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social ecology of Cali, Colombia.

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social ecology of Cali, Colombia.
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social ecology of Cali, Colombia.
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Wagner, Eric Armin,
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Barrios ( jstor )
Cities ( jstor )
City centers ( jstor )
Ecology ( jstor )
Housing ( jstor )
Land use ( jstor )
Population growth ( jstor )
Socioeconomic status ( jstor )
Socioeconomics ( jstor )
Upper class ( jstor )

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University of Florida
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University of Florida
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Copyright Eric Armin Wagner. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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THE SOCIAL ECOLOGY OF CALI, COLOMBIA


By





ERIC ARMIN WAGNER









A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL
FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY





UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1973































COPYRIGHT
1973
By

ERIC ARMIN WAGNER































DEDICATED TO

MY PARENTS

FLORENCE AND ARMIN WAGNER














ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


The writer wishes to express his deep appreciation

to the present chairman of his supervisory committee,

Dr. Joseph S. Vandiver, and to his former chairman, now at

the University of Alabama, Dr. Irving L. Webber. Without

their continuing interest and encouragement this project

might never have been completed. To them the writer owes a

great debt of gratitude.

Other members of the supervisory committee, Dr. T.

Lynn Smith, Dr. Ruth Albrecht, Dr. Walter Rosenbaum, and

Dr. Benjamin Gorman deserve the writer's appreciation for

their willingness to serve on his committee, and for their

assistance.

Grateful acknowledgment is expressed to the

Rockefeller Foundation and the Center for Latin American

Studies of the University of Florida for the grant assistance

which made this project possible.

To his parents the writer owes thanks for their

constant encouragement to complete the project, and for their

providing such a pleasant place for the writing of the

dissertation. To his aunt, Gwen Edwards, and to Stephanie

Goldsberry, the writer owes thanks for help in typing.

iv









Dr. Irving Webber's wife, Lois, helped the writer in many

ways while he was in Colombia. Others, including J. Selwyn

Hollingsworth, David Coombs, Lawrence Hlad, Hugh Bloemer,

and Robert Shelly, helped in many ways.

Last, and most importantly, the writer is obligated

to the many people in Cali who were generous with their

time, and always willing to help. Especially valuable were

the members of the Rojas family, and Mercelitas, to whom the

writer owes much.

Were it not for the support of all of these people,

the project could never have been realized. Yet the

responsibility for the project must remain with the writer

alone.
















TABLE OF CONTENTS


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS. . . . . . . . .

LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . .

LIST OF FIGURES. . . . . . . . .

ABSTRACT . . . . . . . . . .


CHAPTER

I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . .

II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ON ECOLOGY. .

The "Classical" School of Urban Ecology.

Social Area Analysis . . . . .

The Ecology of the Latin American City .

III. PROCEDURES OF INVESTIGATION. . . .

Definition of the Problem. . . . .

Collection of the Data . . . . .

Field Schedule . . . . . .

Nature of the Data . . . . . .

Presentation and Interpretation of the
Data . . . . . . . . .

IV. CALI: FROM COLONIAL TOWN TO INDUSTRIAL
CITY . . . . . . . . .

The Growth of the City .. . ....

Cities in Colombia and Latin America .

Growing Industrialism--The Economic Base
of the City. . . . . . . .


. . iv

. . viii



. . xi






4


. . 18


. . 27

. . 39

. . 39

. . 42

. . 42

. . 46


. . 60


. . 62

. . 67

. . 73


* . 83


.










CHAPTER


Topography and Transportation. .


Class Structure. . .

The Image of the City. .

V. THE ECOLOGY OF CALI. .

Land Use . . . .

Barrio Development: The
Growth of the City .

Density of the Barrios .

The Spatial Distribution
Socioeconomic Status .

The Spatial Distribution

The Structure of Cali. .

VI. CONCLUSIONS. . . .


BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . .

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. . . .


Physical





of


of Family

* . .

. . .


. . .

* . .


vii


. . . . . . 93


Status.

* . .



. . .

. .t .


119

128


135

142

149

161


166

179


. . 89














LIST OF TABLES


TABLE

1 Population Range of Cali Barrios Used in
Studying Residential Ecology ......... 51

2 Growth of Cali from 1793 to 1964 . . . .. 68

3 Population of Eleven Largest Municipios,
1905-1964. . . . . . . . ... 74

4 Growth of Cali in Relation to the Growth of
Colombia: 1938-1951, 1951-1964. . . .. 75

5 Primacy of Urban Structure: Four Regions of
Colombia, 1964 . . . . . . . . 79

6 Rank-Size Distribution of Colombian
Cities, 1964 . . . . . . . . 80

7 Urbanization of the Latin American
Population . . . . . . . . 83

8 Economically Active Population Engaged in
Industrial Activity, By Departments, 1964. . 90

9 Social Stratification in Cali, 1964. . . ... 94

10 Industrial Barrios in Cali, 1968 . . ... 107

11 Cali Barrios, Names, Estimated Percentage of
Land Use, and Socioeconomic Status, 1968 . 113

12 Percentage of Developed Land Devoted to
Various Uses, Cali, 1968 . . . . .. 116

13 Density of Barrios by Socioeconomic Status,
Cali, 1964 . . . . . . . .. 131

14 Mean Distance of Barrios From City Center, By
Mean Number of Family Members Per Barrio . 145

15 Members Per Family of Barrios by Socioeconomic
Status, Cali, 1964 . . . . . . . 147


viii









TABLE


16 Mean Distance of Barrios from City Center, By
Mean Family Units Per Housing Unit . . .. 148

17 Family Units Per Housing Unit of Barrios by
Socioeconomic Status, Call, 196:T .. .. 149

18 Barrios Bordered by Arterial Highways, By
Socioeconomic Status, Cali, 1968 . . .. 158


















LIST OF FIGURES


FIGURE

1 Cali . . . . . . . . . . 100

2 Land Use in Call 1968 ....... . 102

3 Commercial Land Use in Cali Barrios 1968 . 103

4 The Growth of the Barrios of Cal. . . . 120

5 Density of Residential Barrios, Cali -
1964 . . . . . . . . .. 129

6 The Distribution of Residential Barrios by
Socioeconomic Status, Cali 1968. ... . 136

7 The Distribution of Residential Barrios
by Family Size, Cali 1964. . . . . 143

8 The Distribution of Residential Barrios by
Number of Families Per Housing Unit,
Cali 1964. . . . . . . . 144








Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of
the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

THE SOCIAL ECOLOGY OF CALI, COLOMBIA

By

Eric Armin Wagner

December, 1973

Chairman: Joseph S. Vandiver
Major Department: Sociology


Urban social differentiation in Cali, Colombia, is

examined by use of elements of both "classical" ecology and

social area analysis. The barrios of the city are analyzed

in terms of population density, land use, socioeconomic

status, and family status, with maps showing the spatial

distribution of these variables. Housing is used as an

indicator of socioeconomic status, and mean number of family

members and number of family units per dwelling unit are

used as indicators of family status. These data were

derived from compilations of the Cali Municipal Planning

Office, the 1964 Colombian census, and a field survey of the

barrios of Cali during the 1967-1968 academic year.

A substantial degree of functional specialization in

land use was found, as evidenced by a clear and distinct

central commercial area and a rather sharply-defined

industrial area. At the same time, there were still a

number of traditional commercial functions scattered through-

out the city, leading to the conclusion that while the








commercial function was still in the process of changing

from a preindustrial to an industrial level of organization,

Cali was more an industrial than a preindustrial city.

While the density of the population of Call declined

from the center of the city to the periphery, level of socio-

economic status appeared to have a greater influence on

density than distance from city center. As a result, some

of the poorer peripheral areas of the city had higher

densities than more central areas. In this respect Cali was

more like non-Western than Western cities. At the same time,

central city densities in Cali are now declining, which is

more characteristic of Western than of non-Western cities.

Like the examination of land use, the examination of density

afforded a glimpse of a city in the process of change in its

ecological structure.

The analysis of the spatial distribution of socio-

economic status and family status showed that socioeconomic

status varied sectorially and family status varied concen-

trically. This confirms the findings of previous studies in

social area analysis, and adds a Latin American example to

the widening body of research exploring the dimensions of

urban social differentiation.

The clear sectorization of socioeconomic status and

the concentric distribution of family status in Cali, indi-

cative of a rather pronounced level of urban differentiation,

is more characteristic of industrial than it is of pre-

industrial cities. Thus, while land use and density data


xii









showed that Call does not totally conform to the character-

istics of industrial and Western cities, it is clear that

Call is much closer to these theoretical types than it is

to non-Western and preindustrial cities. If this were not

the case, then the differentiation of socioeconomic status

and family status areas would have been much less clearly

defined.

In theoretical terms, the shape of the city

described in this study conforms much more closely to the

sector hypothesis of Homer Hoyt than it does to the con-

centric zone theory of Ernest Burgess or the multiple nuclei

theory of Chauncey Harris and Edward Ullman.

Further research is needed before the findings of

this study can be applied to other cities in Latin America

and the developing world.


xiii












Chapter I


INTRODUCTION


The internal structure of the city in Latin America

is poorly understood. Though a number of investigations of

this topic have been published, most indicate merely that

the traditional, plaza-centered structure of the city in

Latin America is changing in the direction of the North

American city pattern, where status rises as one goes from

the center toward the periphery of the city. The gross

generality of this finding seems much too inadequate for the

actual complexity of city structure that one finds in Latin

America. Further, this finding seems to be rather culture-

bound, implying that the "ideal" North American pattern of

city structure will be attained as Latin American societies

"modernize."

Through a fortuitous set of circumstances, the

author was afforded the opportunity to examine the structure

of a city in Latin America. Appointment as a graduate

assistant in the University of Florida--Universidad del

Valle Joint Project in History, Political Science, and

Sociology, supported by a grant from the Rockefeller Founda-

tion, enabled him to spend the 1967-1968 academic year in

1









Cali, Colombia. This position provided an opportunity to

gather data for an ecological study.

Cali is a rapidly growing, rapidly industrializing

city of more than six hundred thousand people in southern

Colombia. Though not the capital of the country, it is a

regional city of great importance, and is in the center of

one of the richest agricultural areas in the world, the

Cauca River Valley. Much of its growth has been very recent,

though the city was one of the earliest to be founded in

South America, in 1536. Thus its long colonial tradition,

and recent growing industrialization, make it an excellent

example of a fairly large Latin American city. Further, Cali

is the third largest city in the second most populous

Spanish-speaking nation of the South American continent. A

study of the ecology of a major city such as Cali can make

a basic contribution to our understanding of urbanization in

Latin America.

This study focuses upon residential aspects of the

internal structure of Cali. For all the residential barrios

of the city, socioeconomic status is examined by means of a

study of housing. A map of these barrios shows their spatial

distribution. The number of family members and family units

per housing unit, indicators of family status, are also

mapped for the residential barrios. These spatial distribu-

tions are then examined to determine the structural pattern

of the city. Do the higher status people live near the






3

center of the city, are they moving toward the periphery, or

is another, possibly more complex, explanation needed?

Supporting this focus on residential ecology are

data pertaining to urban land use, recent growth and density

of the barrios, and an examination of the effect of major

arterial streets on the location of upper-status residential

areas.

The results of this study certainly will not be the

basis for generalization about all the cities of Latin

America. Latin America, like other large areas of the

world, is an area of great diversity. Hopefully, the results

will lend themselves to comparison and conjunction with

other studies, and eventually help in the formulation of a

more general theory of residential differentiation for Latin

America. As of now, data are not adequate nor varied enough

to support such a general theory. The next stage in the

development of such a theory should be the undertaking of

several studies of the factorial ecology of Latin American

cities, to determine their basic social dimensions. Hope-

fully, these studies will take place in several cities

already studied by more traditional methods, so that

eventual comparisons among various types of studies may be

facilitated, adding meaningfulness to the more traditional

interpretations.














Chapter II


REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ON ECOLOGY


The literature dealing with urban ecology is

enormous and varied. It would not be feasible even to list,

let alone to discuss, all of the sociological research in a

work of the present scope. Therefore, the approach will be

to trace the general development of the three aspects of

urban ecology which are of primary concern to this study:

(1) the "classical" school of urban ecology, focusing on

the concept of the "natural area"; (2) the more recent (post-

World War II) emphasis on social area analysis; (3) the

findings of those few studies which discuss the ecology of

the Latin American city. While disciplines other than

sociology, such as geography and anthropology, are becoming

involved in urban ecology, sociology moved first in this

area, and this study will draw primarily upon sociological

interpretations of urban ecology.


The "Classical" School of Urban Ecology


There is no one totally accepted "beginning" for the

"classical" school of urban ecology, though Americans gener-

ally consider the writings of Robert Park to have been the

4









foundation for this area of inquiry. But Park had his

precursors, and brief mention must be made of.them.

Among the earliest ecological studies were the

nineteenth-century studies of M. de Guerry de Champneuf in

France (Elmer, 1933: 63-70) and Henry Mayhew and Joseph

Fletcher in England (Levin and Lindesmith, 1961: 14-21).

M. de Champneuf studied the spatial distribution of crime,

relating the levels of crime to French departments (Elmer,

1933: 63-70). One of Mayhew's works, The Criminal Prisons

of London, included a shaded ecological map of London, show-

ing the density of the London population (Levin and

Lindesmith, 1961: 17). Fletcher's book,Summary of Moral

Statistics of England and Wales, was "centered around a

series of 12 ecological maps in the appendix of the volume

and an ecological map in the frontispiece colored to

represent what we might call 'natural areas' in England and

Wales" (Levin and Lindesmith, 1961: 19). Unfortunately for

the historical reputations of their authors, these empirical

studies were soon overshadowed by the social philosophizing

of Comte and Spencer, and were essentially forgotten by

later students of urban ecology.

Perhaps the most important of the precursors of

Robert Park was Charles Booth, whose monumental seventeen-

volume Life and Labour of the People in London had great

influence in late eighteenth-century England. This work

classified the people of London according to "social









condition," on the basis of class, space, and time, and

with divisions of "poverty," "industry," and "religious

influences" (Pfautz, 1967: 47-50). In the process of this

analysis Booth discussed several of the ideas which were

later to receive much attention by the Chicago school of

urban ecology, such as the centralization of urban functions

(Pfautz, 1967: 99-102), residential segregation and

succession (Pfautz, 1967: 90-96), concentric rings with dif-

ferent types of population (Pfautz, 1967: 54-55, 78-79),

and the "separation between place of residence and place of

work" (Pfautz, 1967: 106-107). Indeed Booth was a pre-

cursor of modern urban ecology, as Pfautz notes: ". . con-

tained in his classic survey are both theoretical and

methodological contributions that make it one of the prin-

cipal antecedents of the research methods and interests

informing the rise of an empirical sociology of the city in

America in the twenties . ." (Pfautz, 1967: 6).

Robert E. Park was certainly aware of Booth's work,

but did not seem to credit it with much of a contribution

beyond the descriptive level. "It was not, however, Booth's

statistics, but his realistic descriptions of the actual

life of the occupational classes . which made these

studies a memorable and permanent contribution to our know-

ledge of human nature and society" (Park, 1929: 46).

Robert Park was more a social theorist and less an

empiricist than Charles Booth. In fact, Park's writings

were relatively devoid of substantive research findings.









Park's students and colleagues at the University of Chicago

(such as Ernest Burgess, Louis Wirth, Harvey Zorbaugh, and

Nels Anderson) provided the substantive support for his

theorizing with a number of specific studies (Burgess, 1925;

Wirth, 1938; Zorbaugh, 1929; Anderson, 1923). But it was

Park's writing more than that of anyone else which was

instrumental in the establishment of the "Chicago school" of

urban sociology.

In his now-classic essay, "The City: Suggestions

for the Investigation of Human Behavior in the Urban Envir-

onment," Park specified what he meant by human ecology:

There are forces at work within the limits of the urban
community--within the limits of any natural area of
human habitation, in fact--which tend to bring about an
orderly and typical grouping .of its population and
institutions. The science which seeks to isolate these
factors and to describe the typical constellations of
persons and institutions which the co-operation of these
forces produce, is what we call human, as distinguished
from plant and animal, ecology (Park, 1925: 1-2).

To isolate these factors at work within the natural areas of

the city, Park suggested that social scientists "study the

growth of cities, to compare the idiosyncrasies in the dis-

tributions of city populations" (Park, 1925: 6), discover

"the forces which tend to break up the tensions, interests,

and sentiments which give neighborhoods their individual

character" (Park, 1925: 8), and study the vocational types

that the division of labor of the city has produced (Park,

1925: 14). In addition to these factors, Park suggested

that urban ecologists study what he termed "the moral

region":









It is inevitable that individuals who seek the same
forms of excitement, whether that excitement be furnished
by a horse race or by grand opera, should find themselves
from time to time in the same places. The result of
this is that in the organization which city life spon-
taneously assumes the population tends to segregate
itself, not merely in accordance with its interests, but
in accordance with its tastes or its temperaments. The
resulting distribution of the population is likely to be
quite different from that brought about by occupational
interests or economic conditions (Park, 1925: 43).

Roderick D. McKenzie, one of Park's earliest students

at the University of Chicago, expanded and refined many of

Park's ideas, and more clearly defined human ecology

as a study of the spatial and temporal relations of
human beings as affected by the selective, distributive,
and accommodative forces of the environment. Human
ecology is fundamentally interested in the effect of
position, in both time and space, upon human institutions
andfhuman behavior (McKenzie, 1968a: 4).

McKenzie also made a notable contribution of his own,

by introducing the concepts of ecological processes to show

the dynamic (or, as he termed it, "fluid") nature of urban

structure.

By ecological process is meant the tendency in time
toward special forms of spatial and sustenance group-
ings of the units comprising an ecological distribution.
There are five major ecological processes: concentra-
tion, centralization, segregation, invasion, succession
(McKenzie, 1968b: 23-24).

These dynamic processes of urban ecology were linked to

specific areas of the city, as exemplified by the process of

invasion.

The general effect of the continuous processes of inva-
sions and accommodations is to give to the developed
community well-defined areas, each having its own
peculiar selective and cultural characteristics. Such
units of communal life may be termed "natural areas," or
formations, to use the term of the plant ecologist
(McKenzie, 1968a: 17).









Numerous as the ideas of Park and McKenzie were, it

remained for one of their colleagues to make the most

memorable contribution to the literature on urban ecology.

This is the well-known concentric zone theory of Ernest W.

Burgess. He hypothesized that "the expansion of the city

can best be illustrated, perhaps, by a series of concentric

circles, which may be numbered to designate both the suc-

cessive zones of urban extension and the types of areas dif-

ferentiated in the process of expansion" (Burgess, 1925:

50). At the center was the central business district,

surrounded by a zone in transition from residence to business

and light manufacturing. Beyond this was a zone of working-

men's homes, a residential zone, and finally a commuters'

zone (Burgess, 1925: 50-51). Burgess admitted this was an

ideal scheme which might not fit any city exactly (1925:

51-52), but believed it would be of great help in studying

the social organization of the city.

Indeed it was. Many studies, a few of which are

indicated below, made use of Burgess' theory. Shaw and

McKay (1931) studied juvenile delinquency in a number of

American cities, and found that juvenile delinquency declined

in each successive zone. White (1932) related crime and a

number of social factors, and found that these factors and

crime correlated closely with the zones. Ford (1950)

studied population succession in Chicago, and discovered

that each new immigrant group in Chicago pushed older immi-

grant groups farther from the center of the city. Kish









(1954) found that differentiation in metropolitan areas

decreases with distance from the center of the city, though

it does not decrease in a straight line.

Along with Park, McKenzie, and Burgess, Louis Wirth

had great influence in the Chicago school of urban sociology,

though he did not deal as directly with urban ecology as did

these other men. However, in "A Bibliography of the Urban

Community," which Wirth wrote for Park, Burgess, and

McKenzie's The City, he devoted a section to the ecological

organization of the city (Wirth, 1925: 187-195). In this

section he defined the ecological organization of the city

as "the spatial distribution of population and institutions

and the temporal sequence of structure and function following

from the operation of selective, distributive, and competi-

tive forces tending to produce typical results wherever they

are at work" (Wirth, 1925: 187). This appears to the

writer to be one of the most comprehensive definitions of

urban ecology to be offered by a member of the Chicago

school. Louis Wirth also reiterated the usefulness of the

concept of the natural area, and defined it.

Plant ecologists have been accustomed to use the
expression "natural area" to refer to well-defined
spatial units having their own peculiar characteristics.
In human ecology the term "natural area" is just as
applicable to groupings according to selective and cul-
tural characteristics (Wirth, 1925: 188).

Perhaps Louis Wirth's best-known contribution came

in his classic study of "Urbanism As a Way of Life" (1938).

In this article he delineated three highly useful variables.









"On the basis of the three variables, number, density of

settlement, and degree of heterogeneity, of the urban popu-

lation, it appears possible to explain the characteristics

of urban life and to account for the differences between

cities of various sizes and types" (Wirth, 1938: 18).

Although the "classical" school of urban ecology was

dominated by the Chicago urban sociologists, and especially

by Burgess' concentric zone theory, two other theories which

this writer would call "classical" are important. These are

Homer Hoyt's sector theory and Chauncey D. Harris and Edward

L. Ullman's multiple nuclei theory.

Hoyt's sector theory, or "sector hypothesis," as it

is often called, was presumably derived from the work of

Richard M. Hurd (1924). In his study, Hurd suggested that

urban growth involved two principles which operate at the

same time: central growth and axial growth. As the city

grew, it would spread outward from the center in all direc-

tions, or along transportation routes, such as water courses,

railroads, and turnpikes, forming a star shape (Hurd, 1924).

Homer Hoyt elaborated on these principles of Hurd by

studying rental data from a large number of American cities,

with special emphasis on high-rent areas. By tracing the

movement of high-rent areas, he was able to show how they

moved outwards along radial lines in distinct sectors of the

city. Hoyt felt that "the movement of the high-rent area is

in a certain sense the most important since it tends to pull

the growth of the entire city in the same direction" (Hoyt,









1939: 114), and deduced a number of hypotheses concerning

these high-rent areas:

1. High-grade residential growth tends to proceed from
the given point of origin either along established
lines of travel or toward another existing nucleus of
building or trade areas.
2. The zone of high rent tends toward high ground which
is free from risk of floods and to spread along lake,
bay, river, and ocean ports, where such waterfronts
are not used by industry.
3. High-rent residential districts tend to grow toward
the section of the city that has free open country
beyond the edges and away from "dead end" sections
which are prevented from expanding by natural or
artificial barriers.
4. The higher-priced residential neighborhood tends to
grow toward the homes of the community leaders.
5. Sometimes movement trends of office buildings, banks,
and stores pull the higher-priced residential neigh-
borhoods in the same general direction.
6. High-grade residential areas tend to develop along
the fastest existing transportation lines.
7. Deluxe apartment areas tend to be established near
the business centers in old established residential
areas.
8. The growth of high-rent neighborhoods continues in
the same direction for a long period of time.
9. High-rent neighborhoods do not skip about at random
in the process of movement--they follow a definite
path in one or more sectors of the city.
10. It is possible, under some conditions, for high-rent
areas to "double back," or return toward the center
of the city.
11. High-rent areas tend to be adjoined by medium-rent
areas, and sharp disjunctions in rental areas are not
frequent (Hoyt, as quoted in Thomlinson, 1969: 146-
147).

Harris and Ullman's multiple nuclei theory is the

third and last "classical" theory of urban ecology that will

be presented here. Harris and Ullman argued that the multiple

functions of the city, such as commerce, industry, and

residence, would tend to develop separate centers, or nuclei.

Four factors were hypothesized to lead to the emergence of

nuclei: like activities tend to group together; some unlike









activities are incompatible; some activities require

specialized facilities; and some activities cannot afford

the high rents of the most desirable sites (Harris and

Ullman, 1945: 7-17).

Studies of "classical" urban ecology seem to have

centered around four factors, as described by Park.

It is the interaction of . four factors--(1) popula-
tion, (2) artifacts (technicological [sic] culture),
(3) custom and beliefs (non-material culture), and (4)
the natural resources that maintain at once the biotic
balance and the social equilibrium, when and where they
exist (Park, 1936: 15).

To simplify these propositions of Park, it seems to this

writer that the essential nature of urban ecology revolves

around two basic axes. One of these axes, areal analysis,

has been the focus of attention of "classical" ecologists.

The other axis, social organization, is the focus of social

area analysts and factorial ecologists, and will be dealt

with more extensively in the next section of this chapter.

The ecologist seeks to understand the dynamic relationship

between these basic axes and population categories. He wants

to explain how organization (sometimes referred to as the

division of labor) and areal environment are related.

Areal analysis, usually referred to by the term

"natural area," occupies a central position in urban ecology

and in this study. This emphasis grew out of the biological

foundations of urban ecology, in which breakdowns by area

were seen as evidence of environmental adaptation. This

adaptation was usually discussed in terms of competition and







14

the dynamic ecological processes introduced by McKenzie, and

previously elaborated upon in this study.

A major criticism directed at the "classical"

school of urban ecology has been that it placed too great

an emphasis on biological analogies and the economic deter-

minism of land values (Firey, 1947; Alihan, 1938; Firey,

1961). The subsocial biotic competitive nature of man

became a major focal point of this criticism. By starting

with the competitive biotic community of man ecologists are

forced to minimize or limit their attentions to society. As

Hollingshead puts it,

This type of reasoning assumed that man in society is
basically, ever and always, man the primordial animal.
Society and its concomitant culture are only excrescences,
not integral parts of the animal man (1947: 196).

This process of impersonal competition provides the main

framework of ecological structure with the interdependence

of individuals and groups termed "symbiotic" rather than

societal. However, as Alihan shows us, the two ecological

terms of community and society are so confused by ecologists

themselves that arbitrary distinction becomes meaningless

(Alihan, 1938: 18-49).

Another criticism of the "classical" school of

urban ecology has been stimulated by Firey's advocacy of

greater importance for social values such as sentiment and

symbolism (Firey, 1961).

It seems to this writer that "classical" ecologists

such as Park and Burgess were not just tied to a biological







15

determinism as exemplified by their emphasis on the idea of

competition, but did deal with cultural factors as well. At

the same time it is true that the role of cultural factors

received much less emphasis than perhaps should have been

the case. Clearly values do play an important part in ecolog-

ical differentiation, as numerous studies indicate

(Jonassen, 1961; Myers, 1961). But the relationship between

values and urban structure has not been clarified; values

may relate to a different aspect of the urban ecological

system than do such things as competition. However, there

seems no reason to believe that either of these approaches

("biological" competition or cultural values) ought to be

eliminated from the sphere of urban research. Certainly we

have few enough tools with which to work in the social

sciences, and there can be no doubt that the "classical"

school of urban ecology opened the door to a great deal of

knowledge about our urban areas. Much of what we know about

our cities today is based on ecological studies.1

The use of the concept of the "natural area" has

been subject to criticism. Hatt reports that many areas

turn out to be fictitiouslyy homogeneous and intensify the

gradient and natural area pattern; and this to the point of


'It is by no means certain that the "biological"
aspect of man's social nature should be treated secondarily,
or brushed aside. The field of human ethology within
sociology seems to be enjoying a resurgence of academic
interest, reflecting, perhaps, the remarkable rise in the
popularity of an ethological approach in the biological
sciences.








almost creating a reality where none exists" (Hatt, 1961:

106). As a result he argues for a distinction "between

natural areas as logical, statistical constructs integrated

with a plan for research (or administration) and the con-

cept of natural areas as a series of spatial and social

factors which act as coercive influences upon all who inhabit

the geographically and culturally defined area" (Hatt, 1961:

107). Awareness of this distinction should help avoid the

reification of the concept of the natural area. Timms,

however, argues that concern with lack of areal homogeneity

is not the point.

The existence of differences within a census tract or
any other small area is only prejudicial to the use of
the area in ecological analysis if the differences
relate to the proportions of the population possessing
specified traits in major divisions of the area. The
criticisms of such writers as Hatt, Myers and Mabry,
constituted on the finding that census tracts contained
heterogeneous populations rather than homogeneous ones,
are believed to be misdirected (Timms, 1971: 42).

Timms presents one of the most persuasive arguments

for the use of natural areas that this writer has seen. By

reviewing a great deal of research on the city that has been

done in the last three or four decades, he shows that the

local area is a factor of great explanatory usefulness; more

specifically, the local area is the framework within which a

great deal of behavior occurs. Timms shows that "three

major sources of material are available for an analysis of

the relationship between residence and behavior: studies of

the association between propinquity and friendship, studies

concerned with explicating the socio-cultural factors







17
involved in deviant behavior, and studies concerned with the

relationship between area of residence and educational

experience" (Timms, 1971: 9). Some of the research

reviewed shows that "the frequency of.marriage decreases as

the distance between the two parties increases" (Timms,

1971: 13), the closer people are to each other, the more

friendship contacts they have (Timms, 1971: 10-12), "where

an adolescent lives will have a major effect on the chances

of his becoming delinquent" (Timms, 1971: 17), and that

most early personality development takes place in local

areas (Timms, 1971: 31-34). Robson also talks about the

. importance of the effects of the milieu on urban
social structure. .. No matter what the area, the
attitudes of individual families were more similar to
those prevailing around them than to those of their
"objective" social class. The area of residence is
therefore either a clue to or a determinant of these
attitudes (Robson, 1969: 244).

Timms sums up his review very neatly:

The consequences for human behaviour of residence in one
neighborhood rather than another are mediated by the net-
work of social relationships which connect the individual
with his family, with peer-groups, with voluntary
associations, and with a plethora of other groups. The
neighbourhood is important because so many of these
relationships depend on face-to-face contact and this
form of interaction is particularly sensitive to spatial
distance (Timms, 1971: 34).

It is the contention of this study that areal

analysis, through the use of the natural area, has an impor-

tant organizing and analytical function. It will play an

essential role in the present research.









Social Area Analysis


Criticisms of the "classical" school of urban

ecology, some of which were reviewed in the previous section

of this chapter, dominated urban sociology in the United

States during the pre-World War II and World War II period.

There were few new developments in the study of urban struc-

ture during this time. It was an era of consolidation,

refining what was known and filling in gaps in empirical

research.

A major breakthrough in the study of urban structure

came in 1949, when Eshref Shevky and Marilyn Williams pub-

lished The Social Areas of Los Angeles: Analysis and

Typology (1949). Although not without criticism, this study

and a later one by Eshref Shevky and Wendell Bell, Social

Area Analysis: Theory, Illustrative Application and Compu-

tational Procedures (1955), which elaborated upon the theory

and methodology involved in social area analysis, stimulated

a great deal of research on the social structure of the city.

The dimensions and breadth of this breakthrough are still

not known in the early 1970s. New studies in social area

analysis (now often referred to as factoriall ecologies")

are being published regularly.

The major difference between "classical" ecologists

and social area analysts is that the former looked at the

way social organization was spatially evidenced in the city

while the latter examined the way that areal units were









situated in social space. As Shevky and Bell describe

social area analysis,

The urban typology of The Social Areas of Los Angeles
(1949) is a classificatory schema designed to categorize
census tract populations in terms of three basic fac-
tors--social rank, ubranization, and segregation. Each
census tract population was given three scores, one for
each of the indexes of the factors; and then the tract
populations with similar configurations of scores on the
three indexes were grouped together into larger units
called social areas (Shevky and Bell, 1961: 227).

Briefly, Shevky and Bell started by describing basic

aspects of modern society and the organizational trends that

are associated with these aspects. They then connected

organizational trends to structural changes in modern society,

which they "redefined as structural reflections of change to

serve as descriptive and analytic concepts for the study of

modern social structure" (Shevky and Bell, 1961: 227).

These structural reflections of change, used as factors, are

social rank (sometimes termed socioeconomic status), urban-

ization (sometimes termed family status), and segregation

(sometimes termed ethnic status). Census statistics were

then used to construct indexes for each of these factors

(Shevky and Bell, 1961: 227-229).

The authors claimed a number of uses for social

area analysis. Though early applications of the procedure

dealt with the census tract as the unit of analysis, it was

felt that whole cities could become the unit of analysis,

enhancing our knowledge of regional and even national

similarities and differences among cities. Being able to

define specific subareas of the city should aid the urban








planner and the social scientist. By use of the typology,

sociologists and others should be able to undertake compara-

tive studies of cities at one point in time, or test the

conditions of change at several points in time (Shevky and

Bell, 1961: 232-234). Finally, "in addition to its use as

a frame for the manipulation of available statistics such as

crime rates, suicide rates, and others, the typology can be

used as a frame for the design and execution of field

studies" (Shevky and Bell, 1961: 234).

This latter contention was elaborated upon by Bell

(1961) in a subsequent study. In examining social participa-

tion by type of neighborhood in San Francisco, he found that

by specifying social areas or neighborhoods, he could

generally account for differences in social isolation. Thus

"the Shevky method of analysis of census tract data provides

a frame within which detailed investigations of the social

relations in sub-communities within that city can be

designed and executed" (Bell, 1961: 251). Specifically,

Bell stated that "the typology can be used as a device for

the selection of neighborhoods for intensive study, . .

provides an integrative frame for urban sub-area field

studies through conceptual articulation and integration with

a large mass of ordered data . [and] is adapted to the

analysis of the combined or independent effect of personal

and unit characteristics on dependent variables" (Bell,

1961: 251-252).









Social area analysis has been strongly criticized

by Amos Hawley and Otis Dudley Duncan (1957). Their

criticism centers around what they feel is the lack of an

adequate theoretical base for characterizing social differ-

entiation. They argue that Shevky and Bell do not answer

the question of why residential areas within cities should

differ from one another, and argue that the Shevky and Bell

"efforts at 'construct formation' . look suspiciously

like an ex post facto rationalization for their choice of

indexes . ." (Hawleyand Duncan, 1957: 339). In addition,

Duncan (1955) questions the empirical validity of the indexes

of social rank, urbanization, and segregation. Interest-

ingly, other scholars do not seem to have joined in Hawley

and Duncan's criticism, or to have advanced criticism of

their own. Researchers from other disciplines seem to have

been even more favorably inclined toward social area analysis

than sociologists (Tiebout, 1958; Timms, 1965).

Many researchers used social area analysis as

described by Shevky and Bell to study the city. Anderson

and Egeland (1961) studied Indianapolis, Indiana, Syracuse,

New York, and Akron and Dayton, Ohio, to determine the

spatial aspects of social area analysis. They discovered

that economic status is generally sectorially distributed

while family status is distributed concentrically (Anderson

and Egeland, 1961: 392-398). McElrath, in a study of Rome,

found that economic status and family status were distributed

both concentrically and sectorially, with large families of







22

low economic status occupying the outer edges of the metrop-

olis (McElrath, 1962). Several studies examined the gen-

erality of the Shevky indexes, to see if they were valid and

if they could be used with success in cities other than Los

Angeles and San Francisco. Van Arsdol, Camilleri, and

Schmid, in a study of ten large American cities, discovered

that "at least three factors were necessary to account for

census tract variation in each of the ten cities studied .

the Shevky indexes appear to have high generality for the

cities of this study" (Van Arsdol, Camilleri, and Schmid,

1961: 239). Anderson and Bean (1961) replicated the Van

Arsdol, Camilleri, and Schmid factor analysis of the var-

iables of the Shevky-Bell social areas in Toledo, Ohio, and

showed that four rather than three major dimensions may be

extracted. Specifically, while it was found that the social

rank factor loaded highly on occupation and education, and

the segregation factor loaded heavily on Negroes, double-

occupancy, and crowding, the original urbanization-family

status factor should be broken down into two factors.

Urbanization (or housing characteristics) loads most heavily

on owner-occupancy and multifamily dwelling units, and family

characteristics loads most heavily on the fertility ratio,

females in the labor force, and double occupancy (Anderson

and Bean, 1961: 119-124).

The real importance of the Van Arsdol, Camilleri,

and Schmid study and the Anderson and Bean study lies in

their application of the techniques of factor analysis to









the seven variables used in social area analysis by Shevky

and Bell and other census variables. As described by

Harman

The principal concern of factor analysis is the resolu-
tion of a set of variables linearly in terms of (usually)
a small number of categories or "factors." This reso-
lution can be accomplished by the analysis of the corre-
lations among the variables. A satisfactory solution
will yield factors which convey all the essential
information of the original set of variables. Thus, the
chief aim is to obtain scientific parsimony or economy
of description (Harman, quoted in Timms, 1971: 47-48).

These studies of factor analysis led to a number of additional

researches, which became known as factoriall ecologies."

Factorial ecology is "the application of factor analysis to

data describing the residential differentiation of the

population" (Timms, 1971: 54).

Probably the best review of the findings of factorial

ecologies to date is Philip Rees' chapter in Berry's City

Classification Handbook: Methods and Applications (Rees,

1972). Here some thirty-five factorial ecologies were sum-

marized and compared, and the three factors used in social

area analysis (social rank, urbanization, and segregation)

were generally found to be basic, although several other

factors, such as residential mobility, the degree of recent

immigration, and urban growth, were found in a number of

studies (Rees, 1972: 286-287). Timms, who also reviewed a

number of factorial ecologies, emerged with essentially the

same conclusion.

. in the various studies of factorial ecology the
most striking feature . is the general consistency
of the findings. The manifold variation of sub-area








populations within the great majority of the cities so
far analysed appears to be reflection of no more than
three or four underlying dimensions of differentiation.
A factor interpreted as socio-economic status or social
rank appears to be effectively universal.; ~set of
Factors which index differences in the family types
characteristic of the population is also generally appar-
ent. Factors relating to the ethnic composition of the
population and to its mobility characteristics occur
rather less frequently, but 1 tiTl sufTiciently often to
warrant their inclusion as general differentiating
dimensions. Although specific factors relating to the
peculiar characteristics of the populations concerned
may occur in any city, the basic pattern is organized
around a small number of dimensions (Timms, 1971: 55).

Thus it seems clear that three or four basic factors differ-

entiate among areas of the city--at least in Western

industrialized cities.2

Unfortunately, little is known about the factorial

ecology of cities in relatively unindustrialized countries.

The only examples available are those of Calcutta (Berry and

Rees, 1969) and Cairo (Abu-Lughod, 1969). There are no

known published studies of the factorial ecology of a Latin

American city, though there is apparently a Brazilian study

in preparation (Rees, 1972: 283).

In the study of the factorial ecology of Calcutta,

it was found that one of the factors, a land use and familism

gradient, "is the direct equivalent of the Shevky-Bell urban-

ization (family status) dimension" (Berry and Rees, 1969:

489). Nine other factors were also discovered (two tradi-

tional commercial communities, substantial residential areas,


2With the exceptions of Cairo, Egypt, and Calcutta,
India, the factorial ecologies examined by Rees and Timms
were of Western industrial cities.









literacy, Muslim concentrations, and four special land-use

configurations) (Berry and Rees, 1969: 470-481). These

other factors led to the conclusion that "socioeconomic

status and minority group membership are linked," making

ethnicity more important than socioeconomic status "in

defining the social dimensions within which choices are made"

(Berry and Rees, 1969: 490).

the findings . reveal that alongside . rich
ethnic variability . Calcutta is also characterized
by a broadly concentric pattern of familism, an axial
arrangement of areas according to degree of literacy,
and both substantial and increasing geographic special-
ization of areas in business and residential land uses,
gradually replacing the former mixture of businesses and
residences that were separated, rather, into occupational
quarters. This mixture of preindustrial and industrial
ecologies thus lends support to the idea that the city
is in some transitional developmental stage (Berry and
Rees, 1969: 469).

Abu-Lughod found three main factors in her factorial

ecology of Cairo--style of life, male dominance, and social

disorganization (Abu-Lughod, 1969: 205-207). These were

not the three basic factors of social rank, urbanization,

and segregation postulated by Shevky and Bell. However,

Abu-Lughod's style of life factor did include both social

rank and urbanization variables. This factor, "while

clearly representing socio-economic status, also includes

many variables indicative of family life, suggesting that it

is to be interpreted as a 'style of life' vector in which

class and family patterns are inextricably linked" (Abu-

Lughod, 1969: 205). This link between class and family

characteristics she attributed to the "scale" of the society,









whereby "the pattern of social (and physical) differentia-

tion in preindustrial societies (cities) would be relatively

simple and perhaps virtually unidimensional; as the scale of

society increased, there would be increased complexity of

differentiation and a separation of the axes or dimensions

of differentiation"3 (Abu-Lughod, 1969: 199).

