 'to kncw' plus {-qa-I is yati.qa.Ea 'to learn.'


2.25.3 I-xata-I 'on top of.' This suffix does not verbalize. It indicates action on top of. This is not only a locational, since it 'also involves motion upward and the suffix is mutually exclusive with f-qa-1, action downward. i-xata-I requires a preceding consonant. apa.a 'to carry' plus I-xata-I is ap.xata.a 'to put something on top of.' sara.na 'to go' plus {-xata-I -is sar.xata. a 'to go:up on top of.' ati.na 'to cover' plus {-xata-J is at.xata.a 'to put something on top of'

(to cover),



2.26 1-ta-I upward motion, inceptive. This suffix does not verbalize. In carry verbs and a number of others, 1-ta-I signifies upward motion.








It also functions as an inceptive, without direction involved. In eliciting the recitation forms, various roots seem to stimulate either the upward or the inceptive meanings of (-ta-1, but in context it appears that some roots can take either meaning. ap.ta.na usually means 'pick up,' but in jich':'ax wawanak ap.ta.ni.m 'now bring the children,' -ta-I is inceptive. 1-ta-} requires a preceding consonant. {-ta-I as upard motion:

apa.na 'carry' plus {-ta-1 is ap.ta.~a 'pick up.' sara.a 'to go' plus 1-ta-I is sar.ta.'a 'stand up, get up.' alli.na 'to dig' plus [-ta-} is all.ta.na 'dig up.' J-ta-} as inceptive:

a^i.na 'to go in a herd' plus {-ta-j is ayw.ta.na 'to start to go

together, e.g. to attack.'

arka. a 'to follow' plus 1-ta-} is ark.ta.a 'to folhw after a little

while.'

*ana. a 'to shoo' plus (-ta-I is an.ta.6a 'make the animals move' (begin

shooing).

Other use of (-ta-1:

ala.-a 'to buy' plus f-ta-} is al.ta.-a 'to buy a lot of things, not for

profit, but for personal use. A waste of money may be involved.'



2.27 1-kata-}, 1-kipa-1, j-naqa-}, 1-nta-1, 1-nuku-}, (-tata-j, I-xaru-},

{-xa:si-J, I-xaya-}.
These suffixes precede {-t'a-j in order class. {-nuku-} has been found after -ja-J. Otherwise they cannot be placed more definitely with regard to the other suffixes which precede {-t'a-1. They may be in the same order class.






26

2.27.1 {-kata-j action across. This suffix can verbalize. It generally signifies action across, closing a gap, and frequently involves action in an upward direction. With the carry and motion verbs the action rises; with other verbs it may only pass across (bridge a gap). {-kata-I requires a preceding consonant.

{-kata-} on noun roots:

junt'u 'hot' plus f-kata-I is junt'.katao a 'to make hot in small area.' f-kata-1 on verb roots, motion verbs: apa.na 'carry' plus {-kata-I is ap.kata. a 'pick up and put dcwn higher.'

aywi. a 'to go in a herd' plus {-kata-} is ayw.kata.a 'to go up a hill

in a group.'

*ana.na 'to shoo' plus {-kata-I is an.kata,�a 'to drive herd animals up

a hill.'

1-kata-} on verb roots, other verbs: unana:'to see' plus {-kata-} is un.kata.~a 'look at directly.' (pass

a glance across and get it back).

qunu. a 'to sit' plus 1-kata- is qun.kata. a 'sit close to someone.'
jak"u. a 'to count' plus (-kata-I is jak".kata.a 'to count money to a

cashier' (money passes from hand to hand).' Other uses of 1-kata-1:

al.ja.na 'to sell' plus 1-kata-I is al.j.kata. a 'to sell everything.' awisa.-a 'to inform' plus f-kata- is awis.kata. a 'to inform everything.' chura.na 'to give' plus 1-kata-1 is chur.kataoa 'to give something when

the seller can't sell it.'



2.27.2 (-kipa-} motion passing by or around a corner. This suffix does

not verbalize. It was very easy for the Aymdra speakers to peel off this







suffix and define it, It requires a preceding vowel. apa.-na 'carry' plus {-kipa-I is apa.kipa.na 'to pass something to other

side.'

una.,a 'to see' plus {-kipa-I is una.kipa.na 'to observe, check' (pass

a glance by).

pisa.na 'to weigh' plus 1-kipa-I is pisa.kipa. a 'to weigh out too much'

(pass the right weight).

parla.?a 'to speak' plus {-kipa-1 is parla.kipa. a 'to communicate' (pass

news from one to another).


2.27.3 {-naqa-} diffuse action. This suffix does not verbalize. It indicates general, diffuse, non-purposive action, and usually only occurs with motion and carry verbs, although there are some exceptions, 1-naqa-I requires a preceding consonant.

sara.na 'to go' plus {-naqa-j is sar.naqa.na 'to walk around.' apa. a 'to carry' plus 1-naqa-I is ap.naqa.6a 'to handle.' una.na 'to see' plus 1-naqa-I is un.naqa.a 'to have eyes open all around.'


2.27.4 [-nta-I inward motion, inceptive. This suffix can verbalize. On carry and motion verbs -nta-j indicates inward motion and on other verbs it acts as an inceptive. (-nta-} requires a preceding vogel. {-nta-} on noun roots:

junt'u 'hot' plus 1-nta-I is junt'u.nta.~a 'begin to get hot.' 1-nta-} on verb roots, motion verbs: apana 'carry' plus 1-nta-I is apa.ntana 'to put in.'
*ana. a 'to shoo' plus I-nta-} is ana.nta.a 'to shoo in.' p"usa.a 'to bla' plus i-nta-I is p"usa.nta'a 'to blcv in.'








J-nta-1 on verb roots, other verbs: parla. a 'to speak' plus L-nta-J is parla.nta.na 'to start to speak.' tuyu.na 'to swim' plus t-nta-I is tuyu.nta.na 'go down into the water

little by little.'

jacha. a 'to cry' plus 1-nta-1 is jacha.nta3a 'start to cry without

tears, not suddenly.'


2.27.5 1-nuku-1 action away. This suffix can verbalize. It indicates action away from the subject, without any particular direction. Occasionally the action is away from the intention of the actor. 1-nuku-1 requires a preceding vowel.

-nuku-} on noun roots:

inku 'carrying cloth' plus 1-nuku-S is inku.nuku.na 'pass to someone.'

1-nuku-I on verb roots:

apa.na 'to carry' plus 1-nuku-I is apa.nuku.na 'thra, away.' sara.,na 'to go' plus j-nuku-} is sara.nuku.'a 'to get lost' (go away

without direction).

t"uqu.a 'to dance' plus 1-nuku-I is t"uqu.nuku.Za 'to jump away in the

wrong direction.'


2.27.6 {-tata-1 scatterer. This suffix can verbalize, and means spread out or scatter. It requires a preceding vael. 1-tata-1 on noun roots:

junt'u 'hot' plus 1-tata-1 is junt'u.tata.na 'to spread out the heat.'

-tata-j on verb roots:

apa3a 'carry' plus 1-tata-1 is apa.tata.a 'to spread out.' p"allana 'to burst' plus -tata-I is p"all.'tata.na 'to burst and scatter.'










aywi. a 'to go in a herd' plus j-tata-J is aywi.tata.na 'to go spread

out in different directions.'



2.27.7 I-xaru-I preparative. This suffix cannot verbalize. It indicates preparing for the action, and can only be found on a small class of carry and motion verbs. It requires a preceding consonant. apa.na 'carry' plus I-xaru-J is ap.xaru.na 'get ready to take.' sara.na 'to go' plus I-xaru-} is sar.xaru. a 'get ready to go.'



2.27.8 I-xa:si-} 'static.' This suffix does not verbalize. It is used with carry verbs and indicates that the object is being held rather than carried. It requires a preceding consonant. apa.na 'to carry' plus I-xa:si-] is ap.xa:si. a 'to hold in hands.' ichu.?a 'to carry with two hands, e.g., a baby' plus I-xa:si-I is

ich.xa:sina 'to hold [a baby] in the hands.'

q'ipi.Ra 'to carry on the back' plus (-xa:si-I is q'ip.xa:si.Ra 'to

hold on the back.'



2.27.9 {-xaya-} attention. This suffix does not verbalize, nd only appears on a small number of roots. It is quite'difficult to translate, but seems to mean that the person who is acting is with another person, and .his attention is directed at that person through the action of the verb, {-xaya-} has only appeared on the roots qunu.na 'to sit,' saya.~a 'to stand,' p"aya.na 'to cook,' parla.ja 'to talk,' laru.na 'to laugh,' jacha.na 'to cry,' and anata.na 'to play.' It requires a preceding consonant








qunu.na 'to sit' plus {-xaya-I is qun.xaya.Ea 'to sit with someone.' p"ayaia 'to cook' plus t-xaya-} is p"ay.xaya.-a 'to cook for someone.' anata.na 'to talk' plus -xaya-} is parl.xaya.na 'to talk to someone'

(attention focused on that person).


2.28 {-t'a-1, {-ch'uki-J. These suffixes are in the same order class. 1-t'a-I combines easily with other suffixes; -ch'uki-I does not.


2.28.1 I-t'a-1 momentaneous. This suffix can verbalize. It is the most common of the Class I suffixes, can go on almost any root, and almost always signifies momentaneous, single, or short action. Depending on the root, the length of time may not actually be very short, but it is shorter than the usual meaning of the root. i-t'a-} requires a preceding consonant.

1-t'a-I on noun roots:

wawa 'baby' plus 1-t'a-I is waw.t'a.Ra 'to whimper (from sibling jealousy).'

-t'a-j on verb roots:

parla.na 'to speak' plus I-t'a-i is parl.t'a.na 'talk with someone for

a few minutes,'

sara.na 'to go' plus J-t'a-1 is sar.t'a-na 'to visit (go briefly).' Other uses of 1-t'a-}I:

apa.na 'carry' plus 1-t'a-1 is ap.t'a.-a 'to give responsibility to

someone else.'


2.28.2 1-ch'uki-1. This suffix does not verbalize. It indicates purposive action directly at someone, frequently reciprocal. It usually occurs on verbs where the complement can be a person. It requires a preceding consonant.









ira. a 'to carry' plus 1-ch'uki-I is ir.ch'uki.na 'two children thrcw

small things at each other.'

p"usa.na 'to blow' plus [-ch'uki-I is p"us.ch'uki.na 'to blow at someone'

(reciprocal).

una.na 'to see' plus -ch'uki-I is u?.ch'uki.'na 'to look at.'



2.29 I-rpaya-I This suffix.does not verbalize, and almost never combines with any other suffixes in Class I. It seems to be rather closely connected to I-ra-1 in meaning, but cannot be split into components. It generally signifies multiple, but not serial, action. As with {-ra-1 another apparent function is reversal of the action. t-rpaya-l requires

a preceding vo el.

I-rpaya-} as multiple action:

arku.na 'to pile' plus j-rpaya-j is arku.rpaya.na 'to make several piles.' k"uch"u.'na 'to cut' plus I-rpaya-I is k"uch"u.rpaya.na 'to cut from

different pieces.'

chinu.'a 'to tie' plus I-rpaya-I is chinu.rpaya.na 'to tie several

things separately.'

jala'a 'to run' plus {-rpaya-} is jala.rpaya.-a 'to run out (like tears).'

-rpaya- as reversal:

apa.na 'to carry' plus {-rpaya-I is apa.rpaya.a 'to leave behind.'

*ana9.a 'to shoo' plus I-rpaya-} is ana.rpaya.na 'to leave animals.'



2.3 Set II Suffixes

These are the suffixes which act on the inflection of the verb, None except {-ya-} can verbalize, they all can go on almost any root, stem,







32

or theme, and several of them affect the complements. There are eleven suffixes in this class.



2.31 {-ya-} person causative. This suffix can verbalize, but only rarely. Even when it verbalizes a noun root, it acts on the persons involved in the resulting berb. It means to cause someone to do something. {-ya-} can reduplicate, and then means 'to cause someone to cause someone to do something.' It is the only verbal derivational suffix that can be used twice on the same root. {-ya-J can take a regular {-rul complement, but it can also take an j-mil} complement for the new actor. The I-mpi j complement is used when it is necessary or desirable to shcw respect to the person who is the new- actor object, or if the verb already has a I-rul complement which is not the new actor. (-ya-I requires a preceding vowel.

1-ya-I on noun roots:

suti 'name' plus 1-ya-} is suti.ya. a 'to baptize' (cause the person to

be named).

1-ya-I on verb roots:

apa.na 'to carry' plus 1-ya-I is apa.ya.na 'to send' (cause someone to

carry).

yati.na 'to kna' plus J-ya-} is yati.ya.oa 'to inform' (cause someone
to knaw).

jiwa. a 'to die' plus {-ya-} is jiwa.ya. a 'to kill' (cause someone to die). ima. a 'to keep' plus {-ya-I is ima.ya.a 'to bury' (cause something to keep).

{-ya- .redupl icated:
suti.ya.ya.na 'cause [the godfather] to baptize.' yati.ya.ya. a 'cause someone to inform.'








1-ya-} with an {-mpij complement when the verb has another {-rul complement:

Nayaw jupar t'ant'chur.ta 'I give him the bread.' Nayaw jupar jupamp t'ant' chura.y.ta 'I make him (A) give him (B) the

bread.'



2.32 -si- ) reflexive. The reflexive in Aymara refers ahead to the persons involved in the inflection. It may mean reciprocal action between two persons or action on the actor or on the behalf of the actor and for the complements. It cannot occur with the beneficiary {-rapi-I or the victim I-raqa-}, although it has a different order class. The effect of {-si- ) on the complements is complex, and seems to be heavily dependent on the individual verbs. It is beyond the scope of this study to explain the relationship of {-si-1, the verb, and the complements. I-si-O] requires a preceding vcwel. apa. a 'to carry' plus I-si-1~ is apa.si.7a 'to carry (by oneself).' parla. a 'to speak' plus I-si-11 is jparla.si.,Ra 'to speak (oneself).'



2.33 1-ni-I nearator. This suffix indicates that the persons involved in the verb are nearby or are coming near, or the intent of the actor is toward here. It is used very frequently in Aymara; it is important to indicate the location of the persons. 1-ni-I requires a preceding vowel. apa.na 'carry' plus 1-ni-I is apa.ni.-a 'to carry when one is near or
coming near.'

Jich"ax wawanak ap.ta.ni.m 'Nac bring the children.'







2.34 .-waya-} distancer. This suffix indicates that the persons involved in the action are far away, or are moving away, f-waya-} and t-ni-I are not mutually exclusive; they frequently occur together (see

3.5). {-waya-} is often reduced to /-wa-/. It requires a preceding vowel.

sar.ta.?ia 'to go' plus {-waya-1 is sar.ta.waya.a 'to get up and go

away.'

parl.t'a.na 'to tell (briefly)' plus -waya-} is parl.t'a.waya.na 'to

tell at some other place.'



2.35 { rapi-d, {-raqa-]. These suffixes are in the same order class and are mutually exclusive.



2.35.1 {-rapi-} beneficiary. This suffix adds another person to the Inflection: the beneficiary, or person for whom the action is being performed. The noun which is the beneficiary takes a f-taki) complement rather than a j-ru} complement, and the persons indicated by the inflection are the subject of the {-takilcomplement. The {-rul complement may still be indicated by the nouns in the sentence, but will no longer be indicated by the inflection. The inflection will agree with the person ofthe f-taki complement rather than the (-ruj complement. {-rapi-} requires a preceding vac el. Nayaw jupar t'ant' chur.ta "I gave him the bread.' Nayaw jupatak t'ant' chura.rap.ta "I gave the bread for him.' Nayaw jupar jupatak t'ant' chura.rap.ta "I gave him (A) the bread for

him (B).'








2.35.2 {-raqa-} victimary. This suffix indicates that there is a complement which is a possession of a "victim." The subject of the verb does something to the possession of someone else, against that persbn's will. Instead of a I-ru) complement, the complement is a possessive noun phrase. In its complete form, the possessive phrase consists of the possessor plus t-na and the possessed plus one of the personal suffixes of possession. Either the possessor or the possessed may be omitted from the phrase. If the possessor is omitted, the zero complement (the possessed) remains intact. If the possessed is omitted, the possessor adds a verbalizer J-ka-} and a nominalizer I-iri) to become a noun phrase marked by [-nkiril . {-raqa-I cannot take a{-ru} complement and the possessor is the complement marked in the inflection. {-raqal requires a preceding vacel. apana 'to carry' plus -raqa- is apa.raqa.na 'to take something

that isn't the subject's (against the caner's will).'

Nayax juman wawam sar.ta.ya.raq.sma "I woke up your baby (you didn't

want me to)' (possessor plus possessed noun phrase).

Nayax wawam sar.ta.ya.raq.sma 'I woke up your baby' (possessed alone). Nayax jumankir sar.ta.ya.raq.sma 'I woke up yours' (possessor as a noun

phrase with f-nkiri ).

All of the parts of the noun phrase obligatorily drop the final vael and are zero complements.



2.36 J-si-2 continuative. This indicates continuing action , and is always found with J-ka-} 'ahead.' This helps to distinguish it from the Isi-,1 reflexive. It cannot occur with (-xa- 2 completive or {-xa-31 complete plural. I-si-21 continuative requires a preceding vavel. sara.qa.?ia 'to go dcwn' plus ;-si-2and I-ka-I is sara.qa.s.ka.-na 'to
be going down.'









apa. a 'carry' plus I-si-2j and[-ka-I is apa.s.ka. a 'to be taking.' parla.p.ka.na 'to speak ahead (plural)' plus -si-21 is parla.si.p.ka.na

'to be speaking ahead (plural).'



2.37 I-xa-21 completive. This indicates an action which someone has completed, or has completed initiation of, and cannot occur with I-si-1l continuative or (-ka-] 'ahead.' It requires a preceding consonant. apa.ra.na 'to grab' plus i-xa-2) is apa.r.xa. a 'to confiscate' (grab

completely).

chura.na 'to give' plus I-xa-21 is chur.xa.na 'to give back.' sara.na 'to go' plus I-xa-21 is sar.xa. a 'to go away, back, home.' lura.na 'to do' plus i-xa-21 is lur.xa.a 'to do already.'



2.38 I-p- plural. This suffix is bound to 1-ka-I or I-xa- 3. Plural is optional in Aymara, and is usually only used for emphasis. It is frequently accompanied by the nominal optional plural I-nakaJ , but this is not necessary. The plural may refer to either the subject, the

complement, or both, with the exception that third person plural complements do not usually take I-p-} unless the subject is plural also. This may be change from a former system in which all plural complements could take I-p-J. (-p-j takes [-ka-I when the action is continuing, and t-xa-1 when it is complete. It requires a preceding vo.el. Jupanakaw naar parla.p.x. itu 'They speak to me,' Jupaw nanakar parla.p.x.itu 'He speaks to us.' Jupanakaw nanakar parla.p.x.itu 'They speak to us.'

parla.p.xa.na 'to speak already (plural).' parla.p.ka.na 'to be speaking ahead .(plural).'







37

2.39 (-xa-31 (plural completive), (-ka-}. These suffixes are in the same order class and are mutually exclusive.