Rees, after reviewing the studies of Cairo and

Calcutta, concluded that "it was abundantly clear even from

two studies that the factorial ecology of non-Western cities

was very different from that of Western cities but capable

nevertheless of being examined within the same framework"

(Rees, 1972: 296). It should be stressed, however, that

the studies of Cairo and Calcutta both accounted for a sub-

stantial proportion of urban social differentiation on the

basis of family status and socioeconomic status. In Calcutta,

family status was a specific factor, while socioeconomic

status was tied to ethnicity. In Cairo, family status and

socioeconomic status were combined in a style-of-life fac-

tor. Thus it seems that socioeconomic status and family

status are major determinants of urban social structure in

both Western and non-Western societies.

One other general conclusion can be drawn from a

review of studies of social area analysis. It appears that


3This theory of scale, in hazy form, Abu-Lughod
attributes to Eshref Shevky and Wendell Bell, Social Area
Analysis: Theory, Illustrative Application and Computa-
tional Procedures (1955).









socioeconomic status varies sectorially, family status

varies concentrically, and ethnic status shows a tendency to

cluster in particular parts of the city. Thus it may be

said that the "classical" models of urban ecology (Burgess'

concentric zone theory, Hoyt's sector theory, and Firey's

"sentiment and symbolism" approach) were each capturing a

basic dimension of urban social differentiation.4


The Ecology of the Latin American City


Neither a factorial ecology nor a social area

analysis (sensu stricto5 of a Latin American city has yet

been published. What we know about the internal structure

and social differentiation of the city in Latin America

comes from a few descriptive studies based on the "classical"

theories of urban ecology. However, Schnore points out that

most of these descriptive studies were not originally under-

taken to study the ecology of the city, but came about as a

"byproduct" of other studies (Schnore, 1965). From the

historical standpoint this paucity of research is surprising,


4This conclusion has been tentatively reached by
Berry and Rees (1969: 459) and Anderson and Egeland (1961:
396-398).

5Rees defines social area analysis (sensu strict)
as "the type of analysis proposed by Shevky and outlined in
Shevky and Bell (1955). Some seven census variables are
used to construct three indices: social rank (economic
status), urbanization (family status), and segregation
(ethnic status). The terms in parentheses are Bell's, the
preceding terms Shevky's" (Rees, 1972: 324).









since Latin America has such a long and rich urban tradition.

From the methodological standpoint it is not so surprising,

since data on subareas of the city in Latin America are

exceedingly difficult to obtain.

Though neither the Aztec nor the Inca was an urban

civilization, both had cities of some size., This city tra-

dition, coupled with the Spanish proclivity to found cities,

led to an emphasis on the city in colonial Spanish America.

This emphasis was certainly not urbanization, but did lead

to a city-directed and controlled society, and indeed a

city-oriented society. As Gakenheimer points out, this

orientation affected both Spaniards and Indians.

There is evidence that arriving Spaniards expected to be,
and insisted upon being, city dwellers. . a person
attracted to America by the promise of great opportunity
was not apt to isolate himself, by becoming a country
dweller ..
This attitude of the Spanish population was complemented
by that of the Indians, for a special aspect of Inca
culture was its amenability to urban living. . the
complex social and economic organization which character-
ized the Inca Empire and the rigid social controls
exerted on the population made adjustments to urban life
fairly easy for the Indians (Gakenheimer, 1967: 35-36).

Jorge E. Hardoy provides a succinct outline of the

stages involved in urbanization in Latin America. The first

is "the precolonial urban culture of the Aztecs and Incas,"

which provided the basis for the second stage, "the deter-

mination by the Spanish of the territorial pattern of founda-

tion, on the basis of the regional and urban infrastructure

of the indigenous culture and the distribution of the

Indian population" (Beyer, 1967: 57-58). The third stage









was virtually completed by 1580, when "the Spanish and

Portuguese [had] established the essential settlement pat-

tern of Latin America" (Beyer, 1967: 58). Next was "a

period of consolidating colonial institutions and establish-

ing the structure of colonial society," which lasted nearly

two hundred years, until the fifth stage of great European

immigration, which reached Latin America about 1880 (Beyer,

1967: 60-61). In the sixth and last stage, which we are

living in, rural groups poured from the countryside into the

city (Beyer, 1967: 62).

Though it is not the intention to discuss the urban-

ization process in Latin America here, it has been useful to

point out Hardoy's parameters of urbanization, because it is

these parameters that have had great effect on the ultimate

structure of Latin American cities. Specifically, the early

laying out and planning of colonial cities, the coming of

the early Spaniards (and thus the landholders) to the city,

the coming of the indigenous people to the city, and the

building of the social structure and organization on the

basis of the city all had lasting effects upon the internal

structure and the residential differentiation of Latin

American cities.

The earliest study of the internal structure of a

Latin American city was Hansen's description of Merida (1934).

Writing in the 1930s, his most important finding was that

Merida, capital of the Yucatan, was beginning to change from

its traditional pattern of highest status groups in the









center and lowest on the periphery of the city, to a North

American pattern, where status increased as one went out-

ward from the center toward the periphery. Yet the tradi-

tional pattern was still very dominant.

In general, status declines with distance from the
center. As the periphery of the city is approached the
ratio of thatched houses becomes higher, rents are
lower, and individuals wearing the traditional costume
of the lower class are seen more frequently (Hansen,
1941: 31).

This traditional pattern in Latin America is closely

associated with the "plaza plan" of colonial Spanish towns.

In these towns the social and geographic center of the city

was an open square, which generally was surrounded by a

cathedral, a city hall, and possibly another governmental

building or two. Adjacent to these was the market and a few

commercial enterprises, and the homes of the more important

personages. As one went further outward from the plaza,

social status declined. This structural organization was

composed of blocks which were usually laid out in a grid

fashion.

The next studies were those undertaken by Hayner in

Mexico City and Oaxaca. He chose these two cities to

illustrate contrasts between the "old" colonial Mexico and

the "new" modern Mexico. In Oaxaca he found that the "old"

patterns still persisted.

In the cities of Mexico . the better homes were in
the past characteristically located near the central
plaza, and the least desirable areas were on the per-
iphery. Oaxaca still exhibits this plaza-centered
structure (Hayner, 1944: 91).







31

In Mexico City Hayner found that the original plaza-centered

structure (which he felt was similar to Hansen's description

of Merida) was breaking down, with many of the better homes

moving toward the periphery. This movement he attributed to

increasing industrialization and commercialization; he felt

it was leading in the direction of the typical North

American city structure, where the traditional pattern of

status declining from the center of the city was reversed.

"One wonders whether under the influence of increasing popu-

lation and modern means of communication and transportation,

all other large Latin-American cities are assuming an

ecological pattern similar to that of cities in the United

States" (Hayner, 1945: 295-304). In a related study

supporting the findings for Mexico City, Hayner found that

crime generally decreased as one went outward from the

center of the city. -At the same time, the four worst slums,

all of which were new, were on the periphery (Hayner, 1946:

428-438). Thus while the upper class has left the center of

Mexico City for the periphery, many elements of the tradi-

tional ecological structure persist in the face of

modernization.

Though ecological studies generally deal with fairly

large cities, there is evidence both pro and con that the

traditional pattern may be found in smaller communities as

well. In San Luis Jilotopeque (Guatemala) Gillin found that

the ladinos, and thus the better residences, clustered









around the plaza (Gillin, 1945: 1-14). In Pichataro (an

Indian village in Mexico) Stanislawski found the opposite.

The anatomy of the town indicates its difference from
Hispanic settlements. There is far less concentration
of activities. . There is little difference in
quality between a house on or near the plaza and a house'
at the outskirts. In fact, the two chief officials of
town at the time that this inquiry was made lived at one
extreme corner of the village. They both agreed that
one place was as good as another for one's home
(Stanislawski, 1961: 350-351).

This provides some evidence for the supposition that a dif-

ferentiated ecological structure does not exist unless there

is a heterogeneous population (as is generally true in a

city). In San Luis Jilotopeque there was class heterogeneity;

in Pichataro there was homogeneity.

The Hawthorns, who lived in Sucre, Bolivia, in 1941-

1942, investigated the internal structure of that city in

connection with a study of social stratification. They

found that high-status residences were clustered near the

center of the city, and low-status residences were on the

periphery.

Sucre's social classification of itself recognizes very
clearly this distribution of residences and holds them
to be symbols of social ranking. Whoever occupies a
permanent town residence well away from the plaza--as
far away as four blocks--is breaking a prime social rule
for membership in the top social ranks and needs to be
certain of his secure place. In general, suburbio
retains the meaning of the lower class area; the middle
and upper class development of the suburbs has not pro-
ceeded as far as in the majority of Latin American
cities (Hawthorn and Hawthorn, 1948a: 23).

Leonard, studying La Paz, Bolivia, emerged with

conclusions strikingly similar to those of the Hawthorns.






33

He too found the more desirable residential areas surrounded

the plaza, though a few upper-status families had moved to

the periphery. Most of the Indian population was "along a

fringe of settlement just outside the city limits where they

build their own, inexpensive, mud or adobe huts .. ."

(Leonard, 1948: 454).

Caplow's analysis of Guatemala City is one of the

most interesting of Latin American studies, because he pre-

sents the reader with rich historical data to show how the

ecological processes worked to bring about the city structure

(Caplow, 1949). Visiting Guatemala City in 1948, Caplow

found old maps and descriptions of the city which enabled

him to trace its evolution in some detail. Thus he was able

to show that the tradition of urban planning and the control

of growth were supported by

the legal and later customary restrictions on the
residence of the indigenous population. Their location
on the periphery of the city or even in communities
apart from the city was gradually transformed from a
strategic administrative policy to a time-honored
custom. Similarly, the attachment of the upper class
population to the center of the community arose from the
planned location of the ruling group in colonial times
. (Caplow, 1949: 129).

Yet, for all the varied sources which he used, Caplow

emerged with essentially the same conclusions as previous

investigators of Latin American ecology. In Guatemala City

"the poorest and the least prosperous segments of the popu-

lation are located peripherally," and "there is only one

area of markedly poor housing within two kilometres of the

commercial center" (Caplow, 1949: 125). This physical








structure is reflected in the social organization of the

city, as public health problem areas "form almost a contin-

uous border around the city," and "the percentage of non-

attendance among children of school age rises consistently

as one moves out toward the urban periphery" (Caplow, 1949:

125).

The Dotsons' study of Guadalajara (1954) is of

particular relevance because their methodology is similar to

that to be used in this research. Housing in all residential

areas of the city was rated by direct observation. "Out of

this experience came the conviction that five types of

housing, sufficiently distinct to be differentiated quickly

by external appearance, exist in this city" (Dotson and

Dotson, 1954: 369). Class I consisted of modern upper-

income houses, class II were colonial upper-income houses,

class III were colonial and small modern middle-income

houses, class IV were lower-middle and working-class houses,

and class V were the "dwellings of the very poor" (Dotson

and Dotson, 1954: 369). An index of residential telephones

was also used, to support the housing classification. Both

methods uncovered approximately the same patterns of

residential housing areas, which the authors felt had three

salient features:

(1) The housing near the commercial center is good,
although most of it is certainly not the best in the
city.
(2) The best housing forms a sector running westward
from the center to the edge of the city.








(3) Except for this first-class sector, the city is
completely surrounded by a fringe--of greatly varying
depth, to be sure--of housing of the poorest quality
(Dotson and Dotson, 1954: 370).

Thus the authors concluded that "modern Guadalajara conforms

neither to the traditional Spanish American nor to the North

American ecological pattern" (Dotson and Dotson, 1954: 372).

In his review of most of the aforementioned studies,

Schnore pointed out that they contained strikingly similar

results:

(1) All of the authors comment on the existence of the
"traditional" or "colonial" pattern, in which higher-
status groups tend to be found near the center.
(2) In every case, however, this pattern is reported to
be in one or another stage of "breakdown."
(3) There is an apparent tendency for all of the cities
--in Bolivia, Mexico, and Guatemala--to shift in the
general direction of "the North American pattern"
(Schnore, 1965: 358).

Their similarities notwithstanding, Schnore felt these

studies of cities in Latin America neither confirmed nor

denied the Burgess hypothesis, "simply because the necessary

controls are lacking and because so many relevant items of

information are missing" (Schnore, 1965: 376).

Though his study contains many useful ideas, and an

excellent review of the methodological and theoretical

problems involved in ecological studies, it appears that

Schnore has failed to take account of a surprisingly similar

finding of the studies. This finding is the uniform way in

which upper-class residential areas move to the periphery;

they do not seem to move directly from the center to the

periphery, but rather move outward gradually from the center









in a particular area, or sector, of the city. As a result,

the periphery of these cities is not becoming upper class.

Only one segment of the periphery may be tending toward

upper-class residence. Witness the findings of some of the

various studies. In M6rida, Hansen found the "invasion of

Santa Ana by upper-class persons from the center" (Hansen,

1941: 31). (Santa Ana is a barrio in the northern part of

M6rida.) In Sucre, the Hawthorns found that "An estimated

ten percent of exceptions to the rule that upper and middle-

class houses stand near the plaza include a group of houses,

newer than most buildings in the city, which stand separately

in an area well away from the center, near a park" (Hawthorn

and Hawthorn, 1948a: 22-23). In La Paz, Leonard found that

"with the increase in number of privately owned automobiles

and better public transportation, the white, and upper

class, families are moving on down the valley, where they

can secure more space as well as escape" (Leonard, 1948:

454). In Guatemala City, Caplow reports that "the develop-

ment of the last half-century has followed the plan of an

expanded center trailing suburbs in one direction . ."

(Caplow, 1949: 124). As reported previously, in Guadalajara

the Dotsons found "the best housing forms a sector running

westward from the center to the edge of the city" (Dotson

and Dotson, 1954: 370).

Another line of evidence is available to show that a

shift toward the North American pattern of higher status

residences on the periphery may be misleading. This is a








phenomenon well known to all students of the city in Latin

America; it is the pervasiveness of the squatter settlement.

In Brazil it is called favela; in Argentina, banda de
miseria; in Peru, barriada. In Colombia it is tugurio.
But whatever the name, its characteristics are the same:
It is the rudest kind of slum, clustering like a dirty
beehive around the edges of any principal city in Latin
America (Schulman, 1966: 30).

Clearly, peripheral slums do not conform to the North

American concentric zone pattern. Just as clearly, there

are upper-status residential areas moving to the periphery.

This does not mean, however, as some of the studies men-

tioned have implied, that these upper-status areas will

eventually replace the slums on the periphery. The current

rapid growth of these slum areas indicates that they are

likely to be with us for a long time, and will not be

readily displaced. As a result, a theory of residential

differentiation that gives only a part of the periphery to

upper-status residences seems to be called for.

Though it does not provide such a theory, one recent

study does agree with this interpretation, and calls for a

modification of existing theory: ". . it is suggested

that a refinement of the model (of inverse-concentric

circles and its reverse) is called for, that previous studies

bear re-examination, and that future studies ought to be

conceived in terms of the modification reported here"

(Pefialosa, 1967: 229). This study of three small cities

in the Mexican state of Guanajuato showed that








families of higher socioeconomic status are found
primarily along arterials and importantly but to a some-
what lesser extent, in the vicinity of the plaza. The
more industrialized the city, the more dispersed are the
residences of the rich and comfortable from the central
plaza (Pefalosa, 1967: 226).

As in other Latin American studies, the better residences

move to the periphery in specific areas. To tentatively

explain this movement, Penalosa emphasized the importance of

accessibility to the center of the city, and the key function

played by major arterial streets in providing this access-

ibility.

It seems quite plausible that the concept of arterial

accessibility may play an important role in the patterning

of residences in Latin American cities. In the next chapter

we shall be looking at this and other factors as possible

determinants of the shape of residential distribution in a

Latin American city.














Chapter III


PROCEDURES OF INVESTIGATION


Definition of the Problem


It is from what is here perceived as the complemen-

tary nature of trends in the three areas reviewed in the

last chapter (the "classical" school of urban ecology,

social area analysis, and the ecology of the city in Latin

America) that the methodology for this study is derived.

"Classical" ecology tells us that the dynamic processes of

concentration, centralization, segregation, invasion, and

succession gave us well-defined areas of the city, often

termed "natural areas." These "natural areas" are the unit

of analysis of "classical" ecologists, and have an important

organizing and analytical function for any study of city

structure; these "natural areas" look at the way social

organization is spatially evidenced in the city.

From social area analysis, we find that "natural

areas" are distributed through the city in certain patterns

because of the way in which population characteristics are

distributed. Specifically, the social space in which these

areal units ("natural areas") are distributed seems based








upon the dimensions of socioeconomic status, family status,

and ethnic status; these dimensions seem to be the major

determinants of urban social structure.

While "classical" ecologists see "natural areas" as

the means by which to investigate city organization, social

area analysts see the dimensions of socioeconomic status,

family status, and ethnic status as the means by which to

investigate city organization. These two approaches study

the city from different directions. One starts with the

areas, and groups the areas to show patterns of organization.

The other starts from the opposite side, and examines dimen-

sions of organization, to be able to group areas. If this

reasoning is correct, both approaches should add to our

understanding of the structure of the city.

The implication of this reasoning for the study of

Latin American cities is that one should be able to find the

same general patterns of city structure that have been found

by the "classical" approach by using a social area analysis

approach. That is, while previous students of the structure

of Latin American cities have used natural areas to show

patterns of organization, a study examining dimensions of

organization ought to emerge with comparable results. Carry-

ing this logic one step further, it also seems that one

could use aspects of both of these approaches, and expect

results comparable to previous studies. In other words,

areal analysis and social organization both have important

organizing and analytical functions, and it is important to








understand the dynamic relationship between these two axes

of urban ecology. This is what is planned for this study,

in the context of a description of Call, Colombia.

The research reported here is an ecological examina-

tion of the residential areas of Call, Colombia. This

research is based upon the author's field work in Cali, and

is reported through the use of elements of both "classical"

ecology and social area analysis, in the widest sense of the

terms.

Data are assembled on the basis of the "barrio unit,"

which is somewhat analogous to the census tract in the United

States. The central thrust of the research is the mapping of

an indicator of socioeconomic status on a barrio basis, and

two indicators of family status on a barrio basis. Ethnic

status is not examined in this study, because data are not

available. Housing is employed as an indicator of socio-

economic status. Number of family members and family units

per housing unit are employed as indicators of family status.

Supporting the central thrust of the research are

related data. Types of land use (residential, commercial,

industrial, public-institutional) are mapped for the city of

Cali. Population density data are also presented. Finally,

the relationship of housing areas to major arterial streets

in the city is examined.








Collection of the Data


Collection of the data was accomplished during the

author's residence in Cali, from September, 1967, to June,

1968. The data come basically from two sources. Population'

and family data by barrio come from excellent compilations

by the statistical section of the Cali Municipal Planning

Office (Oficina de Planeaci6n Municipal, Secci6n Estadistica).

These data are based upon the 1964 Colombian census. Hous-

ing and land use data come from a field survey by the author

of the one hundred and fifty-seven barrios of Cali. In this

survey, information on terrain, natural features and divi-

sions, land use, functions focused in the barrio, historical

information, and public amenities (such as streets, side-

walks, sewers, electricity, and water) were amassed.

Detailed information on housing was also collected, includ-

ing such things as size and type of house, maintenance,

building material, presence of maids, yard decoration, type

of flooring, and observable family belongings such as cars

and television antennas. The field schedule for the Cali

ecological study follows.

Field Schedule

Barrio

Terrain: Level Sloping Hilly_ On Steep

Slope On Ridge

Natural Divisions: (describe) (such as rivers, major high-

ways, etc.)








Barrio Bordered by: (describe) (other barrios; farm land;

airport; etc.)



Historical Background of Barrio; Origin; Has it been

Planned; Is it a Legal or an Invasion Barrio


Land Use: Commercial: 50-100% 10-50%
2-10% Very Slight

Industrial: 50-100% 10-50%

2-10% Very Slight

Residential: 75-100% 50-75%

10-50% 2-10%

Slight _

Functions Focused in Barrio: (describe) (bus "terminals,"

and number of bus lines serving the barrio; university;

sports area; markets; parks; a community building, or a

meeting place for the junta communal; etc.)






Sanitary Facilities: Water: Private, in Homes
Public Don't Know

Sanitary Sewers: Yes No

Open Ditches for Sewage Observable:

Yes No








Privies Observable: Yes

Health Centers: Private Public None

Don't Know

Drugstores: Observed No Observed

Electricity: Observed Not Observed

Telephones in Barrio: Yes No Don't

Public Residential


Know


Sidewalks: 95-100% 50-95% 10-50% 1-10%

None

Streets: Paved: Good Fair Poor

Gravel: Good Fair Poor

Dirt: Good Fair Poor

Residence: (where possible, in percentages)

House Type: Modern Colonial "Stucco"

"Poor" Temporary

Houses Not Completed

House Sizes: Very Large Large Medium

Small Very Small

Maintenance: Excellent Good Fair Poor

Terrible

Building Material: Ornamental Stone or Brick Pebbles

in Stucco Stucco Bamboo

Cardboard Wood Other

Yard Decoration: Shrubbery, Flowers, Lawn Extensive

Some A Very Small Bit of

Decoration None

Maids Observable: Yes No








Front Room Used For Sleeping: Yes No

Floors: Hardwoods Tile Cement Gravel

Dirt

Observable Family Belongings: TV Antennas

Cars Other

Additional Comments




In addition to this systematic data collection, two

other sources of information were used. One of these

sources was hundreds of highly informal chats with various

barrio residents. By supplementing the statistical data

concerning housing characteristics, they were helpful in

determining the classification of the socioeconomic status

of each barrio.

The other source of information was personal contacts

of the author with residents of Cali. Particularly useful

were acquaintances derived from the exceptionally considerate

and congenial middle-class Colombian family with whom he

lived. This family made it possible for the author to visit,

often repeatedly, the homes of their friends and relatives

throughout the city. This informal visiting, often to the

poorer parts of the city, coupled with the folk anecdotes

which were constantly related, led to a much greater under-

standing of the city than a field survey, by itself, could

possibly have afforded.








Nature of the Data


The basic unit of analysis involved in the study of

Call, Colombia, is the barrio. Although the term barrio is

often used in Latin America to mean "neighborhood," it is

more properly viewed as a geographic administrative unit of

the city. As a geographic unit, the barrio has generally

been given a name for either historical or administrative

purposes. The older barrios of Call, a few of which go back

nearly to the founding of the city in 1536, were often named

after the churches which were located there. Examples of

this are San Pedro, El Calvario, San Pascual, and San Bosco.

Some of the newer barrios were named after the housing

developments that were built in them, such as Unidad

Venezolana and Prados del Norte-La Merced (popularly known

as Vipasa). Other barrio names reflect the informal terms

used by the residents of the barrio, such as Popular, Uni6n

Vivienda Popular, and Obrero, or were named after various

personages, such as Jorge Isaacs, Marco Fidel Suarez, Sim6n

Bolivar, Alfonso L6pez, and Lleras Camargo. Obviously,

there is great variety in the sources of names for the

barrios.

People were almost universally aware of the barrio

in which they lived. This was especially true of the poorer

classes; for them, the barrio served as an extended neigh-

borhood. This is important for this study, because it

indicates that the barrio is more than an administrative-








statistical construct and plays a role in the social organ-

ization of the city.

This role can be seen at least partly from the

social division of the barrios of the city into barrios

populares and barrios residenciales. The distinction between

the two is basically economic. Popular barrios are poor,

and residential barrios are fairly well-off, but there are

exceptions, and it is not clear to which group some barrios

belong. A popular barrio has an Acci6n Comunal, which is a

junta elected by the people of the barrio to present the

needs of the barrio (such as street paving, water, etc.) to

the City Planning Office. The juntas also undertake various

projects in the barrios, such as landscaping an open plaza,

or helping barrio residents hit by a catastrophe. Over one

hundred barrios in Cali have such juntas.

It might still be objected that using the barrio as

the basic unit is "arbitrary," and that the difference

between one barrio and another is simply an artifact of

drawing random lines. However, from a practical standpoint,

this is all we have; this is the smallest breakdown of data

that is available. From a theoretical standpoint, the

objection seems probably less valid than similar objections

that have been raised about the use of the census tract in

the United States. In the United States, most census tracts

were drawn several decades ago. With the growth of the

city, and the movement of the population, these tracts have

in many cases come to be less homogeneous than they were








when they were first drawn. In Cali, much of the growth

of the city has been more recent; it grew from a population

of 284,186 in 1951 to a population of 637,929 in 1964. Thus

many of the barrios in the city are new. The boundary lines

of these new barrios almost always were drawn on the basis

of homogeneous areas, according to conversations with staff

members of the Cali Municipal Planning Office; observation

confirmed this homogeneity. Though there were some excep-

tions (mainly in the commercial center of the city), it

seemed to this observer that the older barrios in the city

also exhibited striking internal residential homogeneity.

At the time of the field work there were one

hundred and fifty-seven barrios in the city for which data

were collected, but not all of them are residential. Some

are composed entirely of institutions, such as the main

public hospital and the air force base. Others have such a

small population that their inclusion would be meaningless.

For example, barrio Paso-Ancho had a 1964 population of one!

The population range among the barrios is unfortunately

large, ranging from less than one hundred to more than

twenty-eight thousand for barrio Alfonso L6pez.

For most of the purposes of this study, two types

of barrios included in the field survey and in the statis-

tical compilation of data by the Municipal Planning Office

will be eliminated.1 The first type consists of specialized,


'For a very few of the eliminated barrios included
in the statistical compilation of data by the Cali Municipal
Planning Office, data were incomplete.








generally nonresidential barrios. These include the water

reservoir, a municipal park, railroad repair yards, an air

force base, the water aqueduct and plant, the main prison, a

psychiatric hospital, army barracks and base, a cemetery, a

country club, a sugar mill and fields, the university

(Universidad del Valle) and the university hospital, a

women's prison, and a race track (horse races). There are

twelve such specialized barrios. Although a number of other

barrios were heavily commercial or industrial, in every case

they contained a sizable residential population as well, and

therefore will be included in the study of residential

ecology.

The second type of eliminated barrio consists of

"rural-oriented" areas that have recently been included in

the statistics for the city of Cali. There are fourteen of

these barrios. None has a population in excess of eight

hundred, and all but two have a population of less than

three hundred. These barrios were eliminated because it was

felt they were not representative of urban social structure,

but of rural social structure; their inclusion could have

seriously biased findings oriented to urban residential

differentiation. In the field work, it was patently obvious

that these people were not oriented to the city. Virtually

all of them were engaged in agricultural occupations, and

had lived there for a long time. The rapid growth of the

city boundaries, which often extended far beyond the area of

settlement, had simply included much of the rural hinterland.









Many of the people, in fact, denied that they were

connected in any way to the city of Cali.

One well-known author of a number of studies of

urban ecology has pointed out the dangers of including rural

areas in studies of urban structure. In an examination of

theoretical and methodological implications of his compara-

tive studies of Boston and Helsinki, Frank Sweetser

commented that

the evidence is not entirely clear, but it is at least
highly suggestive, and it leads to one practical con-
clusion--that in the delimitation of metropolitan com-
munities for factorial ecological analysis, careful
attention ought to be paid to the outer boundaries
chosen. Boundaries too narrow--geographically constric-
tive city limits, for example--may produce distortion
through an overemphasis on the inner city mode of dif-
ferentiation. Boundaries too wide--extended metropolitan
regions, for example--may introduce unwanted effects of
the rural-urban mode of differentiation (Sweetser, 1969:
451).

This study is not a factorial ecological analysis, but it

appears the principle is the same. Our examination of

indicators of socioeconomic status and family status would

almost certainly be affected by a rural-urban mode of dif-

ferentiation. To include these rural areas would have meant

including a new dimension that would have been difficult, if

not impossible, to control in this study.

With the elimination of the twelve specialized

barrios and the fourteen rural barrios, there remain one

hundred and thirty-one barrios upon which the study of the

residential ecology of Cali will be based. The population

distribution of these remaining barrios is given in Table 1.








TABLE 1

POPULATION RANGE OF CALI BARRIOS USED
IN STUDYING RESIDENTIAL ECOLOGY

Population Number of
Range Barrios

0 999 16
1000 2999 43
3000 4999 29
5000 9999 29
10000 14999 8
15000 19999 4
20000 29999 2
Total 131


As related earlier, the central thrust of the

investigation is to study the effect of socioeconomic status

and family status on the residential differentiation of the

city. Having established the rationale for using the barrio

as the basic unit of analysis, and having delineated the

universe of barrios, we turn now to a consideration of

socioeconomic status and family status, and the indicators

used in measuring these.

The main indicator used to measure socioeconomic

status is housing; the use of one basic indicator for such

an important dimension of urban differentiation requires

both explanation and justification. In their theoretical

elaboration of social area analysis, Shevky and Bell used

nine types of sample statistics to measure the social rank

(socioeconomic status) construct. These were years of

schooling, employment status, class of worker, major








occupation group, value of home, rent by dwelling unit,

plumbing and repair, persons per room, and heating and

refrigeration (Shevky and Bell, 1961: 228). For our study,

systematic education and occupation data by barrio were not

available, and there was no way in which we could system-

atically include these variables in a measure of socio-

economic status. Likewise specific barrio-by-barrio data

for value of home, rent by dwelling unit, plumbing and

repair, persons per room, and heating and refrigeration

could not be obtained. Very early in the study, however, it

became apparent that a barrio-by-barrio field survey of

housing could include most of the important aspects of this

latter group of five sample statistics, and thus allow the

construction of a typology of barrios by socioeconomic

status.

The field survey was oriented to the construction of

this typology. The classification scheme ranged from one to

six, with one being the highest and six being the lowest.

After a survey of each barrio, a number in this socioeconomic

classification was assigned to it. A one meant that the

barrio was well-to-do, being upper class. A two meant the

barrio was well off, though clearly not so much so as the

one barrios; these barrios were comprised mainly of the

middle class. A three referred to a lower-middle-class

barrio, where the people were clearly above the working

class, but not very well off. A four referred to the stable

working-class barrio which was somewhat more secure and






53

established than the bulk of the working-class barrios. The

poor but usually-employed working class, who lived on the

margins of real poverty, lived in barrios which were classed

five. These were the most prevalent barrios in the city.

The desperately poor, who had to struggle each day just to

survive, lived in barrios classed as six. These were the

slum barrios often referred to as tugurios.

There was surprisingly little difficulty in differ-

entiating among these classifications. Perhaps because of

living in the city for more than five months before the

field survey was undertaken, and thus having acquired great

familiarity with housing types within the city, it was

usually quite clear to which category a barrio belonged,

once the field survey of each barrio had been completed.

This categorization was supported by on-the-spot observations

of electricity, sidewalks, sewage systems, internal plumb-

ing, and the factors included in the field schedule.

The six-fold classification was chosen because it

seemed the clearest to the author, and because it afforded a

check on the reliability of the field-survey data. The Call

Municipal Planning Office had previously classified all the

barrios of Cali according to "RS" status, which ranged from

one to six, with one being the highest and six being the

lowest. "RS" referred to socioeconomic status, and was

composed of such indicators as water, sewage, type of house

construction, paved streets, transportation, education,

health, culture, green zones, and community juntas (Oficina








de Planeaci6n Municipal, "Estratificaci6n Socio-Econ6mica

S. ," n.d.; Oficina de Planeaci6n Municipal, "Distribuci6n

de la Poblaci6n . .," n.d.). These indicators were

assigned point values (0, 5, or 10), and the classifications

were delineated on the basis of point totals. (Unfortunately,

some of these data were missing, which made it impossible to

use these data directly.) When the results of the field

survey were compared with this classification, the similar-

ities were striking. Of the one hundred and thirty-one

barrios to be used in the examination of residential

ecology, only sixteen were classified differently by the two

methods, and in not a single instance was the difference

greater than one.2 Of these sixteen barrios, thirteen were

classified lower and three higher. The reason for this

deviation, generally, was the tendency for a few extremes to

differentially weight the RS rankings of the Call Municipal

Planning Office. In a few cases the difference was a result

of different time periods; the Municipal Planning Office

data were gathered several years prior to the field survey.

In the field survey, it should be noted that the

general housing characteristics used to classify the barrios

according to socioeconomic status were supported by much

informal data on such things as education, occupation, and



2It should be noted that not all of the one hundred
and thirty-one barrios had been classified by the Municipal
Planning Office. Data were unavailable for eight of these
barrios.








income obtained through informal chats with barrio resi-

dents. This should give additional validity to the six-

fold classification of barrios by socioeconomic status based

on the general criterion of housing.

A question of somewhat greater importance is whether

the use of housing is valid as a measure of socioeconomic

status, or, put another way, whether one can discriminate

among socioeconomic status levels on the basis of external

housing appearances.

Caplow, in his study of the ecology of Guatemala

City, discussed this as an important factor, and did not

feel housing could be used in this way.

While location near the center remained an important
element of status, it is striking that the use of hous-
ing itself as a form of conspicuous display or as a
means of social mobility was inhibited by a number of
characteristics in the Spanish colonial housing pattern.
Both the climate and the culture helped to maintain the
interior privacy of the dwelling which turned a blank
wall or barred windows toward the street. This, added
to the one-story limitation, accounts for the curious
fact that even today it is sometimes impossible to dis-
tinguish between the four-room marginal slum dwelling in
a built-up area and the twenty-room palace which may be
next to it, by their external appearance (Caplow, 1949:
130).

Perhaps Guatemala City is different from the rest of

Latin America, though this seems highly doubtful. Excepting

this possibility, one wonders how a trained observer with

much experience in Latin America could arrive at Caplow's

conclusion. Richard Morse, one of the outstanding experts

on the city in Latin America, and especially the colonial

Latin American city, holds views diametrically opposed to






56

those of Caplow. In one of his brilliant reviews of recent

research on Latin American urbanization, Morse talks of

Latin America as an area "where conspicuous consumption

motivates the upper class" (Morse, 1969: 498), where "For

many observers urban shanty towns are the most spectacular

visible hallmark of the social composition of a Latin

American city (though the mansions of the rich run them a

close second)" (Morse, 1969: 488). Whiteford, in talking

about the upper class in Queretaro, Mexico, noted that "A

large house was one of the most important symbols of social

position" (Whiteford, 1964: 69-70). In Popayan, Colombia,

Whiteford implied that external appearance also distinguished

lower class homes.

In Popayan, as in Queretaro, .they [the lower classes]
lived in crowded, inadequate, unsanitary rooms scattered
throughout the city, or were concentrated in various
undesirable areas on its peripheries. In the Barrio
Alfonso L6pez Viejo . houses were small, poorly
built, and almost totally without utilities. Most of
them were built of unplastered, unpainted adobe blocks
and, of 240 houses, 116 had only one window, and 65 had
no windows at all; 134 had no running water, 188 had no
toilets, and 191 consisted of three small rooms or less
(Whiteford, as quoted in Smith, 1967: 367).

In the Dotsons' study of Guadalajara, Mexico, which was

commented on previously in this study, they came to the

"conviction that five types of housing, sufficiently dis-

tinct to be differentiated quickly by external appearance,

exist in this city" (Dotson and Dotson, 1954: 369).

Faris, in reviewing the work of urban ecologists in

the United States, noted that








S. a strong connection exists between urban
ecological research and the study of socio-economic
differentiation which has been in so great vogue in
recent years. The schematic zones of the city do
describe variations of social class levels almost as
well as any other factor, except perhaps for the var-
iable of education. Some scales devised to measure
social differentiation in fact employ area of residence
as one of the variables (Faris, 1967: 63).

In sum, the position taken by Caplow seems to have

little support. The preponderant weight of evidence seems

to be that housing is a reflection of socioeconomic status.

Thus the socioeconomic status of city areas (e.g., barrios)

can be delineated on the basis of the external appearance of

housing.

Housing having been justified as a valid indicator

of socioeconomic status, our attention turns to a considera-

tion of the indicators used to measure family status. Shevky

and Bell used four types of sample statistics to measure the

urbanization (family status) construct: age and sex, owner

or tenant, house structure, and persons in household (Shevky

and Bell, 1961: 228). These broke down to a fertility

score, a women-in-the-labor-force score, and a single-

family-detached-dwelling-units score (Shevky and Bell, 1961:

231-232).

Fertility data and women-in-the-labor-force data,

by barrio, are not available for the city of Cali. However,

data pertaining to the number of family members, by barrio,

are available. These data, though not the functional

equivalent of fertility, should also measure "differentiation

of function," one of the key postulates concerning industrial








society posited by Shevky and Bell (1961: 228). In addi-

tion, data giving number of family units per housing unit

by barrio are available; these data are similar to Shevky

and Bell's single-family-detached-dwelling-units score.

All data for the indicators used to measure family

status were obtained from the Cali Municipal Planning Office

and are based on the 1964 Colombian census results (Oficina

de Planeaci6n Municipal, "Distribuci6n de la Poblaci6n . ."

n.d.). Data are available for all of the one hundred and

thirty-one barrios included in the study of the residential

ecology of Cali.

Lack of data measuring the participation of women in

the labor force, a basic aspect of the Shevky-Bell urbaniza-

tion (family status) construct for which data are not

available, may not be serious. This is because, first, the

participation of women in the labor force is generally not a

highly significant factor until a city reaches some advanced

stage of industrial maturity, which Cali has not yet reached,

and second, Latin America has a very low level of labor

force participation by women. As Abu-Lughod points out in

her examination of the theory of social area analysis, "The

proportion of females in the labor force does not relate

closely to variations in family types in those societies

where the over-all proportion is either very high or very

low" (Abu-Lughod, 1969: 202). She suggests the use of sub-

stitute measures in cross-cultural applications of social

area analysis. One of these measures is average family size,






59

which we are using in this study (number of family members)

(Abu-Lughod, 1969: 202-203).

Data relating to the growth of the barrios and their

density are used to support the discussions of socioeconomic

status and family status. These data, obtained from the Cali

Municipal Planning Office, are based on the 1951 and the 1964

Colombian censuses (Oficina de Planeaci6n Municipal, "Com-

parativo Por Sectores . ."). Also supporting the dis-

cussion of socioeconomic status and family status are data

relating to the distribution of various land uses in the

city of Cali. These data were obtained through the field

survey.

Finally, information concerning major arterial

streets will be offered, on the assumption that residential

location in Latin American cities is and has been determined,

at least in part, on the basis of the accessibility of

transportation. Smith and McMahan make this explicit.

One who has visited South American cities can hardly
have failed to notice that the worst slums frequently
are on the very outskirts of the communities and that
Rio de Janeiro's favelas, the miserable quarters in
which a large share of the Negroes live, are spread over
the hills which overlook the city. Such observations
suggest that the availability and cost of transportation
are basic factors in determining the ecological pattern
of any city.
The abundance of rapid, cheap, and convenient transpor-
tation, and especially.the automobile, seems largely
responsible for the fact that in [North] American cities
generally the most undesirable residential districts are
those nearest the center, whereas the most desirable are
at the greatest distance from the downtown areas. On
the other hand, in Buenos Aires, Santiago de Chile, Lima,
and other such cities, where the automobile is still a
luxury, residences of the least privileged classes are








relegated to the more remote sections (Smith and
McMahan, as quoted in Schnore, 1965: 381).


Presentation and Interpretation of
the Data


This study is essentially descriptive. Data per-

taining to density, growth, land use, socioeconomic status,

and family status are mapped. Mapping has been chosen as

the method of data presentation because it seems the most

comprehensive and the easiest to understand. Tables are

used as a supplementary method of data presentation whenever

they seem appropriate.

Several approaches are used in interpreting the

results. The first, and most important, is a "common sense"

approach, whereby the various maps are examined carefully to

see if any obvious patterns or configurations appear.

The second approach is inspired by that used by

Anderson and Egeland (1961) in their study of the spatial

aspects of social area analysis. Barrios of the city are

marked off, ranging from the center to the periphery, and

are examined for differences in family status. Details of

the procedure are presented when it is utilized.

The third and final approach is to determine if

barrios of high socioeconomic status show a greater relation

to major arterial streets than do barrios of low socio-

economic status. The procedure adopted here, to be

explained when it is used, is inspired by the Peialosa study

(1967).








This study makes no claims to methodological

innovation, and indeed does not wish to do so. In an area

of the world where patterns of residential differentiation,

other than "traditional" patterns, are essentially unknown,

it seems wise to use methodological tools that have already

been used in other areas, such as the United States, if we

are going to have much hope of comparing our results to

those studies. Further, studies which are "one-of-a-kind"

usually add very little to the generation of basic theory,

which ought to be part of the long-range hope of most

research. In sum, in this study we do not wish to confuse

findings of content with findings of method.

Before we can meaningfully present the findings of

content, a comprehensive picture of the city with which we

are working must be drawn. It is to this task that we turn

in the next chapter.














Chapter IV


CALI: FROM COLONIAL TOWN TO

INDUSTRIAL CITY


Shortly after the conquest of Peru, one of Pizarro's

lieutenants, Don Sebastian de Belalcdzar, marched north from

Peru to explore what is today Ecuador and southern Colombia.

He established cities as he went, and upon his arrival in

the Cauca Valley in Colombia in 1536 founded the city of

Cali.

At this .time the broad Cauca Valley was heavily

populated with Indian villages. Because of the fierce

nature of these Indians, they fought the Spanish, and

through war and subsequent famine were virtually exter-

minated (Cieza de Le6n, 1864: 93-97). This explains why

Cali, virtually from its inception, had so few Indians. Yet

the city was apparently named after these Indians, as Smith

notes that "the Indians of the Cauca Valley were the Lili or

Cali" (Smith, 1970: .67).

The Spaniards who first settled in Cali appear to

have been Castilians (Smith, 1970: 70). Bringing with them

a Spanish culture which had been involved with "appropriating

lands reconquered from Islam" (Morse, 1969: 475), they
62








divided the lands and devoted themselves to cattle raising

rather than to intensive tillage of the soil. "Less than a

generation sufficed for the Spaniards to convert the once

intensively tilled bottom lands [of Indian times] into . .

pastures" (Smith, 1967: 66).

Unlike many of today's largest Latin American

cities, which early acquired political importance, Cali was

completely overshadowed by Popayan, about seventy miles to

the south, and it long remained a minor town in the social,

economic, and political sense. Cali did not emerge as a

major Latin American city until the twentieth century.

During the colonial period, all of the important affairs

were handled by Popayan. It was Popay&n which became "the

-capital of an intendencia which stretched from Ecuador to

the Caribbean . ." (Whiteford, 1964: 9), and it was

Popayan which was granted a charter and a coat of arms, and

became "the seat of a university, and an important center in

the hierarchy of the church" (Whiteford, 1964: 10).

Throughout the colonial period, Cali was of very

secondary importance to Popaydn, and was not much more

"important" than several other small towns in the Cauca

Valley, such as Buga, Cartago, Anserma, and Tulua. Indeed,

much of the colonial history of Cali is replete with the

economic and political marginality of the town, with refer-

ences to commercial decline (ca. 1580) (Arboleda, I, 1956:

92), economic prostration (ca. 1618) (Arboleda, I, 1956:

167), litigation over boundaries with neighboring towns,






64
such as Buga (ca. 1668-1680) (Arboleda, I, 1956: 283, 304),

the economic difficulty of the city because of "la

decadencia de la ganaderia" (ca. 1690) (Arboleda, I, 1956:

317), which was a repeated theme (ca. 1753) (Arboleda, II,

1956: 82-83), "La ganaderia iba siempre en desmedro," (ca.

1754) (Arboleda, II, 1956: 265), restriction of municipal

autonomy (ca. 1739) (Arboleda, II, 1956: 113-114), prohibi-

tion of foreign commerce (ca. 1745) (Arboleda, II, 1956:

121), economic depression (ca. 1770) (Arboleda, II, 1956:

360), the prohibition against sending cattle beyond municipal

boundaries (ca. 1788) (Arboleda, III, 1956: 66-67), and a

boundary dispute with Cartage (ca. 1791) (Arboleda, III,

1956: 109). Taken together, these references give a pic-

ture of a colonial town that was important only in its local

area, and not in the wider region. Concern was devoted

almost exclusively to local matters, and it was not until

the 1800's, with the outbreak of the cry for independence,

that Cali began to assume some regional importance, when the

city demanded the division of the province dominated by

Popayan, and hosted a meeting of representatives from cities

in the area for this purpose (Arboleda, III, 1956: 285-310).

Cali early rebelled against the Spanish, while Popayan was a

Spanish stronghold. "On the outbreak of the independence

war Buga, Cartago, Caloto, Toro, and Anserma were all quick

to join Cali in a 6-city federation to challenge the power

of absentee Spanish landlords" (Friedel and Jimenez, 1971:

67).








While it is clearly impossible to ascribe the

transformation from a town to a large city to a single

factor, or a single set of factors, it does appear that the

regional leadership exercised by Call during the Indepen-

dence period, along with its support for the lessening of

Popay6n's sphere of influence, led to Cali's clear emergence,

in the early 1800's, as a "first among equals" of the cities

in the Cauca Valley region. This was a formative period in

Colombia's history as a nation, for "the warfare that

characterized the Spanish American Independence movements

was of such intensity and duration (1810-28) that it could

not help but affect the societies of the nations involved"

(Maingot, 1969: 297). At the same time that Cali was

achieving this local predominance, Popayan was in decline, a

decline that took place throughout the nineteenth century,

though it was perhaps most pronounced in the middle of the

century, when Popayan's vast territories were divided. As

Whiteford notes,.

As Popaydn . was divested of its richer lands, which
became part of the wealth of new or neighboring states,
its fortunes declined drastically. Its rich and fertile
valleys became the state of Valle del Cauca, its mines,
which once supported the aristocracy in a life of royal
wealth, passed to the states of Narifo and Antioquia,
and even its mountainous southerly regions of unexplored
but potential riches were turned over to the state of
Huila. Popayan was left to rule a decimated state,
small in size, and composed principally of rolling hills
and unexplored mountains. The shock of loss, the feel-
ing of impoverishment . led to a paralysis, an
inactivity, which deterred and impeded the full and
active exploitation and development of those resources
and potentialities which did remain. The result was
stagnation. . Increasingly, [Popayan] became
isolated . and traffic with the outside world







dwindled at the very time when other cities were
expanding their commerce and increasing their relation-
ships with other regions and other nations. Popayan was
superseded by Call as the principal city of southern
Colombia . (Whiteford, 1964: 11-12).

Colombia is a country of extreme regionalism, and

each of the main regions seems to focus on an important

urban center.

Today at least four principal regions are significant in
terms of population and resources. Each also has a
major urban center. These regions are: the eastern
cordillera, centered on Bogota; the department of
Antioquia and its southern extension, Caldas, centered
on Medellin; the Valle del Cauca in southwestern Colombia,
formerly focused on Popayan, now on the economically and
demographically burgeoning Cali; and the Atlantic
coastal region, once with Cartagena as its principal
city, but with Barranquilla now dominant (Dix, 1967: 21).

Thus Popayan's decline left a socioeconomic void in southern

Colombia, a void that Cali began to fill.

Yet regional leadership alone cannot account for

Cali's development as an industrial city. Other factors,

such as a rich agricultural hinterland, la violencia, which

drove many southern Colombians from their rural homes to the

safety of the cities, the port of Buenaventura and the

development of Cali as a transportation nucleus, and foreign

investment must surely have been important. Another factor

contributing to Cali's eventual rapid urbanization is that

"Valle was more 'urbanized' and unified than most regions

because many of its 16th-century village nuclei had sur-

vived . ." (Friedel and Jimenez, 1971: 67). One factor

that has probably not been important in Cali's rise to

prominence is the Catholic Church. Unlike many large Latin








American cities, Cali was not a religious center of impor-

tance, and only in 1964 was it made an archdiocese.


The Growth of the City


The reconstruction of the demographic history of Cali

is difficult. There are no census figures for the first two

hundred and fifty years of its existence, and figures for

all except the 1938, 1951, and 1964 censuses leave much to

be desired. Of course, even the 1938, 1951, and 1964

censuses have shortcomings, though they become progressively

better. Those figures that are available are given in

Table 2.

This table shows that, at the outbreak of the Wars

of Independence in the early nineteenth century, Cali was

still a relatively small city which grew very slowly for

nearly a century. With the exception of the 1840s, when

"Cali's growth spurt . seems explainable by an influx of

freed slaves and the Cauca tobacco boom" (Friedel and

Jimenez, 1971: 67), the average annual growth rate until

1893 was considerably less than one per cent. From 1893 to

1905, Cali grew rapidly, at an average growth rate of nearly

seven per cent per year. Much of this growth is probably

attributable to the coffee boom, for "it developed an

internal market, creating a large class of small independent

farmers in Antioquia, Caldas, and Valle . [and] brought

prosperity to . most of the nation's cities" (Friedel

and Jimenez, 1971: 72-73). From 1905 to 1912, the city's









TABLE 2

GROWTH OF CALI FROM 1793 TO 1964


Year Inhabitants

1793 6,548

1797 5,690

1807 7,192

1836 8,000

1851 11,848

1870 12,743

1893 14,000

1905 30,740

1912 27,747

1918 45,525

1928 122,847

1938 101,038

1951 284,186

1964 637,929


Source for 1793, 1797, 1807:
Arboleda, III, 1956: 120, 154, 207.
Source for 1836:
Friedel and Jimenez, 1971: 62.
Source for other years:
McGreevey, 1967(?). ("The data
presented here are derived entirely
from published sources available at
the University of California
Library at Berkeley.")








population declined, for unknown reasons.' From 1912 on,

the city entered into a period of growth that has not yet

ceased.2 This growth stems from several important factors.

In 1915, the Pacific Line railroad linked Cali with the

port of Buenaventura, and, via the newly-opened Panama

Canal, Europe and the eastern coast of the United States,

and "soon these two cities were the major coffee shippers

from Caldas, Valle, Tolima, and southern Antioquia" (Friedel

and Jimenez, 1971: 74). The transportation link with the

port of Buenaventura, the coffee boom, and the relatively

large population base in the hinterland around Cali probably

all played a role in the incipient industrialization that

began in Cali around 1920. At the same time, Cali was

becoming the commercial center of Valle, and this too con-

tributed to its steady growth during the twentieth century.

Around 1950, another factor leading to great popula-

tion growth added its force to the factors of burgeoning

industrialization and commercial vigor that were already at

work. This was la violencia, which was to be a significant

factor in Cali's growth for the next fifteen years.



1It is entirely possible that the census figures are
in error, and that no decline took place. While the 1912
census figures appear to have some validity, there is a
possibility that the 1905 figures may be inflated.

2While the figures in Table 2 show a population
decline between 1928 and 1938, it is probable that there was
a steady increase in the population between 1918 and 1938.
The 1928 population total is almost certainly highly
inflated, which would account for both a too-steep rise from
1918 to 1928 and a decline from 1928 to 1938.






70

"La violencia . is a general term which . [is] used

to refer to banditry, kidnapping, and homicides, partic-

ularly in rural areas" (Payne, 1968: 91). Dix notes that

"in the years between 1948 and 1964, la violencia took

between 100,000 and 200,000 Colombian lives, perhaps more

than in all of the country's nineteenth-century internal

strife, and was responsible for an undetermined number of

maimed and wounded" (Dix, 1967: 362). While few authorities

agree on the exact number of lives lost in la violencia, the

magnitude of the loss was certainly great enough to cause

huge numbers of rural dwellers to flee to the sanctuary of

the larger cities, which were relatively free of the vio-

lence. Cali received a large share of these migrants,

because la violencia was especially pronounced in..southern

Colombia and the province of El Valle, in which Cali is

located. The following account indicates the extent and

impact of this violence:

Between March 19 and 22 [1955], in El Valle, two
brothers were assassinated by pistol fire; a coffee-
roaster was killed by stab wounds and his place of
business sacked; a man was shot and killed by "long-
range" fire; the body of another was found dead of bul-
let wounds on a lonely road; and a hacienda owner was
killed by seven bullets fired at close range. Total in
El Valle killed by persons unknown, seven. In these
same days, many people fled for safety from the district
of Monteloro (El Valle); a Cali newspaperman was
threatened with death because of stories he had written
about the violence; panic spread through the area
(Fluharty, 1957: 271).

Clearly, migration from country to city in Colombia

"is intensified by.the violent fighting between Conservative

and Liberal villages, which has scared thousands of country






71

people into the 'safety' of the city . ." (Powelson, 1964:

30). La violencia, then, is one of the chief causes of

recent migration to Cali. Another is the "city's rapid

industrial growth [which] has given it a sort of El Dorado

reputation that exerts a magnetic effect on peasants who are

tired of the meager existence of the countryside" (Holt,

1964: 165). Yet one should probably not overestimate the

magnitude of the industrial pull on these rural peoples, for

the land-tenure system and the agrarian reform laws have

undoubtedly had a strong influence in "pushing" many rural

dwellers out of the countryside. As Smith notes, other

forces leading to migration are also at work, such as more

modern transportation and communication, educational

improvements and aspirations, social legislation, and social

ferment among the masses (Smith, 1970: 109). In fact, the

causes of migration are complex and intertwined, and

specific causes for individual migrants often cannot be

ascertained.

What can be ascertained, at least for the recent

period of Call's history, is the effect of migration on the

city's growth. The Cali Oficina de Planeaci6n Municipal

estimated that approximately 43 per cent of Cali's growth

during the 1951-1964 period was attributable to migration,

while a report prepared for CELADE assumes "that 62.3 per

cent of Call's urban growth was derived from in-migration in

recent years" (McGreevey, 1965: 6). Probably the most

accurate estimates of migration to Cali are those based on






72

sex and age distributions made by McGreevey. He found that

101,132 migrants came to Call in the 1938-1951 period, and

constituted 67 per cent of the adult population in 1951; and

that 210,232 migrants came to Call in the 1951-1964 period,

and constituted 58.9 per cent of the adult population in

1964 (McGreevey, 1965: 14). Most of the migrants "were of

working age on arrival and the majority (53.9 per cent in

the first period, 54.3 per cent in the second) were female"

(McGreevey, 1965: 16); "census figures in Colombia . .

indicate that older people tend to stay in the rural areas"

(Beyer, 1967: 207). McGreevey's figures, cited above,

indicate that while the total numbers of migrants were

increasing, the percentage of the total population of the

city that was of migrant origin was decreasing. Given the

size of the city, which in the early 1970s has reached per-

haps one million people, this is almost inevitable.

Increasingly, natural increase (the importance of which has

tended to be underestimated by social scientists) should

account for the largest part of the city's growth. Further,

la violencia has ceased to be a major cause of migration from

rural areas, although sporadic violent incidents still

occur. In fact, it is probable that la violencia seriously

depopulated some rural areas in Colombia, so that the

ultimate rural source of migrants is not nearly as fertile

as it was in the past few decades.

While the origins of the migrant stream to Cali were

in the rural areas, evidence from recent Latin American








73

migrant studies (Browning and Feindt, 1971; Leeds and Leeds,

1967; Morse, 1971b; Beyer, 1967) indicates that rural

dwellers migrate to small towns, and their offspring then go

on to the larger urban areas. Thus migrants to urban areas

are considerably more "urbanized" than had at first been

realized. There is some evidence that this may be the case

with Cali (though the extreme migration induced by la

violencia may have altered "normal" patterns of migration).

McGreevey notes that

migrants to the city have a lower rate of unemployment
than do native-born Calefios. While native-born Calefios
made up less than 20 per cent of the labor force, they
contributed 25 per cent of the unemployed population.
S. there can be little doubt that the migrants con-
tribute more to production than they use up in consump-
tion, at least as compared to the native-born population
(McGreevey, 1965: 12).

Whatever the role of the migrant in an economic

sense, there can be no doubt that migration in a demographic

sense has made Cali one of the largest cities in Colombia

and Latin America. This demographic growth

is one of the key determinants of change in physical
pattern Moreover, the "components" of population
growth (for example, net migration versus natural
increase) may exert an influence on spatial patterns; in
general, growth via migration will probably be more
conducive to change (Schnore, 1965: 381-382).


Cities in Colombia and Latin America


Table 3 shows the population of the Cali municipio

for the years 1905, 1918, 1951, and 1964 in relation to

the other ten largest municipios in Colombia on these

dates. From this table, it is evident that Cali in 1964











TABLE 3

POPULATION OF ELEVEN LARGEST MUNICIPIOS, 1905-1964


Municipio

BogotA

Medellln

Cali

Barranquilla

Cartagena

Bucaramanga

Manizales

Pereira

Cdcuta

Ibagu6

Palmira


1905

100,000

54,916

30,740

40,115

9,681

20,314

24,656

19,036

15,312

24,566

26,406


1918

143,994

79,146

45,525

64,543

51,382

24,919

43,203

24,735

29,400

30,255

27,032


1938

330,312

168,266

101,038

152,348

84,937

51,283

86,027

60,492

57,248

61,447

44,788


1951

648,324

358,189

284,186

279,627

128,877

112,252

126,201

115,342

95,150

98,695

80,957


1964

1,697,311

772,887

637,929

498,301

242,085

229,748

221,916

188,365

175,336

163,661

140,889


Source: McGreevey,


1967(?) : Table








has clearly become the third largest city in Colombia.

While Cali grew at an annual average rate of 8.3 per cent

between 1938 and 1951, and 6.3 per cent between 1951 and

1964, Colombia grew at an annual average rate of 2.1 per

cent for the 1938-1951 period, and 3.3 per cent for the

1951-1964 period. No other major Colombian city grew as

fast as Cali in the 1938-1951 period, and only Bogota among

the major cities exceeded Cali's rate of growth in the

1951-1964 period.

During the recent period of rapid growth (1938-1964),

Cali has steadily increased its share of the total national

population from 1.2 per cent in 1938 to 3.6 per cent in

1964, as can be seen in Table 4.


TABLE 4

GROWTH OF CALI IN RELATION TO
THE GROWTH OF COLOMBIA:
1938-1951, 1951-1964

Percentage of Colombia's
Year Cali Colombia Population in Cali

1938 101,038 8,701,816 1.2
1951 284,186 11,548,172 2.5
1964 637,929 17,484,508 3.6

Source: Departamento Administrativo Nacional de
Estadistica, 1967: Tables 3 and 4.


While some, such as Schnore, have contended that the popu-

lation growth of the city is closely connected to the popu-

lation growth of the national population (Schnore, 1971: 38),








it is apparent that Call's growth has run well ahead of

national population growth during this period. This seems

due to the pronounced effect of migration on Call's growth.

As migration declines in importance as a factor in Cali's

growth, as it now seems to be doing, and natural increase

becomes a more predominant factor, it might be expected that

the rate of Cali's growth will conform more closely to that

of Colombia.

National urban structure is usually examined either

by the concept of urban primacy or by the concept of a

"normal" urban hierarchy, often termed the "rank-size rule."

Both of these are useful in exploring the structure of

cities in Colombia, and each will be examined in turn.

Morse summarizes the ways in which urban primacy is

usually conceived:

Urban primacy has various definitions. Some refer to
national pyramids of cities, ranked by population size,
culminating in a primate city which is by one or another
criterion abnormally large. Looser definitions emphasize
concentrations of functions and services. Interest
attaches to the phenomenon because of the suspicion that
primate cities may be dysfunctional, parasitic, and
symptomatic of underdevelopment (Morse, 1971b: 36).

One of the most cited studies of urban primacy is that of

Mehta (1964). In this study his measure of primacy is "the

percentage of the population of the four largest cities

residing in the largest city of the country" (Mehta, 1964:

141). The study, using circa 1955 data, ranked 87 countries

in terms of the primacy of their urban structure. Twenty-one

of these countries were in Latin America. Of these 21








countries, Colombia was ranked 21; it had the lowest level

of primacy of all the Latin American countries listed (all

of the countries in South America were listed, except Guyana,

which was not an independent country in 1955). Of the 87

countries included on the total list, Colombia was ranked 80

(Mehta, 1964: 141). Clearly, Colombia is not dominated by

one large city, as are so many of the Latin American

countries.

Yet Colombia is highly regionalized, and it may be

that there is a tendency for regional primacy to exist.

Although there are few studies of regional primacy, it seems

reasonable that one could combine the already-tested measure

of primacy used by Mehta with a recent unpublished regional-

ization of Colombia (Hollingsworth and Webber, 1968). How-

ever, the regionalization devised by Hollingsworth and

Webber must be modified to fit the purposes of this study.

Their scheme delineated twelve sociocultural regions in

Colombia (Costa Atlantica, Los Santanderes, Cundinamarca-

Boyaca, Medio Magdalena, Grupo Paisa, Costa Pacifica, Valle,

Alto Magdalena, Cauca, Narifo, Llanos, Otros). However, for

this study, three of the regions (Medio Magdalena, Costa

Pacifica, and Llanos) can be eliminated, because they do not

contain one of the largest cities in the country, which are

the cities for which adequate .data are available. The nine

remaining regions are combined into four larger regions,

which I term southern Colombia (including Valle, Alto

Magdalena, Cauca, and Nariio), the "Paisa" group (including








only the Grupo Paisa), highland Colombia (including Los

Santanderes, Cundinamarca-Boyaca, and Otros), and the

Atlantic Coast (including only the Costa Atldntica). It

should be noted that two of these new regions are the same

as the Hollingsworth-Webber regions, and the other two

regions appear to have some basis in fact--all of the parts

of the southern Colombia region (Valle, Alto Magdalena,

Cauca, and Nariio) send sizable numbers of migrants to Call,

while all of the parts of the highland Colombia region (Los

Santanderes, Cundinamarca-Boyaca, and Otros) send sizable

numbers of migrants to Bogota. The four largest cities in

each of these regions are listed in Table 5. The measure of

primacy used in this table is the percentage of the popula-

tion of the four largest cities residing in the largest city

of the region.

The results of Table 5 are somewhat surprising.

While the mean level of primacy for the 87 countries in the

Mehta study was 59.8, the mean level of primacy for the

four "regional cities" in Colombia was 62.0. If the median

rather than the mean is used, then the median level of

primacy for the 87 countries in the Mehta study was 60.0,

while the median level of primacy for the four "regional

cities" in Colombia was 59.5. Thus there does not appear to

be a high level of regional primacy in Colombia, contrary to

what has been suggested: "Colombia is highly regionalized;

a city like Medellin might be said to have primacy at the

departmental level" (Morse, 1969: 486 [footnote 43]).








TABLE 5

PRIMACY OF URBAN STRUCTURE: FOUR REGIONS
OF COLOMBIA, 1964


Population of
Each of the Measure
Four Largest Cities Largest Cities of
Region in the Region* in the Region Primacy

Southern Colombia Cali 637,929 60.5
Ibagu6 163,661
Palmira 140,889
Pasto 112,876

"Paisa" Group Medellin 772,887 58.5
Manizales 221,916
Pereira 188,365
Armenia 137,222

Highland Colombia BogotA 1,697,311 78.1
Bucaramanga 229,748
Cdcuta 175,336
Barrancabermeja 71,096

Atlantic Coast Barranquilla 498,301 50.9
Cartagena 242,085
Monteria 126,329
Cienaga 113,143

SIt is interesting that all of the fifteen largest cities
in the country are included in this list; Barrancabermeja
ranks 27 in size among Colombian cities.

Source: Departamento Administrativo Nacional de.
Estadistica, 1967: Table 6.


Another way to examine national urban structure is

by means of the "rank-size rule." This is a theoretical

model of the distribution of cities by size, where "the

population of each city tends to be in inverse proportion to

its rank by order of size . the second, third, and

fourth largest city might be expected to have one-half,

one-third, and one-quarter the population of the largest









city, and so forth" (United Nations Commission for Latin

America, 1969: 194). If the actual population of the

largest cities in Colombia and the "expected" population of

these cities (based on one-half, one-third, one-quarter,

etc., the population of the largest city) are compared, as

is done in Table 6, it is found that there is a rather good

"fit" between the actual and the "expected" population.

Thus Colombia conforms rather well to the idea of an urban


TABLE 6

RANK-SIZE DISTRIBUTION OF COLOMBIAN CITIES, 1964


City

Bogotd

Medellin

Cali

Barranquilla

Cartagena

Bucaramanga

Manizales

Pereira

Cicuta

Ibagu6


Actual Population

1,697,311

772,887

637,929

498,301

242,085

229,748

221,916

188,365

175,336

163,661


"Expected" Population

1,697,311

848,655

565,770

424,328

339,462

282,885

242,473

212,164

188,590

169,731


Source: Departamento Administrativo Nacional de
Estadistica, 1967: Table 6.


hierarchy, theoretically indicating that there is a rather

well-balanced structure of cities in Colombia, without an








overwhelming predominance of just one or two cities, as is

so often the case in Latin America.

An interesting theoretical discussion of the rank-

size distribution of cities is provided by Vapfarsky, when

he examines regions in Argentina for both primacy and rank-

size distribution (Vapharsky, 1969). In this study he

insists that regions must be drawn not on the basis of

geographic or political boundaries, but on the basis of

ecological systems. This has been the intent of the

Colombian regionalization presented above. Vapfarsky also

observes that "primacy and rank-size rule are not mutually

exclusive models" (Vapiiarsky, 1969: 584). Thus, as Morse

notes, "primacy depends on the level of closure or self-

containment of an area (i.e., proportion of interactions

beginning and terminating within the system) and rank-size

distribution upon the level of internal interdependence or

interaction of an area" (Morse, 1971b: 43). Since the

rank-size rule appears to apply to all cities in Colombia,

while there is a very low level of primacy, the Vapfiarsky

model would lead us to expect both a high level of closure

and high interdependence. Colombia, with its extreme

regionalization, undoubtedly does have a high level of

closure, whereby most interactions beginning within the

region terminate within that region. Interdependence is the

interaction that takes place among the units in a region, so

that "low interdependence means relative isolation of the

units from each other in the area" (Vapiiasky, 1969: 585).






82

While this is not the place to test the level of interaction

within the various regions of Colombia, it does appear that

there is a high level of regional interaction, at least with-

in the southern Colombia region, with which the author is

most familiar. Therefore, Colombia appears to "fit" the

Vapharsky model, to have both high closure and high inter-

dependence, with a rank-size distribution which generally

applies to all the cities.

Turning from the structure of cities in Colombia to

the level of urbanization, the facts show that Colombia has

become an urban rather than a rural nation. In 1938, the

first year for which urban-rural data were available, 30.9

per cent of the Colombian population was urban; this rose to

38.9 per cent of the population being classed as urban in

1951. By 1964, the date of the most recent census, 52.8 per

cent of the Colombian people were urban, which means that

these Colombians were living in places of 1,500 or more

inhabitants (Webber, 1973: Table 1).

In Table 7, Colombia is compared with other Latin

American nations in terms of per cent urban. As can be seen

in the table, Colombia is one of a growing number of Latin

American countries which have crossed the threshold from a

predominantly rural to a predominantly urban population.








TABLE 7

URBANIZATION OF THE LATIN AMERICAN POPULATION

Country Date of Data Per Cent Urban

Uruguay 1963 80.8
Chile 1970 76.0
Venezuela 1970 (E) 75.7
Argentina 1970 (E) 74.3
Cuba 1971 (E) 60.5
Mexico 1970 58.7
Brazil 1970 55.9
Peru 1971 (E) 53.2
Colombia 1964 52.8
Panama 1970 47.6
Nicaragua 1968 (E?) 44.7
Dominican Republic 1970 39.8
El Salvador 1971 39.4
Ecuador 1970 (E?) 38.3
Paraguay 1970 (E?) 35.7
Bolivia 1970 (E) 35.0
Costa Rica 1963 34.5
Guatemala 1964 33.6
Honduras 1969 (E?) 32.2
Guyana 1970 (E) 29.5
Haiti 1970 (E) 16.2
Trinidad and Tobago 1970 12.4

E = estimate
E? = estimate of questionable reliability
Source for all except Argentina, Bolivia, Haiti:
United Nations, 1972: Table 5.
Source for Argentina, Bolivia, Haiti:
Beyer, 1967: 223. (Estimates of the Inter-American
Development Bank.)


Growing Industrialism -- The Economic
Base of the City


Prior to the twentieth century Cali was a small,

rather plebeian town whose economy was based almost entirely

upon agriculture, and especially upon the raising of cattle.

Other activities which were beginning to center in Cali were





84

the tobacco and sugar interests. Tobacco made its presence

felt in the city before the middle of the nineteenth cen-

tury, and the sugar industry began shortly thereafter.

In 1864 . the first major enterprise in commercial
agriculture was initiated in Valle: the planting of a
relatively large hacienda in sugar cane and the
installation of steam-powered sugar mill by a Russian-
American immigrant to Colombia, James Eder. His
successful example was followed by the Caicedo sugar
mill in the early 1900's, and later by others (Posada
and Posada, 1966: 52).

There were also a few other small commercial ventures which

dealt with the Cauca Valley area, as the smaller cities in

the region were beginning to look to Cali for commercial

leadership.

In 1915, the city of Cali was linked with the

Pacific port of Buenaventura by the railroad. With the

opening of the Panama Canal at nearly the same time, the

city had an outlet to the rest of the world. Suddenly there

was a market for the produce of the Cauca Valley, and as

the transportation network in the Cauca Valley steadily

improved, Cali became the hub for the accumulation and ship-

ment of this produce, and the center for the concentration

of the wealth that was derived from these activities. This

stimulated the beginnings of industrial expansion, from

about 1925 to 1930. While the worldwide depression subse-

quently slowed industrial growth, after 1930 "several types

of government investment took place, especially in trans-

portation, communications, and electric energy facilities,

which generated industrial activity" (Dow, 1971: 32-33).






85

At the same time in the early 1930s, "because of protection

to agriculture . agricultural production gained

impetus" (Posada and Posada, 1966: 52).

The Second World War and its aftermath led to a

boom in manufacturing production, and "For the first time

large industrial establishments and the consequent large-

scale production started to replace the smaller establish-

ments" (Dow, 1971: 33). Foreign capital, which had flowed

into Colombia during the 1925-1930 period, but had been

severely curtailed during the depression (Lipman, 1969:

26), again began to pour into Colombia.

In the most recent decades, agriculture in the Cauca

Valley region has advanced rapidly. One of the world's most

efficient and modern sugar factories, La Manuelita, is

located in the municipio of Palmira, near Cali. The wide-

spread use of tractors is most prevalent in the

department of El Valle del Cauca, whose rich, productive
and level lands, after 400 years of use in a very rudi-
mentary pastoral culture, rapidly are being transformed
into sugar-cane, rice, and cotton plantations. . .
it is here that the mechanized system of agriculture is
making the most headway (Smith, 1967: 233).

Thus the years after World War II in Colombia were

marked by both industrial growth and the rapid expansion of

large-scale commercial agriculture in the Valle region. It

is the growth in both of these vital sectors of the economy

that made the rapid growth of the city of Cali possible.

Yet at the same time this agricultural "modernization"








hardly touched a large part of the agricultural potential,

so that much of the rural area is still rather backward.

The result is that agriculture in the Cauca Valley
today is unevenly developed, and the contrasts are
stark. It is highly mechanized and productive for a
small group of large owner-operator and tenant-operator
wealthy farmers; it is extremely backward, even primi-
tive for the vast majority of the owners of small and
medium-sized farms, located especially in the hills
(Posada and Posada, 1966: 52).

One of the most important factors that is presently

at work in the Cauca Valley stimulating agricultural

development and also greatly aiding industrial growth is

the Autonomous Regional Corporation of the Cauca Valley

(CVC). Rather like the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) in

the United States, this decentralized, administratively

autonomous agency was established in 1954 "for the purpose

of promoting the unified development of the natural resources

of the Upper Cauca River Valley in Colombia" (Posada and

Posada, 1966: 11). The specific goals of the CVC are to

render "a series of public services, such as generation,

transmission, and distribution of electric power; the promo-

tion of agricultural and industrial enterprise; and cooper-

ation in the development of programs in education, public

health, and community action" (Posada and Posada, 1966: 63).

By the late 1960s, the CVC had had success with three pro-

grams: "(a) Supplying electric power for the entire region,

as a result of which its industrial development has

obviously increased; (b) land reclamation (flood control,

irrigation, and drainage), and (c) raising the standard of









living of the rural population by disseminating modern and

improved methods of production" (Posada and Posada, 1966:

97).

Perhaps the most crucial project for the growth of

industry in Cali is the supply of energy. Indeed, one of

the most useful indicators of modernization is per-capita

energy consumption. "Even though the surprising industrial

development of Valle during the past two decades [1945-

1965] cannot be attributed to electricity alone, it is

evident that the supply of a greater volume of electric

power has been an element basic to this development" (Posada

and Posada, 1966: 106). One study noted that between 1956

and 1958 electrical production increased from 77,569,000 to

83,157,000 kilowatt hours (Pendleton, 1965: 44). Another

study reported that

the electric power potential of Valle is excellent and
relatively easy to harness. The total installed
capacity of the Cauca Valley region in 1955 was 75,000
kilowatts, of which 49,200 was from hydro sources and
25,900 thermal. But the rapid expansion of population
and industrialization led to an estimate made in 1955 of
an increase in demand for power of 150,000 kilowatts by
1965. However, these estimates of demand have been
periodically revised upward as the progressively
increasing population growth rate invalidates previous
estimates in demand (Posada and Posada, 1966: 46).

While more recent estimates of energy demand are not avail-

able, it is apparent that the demand has been rapidly grow-

ing. Now under construction in the Valle region by a

Mexican construction company is "one of the largest dams in

South America. When it's finished, it will supply power for

the 900,000 residents of Cali, and most of the other people




Full Text
90
TABLE 8
ECONOMICALLY ACTIVE POPULATION ENGAGED IN
INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY, BY DEPARTMENTS, 1964
Department
Economically
Active
Population
(a)
Economically
Active
Population
Engaged in
Industrial
Activity
(b)
Per Cent
of (b)
in (a)
(c)
(b) as a
Per Cent
of the
Colombia
Total of (b)
(d)
Bogota, D.E.
and
Cundinamarca*
910,068
154,344
17,0
23.5
Antioquia
658,845
100,789
15.3
15.4
Valle del Cauca 529,544
100,336
18.9
15.3
Atlntico
193,287
45,818
23.7
7.0
Rest of
Colombia
2,842,381
254,674
9.0
38.8
Colombia
Total
5,134,125
655,961
12.8
(100.0)
*These two are combined so that they will be comparable to
the Dix figures presented above.
Source: Departmento Administrativo Nacional de Estadstica,
1967: Table 34.
between the central and eastern ranges lies the Magdalena
River Valley. Cali is located at the bottom of the eastern
slope of the western range of the Andes at an elevation of
3,200 feet, and just three degrees north of the Equator. To
the north, east, and south of Cali is the broad and
extremely fertile Cauca River Valley. Because its flat
valley plain is so big, stretching for more than a hundred
miles, and with a breadth at times reaching twenty miles, it


BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abrams, Charles.
1964 Man's Struggle for Shelter in an Urbanizing World.
Cambridge, Mass.: The M.I.T. Press.
Abu-Lughod, Janet L.
1969 "Testing the Theory of Social Area Analysis: The
Ecology of Cairo, Egypt." American Sociological
Review 34 (April): 198-212.
Alihan, Milla Aissa.
1938 Social Ecology: A Critical Analysis. New York:
Columbia University Press.
Amato, Peter W.
1969 "Population Densities, Land Values, and Socioeconomic
Class in Bogot, Colombia." Land Economics 45
(February): 66-73.
Amato, Peter W'alter.
1968 An Analysis of the Changing Patterns of Elite
Residential Areas in Bogot, Colombia. Ph.D. dis
sertation, Cornell University.
Anderson, Neis.
1923 The Hobo. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Anderson, Theodore R. and Lee L. Bean.
1961 "The Shevky-Bell Social Areas: Confirmation of
Results and a Reinterpretation." Social Forces 40
(December): 119-124.
Anderson, Theodore R. and Janice A. Egeland.
1961 "Spatial Aspects of Social Area Analysis." American
Sociological Review 26 (June): 392-398.
Arboleda, Gustavo.
1956 Historia De Cali: Desde Los Orgenes De La Ciudad
Hasta La Expiracin Del Periodo Colonial. Volumes
I, II, and III. Cali: Biblioteca de la Universidad
del Valle.
166


DENSITY OF RESIDENTIAL BARRIOS,
CALI 1964
129
300 399
400+
UNACCOUNTED AREA


100


125
and represented a considerable investment by the family.
They were very proud of what they had achieved, but were sad
that the city had been so slow in providing needed services.
The street in front of the house was still not paved in
1968, and the dust and nuid that this brought into the home
was of great concern to the seora.
In Cali the poor people know that they must rely on
their own devices for any basic improvement in their living
conditions. While there is much that the government can and
must do to help, it would be a great tragedy if this desire
for self-improvement were extinguished. The squatter settle
ments, which make up a large part of the recent growth of
the city, must be looked upon with hope and with support,
rather than as blights to be eradicated.
Ascertaining precisely what proportion of recent
city growth is attributable to squatter settlements is an
impossible task, given the data available. However, some
rough estimates can be made, though one of the difficulties
in estimating the proportion of the city's population that
is made up of squatters is that original squatter invasions
may later be recognized by the city and made legal, and then
many other residents may move into the barrio. Thus the
process in a sense becomes routinized and legitimized.
Among the barrios of Cali, at least twelve (barrios
25, 52, 63, 77, 78, 82, 83, 114, 137, 139) have been docu
mented as having their origins in squatter invasions
(Campbell, 1966?: 1-3). In 1964, these barrios made up


104
discussed; only the remaining one hundred and thirty-one
residential barrios are examined.
Examination of figure 2 shows that rural-
agricultural barrios tend to be near the periphery, and are
clustered primarily in the southern and ivestern parts of the
city. It is apparent, however, that residential barrios do
not always grow outward from the center of the city (which in
this study is defined as the geographical center of barrio
8), filling up vacant (i.e., generally "rural-agricultural")
land as they spread. Rather these residential barrios often
jump over rural-agricultural land, and develop areas some
what detached from the built-up portions of the city. Thus
city barrios are often surrounded by vacant land waiting to
be filled in by future growth. Rural-agricultural barrios
are prime candidates for this future growth, and recent dis
cussions by the author with several students who have
visited Cali in 1973 indicate that at least nine of the
fourteen rural-agricultural barrios (44, 61, 76, 90, 93,
100, 128, 131, 156) have experienced substantial residential
development within the past few years. Those five rural-
agricultural barrios (119, 126, 127 133 140) wrhich do not
appear to have experienced substantial recent growth are all
on the western (mountainous) edge of the city, giving
support to the contention in the previous chapter that most
of the city's growth was outward on the flat plains of the
Cauca River Valley rather than climbing up the steep moun
tainside on the western edge of the city.