2.39.1 xa-j'plural'completive. This suffix has no other function than to occur with the plural morpheme {-p-} in verbs that are not continuative. It cannot occur with {-si-} continuative, and must occur in plural

constructions if the (-xa-} completive is used. (-xa-} follows a suffix with no discoverable vowel.

parla.na 'to speak' plus plural completive is parla.p.xa.na 'to speak

(plural).'



2.39.2 J-ka-} 'ahead.' This suffix indicates precedence and is quite important in Aymara. It typically appears in a number of distinctive combinations with other suffixes. Alone, it is usually translated 'ahead' and indicates that the person is doing something before someone else does. This is not a completive. 1-ka-I also must accompany I-si-I continuative. It regularly occurs with the negative sentence suffix {-tij, although it is not itself a negative and does not always have to accompany {-tij. Finally it occurs with the plural (-p-j in situations where the action is continuing. It requires a preceding consonant. {-ka-I alone:

sara.na 'to go' plus 1-ka- is sar.ka.na 'to go ahead.'

-ka-? with I-si-j continuative:

sara.na 'to go' plus -si-j and\-ka-1 is sara.s.ka.'a 'to be going.' 1-ka-I with the negative:

Janiw sar.k.i.ti 'he did not go.'








(-ka-I with the plural: sara.p.ka.na 'to be going ahead.'



2.4 Morphophonemic Summary

Column one lists those verbal derivational suffixes which require a preceding vowel; column two lists those which require a preceding consonant. The listing is alphabetic.

+ preceding vowel + preceding consonant

f-cha-} f-ch'uki-}

1-kipa1-ni-I} -ka-I

1-nta-} (-kata-I

1-nuku-} {-naqa-}

-p-}1 (-nuqa-}

f-qa-j 1-su-]

-ra-1 f-tai-rapi- (-t'a-}

[-raqa-} t-t"api-I

t-rpaya-} (-xa-21 (completive)

I-si-11 (reflexive) [-xa-3 (plural)

J-s i-21 (continuative) f-xaru-} {-tata-} {-xa :si-j

{-waya-I {-xata-}

{- ya-} (-xaya-1
The conditioning of vavel dropping is morphemic. It will be noticed that the three resonants /w/, /r/, /y/ require a preceding vowel, and this may be evidence of some phonological conditioning.5 All verbal derivational







39

suffixes which begin with /x/ require a preceding consonant, but this is probably class conditioning, because there is a nominal suffix {-xa1 which requires a preceding vowel, and a sentence suffix I-xaj which exerts no influence of its ckqn.
















3. Verbal Derivational Suffixes - Comparisons and Combinations

This section will be devoted to comparisons of several of the verbal derivational suffixes, and a discussion of the ways in which they combine. As has been mentioned previously, the suffixes of Set II can be added to almost any verb root or theme in Aymara, and it is not at all unusual for as many as seven of the Set II suffixes to occur on a single verb stem. Set I suffixes have more limitations, some of which have been pointed out in Section 2. They can combine, hcs ever, although usually not in groups of more than two or three. Section 3.6 shows examples of verbs with large numbers of suffixes added.



3.1 The causatives -cha-j and -ya-4o

1-cha-I is the causative which acts on the verb root and belongs to Class I verbal derivational suffixes. 1-ya-I is also a causative, but it acts on the inflection of the verb and belongs to Class II suffixes. Both 1-cha-I andi-ya-4 can be added to the same verb, in which case causation is applied to both the persons and the action of tFe verb.

Several sets illustrate this clearly: suti 'name'

suti.chaona 'to nickname, call names' (cause naming). sutioya.ia 'to baptize' (cause someone to be named) (godfather to child). suti.cha.ya.a 'make someone call names. (cause someone to cause naming), sutioyaoya.na 'cause the godfather to baptize' (parent to godfather to

child),









yati.na 'to knao.'

yati.cha.na 'to teach' (cause knowing). yati.ya.a 'to inform' (cause someone to know). yati.cha.ya.-a 'make someone teach' (cause someone to cause knaing) yati.ya.ya.na 'cause someone to inform.'



3.2 The directionals {-qa-1, {-su-J, (-ta-j, {-nta-}.

These suffixes all have auxiliary functions to their purely directional ones. (-qa- ) is used the least in any but its directional sense, but the other three directionals are used frequently with other functions. The four suffixes fall into two pairs in a directional sense: (-su-- and [-ta-I go together, and I-qa-I and 1-nta-} go together. For instance, mistu.na 'to come out,' can take either I-su-I or [-ta-}, but it cannot take {-qa-I or 1-nta-1. In terms of Aymara categories, 'out' and 'up' are more like each other than they are to 'in and 'down,' which are likewise paired. Although these suffixes are not in the same order class, they do not co-occur with ease, and probably cannot co-occur if both suffixes have directional functions. An example of 1-ta-} occurring with I-qa-I is: sara.na 'to go' plus k-qa-] plus t-ta-} is sara.q.ta.waya.na 'to go

down, very well dressed, without looking at anyone.' An example of f-ta-j and I-su-} on the same root is: una.na 'to see' plus I-su-} and j-ta-} is un.s.ta.na 'to appear. In both these examples direction is indicated by the first of the directionals, and inception by the 1-ta-1.

Direction is also marked by nominal suffixes, and it is interesting to note that although all of the verbal directionals can occur with the








nominal directional [-rul 'toward,' all but (-nta-} can occur with the nominal directional (-ta) 'away from.' In Aymara it is not possible to go in at the same time as going away.

-When these suffixes are not used in their directional sense, {-ta-} and 1-nta-} are closer to each other than they are to f-su-} and {-qa-1.

Both f-ta-) and (-nta- are inceptives, while {-su-} is a completive. In their inceptive functions, 1-ta-I and 1-nta-I rarely occur on the same root. When they do, there seems to be a time difference between them. For instance:

arka.'a 'to folla' plus {-ta-I is ark.ta.na 'to follow after a little

while, especially spies and others who do not want to be seen.' arka. a plus k-nta-j is arka.nta.na 'to follow directly behind' (both

people can be seen and are aware of each other.



3.3 The completives {-su- and {-xa-}.

In Aymara I-su-1 is a completive acting on the root and belonging to Class I verbal derivational suffixes, while i-xa-1 acts on the inflection and belongs to Class II suffixes. Several examples illustrate

the difference between these two suffixes: una.na 'to see.'

un.su.na 'to look at all over.'

un.xa.na 'to see already.'

yati.na 'to know.'

yat.su.na 'to learn already,'

yat.xa.na 'to kncw already.'

yat.s.xaona 'to already learn something that takes a lot of practice.'








3.4 The.distance suffixes {-nuku-} and (-waya-j.

These two suffixes both indicate distance; [-nuku-} indicates distance of the action and J-waya-} distance of the persons. The suffixes can occur together on the same root. 1-nuku-} indicates that the action is moving away from where it started, while j-waya-j indicates that the persons are moving away or are already away from the action. Examples are:

apa.na 'to carry.'

apa.nuku.na 'to throw away.'

apa.waya.na 'to take away' (as you are going away). apa.nuku.waya.na Ito thrai away on one's way.'



3.5. Nearness -ni-} and distance (-waya- .

These two suffixes might be thought to be mutually exclusive, but they are in fact very frequently used together. When they are used together they indicate circular action; the person starts out at a place, does something while moving away, and then returns. apa.na 'carry' plus [-ni-I and (-waya-} is apa.ni.waya.7a 'to get

something on the way and bring it back.'

ala.-na 'to buy' plus 1-ni-} and (-waya-I is ala.ni.waya.na 'to buy

something on the way and return.'

(-ni-} plus 1-waya-} together express the sentiment of the English "While you're up, get me a ."

The combination of (-ni-} and (-waya-} can also express discrepancies between where the speaker was at the time of an action and where he is when he tells about it. For instance, Mr. Yapita, in telling about a









photograph which was taken in Bolivia, used {-ni-} and (-waya-I to indicate that he took the picture while he was in Bolivia, but was telling about it in the United States. Uk"an aka fotografiy ap.su.ni.wayta/ 'I took this picture there.'

The use of {-ni-} and {-waya-j is very important in Aymara; personal location is an essential part of an act.



3.6 Suffix Combinations in Aymara.

In this section several examples of verb roots with more than one derivational suffix will be given. This is to show more about ho4 different suffixes combine. As has been pointed out, it is unusual to find more than one or two Class I suffixes on a single root, but there can be as many as seven Class II suffixes on a single root. The examples given here by no means exhaust the possibilities for combination in Aymara; they are intended only to illustrate various options and interesting results of combination. {-cha-} plus (-ta-):

yati. a 'to know,' yati.ch.ta.'a 'to teach superficially.' k-cha-} plus t-ja-1:

uta 'house,' uta.ch.ja. a 'to build houses in different places.' {-ja-} plus {-si-}:

uma.na 'to drink,' um.ja.si. a 'to get drunk.' I-xata-} plus (-ta-j:

apa.na 'to carry,' ap.xat.ta.-a 'for rain clouds to come back after a

brief disappearance.'








(-t"api-}, {-ta-1, and (-ni-]: apa.na 'to carry,' ap.t"ap.ta.niia 'for rainclouds to gather just

before a storm.' J-su-1 plus {-si-1: apa.na 'to carry,' ap.su.si.na 'to take off [clothing].'

{-su-} plus f-ra-}: apa.~a 'to carry,' ap.su.ra.na 'to take out one at a time.' {-ra-} plus {-ta-}: apa.na 'to carry,' apa.r.ta. a 'to be cloudless [the sky].' i-ra-I plus [-t'a-J: sama.na 'to breathe,' sama.r.t'a.na 'to rest for a minute.'

-qa-j plus {-ya-1: sara.na 'to go,' sara.qa.ya.na 'to go dain to someone, for example a

sick or old person.'

-qa-} plus {-xa- : sara.na 'to go,' sara.q.xa.n-a 'to go away when one is going dcan.'

-naqa-} plus {-ya-1: sara.na 'to go,' sar.naqa.ya.na 'to walk someone around [like a baby].'

(-kata-} plus (-xi-}: una.na 'to see,' un.kata.si. a 'to look in a mirror.'

(-naqa-1, 1-t'a-}, (-si-j, (-waya-J: sara. a 'to go,' sar.naq.t'a.si.waya.na 'to stay briefly in a place.' J-naqa-1, {-t'a-1, J-si-}: sara.na 'to go,' sar.naq.t'a.si.na 'to live a luxurious life alone'

(advice against marriage). (-ta-} plus J-t'a-J: apa.na 'to carry,' ap.t.t'a.na 'to pick up'for a minute.'








(-nuqa-}, (-ni-1, (-waya-3, {-si-}, (-ka-}: wara.a 'to drop something,' war.nuqa.ni.waya.s.ka.: 'I'll place them

that way.'

i-nuku-}, {-ya-1, (-si-}, (-ni-}:

*ana.na 'to shoo,' ana.nuku.ya.si.ni.:ma 'I'll leave you off.'

-ra-}, {-ya-}, f-si-} , {-si-] , -ka-}: quna.na 'to sit,' qunu.re.ya.s}.s.k.i 'he-was seating them one by one.'

[-ya-}, (-ni-}, t-waya-}, (-s i-1, {-p-}, {-ka-}:

apa.na 'to carry,' apa.ya.ni.waya.si.p.k.i 'They sent if from here to

there.'


3.7 A Comparison of Functions of the Verbal Derivational Suffixes

Time, mode, and person are contained in the verbal inflection in

Aymara. Other than this, all strictly verbal relationships are expressed in the verbal derivational suffixes, which are varied in the number and types of relationships which they can describe. Almost half of the verbal derivational suffixes are involved in some way in indicating the position of the action, or of the persons with respect to the action. Other suffixes are concerned with the relation of the participants, indicated in the inflection, to the action and to each other (interactionals). A third type of function the verbal derivationals have is to indicate the type of action, or aspect. Two suffixes indicate plurality. A listing of the suffixes in these classes may help organize the comparison and contrast of the functions of verbal derivational suffixes. These suffixes may combine in ways not anticipated, and the gloss is meant as a guide to the most usual function, not necessarily as a description of a category.








Position: This category may be divided into two subcategories, direction and location. Some suffixes seem to belong to both. A. Direction:

{-kata-I action across T-kipa-1 action passing by or around a corner {-naqa-3 action without direction, non-purposive (,nta-1 action into

{-qa-} action dacwn

{-su-} action out of

{-ta-j action up

1-tata-} action scattered, outward from a point t-t"api-} action gathers, inward to a point B. Location:

-.nuku-} action away from the start (-nuqa-} action which places (-xa:si-} action which is static j-xata-} action on top of, this involves upward direction also ,ni-} action in which the persons are near (-waya-I action in which the persons are far

Interaction: The first four suffixes affect the complements {-si- l reflexive, the subject acts upon himself {-rapi-} beneficiary, the subjects acts in someone's interest I-raqa-} 9ictimary, the subject acts to the detriment of someone else's

possessions

(-ya-] causative, the subject causes another person to act

{-cha-} causative, the subject causes another action (-ch'uki-1 reciprocal, the action is between two people








Aspect:

1-ja-} divisive (-ka-} incomplete J-n'ta-} inceptive I-ra-I serial multiple (-rpaya-} multiple non-ordered (-su-j complet ive

-ta-1 inceptive j-t'a-j momentaneous k-xaru-} preparative {-xaya-I attent ive I-si-21 continuative, with respect to persons j-xa-2) completive, with respect to persons
Plural:

i-p-} plural I-xa-31 plural completive
















4. Suggestions for Further Research

Further research on the Aymara verbal derivational suffixes needs

to be done in the area of the relationships these suffixes have with the rest of the language, and the* ways. in which they influence other parts of the grammar. In particular, more work needs to be done with complements and their relationships to verbs and to verbal derivational suffixes. The description of the complements will of necessity be quite complex,

because the complements are affected by the roots and the suffixes of the verb. Each verb has its class of zero complements, but the derivational suffixes, particularly Set I suffixes, affect the zero complements. The interaction of the root and suffix on complements is very complicated and much needs to be discovered about this area. Some of the effects of Set 11 derivational suffixes on the 1-rul complements have been indicated here, but this area also needs to be explored further.

Another area which needs further research is that of direction.

Direction is very important, and there are directional themes which run through the entire language. The relationship of verbal direction, as shown in the verbal derivational suffixes, to dir section in other parts of the morphology needs to be examined and explained. There should be

interrelation between the directional systems of the verbs and the substantives.

Another area of interest which has only been briefly mentioned here is the morphophonemic system. The extent of.patterning and of







50

phonological conditioning has Yet to be worked out, and this obviously must take the whole language into consideration.

The importance of personal and non-personal knckqledge in Aymara has hardly been mentioned at all. This dichotomy pervades the whole language, and it is likely that further research may indicate that it also appears in the verbal derivational suffixes (see note 2). Some verbal derivational suffixes may indicate source of kncwledge in addition to other functions.

A final area for further research is an historical analysis of

Aymara and historical comparisons of Aymara verbal derivational suffixes with verb suffixes in other languages of the Jaqi family. This Would help to define the functions of the verbal derivational suffixes, and m-ight especially shed some light on the frozen forms described in 2.1.















NOTES


IPersonal communication, M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista. There are the remains of some recently extinct languages which Hardman believes to be related to the Jaqi languages, and evidence that there may be more Jaqi
languages existing in Peru and Bolivia.

2Consequently, if this suffix ever had a vcwel, it can no longer be discovered.
3Reconstruction may indicate that the inflections were separable in the past.

The use of the suffix {-qa-l 'down' for iki.qa.na 'to sleep somewhere else' and aluji.qa.?a 'to separate a lot off one side' may be a reflection of the hilly terrain in which the Aymara live. Sleeping anywhere but home is usually down a mountain, and 'to separate a lot off one side' may indicate that a side is usually vertical.
5See Barber, 1970 (30-35), for the combinations of consonants found in clusters.
6This may also be a difference between personal and non-personal knowledge, which is of great importance in Aymara. With ark. ta.-a 'to follac after a little while,' the two persons involved cannot be seen by an observer, so he would not have personal knacledge of the event. With arka.nta.?ia 'to follo.q directly behind,' an observer could see both people at once and would therefore have personal knca-ledge of the event.







































APPENDICES
















Appendix A: Glossary of Words


The entries are listed alphabetically by complete morpheme, without regard for morphophonemics. This enables roots to be listed before stems.



ala.na 'to buy'

al.ja.?a 'to sell' al.j.kata.;a 'to sell everything' ala.ni.waya. a 'to buy something on the way and return' al.ta. a 'to buy a lot of things, not for profit, but for personal use.
A waste of money may be involved.' alli.ja 'to dig' all.ta.-a 'to dig up'

*ana.na 'to shoo animals' an.kata. a-'to drive herd animals up a hill' ana.ki. a 'to herd animals' ana.nta.na 'to shoo in' ana.nuku.na 'to herd away' ana.nuku.ya.si.ni.:ma 'I'll leave you off' ana.ra.na 'to impound herd animals' ana.rpaya.na 'to leave animals' an.ta.na 'to make the animals move' anata.na 'to play' anat.xaya.na 'to interrupt or annoy someone by playing

53









apa.na 'to carry' ap.ja.na 'to help to carry' ap.kata.na 'pick up and put down higher' apa.kipa.na 'to pass something to the other side' ap.naqa.-a 'to handle' apa.ni.na 'to carry when one is near or coming near'

apa.ni.waya.na 'to get something on the way and bring it back' apa.nta.na 'to put in' apa.nuku.na 'thro away' apa.nuku.waya.2a 'to thraw away on one's way' ap.nuqa.na 'to put down' apa.qa.na 'to take dcwn' apa.ra.na 'to grab'

apa.r.ta. a 'to be cloudless (the sky)' apa.r.xa.na 'to confiscate'

apa.raqa.na 'to take something that is not the subject' apa.rpaya.na 'to leave behind' apa.si.na 'to carry (oneself)' apa.s.ka.a 'to be taking' ap.su.na 'to take out'

ap.su.ra. a 'to take out one at a time' ap.su.si.a 'to take off (clothing)' ap.ta.na 'to pick up, begin to take'

ap.ta.ni.m 'bring (imperative)' ap.t.t'a.na 'to pick up for a minute' apa.tata.na 'to spread out'









ap.t'a.na 'to give responsibility to someone else' ap.t"api.na 'to gather' ap.t"api.ni.na 'for rainclouds to gather just before a storm' apa.waya.na 'to take away' ap.xaru.na 'to get ready to take' ap.xa:si.na 'to hold in hands' ap.xata.na 'to put something on top of' ap.xat.ta.na 'for rain clouds to come back after a brief disappearance'

apa.ya.na 'to send'

apa.ya.ni.waya.si.p.k.i 'they sent it from here to there'

arka.na 'to follow'

arka.nta.na 'to follaj directly behind' ark.ta. a 'to follow after a little while'

arku.-a 'to pile'

arku.rpaya.na 'to make several piles' ati.na 'to cover'

at.xata. a 'to put something on top of' awisa. a 'to inform' awis.kata.na 'to inform everything' ayti.na 'to wash with a swirling motion' ayti.li.?a 'to sway,.like a bridge, or to nod the head jerkily' ayti.nki.na 'to sway up and don and around in the air' aywi.na 'to go in a herd' ayw.kata.a 'to go up a hill in a group' ayw.,ta.na 'to start to go together, e.g. to attack' aywli.tata.na 'to go spread out in different 'directions'









chura.na 'to give' chur.kata.na 'to give something when the seller can't sell it' chur.xa.na 'to give back' chinu. a 'to tie' chin.ja. a 'to divide and tie up' chinu.ra.na 'to tie one by one' chinu.rpaya.na 'to tie several things separately' chin.t"api. a 'to tie two things together'



ichu.na 'to carry with two hands, e.g. a baby' ichu.xa:si.na 'to hold [a baby] in the hands' iki.na 'to sleep' iki.qa.na 'to sleep somewhere else' ima.na 'to keep' ima.ya.na 'to bury' inku 'carrying cloth' inku.nuku.na 'to pass to someone' ira.na 'to carry' ir.ch'uki. a 'for two children to throw small things at each other' ir.pa.na 'to lead someone' ir.ta. a 'to pick up'



jacha.na 'to cry' jacha.nta.na 'to start to cry without tears, not suddenly' jacha.ra. a 'to cry loudly (several people)' jach.su.na 'to cry suddenly'








jak"u.a 'to count' jik".ja.na 'to divide in equal groups (by counting)' jak".kata.na 'to count money to a cashier' jala.na 'to run' jala.rpaya.na 'to run out (like tears)' ja�2u.ia 'to throw' jaq.nuqa. a 'to put dcwn with force' jaq.su.na 'to thrca out and up' jila.na 'to grow' jil.su.na 'to grcw up' jiwa.na 'to die' jiwa.ya. a 'to kill' junt'u 'hot'

junt'.ja.na 'to be hot '(persons, animals)' junt'.kata.na 'to make hot in a small area' junt'u.nta.na 'to begin to get hot' junt'u.ra.na 'to be hot after being cold' junt'u.tata.-a 'to spread out the heat'



k"uch"u.na 'to cut' k"uch".ja. a 'to divide with a blade' k.'uch"u.rpaya.na 'to cut from different pieces'



liwa.ia 'to feed (animals) ' liw.ja.na 'to serve







58

lura.na 'to do'

lur.xa.na 'to do already'