TABLE
16 Mean Distance of Barrios from City Center, By
Mean Family Units Per Housing Unit 148
17 Family Units Per Housing Unit of Barrios by
Socioeconomic Status, Cali, 1964 T 149
18 Barrios Bordered by Arterial Highways, By
Socioeconomic Status, Cali, 1968 158
ix


9
Numerous as the ideas of Park and McKenzie were, it
remained for one of their colleagues to make the most
memorable contribution to the literature on urban ecology.
This is the well-known concentric zone theory of Ernest W,
Burgess. He hypothesized that "the expansion of the city
can best be illustrated, perhaps, by a series of concentric
circles, which may be numbered to designate both the suc
cessive zones of urban extension and the types of areas dif
ferentiated in the process of expansion" (Burgess, 1925:
50). At the center was the central business district,
surrounded by a zone in transition from residence to business
and light manufacturing. Beyond this was a zone of working
men's homes, a residential zone, and finally a commuters'
zone (Burgess, 1925: 50-51). Burgess admitted this was an
ideal scheme which might not fit any city exactly (1925:
51-52), but believed it would be of great help in studying
the social organization of the city.
Indeed it was. Many studies, a few of which are
indicated below, made use of Burgess' theory. Shaw and
McKay (1931) studied juvenile delinquency in a number of
American cities, and found that juvenile delinquency declined
in each successive zone. White (1932) related crime and a
number of social factors, and found that these factors and
crime correlated closely with the zones. Ford (1950)
studied population succession in Chicago, and discovered
that each new immigrant group in Chicago pushed older immi
grant groups farther from the center of the city. Kish


101
functions, and the use of a single figure would have made it
difficult to portray the complexity of these relationships.
In addition, the use of a second land-use figure permits
greater detail through the presentation of various levels of
commercial activity.
Figure 2 shows rural-agricultural, specialized,
commercial, and residential barrios; and industrial barrios,
divided into those barrios with more than forty per cent of
their developed land devoted to industry, and those barrios
with ten to twenty per cent of their developed land devoted
to industry. (None of the barrios was rated as having
thirty per cent of its developed land devoted to industry.)
Residential barrios are those which have seventy per cent or
more of their developed land devoted to residents, either
single-family or multiple-family dwelling units, and do not
contain ten per cent or more industrial activity. However,
it is critical to note that in the discussion of variables
other than land usage in subsequent sections of this chapter
(recent growth, density, socioeconomic status, family
status, and transportation), all barrios will be treated as
"residential," because in all of the one hundred and thirty-
one barrios studied (all barrios except rural-agricultural
and specialized barrios) there was a substantial residential
population.
Figure 3 shows the level of commercial land usage in
Cali barrios in 1968. In figure 3 and most subsequent
figures rural-agricultural and specialized barrios are not


153
(although data are not available to examine these differ
ences) color generally manifests itself in socioeconomic
rather than ethnic levels of organization. This is not to
say that color differences have no effect; they do.
V
Generally, however, the darker ones skin, the lower ones
socioeconomic level. Thus the clustering that does occur is
that of socioeconomic rather than ethnic differentiation.
Occupational clustering is virtually non-existent in Cali,
which sharply distinguishes Cali from cities such as
Calcutta (Berry and Rees, 1969) and Cairo (Abu-Lughod, 1969).
The third basic contrast between preindustrial and
industrial cities that was posited by Sjoberg was "the pre
eminence of the 'central' area over the periphery, especially
as portrayed in the distribution of social classes" in the
preindustrial city (Sjoberg, 1960: 95); and "the pre
industrial city's central area is notable also as the chief
residence of the elite" (Sjoberg, 1960: 97). In Cali, few
members of the elite live in the central area of the city.
The commercial function, however, is still dominant in the
central area of the city, although there is some evidence
that noncentral commercial nuclei are starting to develop.
In this aspect of land use, Cali still carries, in its
ecological organization, remnants of the patterns established
there earlier in its history, when it had been a small pre
industrial city. For Cali, the decentralization of the
commercial function seems to be the last aspect of a pre
industrial city to change. From the standpoint of the


DEDICATED TO
MY PARENTS
FLORENCE AND ARMIN WAGNER


I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Benj
Profes
Gorman
of Sociology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Wlter'7A. Rosenbaum
Associate Professor of
Political Science
This dissertation was submitted to the Department of
Sociology in the College of Arts and Sciences.and to the
Graduate Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment of
the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
December, 1973
Dean, Graduate School


147
levels. However, servants undoubtedly add to the size of
the upper and middle-class families, so apparently the
average family size in Cali shows little variation by socio
economic level.
TABLE 15
MEMBERS PER FAMILY OF BARRIOS BY SOCIOECONOMIC
STATUS, CALI, 1964
Socioeconomic Status of Barrios
Members per Family
1 Upper 5.7
2 Middle 5.7
3 Lower Middle 5.3
4 Working 5.5
5 Working Lower 5.3
6 Lower 5.3
Figure 8 shows the spatial distribution of resi
dential barrios by number of family units per housing unit,
which is the second of the two measures of family status
utilized in this study. Again, as in the case of the number
of members per family, there is a clear relation between the
pattern of this indicator of family status and distance from
the center of the city. Those barrios which have the fewest
family units per housing unit tend to be furthest from the
center of the city, and those barrios which have the most
family units per housing unit tend to be nearest the center
of the city. Table 16 shows this relationship. In this
table, distance from city center was measured in the same
manner as in table 14. Again, as in table 14, a clear


165
that in so many other Latin American cities, is not a
particularly constraining factor, so the normal processes of
structural development can occur in an unimpeded fashion.
Finally, Cali is at a developmental stage that has just
passed beyond the transitional to the industrial. We can
still "see" some of the dynamic processes involved in this
change, such as lower central densities along with still-
high peripheral densities, and a centralized commercial
area with the incipient development of additional commercial
nuclei.
Whether Cali is typical or atypical of cities in
Latin America remains to be determined. Only subsequent
research can provide the comparisons that are now lacking.
But it is apparent that the methodology utilized in this
study is applicable in the Latin American context, and
indeed describes urban social differentiation in Cali rather
clearly.


SI
TABLE 1
POPULATION RANGE OF CALI BARRIOS USED
IN STUDYING RESIDENTIAL ECOLOGY
Population
Range
Number of
Barrios
0 -
999
16
1000 -
2999
43
3000 -
4999
29
5000 -
9999
29
10000 -
14999
8
15000 -
19999
4
20000 -
29999
2
Total
131
As related earlier, the central thrust of the
investigation is to study the effect of socioeconomic status
and family status on the residential differentiation of the
city. Having established the rationale for using the barrio
as the basic unit of analysis, and having delineated the
universe of barrios, we turn now to a consideration of
socioeconomic status and family status, and the indicators
used in measuring these.
The main indicator used to measure socioeconomic
status is housing; the use of one basic indicator for such
an important dimension of urban differentiation requires
both explanation and justification. In their theoretical
elaboration of social area analysis, Shevky and Bell used
nine types of sample statistics to measure the social rank
(socioeconomic status) construct. These were years of
schooling, employment status, class of worker, major


35
(3) Except for this first-class sector, the city is
completely surrounded by a fringe--of greatly varying
depth, to be sure--of housing of the poorest quality
(Dotson and Dotson, 1954: 370).
Thus the authors concluded that "modern Guadalajara conforms
neither to the traditional Spanish American nor to the North
American ecological pattern" (Dotson and Dotson, 1954: 372).
In his review of most of the aforementioned studies,
Schnore pointed out that they contained strikingly similar
results:
(1) All of the authors comment on the existence of the
"traditional" or "colonial" pattern, in which higher-
status groups tend to be found near the center.
(2) In every case, however, this pattern is reported to
be in one or another stage of "breakdown."
(3) There is an apparent tendency for all of the cities
--in Bolivia, Mexico, and Guatemala--to shift in the
general direction of "the North American pattern"
(Schnore, 1965: 358).
Their similarities notwithstanding, Schnore felt these
studies of cities in Latin America neither confirmed nor
denied the Burgess hypothesis, "simply because the necessary
controls are lacking and because so many relevant items of
information are missing" (Schnore, 1965: 376).
Though his study contains many useful ideas, and an
excellent review of the methodological and theoretical
problems involved in ecological studies, it appears that
Schnore has failed to take account of a surprisingly similar
finding of the studies. This finding is the uniform way in
which upper-class residential areas move to the periphery;
they do not seem to move directly from the center to the
periphery, but rather move outward gradually from the center


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The writer wishes to express his deep appreciation
to the present chairman of his supervisory committee,
Dr. Joseph S. Vandiver, and to his former chairman, now at
the University of Alabama, Dr. Irving L. Webber. Without
their continuing interest and encouragement this project
might never have been completed. To them the writer owes a
great debt of gratitude.
Other members of the supervisory committee, Dr. T.
Lynn Smith, Dr. Ruth Albrecht, Dr. Walter Rosenbaum, and
Dr. Benjamin Gorman deserve the writer's appreciation for
their willingness to serve on his committee, and for their
assistance.
Grateful acknowledgment is expressed to the
Rockefeller Foundation and the Center for Latin American
Studies of the University of Florida for the grant assistance
which made this project possible.
To his parents the writer owes thanks for their
constant encouragement to complete the project, and for their
providing such a pleasant place for the writing of the
dissertation. To his aunt, Gwen Edwards, and to Stephanie
Goldsberry, the writer owes thanks for help in typing.
IV


78
only the Grupo Paisa), highland Colombia (including Los
Santanderes, Cundinamarca-Boyac, and Otros), and the
Atlantic Coast (including only the Costa Atlntica). It
should be noted that two of these neiv regions are the same
as the Hollingsworth-Webber regions, and the other two
regions appear to have some basis in fact--all of the parts
of the southern Colombia region (Valle, Alto Magdalena,
Cauca, and Nario) send sizable numbers of migrants to Cali,
while all of the parts of the highland Colombia region (Los
Santanderes, Cundinamarca-Boyac, and Otros) send sizable
numbers of migrants to Bogota. The four largest cities in
each of these regions are listed in Table 5. The measure of
primacy used in this table is the percentage of the popula
tion of the four largest cities residing in the largest city
of the region.
The results of Table 5 are somewhat surprising.
While the mean level of primacy for the 87 countries in the
Mehta study was 59.8, the mean level of primacy for the
four "regional cities" in Colombia was 62.0. If the median
rather than the mean Is used, then the median level of
primacy for the 87 countries in the Mehta study was 60.0,
while the median level of primacy for the four "regional
cities" in Colombia was 59.5. Thus there does not appear to
be a high level of regional primacy in Colombia, contrary to
what has been suggested: "Colombia is highly regionalized;
a city like Medellin might be said to have primacy at the
departmental level" (Morse, 1969: 486 [footnote 43]).


77
countries, Colombia las ranked 21; it had the lowest level
of primacy of all the Latin American countries listed (all
of the countries in South America were listed, except Guyana
which was not an independent country in 1955). Of the 87
countries included on the total list, Colombia was ranked 80
(Mehta, 1964: 141). Clearly, Colombia is not dominated by
one large city, as are so many of the Latin American
countries.
Yet Colombia is highly regionalized, and it may be
that there is a tendency for regional primacy to exist.
Although there are few studies of regional primacy, it seems
reasonable that one could combine the already-tested measure
of primacy used by Mehta with a recent unpublished regional
ization of Colombia (Hollingsworth and Webber, 1968). How
ever, the regionalization devised by Hollingsworth and
Webber must be modified to fit the purposes of this study.
Their scheme delineated twelve sociocultural regions in
Colombia (Costa Atlntica, Los Santanderes, Cundinamarca-
Boyac, Medio Magdalena, Grupo Paisa, Costa Pacifica, Valle,
Alto Magdalena, Cauca, Nario, Llanos, Otros). However, for
this study, three of the regions (Medio Magdalena, Costa
Pacifica, and Llanos) can be eliminated, because they do not
contain one of the largest cities in the country, which are
the cities for which adequate data are available. The nine
remaining regions are combined into four larger regions,
which I term southern Colombia (including Valle, Alto
Magdalena, Cauca, and Nario), the "Paisa" group (including


162
density than distance from city center. As a result, some
of the poorer peripheral areas of the city had higher
densities than more central areas. In this respect Cali
was more like non-Western cities such as Calcutta than
Western cities. At the same time, central city densities in
Cali are now declining, which is more characteristic of
Western than of non-Western cities. Like the examination of
land use, the examination of density afforded a glimpse of
the city in the process of change in its ecological struc
ture .
The analysis of the spatial distribution of socio
economic status and family status showed that socioeconomic
status varied sectorially and family status varied concen
trically. This confirms the findings of previous studies in
social area analysis, and adds a Latin American example to
the widening body of research exploring the dimensions of
urban social differentiation.
The clear sectorization of socioeconomic status and
concentric distribution of family status in Cali, indicative
of a rather pronounced level of urban differentiation, is
more characteristic of industrial than it is of preindustrial
cities. Thus, while land use and density data showed that
Cali does not totally conform to the characteristics of
industrial and Western cities, it is clear that Cali is much
closer to these theoretical city types than it is to non-
Western and preindustrial cities. If this were not the case,


2
Cali, Colombia. This position provided an opportunity to
gather data for an ecological study.
Cali is a rapidly growing, rapidly industrializing
city of more than six hundred thousand people in southern
Colombia. Though not the capital of the country, it is a
regional city of great importance, and is in the center of
one of the richest agricultural areas in the world, the
Cauca River Valley. Much of its growth has been very recent,
though the city was one of the earliest to be founded in
South America, in 1536. Thus its long colonial tradition,
and recent growing industrialization, make it an excellent
example of a fairly large Latin American city. Further, Cali
is the third largest city in the second most populous
Spanish-speaking nation of the South American continent. A
study of the ecology of a major city such as Cali can make
a basic contribution to our understanding of urbanization in
Latin America.
This study focuses upon residential aspects of the
internal structure of Cali. For all the residential barrios
of the city, socioeconomic status is examined by means of a
study of housing. A map of these barrios shows their spatial
distribution. The number of family members and family units
per housing unit, indicators of family status, are also
mapped for the residential barrios. These spatial distribu
tions are then examined to determine the structural pattern
of the city. Do the higher status people live near the


158
black lines) and the socioeconomic level of the barrios
indicates that the higher the socioeconomic level of the
barrio, the greater is the likelihood that the barrio will
be bordered by an arterial highway. Table 18 shows this
relationship.
TABLE 18
BARRIOS BORDERED BY ARTERIAL HIGHWAYS,
BY SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS, CALI, 1968
Socioeconomic Status
of Barrios
1 Upper
2 Middle
3 Lower Middle
4 Working
5 Working Lower
6 Lower
Per Cent of Barrios
Bordered by Arterial
Highways
100
93
73
61
44
27
Unlike the Mexican cities studied by Pealosa, Cali no
longer has any significant number of upper or middle-class
families in the vicinity of the plaza. These families
reside almost exclusively along arterial highways.
If the accessibility of transportation is a value
sought by everyone, then it stands to reason that those
areas of the city that provide the greatest accessibility
will be most sought-after. The upper and middle classes,
with their greater economic and political resources, would
obtain the choicest areas, and the lower classes would be
left with the least desirable areas. In this sense, the


92
The street system of Cali has lagged considerably
behind the rapid population growth of the city. While the
main streets in all areas are generally paved, and most
streets in the older areas of the city are paved, the field
survey shows that fully tiro-thirds of all the barrios in the
city have mostly dirt streets. These streets are terribly
dusty during dry seasons, in places become impassable
during wet seasons, and are a source of great annoyance and
despair to the housewives in these areas.
Connecting the city with the outside world is a new
and spacious jet airport, and a modern railway station. The
road south from Cali to Popayn is new and modern, cutting
;vhat used to be an arduous trip to a mere few hours. The
highway north from Cali linking it with Palmira, Buga,
Cartago, Tulu and other towns in the Cauca Valley is good.
Beyond the Cauca Valley the highway system is not nearly as
good, because the rugged mountainous terrain makes road
construction a monumental task. The road from Cali to
Bogot is still difficult, and the 88-mile road from Cali to
the Pacific port of Buenaventura, while filled with spectac
ular vistas and passages through several small waterfalls,
is fairly rugged. Yet this all-weather road to Buena
ventura does handle the constant stream of trucks that link
Cali to the Pacific Ocean. Aside from these main roads,
paved highways are virtually absent.


82
While this is not the place to test the level of interaction
within the various regions of Colombia, it does appear that
there is a high level of regional interaction, at least with
in the southern Colombia region, with which the author is
most familiar. Therefore, Colombia appears to "fit" the
Vaparsky model, to have both high closure and high inter
dependence, with a rank-size distribution which generally
applies to all the cities.
Turning from the structure of cities in Colombia to
the level of urbanization, the facts shoii that Colombia has
become an urban rather than a rural nation. In 1938, the
first year for which urban-rural data were available, 30.9
per cent of the Colombian population was urban; this rose to
38.9 per cent of the population being classed as urban in
1951. By 1964, the date of the most recent census, 52.8 per
cent of the Colombian people were urban, which means that
these Colombians were living in places of 1,500 or more
inhabitants (Webber, 1973: Table 1).
In Table 7, Colombia is compared with other Latin
American nations in terms of per cent urban. As can be seen
in the table, Colombia is one of a growing number of Latin
American countries which have crossed the threshold from a
predominantly rural to a predominantly urban population.


172
Leonard, Olen E.
1948 "La Paz, Bolivia: Its Population and Growth.
American Sociological Review 13 (August): 448-454.
Levin, Yale and Alfred Lindesmith.
1961 "English Ecology and Criminology of the Past
Century." Pp. 14-21 in George A. Theodorsen (ed.)
Studies in Human Ecology. New York: Harper § Row,
Publishers.
Lipman, Aaron.
1969 The Colombian Entrepreneur in Bogota. Coral Gables,
Florida: University of Miami Press.
Maingot, A.P.
1969 "Social Structure, Social Status, and Civil-Military
Conflict in Urban Colombia, 1810-1858." Pp. 297-
355 in S. Thernstrom and R. Sennett (eds.) Nine
teenth Century Cities. New Haven, Connecticut:
Yale University Press.
Mangin, William.
1967 "Squatter Settlements." Scientific American 217
(October): 21-29.
McElrath, Dennis C.
1962 "The Social Areas of Rome: A Comparative Analysis."
American Sociological Review 27 (August): 276-291.
McGreevey, William P.
1965 "Migration to Cali: Estimates for the Intercensal
Periods 1938-1951 and 1951-1964." Publication No. 4
Cali: Centro de Formacin Professional e Investi
gacin Agricola, August 30. Mimeographed.
McGreevey, William P.
1967 "Colombia: Growth of Urban Population Since 1793."
Mimeographed.
McKenzie, Roderick D.
1968a "The Ecological Approach to the Study of the Human
Community." Pp. 3-18 in Amos H. Hawley (ed.)
Roderick D. McKenzie on Human Ecology. Chicago:
The University of Chicago Press.
McKenzie, Roderick D.
1968b "The Scope of Human Ecology." Pp. 19-32 in Amos H.
Hawley (ed.) Roderick D. McKenzie on Human Ecology.
Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.


81
overwhelming predominance of just one or two cities, as is
so often the case in Latin America.
An interesting theoretical discussion of the rank-
size distribution of cities is provided by Vaparsky, when
he examines regions in Argentina for both primacy and rank-
size distribution (Vaparsky, 1969). In this study he
insists that regions must be drawn not on the basis of
geographic or political boundaries, but on the basis of
ecological systems. This has been the intent of the
Colombian regionalization presented above. Vaparsky also
observes that "primacy and rank-size rule are not mutually
exclusive models" (Vaparsky, 1969: 584). Thus, as Morse
notes, "primacy depends on the level of closure or self
containment of an area (i.e., proportion of interactions
beginning and terminating within the system) and rank-size
distribution upon the level of internal interdependence or
interaction of an area" (Morse, 1971b: 43). Since the
rank-size rule appears to apply to all cities in Colombia,
while there is a very low level of primacy, the Vaparsky
model would lead us to expect both a high level of closure
and high interdependence. Colombia, with its extreme
regionalization, undoubtedly does have a high level of
closure, whereby most interactions beginning within the
region terminate within that region. Interdependence is the
interaction that takes place among the units in a region, so
that "low interdependence means relative isolation of the
units from each other in the area" (Vapasky, 1969: 585).


75
has clearly become the third largest city in Colombia.
While Cali grew at an annual average rate of 8.3 per cent
between 1938 and 1951, and 6.3 per cent between 1951 and
1964, Colombia grew at an annual average rate of 2.1 per
\
cent for the 1938-1951 period, and 3.3 per cent for the
1951-1964 period. No other major Colombian city grew as
fast as Cali in the 1938-1951 period, and only Bogota among
the major cities exceeded Calis rate of growth in the
1951-1964 period.
During the recent period of rapid growth (1938-1964),
Cali has steadily increased its share of the total national
population from 1.2 per cent in 1938 to 3.6 per cent in
1964, as can be seen in Table 4.
TABLE 4
GROWTH OF CALI IN RELATION TO
THE GROWTH OF COLOMBIA:
1938-1951, 1951-1964
Percentage of Colombia's
Year Cali Colombia Population in Cali
1938
101,038
8,701,816
1951
284,186
11,548,172
1964
637,929
17,484,508
1.2
2.5
3.6
Source: Departamento Administrativo Nacional de
Estadstica, 1967: Tables 3 and 4.
While some, such as Schnore, have contended that the popu
lation growth of the city is closely connected to the popu
lation growth of the national population (Schnore, 1971: 38),


94
reside in what would be judged to be middle-class
residential districts, in homes that our sociological
scales would identify as dwellings of those of the middle
class, are the descendants of those who were unchallenged
members of the upper class (Smith, 1967: 342). Bearing
these objections in mind, Table 9, which shows an areal
breakdown of social class in Cali in 1964, is presented.
This table shows that only about two per cent of the popu
lation of Cali belonged to the upper class in 1964, and
about fifteen per cent belonged to the middle classes. The
remainder were either working class or lower class. This
preponderance of the people in the lower classes is not
TABLE 9
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION IN CALI, 1964
rrio
Class
Per Cent of i
Population
1
Upper
2.1
2
Middle
6.5
3
Lower Middle
8.6
4
Working
14.8
5
Working Lower
53.0
6
Impoverished Lower
13.1
Other*

1.2
Total
100.0
*Other barrios refer to rural agricultural barrios and
specialized barrios, xvTiich often contain institutional
groups, such as the jail, mental hospital, military
barracks, etc.
Sources: Oficina de Planeacin Municipal, "Distribucin. .
Field Survey of Cali, 1967-1968.


87
living of the rural population by disseminating modern and
improved methods of production" (Posada and Posada, 1966:
97) .
Perhaps the most crucial project for the growth of
industry in Cali is the supply of energy. Indeed, one of
the most useful indicators of modernization is per-capita
energy consumption. "Even though the surprising industrial
development of Valle during the past two decades [1945-
1965] cannot be attributed to electricity alone, it is
evident that the supply of a greater volume of electric
power has been an element basic to this development" (Posada
and Posada, 1966: 106). One study noted that between 1956
and 1958 electrical production increased from 77,569,000 to
83,157,000 kilowatt hours (Pendleton, 1965: 44). Another
study reported that
the electric power potential of Valle is excellent and
relatively easy to harness. The total installed
capacity of the Cauca Valley region in 1955 was 75,000
kilowatts, of \tfhich 49,200 was from hydro sources and
25,900 thermal. But the rapid expansion of population
and industrialization led to an estimate made in 1955 of
an increase in demand for power of 150,000 kilowatts by
1965. However, these estimates of demand have been
periodically revised upward as the progressively
increasing population growth rate invalidates previous
estimates in demand (Posada and Posada, 1966: 46).
While more recent estimates of energy demand are not avail
able, it is apparent that the demand has been rapidly grow
ing. Now under construction in the Valle region by a
Mexican construction company is "one of the largest dams in
South America. When its finished, it will supply power for
the 900,000 residents of Cali, and most of the other people


139
The two exceptions are barrio 26, to the northwest of the
center of the city, and barrio 39, to the north.
Taken together, upper-class, middle-class, and
lower-middle-class barrios occupy a wide band of the city,
stretching from northeast to southwest. In the northeast,
the Cali River separates this land from the working-class
and lower-class barrios to the south and east. Of the seven
teen residential barrios in Cali north of the Cali River,
only two are working-class or lower-class barrios, barrios
25 and 157. In the southwest, the upper-class, middle-
class, and lower-middle-class barrios occupy a fairly large
area relatively near the center of the city which is not
demarcated by any natural boundaries, although the area is
surrounded by some vacant land, which is, in all probability
the area of the city where future middle-class and lower-
middle-class expansion will occur.
The working-class barrios of the city, except for
the four barrios which comprise the "working class" com
mercial area of the city (barrios 3, 4, 11, and 12), are
scattered to the south and east of the center of the city.
The only exception is barrio 157 (mentioned above), which is
a large public housing project in the midst of a middle-
class area of the city. It is not readily apparent why
these barrios are so scattered, although perhaps this is due
to a factor of time--most of the working-class barrios are
somewhat older than the lower-working-class barrios which


141
within or adjacent to the industrial area of the city. The
other seven barrios within this "wedge" area are all near
or on the periphery of the city.
The other three lower-class barrios are on the
steep slopes or ridges of the mountains, barrios 25, 137,
and 139. Barrio 25 is relatively old (pre-1951), in rough
terrain, and quite difficult to reach, which may explain its
lack of attraction for more affluent Caleos. Barrios 137
and 139, the largest lower-class area in the city in terms
of population, developed essentially at the end of the band
of upper-class, middle-class, and lower-middle-class barrios.
In general terms, the spatial organization of socio
economic status shows a clear pattern. Running from south
west to northeast near the mountains are the upper-class,
middle-class, and lower-middle-class barrios. Running south
and east of the center of the city is a large "wedge" of
working-class, lower-working-class, and lower-class barrios.
Although some barrios are exceptions, this pattern is rather
distinct. To the southwest of the city center, in the "arm"
of the city roughly bordering the Cali-Popayn highway, the
low level of development has not yet allowed any clear pat
terns of socioeconomic organization, although it is appar
ent that a new upper-class area is developing at the tip of
this "arm."


13
activities are incompatible; some activities require
specialized facilities; and some activities cannot afford
the high rents of the most desirable sites (Harris and
Uliman, 1945: 7-17) .
Studies of "classical" urban ecology seem to have
centered around four factors, as described by Park.
It is the interaction of . four factors--(1) popula
tion, (2) artifacts (technicological sic) culture),
(3) custom and beliefs (non-material culture), and (4)
the natural resources that maintain at once the biotic
balance and the social equilibrium, when and where they
exist (Park, 1936: 15).
To simplify these propositions of Park, it seems to this
writer that the essential nature of urban ecology revolves
around two basic axes. One of these axes, areal analysis,
has been the focus of attention of "classical" ecologists.
The other axis, social organization, is the focus of social
area analysts and factorial ecologists, and will be dealt
with more extensively in the next section of this chapter.
The ecologist seeks to understand the dynamic relationship
between these basic axes and population categories. He wants
to explain how organization (sometimes referred to as the
division of labor) and areal environment are related.
Areal analysis, usually referred to by the term
"natural area," occupies a central position in urban ecology
and in this study. This emphasis grew out of the biological
foundations of urban ecology, in which breakdowns by area
were seen as evidence of environmental adaptation. This
adaptation was usually discussed in terms of competition and


143
THE DISTRIBUTION OF RESIDENTIAL BARRIOS
BY FAMILY SIZE. CALI 1964
FIGURE 7
UNACCOUNTED AREA


center of the city, are they moving toward the periphery, or
is another, possibly more complex, explanation needed?
Supporting this focus on residential ecology are
data pertaining to urban land use, recent growth and density
of the barrios, and an examination of the effect of major
arterial streets on the location of upper-status residential
areas.
The results of this study certainly will not be the
basis for generalization about all the cities of Latin
America. Latin America, like other large areas of the
world, is an area of great diversity. Hopefully, the result
will lend themselves to comparison and conjunction with
other studies, and eventually help in the formulation of a
more general theory of residential differentiation for Latin
America. As of now, data are not adequate nor varied enough
to support such a general theory. The next stage in the
development of such a theory should be the undertaking of
several studies of the factorial ecology of Latin American
cities, to determine their basic social dimensions. Hope
fully, these studies will take place in several cities
already studied by more traditional methods, so that
eventual comparisons among various types of studies may be
facilitated, adding meaningfulness to the more traditional
interpretations.


34
structure is reflected in the social organization of the
city, as public health problem areas "form almost a contin
uous border around the city," and "the percentage of non-
attendance among children of school age rises consistently
\
as one moves out toward the urban periphery" (Caplow, 1949:
125) .
The Dotsons study of Guadalajara (1954) is of
particular relevance because their methodology is similar to
that to be used in this research. Housing in all residential
areas of the city was rated by direct observation. "Out of
this experience came the conviction that five types of
housing, sufficiently distinct to be differentiated quickly
by external appearance, exist in this city" (Dotson and
Dotson, 1954: 369). Class I consisted of modern upper-
income houses, class II were colonial upper-income houses,
class III were colonial and small modern middle-income
houses, class IV were lower-middle and working-class houses,
and class V were the "dwellings of the very poor" (Dotson
and Dotson, 1954: 369). An index of residential telephones
was also used, to support the housing classification. Both
methods uncovered approximately the same patterns of
residential housing areas, which the authors felt had three
salient features:
(1) The housing near the commercial center is good,
although most of it is certainly not the best in the
city.
(2) The best housing forms a sector running westward
from the center to the edge of the city.


16
almost creating a reality where none exists" (Hatt, 1961:
106). As a result he argues for a distinction "between
natural areas as logical, statistical constructs integrated
with a plan for research (or administration) and the con
cept of natural areas as a series of spatial and social
factors which act as coercive influences upon all who inhabit
the geographically and culturally defined area" (Hatt, 1961:
107). Awareness of this distinction should help avoid the
reification of the concept of the natural area. Timms,
however, argues that concern with lack of areal homogeneity
is not the point.
The existence of differences within a census tract or
any other small area is only prejudicial to the use of
the area in ecological analysis if the differences
relate to the proportions of the population possessing
specified traits in major divisions of the area. The
criticisms of such writers as Hatt, Myers and Mabry,
constituted on the finding that census tracts contained
heterogeneous populations rather than homogeneous ones,
are believed to be misdirected (Timms, 1971: 42).
Timms presents one of the most persuasive arguments
for the use of natural areas that this writer has seen. By
reviewing a great deal of research on the city that has been
done in the last three or four decades, he shows that the
local area is a factor of great explanatory usefulness; more
specifically, the local area is the framework within which a
great deal of behavior occurs. Timms shows that "three
major sources of material are available for an analysis of
the relationship between residence and behavior: studies of
the association between propinquity and friendship, studies
concerned with explicating the socio-cultural factors


23
the seven variables used in social area analysis by Shevky
and Bell and other census variables. As described by
Harman
The principal concern of factor analysis is the resolu
tion of a set of variables linearly in terms of (usually)
a small number of categories or "factors." This reso
lution can be accomplished by the analysis of the corre
lations among the variables. A satisfactory solution
will yield factors which convey all the essential
information of the original set of variables. Thus, the
chief aim is to obtain scientific parsimony or economy
of description (Harman, quoted in Timms, 1971: 47-48).
These studies of factor analysis led to a number of additional
researches, which became known as "factorial ecologies."
Factorial ecology is "the application of factor analysis to
data describing the residential differentiation of the
population" (Timms, 1971: 54).
Probably the best revie^w of the findings of factorial
ecologies to date is Philip Rees' chapter in Berry's City
Classification Handbook: Methods and Applications (Rees,
1972) Here some thirty-five factorial ecologies were sum
marized and compared, and the three factors used in social
area analysis (social rank, urbanization, and segregation)
were generally found to be basic, although several other
factors, such as residential mobility, the degree of recent
immigration, and urban growth, were found in a number of
studies (Rees, 1972: 286-287). Timms, who also reviewed a
number of factorial ecologies, emerged with essentially the
same conclusion.
... in the various studies of factorial ecology the
most striking feature ... is the general consistency
of the findings. The manifold variation of sub-area


108
in barrio 8, which comprises what the residents of the city
would call the "downtown" area. This "downtown" area
surrounds the Plaza de Cayzedo, which is the original
central plaza of the colonial city of Cali. This plaza is
one of the key elements in the residents' image of the city.
A high level of commercial activity lies to the east of
barrio 8, in barrios 13 and 14. These barrios form a link
between the central commercial area and the industrial area
and have a good deal of industry-supporting commerce. To
the south of barrio 8, in barrios 9, 10, 11, and 12 is the
remainder of the area of intensive commercial activity of
Cali. This is an old part of the city, and the commercial
uses of the area are as varied as the imagination can con
ceive, though there are fe\tf "upper-class" commercial
activities, such as fine shops, in this area. Generally,
this is the commercial area that supports the working-class
people of Cali.
Separating the commercial center of the city from
the upper-class and middle-class barrios which lie to the
north is the Cali River. That commerce which has crossed
the river from the commercial center to these well-to-do
areas is generally geared to more affluent patrons. Here,
in barrios 34, 35, 36 and 37, one finds many of the finer
shops in the city, and the newer and more modern commercial
ventures, such as a small shopping center that is built
around a Sears department store in barrio 37. Also in
barrio 37 is the social security hospital, and there are
several good private clinics in this and surrounding barrios


122
This desperate rush for a place to live was most
typified by the squatter settlements which became a
pronounced aspect of the growth of most large Latin American
cities. In few cities was the impact of these squatters as
\
overwhelming as in Cali, for the enormous migration induced
by la violencia brought large waves of migrants to the city.
The ordered processes of city growth were unable to cope
with these migrants insofar as finding adequate housing was
concerned.
Squatter settlements usually take the form of illegal
land invasions, in which a group of people, sometimes
numbering in the hundreds and occasionally in the thousands,
move onto land at some agreed-upon time and immediately
construct shacks with whatever material is available. Where
it is possible, these squatters try to settle on public
land, land that is owned by the government. These invasions
are generally well-organized, and contrary to common
mythology, are not necessarily communist-inspired. Indeed,
evidence shows that these squatters are far from the dregs
of society, being better educated, more ubanized, and less
given to criminal activity than most reports would have us
believe (Mangin, 1967: 21-29).
Indeed, research involving squatter settlements
indicates that, far from being the "cancerous sores" that
many claim should be bulldozed into oblivion, with their
inhabitants removed to "modern" housing, these settlements
are perhaps the most viable, economic, and psychologically-


105
Specialized barrios, as might be expected, do not
exhibit any particular pattern, being scattered throughout
the city. There is, however, a notable absence of
specialized barrios within the main commercial area and the
industrial area of the city. Although land value data are
not available, this undoubtedly reflects the relatively high
cost of location within the industrial and commercial areas,
and the relatively extensive amounts of land required by
most of the specialized barrios, such as the air base, the
water works, the army base, the municipal park, the horse-
racing track, and the country club.
Industrial barrios occupy a very distinct area,
spreading out east of the commercial center of the city.
With only one exception (barrio 36), all of the barrios with
ten per cent or more of their developed land devoted to
industry are in this area. Separating this industrial
activity from the middle-class and upper-class residential
areas to the north is the Cali River. While this river is
neither wide nor navigable, it does form a distinct line of
demarcation. The industrial area, while containing sub
stantial residential areas interspersed throughout it,
stretches to the open lands near the eastern boundary of the
city, where some future industrial development will
undoubtedly occur. Bifurcating the southeastern part of the
industrial area is the air base. While industrial activity
is beginning to grow around this large specialized activity,
the author heard persistent rumors from local residents


146
family on the 1964 Colombian census form is quite broad.
The form notes that all persons who spent the night before
the date of the census in the dwelling should be counted.
This includes the head of the family and his spouse,
\
unmarried children (including the recently-born), married
children and their families, other relatives, guests,
boarders, servants, and others. The category of servants
is the one which may differentially weight the members-per -
family averages for the various socioeconomic levels; there
are undoubtedly more servants per family in upper-class and
middle-class barrios than there are in lower-working-class
and lower-class barrios, but data are not available to
determine the numbers involved. One might surmise, ho\vever,
that servants do not constitute a large portion--even of the
households of the middle and upper classes, if the pattern
in Colombia is reasonably similar to the pattern in Brazil.
For Brazil, Smith notes that "servants living in the homes
are not particularly numerous, but because of their presence
in the households of those of the upper and middle socio
economic classes, their visibility is especially great"
(Smith, 1970: 193). Overall, 1.4 per cent of all Brazilian
households headed by persons aged 30-39 is composed of
employees (Smith, 1970: 195).
The members per family classified by socioeconomic
levels of the barrios are shown in table 15. From this
table it appears that the upper and middle-class families
are slightly larger than families in the other socioeconomic


171
Hollingshead, A.B.
1947 MA Re-Examination of Ecological Theory." Sociology
and Social Research 31 (January-February): 194-204.
Hollingsworth, J. Selwyn.
1970 Value Orientations of Leaders and Students in
Popayn, Colombia. Ph.D. dissertation, University
of Florida. V
Hollingsworth, J. Selwyn and Irving L. Webber.
1968 "Regiones Socioculturales de Colombia."
Mimeographed.
Holt, Pat M.
1964 Colombia Today And Tomorrow. New York: Frederick
A. Praeger, Publishers.
Hoyt, Homer.
1939 The Structure and Growth of Residential Neighbor
hoods in American Cities. Washington, D.C.: Federal
Housing Authority.
Hoyt, Homer.
1963 "The Residential and Retail Patterns of Leading
Latin American Cities." Land Economics 39 (November)
449-454.
Hurd, Richard M.
1924 Principles of City Land Values. New. York: The
Record and the Guide.
International Urban Research.
1959 The World's Metropolitan Areas. Berkeley and Los
Angeles, California: University of California Press.
Jonassen, Christen T.
1961 "Cultural Variables in the Ecology of an Ethnic
Group." Pp. 273-279 in George A. Theodorsen (ed.)
Studies in Human Ecology. New York: Harper § Row,
Publishers.
Kish, Leslie.
1954 "Differentiation in Metropolitan Areas." American
Sociological Review 19 (August): 388-398.
Leeds, Anthony and Elizabeth Leeds.
1967' "Brazil and the Myth of Urban Rurality: Urban
Experience, Work, and Values in 'squatments' of Rio
de Janeiro and Lima." Paper for Conference on
Urbanization and Work in Modernizing Societies. St.
Thomas, Virgin Islands: November 2-4.


89
had 24.9 per cent, Valle del Cauca (and principally the city
of Cali) had 16.1 per cent, Atlntico (and principally the
city of Barranquilla) had 10.0 per cent, and all other
departments liad 20.1 per cent of the total factory employ
ment in Colombia (Dix, 1967: 23). By 1964, there is some
evidence that Calis industrialization had groxrn in relation
to Bogot and Medellin. Table 8 shows this evidence, in the
form of the economically active population by departments
engaged in industrial activity (Industrias de Transforma
cin).3 Though they are not precisely comparable, if one
compares the Dix figures for 1959 with the 1964 census
figures (column d), it appears that Cali's industrial
establishment is increasing with respect to the industrial
establishments of Bogot and Medellin.4 Thus Cali is
clearly an industrial city, and is assuming greater impor
tance as an industrial center in Colombia. Surely the
ecology of the city will be affected by the importance of
this activity.
Topography and Transportation
Colombia is divided by the western, central, and
eastern ranges of the Andes Mountains. Between the western
and the central ranges is the Cauca River Valley, and
3Unfortunately departmental rather than city data
must be used; city data are not available.
4These figures must be used with caution, as
Industrias de Transformacin may include people employed in
home craft shops, as well as factories.


52
occupation group, value of home, rent by dwelling unit,
plumbing and repair, persons per room, and heating and
refrigeration (Shevky and Bell, 1961: 228). For our study,
systematic education and occupation data by barrio were not
available, and there was no way in which we could system
atically include these variables in a measure of socio
economic status. Likewise specific barrio-by-barrio data
for value of home, rent by dwelling unit, plumbing and
repair, persons per room, and heating and refrigeration
could not be obtained. Very early in the study, however, it
became apparent that a barrio-by-barrio field survey of
housing could include most of the important aspects of this
latter group of five sample statistics, and thus allow the
construction of a typology of barrios by socioeconomic
status.
The field survey was oriented to the construction of
this typology. The classification scheme ranged from one to
six, with one being the highest and six being the lowest.
After a survey of each barrio, a number in this socioeconomic
classification was assigned to it. A one meant that the
barrio was well-to-do, being upper class. A two meant the
barrio was well off, though clearly not so much so as the
one barrios; these barrios were comprised mainly of the
middle class. A three referred to a lower-middle-class
barrio, where the people were clearly above the working
class, but not very well off. A four referred to the stable
working-class barrio which was somewhat more secure and


I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
vJosph S. Vandiver, Chairman
E Sociology
Professor
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
\
T~ Lynn" Smith
Professor of Sociology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Professor of Sociology


26
whereby "the pattern of social (and physical) differentia
tion in preindustrial societies (cities) would be relatively
simple and perhaps virtually unidimensional; as the scale of
society increased, there would be increased complexity of
differentiation and a separation of the axes or dimensions
of differentiation"3 (Abu-Lughod, 1969: 199).
Rees, after reviewing the studies of Cairo and
Calcutta, concluded that "it was abundantly clear even from
two studies that the factorial ecology of non-Western cities
was very different from that of Western cities but capable
nevertheless of being examined within the same framework"
(Rees, 1972: 296). It should be stressed, however, that
the studies of Cairo and Calcutta both accounted for a sub
stantial proportion of urban social differentiation on the
basis of family status and socioeconomic status. In Calcutta,
family status was a specific factor, while socioeconomic
status was tied to ethnicity. In Cairo, family status and
socioeconomic status were combined in a style-of-life fac
tor. Thus it seems that socioeconomic status and family
status are major determinants of urban social structure in
both Western and non-Western societies.
One other general conclusion can be drawn from a
review of studies of social area analysis. It appears that
3This theory of scale, in hazy form, Abu-Lughod
attributes to Eshref Shevky and Wendell Bell, Social Area
Analysis: Theory, Illustrative Application and Computa
tional Procedures (1955).


65
While it is clearly impossible to ascribe the
transformation from a town to a large city to a single
factor, or a single set of factors, it does appear that the
regional leadership exercised by Cali during the Indepen-
\
dence period, along with its support for the lessening of
Popayn's sphere of influence, led to Cali's clear emergence,
in the early 1800's, as a "first among equals" of the cities
in the Cauca Valley region. This was a formative period in
Colombia's history as a nation, for "the warfare that
characterized the Spanish American Independence movements
was of such intensity and duration (1810-28) that it could
not help but affect the societies of the nations involved"
(Maingot, 1969: 297). At the same time that Cali was
achieving this local predominance, Popayn was in decline, a
decline that tookplace throughout the nineteenth century,
though it was perhaps most pronounced in the middle of the
century, when Popayn's vast territories were divided. As
Whiteford notes,.
As Popayn . was divested of its richer lands, which
became part of the wealth of new or neighboring states,
its fortunes declined drastically. Its rich and fertile
valleys became the state of Valle del Cauca, its mines,
which once supported the aristocracy in a life of royal
wealth, passed to the states of Nario and Antioquia,
and even its mountainous southerly regions of unexplored
but potential riches were turned over to the state of
Huila. Popayn was left to rule a decimated state,
small in size, and composed principally of rolling hills
and unexplored mountains. The shock of loss, the feel
ing of impoverishment . led to a paralysis, an
inactivity, which deterred and impeded the full and
active exploitation and development of those resources
and potentialities which did remain. The result was
stagnation. . Increasingly, [Popayn] became
isolated . and traffic with the outside world


53
families of higher socioeconomic status are found
primarily along arterials and importantly but to a some
what lesser extent, in the vicinity of the plaza. The
more industrialized the city, the more dispersed are the
residences of the rich and comfortable from the central
plaza (Pealosa, 1967: 226).
As in other Latin American studies, the better residences
move to the periphery in specific areas. To tentatively
explain this movement, Pealosa emphasized the importance of
accessibility to the center of the city, and the key function
played by major arterial streets in providing this access
ibility.
It seems quite plausible that the concept of arterial
accessibility may play an important role in the patterning
of residences in Latin American cities. In the next chapter
we shall be looking at this and other factors as possible
determinants of the shape of residential distribution in a
Latin American city.


41
understand the dynamic relationship between these two axes
of urban ecology. This is what is planned for this study,
in the context of a description of Cali, Colombia.
The research reported here is an ecological examina
tion of the residential areas of Cali, Colombia. This
research is based upon the author's field work in Cali, and
is reported through the use of elements of both "classical"
ecology and social area analysis, in the widest sense of the
terms.
Data are assembled on the basis of the "barrio unit,"
which is somewhat analogous to the census tract in the United
States. The central thrust of the research is the mapping of
an indicator of socioeconomic status on a barrio basis, and
two indicators of family status on a barrio basis. Ethnic
status is not examined in this study, because data are not
available. Housing is employed as an indicator of socio
economic status. Number of family members and family units
per housing unit are employed as indicators of family status.
Supporting the central thrust of the research are
related data. Types of land use (residential, commercial,
industrial, public-institutional) are mapped for the city of
Cali. Population density data are also presented. Finally,
the relationship of housing areas to major arterial streets
in the city is examined.


164
status) pretty well "explain" urban social differentiation.
In Cali the factors of socioeconomic status and family status
do describe the basic structure of the city, and allow an
assessment of such intervening factors as topography and
transportation accessibility.
Cali is essentially an industrial city. It does not
"fit" the characteristics of the preindustrial city as
posited by Sjoberg, and it conforms to the patterns of spatial
organization found for Western industrial cities, where socio
economic status is distributed sectorially and family status
is distributed concentrically.
In comparing Cali with cities in other parts of the
world one must exercise caution. In North America, for
example, massive suburbanization accompanied by declining
central city populations has altered the manner in which the
ecological patterns developed, based as they were on the
assumption of the growth of the city. Thus the focus in
North America may come to be the metropolitan region rather
than the city itself. In Cali massive suburbanization is
still far in the future, if indeed, in the different socio
cultural context, such trends ever do develop.
In several ways Cali is advantageous as an example
of a city in Latin America. Cali is in Colombia, which "is
almost as diverse socially and culturally as Brazil, and in
many ways is more representative of Spanish America in
general than is any other one of the eighteen nations in the
group" (Smith, 1970: xvi) The topography in Cali, unlike


61
This study makes no claims to methodological
innovation, and indeed does not wish to do so. In an area
of the world where patterns of residential differentiation,
other than 'traditional patterns, are essentially unknown,
it seems wise to use methodological tools that have already
been used in other areas, such as the United States, if we
are going to have much hope of comparing our results to
those studies. Further, studies which are "one-of-a-kind"
usually add very little to the generation of basic theory,
which ought to be part of the long-range hope of most
research. In sum, in this study we do not wish to confuse
findings of content with findings of method.
Before we can meaningfully present the findings of
content, a comprehensive picture of the city with which we
are working must be drawn. It is to this, task that we turn
in the next chapter.


57
. . a strong connection exists between urban
ecological research and the study of socio-economic
differentiation which has been in so great vogue in
recent years. The schematic zones of the city do
describe variations of social class levels almost as
well as any other factor, except perhaps for the var
iable of education. Some scales devised to measure
social differentiation in fact employ area of residence V
as one of the variables (Paris, 1967: 63).
In sum, the position taken by Caplow seems to have
little support. The preponderant weight of evidence seems
to be that housing is a reflection of socioeconomic status.
Thus the socioeconomic status of city areas (e.g., barrios)
can be delineated on the basis of the external appearance of
housing.
Housing having been justified as a valid indicator
of socioeconomic status, our attention turns to a considera
tion of the indicators used .to .measure family status. Shevky
and Bell used four types of sample statistics to measure the
urbanization (family status) construct: age and sex, owner
or tenant, house structure, and persons in household (Shevky
and Bell, 1961: 228). These broke down to a fertility
score, a women-in-the-labor-force score, and a single
family-detached-dwelling-units score (Shevky and Bell, 1961:
231-232).
Fertility data and women-in-the-labor-force data,
by barrio, are not available for the city of Cali. However,
data pertaining to the number of family members, by barrio,
are available. These data, though not the functional
equivalent of fertility, should also measure "differentiation
of function," one of the key postulates concerning industrial


88
in southwestern Colombia" (The Wall Street Journal, March
23, 1973: 9).
The industrial establishments that already exist in
Cali are impressive, giving credence to Calis claim to
being an "industrializing" city. One mid-1960s study claims
that there are in Cali "80 large factories ranging in pro
duction from textiles to cement. . [and] approximately
32 per cent of the working population . [is] engaged in
production" (Pendleton, 1965: 44). Yet much of this
industrial establishment is controlled by outsiders. In
1956 Hagen found that of 44 large industrial firms in Valle,
17 were founded by Antioqueos, 9 by persons of foreign
origin, 8 by Vallecaucanos, 7 as branches of foreign firms,
and the remainder by other Colombians (Hagen, 1962: 64).
Foreign control of manufacturing, especially North
American, is large. A leading figure associated with
the local association of manufacturers estimates that 40
per cent of local manufacturing is foreign-owned, and
even this estimate may be low. Among the companies
represented are: Alcan, Colgate-Palmolive, Gillette,
Goodyear, Grace, Home Products, Quaker Oats and Squibb.
The French, Germans, Swiss and Swedes have also made
investments in Cali. The Lebanese have been active in
the textile industry and some have remained as permanent
residents. Since World War II, there also has been a
large immigration of Central Europeans, particularly
Germans, into small business, including trade, optics,
baking, hotels, and other services (Blasier, 1966: 397).
Within Colombia, Cali ranks third as an industrial
center behind Bogota and Medellin. A departmental breakdown
in 1959 showed that Cundinamarca (and principally the city
of Bogot) had 28.9 per cent of the total factory employment
in Colombia, Antioquia (and principally the city of Medellin)


115
TABLE 11 (Continued)
Barrios
Land
. Use
96
La Libertad
R
97
Cristobal Coln
R
98
Colseguros
R90
CIO
99
El Dorado
R
100
Paso Ancho
RA
101
El Prado
R
102
Aguablanca
R
103
El Recuerdo
R
104
Matadero Crcel
S
105
20 de Julio
R
106
Villanueva
R
107
La Fortaleza
R
108
El Jardn
R
109
Boyac La Esperanza
R
110
Independencia
R
111
Periquillo
R
112
Unin Vivienda Popular
R
113
Santa Mnica Popular
R
114
El Rodeo
R
115
La Nueva Floresta
R
116
El Trbol
R9 5
C5
117
El Paraso Sindical -
Bello Horizonte
R
118
Cao Cauquita
R
119
Caavralej o
RA
120
El Refugio Guadalupe -
La Cascada
R
121
Borrero Sinisterra
R90
CIO
122
Caldas Buenos Aires -
Lourdes
R85
C15
123
Asilo de Locos
S
124
Cuarteles aples
S
125
Melndez La Esmeralda
R
126
El Jordn
RA
127
Agrcola
RA
128
Agrcola
RA
129
Club Campestre
S
130
Ciudad Jardn
R
131
Ingenio Melndez
RA
132
Caas Gordas Calles Las
Chuchas
R
133
La Buitrera
RA
134
El Mango Venezuela
R90
CIO
135
Cementerio
S
136
Belisario Caicedo
R90
CIO
137
Silo
R
138
El Cortijo
R70
C30
139
Lleras Camargo
R
140
Monaco
RA
141
Santa Isabel
R
142
Hospital Universitario -
Buen Pastor
S
O' cn O' tn i tn i t-1 1M1 i i i in i i in w n i O' in wuiO'-f'OunaiuunlnO'i i viw-f i -f^Wlnin


At the same time in the early 1930s, "because of protection
to agriculture . agricultural production gained
impetus" (Posada and Posada, 1966: 52).
The Second World War and its aftermath led to a
\
boom in manufacturing production, and "For the first time
large industrial establishments and the consequent large-
scale production started to replace the smaller establish
ments" (Dow, 1971: 33). Foreign capital, which had flowed
into Colombia during the 1925-1930 period, but had been
severely curtailed during the depression (Lipman, 1969:
26), again began to pour into Colombia.
In the most recent decades, agriculture in the Cauca
Valley region has advanced rapidly. One of the world's most
efficient and modern sugar factories, La Manuelita, is
located in the municipio of Palmira, near Cali. The wide
spread use of tractors is most prevalent in the
department of El Valle del Cauca, whose rich, productive
and level lands, after 400 years of use in a very rudi
mentary pastoral culture, rapidly are being transformed
into sugar-cane, rice, and cotton plantations. . .
it is here that the mechanized system of agriculture is
making the most headway (Smith, 1967: 233) .
Thus the years after World War II in Colombia were
marked by both industrial growth and the rapid expansion of
large-scale commercial agriculture in the Valle region. It
is the growth in both of these vital sectors of the economy
that made the rapid growth of the city of Cali possible.
Yet at the same time this agricultural "modernization"


42
Collection of the Data
Collection of the data was accomplished, during the
authors residence in Cali, from September, 1967, to June,
1968, The data come basically from two sources. Population^
and family data by barrio come from excellent compilations
by the statistical section of the Cali Municipal Planning
Office (Oficina de Planeacin Municipal, Seccin Estadstica).
These data are based upon the 1964 Colombian census. Hous
ing and land use data come from a field survey by the author
of the one hundred and fifty-seven barrios of Cali. In this
survey, information on terrain, natural features and divi
sions, land use, functions focused in the barrio, historical
information, and public amenities (such as streets, side
walks, sewers, electricity, and water) were amassed.
Detailed information on housing was also collected, includ
ing such things as size and type of house, maintenance,
building material, presence of maids, yard decoration, type
of flooring, and observable family belongings such as cars
and television antennas. The field schedule for the Cali
ecological study follows.
Field Schedule
Barrio
Terrain: Level Sloping Hilly On Steep
Slope On Ridge
Natural Divisions: (describe) (such as rivers, major high
ways, etc.)


22
low economic status occupying the outer edges of the metrop
olis (McElrath, 1962). Several studies examined the gen
erality of the Shevky indexes, to see if they were valid and
if they could be used with success in cities other than Los
Angeles and San Francisco. Van Arsdol, Camilleri, and
Schmid, in a study of ten large American cities, discovered
that "at least three factors were necessary to account for
census tract variation in each of the ten cities studied .
the Shevky indexes appear to have high generality for the
cities of this study" (Van Arsdol, Camilleri, and Schmid,
1961: 239). Anderson and Bean (1961) replicated the Van
Arsdol, Camilleri, and Schmid factor analysis of the var
iables of the Shevky-Bell social areas in Toledo, Ohio, and
showed that four rather than three major dimensions may be
extracted. Specifically, while it was found that the social
rank factor loaded highly on occupation and education, and
the segregation factor loaded heavily on Negroes, double
occupancy, and crowding, the original urbanization-family
status factor should be broken down into two factors.
Urbanization (or housing characteristics) loads most heavily
on owner-occupancy and multifamily dwelling units, and family
characteristics loads most heavily on the fertility ratio,
females in the labor force, and double occupancy (Anderson
and Bean, 1961: 119-124).
The real importance of the Van Arsdol, Camilleri,
and Schmid study and the Anderson and Bean study lies in
their application of the techniques of factor analysis to


154
dynamic, processes involved in the change from a preindus
trial to an industrial city, this is interesting, for little
is known about the temporal sequences of the change.
In general, Cali does not conform to the three basic
land use patterns posited by Sjoberg to characterize the
preindustrial city. In the Sjoberg use of the term, Cali
does not evidence preindustrial patterns of ecological
organization.
Sjoberg also focuses on the industrial as well as
the preindustrial city (Sjoberg, 1965) He notes that
"industrial cities, in contrast to preindustrial ones, are
more likely to revolve about a commercial and/or industrial
focus than around a religious --governmental complex"
(Sjoberg, 1965: 229). Cali certainly fulfills this cri
terion. Its religious importance is negligible, and while
it is the capital of the department of El Valle del Cauca,
it is not a governmental center of much importance. Impor
tant governmental matters are handled in Bogot. The
economic life of Cali is dominated by industry and commerce.
Sjoberg also characterizes the industrial city as
exhibiting "a high degree of specialization in land use,"
(Sjoberg, 1965: 229) a characteristic to which Cali has
already been shown to conform, and a tendency of the upper
and middle socioeconomic groups "to reside beyond the city's
core, leaving the central area to various low-status groups,
and elements of the elite as well" (Sjoberg, 1965: 229-230).


110
barrios which are next to them, and they are located at
some distance from the center of the city. Because of large
population concentrations (wore than thirty thousand people
in the immediate vicinity of both barrio 81 and barrios 134,
136, and 138) and distance from central city commerce, it
is apparent that some commerce has developed.to service the
day-to-day needs of these people. More specialized needs
are still filled in the commercial center. Indeed, it is
somewhat surprising that more extensive commercial activities
have not yet developed in these areas. Perhaps the recency
of so much of the growth has not allowed for commercial
development and thus the smaller, somewhat older barrios
have supplied what commercial activity can be found in the
area. If this is the case, then we may be seeing the begin
ning of two new commercial centers of activity. Yet, for
all the population growth in these areas, commercial
activity remains low.
An assessment of commercial activity throughout the
city shows that, in relation to population growth, most
commercial expansion appears to have taken place in middle -
class and upper-class residential areas, such as those to
the north of the commercial center, and along main traffic
arteries to the west of the center. Relatively little
commercial expansion seems to have occurred within the
burgeoning lower-class and working-class residential areas.
This finding is in accord with Amatos study of elite
residential barrios of Bogot, where he showed that "new


LIST OF FIGURES
FIGURE
1 Cali . 100
2 Land Use in Cali 1968 102
3 Commercial Land Use in Cali Barrios 1968 . 103
4 The Growth of the Barrios of Cali 120
5 Density of Residential Barrios, Cali -
1964 129
6 The Distribution of Residential Barrios by
Socioeconomic Status, Cali 1968 136
7 The Distribution of Residential Barrios
by Family Size, Cali 1964. 143
8 The Distribution of Residential Barrios by
Number of Families Per Housing Unit,
Cali 1964 144
x


170
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Norman S.
"Mexico City: Its Growth and Configuration."
American Journal of Sociology 50 (January): 295-
304.
Hayner,
1946
Norman S.
"Criminogenic Zones in Mexico City." American
Sociological Review 11 (August): 428-438.
Hayner, Norman S.
1948 "Differential Social Change in a Mexican Town."
Social Forces 26 (May): 381-390.


123
appealing ways of housing poor but hopeful residents that
Latin American cities such as Cali have (Turner, 1968: 44-
45). The author first became acquainted with research
undertaken by John Turner of the Harvard-M.I.T. Joint Center
for Urban Studies during his field work in Cali in 1967-
1968, and feels that this research, along with the work by
William Mangin of Cornell University, has been among the
most important of all recent urban research in Latin America.
As research with hope for human betterment it is unparalleled.
At last poor urban dwellers have research that takes their
own hopes and aspirations into account, and builds solutions
based on this enormous pool of desire for self-improvement.
Briefly, Turner argues that rather than destroying
squatter settlements, governments should support them. This
support should take the form of paved streets, water,
sewers, electricity, schools, and health centers. Housing,
which is by far the most expensive aspect of dealing with
poor urban dwellers, should be left to the devices of the
dwellers themselves. That these dwellers can provide their
own housing has been amply demonstrated time and again
throughout Latin America, and in Cali. Further, the govern
ments of most Latin American nations, Colombia included,
simply do not have the financial resources to provide ho;is-
ing (Turner, 1968: 44-45). As an extension of Turners
argument, it seems plausible that as the government provides
these environmental supports, and leaves housing to the
residents, the environmental support projects could employ


67
American cities, Cali was not a religious center of impor
tance, and only in 1964 was it made an archdiocese.
The Growth of the City
The reconstruction of the demographic history of Cali
is difficult. There are no census figures for the first two
hundred and fifty years of its existence, and figures for
all except the 1938, 1951, and 1964 censuses leave much to
be desired. Of course, even the 1938, 1951, and 1964
censuses have shortcomings, though they become progressively
better. Those figures that are available are given in
Table 2.
This table shows that, at the outbreak of the Wars
of Independence in the early nineteenth century, Cali was
still a relatively small city which grew very slowly for
nearly a century. With the exception of the 1840s, when
"Calis growth spurt . seems explainable by an influx of
freed slaves and the Cauca tobacco boom" (Friedel and
Jimenez, 1971: 67), the average annual growth rate until
1893 was considerably less than one per cent. From 1893 to
1905, Cali grew rapidly, at an average growth rate of nearly
seven per cent per year. Much of this growth is probably
attributable to the coffee boom, for "it developed an
internal market, creating a large class of small independent
farmers in Aritioquia, Caldas, and Valle . [and] brought
prosperity to . most of the nations cities" (Friedel
and Jimenez, 1971: 72-73). From 1905 to 1912, the citys


55
income obtained through informal chats with barrio resi
dents. This should give additional validity to the six
fold classification of barrios by socioeconomic status based
on the general criterion of housing.
A question of somewhat greater importance is whether
the use of housing is valid as a measure of socioeconomic
status, or, put another way, whether one can discriminate
among socioeconomic status levels on the basis of external
housing appearances.
Caplow, in his study of the ecology of Guatemala
City, discussed this as an important factor, and did not
feel housing could be used in this way.
While location near the center remained an important
element of status, it is striking that the use of hous
ing itself as a form of conspicuous display or as a
means of social mobility was inhibited by a number of
characteristics in the Spanish colonial housing pattern.
Both the climate and the culture helped to maintain the
interior privacy of the dwelling which turned a blank
wall or barred windows toward the street. This, added
to the one-story limitation, accounts for the curious
fact that even today it is sometimes impossible to dis
tinguish between the four-room marginal slum dwelling in
a built-up area and the twenty-room palace which may be
next to it, by their external appearance (Caplow, 1949:
130).
Perhaps Guatemala City is different from the rest of
Latin America, though this seems highly doubtful. Excepting
this possibility, one wonders how a trained observer with
much experience in Latin America could arrive at Caplow's
conclusion. Richard Morse, one of the outstanding experts
on the city in Latin America, and especially the colonial
Latin American city, holds views diametrically opposed to


21
Social area analysis has been strongly criticized
by Amos Hawley and Otis Dudley Duncan (1957) Their
criticism centers around what they feel is the lack of an
adequate theoretical base for characterizing social differ-
\
entiation. They argue that Shevky and Bell do not ansx^er
the question of why residential areas within cities should
differ from one another, and argue that the Shevky and Bell
"efforts at 'construct formation' . look suspiciously
like an ex post facto rationalization for their choice of
indexes . (Hawley.and Duncan, 1957: 339). In addition,
Duncan (1955) questions the empirical validity of the indexes
of social rank, urbanization, and segregation. Interest
ingly, other scholars do not seem to have joined in Hawley
and Duncan's criticism, or to have advanced criticism of
their own. Researchers from other disciplines seem to have
been even more favorably inclined toward social area analysis
than sociologists (Tiebout, 1958; Timms, 1965).
Many researchers used social area analysis as
described by Shevky and Bell to study the city. Anderson
and Egeland (1961) studied Indianapolis, Indiana, Syracuse,
New York, and Akron and Dayton, Ohio, to determine the
spatial aspects of social area analysis. They discovered
that economic status is generally sectorially distributed
while family status is distributed concentrically (Anderson
and Egeland, 1961: 392-398). McElrath, in a study of Rome,
found that economic status and family status were distributed
both concentrically and sectorially, with large families of


91
is capable of supporting a very large population, much
larger than the 82 inhabitants per square kilometer who
inhabited the department of Valle del Cauca in 1964.
Most of the city lies on the flat plain of the Cauca
Valley, though some barrios climb into the foothills, and
are located on steep terrain. In the field survey of Cali
barrios, it was found that 78 per cent of the barrios were
located on level terrain, 8 per cent were on gently sloping
terrain, and 14 per cent were on steep slopes, ridges, or
hilly terrain. Recent growth has generally extended the
city further outward into the valley, rather than higher up
the mountainsides. The Cali River flows through the city
roughly from west to east, and is perhaps the most dominant
line of demarcation within the city, often serving as a
dividing line between "better" and "poorer" residential
areas before it joins the Cauca River at the edge of the
city. Except for the barrios rising into the foothills, the
topography generally is not a constraining factor on the
areal distribution of activities in Cali.
The bus is the primary method of transportation for
the vast majority of the people, except for the more
affluent Caleos who possess automobiles or make extensive
use of taxis. Busses run into virtually all areas of the
city, except for a few of the barrios rising up steep hill
sides, and are a relatively cheap method of transportation.
As in most growing cities, the busses are generally extremely
crowded, though somehow they manage to accommodate those
who must use them.


175
Rees, Philip H.
1972 "Problems of Classifying Subareas within Cities."
Pp. 265-330 in Brian J.L. Berry (ed.) City Class
ification Handbook: Methods and Applications. New
York: John Wiley § Sons, Inc.
Reiss, Albert J. Jr.
1964 Louis Wirth on Cities and Social Life. Chicago:
The University of Chicago Press.
Robinson, W.S.
1950 "Ecological Correlations and the Behavior of
Individuals." American Sociological Review 15
(June): 351-357.
Robson, B.T.
1969 Urban Analysis: A Study of City Structure with
Special Reference to Sunderland. Cambridge, England
Cambridge University Press.
Sable, Martin H.
1971 Latin American Urbanization: A Guide to the Liter
ature, Organizations and Personnel. Metuchen, New
Jersey: The Scarecrow Press, Inc.
Schnore, Leo F.
1965 "On the Spatial Structure of Cities in the Two
Americas." Pp. 347-398 in Philip M. Hauser and Leo
F. Schnore (eds.) The Study of Urbanization. New
York: John Wiley § Sons, Inc.
Schnore, Leo F.
1971 "The City as a Social Organism." Pp. 32-39 in Larry
S. Bourne (ed.) Internal Structure of the City.
New York: Oxford University Press.
Schulman, Sam.
1966 "Latin-American Shantytown." The New York Times
Magazine (January 16): 30-38.
Shaw, Clifford R. and Henry D. McKay.
1931 Report on the Causes of Crime. Volume II.
Washington: National Commission of Law Observance
and Enforcement.
Shevky, Eshref and Wendell Bell.
1955 Social Area Analysis: Theory, Illustrative Appli
cation and Computational Procedures. Stanford,
California: Stanford University Press.


95
unusual for a city in Latin America, especially a city which
has had so much of its population growth recently. Whether
the middle classes are growing cannot be ascertained by this
table, although at least one observer believes these classes
are growing in Cali. "The growth of trade and commerce, the
construction of new public and parochial schools, and
expanding public employment have contributed to a sharp
increase in the ranks of the middle class" (Blasier, 1966:
395).
One important component of social class position is
income. A recent study examined the income distribution in
Cali in 1965, and found that only ten per cent of Cali's
employed xrorkers received 54.8 per cent of individual
income, while the lowest eighty per cent of the employed
workers received only 32.5 per cent of individual income
(Nelson, Schultz, and Slighton, 1971: 143). Because the
per capita income for Colombia in 1970 was only about three
hundred dollars, it is clear that the working and lower
classes have meager financial resources. While these
income data are not directly comparable with the data
presented in Table 9 above, it is readily apparent that
there is a large proportion of the population in the lower
classes, and a relatively small proportion of the population
in the middle and upper classes. By all indicators, Cali
is a city of predominantly lower and working-class people.


Chapter V
THE ECOLOGY OF CALI
In this chapter, the structure of the city of Cali
is examined, using the areal unit of the barrio as the
basic unit of analysis. The intent of this examination is
not to describe the interaction of individuals within
neighborhoods, or barrios, but to describe the way these
barrios, as larger indicators of individual differences,
comprise the structure of the city of Cali. The independent
variables that will be assessed to determine the effect that
they have on the structure of the city are land use, recent
growth, population density, socioeconomic status, and
transportation.
Land Use
The field survey of Cali ascertained the percentage
of developed land in each of the barrios devoted to
residential, commercial, and industrial functions.
Specialized and rural-agricultural barrios were not included
in this percentage breakdown, but are presented as separate
categories. During the field survey, the assignment of
percentages of land use for each function (residential,
98


situated in social space. As Shevky and Bell describe
social area analysis,
19
The urban typology of The Social Areas of Los Angeles
(1949) is a classificatory schema designed to categorize
census tract populations in terms of three basic fac
tors- -social rank, ubranization, and segregation. Each
census tract population was given three scores, one for
each of the indexes of the factors; and then the tract
populations with similar configurations of scores on the
three indexes were grouped together into larger units
called social areas (Shevky and Bell, 1961: 227).
Briefly, Shevky and Bell started by describing basic
aspects of modern society and the organizational trends that
are associated with these aspects. They then connected
organizational trends to structural changes in modern society,
which they "redefined as structural reflections of change to
serve as descriptive and analytic concepts for the study of
modern social structure" (Shevky and Bell, 1961: 227).
These structural reflections of change, used as factors, are
social rank (sometimes termed socioeconomic status), urban
ization (sometimes termed family status), and segregation
(sometimes termed ethnic status). Census statistics were
then used to construct indexes for each of these factors
(Shevky and Bell, 1961: 227-229).
The authors claimed a number of uses for social
area analysis. Though early applications of the procedure
dealt with the census tract as the unit of analysis, it was
felt that whole cities could become the unit of analysis,
enhancing our knowledge of regional and even national
similarities and differences among cities. Being able to
define specific subareas of the city should aid the urban


Chapter III
PROCEDURES OF INVESTIGATION
Definition of the Problem
It is from what is here perceived as the complemen
tary nature of trends in the three areas reviewed in the
last chapter (the "classical" school of urban ecology,
social area analysis, and the ecology of the city in Latin
America) that the methodology for this study is derived.
"Classical" ecology tells us that the dynamic processes of
concentration, centralization, segregation, invasion, and
succession gave us well-defined areas of the city, often
termed "natural areas." These "natural areas" are the unit
of analysis of "classical" ecologists, and have an important
organizing and analytical function for any study of city
structure; these "natural areas" look at the way social
organization is spatially evidenced in the city.
From social area analysis, we find that "natural
areas" are distributed through the city in certain patterns
because of the way in which population characteristics are
distributed. Specifically, the social space in which these
areal units ("natural areas") are distributed seems based
39


7
Park's students and colleagues at the University of Chicago
(such as Ernest Burgess, Louis Wirth, Harvey Zorbaugh, and
Neis Anderson) provided the substantive support for his
theorizing with a number of specific studies (Burgess, 1925;
Wirth, 1938; Zorbaugh, 1929; Anderson, 1923). But it was
Park's writing more than that of anyone else which was
instrumental in the establishment of the "Chicago school" of
urban sociology.
In his now-classic essay, "The City: Suggestions
for the Investigation of Human Behavior in the Urban Envir
onment," Park specified what he meant by human ecology:
There are forces at work within the limits of the urban
community--within the limits of any natural area of
human habitation, in fact--which tend to bring about an
orderly and typical grouping of its population and
institutions. The science which seeks to isolate these
factors and to describe the typical constellations of
persons and institutions which the co-operation of these
forces produce, is what we call human, as distinguished
from plant and animal, ecology (Park, 1925: 1-2).
To isolate these factors at work within the natural areas of
the city, Park suggested that social scientists "study the
growth of cities, to compare the idiosyncrasies in the dis
tributions of city populations" (Park, 1925: 6), discover
"the forces which tend to break up the tensions, interests,
and sentiments which give neighborhoods their individual
character" (Park, 1925: 8), and study the vocational types
that the division of labor of the city has produced (Park,
1925: 14). In addition to these factors, Park suggested
that urban ecologists study what he termed "the moral
region":


8
It is inevitable that individuals who seek the same
forms of excitement, whether that excitement be furnished
by a horse race or by grand opera, should find themselves
from time to time in the same places. The result of
this is that in the organization which city life spon
taneously assumes the population tends to segx'egate
itself, not merely in accordance with its interests, but
in accordance with its tastes or its temperaments. The \
resulting distribution of the population is likely to be
quite different from that brought about by occupational
interests or economic conditions (Park, 1925: 43).
Roderick D. McKenzie, one of Parks earliest students
at the University of Chicago, expanded and refined many of
Parks ideas, and more clearly defined human ecology
as a study of the spatial and temporal relations of
human beings as affected by the selective, distributive,
and accommodative forces of the environment. Human
ecology is fundamentally interested in the effect of
position, in both time and space, upon human institutions
and' human behavior (McKenzie, 1968a: 4).
McKenzie also made a notable contribution of his own,
by introducing the concepts of ecological processes to show
the dynamic (or, as he termed it, "fluid") nature of urban
structure.
By ecological process is meant the tendency in time
toward special forms of spatial and sustenance group
ings of the units comprising an ecological distribution.
There are five major ecological processes: concentra
tion, centralization, segregation, invasion, succession
(McKenzie, 1968b: 23-24).
These dynamic processes of urban ecology were linked to
specific areas of the city, as exemplified by the process of
invasion.
The general effect of the continuous processes of inva
sions and accommodations is to give to the developed
community well-defined areas, each having its own
peculiar selective and cultural characteristics. Such
units of communal life may be termed "natural areas," or
formations, to use the term of the plant ecologist
(McKenzie, 1968a: 17).


155
Again, Cali conforms to this generalization. In sum, Cali
appears in this context to be an industrial city.
While an examination of land use in Cali allowed a
comparison with theoretical formulations of preindustrial
V
and industrial cities, an examination of socioeconomic status
and family status allows a comparison of Cali with Western
and non-Western city structures, as derived through studies
of social area analysis and factorial ecology. It is this
latter task that the study now pursues.
Figure 6 showed that socioeconomic status varied
sectorially. Each socioeconomic level occupied a distinct
sector of the city, conforming to the city structure pos
tulated by Homer Hoyt. Among socioeconomic levels, it was
clear that the more advantaged lived at lower densities, and
that there was an inverse relationship between density and
socioeconomic status.
The sectorial distribution of socioeconomic status
agrees with the findings of Berry and Rees (1969) and
Anderson and Egeland (1961). In these studies, and in the
study of Cairo by Abu-Lughod (1969), it appeared that
Western cities would have more pronounced levels of differ
entiation than non-Western cities, so that the clear emer
gence of a sectorial distribution of socioeconomic status
was a characteristic of Western cities. Cali in this
respect is Western.
The dynamics by which such a sectorization develops
are poorly understood. Amato, in analyzing elite residential


50
Many o£ the people, in fact, denied that they were
connected in any way to the city of Cali.
One well-known author of a number of studies of
urban ecology has pointed out the dangers of including rural
areas in studies of urban structure. In an examination of
theoretical and methodological implications of his compara
tive studies of Boston and Helsinki, Frank Sweetser
commented that
the evidence is not entirely clear, but it is at least
highly suggestive, and it leads to one practical con
clusion- -that in the delimitation of metropolitan com
munities for factorial ecological analysis, careful
attention ought to be paid to the outer boundaries
chosen. Boundaries too narrow--geographically constric
tive city limits, for example--may produce distortion
through an overemphasis on the inner city mode of dif
ferentiation. Boundaries too wide--extended metropolitan
regions, for example--may introduce unwanted effects of
the rural-urban mode of differentiation (Sweetser, 1969:
451) .
This study is not a factorial ecological analysis, but it
appears the principle is the same. Our examination of
indicators of socioeconomic status and family status would
almost certainly be affected by a rural-urban mode of dif
ferentiation. To include these rural areas would have meant
including a new dimension that would have been difficult, if
not impossible, to control in this study.
With the elimination of the twelve specialized
barrios and the fourteen rural barrios, there remain one
hundred and thirty-one barrios upon which the study of the
residential ecology of Cali will be based. The population
distribution of these remaining barrios is given in Table 1.


71
people into the safety' of the city . (Powelson, 1964:
30). La violencia, then, is one of the chief causes of
recent migration to Cali. Another is the "city's rapid
industrial growth [which] has given it a sort of El Dorado
reputation that exerts a magnetic effect on peasants who are
tired of the meager existence of the countryside" (Holt,
1964: 165). Yet one should probably not overestimate the
magnitude of the industrial pull on these rural peoples, for
the land-tenure system and the agrarian reform laws have
undoubtedly had a strong influence in "pushing" many rural
dwellers out of the countryside. As Smith notes, other
forces leading to migration are also at work, such as more
modern transportation and communication, educational
improvements and aspirations, social legislation, and social
ferment among the masses (Smith, 1970: 109). In fact, the
causes of migration are complex and intertwined, and
specific causes for individual migrants often cannot be
ascertained.
What can be ascertained, at least for the recent
period of Cali's history, is the effect of migration on the
city's growth. The Cali Oficina de Planeacin Municipal
estimated that approximately 43 per cent of Cali's growth
during the 1951-1964 period was attributable to migration,
while a report prepared for CELADE assumes "that 62.3 per
cent of Cali's urban growth was derived from in-migration in
recent years" (McGreevey, 1965: 6). Probably the most
accurate estimates of migration to Cali are those based on


124
many of the squatter settlement residents, and serve as job-
apprentice programs. Thus not only would the government be
providing support services, but some of the cost of build
ing these projects would be returned to the squatter settle
ment residents themselves, perhaps to be used in improving
their housing, and the residents would at the same time have
acquired some job skills.
Field observation in Cali overwhelmingly demonstrates
that literally thousands, perhaps tens of thousands, of
poor squatter families have dramatically improved their
housing over the years through their own devices. The
author has visited countless such homes, and perhaps a
short account of one such visit in El Rodeo (barrio 114)
will convey some of the processes involved. The family came
to El Rodeo as part of a squatter invasion in 1962, and
immediately put up a one-room shack made with a few bamboo
poles, cardboard, and a sheet of corrugated steel on the
roof. Within a few months the family had converted this
shack into a two-room bamboo wattle-and-daub home, and had
begun plans for improvements. Over the next five years
brick walls and a cement roof for an eventual second floor
were added, and the home was expanded to four rooms. In the
few months before my visit, the family had added two glass
windows to the front, and a cement patio and patio wall with
an iron gate. Flowers bloomed in profusion from empty-can
pots on the patio, and the home was now a far cry from a
squatter shack. It had become a solid working-class home,


168
Campbell, William A.
1966? "Uncontrolled Urbanization in Cali, Colombia: A
Tentative Outline." Mimeographed.
Caplow, Theodore.
1949 "The Social Ecology of Guatemala City." Social
Forces 28 (December): 113-133.
Caplow, Theodore, Sheldon Stryker and Samuel E. Wallace.
1964 The Urban Ambience: A Study of San Juan, Puerto
Rico. Toto\\ra, New Jersey: The Bedminster Press.
Cieza de Len, Pedro de.
1864
The Travels of Pedro de Cieza de Len (translated
and edited by Clements R. Markham). London: The
Hakluyt Society.
Coombs,
1971
David W.
Value Orientations and Modernization in Two Colombian
Cities. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Florida.
Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadstica.
1967 XIII Censo Nacional de Poblacin, 1964. Bogot,
D.E.: Imprenta Nacional.
Dix, Robert H.
1967 Colombia: The Political Dimensions of Change. New
Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press.
Dogan, Mattel and Stein Rolckan.
1969 Quantitative Ecological Analysis in the Social
Sciences. Cambridge, Mass.: The M.I.T. Press.
Dotson, Floyd and Lillian Ota Dotson.
1954
"Ecological Trends in the City of Guadalajara,
Mexico." Social Forces 32 (May): 367-374.
Dow, J.
1971
Kamal.
Colombia's Foreign Trade and Economic Integration in
Latin America. Gainesville, Florida: University
of Florida Press.
Duncan, Otis Dudley.
1955
"Review of Shevky and Bell, Social Area Analysis."
The American Journal of Sociology 61 (July): 84-85.
Elmer, ¡
1933
M.C.
"Century-Old Ecological Studies in France." The
American Journal of Sociology 39 (July): 63-70.
Faris, Robert E.L.
1967 Chicago Sociology, 1920-1932. San Francisco,
California: Chandler Publishing Company.


66
dwindled at the very time when other cities were
expanding their commerce and increasing their relation
ships with other regions and other nations. Popayn was
superseded by Cali as the principal city of southern
Colombia . (Whiteford, 1964: 11-12).
Colombia is a country of extreme regionalism, and
each of the main regions seems to focus on an important
urban center.
Today at least four principal regions are significant in
terms of population and resources. Each also has a
major urban center. These regions are: the eastern
cordillera, centered on Bogota; the department of
Antioquia and its southern extension, Caldas, centered
on Medellin; the Valle del Cauca in southwestern Colombia
formerly focused on Popayn, now on the economically and
demographically burgeoning Cali; and the Atlantic
coastal region, once with Cartagena as its principal
city, but with Barranquilla now dominant (Dix, 1967: 21)
Thus Popayns decline left a socioeconomic void in southern
Colombia, a void that Cali began to fill.
Yet regional leadership alone cannot account for
Cali's development as an industrial city. Other factors,
such as a rich agricultural hinterland, la violencia, which
drove many southern Colombians from their rural homes to the
safety of the cities, the port of Buenaventura and the
development of Cali as a transportation nucleus, and foreign
investment must surely have been important. Another factor
contributing to Cali's eventual rapid urbanization is that
"Valle was more 'urbanized' and unified than most regions
because many of its 16th-century village nuclei had sur
vived . ." (Friedel and Jimenez, 1971: 67). One factor
that has probably not been important in Cali's rise to
prominence is the Catholic Church. Unlike many large Latin


33
He too found the more desirable residential areas surrounded
the plaza, though a few upper-status families had moved to
the periphery. Most of the Indian population was "along a
fringe of settlement just outside the city limits where they
build their own, inexpensive, mud or adobe huts .
(Leonard, 1948: 454).
Caplow's analysis of Guatemala City is one of the
most interesting of Latin American studies, because he pre
sents the reader with rich historical data to show how the
ecological processes worked to bring about the city structure
(Caplow, 1949). Visiting Guatemala City in 1948, Caplow
found old maps and descriptions of the city which enabled
him to trace its evolution in some detail. Thus he was able
,to show that the tradition of urban planning and the control
of growth were supported by
the legal and later customary restrictions on the
residence of the indigenous population. Their location
on the periphery of the city or even in communities
apart from the city was gradually transformed from a
strategic administrative policy to a time-honored
custom. Similarly, the attachment of the upper class
population to the center of the community arose from the
planned location of the ruling group in colonial times
. . (Caplo\\r, 1949: 129).
Yet, for all the varied sources which he used, Caplow
emerged with essentially the same conclusions as previous
investigators of Latin American ecology. In Guatemala City
"the poorest and the least prosperous segments of the popu
lation are located peripherally," and "there is only one
area of markedly poor housing within two kilometres of the
commercial center" (Caplow, 1949: 125). This physical


58
society posited by Shevky and Bell (1961: 228). In addi
tion, data giving number of family units per housing unit
by barrio are available; these data are similar to Shevky
and Bell's single-family-detached-dwelling-units score.
All data for the indicators used to measure family
status were obtained from the Cali Municipal Planning Office
and are based on the 1964 Colombian census results (Oficina
de Planeacin Municipal, "Distribucin de la Poblacin . ."
n.d.). Data are available for all of the one hundred and
thirty-one barrios included in the study of the residential
ecology of Cali.
Lack of data measuring the participation of women in
the labor force, a basic aspect of the Shevky-Bell urbaniza
tion (family .status) construct for which data are not
available, may not be serious. This is because, first, the
participation of women in the labor force is generally not a
highly significant factor until a city reaches some advanced
stage of industrial maturity, which Cali has not yet reached,
and second, Latin America has a very low level of labor
force participation by women. As Abu-Lughod points out in
her examination of the theory of social area analysis, "The
proportion of females in the labor force does not relate
closely to variations in family types in those societies
where the over-all proportion is either very high or very
low" (Abu-Lughod, 1969: 202). She suggests the use of sub
stitute measures in cross-cultural applications of social
area analysis. One of these measures is average family size,


135
distance is standarized, there is an inverse relationship
between socioeconomic status and population density.
In terms of population density, Cali assumes a
stance somewhere between the Western and non-Western cities
reported in the literature. Central city density changes
over time seem similar to those of Western cities, while
high peripheral densities in some parts of the city are more
similar to those of non-Western than Western cities. The
inverse relationship between population density and socio
economic status is a phenomenon common to both Western and
non-Western cities.
The Spatial Distribution of
Socioeconomic Status
The close association between socioeconomic status
and density reported in the previous section of this chapter
leads us to a consideration of socioeconomic status. Socio
economic status in this study has been determined through a
field study of housing in all the 131 residential barrios
of the city. Each of the barrios was classed on a scale
ranging from one to six, as reported in the third chapter
of this study. "One" designated a barrio as upper class,
"two" as middle class, "three" as lower middle class, "four"
as working class, "five" as working lower class, and "six"
as impoverished lower class. Figure 6 shows the spatial
distribution of barrios by socioeconomic status.