Iluji.na 'to spread out granular substance' Iluji.qa.nEa 'to separate a lot off one side' lluj.t"api.na 'to gather a granular substance'



mistu.na 'to come out' mistu.ra.na 'to come out one at a time'



nak"a.-a 'to burn'

nak"a.ra. a 'to burn on.the surface'but not inside' nuwa.na 'to slap'

nuw.ja.na 'to punch'



parla.'a 'to speak' parla.kipa. a 'to communicate' parla.nta.-a 'to start to speak'
parla.p.ka.'a 'to speak ahead (plural)' parla.p.xa.6a 'to speak already (plural)' parla.ra.na 'to talk louder at another time'

parla.si.a 'to speak (oneself)' parla.si.p.ka.na 'to be speaking ahead (plural)' parl.su.na 'to pronounce'

parl.t'a.na 'to talk with someone a few minutes' parl.t'a.waya.na 'to tell at some other place' parl.xaya.na 'to talk to someone (attention focused on that person)'








pirqa. a 'to build a wall' pirq.su.na 'to finish building' pirq.xa.na 'to divide a wall' pisa.na 'to weigh' pisa.kipa.na 'to weigh out too much' pisa.ra.-a 'to weigh one at a time'



p"alla.na 'to burst' p"alla.tata.na 'to burst and scatter' p"aya.ia 'to cook' p"ay.xaya.na 'to cook for someone' p"usa.na 'to blond ' p"us.ch'uki.^ a 'to blowi at someone (reciprocal)' p"usa.nta.na 'to bla in' p"usa.qa.na 'to blcv dcwn or off' p"us.su.na 'to bloi out'



qunu.na 'to sit' qun.kata.ia 'to sit close to someone' qunu.ra.ya.si.s.k.i 'he was seating them one by one' qun.xaya.na 'to sit with someone'



q'ipi.na 'to carry on the back' q'ip.xa:si.na 'to hold on the back'









sama.na 'to breathe' sama.ra.na 'to rest' sama.r.t'a.na 'to rest for a minute' sara.na 'to go'

sar.ka.na 'to go ahead' sar.naqa.na 'to walk around' sar.naq.t'a.si.3a 'to live a luxurious life alone (advice against marriage)' sar.naq.t'a.si.waya.na 'to stay briefly in a place' sar.naqa.ya.na 'to walk someone around (like a baby)' sara.nuku. a 'to get lost' sara.p.ka.na 'to go ahead' sara.qa.na 'to go dacn' sara.qa.s.ka.na 'to be going davn' sara.q.ta.waya.a 'to go doomn, very well dressed, without looking at anyone' sara.q.xa.na 'to go away, when one is going dcwn' sara.qa.ya.na 'to go do,in to someone, e.g. a sick or old person' sa.ra.s.ka.na 'to be going' sar.ta. a 'to stand up, get up' sar.ta.waya.na 'to get up and go away' sar.t'ana 'to visit' sar.t"api.a 'to get up' sar.xa.na 'to go back, away, home' sar.xaru.na 'to get ready to go' sar.xata. a 'to go up on top of' saya. na 'to stand' ayja.na 'to stand on one foot'








suti 'name'

sut!.cha.na 'to nickname, call namessuti.cha.ya.na 'to make someone name" suti.ya.na 'to baptize' sutl.ya.ya.na 'to cause [the godfather] to baptize'



tugi.na 'to scold'

tuq.xa.na 'to scold someone' tuyu.na 'to swim' tuyu.nta.Ea 'to go dcwn into the water little by little' tuyu.qa.na 'to swim far little by little'



t"aya 'cold'

t"ay.Ja.Ea 'to be cold (persons, animals)' t"uqu.na 'to dance' t"uqu.nuku.na 'to jump away in the wrong direction' t"uq.su.na 'to jump up'



uma.a 'to drink' um.ja.si.na 'to get drunk' una.na 'to see' un.ch'uki.na 'to look at'

u n.kata.na 'to look at directly' un.kata.si.na 'to look in a mirror' u a.kipa. na-'to observe, clh










un.naqa.na 'to have eyes open all around' un.su.ia 'to look at all over' un.s.ta.na 'to appear' un.xa.na 'to see already' usu.na 'to be sick, to hurt' us.ja.a 'to be sick after drinking too much' uta 'house'

uta.cha.na 'to build a house' uta.ch.ja.na 'to build houses in different places' ut.ja.Ea 'to exist, to live someplace' ut.nuqa.na 'to sit doan' ut.t"api.na 'to sit very close'



wara.na 'to drop something' war.nuqa.ni.waya.s.ka.: 'I'll place them that way' wawa 'baby'

wawa.cha.na 'to have offspring (animal)' waw.t'a.na 'to whimper (from sibling jealousy)' wiru.na 'to float' wir.ja.na 'to circle in the air like buzzards'



yana.na 'to try' yana.pa.na 'to help' yati.na 'to knonv' yati.cha.na 'to teach'







63

yati.ch.ta.-a 'to teach superficially' yati.cha.ya.na 'to make someone teach' yati.qa.na 'to learn' yat.su.na 'to learn already' yat.s.xa.na 'to learn already something that takes a lot of practice' yat.xa.na !to knacj already' yati.ya. a 'to inform' yati.ya.ya.-a 'to cause someone to inform'















Appendix B: Index of Suffixes


(Fcha-} 2.21, 3.1 (-ch'uki-1 2.28.2 {-ja-1 2.22 t-ka-i 2.39.2 {-kata-} 2.27.1

(-ki-) 2.11 (-kipa-} 2.27.2 {-1 i-} 2.12 t-naqa-} 2.27.3 f-ni-I 2.33, 3.5 1-nki-1 2.12 {-nta-1 2.27.4, 3.2 {-nuku-I 2.27.5, 3.4 1-nuqa-I 2. 25. 1 {-p-} 2.38 J-pa-I 2.13 f-qa-I 2.25.2, 3.2 (-ra-1 2.24. 1 (-rapi- 2.36.1 I-raqa-} 2.36. 2 (-rpaya - 2.29








- .2.32 {-s i- 2 2.35 {-su- 1 2.23, 3.2, 3.3 1-ta-} 2.26, 3.2 1-tata-I 2.27.6 {-t'a-} 2.28.1

1-t"api-I 2.24.2 I-waya-I 2.34, 3.4, 3.5 ,-xa- l} 2.14 I-xa-2} 2.37, 3.3 i-xa-3\ 2.39.1 I-xa ru- 2. 27.7
-xa:s i-} 2.27.8 I-xata-I 2.25.3 [-xaya-} 2.27.9 1-ya-I 2.31, 3.1















Appendix C: Morpheme Frequency


Using nine dialogues from the teaching materials prepared by the Aymara Language Materials Project, and eight stories told by native. Aymara speakers (one of which was taped by M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista and three of which were collected by Lucy T. Briggs), a count was made of the frequency of occurrence of each of the verbal derivational suffixes. Some skewing of the count was undoubtedly present because any particular vocabulary item which appeared in one story frequently appeared several times, but the general order is fairly accurate. Suffixes are listed in order, beginning with the most frequent, and the numbers refer to the actual number of times each suffix was counted. Set is indicated by the preceding number.


{-si-l (reflexive)

I-ka






I-xa- 2 (completive) 1-s i-21 (cont inuat ive) 1-ja-I



1-ta-I


{-p-1
I-xa-31 (plural) I-su-I i- ra-j


-n ta -j I-qa-I

I-rapi-} k-xaru-} 1-ch 'uki-I








I (-cha-}

I -xata-I I 1-nuqa-I 1 (-naqa-J I {-kata-} I J-kipa-}


I [-rpaya-} I -tata-} II -raqa-} I 1-nuku-1 I -xa:si-1 i-xaya-l


67

2

2

1

1

0.

0
















Appendix D: Dialogue


The following dialogue was written by Mr. Yapita and Miss Vasquez for the Aymara language course at the University of Florida. A literal translation is presented interlineally, and a free translation folloqs. Each verbal derivational suffix is underlined.


CH'UQI
POTATO


Jus ly Joe


sa.ta.w, is called


yanap. ir i.naka.mpi.w and the helpers


PALL. JA. N. XATA HARVESTING ON


warmi.sti and the woman


ch'uq potato


Maruj Marge


pall. . ir for sorting


sa.ta.raki.w, also is called



sara.p.xa.ni/ are going.


Tata Mr.


Jus iya. st i Joe


M. Jusiy,
Joe,


na. na ka we


sara.raki.ni.w is also going



.x ch'uq pa
potato fo


jupa.naka. r them


Sl.j.iri.w
r sorting


yanap. iri/ for helping.


sara.p.xa. :, let us go,


yanap. iri.naka.x the helpers


puri.ni.2.x. i.w/ have arrived.


Chacha.x The man



jupa.x she









J. Kawki, :r
which


p" ina.t.s from pile


pa l.ja.n i.p.xa. :ta, will you sort


p"ina. t. cha? pile from or?


p"ina. ta. :.spa. ch pile from or


sa. k. t.wa. y/ I said.


J. Jan uka.t
Not from that


pall.ja.ni. ,k a.m.ti,
do not sort,


antisans rather


jisk'a little


p"ina. :ki pile would be


laq'u.ta.n.jama.x/
it looks like there are wormy ones.


wawa.naka. tak for children


p"aya. ni? will cook?


p" lay.ta.waya.:.xa, mirinta.s will cook, our lunch


apa.s i.na. :. chi.y/ we need to take.


J. Wali.ki.w,
Okay,



ch'uqi.s
potatos


u k''ama. x then


naya.mp.pacha.y sara.y.xa.ani.x, all of us will go,


ch'Unu. :.w .r place where potatoes are freeze-dried


k"umu.ia. :. chi.y/ there is need to take on pack animal.


jisk'a little


jach'a big


p" ina.ta: pile from


M. K" a:
That


jach'a big


uka. n in that


Nin.stj And fire


k"iti;s who


M. Naya.:
I


alwa. t earl y









M. Uk"ama.x
Then


sar.xaru.ma. y, please get ready to go,


uma. mp with water


wayu. n i.waya. :ta/ you will carry on the way.


Mama Maruja.x yanap.iri.naka.mpi.w Mrs. Marge with the helpers


q"ipa.t.rak also from behind


sar. k. i, is going ahead,


sara.ni/ will go.


J. Niya.raki.s
And already


pall.su.e.xa.ta:ta.xa:, you all had sorted out,


uk"ama. x then


tunta.mpi.tak for the tunta


ch'unu.mpi.tak and for the ch'uiu


k"umu. I will


M." Pal l.ja. si.p. ka. rak. t.wa,
We all are still sorting,


J. Arm.t'a.ni.wa.pini.ta:t.wa,
I forgot by the way,


:.xa.y/ take on pack animal.


um. st and water


Maruja, Marge,


wayu. . ta.ti? did you carry?


k"ay. ja.nak in that spot over there


amta.s. ta/ I remembered.


M. Kuna
What


lup' i.si.sa.rak sar. nag.ta. st i, (apa. ni. :ta.w) thinking to yourself did you walking around "bring it here"


chacha.x
man









sa.rak.sma.sa:/ I told you.


J. Jich"a. x
Nowc


jani.y not


kul ira.si.m.t i.xa/ don't get mad.


tuku.y.xa.sna.ti?
will we finish?


M. Janjaw,
I doubt it,


wal.ja. :.s.k.i.w, there's still plenty,


uk:ama.ru.s
and also


laq'u.ta.ni.w/ wormy ones.


J. Uk"ama.x j
Then n



M. Juma.raki.s
And you


an uka p"ina.t o that from pile



j ich':'.armant"i .x this morning


pall.ja.p. ka.sama:n.ti/ you all shouldn't have sorted.


(jisk'a "1 ittle


p"in.t pal l.ja.ni.p.xa.m> from pile we should sort"


s is.ta.xa, you said,


jich"a.x (jan uka.t palla.j.ka. sama:n. t>
now "not from that we shouldn't sort"


sa.rak.ta.w/ you say.


J. Uka.t.a
About that


tuqi.s.xa. raki.k.ta.w/ you even get mad.


J i ch". ur Today


wal many


Q 'ar. ur Tomorrow


k'acha. t sl owly










tuku.ya.x.k. chi.-ani.y, we can finish,


war.nua. tat all spread out


luxu.s.k. chi. ni. y, they will go ahead and freeze


uk"ama. ru.s. anyway


juk'a.ki.:.x.i.sa:/ there are just a few.


M. Way kun.ja:ma.s
At last


tuku.ya.p.x. tan.w, we are finished,


sama. ra._p.xa.nani/ let us rest.


Mama.nak, ak.sa. t
Ladies, this way



J. Jich"a.x aka t'una
Now this tiny


mirinta.si.p. xa.a n i / we will eat lunch.


ch'uq potato


q'ip.xaru.waya. :sma/ you ought to take on your back.


M. Juma. y
You


ap.xaru.waya.m.xa,
get ready to take it,


qar.ja.s.k. itu.wa/ weariness has come to me.


J. Uk'ama. x
Then


M. Sama.r.t'a.si.ki.:.xa.y
I will only rest


ma: ratu, a moment


inakt'a.ya.s. iri. :.xa:/ be allowed to rest.


kustal sack


nuk.t.t'.ita/ help me load.


uta. ru. y to house


sar.xa.m you go


nin fire


p"ay. iri/ cooking.


aka. taq this much


jan
no


J. Aka
This










M. K" iw.xa ru. si.ma. y,
Load it yourself,


jani.t
or not


ch'ama.ni. :.k.t you are not strong


kuna. raki/ or what.


J. Jat"i.:.chi.xa.y,
Its heavy,


janch'a.s I. k. ista.s/ what are you scolding me for?


M. Kamisa.raki.st
How can that be


jat"i. :.ni.sti it will be heavy


uk"a that


lala.sti/ little bit.


J. Aka.taq
Such


tuqi.s. iri.xa:,
a scold,


M. Juspajara.p.ka. :tam,
Thank you very much,


mama. nak, ladies,


yanap, t'a.k. iri.s/ for your help.


Jayp. t'. istaspa.w, sara.g.xa.nani/ Uka.x
It's getting dark on us, let's go. Here is



juma.naka.n pall.ja.ma.x/
yours your part.



Free translation:

On Potato Harvesting


The man is called Joseph and the woman is called Marge. She and the helpers are going to sort the potatoes. Joseph is also going to help

them.

M. Joe, let's go sort the potatoes, the helpers have arrived.


j isus/ Jesus.







74

J. Wh ich pile are you going to sort from, the little one or the big one? M. I was thinking from that pile over there. J. Don't sort from that one; instead sort from the small pile, it looks

like it has wormy ones. Now, who's going to cook for the children? M. I'll cook early, we really ought to take our lunch.

J . Okay, let's all go together; we also need to take the potatoes to

the freeze-dry place.

M. Then, please get ready to go, and bring the water with you. Marge is going ahead with the helpers, and her husband will follow. J. You've already finished sorting'. So I'll take them on the donkey for

the tunta and the ch'U iu.

M1. But we're still sorting! Did you bring the water? J. I completely forgot, Marge, I just remembered a minute ago. M. But what were you thinking? I told you to'bring it. J. Well don't get mad ncw. Do you think we'll finish today? M. I doubt it, there's still plenty, there are a lot of wormy ones too. J. Then you shouldn't have sorted from that pile.

.M. You yourself said this morning that we should sort from the small

pile. New you say we shouldn't have sorted from that pile.

J. You even get mad about that. Well, we'll finish easily toimorraew.

Once they're all spread out in place they'll go ahead and freeze;

anyway there's not too many.

M. At last we're through, we can rest a bit, ladies, come help yourselves. J. Ncm I'd like You to take the tiny potatoes on your back.

M. You. take them, I 'm tired.

J. *Then go home and cook,








M. I'm 99ing to rest awhile, can't you let me be even a moment?

J. Help me load the sack. M. Load it yourself, or aren't you strong enough?

J. It's heavy - what are you scolding me for? M. What do you mean heavy? That little nothing! J. Such a shrew! Jesus'. M. Thank you, ladies, for your' help, It"s getting dark, let's go.

Here's your part.















BIBL I OGRAPHY


Barber, Laura M. 1970. A Phonology of Aymara. (unpublished master's
thesis, University of Florida).


Hardman, M. J.
Structure.


1966. Jaqaru: Outline of Phonological and Morphological
Hague, Mouton. (Janua.Linguarum, Series Practica 23.)


Hardman-de-Bautista, M. J., Juana Vasquez, Juan de Dios Yapita M.
1972. Aymar Ar Yatiqa ataki. (U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare contract number OEC-0-9-097758-4097)
The Aymara Langpage Materials Project. Gainesville: University
of Florida.

Hockett, Charles F. 1958. A Course in Modern Linguistics. New York:
Macmillan.

Nida, Eugene A. 1949. Morphology: The Descriptive Analysis of Words.
Second Edition. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan
Press.

Vasquez, Juana. (ed.) 1970-1971. Aymara Newsletter 8-15. (mimeographed)
Gainesville: University of Florida.

Yapita, J. de Dios (ed.) 1970. Aymara Neasletter I-7. (mimeographed)
Gainesville: University of Florida.
















BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH


Nora Clearman England was born on November 8, 1946, in Washington, D. C. In June, 1963, she graduated from Hicksville High School. In June, 1967, she received a Bachelor of Arts degree from Bryn Mawr College with a major in anthropology. In September, 1968, she began graduate study at the University of Florida in the Department of Anthropology. She was supported as a graduate assistant for two years by the Urban Studies Bureau at the University of Florida, and for one year by the Aymara Language Materials Project. She is a member of the Linguistic Society of America.