128
banded together in associations which had as their objective
eventual home ownerships.
An example of such an association in Cali is the Central
Pro-Vivienda de Colombia, a virtually spontaneous organ
ization of 3,850 lower-class family heads who each pay
about twenty cents a week to a common fund for acquiring'
residential land and urban services. The Central is
governed by its own general assembly, board of directors
and governing committee. Its objectives include: legal
acquisition of land for individual home ownership;
assistance in home construction; studies to determine
the greatest needs of the poor classes and the ability of
each family to pay for its land; solidarity of homeless
persons without attention to political, religious or
racial considerations; exertion of pressure to bring
down land prices near the city; encouragement of cooper
ation and self-help among the poor and defense of the
nuclear family; resistance to the creation of new slums
and the "invasion" of private lands (Morse, 1962: 490).
Obviously, there are many ways in which barrio
development can occur. The growth of the number of barrios
in Cali between 1951 and 1964 was based on many of these.
Yet, the existence of a barrio does not mean it is fully
populated. This dimension, the dimension of population
density, also is a factor affecting the structure of the
city, and it is to this factor of density that we turn now.
Density of the Barrios
Figure 5 shows the density of the residential
barrios of Cali in 1964, in terms of inhabitants per hectare
(one hectare equals approximately 2.47 acres). Data for
this figure were derived from a mimeographed compilation by
the Cali Municipal Planning Office, "Comparativo por Sectores
de Poblacin Areas y Densidades, Cali, Aos 1951-1964 (no
date).


Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of
the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
THE SOCIAL ECOLOGY OF CALI, COLOMBIA
By
Eric Arinin Wagner
December, 1973
Chairman: Joseph S. Vandiver
Major Department: Sociology
Urban social differentiation in Cali, Colombia, is
examined by use of elements of both "classical" ecology and
social area analysis. The barrios of the city are analyzed
in terms of population density, land use, socioeconomic
status, and family status, with maps showing the spatial
distribution of these variables. Housing is used as an
indicator of socioeconomic status, and mean number of family
members and number of family units per dwelling unit are
used as indicators of family status. These data were
derived from compilations of the Cali Municipal Planning
Office, the 1964 Colombian census, and a field survey of the
barrios of Cali during the 1967-1968 academic year.
A substantial degree of functional specialization in
land use was found, as evidenced by a clear and distinct
central commercial area and a rather sharply-defined
industrial area. At the same time, there were still a
number of traditional commercial functions scattered through
out the city, leading to the conclusion that while the
xi


15
determinism as exemplified by their emphasis on the idea of
competition, but did deal with cultural factors as well. At
the same time it is true that the role of cultural factors
received much less emphasis than perhaps should have been
the case. Clearly values do play an important part in ecolog
ical differentiation, as numerous studies indicate
(Jonassen, 1961; Myers, 1961). But the relationship between
values and urban structure has not been clarified; values
may relate to a different aspect of the urban ecological
system than do such things as competition. However, there
seems no reason to believe that either of these approaches
("biological" competition or cultural values) ought to be
eliminated from the sphere of urban research. Certainly we
have few enough tools with which to work in the social
sciences, and there can be no doubt that the "classical"
school of urban ecology opened the door to a great deal of
knowledge about our urban areas. Much of what we know about
our cities today is based on ecological studies.1
The use of the concept of the "natural area" has
been subject to criticism. Hatt reports that many areas
turn out to be "fictitiously homogeneous and intensify the
gradient and natural area pattern; and this to the point of
JIt is by no means certain that the "biological"
aspect of mans social nature should be treated secondarily,
or brushed aside. The field of human ethology within
sociology seems to be enjoying a resurgence of academic
interest, reflecting, perhaps, the remarkable rise in the
popularity of an ethological approach in the biological
sciences.


131
is amply demonstrated when one examines the relationship
between density and the socioeconomic status of the barrio.
Table 13 shows this relationship.
TABLE 13
DENSITY OF BARRIOS BY SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS,
CALI, 1964
Socioeconomic Status
of Barrios
Density
(Inhabitants/Hectare)
1 Upper 12
2 Middle 74
3 Lower Middle 125
4 Working 133
5 Working Lower 215
6 Lower 225
This table demonstrates the consistent inverse
relationship between density and socioeconomic status. The
lower the socioeconomic level of the barrio, the higher the
density. When figure 5 is examined from the standpoint of
socioeconomic status, it is clear that this is the factor
that often (but not always) overrides the factor of distance
from city center. The conclusion arising from the examina
tion of the spatial distribution of barrios by density is
that two main factors exert an influence, socioeconomic
status and distance from city center. The influence of the
former (socioeconomic status) seems to predominate in those
barrios that are fully settled, while the influence of the
latter (distance from city center) seems to predominate in
those areas that are in the process of settlement, and are
not yet fully inhabited. This means that, for the developed


144
THE DISTRIBUTION OF RESIDENTIAL BARRIOS
BY NUMBER OF FAMILIES PER HOUSING UNIT,
CALI 1964
FIGURE 8
o 1.0
1.3 1.4
1.5 1.6
1.7 +
UNACCOUNTED AREA


12
1939: 114), and deduced a number of hypotheses concerning
these high-rent areas:
1. High-grade residential growth tends to proceed from
the given point of origin either along established
lines of travel or toward another existing nucleus of
building or trade areas.
2. The zone of high rent tends toward high ground which
is free from risk of floods and to spread along lake,
bay, river, and ocean ports, where such waterfronts
are not used by industry.
3. High-rent residential districts tend to groitf toward
the section of the city that has free open country
beyond the edges and away from "dead end" sections
which are prevented from expanding by natural or
artificial barriers.
4. The higher-priced residential neighborhood tends to
grow toward the homes of the community leaders.
5. Sometimes movement trends of office buildings, banks,
and stores pull the higher-priced residential neigh
borhoods in the same general direction.
6. High-grade residential areas tend to develop along
the fastest existing transportation lines.
7. Deluxe apartment areas tend to be established near
the business centers in old established residential
areas.
8. The growth of high-rent neighborhoods continues in
the same direction for a long period of time.
9. High-rent neighborhoods do not skip about at random
in the process of movement--they follow a definite
path in one or more sectors of the city.
10. It is possible, under some conditions, for high-rent
areas to "double back," or return toward the center
of the city.
11. High-rent areas tend to be adjoined by medium-rent
areas, and sharp disjunctions in rental areas are not
frequent (Hoyt, as quoted in Thomlinson, 1969: 146-
147).
Harris and Ullmans multiple nuclei theory is the
third and last "classical" theory of urban ecology that will
be presented here. Harris and Ullman argued that the multiple
functions of the city, such as commerce, industry, and
residence, would tend to develop separate centers, or nuclei.
Four factors were hypothesized to lead to the emergence of
nuclei: like activities tend to group together; some unlike


11
"On the basis of the three variables, number, density of
settlement, and degree of heterogeneity, of the urban popu
lation, it appears possible to explain the characteristics
of urban life and to account for the differences between
V,
cities of various sites and types" (Wirth, 1938: 18).
Although the "classical" school of urban ecology was
dominated by the Chicago urban sociologists, and especially
by Burgess' concentric zone theory, two other theories idiich
this writer would call "classical" are important. These are
Homer Hoyt's sector theory and Chauncey D. Harris and Edward
L. Ullman's multiple nuclei theory.
Hoyt's sector theory, or "sector hypothesis," as it
is often called, was presumably derived from the work of
Richard M. Hurd (1924). In his study, Hurd suggested that
urban growth involved two principles which operate at the
same time: central growth and axial growth. As the city
grew, it would spread outward from the center in all direc
tions, or along transportation routes, such as water courses,
railroads, and turnpikes, forming a star shape (Hurd, 1924).
Homer Hoyt elaborated on these principles of Hurd by
studying rental data from a large number of American cities,
with special emphasis on high-rent areas. By tracing the
movement of high-rent areas, he was able to show how they
moved outwards along radial lines in distinct sectors of the
city. Hoyt felt that "the movement of the high-rent area is
in a certain sense the most important since it tends to pull
the growth of the entire city in the same direction" (Hoyt,


174
Oficina de Planeacin Municipal.
n.d. "Estratificacin Socio-Econmica Segn Indicativos
Ambientales Conjugados." Cali, Colombia. Mimeo
graphed.
Park, Robert E.
1925 "The City: Suggestions for the Investigation of
Human Behavior in the Urban Environment." Pp. 1-46
in Robert E. Park, Ernest W. Burgess, and Roderick
D. McKenzie (eds.) The City. Chicago: The Univer
sity of Chicago Press.
Park, Robert E.
1929 "The City as a Social Laboratory." Pp. 40-46 in
T.V. Smith and L.D. White (eds.) Chicago: An
Experiment in Social Science Research. Chicago:
The University of Chicago Press.
Park, Robert E.
1936 "Human Ecology." The American Journal of Sociology
42 (July): 1-15.
Park, Robert E., Ernest W. Burgess and Roderick D. McKenzie.
1925 The City. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press
Payne, James L.
1968 Patterns of Conflict in Colombia. New Haven,
Connecticut: Yale University Press.
Pealosa, Fernando.
1967 "Ecological Organization of the Transitional City:
Some Mexican Evidence." Social Forces 46 (December)
221-229.
Pendleton, William W. Jr.
1965 Middle Class Mobility and Values: A Study of the
Urban-Industrial Transition in Cali, Colombia.
Ph.D. dissertation, Tulane University.
Pfautz, Harold W.
1967 Charles Booth on the City: Physical Pattern and
Social Structure. Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press.
Posada, Antonio J. and Jeanne Anderson Posada.
1966 The CVC: Challenge to Underdevelopment and Tradi
tionalism. Bogot, Colombia: Ediciones Tercer
Mundo.
Powelson, John P.
1964 "The Land-Grabbers of Cali." The Reporter 30
(January 16): 30-31.


TABLE 2
GROWTH OF CALI FROM 1793 TO 1964
Year
Inhabitan
1793
6,548
1797
5,690
1807
7,192
1836
8,000
1851
11,848
1870
12,743
1893
14,000
1905
30,740
1912
27,747
1918
45,525
1928
122,847
1938
101,038
1951
284,186
1964
637,929
Source for 1793, 1797, 1807:
Arboleda, III, 1956: 120, 154, 207
Source for 1836:
Friedel and Jimenez, 1971: 62.
Source for other years:
McGreevey, 1967(7). ("The data
presented here are derived entirely
from published sources available at
the University of California
Library at Berkeley.")


48
when they were first drawn. In Cali, much of the growth
of the city has been more recent; it grew from a population
of 284,186 in 1951 to a population of 637,929 in 1964. Thus
many of the barrios in the city are new. The boundary lines
of these new barrios almost always were drawn on the basis
of homogeneous areas, according to conversations with staff
members of the Cali Municipal Planning Office; observation
confirmed this homogeneity. Though there were some excep
tions (mainly in the commercial center of the city), it
seemed to this observer that the older barrios in the city
also exhibited striking internal residential homogeneity.
At the time of the field work there were one
hundred and fifty-seven barrios in the city for which data
were collected, but not all of them are residential. Some
are composed entirely of institutions, such as the main
public hospital and the air force base. Others have such a
small population that their inclusion would be meaningless.
For example, barrio Paso-Ancho had a 1964 population of one!
The population range among the barrios is unfortunately
large, ranging from less than one hundred to more than
twenty-eight thousand for barrio Alfonso Lpez.
For most of the purposes of this study, two types
of barrios included in the field survey and in the statis
tical compilation of data by the Municipal Planning Office
will be eliminated.1 The first type consists of specialized,
^or a very few of the eliminated barrios included
in the statistical compilation of data by the Cali Municipal
Planning Office, data were incomplete.


173
Mehta, Surinder K.
1964 "Some Demographic and Economic Correlates of Primate
Cities: A Case For Revaluation." Demography 1:
136-147.
Morse, Richard M.
1962 "Latin American Cities: Aspects of Function and
Structure." Comparative Studies in Society and
History 47 (July): 473-493,
Morse, Richard M.
1969 "Recent Research on Latin American Urbanization: A
Selective Survey with Commentary." Pp. 474-506 in
Gerald Breese (ed.) The City in Newly Developing
Countries: Readings on Urbanism and Urbanization.
Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc.
Morse, Richard' M.
1971a "Trends and Issues in Latin American Urban Research,
1965-1970, Part I." Latin American Research Review
6 (Spring): 3-52.
Morse, Richard M.
1971b "Trends and Issues in Latin American Urban Research,
1965-1970, Part II." Latin American Research Review
6 (Summer): 19-75.
Myers, Jerome K.
1961 "Assimilation to the Ecological and Social Systems
of a Community." Pp. 273-279 in George A. Theodorsen
(ed.) Studies in Human Ecology. New York: Harper
6 Row, Publishers.
Nelson, Richard R., T. Paul Schultz and Robert L. Slighton.
1971 Structural Change in a Developing Economy.
Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press.
Niedercorn, John H. and Edward F.R. Hearle.
1964 "Recent Land-Use Trends in Forty-Eight Large American
Cities." Land Economics 40 (February): 105-110.
Oficina de Planeacin Municipal.
n.d, "Comparativo Por Sectores de Poblacin Areas y
Densidades, Cali, Aos 1951-1964." Cali, Colombia.
Mimeographed.
Oficina de Planeacin Municipal.
n.d. "Distribucin de la Poblacin Por Barrios, Areas y
Densidades N Edificios y Manzanas 1964." Cali,
Colombia. Mimeographed.


17
involved in deviant behavior, and studies concerned with the
relationship between area of residence and educational
experience" (Timms, 1971: 9). Some of the research
reviewed shows that "the frequency of marriage decreases as
the distance between the two parties increases" (Timms,
1971: 13), the closer people are to each other, the more
friendship contacts they have (Timms, 1971: 10-12), "where
an adolescent lives will have a major effect on the chances
of his becoming delinquent" (Timms, 1971: 17), and that
most early personality development takes place in local
areas (Timms, 1971: 31-34). Robson also talks about the
. . importance of the effects of the milieu on urban
social structure. ... No matter what the area, the
attitudes of individual families were more similar to
those prevailing around them than to those of their
"objective" social class. The area of residence is
therefore either a clue to or a determinant of these
attitudes (Robson, 1969: 244).
Timms sums up his review very neatly:
The consequences for human behaviour of residence in one
neighborhood rather than another are mediated by the net
work of social relationships which connect the individual
with his family, \vith peer-groups, with voluntary
associations, and with a plethora of other groups. The
neighbourhood is important because so many of these
relationships depend on face-to-face contact and this
form of interaction is particularly sensitive to spatial
distance (Timms, 1971: 34).
It is the contention of this study that areal
analysis, through the use of the natural area, has an impor
tant organizing and analytical function. It will play an
essential role in the present research.


COPYRIGHT
1973
By
ERIC ARMIN WAGNER


45
Front Room Used For Sleeping: Yes No
Floors: Hardwoods Tile Cement Gravel
Dirt
Observable Family Belongings: TV Antennas
Cars Other
Additional Comments
In addition to this systematic data collection, two
other sources of information were used. One of these
sources was hundreds of highly informal chats with various
barrio residents. By supplementing the statistical data
concerning housing characteristics, they were helpful in
determining the classification of the socioeconomic status
of each barrio.
The other source of information was personal contacts
of the author with residents of Cali. Particularly useful
were acquaintances derived from the exceptionally considerate
and congenial middle-class Colombian family with whom he
lived. This family made it possible for the author to visit,
often repeatedly, the homes of their friends and relatives
throughout the city. This informal visiting, often to the
poorer parts of the city, coupled with the folk anecdotes
which were constantly related, led to a much greater under
standing of the city than a field survey, by itself, could
possibly have afforded.


47
statistical construct and plays a role in the social organ
ization of the city.
This role can be seen at least partly from the
social division of the barrios of the city into barrios
populares and barrios residenciales. The distinction between
the two is basically economic. Popular barrios are poor,
and residential barrios are fairly well-off, but there are
exceptions, and it is not clear to which group some barrios
belong. A popular barrio has an Accin Comunal, which is a
junta elected by the people of the barrio to present the
needs of the barrio (such as street paving, water, etc.) to
the City Planning Office. The juntas also undertake various
projects in the barrios, such as landscaping an open plaza,
or helping barrio residents hit by a catastrophe. Over one
hundred barrios in Cali have such juntas.
It might still be objected that using the barrio as
the basic unit is "arbitrary," and that the difference
between one barrio and another is simply an artifact of
drawing random lines. However, from a practical standpoint,
this is all we have; this is the smallest breakdown of data
that is available. Prom a theoretical standpoint, the
objection seems probably less valid than similar objections
that have been raised about the use of the census tract in
the United States. In the United States, most census tracts
were drawn several decades ago. With the growth of the
city, and the movement of the population, these tracts have
in many cases come to be less homogeneous than they were


114
TABLE 11 (Continued)
Barrios Land Use SES
47
Urb Salomia
R
48
Salomia
150
R50
49
Las Delicias Manzanares
140
R60
50
Porvenir
R65
120
C15
51
Jorge Isaacs
140
R40
C20
52
Ftiraa La Sultana -
Berln
R70
120
CIO
53
San Francisco
R
54
Bolivariano
150
R4 5
C5
55
Popular
R75
120
C5
56
La Isla
R
57
Valencia
R80
110
CIO
58
Marco Fidel Surez
R
59
Olaya Herrera Evaristo
Garca
R7 5
120
C5
60
Flora Industrial Calima
150
R50
61
Sena
RA
62
Industrial
180
RIO
CIO
63
El Troncal
R7 5
120
C 5
64
Las Americas
R
65
Chapinero
R85
C15
66
A. Girardot
R
67
Santa Mnica Popular
R
68
Uribe Uribe
R
69
Primitivo Crespo
R
70
Simn Bolvar
R
71
Saavedra Galindo
R
72
La Floresta
R
73
Benjamn Herrera
R85
C15
74
Municipal
R7 5
120
CS
75
Base
S
76
Agrcola
RA
77
Alfonso Lpez
R
78
Agrcola Ro Cali
R
79
Alfonso Lpez
R
80
Puerto Nuevo
R
81
Puerto Mallarino
R70
C30
82
El Angel del Hogar
R
83
El Troncal
R7 5
120
C5
84
Villa Colombia
R
85
La Base El Guabito
R
86
E.E.M.M.
S
87
El Trbol
R9 5
C5
88
Chapinero
R8 5
C15
89
La Nueva Floresta
R
90
Urb. Departamental
RA
91
Panamericano
R
92
San Judas
R
93
El Guabal
RA
94
Las Acacias
R
95
Santa Elena
R90
CIO
5
4
cncncn i f^int/iuiQ'Ounuiui i i inuit/unuiwui-Mnuunwi i CMn o -P C> O' O' uun vi -P


.13 0
Close inspection of figure 5 reveals that, in very-
general terms, densities decline as one moves from the
center of the city (defined as barrio 8) to the periphery.
There are, however, many barrios, and several areas, that
are exceptions. To the west of the center of the city, on
the periphery, barrios 136, 137, and 138 show high densities
Barrio 91, southwest of the center of the city, has rela
tively high density. Barrio 25, northwest of the city
center and on the periphery of the city, has relatively high
density, as does barrio 82, on the periphery southeast of
the city center.
Strikingly, the center of the city and the areas
immediately surrounding it do not have the highest densities
except for barrios_ 3 and 6. To the south and east of the
center of the city, roughly approximating a good portion of
the working-lower-class and industrial areas, are the parts
of the city with the largest areas of high density.
Other parts of the city conform to the generaliza
tion that densities are lower the further one goes from the
center of the city. The southwest area of the city, which
is the part of the city furthest from the center, has almost
uniformly low densities. The barrios to the northeast of
the city center that lie at the greatest distance generally
have low densities. But these conformities to the general
ization of density declining with distance from city center
do not mask the clear picture conveyed by figure 5: dis
tance from city center is secondary in importance to some
other factor in the determination of density. This finding


142
The Spatial Distribution of
Family Status
In the review of the literature, it was shown that
the two factors that have been found to be most fundamental
in the spatial distribution of social organization were
socioeconomic status and family status. In the previous
section of this chapter housing was used to portray socio
economic status. In this section we shall examine two indi
cators of family status, number of family members and number
of family units per housing unit. These two indicators are
graphically portrayed in figures 7 and 8.
Figure 7 shows the mean number of family members for
each of the residential barrios of Cali. The pattern which
emerges is that those barrios with the fewest members per
family are closest to the center of the city (barrio 8),
while those barrios with the most members per family are
farthest from the center of the city. Indeed, the pattern
indicates that the more family members, the farther the
barrio is from the center; this pattern holds for each of
the five categories shown in the figure. Table 14 shows the
relationship. In this table, the distance of each barrio
from the city center (the geographical center of barrio 8)
was measured by drawing circles on a map with radii at one
mile intervals from the city center. If the geographical
center of the barrio was within the circle with a radius of
one mile from city center, the barrio was listed as being
one mile from city center; if the geographical center of the


102
LAND USE IN CALI 1968


106
during the field survey that the base would eventually be
closed and the land turned over to industrial activity. It
proved impossible to confirm these rumors. The southern
edge of the industrial area has no obvious line of demarca
tion; it blends into the working-class residential barrios
which are prevalent in that part of the city. Just outside
the boundaries of Cali, in the municipio of Yumbo, north
east of the center of the city, is another cluster of
industrial activity. While this area is not included in the
study of the ecology of Cali, it is interesting that this
industrial area developed in a location that makes it almost
an extension of the industrial area of Cali. Informants
during the field survey claimed that industry developed in
this area out of a desire for the lower tax rates of Yumbo.
The one "industrial" barrio (barrio 36) which is
outside the industrial area is located north of the com
mercial center of the city, in an upper-class residential
area. The industries in this area are in modern,
aesthetically-pleasing buildings, and are extensively land
scaped. There are no heavy industries, although there is an
electric-generating plant. The main plants are Coca-Cola of
Colombia, Carvajal and Company (a large printing and office-
supply concern), Editorial Norma (a printing concern), and
several pharmaceutical companies, such as Merck, Sharp, and
Dohme. None of these industries requires substantial
numbers of blue-collar workers.


136
THE DISTRIBUTION OF RESIDENTIAL BARRIOS
BY SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS, CALI 1968
FIGURE 6
SCALE IN MILES
LOWER CLASS
WORKING LOWER CLASS
WORKING CLASS
LOWER MIDDLE CLASS
MIDDLE CLASS
UPPER CLASS
UNACCOUNTED AREA


53
established than the bulk of the working-class barrios. The
poor but usually-employed working class, who lived on the
margins of real poverty, lived in barrios which were classed
five. These were the most prevalent barrios in the city.
The desperately poor, who had to struggle each day just to
survive, lived in barrios classed as six. These were the
slum barrios often referred to as tugurios.
There was surprisingly little difficulty in differ
entiating among these classifications. Perhaps because of
living in the city for more than five months before the
field survey was undertaken, and thus having acquired great
familiarity with housing types within the city, it was
usually quite clear to which category a barrio belonged,
once the field survey of each barrio had been completed.
This categorization was supported by on-the-spot observations
of electricity, sidewalks, sewage systems, internal plumb
ing, and the factors included in the field schedule.
The six-fold classification was chosen because it
seemed the clearest to the author, and because it afforded a
check on the reliability of the field-survey data. The Cali
Municipal Planning Office had previously classified all the
barrios of Cali according to "RS" status, which ranged from
one to six, with one being the highest and six being the
lowest. "RS" referred to socioeconomic status, and was
composed of such indicators as water, sewage, type of house
construction, paved streets, transportation, education,
health, culture, green zones, and community juntas (Oficina


14
the dynamic ecological processes introduced by McKenzie, and
previously elaborated upon in this study.
A major criticism directed at the "classical'1
school of urban ecology has been that it placed too great
an emphasis on biological analogies and the economic deter
minism of land values (Firey, 1947; Alihan, 1933; Firey,
1961). The subsocial biotic competitive nature of man
became a major focal point of this criticism. By starting
with the competitive biotic community of man ecologists are
forced to minimize or limit their attentions to society. As
Hollingshead puts it,
This type of reasoning assumed that man in society is
basically, ever and always, man the primordial animal.
Society and its concomitant culture are only excrescences,
not integral parts of the animal man (1947: 196).
This process of impersonal competition provides the main
framework of ecological structure with the interdependence
of individuals and groups termed "symbiotic" rather than
societal. However, as Alihan shows us, the two ecological
terms of community and society are so confused by ecologists
themselves that arbitrary distinction becomes meaningless
(Alihan, 1938: 18-49).
Another criticism of the "classical" school of
urban ecology has been stimulated by Firey1s advocacy of
greater importance for social values such as sentiment and
symbolism (Firey, 1961) .
It seems to this writer that "classical" ecologists
such as Park and Burgess were not just tied to a biological


80
city, and so forth" (United Nations Commission for Latin
America, 1969: 194). If the actual population of the
largest cities in Colombia and the "expected" population of
these cities (based on one-half, one-third, one-quarter,
etc., the population of the largest city) are compared, as
is done in Table 6, it is found that there is a rather good
"fit" between the actual and the "expected" population.
Thus Colombia conforms rather well to the idea of an urban
TABLE 6
RANK-SIZE DISTRIBUTION OF COLOMBIAN CITIES, 1964
City Actual Population "Expected" Population
Bogot
1,697,311
1,697,311
Medellin
772,887
848,655
Cali
637,929
565,770
Barranquilla
498,301
424,328
Cartagena
242,085
339,462
Bucaramanga
229,748
282,885
Manizales
221,916
242,473
Pereira
188,365
212,164
Cucuta
175,336
188,590
Ibagu
163,661
169,731
Source: Departamento Administrativo Nacional de
Estadstica, 1967: Table 6.
hierarchy, theoretically indicating that there is a rather
well-balanced structure of cities in Colombia, without an


Chapter IV
CALI: FROM COLONIAL TOWN TO
INDUSTRIAL CITY
Shortly after the conquest of Peru, one of Pizarro's
lieutenants, Don Sebastin de Belalczar, marched north from
Peru to explore what is today Ecuador and southern Colombia.
He established cities as he went, and upon his arrival in
the Cauca Valley in Colombia in 1536 founded the city of
Cali.
At this Lime the broad Cauca Valley was heavily
populated with Indian villages. Because of the fierce
nature of these Indians, they fought the Spanish, and
through war and subsequent famine were virtually exter
minated (Cieza de Len, 1864: 93-97). This explains why
Cali, virtually from its inception, had so few Indians. Yet
the city was apparently named after these Indians, as Smith
notes that "the Indians of the Cauca Valley were the Lili or
Cali" (Smith, 1970: ,67).
The Spaniards who first settled in Cali appear to
have been Castilians (Smith, 1970: 70). Bringing with them
a Spanish culture which had been involved with "appropriating
lands reconquered from Islam" (Morse, 1969: 475), they
62


25
literacy, Muslim concentrations, and four special land-use
configurations) (Berry and Rees, 1969: 470-481). These
other factors led to the conclusion that "socioeconomic
status and minority group membership are linked," making
ethnicity more important than socioeconomic status "in
defining the social dimensions within which choices are made"
(Berry and Rees, 1969: 490).
the findings . reveal that alongside . rich
ethnic variability . Calcutta is also characterized
by a broadly concentric pattern of familism, an axial
arrangement of areas according to degree of literacy,
and both substantial and increasing geographic special
ization of areas in business and residential land uses,
gradually replacing the former mixture of businesses and
residences that were separated, rather, into occupational
quarters. This mixture of preindustrial and industrial
ecologies thus lends support to the idea that the city
is in some transitional developmental stage (Berry and
Rees, 1969: 469).
Abu-Lughod found three main factors in her factorial
ecology of Cairo--style of life, male dominance, and social
disorganization (Abu-Lughod, 1969: 205-207). These were
not the three basic factors of social rank, urbanization,
and segregation postulated by Shevky and Bell. However,
Abu-Lughod's style of life factor did include both social
rank and urbanization variables. This factor, "while
clearly representing socio-economic status, also includes
many variables indicative of family life, suggesting that it
is to be interpreted as a 'style of life' vector in which
class and family patterns are inextricably linked" (Abu-
Lughod, 1969: 205). This link between class and family
characteristics she attributed to the "scale" of the society,


117
Comparison of these data with land-use data for large cities
in the United States gives interesting results. In a study
of land-use trends in forty-eight large United States cities,
(thirty-five of the forty largest cities in the United
States were included in this study), it was found that 39.0
per cent of the developed land was devoted to residential
activity, 10.9 per cent to industrial activity, 4.8 per cent
to commercial activity, 25.7 per cent to roads and highways,
and 19.7 per cent to other public activities (Niedercorn and
Hearle, 1964: 106). In industrial activity, Cali clearly
has not yet reached an industrial level obtained by the
average large United States city. Yet Cali has reached
sixty per cent of that level, and these land-use data thus
appear to confirm the thesis that Cali is well on the way to
becoming an industrial city. In comparing levels of com
mercial activity, cities in the United States have less
developed land (4.8 per cent) devoted to that activity than
does Cali (6.1 per cent). This is apparently due to the
large-scale consolidation of much commercial activity in the
United States, with relatively few small family businesses.
In Cali, on the other hand, there is a very large number of
small neighborhood establishments, leading one to suspect
that the higher amount of developed land devoted to com
mercial activity in Cali is a result of the less-intensive
nature of the commercial process. As industrialization
proceeds to consume a larger share of the developed land of
the city, land devoted to commercial activity is likely to


43
Barrio Bordered by: (describe) (other barrios; farm land;
airport; etc.)
Historical Background of Barrio; Origin; Has it been
Planned; Is it a Legal or an Invasion Barrio
Land Use: Commercial: 50-100% _____ 10-50%
2-10% Very Slight
Industrial: 50-100% 10-50%
2-10% Very Slight
Residential: 75-100% 50-75%
10-50% 2-10%
Slight
Functions Focused in Barrio: (describe) (bus "terminals,"
and number of bus lines serving the barrio; university;
sports area; markets; parks; a community building, or a
meeting place for the junta communal; etc.)
Sanitary Facilities: Water: Private, in Homes
Public Don't Know
Sanitary Sewers: Yes No
Open Ditches for Sewage Observable:
Yes No


79
TABLE 5
PRIMACY OF URBAN STRUCTURE: FOUR REGIONS
OF COLOMBIA, 1964
Population of
Each of the Measure,
Four Largest Cities Largest Cities of
Region
in the Region*
in the Region
Primacy
Southern Colombia
Cali
Ibagu
Palmira
Pasto
637,929
163,661
140,889
112,876
60.5
"Paisa Group
Medellin
Manizales
Pereira
Armenia
772,887
221,916
188,365
137,222
58.5
Highland Colombia
Bogot
Bucaramanga
Ccuta
Barrancabermej a
1,697,311
229,748
175,336
71,096
78.1
Atlantic Coast
Barranquilla
Cartagena
Montera
Cinaga
498,301
242,085
126,329
113,143
50.9
It is interesting that all of the fifteen largest cities
in the country are included in this list; Barrancabermeja
ranks 27 in size among Colombian cities.
Source: Departamento Administrativo Nacional de
Estadstica, 1967: Table 6.
Another way to examine national urban structure is
by means of the "rank-size rule." This is a theoretical
model of the distribution of cities by size, xMiere "the
population of each city tends to be in inverse proportion to
its rank by order of size . the second, third, and
fourth largest city might be expected to have one-half,
one-third, and one-quarter the population of the largest


121
compilation of the Cali Municipal Planning Office, "Com
parativo Por Sectores de Poblacin, Areas y Densidades,
Cali, Aos 1951-1964." By the time of the field survey in
1968, the number of barrios had grown to one hundred and
fifty-seven.
Until 1951 growth appears to have occurred in a
rather compact manner. In each of the time periods prior to
this date, growth remained concentrated in the area surround
ing the existing city, and virtually circled this older
area. Growth roughly resembled a series of concentric rings
and development by and large did not leave open, undeveloped
areas scattered throughout the area of development. This
"ordered" pattern of growth broke down in the 1951-1968
period, perhaps because of the enormous pressure of burgeon
ing population increase, and barrios were settled in areas
that were not contiguous to previous development, so there
came to be undeveloped, open-land areas interspersed throug-
out the areas of recent development. As the pressures
toward city migration induced by la violencia cease to be a
major factor, as has been the case in the last few years,
and the rate of growth of Cali becomes somewhat more normal
Ci.e., four to five per cent per year rather than more than
eight per cent per year), one might expect that the next
decade or two will see a return to a more ordered pattern of
growth that would include a "filling in of those areas that
were bypassed in the desperate rush for a place to live in
the 1951-1968 period.


137
Examination of the areas occupied by barrios in each
of the socioeconomic levels indicates that the city of Cali
is characterized by a clear pattern of socioeconomic organ
ization. All of the older (pre-1951) upper-class areas of
Cali are north of the Cali River, lying between the Cali
River and the mountains. Of the new (post-1951) upper-class
barrios, barrio 143 is to the west of the city center, and
is probably best considered as an extension of the upper-
class areas to the north. Barrios 130 and 132 are spacious,
very low-density areas far from the city center in the most
southern part of the city, near the Cali-Popayn highway.
North Americans would probably refer to these areas as
suburbs, although they are officially parts of the city.
Indeed, some of the people living in these two barrios are
North Americans. The most southern part of barrio 120 has
some upper-class homes, although the barrio as a whole is
rated middle class, and barrios 119 and 140, though still
essentially devoted to agriculture, do have a few scattered
upper-class homes.
Outside the city, higher up the mountains, there are
scattered settlements of homes of the well-to-do. By and
large, however, these are not suburbs, nor are they "primary
residential areas. Rather they are vacation or "summer"
homes of the well-to-do, and most of these families have
their main residences within the city of Cali.
Indeed, in Cali all socioeconomic levels reside
within the boundaries of the city. There is not yet any


29
was virtually completed by 1580, when "the Spanish and
Portuguese [had] established the essential settlement pat
tern of Latin America" (Beyer, 1967: 58). Next was "a
period of consolidating colonial institutions and establish
ing the structure of colonial society," which lasted nearly
two hundred years, until the fifth stage of great European
immigration, which reached Latin America about 1880 (Beyer,
1967: 60-61). In the sixth and last stage, which we are
living in, rural groups poured from the countryside into the
city (Beyer, 1967: 62).
Though it is not the intention to discuss the urban
ization process in Latin America here, it has been useful to
point out Hardoy's parameters of urbanization, because it is
these parameters that have had great effect on the ultimate
structure of Latin American cities. Specifically, the early
laying out and planning of colonial cities, the coming of
the early Spaniards (and thus the landholders) to the city,
the coming of the indigenous people to the city, and the
building of the social structure and organization on the
basis of the city all had lasting effects upon the internal
structure and the residential differentiation of Latin
American cities.
The earliest study of the internal structure of a
Latin American city was Hansen's description of Merida (1934).
Writing in the 1930s, his most important finding was that
Merida, capital of the Yucatn, was beginning to change from
its traditional pattern of highest status groups in the


ISO
period of time Cali remained a small town, and its struc
ture, unaffected by rapid growth, probably changed very
slowly. Only with rapid growth during the twentieth century
did substantial change begin. One aspect of this change
stands out. This is the change from a pattern where the
rich and important people lived clustered around the central
plaza to a very different pattern. It is the purpose of
this study to describe this different pattern.
The scant literature describing the structure of the
Latin American city, reviewed earlier in this study, shows
that a plaza-centered pattern for the residences of the rich
was virtually universal. Everywhere, however, this pattern
appeared to be at one stage or another of breakdown. Here
the literature becomes sketchy. In some cases, this break
down is seen as a shift to the North American pattern, where
the more well-to-do live on the periphery of the city and
the poor live in the center. In other cases, this shift to
a North American pattern is questioned but no clear alterna
tive for an emerging "new" pattern is advanced. This, then,
is the boundary of knowledge about the structure of the con
temporary Latin American city. What are the characteristics
of this new pattern (if indeed it can be called a pattern),
and how is this pattern evolving?
One cannot generalize a specific case study, as is
undertaken here for Cali, to all the cities in Latin America.
Yet as a large, rapidly-industrializing, non-capital city in
the second most populous Spanish-speaking country in South


THE SOCIAL ECOLOGY OF CALI, COLOMBIA
By
ERIC ARMIN WAGNER
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL
FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1973

COPYRIGHT
1973
By
ERIC ARMIN WAGNER

DEDICATED TO
MY PARENTS
FLORENCE AND ARMIN WAGNER

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The writer wishes to express his deep appreciation
to the present chairman of his supervisory committee,
Dr. Joseph S. Vandiver, and to his former chairman, now at
the University of Alabama, Dr. Irving L. Webber. Without
their continuing interest and encouragement this project
might never have been completed. To them the writer owes a
great debt of gratitude.
Other members of the supervisory committee, Dr. T.
Lynn Smith, Dr. Ruth Albrecht, Dr. Walter Rosenbaum, and
Dr. Benjamin Gorman deserve the writer's appreciation for
their willingness to serve on his committee, and for their
assistance.
Grateful acknowledgment is expressed to the
Rockefeller Foundation and the Center for Latin American
Studies of the University of Florida for the grant assistance
which made this project possible.
To his parents the writer owes thanks for their
constant encouragement to complete the project, and for their
providing such a pleasant place for the writing of the
dissertation. To his aunt, Gwen Edwards, and to Stephanie
Goldsberry, the writer owes thanks for help in typing.
IV

Dr. Irving Webbers wife, Lois, helped the writer in many
ways while he was in Colombia. Others, including J. Selwyn
Hollingsworth, David Coombs, Lawrence Hlad, Hugh Bloemer,
and Robert Shelly, helped in many ways.
Last, and most importantly, the writer is obligated
to the many people in Cali who were generous with their
time, and always willing to help. Especially valuable were
the members of the Rojas family, and Mercelitas, to whom the
writer owes much.
Were it not for the support of all of these people,
the project could never have been realized. Yet the
responsibility for the project must remain with the writer
alone.
v

TABLE OF CONTENTS
acknowledgments iv
LIST OF TABLES viii
LIST OF FIGURES x
ABSTRACT xi
CHAPTER
I. INTRODUCTION 1
II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ON ECOLOGY 4
The "Classical" School of Urban Ecology. ... 4
Social Area Analysis 18
The Ecology of the Latin American City .... 27
III. PROCEDURES OF INVESTIGATION 39
Definition of the Problem 39
Collection of the Data 42
Field Schedule 42
Nature of the Data 46
Presentation and Interpretation of the
Data 60
IV.CALI: FROM COLONIAL TOWN TO INDUSTRIAL
CITY 62
The Growth of the City 67
Cities in Colombia and Latin America 73
Groining Industrialism--The Economic Base
of the City 83
vi

CHAPTER
Topography and Transportation 89
Class Structure. . 93
The Image of the City 96
V. THE ECOLOGY OF CALI 98
Land Use 98
Barrio Development: The Physical
Growth of the City .119
Density of the Barrios 128
The Spatial Distribution of
Socioeconomic Status 135
The Spatial Distribution of Family Status. . 142
The Structure of Cali 149
VI. CONCLUSIONS 161
BIBLIOGRAPHY 166
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 179
vix

LIST OF TABLES
TABLE
1 Population Range of Cali Barrios Used in
Studying Residential Ecology T 51
2 Growth of Cali from 1793 to 1964 68
3 Population of Eleven Largest Municipios,
1905-1964. 74
4 Growth of Cali in Relation to the Growth of
Colombia: 1938-1951, 1951-1964. ....... 75
5 Primacy of Urban Structure: Four Regions of
Colombia, 1964 79
6 Rank-Size Distribution of Colombian
Cities, 1964 ...... 80
7 Urbanization of the Latin American
Population 83
8 Economically Active Population Engaged in
Industrial Activity, By Departments, 1964. . 90
9 Social Stratification in Cali, 1964. ...... 94
10 Industrial Barrios in Cali, 1968 107
11 Cali Barrios, Names, Estimated Percentage of
Land Use, and Socioeconomic Status, 1968 . 113
12 Percentage of Developed Land Devoted to
Various Uses, Cali, 1968 116
13 Density of Barrios by Socioeconomic Status,
Cali, 1964 . 131
14 Mean Distance of Barrios From City Center, By
Mean Number of Family Members Per Barrio . 145
15 Members Per Family of Barrios by Socioeconomic
Status, Cali, 1964 147
viii

TABLE
16 Mean Distance of Barrios from City Center, By
Mean Family Units Per Housing Unit 148
17 Family Units Per Housing Unit of Barrios by
Socioeconomic Status, Cali, 1964 T 149
18 Barrios Bordered by Arterial Highways, By
Socioeconomic Status, Cali, 1968 158
ix

LIST OF FIGURES
FIGURE
1 Cali . 100
2 Land Use in Cali 1968 102
3 Commercial Land Use in Cali Barrios 1968 . 103
4 The Growth of the Barrios of Cali 120
5 Density of Residential Barrios, Cali -
1964 129
6 The Distribution of Residential Barrios by
Socioeconomic Status, Cali 1968 136
7 The Distribution of Residential Barrios
by Family Size, Cali 1964. 143
8 The Distribution of Residential Barrios by
Number of Families Per Housing Unit,
Cali 1964 144
x

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of
the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
THE SOCIAL ECOLOGY OF CALI, COLOMBIA
By
Eric Arinin Wagner
December, 1973
Chairman: Joseph S. Vandiver
Major Department: Sociology
Urban social differentiation in Cali, Colombia, is
examined by use of elements of both "classical" ecology and
social area analysis. The barrios of the city are analyzed
in terms of population density, land use, socioeconomic
status, and family status, with maps showing the spatial
distribution of these variables. Housing is used as an
indicator of socioeconomic status, and mean number of family
members and number of family units per dwelling unit are
used as indicators of family status. These data were
derived from compilations of the Cali Municipal Planning
Office, the 1964 Colombian census, and a field survey of the
barrios of Cali during the 1967-1968 academic year.
A substantial degree of functional specialization in
land use was found, as evidenced by a clear and distinct
central commercial area and a rather sharply-defined
industrial area. At the same time, there were still a
number of traditional commercial functions scattered through
out the city, leading to the conclusion that while the
xi

commercial function was still in the process of changing
from a preindustrial to an industrial level of organization,
Cali was more an industrial than a preindustrial city.
While the density of the population of Cali declined
from the center of the city to the periphery, level of socio
economic status appeared to have a greater influence on
density than distance from city center. As a result, some
of the poorer peripheral areas of the city had higher
densities than more central areas. In this respect Cali was
more like non-Western than Western cities. At the same time
central city densities in Cali are now declining, which is
more characteristic of Western than of non-Western cities.
Like the examination of land use, the examination of density
afforded a glimpse of a city in the process of change in its
ecological structure.
The analysis of the spatial distribution of socio
economic status and family status showed that socioeconomic
status varied sectorially and family status varied concen
trically. This confirms the findings of previous studies in
social area analysis, and adds a Latin American example to
the widening body of research exploring the dimensions of
urban social differentiation.
The clear sectorization of socioeconomic status and
the concentric distribution of family status in Cali, indi
cative of a rather pronounced level of urban differentiation
is more characteristic of industrial than it is of pre
industrial cities. Thus, while land use and density data
Xll

showed that Cali does not totally conform to the character
istics of industrial and Western cities, it is clear that
Cali is much closer to these theoretical types than it is
to non-Western and preindustrial cities. If this were not
the case, then the differentiation of socioeconomic status
and family status areas would have been much less clearly
defined.
In theoretical terms, the shape of the city
described in this study conforms much more closely to the
sector hypothesis of Homer Hoyt than it does to the con
centric zone theory of Ernest Burgess or the multiple nuclei
theory of Chauncey Harris and Edward Ullman.
Further research is needed before the findings of
this study can be applied to other cities in Latin America
and the developing world.
Xlll

Chapter I
INTRODUCTION
The internal structure of the city in Latin America
is poorly understood. Though a number of investigations of
this topic have been published, most indicate merely that
the traditional, plaza-centered structure of the city in
Latin America is changing in the direction of the North
American city pattern, where status rises as one goes from
the center toward the periphery of the city. The gross
generality of this finding seems much too inadequate for the
actual complexity of city structure that one finds in Latin
America. Further, this finding seems to be rather culture-
bound, implying that the "ideal" North American pattern of
city structure tvi 11 be attained as Latin American societies
"modernize."
Through a fortuitous set of circumstances, the
author was afforded the opportunity to examine the structure
of a city in Latin America. Appointment as a graduate
assistant in the University of Florida--Universidad del
Valle Joint Project in History, Political Science, and
Sociology, supported by a grant from the Rockefeller Founda
tion, enabled him to spend the 1967-1968 academic year in
1

2
Cali, Colombia. This position provided an opportunity to
gather data for an ecological study.
Cali is a rapidly growing, rapidly industrializing
city of more than six hundred thousand people in southern
Colombia. Though not the capital of the country, it is a
regional city of great importance, and is in the center of
one of the richest agricultural areas in the world, the
Cauca River Valley. Much of its growth has been very recent,
though the city was one of the earliest to be founded in
South America, in 1536. Thus its long colonial tradition,
and recent growing industrialization, make it an excellent
example of a fairly large Latin American city. Further, Cali
is the third largest city in the second most populous
Spanish-speaking nation of the South American continent. A
study of the ecology of a major city such as Cali can make
a basic contribution to our understanding of urbanization in
Latin America.
This study focuses upon residential aspects of the
internal structure of Cali. For all the residential barrios
of the city, socioeconomic status is examined by means of a
study of housing. A map of these barrios shows their spatial
distribution. The number of family members and family units
per housing unit, indicators of family status, are also
mapped for the residential barrios. These spatial distribu
tions are then examined to determine the structural pattern
of the city. Do the higher status people live near the

center of the city, are they moving toward the periphery, or
is another, possibly more complex, explanation needed?
Supporting this focus on residential ecology are
data pertaining to urban land use, recent growth and density
of the barrios, and an examination of the effect of major
arterial streets on the location of upper-status residential
areas.
The results of this study certainly will not be the
basis for generalization about all the cities of Latin
America. Latin America, like other large areas of the
world, is an area of great diversity. Hopefully, the result
will lend themselves to comparison and conjunction with
other studies, and eventually help in the formulation of a
more general theory of residential differentiation for Latin
America. As of now, data are not adequate nor varied enough
to support such a general theory. The next stage in the
development of such a theory should be the undertaking of
several studies of the factorial ecology of Latin American
cities, to determine their basic social dimensions. Hope
fully, these studies will take place in several cities
already studied by more traditional methods, so that
eventual comparisons among various types of studies may be
facilitated, adding meaningfulness to the more traditional
interpretations.

Chapter II
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ON ECOLOGY
The literature dealing with urban ecology is
enormous and varied. It would not be feasible even to list,
let alone to discuss, ail of the sociological research in a
work of the present scope. Therefore, the approach will be
to trace the general development of the three aspects of
urban ecology which are of primary concern to this study:
(1) the "classical" school of urban ecology, focusing on
the concept of the "natural area"; (2) the more recent (post-
World War II) emphasis on social area analysis; (3) the
findings of those few studies which discuss the ecology of
the Latin American city. While disciplines other than
sociology, such as geography and anthropology, are becoming
involved in urban ecology, sociology moved first in this
area, and this study will draw primarily upon sociological
interpretations of urban ecology.
The "Classical" School of Urban Ecology
There is no one totally accepted "beginning" for the
"classical" school of urban ecology, though Americans gener
ally consider the writings of Robert Park to have been the
4

5
foundation for this area of inquiry. But Park had his
precursors, and brief mention must be made of them.
Among the earliest ecological studies were the
nineteenth-century studies of M. de Guerry de Champneuf in
France (Elmer, 1933: 63-70) and Henry Mayhew and Joseph
Fletcher in England (Levin and Lindesmith, 1961: 14-21).
M. de Champneuf studied the spatial distribution of crime,
relating the levels of crime to French departments (Elmer,
1933: 63-70). One of Mayhew's works, The Criminal Prisons
of London, included a shaded ecological map of London, show
ing the density of the London population (Levin and
Lindesmith, 1961: 17). Fletcher's book, Summary of Moral
Statistics of England and Wales, was "centered around a
series of 12 ecological maps in the appendix of the volume
and an ecological map in the frontispiece colored to
represent what we might call 'natural areas' in England and
Wales" (Levin and Lindesmith, 1961: 19). Unfortunately for
the historical reputations of their authors, these empirical
studies were soon overshadowed by the social philosophizing
of Comte and Spencer, and were essentially forgotten by
later students of urban ecology.
Perhaps the most important of the precursors of
Robert Park was Charles Booth, whose monumental seventeen-
volume Life and Labour of the People in London had great
influence in late eighteenth-century England. This work
classified the people of London according to "social

6
condition," on the basis of class, space, and time, and
with divisions of "poverty," "industry," and "religious
influences" (Pfautz, 1967: 47-50). In the process of this
analysis Booth discussed several of the ideas which were
later to receive much attention by the Chicago school of
urban ecology, such as the centralization of urban functions
(Pfautz, 1967: 99-102), residential segregation and
succession (Pfautz, 1967: 90-96), concentric rings with dif
ferent types of population (Pfautz, 1967: 54-55, 78-79),
and the "separation between place of residence and place of
work" (Pfautz, 1967: 106-107). Indeed Booth was a pre
cursor of modern urban ecology, as Pfautz notes: ". . con
tained in his classic survey are both theoretical and
methodological contributions that make it one of the prin
cipal antecedents of the research methods and interests
informing the rise of an empirical sociology of the city in
America in the twenties . ." (Pfautz, 1967: 6).
Robert E. Park was certainly aware of Booths work,
but did not seem to credit it with much of a contribution
beyond the descriptive level. "It was not, however, Booth's
statistics, but his realistic descriptions of the actual
life of the occupational classes . which made these
studies a memorable and permanent contribution to our know
ledge of human nature and society" (Park, 1929: 46).
Robert Park was more a social theorist and less an
empiricist than Charles Booth. In fact, Park's writings
were relatively devoid of substantive research findings.

7
Park's students and colleagues at the University of Chicago
(such as Ernest Burgess, Louis Wirth, Harvey Zorbaugh, and
Neis Anderson) provided the substantive support for his
theorizing with a number of specific studies (Burgess, 1925;
Wirth, 1938; Zorbaugh, 1929; Anderson, 1923). But it was
Park's writing more than that of anyone else which was
instrumental in the establishment of the "Chicago school" of
urban sociology.
In his now-classic essay, "The City: Suggestions
for the Investigation of Human Behavior in the Urban Envir
onment," Park specified what he meant by human ecology:
There are forces at work within the limits of the urban
community--within the limits of any natural area of
human habitation, in fact--which tend to bring about an
orderly and typical grouping of its population and
institutions. The science which seeks to isolate these
factors and to describe the typical constellations of
persons and institutions which the co-operation of these
forces produce, is what we call human, as distinguished
from plant and animal, ecology (Park, 1925: 1-2).
To isolate these factors at work within the natural areas of
the city, Park suggested that social scientists "study the
growth of cities, to compare the idiosyncrasies in the dis
tributions of city populations" (Park, 1925: 6), discover
"the forces which tend to break up the tensions, interests,
and sentiments which give neighborhoods their individual
character" (Park, 1925: 8), and study the vocational types
that the division of labor of the city has produced (Park,
1925: 14). In addition to these factors, Park suggested
that urban ecologists study what he termed "the moral
region":

8
It is inevitable that individuals who seek the same
forms of excitement, whether that excitement be furnished
by a horse race or by grand opera, should find themselves
from time to time in the same places. The result of
this is that in the organization which city life spon
taneously assumes the population tends to segx'egate
itself, not merely in accordance with its interests, but
in accordance with its tastes or its temperaments. The \
resulting distribution of the population is likely to be
quite different from that brought about by occupational
interests or economic conditions (Park, 1925: 43).
Roderick D. McKenzie, one of Parks earliest students
at the University of Chicago, expanded and refined many of
Parks ideas, and more clearly defined human ecology
as a study of the spatial and temporal relations of
human beings as affected by the selective, distributive,
and accommodative forces of the environment. Human
ecology is fundamentally interested in the effect of
position, in both time and space, upon human institutions
and' human behavior (McKenzie, 1968a: 4).
McKenzie also made a notable contribution of his own,
by introducing the concepts of ecological processes to show
the dynamic (or, as he termed it, "fluid") nature of urban
structure.
By ecological process is meant the tendency in time
toward special forms of spatial and sustenance group
ings of the units comprising an ecological distribution.
There are five major ecological processes: concentra
tion, centralization, segregation, invasion, succession
(McKenzie, 1968b: 23-24).
These dynamic processes of urban ecology were linked to
specific areas of the city, as exemplified by the process of
invasion.
The general effect of the continuous processes of inva
sions and accommodations is to give to the developed
community well-defined areas, each having its own
peculiar selective and cultural characteristics. Such
units of communal life may be termed "natural areas," or
formations, to use the term of the plant ecologist
(McKenzie, 1968a: 17).

9
Numerous as the ideas of Park and McKenzie were, it
remained for one of their colleagues to make the most
memorable contribution to the literature on urban ecology.
This is the well-known concentric zone theory of Ernest W,
Burgess. He hypothesized that "the expansion of the city
can best be illustrated, perhaps, by a series of concentric
circles, which may be numbered to designate both the suc
cessive zones of urban extension and the types of areas dif
ferentiated in the process of expansion" (Burgess, 1925:
50). At the center was the central business district,
surrounded by a zone in transition from residence to business
and light manufacturing. Beyond this was a zone of working
men's homes, a residential zone, and finally a commuters'
zone (Burgess, 1925: 50-51). Burgess admitted this was an
ideal scheme which might not fit any city exactly (1925:
51-52), but believed it would be of great help in studying
the social organization of the city.
Indeed it was. Many studies, a few of which are
indicated below, made use of Burgess' theory. Shaw and
McKay (1931) studied juvenile delinquency in a number of
American cities, and found that juvenile delinquency declined
in each successive zone. White (1932) related crime and a
number of social factors, and found that these factors and
crime correlated closely with the zones. Ford (1950)
studied population succession in Chicago, and discovered
that each new immigrant group in Chicago pushed older immi
grant groups farther from the center of the city. Kish

10
(1954) found that differentiation in metropolitan areas
decreases with distance from the center of the city, though
it does not decrease in a straight line.
Along with Park, McKenzie, and Burgess, Louis Wirth
had great influence in the Chicago school of urban sociology,
though he did not deal as directly with urban ecology as did
these other men. However, in "A Bibliography of the Urban
Community," which Wirth wrote for Park, Burgess, and
McKenzie's The City, he devoted a section to the ecological
organization of the city (Wirth, 1925: 187-195). In this
section he defined the ecological organization of the city
as "the spatial distribution of population and institutions
and the temporal sequence of structure and function following
from the operation of selective, distributive, and competi
tive forces tending to produce typical results wherever they
are at work" (Wirth, 1925: 187). This appears to the
writer to be one of the most comprehensive definitions of
urban ecology to be offered by a member of the Chicago
school. Louis Wirth also reiterated the usefulness of the
concept of the natural area, and defined it.
Plant ecologists have been accustomed to use the
expression "natural area" to refer to well-defined
spatial units having their own peculiar characteristics.
In human ecology the term "natural area" is just as
applicable to groupings according to selective and cul
tural characteristics (Wirth, 1925: 188).
Perhaps Louis Wirth's best-known contribution came
in his classic study of "Urbanism As a Way of Life" (1938).
In this article he delineated three highly useful variables.

11
"On the basis of the three variables, number, density of
settlement, and degree of heterogeneity, of the urban popu
lation, it appears possible to explain the characteristics
of urban life and to account for the differences between
V,
cities of various sites and types" (Wirth, 1938: 18).
Although the "classical" school of urban ecology was
dominated by the Chicago urban sociologists, and especially
by Burgess' concentric zone theory, two other theories idiich
this writer would call "classical" are important. These are
Homer Hoyt's sector theory and Chauncey D. Harris and Edward
L. Ullman's multiple nuclei theory.
Hoyt's sector theory, or "sector hypothesis," as it
is often called, was presumably derived from the work of
Richard M. Hurd (1924). In his study, Hurd suggested that
urban growth involved two principles which operate at the
same time: central growth and axial growth. As the city
grew, it would spread outward from the center in all direc
tions, or along transportation routes, such as water courses,
railroads, and turnpikes, forming a star shape (Hurd, 1924).
Homer Hoyt elaborated on these principles of Hurd by
studying rental data from a large number of American cities,
with special emphasis on high-rent areas. By tracing the
movement of high-rent areas, he was able to show how they
moved outwards along radial lines in distinct sectors of the
city. Hoyt felt that "the movement of the high-rent area is
in a certain sense the most important since it tends to pull
the growth of the entire city in the same direction" (Hoyt,

12
1939: 114), and deduced a number of hypotheses concerning
these high-rent areas:
1. High-grade residential growth tends to proceed from
the given point of origin either along established
lines of travel or toward another existing nucleus of
building or trade areas.
2. The zone of high rent tends toward high ground which
is free from risk of floods and to spread along lake,
bay, river, and ocean ports, where such waterfronts
are not used by industry.
3. High-rent residential districts tend to groitf toward
the section of the city that has free open country
beyond the edges and away from "dead end" sections
which are prevented from expanding by natural or
artificial barriers.
4. The higher-priced residential neighborhood tends to
grow toward the homes of the community leaders.
5. Sometimes movement trends of office buildings, banks,
and stores pull the higher-priced residential neigh
borhoods in the same general direction.
6. High-grade residential areas tend to develop along
the fastest existing transportation lines.
7. Deluxe apartment areas tend to be established near
the business centers in old established residential
areas.
8. The growth of high-rent neighborhoods continues in
the same direction for a long period of time.
9. High-rent neighborhoods do not skip about at random
in the process of movement--they follow a definite
path in one or more sectors of the city.
10. It is possible, under some conditions, for high-rent
areas to "double back," or return toward the center
of the city.
11. High-rent areas tend to be adjoined by medium-rent
areas, and sharp disjunctions in rental areas are not
frequent (Hoyt, as quoted in Thomlinson, 1969: 146-
147).
Harris and Ullmans multiple nuclei theory is the
third and last "classical" theory of urban ecology that will
be presented here. Harris and Ullman argued that the multiple
functions of the city, such as commerce, industry, and
residence, would tend to develop separate centers, or nuclei.
Four factors were hypothesized to lead to the emergence of
nuclei: like activities tend to group together; some unlike

13
activities are incompatible; some activities require
specialized facilities; and some activities cannot afford
the high rents of the most desirable sites (Harris and
Uliman, 1945: 7-17) .
Studies of "classical" urban ecology seem to have
centered around four factors, as described by Park.
It is the interaction of . four factors--(1) popula
tion, (2) artifacts (technicological sic) culture),
(3) custom and beliefs (non-material culture), and (4)
the natural resources that maintain at once the biotic
balance and the social equilibrium, when and where they
exist (Park, 1936: 15).
To simplify these propositions of Park, it seems to this
writer that the essential nature of urban ecology revolves
around two basic axes. One of these axes, areal analysis,
has been the focus of attention of "classical" ecologists.
The other axis, social organization, is the focus of social
area analysts and factorial ecologists, and will be dealt
with more extensively in the next section of this chapter.
The ecologist seeks to understand the dynamic relationship
between these basic axes and population categories. He wants
to explain how organization (sometimes referred to as the
division of labor) and areal environment are related.
Areal analysis, usually referred to by the term
"natural area," occupies a central position in urban ecology
and in this study. This emphasis grew out of the biological
foundations of urban ecology, in which breakdowns by area
were seen as evidence of environmental adaptation. This
adaptation was usually discussed in terms of competition and

14
the dynamic ecological processes introduced by McKenzie, and
previously elaborated upon in this study.
A major criticism directed at the "classical'1
school of urban ecology has been that it placed too great
an emphasis on biological analogies and the economic deter
minism of land values (Firey, 1947; Alihan, 1933; Firey,
1961). The subsocial biotic competitive nature of man
became a major focal point of this criticism. By starting
with the competitive biotic community of man ecologists are
forced to minimize or limit their attentions to society. As
Hollingshead puts it,
This type of reasoning assumed that man in society is
basically, ever and always, man the primordial animal.
Society and its concomitant culture are only excrescences,
not integral parts of the animal man (1947: 196).
This process of impersonal competition provides the main
framework of ecological structure with the interdependence
of individuals and groups termed "symbiotic" rather than
societal. However, as Alihan shows us, the two ecological
terms of community and society are so confused by ecologists
themselves that arbitrary distinction becomes meaningless
(Alihan, 1938: 18-49).
Another criticism of the "classical" school of
urban ecology has been stimulated by Firey1s advocacy of
greater importance for social values such as sentiment and
symbolism (Firey, 1961) .
It seems to this writer that "classical" ecologists
such as Park and Burgess were not just tied to a biological

15
determinism as exemplified by their emphasis on the idea of
competition, but did deal with cultural factors as well. At
the same time it is true that the role of cultural factors
received much less emphasis than perhaps should have been
the case. Clearly values do play an important part in ecolog
ical differentiation, as numerous studies indicate
(Jonassen, 1961; Myers, 1961). But the relationship between
values and urban structure has not been clarified; values
may relate to a different aspect of the urban ecological
system than do such things as competition. However, there
seems no reason to believe that either of these approaches
("biological" competition or cultural values) ought to be
eliminated from the sphere of urban research. Certainly we
have few enough tools with which to work in the social
sciences, and there can be no doubt that the "classical"
school of urban ecology opened the door to a great deal of
knowledge about our urban areas. Much of what we know about
our cities today is based on ecological studies.1
The use of the concept of the "natural area" has
been subject to criticism. Hatt reports that many areas
turn out to be "fictitiously homogeneous and intensify the
gradient and natural area pattern; and this to the point of
JIt is by no means certain that the "biological"
aspect of mans social nature should be treated secondarily,
or brushed aside. The field of human ethology within
sociology seems to be enjoying a resurgence of academic
interest, reflecting, perhaps, the remarkable rise in the
popularity of an ethological approach in the biological
sciences.

16
almost creating a reality where none exists" (Hatt, 1961:
106). As a result he argues for a distinction "between
natural areas as logical, statistical constructs integrated
with a plan for research (or administration) and the con
cept of natural areas as a series of spatial and social
factors which act as coercive influences upon all who inhabit
the geographically and culturally defined area" (Hatt, 1961:
107). Awareness of this distinction should help avoid the
reification of the concept of the natural area. Timms,
however, argues that concern with lack of areal homogeneity
is not the point.
The existence of differences within a census tract or
any other small area is only prejudicial to the use of
the area in ecological analysis if the differences
relate to the proportions of the population possessing
specified traits in major divisions of the area. The
criticisms of such writers as Hatt, Myers and Mabry,
constituted on the finding that census tracts contained
heterogeneous populations rather than homogeneous ones,
are believed to be misdirected (Timms, 1971: 42).
Timms presents one of the most persuasive arguments
for the use of natural areas that this writer has seen. By
reviewing a great deal of research on the city that has been
done in the last three or four decades, he shows that the
local area is a factor of great explanatory usefulness; more
specifically, the local area is the framework within which a
great deal of behavior occurs. Timms shows that "three
major sources of material are available for an analysis of
the relationship between residence and behavior: studies of
the association between propinquity and friendship, studies
concerned with explicating the socio-cultural factors

17
involved in deviant behavior, and studies concerned with the
relationship between area of residence and educational
experience" (Timms, 1971: 9). Some of the research
reviewed shows that "the frequency of marriage decreases as
the distance between the two parties increases" (Timms,
1971: 13), the closer people are to each other, the more
friendship contacts they have (Timms, 1971: 10-12), "where
an adolescent lives will have a major effect on the chances
of his becoming delinquent" (Timms, 1971: 17), and that
most early personality development takes place in local
areas (Timms, 1971: 31-34). Robson also talks about the
. . importance of the effects of the milieu on urban
social structure. ... No matter what the area, the
attitudes of individual families were more similar to
those prevailing around them than to those of their
"objective" social class. The area of residence is
therefore either a clue to or a determinant of these
attitudes (Robson, 1969: 244).
Timms sums up his review very neatly:
The consequences for human behaviour of residence in one
neighborhood rather than another are mediated by the net
work of social relationships which connect the individual
with his family, \vith peer-groups, with voluntary
associations, and with a plethora of other groups. The
neighbourhood is important because so many of these
relationships depend on face-to-face contact and this
form of interaction is particularly sensitive to spatial
distance (Timms, 1971: 34).
It is the contention of this study that areal
analysis, through the use of the natural area, has an impor
tant organizing and analytical function. It will play an
essential role in the present research.

18
Social Area Analysis
Criticisms of the "classical" school of urban
ecology, some of which were reviewed in the previous section
of this chapter, dominated urban sociology in the United
States during the pre-World War II and World War II period.
There were few new developments in the study of urban struc
ture during this time. It was an era of consolidation,
refining what was known and filling in gaps in empirical
research.
A major breakthrough in the study of urban structure
came in 1949, when Eshref Shevky and Marilyn Williams pub
lished The Social Areas of Los Angeles: Analysis and
Typology (1949). Although not without criticism, this study
and a later one by Eshref Shevky and Wendell Bell, Social
Area Analysis: Theory, Illustrative Application and Compu
tational Procedures (1955), which elaborated upon the theory
and methodology involved in social area analysis, stimulated
a great deal of research on the social structure of the city.
The dimensions and breadth of this breakthrough are still
not known in the early 1970s. New studies in social area
analysis (now often referred to as "factorial ecologies")
are being published regularly.
The major difference between "classical" ecologists
and social area analysts is that the former looked at the
way social organization was spatially evidenced in the city
while the latter examined the way that areal units were

situated in social space. As Shevky and Bell describe
social area analysis,
19
The urban typology of The Social Areas of Los Angeles
(1949) is a classificatory schema designed to categorize
census tract populations in terms of three basic fac
tors- -social rank, ubranization, and segregation. Each
census tract population was given three scores, one for
each of the indexes of the factors; and then the tract
populations with similar configurations of scores on the
three indexes were grouped together into larger units
called social areas (Shevky and Bell, 1961: 227).
Briefly, Shevky and Bell started by describing basic
aspects of modern society and the organizational trends that
are associated with these aspects. They then connected
organizational trends to structural changes in modern society,
which they "redefined as structural reflections of change to
serve as descriptive and analytic concepts for the study of
modern social structure" (Shevky and Bell, 1961: 227).
These structural reflections of change, used as factors, are
social rank (sometimes termed socioeconomic status), urban
ization (sometimes termed family status), and segregation
(sometimes termed ethnic status). Census statistics were
then used to construct indexes for each of these factors
(Shevky and Bell, 1961: 227-229).
The authors claimed a number of uses for social
area analysis. Though early applications of the procedure
dealt with the census tract as the unit of analysis, it was
felt that whole cities could become the unit of analysis,
enhancing our knowledge of regional and even national
similarities and differences among cities. Being able to
define specific subareas of the city should aid the urban

20
planner and the social scientist. By use of the typology,
sociologists and others should be able to undertake compara
tive studies of cities at one point in time, or test the
conditions of change at several points in time (Shevky and
\
Bell, 1961: 232-234). Finally, "in addition to its use as
a frame for the manipulation of available statistics such as
crime rates, suicide rates, and others, the typology can be
used as a frame for the design and execution of field
studies" (Shevky and Bell, 1961: 234).
This latter contention was elaborated upon by Bell
(1961) in a subsequent study. In examining social participa
tion by type of neighborhood in San Francisco, he found that
by specifying social areas or neighborhoods, he could
generally account for differences in social isolation. Thus
"the Shevky method of analysis of census tract data provides
a frame within which detailed investigations of the social
relations in sub-communities within that city can be
designed and executed (Bell, 1961: 251). Specifically,
Bell stated that "the typology can be used as a device for
the selection of neighborhoods for intensive study, . .
provides an integrative frame for urban sub-area field
studies through conceptual articulation and integration with
a large mass of ordered data . [and] is adapted to the
analysis of the combined or independent effect of personal
and unit characteristics on dependent variables" (Bell,
1961: 251-252).

21
Social area analysis has been strongly criticized
by Amos Hawley and Otis Dudley Duncan (1957) Their
criticism centers around what they feel is the lack of an
adequate theoretical base for characterizing social differ-
\
entiation. They argue that Shevky and Bell do not ansx^er
the question of why residential areas within cities should
differ from one another, and argue that the Shevky and Bell
"efforts at 'construct formation' . look suspiciously
like an ex post facto rationalization for their choice of
indexes . (Hawley.and Duncan, 1957: 339). In addition,
Duncan (1955) questions the empirical validity of the indexes
of social rank, urbanization, and segregation. Interest
ingly, other scholars do not seem to have joined in Hawley
and Duncan's criticism, or to have advanced criticism of
their own. Researchers from other disciplines seem to have
been even more favorably inclined toward social area analysis
than sociologists (Tiebout, 1958; Timms, 1965).
Many researchers used social area analysis as
described by Shevky and Bell to study the city. Anderson
and Egeland (1961) studied Indianapolis, Indiana, Syracuse,
New York, and Akron and Dayton, Ohio, to determine the
spatial aspects of social area analysis. They discovered
that economic status is generally sectorially distributed
while family status is distributed concentrically (Anderson
and Egeland, 1961: 392-398). McElrath, in a study of Rome,
found that economic status and family status were distributed
both concentrically and sectorially, with large families of

22
low economic status occupying the outer edges of the metrop
olis (McElrath, 1962). Several studies examined the gen
erality of the Shevky indexes, to see if they were valid and
if they could be used with success in cities other than Los
Angeles and San Francisco. Van Arsdol, Camilleri, and
Schmid, in a study of ten large American cities, discovered
that "at least three factors were necessary to account for
census tract variation in each of the ten cities studied .
the Shevky indexes appear to have high generality for the
cities of this study" (Van Arsdol, Camilleri, and Schmid,
1961: 239). Anderson and Bean (1961) replicated the Van
Arsdol, Camilleri, and Schmid factor analysis of the var
iables of the Shevky-Bell social areas in Toledo, Ohio, and
showed that four rather than three major dimensions may be
extracted. Specifically, while it was found that the social
rank factor loaded highly on occupation and education, and
the segregation factor loaded heavily on Negroes, double
occupancy, and crowding, the original urbanization-family
status factor should be broken down into two factors.
Urbanization (or housing characteristics) loads most heavily
on owner-occupancy and multifamily dwelling units, and family
characteristics loads most heavily on the fertility ratio,
females in the labor force, and double occupancy (Anderson
and Bean, 1961: 119-124).
The real importance of the Van Arsdol, Camilleri,
and Schmid study and the Anderson and Bean study lies in
their application of the techniques of factor analysis to

23
the seven variables used in social area analysis by Shevky
and Bell and other census variables. As described by
Harman
The principal concern of factor analysis is the resolu
tion of a set of variables linearly in terms of (usually)
a small number of categories or "factors." This reso
lution can be accomplished by the analysis of the corre
lations among the variables. A satisfactory solution
will yield factors which convey all the essential
information of the original set of variables. Thus, the
chief aim is to obtain scientific parsimony or economy
of description (Harman, quoted in Timms, 1971: 47-48).
These studies of factor analysis led to a number of additional
researches, which became known as "factorial ecologies."
Factorial ecology is "the application of factor analysis to
data describing the residential differentiation of the
population" (Timms, 1971: 54).
Probably the best revie^w of the findings of factorial
ecologies to date is Philip Rees' chapter in Berry's City
Classification Handbook: Methods and Applications (Rees,
1972) Here some thirty-five factorial ecologies were sum
marized and compared, and the three factors used in social
area analysis (social rank, urbanization, and segregation)
were generally found to be basic, although several other
factors, such as residential mobility, the degree of recent
immigration, and urban growth, were found in a number of
studies (Rees, 1972: 286-287). Timms, who also reviewed a
number of factorial ecologies, emerged with essentially the
same conclusion.
... in the various studies of factorial ecology the
most striking feature ... is the general consistency
of the findings. The manifold variation of sub-area

24
populations within the great majority of the cities so
far analysed appears to be reflection of no more than
three or four underlying dimensions of differentiation.
A factor interpreted as socio-economic status or social
rank appears to be effectively universal-! A-set of
factors which index differences in the family types
characteristic of the population is also generally appar
ent. Factors relating to the ethnic composition of the \
population and to its mobility characteristics occur
rather less frequently"! but still sufficiently often to
warrant their inclusion as general differentiating
dimensions. Although specific factors relating to the
peculiar characteristics of the populations concerned
may occur in any city, the basic pattern is organized
around a small number of dimensions (Timms, 1971: 55).
Thus it seems clear that three or four basic factors differ
entiate among areas of the city--at least in Western
industrialized cities.2
Unfortunately, little is known about the factorial
ecology of cities in relatively unindustrialized countries.
The only examples available are those of Calcutta (Berry and
Rees, 1969) and Cairo (Abu-Lughod, 1969). There are no
known published studies of the factorial ecology of a Latin
American city, though there is apparently a Brazilian study
in preparation (Rees, 1972: 283).
In the study of the factorial ecology of Calcutta,
it was found that one of the factors, a land use and familism
gradient, "is the direct equivalent of the Shevky-Bell urban
ization (family status) dimension" (Berry and Rees, 1969:
489). Nine other factors were also discovered (two tradi
tional commercial communities, substantial residential areas,
2With the exceptions of Cairo, Egypt, and Calcutta,
India, the factorial ecologies examined by Rees and Timms
were of Western industrial cities.

25
literacy, Muslim concentrations, and four special land-use
configurations) (Berry and Rees, 1969: 470-481). These
other factors led to the conclusion that "socioeconomic
status and minority group membership are linked," making
ethnicity more important than socioeconomic status "in
defining the social dimensions within which choices are made"
(Berry and Rees, 1969: 490).
the findings . reveal that alongside . rich
ethnic variability . Calcutta is also characterized
by a broadly concentric pattern of familism, an axial
arrangement of areas according to degree of literacy,
and both substantial and increasing geographic special
ization of areas in business and residential land uses,
gradually replacing the former mixture of businesses and
residences that were separated, rather, into occupational
quarters. This mixture of preindustrial and industrial
ecologies thus lends support to the idea that the city
is in some transitional developmental stage (Berry and
Rees, 1969: 469).
Abu-Lughod found three main factors in her factorial
ecology of Cairo--style of life, male dominance, and social
disorganization (Abu-Lughod, 1969: 205-207). These were
not the three basic factors of social rank, urbanization,
and segregation postulated by Shevky and Bell. However,
Abu-Lughod's style of life factor did include both social
rank and urbanization variables. This factor, "while
clearly representing socio-economic status, also includes
many variables indicative of family life, suggesting that it
is to be interpreted as a 'style of life' vector in which
class and family patterns are inextricably linked" (Abu-
Lughod, 1969: 205). This link between class and family
characteristics she attributed to the "scale" of the society,

26
whereby "the pattern of social (and physical) differentia
tion in preindustrial societies (cities) would be relatively
simple and perhaps virtually unidimensional; as the scale of
society increased, there would be increased complexity of
differentiation and a separation of the axes or dimensions
of differentiation"3 (Abu-Lughod, 1969: 199).
Rees, after reviewing the studies of Cairo and
Calcutta, concluded that "it was abundantly clear even from
two studies that the factorial ecology of non-Western cities
was very different from that of Western cities but capable
nevertheless of being examined within the same framework"
(Rees, 1972: 296). It should be stressed, however, that
the studies of Cairo and Calcutta both accounted for a sub
stantial proportion of urban social differentiation on the
basis of family status and socioeconomic status. In Calcutta,
family status was a specific factor, while socioeconomic
status was tied to ethnicity. In Cairo, family status and
socioeconomic status were combined in a style-of-life fac
tor. Thus it seems that socioeconomic status and family
status are major determinants of urban social structure in
both Western and non-Western societies.
One other general conclusion can be drawn from a
review of studies of social area analysis. It appears that
3This theory of scale, in hazy form, Abu-Lughod
attributes to Eshref Shevky and Wendell Bell, Social Area
Analysis: Theory, Illustrative Application and Computa
tional Procedures (1955).

27
socioeconomic status varies sectorially, family status
varies concentrically, and ethnic status shows a tendency to
cluster in particular parts of the city. Thus it may be
said that the "classical" models of urban ecology (Burgess
concentric zone theory, Hoyt's sector theory, and Firey's
"sentiment and symbolism" approach) were each capturing a
basic dimension of urban social differentiation.4
The Ecology of the Latin American City
Neither a factorial ecology nor a social area
analysis (sensu stricto)5 of a Latin American city has yet
been published. What we know about the internal structure
and social differentiation of the city in Latin America
comes from a few descriptive studies based on the "classical"
theories of urban ecology. However, Schnore points out that
most of these descriptive studies were not originally under
taken to study the ecology of the city, but came about as a
"byproduct" of other studies (Schnore, 1965). From the
historical standpoint this paucity of research is surprising,
4This conclusion has been tentatively reached by
Berry and Rees (1969: 459) and Anderson and Egeland (1961:
396-398).
5Rees defines social area analysis (sensu stricto)
as "the type of analysis proposed by Shevky and outlined in
Shevky and Bell (1955). Some seven census variables are
used to construct three indices: social rank (economic
status), urbanization (family status), and segregation
(ethnic status). The terms in parentheses are Bell's, the
preceding terms Shevky's" (Rees, 1972: 324).