I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts.









I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts.



Dr. Norman N. Markel
Associate Professor of Anthropology




This thesis was submitted to the Department of Anthropology in the College of Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts.

December, 1971


Dean, Graduate School




Full Text

PAGE 1

AYMARA VERBAL. DERIVATIONAL SUFFIXES By Nora Clearman England A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1971

PAGE 2

ACKNCMLEDGEMENTS I wish to ackncwledge the help of several people in the preparation of this thesis. The work would not have been possible at all without the great help of the u~o native Aymara speakers, Mro Juan de Dios Yapita Moya and Miss Juana Vasquez. Aside from being invaluable to the completion of this paper, they have been especially enjoyable to work with. I wish to specifically thank Dr. M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista, the chairman of my thesis committee, for her instruction, direction, and encouragement during the preparation of this thesis. She has helped to make the work exciting. Thanks must a 1 so be given to Dr. Norman N. Markel for serving on my committee, and to Laura M. Barber for help and collaboration in the initial stages of analysiso In addition, I wish to acknO'Jledge the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare for funding the Aymara Language-Materials Project at the University of Florida. Without the grant I would not have met Mr. Yapita and Miss Vasquez, and it has also supported me for a year as an assistant on the Aymara Language Materials Project. Finally, the Center for Latin A~erican Studies at the University of Florida must be thanked for administering the Project and for providing it and me with facilities for working. i i

PAGE 3

TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNLEDGE~tENTS ii LIST OF FIGURES ABSTRACT O. Introduction _ 1 Summary of Major Features of the Aymara Language 1. 1 Phonology 1._2 Mor phophonern i cs. o 1.3 Morphology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ........ Roats . ................. . 1. 31 1.31.1 1.31.2 1.31.3 1.31.4 Substantive Rgots Verb Roots Ambiguous Roots ......... Particle Roots Suffixes 1.32 1.31.1 1. 3 2. 2 1 3 2. 3 1.32.4 Nomina] Suffixes Verbal Suffixes Independent Suffixes.; Sentence Suffixes 0 ........ . . . . . . . . .......... . 1. 4 Syntax ........•.... 0 0.•o• 2. Verbal Derivationa] Suffixes Structural Analysis 2. 1 2. 11 2. 12 2. 13 2. 14 Frozen Suffixes {-ki-} ........... . {-li-} and i-nki-J f-pa-} l -xal} . . . . . . . 0 .................. . ..... i i i vi Vii 4 4 6 7 8 8 8 9 9 9 9 1 2 13 13 14 15 17 17 17 17 18

PAGE 4

TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued) 2. 2 Set Suffixes 0 2. 21 f-cha-} .............. {-ja-J .. {-su-I ... ..... . 2. 22 2. 23 2.24 2. 24. 1 {-ra-}, {-t'.'api-,}. 0 . ..... {-rc:3-1 2. 24. 2 f-t 11 ap i-} 2.25 {.-nuqa-L l-qa-J, f-xata-} 2. 25. 1 f-nuqa-} 2.25.2 f-qa-1 . ............. . . ...... . . . 2.25.3 {-xata-f ............................ . ............... . .... 2.26 {-ta-1 ... 2.27 {-kata-1, f-kipa-1, 1,-naqa-}, t-nta-J, {-nuku-1, l-tata-}, 1-xaru-}, l-xa:si-1, {-xaya-J f-kata-} ... . ......... . 2. 27. J 2. 27. 2 2.27.3 2. 27. 4 2.27.5 2.27.6 2". 27. 7 2 •. 27. 8 0 \ -k i pa-1 l-naqa-} 1-nta-} { nu ku-1 {-tata-J . ....•........ \-xaru-J {-xa:si-}. 2.27.9 {-xaya-} 2.28 \-t•a-}, l-ch'uki-J 2.28. 1 f-t'a-] . ............ . .......... 2.28.l l-ch'uki-J 2.29 l-rpaya-} . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0 Set 11 Suffixes ...... 2.3 2.31 l-ya-J 2. 3 2 2. 33 2. 34 2. 35 2. 3 5. l 0 l-s i3 1 {-waya-} l-rapi-1, 1-raqa-J f-rapi-} 2.35.2 {-raqa-} 2.36 {-s i2 1. 2.37 f-xa2 1-. 2.38 l-p-~ ...... ............ 2.39 \-xa-~}, {-ka-:-1. 0 2. 39. l {-x -3} 2.39.2 {-ka-f................ . ... ...... 2. 4 Morphophonemic Summary 0 0 iv Page 18 18 20 21 21 22 22 23 23 24 2Y. 24 25 26 26 27 27 28 28 29 29 29 30 30 30 31 31 32 33 33 34 34 34 35 35 36 36 37 37 37 38

PAGE 5

TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued) Page 3. Verbal Derivational Suffixes Comparisons and Combinations. 40 3. 1 The causatives 1-chaJ and {-ya-1.......................... 40 3.2 The directionals l-qaJ, 1-su-}, 1_-ta-L f-nta-1 41 3.3 The completives f-su-} and_ f-xa-7 _ .............. _ 42 3.4 The distance suffixes {-nuku-} and{-waya-\ 43 3.5 Nearness l-ni-} and distance ~-waya-J 3.6 Suffix Combinations in Aymara 3.7 A Canparison of Functions of the Verbal Derivational Suffixes ...............•..•.................•........... 43 44 46 4. Suggest ions for Further Research........................... 49 Not es o o o 51 Appendix A: Glossary of Words .................................. 53 Append ix B: Index of Suffixes................................... 64 Appendix C: Morpheme Frequency................................. 66 Appendix D: Dialogue : 68 B i_bl iography ... o o o...... 76 V

PAGE 6

LIST OF FIGURES Page FIGURE 1. Phonemic Alphabet of Aymara................................ 6 2, Order Classes of Aymara Verbal Derivational Suffixes....... 19 vi

PAGE 7

Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate Council of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts AYMARA VERBAL DERIVATIONAL SUFFIXES By Nora Clearman England December, 1971 Chairman: Dr. M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista Major Department: Anthropology Aymara Verbal Derivational Suffixes is a description of one class of verb suffixes in Aymara which combine with verb roots to form verb stems. Thirty-two ~uffixes and five frozen suffixes are described. Criteria for dividing the suffixes into two sets, one of which acts on the root of the verb, and one of which acts on the inflection, are explained. Each of the suffixes is analyzed separately, and then the functions of all the suffixes are compared. Suggestions for further research are noted, in that some description of the suffixes will have to wait for further research in the other parts of the language. Vii

PAGE 8

P. Introduction Aymara is an indigenous South American language spoken by about one mill ion people in Bolivia and Peru in the region around Lake Titicaca. It belongs to the Jaqi language family which includes two other 1 anguages: Jaqaru and Kawki. Jaqaru is spoken by about two thousand people in Peru ; Kawki is a rapidly disappearing language ~poken by a handful bf older people in Peru. Both of these related languages have been studied by M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista, who has described Jaqaru (Hardman, 1966). There is, according to Hardman, hJstorlcal evidence of other previously widespread languages in the \.laq i farn i 1 y, and some of these may be extant but as yet undiscovered. 1 It has been prbposed that Aymara may be related to Quechua, but ~esearth at present Seems to indicate that if there is any genetic re . lationship between the Quechua and Jaqi families, it is not a close one. There has certainly been extensive contact and mutual influence between the two farnil ies. The research for this work was done primarily with the aid of "two nat'ive Aymara speakers who are presently in the United States while they work on the Aymara Language Materials Project at the University o~ Florida: Mr. Juan de Dios Yapita Moya and Miss Juana Vasquez. Mr. Yaplta and Miss Vasquez are research associates on the project and are 'engaged in preparing bilingual teaching materials for, and teaching courses in Aymara. They are also working with the project director,

PAGE 9

2 M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista, in preparing a dictionary and a grammar of Aymara. Mr. Yapita is from Qumpi in Omasuyos province in the department of La Paz, and learned Aymara as his first language from monolingual parents. He 1 earned Spanish in school when he was about el even and is fluent in it. He also speaks English with moderate fluency and knOtJs some French. Mr. Yapita has advanced.degrees as a Certified Public Accountant, as a specialist in 1 inguistics, and is qualified as a high school teacher. He is forty years old. Miss Vasqu.ez is from La Paz and her fam i 1 y is from Qallamarka-Tiwanaku in the department of La Paz. She learned Aymara and Spanish at the same time, from a grandmother who is mono1 ingual in Aymara and her mother, who is bilingual in Spanish and Aymara. She speaks both fluently. She also kna,,rs some Quechua as a result of extensive travel in Bolivia, and is making great progress in learning English. Miss Vasquez is thirty-three years ol;d. Texts used in this analysis include a number of stories and descriptions told by Mr. Yapita and Miss Vasquez, ten dialogues prepared by Mr. Yapita and Miss Vasquez for the Aymara language courses at the University of Florida, and several copies of the Aymara Nev-Jsletter which is written by Mr. Yapita and Miss Vasquez. A taped story by Mr. Gervasio Moya (collected in Bolivia by M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista) was also used. Mr. Moya is fra11 Llamakachi in the Omasuyos province of the department of La Paz. He is approximately 65 years old and is monolingual in Aymara. In addition, three stories told by Miss Vasquez and transcribed by Miss Lucy T. Briggs were used for the morpheme frequency count. Miss Vasquez and Mr. Yapita worked closely with me in analysis of these texts. Research was primarily done in the fall of 1969 and from January to July of 1971.

PAGE 10

3 The principles of 1 inguistic description and the theoretical frame1ork used here are basically outlined in Nida, 1949, and Hockett, 1958.

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1. Summary of Major Features of the Aymara Language This will not be a ccmplete _ description of Aymara by any means, but will be a brief description of those features of Aymara \
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5 (2) the alveopalatal nasal and resonant raise the vavels; and (3) word initial vOtJels are raised. Word final vcwels are frequently dropped or devoiced. Aymara v0t1els also have_phonemic length. Although vOtJel length can distinguish roots, its primary occurrence is grammatical. There are a number of suffixes which consist of vo.vel length alone; for instance the first person future inflection and one of the verbalizing nooiinal suffixes. In addition to phonemic va.vel length, there_ is also paralinguistic vo.vel length. Stress is non-phonemic in Aymara and occurs on the penultimate vowel. The Aymara word may be defined as a sequence of phonemes containing one stress. Although the final vo.vel in an Aymara word may be dropped or devoiced, its underlying presence may still be noted in stress plac~~ent. Stress still occurs on the penultimate VONel of the cooipl ete word. Vo,.,rels do not cluster in Aymara. Consonants do not cluster initially, but frequently cluster medially. Consonant clusters up to six in number have been noted. The alphabet used here is a phonemic alphabet developed by Mr. Juan de Dias Yapita, and is reproduced belo.v. The only change made for the purposes of this study is that Mr. Yapita indicates vONel length by an umlaut, and I will use a colon immediately follOtJing the vael. The change was made for ease in indicating morpheme boundaries. A digraph, /ch/, is u~ed for the affricate series; /C 1 / indicates glottalization; /C"/ indicates aspiration.

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6 p t ch k q p' t I ch' k' q' p" t" ch" k'' q" s X j ~ m n n 1 1 w r y u a Figure 1. Phonemic Alphabet of Aymara 1.2 Morphophonemics Morphophonemic alternation in Aymara is phonologically and morpho logically conditioned. Within words, morphological conditioning seems to be more ccmmon than phonological conditioning, but the full extent of phonological conditioning is not knovn at present. Al) morphemes in Aymara, with only one exception (see J.3), end in vcwels. These vavels are retained or dropped according to the surrounding morphological environment. Most morphophonemic alternation is through regressive influence, but there is some progressive influence. Since none of the verbal derivational suffixes exhibit progressive influence, it will not be considered here. Each suffix in Aymara which shews regressive morphophonemic influence causes the f ina 1 var1e 1 of the preceding morpheme to be retained or dropped. A 1 though Aymar.a consonants cluster quite

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7 easily, tbere are some 1 imitations, which undoubtedly affect the morpho phonemic influences of the suffixes. The two verbal derivational suffixes which begin with consonant clusters, for instance, require a preceding vOtJel, as do the verbal derivational suffixes which begin with resonants. Morphophonemics serves to help distinguish homophonous suffixes on occasion. For example, f-ta-1 verbal derivational requires a preceding . . consonant, {-ta! verbal inflection requires a preceding consonant, and t-ta) nominalizer requires a preceding vo.-iel. Therefore ap.t.ta 'you picked up' (root+ l-ta-} verbal derivational + 1-ta J inflection) is distinct from ap.ta.ta. 'picked up' (root+ l-ta-J verbal derivational + ~-ta i nominal izer). Statements about regressive influence of morphemes on the preceding vOtJel apply to roots containing two vo.-iels. Roots with three vo.els do not folla-1 the same rules, since the final vo.-1el of these roots frequently drops no matter what the follo.-iing suffix is. 1.3 Morphology Morphology is extremely important in Aymara: most relationships are defined through morphology. In Aymara there are two major classes of morphemes; roots and suffixes. Roots in Aymara are initial in the word and the term will only be used here to refer to single morphemes. A stem is a root plus derivation in which there is no class change. A theme is a root or stem plus derivation in v1hich there is class change. That is, a nominalized verbal root or a verbalized nominal root is a theme. All Aymara morphemes end in vcMels, with the exception of the verbal derivational suffix i-p-}. This ~uffix is only found before two 2 other suffixes which require a preceding consonant.

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1.31 Roots Aymara has three major classes of roots: substantives, verbs, and particles. There is also a small number of roots which are ambiguous as to class. Each class is defined structurally. 1.31. 1 Substantive roots 8 Substantive roots include the subclasses of noun, adjective, demonstra tive, interrogative, number, pronoun, and positional roots. This class is distinguished fron verbs and particles in that it takes nominal suffixes, all of which are derivational suffixes. It also takes independent suffixes and sentence suffixes. The subclasses of the substantives are primarily defined by 1 imitations in the suffixes which they may take, although there are some other criteria. Most substantive roots and many stems may be verbalized by a number of suffixes to become verb themes. Substantive roots are free; they may occur without any suffix and the recitation form is the root alone. 1.31. 2 Verb Roots Verb roots are distinguished from substantive and particle roots in that they take verbal derivational suffixes and verbal inflections. Verb roots also take independent suffixes_ and sentence suffixes. Most ... __.~---------~-.. verb roots and many themes may be nominalized by a number .of suffixes to become sub~tantive themes. Verb roots are bound; they must be inflected to be a verbal word, or nominalized to be a substantive word. The recitation form of the verb root is the root plus the no~inal izer 1-na}.

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9 1.31.3 Ambiguous Roots There ii a small class of roots in Aymara which are ambiguous as to class. They may take either nominal or verbal suffixes without modifi cation. The pairs which result are se~antically related. 1.31.4 Particle Roots Particles are distinguished trom other roots in that they take only independent or sentence suffixes, or do not take any suffixes. Particle roots are free and the recitation form is the root alone. Aymara '~ particles include, for example: jisa 'yes, 1 inasa maybe, 1 nixa 'already,' jina 'let 1 s go, I amei 'please, I anch"ita 'right new, I j ich"a 'new, I ~i. 'okay, 1 _J.'.asta 1 al l set, 1 ant isansa 'better, rather. 1 1.32 Suffixes All suffixes are bound morphemes. There are several different cl asses of suffixes: nom ina 1 der ivat i ona 1 suffixes, verba L der ivat_iona l suff ix_es, verbalizers, nominal izers, verbal inflectjons, independent suffixes, and sentence suffixes. 1.32. l Nominal Suffixes Only two types of nominal suffixes wil 1 be considered here. One of these is the set of ca11plement suffixes. Every sentence which has a verb contains at least a subject and a complement, although more persons may be involved in many sentences, creating several ca~plements. This is a characteristic of the verbal inflection, and need not be indicated nominally in the sentence. If, ha~ever, the persons involved in the

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10 sentence are stated outside the verb, they are identified by a number of ncrninal suffixes which indicate different types of ccrnplements. Ccrnplements are very closely connected with, and dependent on, the verbal derivational suffixes as well as the inflections. The usual ccrnplement suffix on nouns is {-ru}, which indicates the object of the verb, as shOtJn in the person inflection, and is tied to the inflectional part of the verb.f-ru1 may also function as a simple directional suffix, ho,vever, and this may be difficult to distinguish fran its canplement function. All verbs also have a zero complement which distinguishes the object of the action. The zero canplements for each verb are the objects which semantically are mostclosely identified with a particular verb root or stem and which are marked structurally by an absence of any comple~ent noun suffix and by an obligatory absence of the final va~el of the noun stem. The zero canplement is usually, but not necessarily, found directly preceding the verb in a sentence. The use of verbal derivational suffixes with a verb root can change the zero complement for the verb -the resulting verb st('m will have different zero canplements from the original verb root. The zero canplement is thus tied to the pre-inflectional part of the verb. An example will help illustrate the l-ru1 and zero canplements: _J_u_p_a_w_j_u_p_a_r __ t_ 1 a_n_t_ _ 1 _c_h_u_1_ ._i I He g i ves h i m bread. 1 .• He to him bread he-him gives t 1 ant 1 a 1 bread 1 loses its vavel to become the zero complement of the verb chura.na 'to give.' It is the complement of the root. 1 he 1 adds {-ruJ to beca~e the complement of the 3p to 3p inflection {-i}. jupaw, the subject~ is also indicated by the inflection.

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11 . Aside fran these two types of canpl ements which every verb root has, there are several other canplements which are associated with verb stems containing different verbal derivational suffixes. The beneficiary suffix f-rapi1 takes a beneficiary canplement marked by {-taki}. The causative suffix l-yaJ takes either a {-ru} canplement or an t-mpi} canplement on the neW actor. The reflexive suffix { -si1 1 affects the canplement which is a possessive phrase or some part of it. One -Other type of noun suffix which is of importance here is the verbalizer. Nouns can be verbalized by at least three nominal verbalizing suffixes: l-pta-}, {-ka-}, and{-:-}. This {-ka-} must be distinguished from the hompphonous verbal derivational suffix {-ka-}. In addition to the nominal suffixes which act as verbalizers, several of the verbal derivational suffixes act directly on the noun roots to create verbs. If a substantive root is verbalized by a naninal verbalizer suffix, it retains strong naninal characteristics semantically, while if it is verbalized by a verbal derivational suffix it has stronger verbal character istics. For example: uta 1 house 1 plus 1-ja-} (verbal derivational suffix) is ut.ja.na 1 to exist, to live someplace. 1 uta 'house' plus {-:-1 (nominal verbalizer) is uta. :.na 'to be a house.' Nouns which are verbalized by verbal derivational suffixes are free to take any other verbal suffix, while those that are verbalized by a nominal suffix are more 1 imited in their ability to take verbal suffixes. Noun roots which are verbalized by verbal derivational suffixes act as verb stems rather than thanes.

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12 . 1.32. 2 Verbal Suffixes Verbs take derivational suffixes, which immediately follOtJ the verb theme; independent suffixes, which_follo.-.J the derivational suffixes; verbal inflections, which foll0t1 independent suffixes; and sentence suffixes, which cane last. Nominal izing suffixes follo.-.J verbal derivational suffixes and may end the word, or the form may be reverbaltzed. Verbal derivational suffixes number thirty-two, and fall into two classes. They are extremely important in Aymara, because many important relationships are expressed by the verbs. The main portion of this thesis will be devoted to a discussion of the verbal derivational suffixes. The verbal inflections indicate tense and person. Tense involves time and mode. There are two primary tenses in Aymara, future and aorist {non-future)o Each one has a complete paradigm of verb inflection. In addition to these primary tenses, there are inflections for the imperative, desiderative, remote, conjectural, and inferential. Aymara has four simple persons: first person is I (or we) exclusive of you, second person is you exclusive of me, third person is he/she/they exclusive of me and you, fourth person is you and I. Verbal inflections include both subject and canpl ement, and the four persons are canb i-ned in a total of nine ways. These are lp to 2p, lp to 3p, 2p to lp, 2p to 3p, 3p to lp, 3p to 2p, 3p to 3p, 3p to 4p, and 4p to 3p. These inflections cannot at the present time be divided into morphemes for the different persons. 3 Aymara does not inflect for singular and plural, nor for gender. Verbal suffixes which nominal ize are f-na}, {-ta}, {-wi}, {-iri}, and{-tataJ. {-taJ and {-tata1 must be distinguished fran the homophonous verbal d~rivational suffixes f-ta-1 and 1-tata-}. After a verb is

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13 nominalized, it may only take noun suffixes. This may include a suffix which reverbal izes; nominal ization and verbalization are cyclical in Aymara and a single word can be transformed several times. For example: kawki.n.k. iri. :.ta.sa 'where are you from?' is { kaw k i J + { na \ + { kaJ + {-iri} +{.:.. :-1 + {-ta1 + { -sa J where in location he who verbalizer i nfl ecinformaverbalizer nominal izer tion tion question This example begins with a noun root, is verbalized, renominal ized, and reverbal ized before it is inflected and made into a sentence. If the final transformation is into a verb, it must be folla,1ed by verbal inflections. 1.32.3 Independent Suffixes There is a ~lass of suffixes which may be added to either substantive or verb stems or to particles and which do not change the class of the stern. Independent suffixes occur after both verb and noun der ivat i ona 1 suffixes and before verbal inflect ions and sentence suffixes. So far four independent suffixes have been found: {-jama} 1 like, 1 l-ki] 'on.ly,' {-puni} 'really, 1 and t-raki} 'also. 1 1.32.4 Sentence Suffixes Sentence suffixes are independent of root classes and may occur on al 1 classes. They may not be fol la
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conbinations of sentence suffixes define the indicative sentence, the yes/no question sentence, the information question sentence, and also mark 1 ists, alternates, surprise, sentence conjunction, and so ono Aymara has no copulative verb; connection or identity is indicated by sentence suffixes. 1. 4 Syntax 14 Syntax as such (that is, word order) is not very important in Aymara relative to morphology, especially since the sentence is defined morpho logically through sentence suffixes. The particular canbinations of these ~uffixes should be considered under syntax, along with preferred word order. ~lord order is not rigid except in a fe,,., phrases, although there are certain usual or preferred orders. Other than this, syntax plays a small role in Aymara. Morphology is far more important.

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2. Verbal Derivational Suffixes Structural Analysis Verbal derivational suffixe~ in Aymara are defined structurally by order class: they occur directly after the verb root or theme and before the independent suffixes. Thirty~two verbal derivational suffixes have been discovered. They occur in a definite order and may be divided into two sets: Set I, those that act on the root or theme (the action), and Set I I, those that act on the inflection (the persons). Set I verbal derivational suffixes precede Set II verbal derivational ~uffixes, and those suffixes which occur in the order classes nearest the division share characteristics of both classes (see Figure 2 for morpheme order and sets). There are structural grounds as well as semantic grounds for the division of the verbal derivational suffixes into two sets. Of the twenty-one suffixes which precede {-ya-J, ten of them have been found to verbalize noun roots. They only verbalize noun roots, and the resulting construction acts 1 ike a verb stem. This is in contrast to nouns verbalized by the nominal verbalizers which may verbalize noun stems and which result in verb themes. f-ya-1 also verbalizes, but the suffixes follo1,,ring f-ya-1 never do. The suffixes which follOtJ f-ya-1 can occur on virtually every verb root and meaning is quite predictable; in this way they begin to resemble inflectional suffixes. The suffixes which precede l-t'a-1 are fairly unpredictable in meaning and have 1 imited distribution, which is typical of derivational suffixes. The only 15

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16 !,.(ffjxes which change the usual {-ru} cOinple..-ncnt to some other type of tanp1ement occur after {-ya-1; all the preceding suffixes have no effect pn the {~ru}complement, but may on the zero complement. The {-ru} complement is directly tied to the inflection of the verb, since the cpmplement is the substantive expression of the object of the verb which is contained in the inflection. Those suffixes which affect complements are also acting on the verb inflection, since the complement is carried in the inflection and is only redundantly marked in the nouns. The group of suffixes that follOtJs f-ya1 includes some that semantically are clearly acting on the inflection alone. These are the reflexive {~si1 }, the beneficiary 1-rapi-J, the victlmary f-raqa-r, and the plural {-p-}, which pluralizes either subject or object or both. Plurality of ~ction is marked by Set I suffixes. The characteristics outlined above clearly define the two sets of verbal derfvational suffixes as one set which acts on the root or theme Qr stern of the verb and another set which octs on the inflection of the verb. The division of the tvw classes occurs between {-t'a-1 and I-ya-}. These tv-10 suffixes exhibit transition char~ctcristics: they both occur on most but not all roots, they have fairly predictabl~ meanings, and both verbalize. Although l-ya-} can verbalize limitedly, it affects the ~omplements and semantically seems to act on the inflection, so it properly belongs in Set II. Although {-t 1 o-} ts quite predictable in meaning and occurs on almost all roots, it docs not affect the complement structure and semant ica1 ly seems to act on the root, so it belongs in. Set I. Set suffixes do not combine with case; Set II suffixes do. Order class is therefore neater for Set I I than for Set I.

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2.1 Frozen Suffixes There are several suffixes in Aymara which occur in the slot for verbal derivational suffixes, but which are totally non-productive and cannot be separated from the one or two roots on which they occur, 2.11 {-ki-} 17 This suffix has been found on one unattested root. The root regularly takes other verbal derivational suffixes, and has been reconstructed from such occurrences, but the recitation form is not acceptable alone. {-ki-} does not necessarily occur when the other derivationa1 suffixes occur, so it is not part of the root. ;',ana.na 'to shoo animals I plus t-ki-} is ana.ki.na 'to herd animals. I An example of ;',ana.na with another suffix is ana.nuku.na 1 to herd away. I 2. 12 {-1 i-} and f-nki-} These two suffixes are found on one root. They are rather closely related in meaning. ayti.na 'to wash with a ,swirling motion' plus {-1 i-1 is ayti.1 i.na 'to sway, 1 ike a bridge, or to nod the head jerkily. 1 ayti.na plus f-nki-} is ayti.nki.na 1 to sway up ~nd dCl'ln and around in the air, 1 ike a pollera (an Andean fiesta skirt), or a top at the end of its spin. 1 {-1 i-J seems to indicate up and doNn motion in the air, while f-nki-} indicates up and do.•rn and:circular motion on the ground. 2. 13 {-pa-} This suffix appears on two roots, but has different morphophonemics.

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ira.na 'to carry a smal 1 object with the fingers' plus {-n~-1 is ir.pa.na 'to lead saneone. I .. ira.na plus {-ta-} is ir.ta.na 'to pick up. I yana.na 'to try' plus {-pa-} is yana.pa.~a 'to help. I This suffix appears ontwo roots. 18 _pirqa.na 'to build a wall' plus {-xa1 } is pirq.xa.na 'to divide a wall.' pirga.na plus {-su-} is pirq.su.na I to finish building. I tugu.na 'to scold' plus {-xa-11 is tuq.xa.na 'to scold someone. I 2.2 Set I Suffixes These arc the suffixes that act on the root rather than the inflection of the verb. They modify the meaning of the root. There are twenty-one suffixes in this set, and they will be discussed in order of order class (see Figure 2)o 2.21 {-cha-} causative. This suffix is one of uvo causatives, and acts on the root. It verbalizes rather frequently, and occurs more commonly on noun roots than on verb roots. When {-cha-} verbalizes it is as a causative. {-cha-} requires a preceding vo.vel. {-cha-} on noun roots: uta 1 house' plus 1 -cha-} is uta.cha.na I tO build a house. I wawa 'baby' plus {cha-1 is wawa.cha.na 'to have offspring' (an ima 1 s). suti 'name' plus {-cha-} is suti.cha.na 1 to nickname, ca 11 names'. {-cha-} bn verb roots: yati.na 'to kno,' plus t-cha-1 is yati.cha.na 'to teach' (cause kna,-,ina).

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ROOT/ THEME -I-I (l) V) . (l) V) 1 2 3 #t-cha-J #lja-1 {-suJ # l-t"ap i-} #t-ra-} 4 5 #f-nuqa-f {-qa-1 -!i-xata-} 7 #{-kata-} {-k ipa-} i-naqa-J #t-nta-J /lt-nuku-1 /f{-tata-1 {-xaru-I {-xa:si-1 \-xaya-} 1 2 3 4 # \-ya-} t-si 1 -} l-ni-1 {-waya-} 6 {-ta-1 9 f-rpaya-1 5 6 {-rapi-} {-s i1 2 {-raqa-1 #Suffixes which can verbalize noun roots. 8 I #\-t 'aJ {-ch'uki-} Figure 2. Order Classes of Aymara Verbal Derivational Suffixes 8 {-p-} Set II 9 {-kaf {-xa1 3 \.0

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20 2.22 {-ja-} 'divider.' This suffix verbalizes noun roots more frequently than any other derivational suffix. When {-ja-1 verbalizes it does not perform any other function. The relatively high position of {-ja-} on the frequency chart (Appendix C) is because of the frequency of ut.ja.na 'to exist. 1 The most common function of {ja-} other than to verbalize is to divide the action or to divide through the action of the verb. There is a large class of verbs which with the addition of {-j~-} are translated 1 to divide or separate(different kinds of objects).' Other functions of f-ja-} are not predictable. l-ja-1 requires a preceding consonant. {-Ja-} on noun roots: ~'house' plus t-Ja-} is utoja.na 'to exist, to 1 ive someplace. 1 t"axa 'cold' plus t-Ja-1 is t"ay.ja.na 'to be cold' (persons, animals). junt 1 u 'hot' plus t-Ja-Jis junt'.ja.na 'to be hot' (persons, animals). {-Ja-J on verb roots, dividing through the action: k"uch"u.na 'to cut' plus {-ja-1 is k''uch". ja.na 'to divide with a blade. r chinu.na 'to tie' plus {-ja-1is chin.ja.na 'to divide and tie up.' jak"u.na 'to count' plus 5l.-ja-]is jak':'ja.na 'to divide in equal groups' (by counting). {-ja-1 on verb roots, dividing the action: !ea.na 'to carry' plus ~-ja-J is ap.ja.na 1 to help to carry. I saya.na 'to stand' plus {-ja-Jis say.ja.na 1 to stand on one foot, I {-ja-Jas a divider through metaphorical extension: 1 iwa.na 'to feed (animals) 1 plus {-ja-} is l iw.ja.na 'to serve food' (separate from the whole). ala.na 'to buy' plus {-ja-} is al,ja.na 'to sell' (the part sold is separated from the whole).

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21 {-ja-1 with less predictable meaning: nuwa.na 1 to slap' plus {-ja-1 is nuw.ja.na 'to punch. 1 . usu.na 'to be sick, t6 hurt' plus [-ja-} is us. Ja.na 'to be sick after drinking too much.' wiru 0 na 'to float' plus {-ja-J is wir.ja.na 'to circle in the air 1 ike buzzards. 1 2.23 {-su-} 'out, 1 canpletive. This suffix has not appeared as a verbalizer. It usually functions as a canpletive or indicates action out of something. If the action outward must terminate in upt1ard or dONrnvard action, {-su-} indicates upt1ar.d rather than do.vl1'11ard motion. Othenvise neither of these is indicated. i-su-1 requires a preceding consonant. 1-su-1 as a canpletive: ala.na 'to buy' plus t-su-1 is al.su.na 'to buy a lot., jila.na 'to gro.-J 1 plus {-su-} is jil.su.na 'to gra:1 up' (finish gro.-Jing). una.na 'to see' plus f-su-} is un.su.na 'to look at all over.' {~su-}as outward motion: apa.na 1 tarry 1 plus {-su-1 is ap.su.na 'take out., p"usa.na 'to blo.v' plus f-su-} is p"us.su.na 'take out the word, pronounce. jaqu.na 1 thro.-J 1 plus {-su-1 is jaq.su.na 1 throtJ out and up. 1 Other uses of r-su-}: jacha.na 'to cry' plus {-su-1 is jach.su.na 'to cry suddenly., t 11 uqu.na 'to dance' plus {-su-} is t 11 uq.su.na 1 to jump up. I 2.24 f-ra-}, serial action; and {-t 11 api-} gatherfng action.

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2.24.1 (-r.a-J serial action. This suffix can verbalize. Its most frequent and predictable meaning is singular repetition, or serial action, often translated one-by-one. Another function is that of reversing the action. {-ra-3 requires a preceding vavel. {-ra-J on noun roots: junt'u 'hot' plus {-ra-} is junt'u.ra.na 'to be hot after being cold. 1 on verb roots, serial action: chinu.na 1 to tie' plus {-ra-} is chinu.ra.na 'to tie one-by-one. 1 22 pisa.na 1 to weigh' plus [-ra-1 is pisa.ra.na 'to weigh one at a time.' mistu.na 'to come out' plus 0ra-3 is mistu.ra.na 1 to come out one-by-one.' {-ra-} on verb roots; reversal : apa.na 'to carry' plus {_-ra-J ~ is apa.ra.na 'to grat;>. 1 sama.na 1 to breathe' plus {-ra-] is sama.ra.na 'to rest' .(s~op breathing). aria.na 'to shoo (animals)' plus {-ra-] is ana.ra.na 'to impound herd an ima 1 s. ' Other uses of {-ra-J~ parla.na 'to speak 1 plus [-ra-J is parla.ra.na 'to talk louder at another time' (several persons). nak 11 a.na 'to burn' plus (-ra:J is nak 11 a.ra.na 'to burn on the surface but not inside. 1 jacha.na 'to cry' plus {-ra-} is jacha.ra.na ~to cry loudly' (several persons). 2. 24. 2 [-t 11 api-} gatherer. This suffix can verbalize. It usually means gathering by the action. It requires a preceding consonant. [ -t"ap i-J on noun roots: uta 'house' plus (-t"api-} is ut.t"api.na 'to sit very close' (be close -together).

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23 {-t 11 api-J on verb roots, gathering: ~.na 1 ca 0 rry' plus {-t"api-J is ap.t 11 api.na 'to gather. I lluxi.na 'spread out granular substance' plus [-t"api-} is llux.t"api.na 'gather granular substance! chinu.na 'to tie' plus [-t"api-J is chin.t 11 api.-na 'to tie two things together. 1 Other uses of l-t"api-J sara.na 'to go' plus {-t"api-1 is sar.t"api.na 1 to get up.' 2.25 (-nuqa-J 'placer'; [-qa-} 'do.,in'; [-xata-J 'on top of' These three suffixes are kno.-Jn to precede [-ta-J , and [-qa-} has been found after [-ja-J. It has not been possible to establish order class any more definitely, because they have not been found in combination with any other suffixes that precede {-ta-}. They may be in the same order class with each other~ 2. 25. l f_-nuqu-J 'placer.' This suffix can verbalize. It is usually fond with carry verbs and other object transporting verbs, and changes the action from dynamic action to static action. Instead of being transported, the object is placed. f-nuqa-} requires a preceding consonant. [-nuqa-} with noun roots: uta I house' p 1 us l_-nuqa-J is ut. nuqa. na 'sit da.,in' (be do:rn). [-nuqa-3 with verb roots: apa.na 'carry' plus [-nuqa-3 is ap.nuqa.na 'to put do,m. 1 jagu.ria 'to thro.-J 1 p]us [-nuqa-3 is jag.nuqa.na 1 to put do.-Jn with force.'

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2.25.2 f-qa-1 1 davn.' This suffix does not verbalize. It occurs most frequently on sara.na 'to go,' and indicates dOtJnward motion. This is the most frequent meaning of {-qa-1, but not its only one. {-qa-} requires a preceding VOtJel. {-qa-} as dOtJnward motion: sara.na 'to go' plus {-qa-1 is sara.qa.na 'to go dcwn. p"usa.na 'to blew' plus {-qa-1 is p 11 usa.qa.na 'to blo.v dOtJn or off.• apa.na 'carry' plus f-qa-1 is apa.qa.na 'to take d0t1n. 1 4 Other uses of [-qa-J: 24 iki.na 'to sleep~ plus i-qa-1 is iki.qa.na 1 to sleep somewhere else. 1 lluji.na 'to spreadout a granular substance' plus {-qa-} is lluji.qa.na 'to separate a lot off one side.' tuyu.na 'to swim' plus {-qa-J is tuyu.qa.na 'to swim far 1 ittle by little.' yati.na 'to kno.'1 1 plus {-qa-1 is yati.qa.na 'to learn.' 2.25.3 l-xata-1 'on top of. 1 This suffix does not verbalize. It indicates action on top of. This is not only a locational, since it ~lso involves motion up.'lard and the suffix is mutually excl.usive with f-qa-1, action davma rd. i-xata-1 requires a preceding consonant. _apa.na 'to carry' plus f-xata-1 is ap.xata.na 'to-put something on top of.' sara.na 'to go' plus {-xata-1 -is sar.xata.na 'to go'up on top of., ati.na 'to cover' plus f-xata-J is at.xata.na 'to put something on top of' (to cover). 2.26 {-ta-1 upt1ard motion, inceptive. This suffix does not verbalize. In carry verbs and a number of others, .1-ta-1 signifies updard motion.

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25 It also functions as an inceptive., without direction involved. In eliciting the recitation forms, various roots seem to stimulate either the up,,,ard or the inceptive meanings of {-ta-1, but in context it appears that some roots can take either meaning. ap.ta.na usually means 'pick up, 1 but in jich':'ax wawanak ap.ta.ni.m 1 nON bring the children,• {-ta-1 is inceptive. [-ta-} requires a preceding consonant. {-ta-J as upt1ard motion: apa.na 'carry' plus {-ta-} is ap.ta.na 'pick up. I sara.na 1 to go 1 plus l.,;,ta-} is sar.ta.na 'stand up, get up. I all i.na 1 to dig' plus [-ta-} is all.ta.na 'dig up. I l-ta-} as inceptive: aywi.na 'to go in a herd' plus {-ta-1 is ayw.ta.na 'to start to go together, e.g. to attack. 1 arka.na 'to follo.-1 1 plus f-ta-1 is ark.ta.na 'to folb-1 after a little while. 1 ~-ana.na 'to shoo' plus l-ta-1 is an.ta.na 'make the animals move' (begin shooing). Other use of {-ta-}: ala.na 1 to buy' plus {-ta-} is al.ta.na 'to buy a lot of things, not for profit, but for personal use. A waste of money may be involved. 1 2.27 {-kata-1, i-kipa-J, {-naqa-}, l-nta-l, 1-nuku-}, -tata-f, l-xaru-1, {-xa:si-l, l-xaya-}. These suffixes precede {-t•a-J in order class. {-nuku-} has been found after f-ja-J. Otherwise they cannot be placed more definitely with regard to ~he other s~ffix~s w6ich precede {-t'a-J. They may be in the same order class.

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26 2.27.1 {-kata-} action across. This suffix can verbalize. It generally signifies action across, closing a gap, and frequently involves action in an up.vard direction. With the carry and motion verbs the action rises; with other verbs it may only pass across (bridge a gap). {-kata-} requires a preceding consonant. {-kata-1 on noun roots: junt'u 'hot' plus {-kata-5 is junt'.kata.na 'to make hot in small area.' {-kata-} on verb roots, motion verbs: apa.na 'carry' plus {-kata-1 is ap.kata.na 'pick up and put do.,;n higher. 1 aywi.na 'to go in a herd' plus {-kata-} is ayw.kata.na 'to go up a hill in a group. 1 *an~.na 'to shoo' plus f-kata-) is an.kata.na 'to drive herd animals up a hi 11. 1 {-kata-} on verb roots, other verbs: una.na.-,'to see• plus {-kata-} is un.kata.na 'look at directly.• (pass a glance across and get it back). qunu.na 'to sit' plus 1,-kata-J is gun.kata.na 'sit close to scxneone.' jak 11 u.na 'to count' plus {-kata-J is jak 11 .kata.na 'to count money to a cashier' (money passes frcxn hand to hand). 1 Other uses of {-kata-}: al.ja.na 'to sell' plus 1-kata-1 is al.j.kata.na 'to sell everything.' awisa.na 'to inform• plus f-kata-1 is awis.kata.na 'to inform everything., chura.na 'to give• plus f-kata-1 is chur.kata.na 'to give something when the s e 11 er can I t s e 11 i t. 1 2.27.2 l-kipa-1 motion passing by or around a corner. This suffix does not verbalize. It was very easy for the Aymara speakers to peel off this

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27 suffix and define it. It requires a preceding vatJel. apa.na 'carry' plus {-kipa-} is apa.kipa.na 'to pass something to other s i de. ' una.na 'to see' plus {-kipa-} is una.kipa.na 'to observe, check' (pass a glance by). pisa.na 'to weigh' plus f-kipa-1 is pisa.kipa.na 'to weigh out too much' (p~ss the right weight). parla.na 'to speak' plus {-kipa-} is parla.kipa.na 'to communicate' (pass ne1s from one to another). 2.27.3 {-naqa-} diffuse action. This suffix does not verbalize. It indicates general, diffuse, non-purposive action, and usually only occurs with motion and carry verbs, although there are some exceptions. 1-naqa-1 fequires a preceding consonant. sara.na 'to go' plus {-naqa-} is sar.naqa.na 'to walk around. I apa.na 'to carry' plus f-naqa-} is ap.naqa.na 'to handle. I una.na 'to see' plus f-naqa-} is un.naga.na 'to have eyes open all around. I 2.27.4 {-nta-1 irn;1ard motion, inceptive. This suffix can verbalize. On carry and motion verbs l-nta-! indicates in11iard motion and on other verbs it acts as an inceptive. {-nta-} on noun roots: {-nta-} requires a preceding VONel. junt'u 'hot' plus t-nta-1 is junt'u.nta.na 'begin to get hot., {-nta-} on verb roots, motion verbs: apa.na 'carry' plus {-nta-1 is apa.nta.na 'to put in., ~•-ana.na '(oshoo' plus {-nta-1 is ana.nta.na 'to shoo in.' p"usa.na 'to bla,;1' plus 1_-nta-1 is p"usa.nta.na 'to bla,;1 in.,

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{-nta-J on verb roots, other verbs: parla.na 'to speak' plus l-nta-1 is parla.nta.na 'to start to speak.• tuyu.na 'to swim' plus {-nta-1 is tuyu.nta.na 'go dOtJn into the water little by little.' jacha.na 'to cry' plus {-nta-1 is Jacha.nta.na 'start to cry without tears, not suddenly.' 2.27.5 {-nuku-1 action a11ay. This suffix can verbalize. It indicates 28 action away from the subject, without any particular direction. Occasionally the action is away from the intention of the actor. 1-nuku-1 requires a preceding vo.1el. 1-nuku-} on noun roots: inku 'carrying cloth' plus {-nuku-J is inku.nuku.na 1 pass to someone. 1 {-nuku-} on verb roots: apa.na 'to carry' plus [-nuku-1 is apa.nuku.na 'thra1 away.' sara.na 'to go' plus -\_-nuku-J is sara.nuku.na 'to get lost' {go away without direction). t 11 ugu.na 1 to dance' plus l-nuku-1 is t"uqu.nuku.na 'to jump away in the wrong direction. 1 2.27.6 {-tata-} scatterer. This suffix can verbalize, and means spread out or scatter. It requires a preceding vodel. f-tata-} on noun roots: junt'u 'hot' plus 1-tata1 is junt'u.tata.na 'to spread out the heat., 1-tata-1 on verb roots: apa.na 'carry' plus f-tata-r is apa.tata.na 'to spread out.' p 11 alla.na 'to burst' plus ~-tata-} is p"a11.'tata.na 'to burst and scatter.'

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29 aY:Ji.na 'to go in a herd' plus {-tata-} is aY:Ji.tata.na 'to go spread out in different directions. 1 2.27.7 ~-xaru-} preparative. This suffix cannot verbalize. It indicates preparing for the action, and ca~ only be found on a small class of carry and motion verbs. It requires a preceding consonant. ~pa.na 'carry' plus l-xaru-1 is ap.xaru.na 'get ready to take., sara.na 'to go' plus l-xaru1 is sar.xaru.na 'get ready to go.• 2.27.8 {-xa:si-} 'static. 1 This suffix does not verbalize •. It is used with carry verbs and indicates that the object is being held rather than carried. It requires a preceding consonant. apa.na 'to carry' plus {-xa:si-} is ap.xa:si.~a 'to hold in hands. 1 ichu.na 'to carry with two hands, e.g., a baby' plus {-xa:si-1 is ich.xa:si.na 'to hold [a baby] in the hands. 1 g'ipi.na 'to carry on the back' plus {-xa:si-J is q 1 ip.xa:si.na 'to hold on the back. 1 2. 27. 9 { -xaya-} attention. This suffix does not verbal i ze, and on 1 y appears on a small number of roots. It is quite"difficult to translate, but seems to mean that the person who is acting is with another person, and .his attention is directed at that person through the action of the verb. f-xaya-J has only appeared on the roots qunu.na 'to sit, I saya.na 'to stand, I p"aya.na 'to cook, I parla.na 'to talk, I laru.na 'to laugh, I jacha.na 'to cry,' and anata.na 'to play.' It requires a preceding consonant.

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30 ~ I to S j t I plus {-xaya-} is ~ 1 to sit with I qunu.na qun.xa;ta.na someone. e''a;ta. na 'to cook' plus l-xaya-} is p"a;t.xa;ta. na 1 to cook for someone. I ~ I tO talk' plus {-xaya-1 is parl .xa;ta.na 'to ta 1 k to someone' anata.na (attention focused on that person). 2.28 f-t'a-~, {-ch'uki-1. These suffixes are in the same order class. l-t•a-} combines easily with other suffi x es; f-ch 1 uki-} does not. 2.28.1 {-t'a-} momentaneous. This suffix can verbalize. It is the most common of the Class 1 suffixes, can go on almost any root, and almost always signifies mo m entaneous, single, or short action. Depending on th ~ root, the length of time may not actually be very short, but it is shorter than the usual meaning of the root. {-t'a-} requires a preceding consonant. l-t'a-\ on noun roots: ~ 'baby' plus i-t'a-J is wa , v.t'a.na 'to whimper (from sibling jealousy). 1 \-t'a-1 on verb roots: parla.na 'to speak' plus l-t'a-1 is parl.t 1 a.na 'talk with someone for a few minutes. 1 sara.na 1 to go' plus l-t'a-} is sar.t'a.na 'to visit {go briefly). I Other uses of 1-t•a-}: apa~na 'carry' plus {-t'a-} is ap.t'a.na 'to give responsibility to someone else. 1 2.28.2 l-ch'uki-l. This suffix does not verbalize. It . indicates purposive action directly at someone, frequently reciprocal. It usually occurs on verbs where the comp 1 ement can be a person. It requires a preceding consonant.

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ira.na 'to carry' plus f-ch'uki-} is ir.ch'uki.na 'two children thr0t1 small things at each other. 1 31 p"usa.na 'to bl' plus f-ch'uki-1 is p 11 us.ch'uki.na 'to bl at someone' (rec i pr oca 1) una.na 'to see' plus f-ch'uki-1 is un.ch'uki.na 'to look at., 2.29 i-rpaya-} This suffix.does not verbalize, and almost never combines with any other suffixes in Class I. It seems to be rather closely connected to l-ra-1 in meaning, but cannot be split into components. It generally signifies multiple, but not serial, action. As with {-ra-3 another apparent function is reversal of the action. a preceding vodel. {.-rpaya-1 requires \-rpaya-} as multiple action: arku.na 'to pile' plus -rpaya-1 is arku.rpayu.na 'to make several piles.• k 11 uch 11 u.na 'to cut' plus ~-rpaya-1 is k"uch"u.rpaya.na 'to cut frcrn different pieces. 1 chinu.na 'to tie' plus l-rpaya-} is chinu.rpaya.na 'to tie several things separate] y. I ja 1 a. na I tO run' plus 1-rpaya-} is 21a. rpaya.na 'to run out (1 i ke tears). ' -rpayaas reversal: ~ 'to carry' plus l-rpaya-1 is ~ 'to behind. ' _apa. na apa. rpaya. na 1 eave ~-ana.na 'to shoo' plus 1-rpaya-1 is ana.rpaya.na 'to leave animals. I 2.3 Set II Suffixes These are the suffixes which act on the inflection of the verb. None except {-ya-} can verbalize, they al 1 can go on almost any root, stem,

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32 or theme, and several of then affect the complements. There are eleven suffixes in th is cl ass. 2.31 {-ya-1 person causative. This suffix can verbalize, but only rarely. Even when it verbalizes a noun root, it acts on the persons involved in the resul:ting berb. It means to cause someone to do something. f-ya-} can reduplicate, and then means 'to cause someone to causE someone to do something. 1 It is the only verbal derivational suffix that can be used twice on the same root. {-ya-J can take a regular {-ru} complement, but it can also take an {-mpi} complement for the new actor. The 1-mpi J complement is used when it is necessary or desirable to sha.,,, respect to the person who is the na J actor object, or if the verb al ready has a {-ru1 complement ~Jhich is not the ne.<1 actor. 1-ya-1 requires a preceding vOtJel. \-ya-1 on noun roots: suti 'name' plus l-ya-} is suti.ya.na 'to baptize' (cause the person to be named). f-ya-} on verb roots: apa.na 'to carry' plus l-ya-l is apa.ya.na 'to send' (cause someone to carry) yati.na 'to kno .,<1 1 plus l-ya-1 is yati.y a. na 'to inform' (cause someone to kno. --J ). jiwa.na 'to die' plus {-ya-1 is jiwa.ya.na 'to kill' (cause someone to die). ima.na 1 to keep' plus {-ya-J is ima.ya.na 'to bury' (cause something to keep). f-ya-J . reduplicated: sutl.ya.ya.n a 'cause [the godfather] to baptize. I yati.ya.ya.na 'cause someone to inform~ 1

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f-ya-} with an {-mp q comp 1 ement when the verb has another { -ru I complement: Naya~
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2.34 (-waya-} distancer. This suffix indicates that the persons involved in the action are far away, or are moving away. [ -wayaJ and l-ni-J are not mutually exclusive; they frequently occur together (see 3. 5). {-waya-} is often reduced to /-wa-/. It requires a preceding vcwel. sar.ta.na 'to go' plus {-waya-} is sar.ta.waya.na 'to get up and go away.' parl.t'a.na 'to tell (briefly)' plus ~-waya-1 is parl.t'a.waya.na 'to tell at some other place.' 2.35 {-rapi-1, f-raqa-J. These suffixes are in the same order class and are mutually exclusive. 2.35.1 {-rapi-} beneficiary. This suffix adds another person to the Inflection: the beneficiary, or person fawhom the action is being performed. The noun which is the beneficiary takes a f-taki} complement rather than a {-ru} complement, and the persons indicated by the inflection are the subject of the {-taki}complement. The {-ru} conplement may still be indicated by the nouns in the sentence, but will no longer be indicated by the inflection. The inflection will agree with the person ofthe {-taki} complement rather than the {-ru1 complB~ent. {-rapi-} requires a preceding v0;1el. Nayaw jupar t'ant' chur.ta 11 1 gave him the bread. 1 NayavJ jupatak t'ant' chura.rap.ta 11 1 gave the bread for him.' Nayaw ju par jupatak t 'ant I chura. rap. ta 11 1 gave him (A) the bread for him (B). 1

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2.35.2 {-raqa-1 victimary. This suffix indicates that there is a complement which is a possession of a 11 victim. 11 The subject of the verb does something to the possession of someone else, against that person's will. Instead of a {-ru1 complement, the complement is a possessive noun phrase. In its complete form, the possessive phrase 35 consists of the possessor plus (-na3 and the possessed plus one of the personal suffixes of possession. Either the possessor or the possessed may be omitted fran the phrase. If the possessor is omitted, the zero complement (the possessed) remains intact. If the possessed is omitted, the possessor adds a verbalizer l-ka-1 and a nominal izer l-iri} to become a noun phrase marked by [-nkiril. l-raqa-1 cannot take a{-rul complement and the possessor is the complement marked in the inflect ion. {-raqa} requires a preceding vo;Jel. ~ apa. na 'to carry• pl~s {-raqa-J is ~ apa.raqa.na 'to take something that isn't the subject's (against the O.-'lner's will).' Nayax juman wawam sar.ta.ya.raq.sma 11 1 woke up your baby (you didn't want me to) 1 (possessor plus possessed noun phrase). Nayax wmJam sar.ta.ya.rag.sma 1 1 woke up your baby' (possessed alone). Nayax jumankir sar.ta.ya.raq.sma :i1 woke up yours' (possessor as a noun phrase with f-nkiri}). All of the parts of the noun phrase obligatorily drop the final va.vel and are zero ca~plements. 2.36 {-si2 } continuative. This indicates continuing action, and is always found with f-ka-1 'ahead.' This helps to distinguish it from the 1si1 3 reflexive. It cannot occur with {-xa2 1 co.~pletive or {-xa3 } complete plural. {-si2 1 continuative requir~s a preceding vo:1el. sara.qa.na 1 to go da.,m 1 plus l'•$i2 }and l-ka-1 is sara.qa.s.ka.-ria 'to be going do...;n.'

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36 apa.na 1 c 9 rry 1 plus ~-si2 1 and{_-ka-3 is apa.s.ka.na 1 to be taking.• parla.p.ka.na 1 to speak ahead (plural) I plus l-si-21 is parla.si.p.ka.na 1 to be speaking ahead (plural). 1 2.37 i-xa2 1 completive. This indicates an action which someone has ca-npleted, or has completed initiation of, and cannot occur with f-si1 1 .. continuative or \-ka-1 1 ahead. r It requiies a preceding consonant. apa.ra.na 1 to grab 1 plus {-xa2 1 is apa.r.xa.na 1 to confiscate• (grab ca-npletely). chura. na 1 to give 1 plus f-xa-21 is chur.xa.na I to give back. I sara.na 1 to go• plus f-xa-21 is sar.xa •. na 1 to go away, back, ha-ne. I lura.na I to do 1 plus 1-xa-2\ is lur.xa.na 1 to do a 1 ready. I 2.38 {-p~1 plural. This suffix is bound to {-ka-1 or {-xa3 ~. Plural is optional in Aymara, and is usually only used for emphasis. It is frequently acccmpanied by the nominal optional plural 1-naka J, but this is not necessary. The plural may refer to either the subject, the complement, or both, with the exception that third person plural complements do not usually take f-p-} unless the subject is plural also. This may be change from a former system in which all plural complements could take l-p-}. f-p-} takes [-ka-J vJhen the action is continuing, and l-xa-1 when it is complete. It requires a preceding vo.vel. Jupanakaw nayar parla.p.x. itu 1 They speak to me. 1 Jupaw nanakar parla.pox. itu 'He speaks to us. 1 Jupanaka1,,1 nanakar parla.p.x. itu 'They speak to us. 1 parla.p.xa.na 'to speak already (plural).• parla.p,ka.na 'to be speaking ahead .(plural). I

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37 2.39 {-xa3 1 (plural ccxnpletive), {-ka-}. These suffixes are in the same order class and are mutually exclusive. 2.39 0 l \xa-}'plura1 'completive. This suffix has no other function than to occur with the plural morpheme {-p-1 in verbs that are not continuative. It cannot occur with {-si-J continuative, and must occur in plural constructions if the f-xa-} ccxnpletive is used. f-xa1 fo11cws a suffix with no discoverable v0t1el. parla.na 'to speak' plus plural completive is parla.p.xa.na 'to speak (plural). 1 2.39.2 {-ka-1 'ahead. 1 This suffix indicates precedence and is quite important in Aymara. It typically appears in a number of distinctive ccxnbinations with other suffixes. Alone, it is us_ually translated 'ahead' and indicates that the person is doing scxnething before someone else does. This is not a completive. l-ka-} also must accompany t-si-1 continuative. It regularly occurs with the negative sentence suffix {-ti}, although it is not itself a negative and does not always have to accompany {-ti}. Finally it occurs with the plural ~-p-1 in situations where the action is continuing. It requires a preceding consonant. t ka 1 a 1 one : sara.na 1 to go' plus {-ka-1 is sar.ka.na 'to go ahead. 1 t-ka-1 with l-si-} continuative: sara.na 'to go' plus 1-si-1 and\-ka-J is sara.s.ka.na 'to be going., [~ka-\ with the negative: Janiw sar.k. i.ti 'he did not go.'

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{-ka-} with the plura~: sara.p.ka.na 1 to be going ahead. I 2.4 Morphophonemic Summary 38 Column one 1 ists those verbal derivational suffixes which require a preceding vo.-Jel; column two 1 ists those which require a preceding consonant. The 1 isting is alp~abetic. + preceding vOtJel {-cha-} {-k i pa-1 {-n i-} t-nta-1 l-nuku-1 l-p-} f-qa-J {-ra-1 1 -rapi-1 l-raqa-} l-rpaya-1 l-si1 1 (reflexive) i-si2 1 (continuative) {-tata-} . {-waya-J f-ya-J + preceding consonant {-ch 1 uk i-} lja-} ~-ka-1 f-kata-1 {-naqa-} {-nuqa-1 {-su-1 f-ta-3 {-t •a-} l-t 11 ap i-1 l-xa2 1 ( ccmp 1 et ive) f-xa3 \ (plural) f-xaru-} {-xa :s i-1 {-xata-1 t-xaya-1 The conditioning of vo.Jcl dropping is morphemic. It will be noticed that the three resonants /w/, /r/, /y/ requirea preceding vo:1el, and this may be evidence of some phonological condit_ioning. 5 All verbal derivational

PAGE 46

39 suffixes which begin with /x/ require a preceding consonant, but this is probably class conditioning, because there is a nominal suffix {-xa} which requires a preceding va,,,Jel, and a sentence suffix {-xa} which exerts no influence of its 01n.

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3. Verbal Derivational Suffixes Ccxnparisons and Ccxnbinations This section will be devoted to comparisons of several of the verbal derivational suffixes, and a discussion of the ways in which they ccxnbine. As has been mentioned previously, the suffixes of Set II can be added to almost any verb root or theme in Aymara, and it is not at all unusual for as many as seven of the Set I I suffixes to occur on a single verb stem. Set I suffixes have morel imitations, some of which have been pointed out in Section 2. They can combine, havever, although usually not in groups of more than two or three. Section 3.6 shONs examples of verbs with large numbers of suffixes added. 3.1 The causatives f-cha-1 and{-ya-}. {-cha-1 is the causative which acts on the verb root and belongs to Class I verbal derivational suffixes. i-ya-} is also a causative, but it acts on the inflection of the verb and belongs to Class I I suffixes. Both i-cha-1 and{-ya-7 can be added to the same verb, in which case causation is applied to both the persons and the action of tre verb. S ever a 1 s et s i 1 1 us t r a t e t h i s c 1 ea r 1 y : suti 1 name 1 suti.cha.na 1 to nickname, call names' (cause naming). suti.ya.na 1 to baptize' (cause scxneone to be named) (godfather to child). suti.cha.ya.na 'make scxneone call names'_ (cause saneone to cause naming). suti.ya.}Sna 'cause the godfather to baptize' (parent to godfather to chi 1 d)

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yati.na 'to kno.'1. I yati.cha.na 'to teach' (cause knowing). yati.ya.na 'to inform' (cause sa:neone to kno,,,,). yati.cha.ya.na 'make someone teach' (cause someone to cause kno.-.,ing) yati.ya.ya.na 1 cauSe Someone tO inform. I 3.2 The directionals {-qa-1, {-su-}, {"-ta-1, {-nta-}. 41 These suffixes all have auxi 1 iary functions to their purely directional ones. l-qa-} is used the least in any but its directional sense, but the other three directionals are used frequently with other functions. The four suffixes fall into two pairs in a directional sense: f-su-1 and f-ta-1 go together, and \-qa-} and l-nta-1 go together. For instance, mistu.na 1 to come out, 1 can take either 1-suJ or [-ta-1, but it cannot take { -qa-1 or 1-nta-J. In terms of Aymara categories, 'out' and 1 up 1 are more 1 ike each other than they are to 'in and 'do1-m, 1 which are 1 ikewise paired. Although these suffixes are not in the same order class, they do not co-occur with ease, and probably cannot co-occur if both suffixes have directional functions. An example of f-ta-} occurring with 1-qa-J is: sara.na 'to go' plus {-qa-J plus {-ta-} is sara.q.ta.waya.na 'to go dcwn, very well dressed, without looking at. anyone. 1 An example off-ta-} and [-su-1 on the same root is: una.na 'to see' plus l-su-J and {-ta-} is un.s.ta.na 'to appear. In both these examples direction is indicated by the first of the directionals, and inception by the l-ta-J. Direction is also marked by no~inal suffixes, and it is interesting to note that although all of the verbal directionals can occur with the

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42 nominal directional f-ru} 1 tcward, 1 all but f-nta-} can occur with the nominal directional l-ta} 'away from. 1 In Aymara it is not possible to go in at the same time as going away. When these suffixes are not used in their directional sense~ f-ta-} and ~-nta-} are closer to each other than they are to f-su-} and {-qa-}. Both f-ta-1 and {-nta-1 are inceptives, while f-su-J is a completive. In their inceptive fun~tions, l-ta-} and t-nta-1 rarely occur on the same root. When they do, there seems to be a time difference between them. 6 For instance: ~ plus {-ta-1 is ark.ta,na 'to follo. after a 1 ittle while, especially spies and others who do not want to be seen. 1 arka~na plus \-nta-1 is arka.nta.nD 'to directly behind' {both people can be seen and are aware of eDch other. 3.3 The canpletives {-su-} and {-xa-1. In Aymara 1-su-} is a completive acting on the root and belonging to Class I verbal derivational suffixes, while l-xa-} acts on the inflection and belongs to Class II suffixes. Several examples illustrate the difference between these two suffixes: ~ ~ una.na un.su.na un.xa.na "' yat 1. na 1 to see. 1 'to look at all over.' 'to see already. 1 'to knON. 1 yat.su.na 'to learn already. I yat.xa.na 1 to kna~ already. I .Yat.s.xa.na 'to already learn something that takes a lot of practice. 1

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3o4 The.distance suffixes {-nuku-} and l-waya-1. These two suffixes both indicate distance; [-nuku~1 indicates distance of the action and t-waya-} distance of the persons. The 43 suffixes can occur together on the same root. l-nuku-} indicates that the action is moving av.:iay fran where it started, \.'1hile l-waya-\ indicates that the persons are moving away or are already av1ay from the action. Examples are: ~ apa.na 'to carry. 1 apa.nuku.na 'to thrOt/ away. I apa.waya.na 'to take away' (as you are going away). apa.nuku.waya.na •to thro.'1 away on one'-s way. I 3.5. Nearness \-ni-} and distance [-waya-1. These two suffixes might be thought to be mutually exclusive, but they are in fact very frequently used together. When they are used together they indicate circular action; the person starts out at a place, does sanething while moving away, and then returns. a~a.na 'carry' plus f-ni-1 and f-waya-} is ~pa.ni.waya.na 'to get saneth i rig on the way and bring it back. 1 ala.na 'to buy' plus 1-ni-J and {-waya-} is ala.ni.waya.na 'to buy sanething on the way and return. 1 {-ni-} plus {-waya-} together express the sentiment of the English ''While you're up, get me a --II The combination of [-ni-1 and {-waya-} can also express discrepancies between where the speaker was at the time of an a~tion and where he is when he tells about ito For instance, Mr~ Yapita, in telling about a

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photograph which was taken in Bolivia, used f-ni-} and {-waya-} to indicate that he took the picture while he was in Bolivia, but was tel1 ing about it in the United States. u~•an aka fotografiy ap.su.ni.way.ta/ 1 I took this picture there. 1 44 The use of {-n i-} and f-waya-} is very important in Aymara; personal location is an essential part of an act. 3.6 Suffix Combinations in Aymara. In this section several examples of verb roots with more than one derivational suffix will be given. This is to shOt.J more about hoN different suffixes combine, As has been pointed out, it is unusual to find more than one or two Class I suffixes on a single root, but there can be as many as seven Class I I suffixes on a single root. The examples given here by no means exhaust the possibil iti~s for combination in Aymara; they are intended only to illustrate various options and interesting results of combination. {-cha-} plus {-ta-}: yati.na 'to knOlv, 1 yati.ch.ta.na 'to teach superficialh,1~• t""cha-1 plus f-ja-!: uta 'bouse, 1 uta.ch. ja.n_a_ 'to build houses in different pl aces. 1 f-ja-1 plus {-si-}: uma.na 'to drink, I um.ja.si.na 'to get drunk. I {-xata-} plus [-ta-1: apa.~a 'to carry, I ap.xat.ta.na 'for rain clouds to come back after a brief disappearance. 1

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45 l-t 11 ap i-1, l-taJ, and {-n i-1: . a pa rl a I t O ca r ry, I f 1 ,v ap.t ap.ta.n1.na 'for rainclouds to gather just before a storm. 1 {-su-1 plus {-si-1: ~ apa. na 'to carry,' ap.su.si.na 1 to take off [clothing]. 1 {-su-} plus f-ra-}: apa.na 1 to carry,' ap.su.ra.na 'to take out one at a time. I {-:-ra-} plus {-ta-}: apa.na 1 to carry, I apa.r.ta.na 'to be cloudless [the sky]. I \-ra-1 plus l-t•a-1: sama.na 'to breathe,' sama.r.t'a.na 1 to rest for a minute. I t-qa-J plus {-ya-1: sara.na 1 to go, 1 sara.qa.ya.na 1 to go dodn to someone, for exc:imple a sick or old person. 1 f-qa-} plus {-xa-1: sara.na 1 to go, 1 sara.q.xa.na 1 to go av-Jay when one is going do.,m. 1 l-naqa-1 plus {-ya-1: sara.na 1 to go, 1 sar.naqa.ya.na 1 to walk someone around [1 ike a baby]. 1 f ka ta } p 1 us i x i } : una.na 1 to see,• un.kata.si.na 1 to look in a mirror,• l-naqa-}, 1-t•a-}, f-si-J, f-waya-}: sara.na 1 to go, 1 I "' sar.naq.t a.s1.waya.na 1 to stay briefly in a place. 1 1-naqa-1, {-t•a-1, t-si-}: sara.na 1 to go, 1 sar.naq.t 1 a,s i.na 1 to 1 ive a luxurious 1 ife alone' (advice against marriage). apa.na 1 to carry, I ap.t.t 1 a.na 1 to pick up•for a minute. I

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46 [-nuqa-}, f-ni-J, l-waya-1, {-si-l, f-ka-}: wara.na 1 to drop sQTiething, 1 war.nuga.ni.waya.s.ka.: 1 1 1 11 place them that way. 1 {-nuku-}, {-ya-}, {-si-1, f-ni-}: '1;ana.na 'to shoo,• ana.nuku.ya.si.ni.:ma 1 1 1 11 leave you off.' {-ra-}, {-ya-J, {-si-3, {-si-1, {-ka-}: ~ I I k . 1 h t"h . b I quna.na tos1t, qunu.ra.ya .. sr.s 1 ewasseat1ng em one yone. [-ya-}, t-ni-}, f-waya-}, {-s i-1, f-p-J, {-ka-}: apa.na 1 to carry, I apa.ya.ni.waya.si.p.k. i 'They sent if from here to there. 1 3.7 A Comparison of Functions of the Verbal Derivationa1 Suffixes Time, mode, and person are contained tn the verbal inflection in Aymara. Other than this, all strictly verbal relationships are expressed in the verbal derivational suffixes, which are varied in the number and types of relationships whi~h they can describe. Almost half of the verbal derivational suffixes are involved in some way in indicating the pdsition of the action, or of the persons with respect to the action. Other suffixes are concerned with the relation of the participants, indicated in the inflection, to the action and to each other {inter actionals). A third type of function the verbal derivationals have is to indicate the type of action, or aspect. Two suffixes indicate plurality. A 1 isting of the suffixes in these classes may help organize the ca~parison and contrast of the functions of verbal derivational suffixes. These suffixes may combine in ways not anticipated, and the gloss is . meant as a guide to the most usual function, not necessarily as a description of a category.

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Position: This category may be divided into two subcategories, direction and location. Some suffixes seem to belong to both. A. Direction: {-kata-} action across {-kipa-1 action passing by or around a corner {-naqa-J action without direction, non-purposive {r.nta-1 action into {-qa-1 action dom {-su-} action out of {-ta-} action up l-tata-} action scattered, outward from a point l-t"api-} action gathers, inward to a point B. Location: l-.nuku-} action away from the start f-nuqa-J action which places {-xa:si-1 action which is static -xata-} action on top of, this involves up:1ard direction also {;;;.ni-} action in which the persons are near [-waya-1 action in which the persons are far Interaction: The first four suffixes affect the complements {-si1 reflexive, the subject acts upon himself ] {-rapi-1 beneficiary, the subjects acts in someone's interest 47 {-raqa-} vistimary, the subject acts to the detriment of someone else's possessions {-ya-1 causative, the subject causes another person to act {-cha-} causative, the subject causes another action {-ch 1 uki-1 reciprocal, the action is between tv10 people

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~e.~: f-ja-1 divisive -ka-} incomplete f-nta-} inceptive {-ra-1 serial multiple {-rpaya-1 multiple non-ordered {-su-1 comp 1 et ive t-ta-1 inceptive {-t 'a-1 momentaneous l-xaru-1 preparative Gxaya-1 attentive {-sl2 } continuative, with respect to persons l-xa2 } completive, with respect to persons Plural: i p-1 p 1 u r a 1 {-xa3 1 plural completive 48

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4. Suggestions for Further Research Further research on the Aymara verbal derivational suffixes needs to be done in the area of the relationships these suffixes have with the rest of the language, and th~ ways in which they influence other parts of the grammar. In particular, more work needs to be done with complements and their relationships to verbs and to verbal derivational suffixes. The description of the complements will of necessity be quit~ complex, because the complements are affected by the roots and the suffixes of the verb. Each verb has its class of zero complements, but the derivational suffixes, particularly Set I suffixes, affect the zero complements. The ., interaction of the root and suffix on complements is very complicated and much needs to be discovered about this area. Some of the effects of Set I I derivational suffixes on the f-ru1 canplements have been indicated here, but this area also needs to be explored further. Another area which needs further research is that of direction. Direction is very important, and there are directional the~es which run through the entire language. The relationship of verbal direction, as sha1n in the verbal derivational suffixes, to direction in other parts of the morphology needs to be examined and explained. There should be interrelation between the directional systems of the verbs and the substantives. Another area of interest which has only been briefly mentioned here is the morphophonemic system. The extent of _patterning and of 49

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50 phonological conditioning has yet to be worked out, and this obviously must take the whole language into consideration. The importance of personal and non-personal kna~ledge in Aymara has hardly been mentioned at all. This dichotomy pervades the whole language, and it is likely that further research may indicate that it also appears in the verbal derivational suffixes (see note 2). Scxne verbal derivational suffixes may indicate source of knavledge in addition to other functions. A final area for further research is an historical analysis of Aymara and historical ccxnparisons of Aymara verbal derivational suffixes with verb suffixes in other languages of the Jaqi family. This would help to define the functions of the verbal derivational suffixes, and might especially shed some 1 ight on the frozen forms described in 2. 1.

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NOTES 1 Persona1 communication, M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista. There are the remains of scrne recently extinct languages which Hardman believes to be related to the Jaqi languages, and evidence that there may be more Jaqi languages existing in Peru and Bolivia. 2 Consequently, if this suffix ever had a vo:1el, it can no longer be discovered. 3 Reconstruction may indicate that the inflections were separable in the past. 4 rhe use of the suffix {-qa-1 1 do.,m 1 for iii.q~-.na 'to sleep some where else' and~ 'to separate a lot off one side' may be a reflection of the hilly terrain in which the Aymara live. Sleeping anyr1here but home is usually d0tin a mountain, and 'to separate a lot off one side' may indicate that a side is usually vertical. 5 see Barber, 1970 (30-35), for the combinations of consonants found in clusters. 6 This may also be a difference between personal and non-personal kn0tlledge, which is of great importance in Aymara. With ark.ta.na 'to fol lo.v after a little while,' the two persons involved cannot be seen by an observer, so he would not have personal kncwledge of the event. With arka.nta.na 1 to follo.v directly behind,' an observer coutd see both people at once and would therefore have personal kno.vledge of the event. 5.1

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APPENDICES

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Appendix A: Glossary of Words The entries are 1 isted alphabetically by CQ~plete morpheme, without regard for morphophonemics. This enables roots to be 1 isted before stems. ala.na 'to buy' al.ja.na 'to sell' al.j.kata;na 'to sell everything' ala.ni.\•Jaya.na 'to buy something on the way and return' al.ta.na 'to buy a lot of things, not for profit, but for personal use. A waste of money may be involved. 1 all i.na 'to dig' all.ta.na 1 to dig up' ;•~ana.na 'to shoo animals I an.kata.na'to drive herd animals up a hill' ana.ki.na 'to herd animals' ana.nta.na 'to shoo in' ana.nuku.na 'to herd away' ana.nuku.ya.si.ni.:ma 1 1 1 11 leave you off' ana.ra.na 'to impound herd animals' ~ ana.rpay~.na 'to leave animals' an.ta.na -•to make the animals move' anata.na 'to play' anat.xaya.na 'to interrupt or annoy someone by playing 53

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~ apa.na 1 to carry' ~ ap.ja.na 1 to help to carry 1 ap.kata.na 'pick up and put dOtJn higher' ... apa.kipa.na 'to pass scmething to the other side' ap;naqa.na 'to handle' apa.ni.na 'to carry w~en one is near or coming near' ~ apa.ni.waya,na 'to get scmething on the way and bring it back' apa.nta,na 'to put in' apa.nuku.na 1 throN away' apa.nuku.waya.na 'to thro.'I away on ohe's way' ap.nuqa.na 'to put do .. m I apa.qa.na 'to take do.,vn' ~ apa.ra.na 'to grab' apa.r.ta.na 'to be cloudless (the sky) I ~ apa.r.xa.na 'to confiscate' apa.raga.na 1 to take something that is not the subject's' ~ apa.rpaya,na 'to leave behind' apa.si.na 'to carry (oneself) I apa.s.ka.na 'to be taking' ap.su.na 'to take out' ap.su,ra.na 'to take out one at a time' ap.s,u.si.na 'to take off (clothing) I ap.ta.na 'to pick up, begin to take' ap,ta.ni.m 'bring {imperative) 1 I ~ I ap.t.t a.,n,a to pick up for a minute' apa;tata.na 'to spread out 1 54

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ap.t 1 a.na 1 to give responsibility to scxneone else• ap.t 11 api.na 1 to gather' ap.t•~pi.ni.na 'for rainclouds to gather just before a storm' apa:waya.na 'to take away' ap.xaru.na 1 to get ready to take' ap.xa:si.na 'to hold in hands' ap.xata.na 'to put sanething _on top of' 55 ap.xat.ta.na 'for rain clouds to come back after a brief disappearance' apa.ya.na 'to send' apa. ya. n i .waya. s i. p. k. i I they sent it fran here to there' arka.na 'to foll0t1 1 arka.nta.na 1 to folla~ directly behind' ark.ta.na 'to after a little while' arku.na 'to pile' arku.rpaya.na 'to make several piles' ati.na 'to cover' at.xata.na 'to put something on top of' awisa.na 'to inform' awis.kata.na 'to inform everything' a't'.ti.na 'to wash with a swirling motion' ayti.1 i.na 'to sway, .1 ike a bridge, or to nod the head jerkily' ayti.nki.na 'to sway up and and around in the air' a):'.Ji.na 'to go in a herd' .aJ'.11.kata.na 'to go up a hill in a group' a):'.:' •. ta,na 'to start to go together, e.g. to attack' .. ay,:li.tata.na 'to go spread out in different 'directions'

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chura.na 'to give' chur.kata.na 'to give something when the seller can't sell it' chur.xa.na 'to give back' chinu.na 'to !ief chin.ja.na 'to divide and tie up' chinu.ra.na 'to tie one by one' chinu.rpaya.na 'to tie several things separately' chin.t"api.na 'to tie two things together' ichu.na 'to carry with two hands, e.g. a baby' ichu.xa:si.na 'to hold [a baby] in the hands' iki.na 'to sleep' iki.qa.na 'to sleep SQnevhere else' ima.na 'to keep' ima.ya.na 'to bury' inku 'carrying cloth' inku.nuku.na 'to pass to someone' ira.na 'to carry' ir.ch'uki.na 'for two children to throN small things at each other' ir.pa.na 'to lead SQneone' ir.ta.na 'to pick up' jacha.~a 'to cry' jacha.nt~.~~ 'to start to cry without tears, not suddenly' jacha.ra.na 'to cry loudly (several people)' jach.su.na 'to cry suddenly' 56

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jak".ja.na 1 to divide in equal groups (by counting) I ja~'.kata.na 'to count money to a cashier' jala.na 'to run' jala.rpaya.na 'to run out (1 ike tears) 1 jaqu.na 1 to thrON 1 jaq.nuqa.na 'to put dONn with force' jaq.su.na 'to thr0t1 out and up' jila.na 1 to grON 1 jil.su.na 'to gro~ up' jiwa.na 1 to die' j iwa. ya. na I to k i 11 1 junt 1 u 'hot' junt 1 .ja.na . 'to be hot '(persons, animals) I lunt'.Rata.na 1 to make hot in a small area' junt'u.nta.na 1 to begin to get hot' junt'u.ra.na 'to be hot after being cold' junt'u.tata.na 'to spread out the heat' k 11 uch 11 u. na I to cut I k 11 uch 11 .ja.na 'to divide with a blade' k~ 1 uch 1 : 1 u. rpaya.na 1 to cut from different pieces I l iwa.na 'to feed (animals) I 1 iw.ja.na 'to serve 57

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lura.na ':to do' lur.xa.na 1 to do already' ,1 luj i.na 'to spread out granular substance' lluji.qa.na 'to separate a lot off one side' _11uj.t 11 api.na 1 to gather a granular substance' mistu.na 'to come out' mistu.ra.na 'to come out one at a time' nak"a.na 'to burn' nak"a.ra.na 'to burn on.the surfacebut not inside' nuwa.na 'to slap' nuw.ja.na 1 to punch' parla.na 'to speak' pa_rl a. k i pa. na I to communicate I parla.nta.na 'to start to speak' parla.p.ka.na 1 to speak ahead '.(plural) I parla.p.xa.na 'to speak already (plural) I parla.ra.na 'to talk louder at another time' parla.s i.~na 'to speak (oneself) I . ' parla.si.p.ka.na 'to be speaking ahead (plural) I parl.su.na 'to pronounce' parl.t'a.na 1 to talk with SQ~eone a fe,i minutes' ... part.t'a.waya-_:~ 1 to tell at some other place' part.xaya.na 1 to talk to someone (attention focused on that person) 1 58

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~ pirqa.na ~to build a wall' pirq.su.na 'to finish building' .. pirq.xa.na 'to divide a wall I pisa.na 'to weigh' pisa.kipa.na 'to weigh out too much' pisa.ra.na 'to weigh one at a time' p"al la.na 'to burst I p"alla.tata.na 'to burst and scatter' ~•aya.na 'to cook' p''ay.xaya.na 'to cook for someone' p 11 U s a n a I t O b 1 Oil I p"us.ch'uki.na 'to blo..v at someone (reciprocal) 1 p"usa.nta.na 'to bla<1 in' p"usa.qa.na 'to bl0t1 or off' p"us.su.na 'to blo,,r out' ~ qunu.na I tO $ it I qun.kata.na 'to sit close to someone' gunu.ra.ya.si.s.k. i 'he was seating them one by one' gun.xaya.na 'to sit with someone' q'ipi.na 'to carry on the back' . . . ' g'ip.xa:si.na 'to hold on the back' 59

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sama.na 'to breathe' sama.ra.na 'to rest' sama.r.t'a.na 1 to rest for a minute' sara.na 'to go' sar.ka.na 'to go ahead' sar.naqa.na 'to walk around' 60 sar.naq.t'a.si.na 'to 1 ive a luxurious 1 ife alone (advice against marriage)' sar.naq.t'a.si.waya.na 'to stay briefly in a place' sar.naqa.ya.na 'to walk someone around (1 ike a baby) 1 sara.nuku.na 'to get lost' sara.p.ka.na 'to go ahead' sara.qa.na 'to go da,m' sara.qa.s.ka,na 'to be going davn' sara.q.ta.waya.na 'to go do.sin, very well dressed, without looking at anyone' ~ sara.q.xa.na 'to go away, when one is going da:m' ~ sara.qa.ya.na 1 to go to someone, e.g. a sick or old person' sara.s~ka.na 'to be going' sar.ta.na 'to stand up, get up' sar.ta,waya.na 'to get up and go away' sar.t'a.na 'to visit' sar.t 11 api.na 'to get up' sar.xa.na 'to go back, av,ay, home' ~ 1 to ready to go' sar.xaru.na get sar.xata.na 1 to go up on top of' saya.n~ 'to stand' ~ay.ja.~~ 'to stand on one foot'

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suti 1 name' ~-. ' , . .. .. ~utJ.cha.na 'to nickname, ~all names . . . . ., . . ' . . ~uti.cha.ya.na 'to make someone name 1 t suti.ya.na 'to baptize' .. I suti.ya.)'.a.na 'to cause [the godfather] to baptize' tugi.na 'to scold' tug.xa.na 'to scold someone' tuyu.na 'to swim' .tuyu.nta.na 'to go do.vn into the water 1 ittle by 1 ittle' $U)'.u.ga.na 'to swim far 1 ittle by 1 ittl~ 1 t 11 aya 'cold' _t"a)'.. ja.na ~to be cold (persons, animals) I t 11 uqu.na 'to dance' t 11 uqu.nuku.na 'to jump away in the wrong direction' t 11 Uq. SU. na I to jump Up I uma.na 'to drink' . "-' I d k I um~Ja.s1.na to get run una.na 1 to see' un.ch'uki.na 'to look at' un.kata.na 'to look at directly' un.kata.si.na 1 to look in a mirror• una.kiea.na'-' 1 to observe, ch 61

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un.naqa.na, 1 to have eyes open all around 1 un.su.na 'to look at all over' un.s.ta.na 1 to appear' un.xa.na 1 to see already' usu.na 'to be sick, to hurt' us.ja.na 1 to be sick after drinking too much' uta I house 1 uta.cha.na 1 to build a house' uta.ch.ja.na 1 to build houses in different places' ut. ja.na 1 to exist, to 1 ive saneplace' . ut.nuqa.na 'to sit dovn 1 ut.t 11 api.na 1 to sit very close' ~ wara.na 1 to drop sanething 1 war.nuga.ni.waya.s.ka.: 1 1 1 11 place them that way• 'baby' wawa.cha.na 1 to have offspring (animal) I waw. t I a. na I to whimper ( from s i b 1 i ng jealousy) 1 wiru.na 'to float' ~ wir.ja.na 'to circle in the air 1 ike buzzards' 'iana.na 'to try 1 yana.e,a,.~a 'to help 1 yat i. na I to kno,'/ I )'.ati.cha.na 'to teach' 62

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4 ,yati.ch.ta.na 1 to teach superficially' h ~ I I yat1.c a.ya.n~ to make someone teach yati.qa.na 1 to learn' yat.su.na 1 to learn already' 63 yat.s.xa.na 1 to learn already something that takes a lot of practice' yat.xa. na -~ to kn0tJ a 1 ready 1 yati.ya.na 'to inform' yati.ya.ya.na 'to cause someone to inform'

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Appendix B: Index of Suffixes f.;cha-} 2. 21, 3. l {-ch'uki-1 2.28.2 {-ja-1 2.22 f-ka-1 2.39. 2 {-kata-1 2. 27. l ~k iJ 2. 11 f-kipa-1 2. 27. 2 {-1 i-} 2. l 2 l-naqa-} 2. 27. 3 {-n i-} 2.33, 3.5 -nki-1 2. l 2 {-nta-l 2. 27 .L~, 3.2 {-nuku-l 2. 27. 5, 3.4 \-nuqa-} 2. 25. l {-p-1 2.38 {-pa-1 2. 13 f-qa-1 2. 25. 2, 3.2 l-ra-J 2. 24. l l-rapi-1 2.36.1 1-raqa-l 2.36. 2 { .. rpaya-} 2. 29 64

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-si1 1 ,2. 32 f '1 -SI-' 2 2.35 {-suJ 2. 23, 3. 2, 3.3 f-ta-1 2. 26, 3.2 f-tata-1 2. 27. 6 {-t•a-} 2. 28. 1 {-t 11 api-J 2. 24. 2 {-waya-1 2. 34, 3. 4, 3.5 {-xa1 . 1 2. 14 {-xa-2} 2.37, 3.3 f-xa3 2. 39. 1 \-xaru-l 2.27.7 t-xa:si-} 2.27.8 {-xata-1 2. 25. 3 {-xaya-1 2.27.9 l-ya-1 2.31, 3.1 65

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Append ix C: Morpheme Frequency Using nine dialogues frQll the teaching materials prepared by the Aymara Language Materials Pr?ject, and eight stories told by native_ Aymara speakers (one of which was taped by M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista and three of which were collected by Lucy T. Briggs), a count was made of the frequency of occurrence of each of the verbal derivational suffixes. Some skeNing of the count was undoubtedly present because any particular vocabulary item which appeared in one story frequently appeared several times, but the general order is fairly accurate. Suffixes are 1 isted in order, beginning with t~e most frequent, and the numbers refer to the actual number of times each suffix was counted. Set is indicated by the preceding number. 11 l-si1 1 (reflexive) 88 11 {-p-} 32 11 \-kaJ 85 11 f-xa-} (plural) 28 l-t'a-J 79 [-su-1 26 11 l-ni-1 67 l:. ra-J 13 II {-waya-J 57 t-t"api-! 1 2 II f-xa2 \ (canpl et ive) 57 \-nta-1 12 II \-s.i2 \ (cont inuat ive) 48 i-qa-1 9 t 1-ja-1 40 II l-rapi-} 9 I I f-yal 38 \-xaru-} 8 I. l-ta-1 37 \-ch'uki-1 8 66

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67 I {-cha-:1 6 \-rpaya-} 2 I ~-xata-j 6 {-tata-} 2 I \-nuqa-5 6 II {-raqa-} I f-naqaJ 5 l-nuku-1 I {-kata-} 2 ~-xa:si-} 0. ~-kipa-} 2 -~ i-xaya-1 0

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Appendix D: Dialogue The follcwing dialogue was written by Mr. Yapita and Miss Vasquez for the Aymara language course at the University of Florida. A literal translation is presented interline.ally, and a free translation follods. Each verbal derivational suffix is underlined. Chacha.x The man Jusly Joe CH I UQI PALL. JA. N. XATA POTATO HARVESTING ON sa.ta.w, warmi.sti Maruj is ca 11 cd and the woman ._ Marge jupa.x yanap. iri.naka.mpi.w ch 1 uq pa 11.j. i r for sorting she and the helpers potato Tata Mr. Jusiya.sti Joe sara.raki.ni.w is also going ju pa. na ka. r them sa. ta. rak i .w, a 1 so is ca 11 ed sara._e.~.ni/ are going. yanap.iri/ for helping. M. Jusiy, na.naka.x ch 1 uq pall.j.iri.w Joe, we potato for sorting sara._e.~.:, 1 et us go, yanap. i r i. naka.x the helpers pur i.!0_._e.~. i.w/ have arrived, 68

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which from pile will you sort jach'a p' 1 ina.t.cha? big pile from or? jisk'a 1 i tt 1 e p 11 ina.ta: pile from 69 M. K 11 a: jach'a That big 11 h p ina. ta.:. s_pa. c pi 1 e from or s~.3. t.wa. y/ I said. J. Jan uka. t pa 11 2_ . .!!!. .e ka. m. t i , do not sort, antisans j isk'a p 11 ina. :ki Not from that rather laq'u.ta.n.jama.x/ uka. n in that it looks like there are wormy ones. wawa. naka. tak for children p 11 aya. n i? w i 11 cook? 1 ittle pile would be Nin.stj And fire k''iti;s who M •. Naya.: ahva.t p 11 ay.~.waxa. :.xa, mirinta.s ,._, h. / apa.~.na. :.c 1.y J. early will cook, our lunch we need to take. Wal i.ki.w, Okay, uk 11 ama.x then naya.mp. pacha. y all of us ch I u nu. : w i. r sara..~.nani.x, will go, ch 1 uqi.s potatos place where potatoes are freeze-dried . k' 1 umu. na. : chi. y / there is need to take on pack animal.

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M. Uk 11 ama-.x sar.~.ma. y, Then please get ready to go, wayu.!l.!..waya. :ta/ you w i 11 carry on the way. uma.mp with water Mama Maruja.x yanap. iri.naka.mpi.w sar._!'5. i, chacha.x man Mrs. Marge with the helpers q 11 ipa. t. rak also frcm behind sara.ni/ w i 11 go. is going ahead, J. Niya.raki.s And a 1 ready pa11.E.!::!,.~ta:ta.xa:, you all had sorted out, uk 11 ama.x tunta.mpi.tak then for the tunta ch 1 unu.mpi.tak . and for the ch 1 unu k 11 umu.: .xa. y/ I wil 1 take on pack animal. M. Pall.Ja•E..!.•ka.rak.t.wa, We all are still sorting, J A I rm.~.~-~.p1n1.ta:t.wa, I forgot by the way, amta .~. ta/ I remembered. um.st and water wayu.n. ta.ti? did you carry? Maruja, k 11 ay. ja. nak Marge, in that spot over there lup'i.2...!,.sa.rak sar.~ta.sti, (apa.!l.!,.:ta.w) 70 M. Kuna What thinking to yourself did you \'ialking around 11 bring it here 11

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sa.rak.sma.sa:/ I told you. J. Jich 11 a.x New not k "? tu u._y.~._e.sna.t1. will we finish? don't get mad. M. Janjaw, wal. ja.: -~-~i .w, I doubt it, there's still plenty, laq 'u. ta. n i .w/ wormy ones. Jich 11 .ur Today uk:ama.ru.s and also J. Uk 11 ama.x jan ukn p''ina.t pall.~..ka.sama:n.ti/ wa 1 i many Then no that fr~n pile you all shouldn't have sorted. 71 M. Juma. ra k i. s And you j ich 1 : 1 .armant 11 i .x (i isk'a p" in. t pall .~.!l!_•.E•~~m) this morning 11 1 ittle sis.ta.xa, jich"a,x you said, na-1/ sa. rak. ta.w/ you say. (jan uka. t "not from that J. Uka. t. a . tuqi.~.~.raki,k.ta.w/ About that you even get mad. from pi 1 e we should sort'' pa 11 a._e. ka. sama: n. t) we shouldn't sort 11 Q"ar. ur Tomorro.v k 1 acha. t s 1 o.vl y

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72 luxu.2_.~.chi.ni.y, tuku.~.~k. chi. nani. y, we can f i n i sh , war ._n_uqa. tat al 1 spread out they will go ahead and freeze juk'a.ki. :.x. i.sa:/ there are just a few. M. Way kun.ja:ma.s tuku.~._e-~.tan.w, At last we are.finished, sama.~E~nani/ 1 et us rest. Mama. nak, Ladies, ak.sa.t this way mirinta.~._e-~.nani/ we w i1 l eat 1 unch. t''una ch 'uq q I ip.~.waxa. :sma/ J. Jich 11 a.x No.-1 aka this tiny potato you ought to take on your back. M. Juma.y ap.xaru.waya.m.xa, You get ready to take it, J. Uk 11 ama.x Then uta.ru.y :to house you go M. Sama.J:.t'a.~.ki.:.xa.y I w i 11 only rest k I / 1 na t a. ya.~. 1 r 1 : xa : be alla1ed to rest. ma: a J •. Aka This kustal sack nuk._!.!.:_. ita/ help me 1 oad. qar.2_.2_.!5. itu.wa/ weariness has come to me. nin fire ratu, moment p 11 ay. iri/ cooking. aka. taq this much jan no

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M. K 11 iw .~.~ma. y, Load it yourself, J. Jat 11 i. :.chLxa.y, lt~s heavy, M. Kam isa. raki. st Ha
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74 J. Which pile are you going to sort from, the little one or the big one? M. I was thinking from that pile over there. J. Don't sort frQn that one; instead sort from the small pile, it looks 1 ike it has wormy ones. NON, who's going to cook for the children? M. I'll cook early, we really ought to take our lunch. J. Okay, let's all go together; we also need to take the potatoes to the freeze-dry place. M. Then, please get ready to go, and bring the water with you. Marge is going ahead with the helpers, and her husband will foll0tJ. J. You've already finished sorting~ So I 1 11 take them on the donkey for the tunta and the ch'.u~u. M. But we're still sorting! Did you bring the water? J. I completely for~ot, Marge, just remembered a minute ago. M. But what were you thinking? I told you to"bring it. J. Well don't get mad no.J. Do you think we'll finish today? M. I doubt it, there's still plenty, there are a lot of wormy ones too. J. Then you shouldn't have sorted fran that pile. -M. You yourself said this morning that we should sort frQn the small pile. Na,., you say we shouldn't have sorted fron that pile. J. You even get mad about that. Well, we'll finish easily tomorro.,,. Once they're all spread out in place they'll go ahead and freeze; anyway there's not too many. M. At last we're through, we can rest a bit, ladies, come help yourselves. J. Na,.J I'd 1 ike you to take the tiny potatoes on your back. M. You take them, I 'm ti red. J. Then go home and cook.

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75 M. 1 'm g9ing to res t aw h i 1 e , can I t you 1 et me be even a manent? J. Help me load the sack. M. Load it yours elf, or aren't you strong enough? J. It's heavy what are you scolding me for? M. What do you mean heavy? That little nothing! J. Such a shrEW! Jesus! M. Thank you, ladies, for your help. lt•s getting darl:e, let's go. Here's your part.

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Bl BL I OGRAPHY Barber, Laura M. 1970. A Phonology of Aymara. (unpublished master's thesis, University of Florida). Hardman, M. J. Structure. 1966. Jaqaru: Outline of Phonological and Morphological Hague, Mouton. (Janua.Linguarum, Series Practica 23.) Hardman-de-Bautista, M. J., Juana Vasquez, Juan de Dios Yapita M. 1972. Aymar Ar Yatiqanataki. (U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare contract number OEC-0-9-097758-4097) The Aymara Lang.!-,lage Materials Project. Gainesville: University of Florida. Hockett, Charles F. 1958. A Course in Modern Linguistics. Na-1 York: Macmillan. Nida, Eugene A. 1949. Morphology: The Descriptive Analysis of Words. Second Edition. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan Press. Vasquez, Juana. (ed.) 1970-1971. Aymara NE.lt1sletter 8-15. (mimeographed) Gainesville: University of Florida. Yapita, J. de Dios (ed.) 1970. Aymara Nedsletter 1-7. (mimeographed) Gainesville: University of Florida. 76

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Bl OGRAPH I CAL SKETCH Nora Clearman England was born on November 8, 1946, in Washington, D. C. In June, 1963, she gradu.ated from Hicksville High School. In June, 1967, she received a Bachelor of Arts degree from Bryn Mawr College with a major in anthropology. In September, 1968, she began graduate study at the University of Florida in the Department of Anthropology. She was supported as a graduate assistant for two years by the Urban Studies Bureau at the University of Florida, and for one year by the Aymara Language Materials Project. She is a member of the Linguistic Society of America.

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I certify that I have read this study and that in my op1n1on it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Artso I certify that I have read this study and that in my op1n1on it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts. Dr. Norman N. Markel Associate Professor of Anthropology This thesis was submitted to the Department of Anthropology in the College of Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Artso December, 1971 Dean, Graduate School


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