28
since Latin America has such a long and rich urban tradition.
From the methodological standpoint it is not so surprising,
since data on subareas of the city in Latin America are
exceedingly difficult to obtain.
\
Though neither the Aztec nor the Inca was an urban
civilization, both had cities of some size. This city tra
dition, coupled with the Spanish proclivity to found cities,
led to an emphasis on the city in colonial Spanish America.
This emphasis was certainly not urbanization, but did lead
to a city-directed and controlled society, and indeed a
city-oriented society. As Gakenheimer points out, this
orientation affected both Spaniards and Indians.
There is evidence that arriving Spaniards expected to be,
and insisted upon being, city d\^ellers. ... a person
attracted to America by the promise of great opportunity
was not apt to isolate himself, by becoming a country
dweller. ...
This attitude of the Spanish population was complemented
by that of the Indians, for a special aspect of Inca
culture was its amenability to urban living. . the
complex social and economic organization which character
ized the Inca Empire and the rigid social controls
exerted on the population made adjustments to urban life
fairly easy for the Indians (Gakenheimer, 1967: 35-36).
Jorge E. Hardoy provides a succinct outline of the
stages involved in urbanization in Latin America. The first
is "the precolonial urban culture of the Aztecs and Incas,"
which provided the basis for the second stage, "the deter
mination by the Spanish of the territorial pattern of founda
tion, on the basis of the regional and urban infrastructure
of the indigenous culture and the distribution of the
Indian population" (Beyer, 1967: 57-58). The third stage

29
was virtually completed by 1580, when "the Spanish and
Portuguese [had] established the essential settlement pat
tern of Latin America" (Beyer, 1967: 58). Next was "a
period of consolidating colonial institutions and establish
ing the structure of colonial society," which lasted nearly
two hundred years, until the fifth stage of great European
immigration, which reached Latin America about 1880 (Beyer,
1967: 60-61). In the sixth and last stage, which we are
living in, rural groups poured from the countryside into the
city (Beyer, 1967: 62).
Though it is not the intention to discuss the urban
ization process in Latin America here, it has been useful to
point out Hardoy's parameters of urbanization, because it is
these parameters that have had great effect on the ultimate
structure of Latin American cities. Specifically, the early
laying out and planning of colonial cities, the coming of
the early Spaniards (and thus the landholders) to the city,
the coming of the indigenous people to the city, and the
building of the social structure and organization on the
basis of the city all had lasting effects upon the internal
structure and the residential differentiation of Latin
American cities.
The earliest study of the internal structure of a
Latin American city was Hansen's description of Merida (1934).
Writing in the 1930s, his most important finding was that
Merida, capital of the Yucatn, was beginning to change from
its traditional pattern of highest status groups in the

30
center and lowest on the periphery of the city, to a North
American pattern, where status increased as one went out
ward from the center toward the periphery. Yet the tradi
tional pattern was still very dominant.
In general, status declines with distance from the
center. As the periphery of the city is approached the
ratio of thatched houses becomes higher, rents are
lower, and individuals wearing the traditional costume
of the lower class are seen more frequently (Hansen,
1941: 31).
This traditional pattern in Latin America is closely
associated with the "plaza plan" of colonial Spanish towns.
In these towns the social and geographic center of the city
was an open square, which generally was surrounded by a
cathedral, a city hall, and possibly another governmental
building or two. Adjacent to these was the market and a few
commercial enterprises, and the homes of the more important
personages. As one went further outward from the plaza,
social status declined. This structural organization was
composed of blocks which were usually laid out in a grid
fashion.
The next studies were those undertaken by Hayner in
Mexico City and Oaxaca. He chose these two cities to
illustrate contrasts between the "old" colonial Mexico and
the "new" modern Mexico. In Oaxaca he found that the "old"
patterns still persisted.
In the cities of Mexico . the better homes were in
the past characteristically located near the central
plaza, and the least desirable areas were on the per
iphery. Oaxaca still exhibits this plaza-centered
structure (Hayner, 1944: 91).

31
In'Mexico City Hayner found that the original plaza-centered
structure (which'he felt was similar to Hansen's description
of Merida) was breaking down, with many of the better homes
moving toward the periphery. This movement he attributed to
\
increasing industrialization and commercialization; he felt
it was leading in the direction of the typical North
American city structure, where the traditional pattern of
status declining from the center of the city was reversed.
"One wonders whether under the influence of increasing popu
lation and modern means of communication and transportation,
all other large Latin-American cities are assuming an
ecological pattern similar to that of cities in the United
States" (Hayner, 1945: 295-304). In a related study
supporting the findings for Mexico City, Hayner found that
crime generally decreased as one went outward from the
center of the city. At the same time, the four worst slums,
all of which were new, were on the periphery (Hayner, 1946:
428-438). Thus while the upper class has left the center of
Mexico City for the periphery, many elements of the tradi
tional ecological structure persist in the face of
modernization.
Though ecological studies generally deal with fairly
large cities, there is evidence both pro and con that the
traditional pattern may be found in smaller communities as
well. In San Luis Jilotopeque (Guatemala) Gillin found that
the ladinos, and thus the better residences, clustered

32
around the plaza (Gillin, 1945: 1-14). In Pichtaro (an
Indian village in Mexico) Stanislawski found the opposite.
The anatomy of the town indicates its difference from
Hispanic settlements. There is far less concentration
of activities. . There is little difference in
quality between a house on or near the plaza and a house'
at the outskirts. In fact, the two chief officials of
town at the time that this inquiry was made lived at one
extreme corner of the village. They both agreed that
one place was as good as another for ones home
(Stanislawski, 1961: 350-351).
This provides some evidence for the supposition that a dif
ferentiated ecological structure does not exist unless there
is a heterogeneous population (as is generally true in a
city). In San Luis Jilotopeque there was class heterogeneity
in Pichtaro there was homogeneity.
The Hawthorns, who lived in Sucre, Bolivia, in 1941-
1942, investigated the internal structure of that city in
connection with a study of social stratification. They
found that high-status residences were clustered near the
center of the city, and low-status residences were on the
periphery.
Sucres social classification of itself recognizes very
clearly this distribution of residences and holds them
to be symbols of social ranking. Whoever occupies a
permanent town residence well away from the plaza--as
far away as four blocks--is breaking a prime social rule
for membership in the top social ranks and needs to be
certain of his secure place. In general, suburbio
retains the meaning of the lower class area"; the middle
and upper class development of the suburbs has not pro
ceeded as far as in the majority of Latin American
cities (Hawthorn and Hawthorn, 1948a: 23).
Leonard, studying La Paz, Bolivia, emerged with
conclusions strikingly similar to those of the Hawthorns.

33
He too found the more desirable residential areas surrounded
the plaza, though a few upper-status families had moved to
the periphery. Most of the Indian population was "along a
fringe of settlement just outside the city limits where they
build their own, inexpensive, mud or adobe huts .
(Leonard, 1948: 454).
Caplow's analysis of Guatemala City is one of the
most interesting of Latin American studies, because he pre
sents the reader with rich historical data to show how the
ecological processes worked to bring about the city structure
(Caplow, 1949). Visiting Guatemala City in 1948, Caplow
found old maps and descriptions of the city which enabled
him to trace its evolution in some detail. Thus he was able
,to show that the tradition of urban planning and the control
of growth were supported by
the legal and later customary restrictions on the
residence of the indigenous population. Their location
on the periphery of the city or even in communities
apart from the city was gradually transformed from a
strategic administrative policy to a time-honored
custom. Similarly, the attachment of the upper class
population to the center of the community arose from the
planned location of the ruling group in colonial times
. . (Caplo\\r, 1949: 129).
Yet, for all the varied sources which he used, Caplow
emerged with essentially the same conclusions as previous
investigators of Latin American ecology. In Guatemala City
"the poorest and the least prosperous segments of the popu
lation are located peripherally," and "there is only one
area of markedly poor housing within two kilometres of the
commercial center" (Caplow, 1949: 125). This physical

34
structure is reflected in the social organization of the
city, as public health problem areas "form almost a contin
uous border around the city," and "the percentage of non-
attendance among children of school age rises consistently
\
as one moves out toward the urban periphery" (Caplow, 1949:
125) .
The Dotsons study of Guadalajara (1954) is of
particular relevance because their methodology is similar to
that to be used in this research. Housing in all residential
areas of the city was rated by direct observation. "Out of
this experience came the conviction that five types of
housing, sufficiently distinct to be differentiated quickly
by external appearance, exist in this city" (Dotson and
Dotson, 1954: 369). Class I consisted of modern upper-
income houses, class II were colonial upper-income houses,
class III were colonial and small modern middle-income
houses, class IV were lower-middle and working-class houses,
and class V were the "dwellings of the very poor" (Dotson
and Dotson, 1954: 369). An index of residential telephones
was also used, to support the housing classification. Both
methods uncovered approximately the same patterns of
residential housing areas, which the authors felt had three
salient features:
(1) The housing near the commercial center is good,
although most of it is certainly not the best in the
city.
(2) The best housing forms a sector running westward
from the center to the edge of the city.

35
(3) Except for this first-class sector, the city is
completely surrounded by a fringe--of greatly varying
depth, to be sure--of housing of the poorest quality
(Dotson and Dotson, 1954: 370).
Thus the authors concluded that "modern Guadalajara conforms
neither to the traditional Spanish American nor to the North
American ecological pattern" (Dotson and Dotson, 1954: 372).
In his review of most of the aforementioned studies,
Schnore pointed out that they contained strikingly similar
results:
(1) All of the authors comment on the existence of the
"traditional" or "colonial" pattern, in which higher-
status groups tend to be found near the center.
(2) In every case, however, this pattern is reported to
be in one or another stage of "breakdown."
(3) There is an apparent tendency for all of the cities
--in Bolivia, Mexico, and Guatemala--to shift in the
general direction of "the North American pattern"
(Schnore, 1965: 358).
Their similarities notwithstanding, Schnore felt these
studies of cities in Latin America neither confirmed nor
denied the Burgess hypothesis, "simply because the necessary
controls are lacking and because so many relevant items of
information are missing" (Schnore, 1965: 376).
Though his study contains many useful ideas, and an
excellent review of the methodological and theoretical
problems involved in ecological studies, it appears that
Schnore has failed to take account of a surprisingly similar
finding of the studies. This finding is the uniform way in
which upper-class residential areas move to the periphery;
they do not seem to move directly from the center to the
periphery, but rather move outward gradually from the center

36
in a particular area, or sector, of the city. As a result,
the periphery of these cities is not becoming upper class.
Only one segment of the periphery may be tending toward
upper-class residence. Witness the findings of some of the
various studies. In Mrida, Hansen found the "invasion of
Santa Ana by upper-class persons from the center" (Hansen,
1941: 31). (Santa Ana is a barrio in the northern part of
Mrida.) In Sucre, the Hawthorns found that "An estimated
ten percent of exceptions to the rule that upper and middle-
class houses stand near the plaza include a group of houses,
newer than most buildings in the city, which stand separately
in an area well away from the center, near a park" (Hawthorn
and Hawthorn, 1948a: 22-23). In La Paz, Leonard found that
"with the increase in number of privately owned automobiles
and better public transportation, the white, and upper
class, families are moving on down the valley, where they
can secure more space as well as escape" (Leonard, 1948:
454) In Guatemala City, Caplow reports that '¡the develop
ment of the last half-century has followed the plan of an
expanded center trailing suburbs in one direction ..."
(Caplow, 1949; 124). As reported previously, in Guadalajara
the Dotsons found "the best housing forms a sector running
westward from the center to the edge of the city" (Dotson
and Dotson, 1954: 370).
Another line of evidence is available to sho;v that a
shift toward the North American pattern of higher status
residences on the periphery may be misleading. This is a

37
phenomenon well known to all students of the city in Latin
America; it is the pervasiveness of the squatter settlement.
In Brazil it is called f avela.; in Argentina, banda de
miseria; in Peru, barriada. In Colombia it is tugurio.
But whatever the name, its characteristics are the same:
It is the rudest kind of slum, clustering like a dirty
beehive around the edges of any principal city in Latin
America (Schulman, 1966: 30).
Clearly, peripheral slums do not conform to the North
American concentric zone pattern. Just as clearly, there
are upper-status residential areas moving to the periphery.
This does not mean, however, as some of the studies men
tioned have implied, that these upper-status areas will
eventually replace the slums on the periphery. The current
rapid growth of these slum areas indicates that they are
likely to be with us for a long time, and will not be
readily displaced. As a result, a theory of residential
differentiation that gives only a part of the periphery to
upper-status residences seems to be called for.
Though it does not provide such a theory, one recent
study does agree with this interpretation, and calls for a
modification of existing theory: ". . it is suggested
that a refinement of the model (of inverse-concentric
circles and its reverse) is called for, that previous studies
bear re-examination, and that future studies ought to be
conceived in terms of the modification reported here"
(Pealosa, 1967: 229). This study of three small cities
in the Mexican state of Guanajuato showed that

53
families of higher socioeconomic status are found
primarily along arterials and importantly but to a some
what lesser extent, in the vicinity of the plaza. The
more industrialized the city, the more dispersed are the
residences of the rich and comfortable from the central
plaza (Pealosa, 1967: 226).
As in other Latin American studies, the better residences
move to the periphery in specific areas. To tentatively
explain this movement, Pealosa emphasized the importance of
accessibility to the center of the city, and the key function
played by major arterial streets in providing this access
ibility.
It seems quite plausible that the concept of arterial
accessibility may play an important role in the patterning
of residences in Latin American cities. In the next chapter
we shall be looking at this and other factors as possible
determinants of the shape of residential distribution in a
Latin American city.

Chapter III
PROCEDURES OF INVESTIGATION
Definition of the Problem
It is from what is here perceived as the complemen
tary nature of trends in the three areas reviewed in the
last chapter (the "classical" school of urban ecology,
social area analysis, and the ecology of the city in Latin
America) that the methodology for this study is derived.
"Classical" ecology tells us that the dynamic processes of
concentration, centralization, segregation, invasion, and
succession gave us well-defined areas of the city, often
termed "natural areas." These "natural areas" are the unit
of analysis of "classical" ecologists, and have an important
organizing and analytical function for any study of city
structure; these "natural areas" look at the way social
organization is spatially evidenced in the city.
From social area analysis, we find that "natural
areas" are distributed through the city in certain patterns
because of the way in which population characteristics are
distributed. Specifically, the social space in which these
areal units ("natural areas") are distributed seems based
39

40
upon the dimensions of socioeconomic status, family status,
and ethnic status; these dimensions seem to be the major
determinants of urban social structure.
While "classical ecologists see "natural areas" as
\
the means by which to investigate city organization, social
area analysts see the dimensions of socioeconomic status,
family status, and ethnic status as the means by which to
investigate city organization. These two approaches study
the city from different directions. One starts with the
areas, and groups the areas to show patterns of organization.
The other starts from the opposite side, and examines dimen
sions of organization, to be able to group areas. If this
reasoning is correct, both approaches should add to our
understanding of the structure of the city.
The implication of this reasoning for the study of
Latin American cities is that one should be able to find the
same general patterns of city structure that have been found
by the "classical" approach by using a social area analysis
approach. That is, while previous students of the structure
of Latin American cities have used natural areas to show
patterns of organization, a study examining dimensions of
organization ought to emerge with comparable results. Carry
ing this logic one step further, it also seems that one
could use aspects of both of these approaches, and expect
results comparable to previous studies. In other words,
areal analysis and social organization both have important
organizing and analytical functions, and it is important to

41
understand the dynamic relationship between these two axes
of urban ecology. This is what is planned for this study,
in the context of a description of Cali, Colombia.
The research reported here is an ecological examina
tion of the residential areas of Cali, Colombia. This
research is based upon the author's field work in Cali, and
is reported through the use of elements of both "classical"
ecology and social area analysis, in the widest sense of the
terms.
Data are assembled on the basis of the "barrio unit,"
which is somewhat analogous to the census tract in the United
States. The central thrust of the research is the mapping of
an indicator of socioeconomic status on a barrio basis, and
two indicators of family status on a barrio basis. Ethnic
status is not examined in this study, because data are not
available. Housing is employed as an indicator of socio
economic status. Number of family members and family units
per housing unit are employed as indicators of family status.
Supporting the central thrust of the research are
related data. Types of land use (residential, commercial,
industrial, public-institutional) are mapped for the city of
Cali. Population density data are also presented. Finally,
the relationship of housing areas to major arterial streets
in the city is examined.

42
Collection of the Data
Collection of the data was accomplished, during the
authors residence in Cali, from September, 1967, to June,
1968, The data come basically from two sources. Population^
and family data by barrio come from excellent compilations
by the statistical section of the Cali Municipal Planning
Office (Oficina de Planeacin Municipal, Seccin Estadstica).
These data are based upon the 1964 Colombian census. Hous
ing and land use data come from a field survey by the author
of the one hundred and fifty-seven barrios of Cali. In this
survey, information on terrain, natural features and divi
sions, land use, functions focused in the barrio, historical
information, and public amenities (such as streets, side
walks, sewers, electricity, and water) were amassed.
Detailed information on housing was also collected, includ
ing such things as size and type of house, maintenance,
building material, presence of maids, yard decoration, type
of flooring, and observable family belongings such as cars
and television antennas. The field schedule for the Cali
ecological study follows.
Field Schedule
Barrio
Terrain: Level Sloping Hilly On Steep
Slope On Ridge
Natural Divisions: (describe) (such as rivers, major high
ways, etc.)

43
Barrio Bordered by: (describe) (other barrios; farm land;
airport; etc.)
Historical Background of Barrio; Origin; Has it been
Planned; Is it a Legal or an Invasion Barrio
Land Use: Commercial: 50-100% _____ 10-50%
2-10% Very Slight
Industrial: 50-100% 10-50%
2-10% Very Slight
Residential: 75-100% 50-75%
10-50% 2-10%
Slight
Functions Focused in Barrio: (describe) (bus "terminals,"
and number of bus lines serving the barrio; university;
sports area; markets; parks; a community building, or a
meeting place for the junta communal; etc.)
Sanitary Facilities: Water: Private, in Homes
Public Don't Know
Sanitary Sewers: Yes No
Open Ditches for Sewage Observable:
Yes No

Privies Observable: Yes No
Health Centers: Private Public None
Dont Know
Drugstores: Observed No Observed
Electricity: Observed Not Observed
Telephones in Barrio: Yes No Don't Know
Public Residential
Sidewalks: 95-100% 50-95% 10-50% 1-10%
None
Streets: Paved: Good Fair Poor
Gravel: Good Fair Poor
Dirt: Good Fair Poor
Residence: (where possible, in percentages)
House Type: Modern Colonial "Stucco
"Poor" Temporary
Houses Not Completed
House Sizes: Very Large Large Medium
Small Very Small
Maintenance: Excellent Good Fair Poor
Terrible
Building Material: Ornamental Stone or Brick Pebbl
in Stucco _____ Stucco Bamboo
Cardboard Wood Other
Yard Decoration: Shrubbery, Flowers, Lawn Extensive
Some A Very Small Bit of
Decoration None
Maids Observable: Yes No

45
Front Room Used For Sleeping: Yes No
Floors: Hardwoods Tile Cement Gravel
Dirt
Observable Family Belongings: TV Antennas
Cars Other
Additional Comments
In addition to this systematic data collection, two
other sources of information were used. One of these
sources was hundreds of highly informal chats with various
barrio residents. By supplementing the statistical data
concerning housing characteristics, they were helpful in
determining the classification of the socioeconomic status
of each barrio.
The other source of information was personal contacts
of the author with residents of Cali. Particularly useful
were acquaintances derived from the exceptionally considerate
and congenial middle-class Colombian family with whom he
lived. This family made it possible for the author to visit,
often repeatedly, the homes of their friends and relatives
throughout the city. This informal visiting, often to the
poorer parts of the city, coupled with the folk anecdotes
which were constantly related, led to a much greater under
standing of the city than a field survey, by itself, could
possibly have afforded.

46
Nature of the Data
The basic unit of analysis involved in the study of
Cali, Colombia, is the barrio. Although the term barrio is
often used in Latin America to mean "neighborhood," it is
more properly viewed as a geographic administrative unit of
the city. As a geographic unit, the barrio has generally
been given a name for either historical or administrative
purposes. The older barrios of Cali, a few of which go back
nearly to the founding of the city in 1536, were often named
after the churches which were located there. Examples of
this are San Pedro, El Calvario, San Pascual, and San Bosco.
Some of the newer barrios were named after the housing
developments that were built in them, such as Unidad
Venezolana and Prados del Norte-La Merced (popularly known
as Vipasa). Other barrio names reflect the informal terms
used by the residents of the barrio, such as Popular, Unin
Vivienda Popular, and Obrero, or were named after various
personages, such as Jorge Isaacs, Marco Fidel Surez, Simn
Bolvar, Alfonso Lpez, and Lleras Camargo. Obviously,
there is great variety in the sources of names for the
barrios.
People were almost universally aware of the barrio
in which they lived. This was especially true of the poorer
classes; for them, the barrio served as an extended neigh
borhood. This is important for this study, because it
indicates that the barrio is more than an administrative-

47
statistical construct and plays a role in the social organ
ization of the city.
This role can be seen at least partly from the
social division of the barrios of the city into barrios
populares and barrios residenciales. The distinction between
the two is basically economic. Popular barrios are poor,
and residential barrios are fairly well-off, but there are
exceptions, and it is not clear to which group some barrios
belong. A popular barrio has an Accin Comunal, which is a
junta elected by the people of the barrio to present the
needs of the barrio (such as street paving, water, etc.) to
the City Planning Office. The juntas also undertake various
projects in the barrios, such as landscaping an open plaza,
or helping barrio residents hit by a catastrophe. Over one
hundred barrios in Cali have such juntas.
It might still be objected that using the barrio as
the basic unit is "arbitrary," and that the difference
between one barrio and another is simply an artifact of
drawing random lines. However, from a practical standpoint,
this is all we have; this is the smallest breakdown of data
that is available. Prom a theoretical standpoint, the
objection seems probably less valid than similar objections
that have been raised about the use of the census tract in
the United States. In the United States, most census tracts
were drawn several decades ago. With the growth of the
city, and the movement of the population, these tracts have
in many cases come to be less homogeneous than they were

48
when they were first drawn. In Cali, much of the growth
of the city has been more recent; it grew from a population
of 284,186 in 1951 to a population of 637,929 in 1964. Thus
many of the barrios in the city are new. The boundary lines
of these new barrios almost always were drawn on the basis
of homogeneous areas, according to conversations with staff
members of the Cali Municipal Planning Office; observation
confirmed this homogeneity. Though there were some excep
tions (mainly in the commercial center of the city), it
seemed to this observer that the older barrios in the city
also exhibited striking internal residential homogeneity.
At the time of the field work there were one
hundred and fifty-seven barrios in the city for which data
were collected, but not all of them are residential. Some
are composed entirely of institutions, such as the main
public hospital and the air force base. Others have such a
small population that their inclusion would be meaningless.
For example, barrio Paso-Ancho had a 1964 population of one!
The population range among the barrios is unfortunately
large, ranging from less than one hundred to more than
twenty-eight thousand for barrio Alfonso Lpez.
For most of the purposes of this study, two types
of barrios included in the field survey and in the statis
tical compilation of data by the Municipal Planning Office
will be eliminated.1 The first type consists of specialized,
^or a very few of the eliminated barrios included
in the statistical compilation of data by the Cali Municipal
Planning Office, data were incomplete.

49
generally nonresidential barrios. These include the water
reservoir, a municipal park, railroad repair yards, an air
force base, the water aqueduct and plant, the main prison, a
psychiatric hospital, army barracks and base, a cemetery, a
country club, a sugar mill and fields, the university
(Universidad del Valle) and the university hospital, a
women's prison, and a race track (horse races). There are
twelve such specialized barrios. Although a number of other
barrios were heavily commercial or industrial, in every case
they contained a sizable residential population as well, and
therefore will be included in the study of residential
ecology.
The second type of eliminated barrio consists of
"rural-oriented" areas that have recently been included in
the statistics for the city of Cali. There are fourteen of
these barrios. None has a population in excess of eight
hundred, and all but two have a population of less than
three hundred. These barrios were eliminated because it was
felt they were not representative of urban social structure,
but of rural social structure; their inclusion could have
seriously biased findings oriented to urban residential
differentiation. In the field work, it was patently obvious
that these people were not oriented to the city. Virtually
all of them were engaged in agricultural occupations, and
had lived there for a long time. The rapid growth of the
city boundaries, which often extended far beyond the area of
settlement, had simply included much of the rural hinterland

50
Many o£ the people, in fact, denied that they were
connected in any way to the city of Cali.
One well-known author of a number of studies of
urban ecology has pointed out the dangers of including rural
areas in studies of urban structure. In an examination of
theoretical and methodological implications of his compara
tive studies of Boston and Helsinki, Frank Sweetser
commented that
the evidence is not entirely clear, but it is at least
highly suggestive, and it leads to one practical con
clusion- -that in the delimitation of metropolitan com
munities for factorial ecological analysis, careful
attention ought to be paid to the outer boundaries
chosen. Boundaries too narrow--geographically constric
tive city limits, for example--may produce distortion
through an overemphasis on the inner city mode of dif
ferentiation. Boundaries too wide--extended metropolitan
regions, for example--may introduce unwanted effects of
the rural-urban mode of differentiation (Sweetser, 1969:
451) .
This study is not a factorial ecological analysis, but it
appears the principle is the same. Our examination of
indicators of socioeconomic status and family status would
almost certainly be affected by a rural-urban mode of dif
ferentiation. To include these rural areas would have meant
including a new dimension that would have been difficult, if
not impossible, to control in this study.
With the elimination of the twelve specialized
barrios and the fourteen rural barrios, there remain one
hundred and thirty-one barrios upon which the study of the
residential ecology of Cali will be based. The population
distribution of these remaining barrios is given in Table 1.

SI
TABLE 1
POPULATION RANGE OF CALI BARRIOS USED
IN STUDYING RESIDENTIAL ECOLOGY
Population
Range
Number of
Barrios
0 -
999
16
1000 -
2999
43
3000 -
4999
29
5000 -
9999
29
10000 -
14999
8
15000 -
19999
4
20000 -
29999
2
Total
131
As related earlier, the central thrust of the
investigation is to study the effect of socioeconomic status
and family status on the residential differentiation of the
city. Having established the rationale for using the barrio
as the basic unit of analysis, and having delineated the
universe of barrios, we turn now to a consideration of
socioeconomic status and family status, and the indicators
used in measuring these.
The main indicator used to measure socioeconomic
status is housing; the use of one basic indicator for such
an important dimension of urban differentiation requires
both explanation and justification. In their theoretical
elaboration of social area analysis, Shevky and Bell used
nine types of sample statistics to measure the social rank
(socioeconomic status) construct. These were years of
schooling, employment status, class of worker, major

52
occupation group, value of home, rent by dwelling unit,
plumbing and repair, persons per room, and heating and
refrigeration (Shevky and Bell, 1961: 228). For our study,
systematic education and occupation data by barrio were not
available, and there was no way in which we could system
atically include these variables in a measure of socio
economic status. Likewise specific barrio-by-barrio data
for value of home, rent by dwelling unit, plumbing and
repair, persons per room, and heating and refrigeration
could not be obtained. Very early in the study, however, it
became apparent that a barrio-by-barrio field survey of
housing could include most of the important aspects of this
latter group of five sample statistics, and thus allow the
construction of a typology of barrios by socioeconomic
status.
The field survey was oriented to the construction of
this typology. The classification scheme ranged from one to
six, with one being the highest and six being the lowest.
After a survey of each barrio, a number in this socioeconomic
classification was assigned to it. A one meant that the
barrio was well-to-do, being upper class. A two meant the
barrio was well off, though clearly not so much so as the
one barrios; these barrios were comprised mainly of the
middle class. A three referred to a lower-middle-class
barrio, where the people were clearly above the working
class, but not very well off. A four referred to the stable
working-class barrio which was somewhat more secure and

53
established than the bulk of the working-class barrios. The
poor but usually-employed working class, who lived on the
margins of real poverty, lived in barrios which were classed
five. These were the most prevalent barrios in the city.
The desperately poor, who had to struggle each day just to
survive, lived in barrios classed as six. These were the
slum barrios often referred to as tugurios.
There was surprisingly little difficulty in differ
entiating among these classifications. Perhaps because of
living in the city for more than five months before the
field survey was undertaken, and thus having acquired great
familiarity with housing types within the city, it was
usually quite clear to which category a barrio belonged,
once the field survey of each barrio had been completed.
This categorization was supported by on-the-spot observations
of electricity, sidewalks, sewage systems, internal plumb
ing, and the factors included in the field schedule.
The six-fold classification was chosen because it
seemed the clearest to the author, and because it afforded a
check on the reliability of the field-survey data. The Cali
Municipal Planning Office had previously classified all the
barrios of Cali according to "RS" status, which ranged from
one to six, with one being the highest and six being the
lowest. "RS" referred to socioeconomic status, and was
composed of such indicators as water, sewage, type of house
construction, paved streets, transportation, education,
health, culture, green zones, and community juntas (Oficina

54
de Planeacin Municipal, "Estratificacin Socio-Econmica
. .," n.d.; Oficina de Planeacin Municipal, "Distribucin
de la Poblacin . .," n.d.). These indicators were
assigned point values (0, 5, or 10), and the classifications
were delineated on the basis of point totals. (Unfortunately,
some of these data were missing, which made it impossible to
use these data directly.) When the results of the field
survey were compared with this classification, the similar
ities were striking. Of the one hundred and thirty-one
barrios to be used in the examination of residential
ecology, only sixteen were classified differently by the two
methods, and in not a single instance was the difference
greater than one.2 Of these sixteen barrios, thirteen were
classified lower and three higher. The reason for this
deviation, generally, was the tendency for a few extremes to
differentially weight the RS rankings of the Cali Municipal
Planning Office. In a few cases the difference was a result
of different time periods; the Municipal Planning Office
data were gathered several years prior to the field survey.
In the field survey, it should be noted that the
general housing characteristics used to classify the barrios
according to socioeconomic status were supported by much
informal data on such things as education, occupation, and
2 It should be noted that not all of the one hundred
and thirty-one barrios had been classified by the Municipal
Planning Office Data were unavailable for eight of these
barrios.

55
income obtained through informal chats with barrio resi
dents. This should give additional validity to the six
fold classification of barrios by socioeconomic status based
on the general criterion of housing.
A question of somewhat greater importance is whether
the use of housing is valid as a measure of socioeconomic
status, or, put another way, whether one can discriminate
among socioeconomic status levels on the basis of external
housing appearances.
Caplow, in his study of the ecology of Guatemala
City, discussed this as an important factor, and did not
feel housing could be used in this way.
While location near the center remained an important
element of status, it is striking that the use of hous
ing itself as a form of conspicuous display or as a
means of social mobility was inhibited by a number of
characteristics in the Spanish colonial housing pattern.
Both the climate and the culture helped to maintain the
interior privacy of the dwelling which turned a blank
wall or barred windows toward the street. This, added
to the one-story limitation, accounts for the curious
fact that even today it is sometimes impossible to dis
tinguish between the four-room marginal slum dwelling in
a built-up area and the twenty-room palace which may be
next to it, by their external appearance (Caplow, 1949:
130).
Perhaps Guatemala City is different from the rest of
Latin America, though this seems highly doubtful. Excepting
this possibility, one wonders how a trained observer with
much experience in Latin America could arrive at Caplow's
conclusion. Richard Morse, one of the outstanding experts
on the city in Latin America, and especially the colonial
Latin American city, holds views diametrically opposed to

56
those of Caplow. In one of his brilliant reviews of recent
research on Latin American urbanization, Morse talks of
Latin America as an area "where conspicuous consumption
motivates the upper class" (Morse, 1969: 498), where "For
\
many observers urban shanty towns are the most spectacular
visible hallmark of the social composition of a Latin
American city (though the mansions of the rich run them a
close second)" (Morse, 1969: 488). Whiteford, in talking
about the upper class in Quertaro, Mexico, noted that "A
large house was one of the most important symbols of social
position" (Whiteford, 1964: 69-70). In Popayn, Colombia,
Whiteford implied that external appearance also distinguished
lower class homes.
In Popayn, as in Quertaro, .they [the .lower classes]
lived in crowded, inadequate, unsanitary rooms scattered
throughout the city, or were concentrated in various
undesirable areas on its peripheries. In the Barrio
Alfonso Lpez Viejo . houses were small, poorly
built, and almost totally without utilities. Most of
them were built of unplastered, unpainted adobe blocks
and, of 240 houses, 116 had only one window, and 65 had
no windows at all; 134 had no running water, 188 had no
toilets, and 191 consisted of three small rooms or less
(Whiteford, as quoted in Smith, 1967: 367).
In the Dotsons study of Guadalajara, Mexico, which was
commented on previously in this study, they came to the
"conviction that five types of housing, sufficiently dis
tinct to be differentiated quickly by external appearance,
exist in this city" (Dotson and Dotson, 1954: 369).
Faris, in reviewing the work of urban ecologists in
the United States, noted that

57
. . a strong connection exists between urban
ecological research and the study of socio-economic
differentiation which has been in so great vogue in
recent years. The schematic zones of the city do
describe variations of social class levels almost as
well as any other factor, except perhaps for the var
iable of education. Some scales devised to measure
social differentiation in fact employ area of residence V
as one of the variables (Paris, 1967: 63).
In sum, the position taken by Caplow seems to have
little support. The preponderant weight of evidence seems
to be that housing is a reflection of socioeconomic status.
Thus the socioeconomic status of city areas (e.g., barrios)
can be delineated on the basis of the external appearance of
housing.
Housing having been justified as a valid indicator
of socioeconomic status, our attention turns to a considera
tion of the indicators used .to .measure family status. Shevky
and Bell used four types of sample statistics to measure the
urbanization (family status) construct: age and sex, owner
or tenant, house structure, and persons in household (Shevky
and Bell, 1961: 228). These broke down to a fertility
score, a women-in-the-labor-force score, and a single
family-detached-dwelling-units score (Shevky and Bell, 1961:
231-232).
Fertility data and women-in-the-labor-force data,
by barrio, are not available for the city of Cali. However,
data pertaining to the number of family members, by barrio,
are available. These data, though not the functional
equivalent of fertility, should also measure "differentiation
of function," one of the key postulates concerning industrial

58
society posited by Shevky and Bell (1961: 228). In addi
tion, data giving number of family units per housing unit
by barrio are available; these data are similar to Shevky
and Bell's single-family-detached-dwelling-units score.
All data for the indicators used to measure family
status were obtained from the Cali Municipal Planning Office
and are based on the 1964 Colombian census results (Oficina
de Planeacin Municipal, "Distribucin de la Poblacin . ."
n.d.). Data are available for all of the one hundred and
thirty-one barrios included in the study of the residential
ecology of Cali.
Lack of data measuring the participation of women in
the labor force, a basic aspect of the Shevky-Bell urbaniza
tion (family .status) construct for which data are not
available, may not be serious. This is because, first, the
participation of women in the labor force is generally not a
highly significant factor until a city reaches some advanced
stage of industrial maturity, which Cali has not yet reached,
and second, Latin America has a very low level of labor
force participation by women. As Abu-Lughod points out in
her examination of the theory of social area analysis, "The
proportion of females in the labor force does not relate
closely to variations in family types in those societies
where the over-all proportion is either very high or very
low" (Abu-Lughod, 1969: 202). She suggests the use of sub
stitute measures in cross-cultural applications of social
area analysis. One of these measures is average family size,

59
which we are using in this study (number of family members)
(Abu-Lughod, 1969: 202-203).
Data relating to the growth of the barrios and their
density are used to support the discussions of socioeconomic
status and family status. These data, obtained from the Cali
Municipal Planning Office, are based on the 1951 and the 1964
Colombian censuses (Oficina de Planeacin Municipal, "Com
parativo Por Sectores . ."). Also supporting the dis
cussion of socioeconomic status and family status are data
relating to the distribution of various land uses in the
city of Cali. These data were obtained through the field
survey.
Finally, information concerning major arterial
streets will be offered, on the assumption that residential
location in Latin American cities is and has been determined,
at least in part, on the basis of the accessibility of
transportation. Smith and McMahan make this explicit.
One who has visited South American cities can hardly
have failed to notice that the worst slums frequently
are on the very outskirts of the communities and that
Rio de Janeiro's favelas, the miserable quarters in
which a large share of the Negroes live, are spread over
the hills Ttfhich overlook the city. Such observations
suggest that the availability and cost of transportation
are basic factors in determining the ecological pattern
of any city.
The abundance of rapid, cheap, and convenient transpor
tation, and especially the automobile, seems largely
responsible for the fact that in [North] American cities
generally the most undesirable residential districts are
those nearest the center, whereas the most desirable are
at the greatest distance from the downtown areas. On
the other hand, in Buenos Aires, Santiago de Chile, Lima,
and other such cities, where the automobile is still a
luxury, residences of the least privileged classes are

60
relegated to the more remote sections (Smith and
McMahan, as quoted in Schnore, 1965: 381).
Presentation and Interpretation of
the Data
This study is essentially descriptive. Data per
taining to density, growth, land use, socioeconomic status,
and family status are mapped. Mapping has been chosen as
the method of data presentation because it seems the most
comprehensive and the easiest to understand. Tables are
used as a supplementary method of data presentation whenever
they seem appropriate.
Several approaches are used in interpreting the
results. The first, and most important, is a "common sense"
approach, whereby the various maps are examined carefully to
see if any obvious patterns or configurations appear.
The second approach is inspired by that used by
Anderson and Egeland (1961) in their study of the spatial
aspects of social area analysis. Barrios of the city are
marked off, ranging from the center to the periphery, and
are examined for differences in family status. Details of
the procedure are presented when it is utilized.
The third and final approach is to determine if
barrios of high socioeconomic status show a greater relation
to major arterial streets than do barrios of low socio
economic status. The procedure adopted here, to be
explained when it is used, is inspired by the Pealosa study
(1967).

61
This study makes no claims to methodological
innovation, and indeed does not wish to do so. In an area
of the world where patterns of residential differentiation,
other than 'traditional patterns, are essentially unknown,
it seems wise to use methodological tools that have already
been used in other areas, such as the United States, if we
are going to have much hope of comparing our results to
those studies. Further, studies which are "one-of-a-kind"
usually add very little to the generation of basic theory,
which ought to be part of the long-range hope of most
research. In sum, in this study we do not wish to confuse
findings of content with findings of method.
Before we can meaningfully present the findings of
content, a comprehensive picture of the city with which we
are working must be drawn. It is to this, task that we turn
in the next chapter.

Chapter IV
CALI: FROM COLONIAL TOWN TO
INDUSTRIAL CITY
Shortly after the conquest of Peru, one of Pizarro's
lieutenants, Don Sebastin de Belalczar, marched north from
Peru to explore what is today Ecuador and southern Colombia.
He established cities as he went, and upon his arrival in
the Cauca Valley in Colombia in 1536 founded the city of
Cali.
At this Lime the broad Cauca Valley was heavily
populated with Indian villages. Because of the fierce
nature of these Indians, they fought the Spanish, and
through war and subsequent famine were virtually exter
minated (Cieza de Len, 1864: 93-97). This explains why
Cali, virtually from its inception, had so few Indians. Yet
the city was apparently named after these Indians, as Smith
notes that "the Indians of the Cauca Valley were the Lili or
Cali" (Smith, 1970: ,67).
The Spaniards who first settled in Cali appear to
have been Castilians (Smith, 1970: 70). Bringing with them
a Spanish culture which had been involved with "appropriating
lands reconquered from Islam" (Morse, 1969: 475), they
62

63
divided the lands and devoted themselves to cattle raising
rather than to intensive tillage of the soil. "Less than a
generation sufficed for the Spaniards to convert the once
intensively tilled bottom lands [of Indian times] into . .
pastures" (Smith, 1967 : 66) .
Unlike many of today's largest Latin American
cities, which early acquired political importance, Cali was
completely overshadowed by Popayn, about seventy miles to
the south, and it long remained a minor town in the social,
economic, and political sense. Cali did not emerge as a
major Latin American city until the twentieth century.
During the colonial period, all of the important affairs
were handled by Popayn. It was Popayn which became "the
capital of an intendencia which stretched from Ecuador to
the Caribbean . ." (Whiteford, 1964: 9), and it was
Popayn which was granted a charter and a coat of arms, and
became "the seat of a university, and an important center in
the hierarchy of the church" (Whiteford, 1964: 10).
Throughout the colonial period, Cali was of very
secondary importance to Popayn, and was not much more
"important" than several other small towns in the Cauca
Valley, such as Buga, Cartago, Anserma, and Tulu. Indeed,
much of the colonial history of Cali is replete with the
economic and political marginality of the town, with refer
ences to commercial decline (ca. 1580) (Arboleda, I, 1956:
92), economic prostration (ca.. 1618) (Arboleda, I, 1956:
167), litigation over boundaries with neighboring towns,

64
such as Buga (c£. 1668-1680) (Arboleda, I, 1956: 283, 304),
the economic difficulty of the city because of Mla
decadencia de la ganadera" (ca. 1690) (Arboleda, I, 1956:
317), which was a repeated theme (ca. 1753) (Arboleda, II,
1956: 82-83), "La ganadera iba siempre en desmedro," (ca.
1754) (Arboleda, II, 1956: 265), restriction of municipal
autonomy (ca. 1739) (Arboleda, II, 1956: 113-114), prohibi
tion of foreign commerce (ca. 1745) (Arboleda, II, 1956:
121), economic depression (oa. 1770) (Arboleda, II, 1956:
360), the prohibition against sending cattle beyond municipal
boundaries (ca. 1788) (Arboleda, III, 1956: 66-67), and a
boundary dispute with Cartage (ca. 1791) (Arboleda, III,
1956: 109). Taken together, these references give a pic
ture of a colonial town that was important only in its local
area, and not in the wider region. Concern was devoted
almost exclusively to local matters, and it was not until
the 1800s, with the outbreak of the cry for independence,
that Cali began to assume some regional importance, when the
city demanded the division of the province dominated by
Popayn, and hosted a meeting of representatives from cities
in the area for this purpose (Arboleda, III, 1956: 285-310).
Cali early rebelled against the Spanish, while Popayn was a
Spanish stronghold. "On the outbreak of the independence
war Buga, Cartago, Caloto, Toro, and Anserma were all quick
to join Cali in a 6-city federation to challenge the power
of absentee Spanish landlords" (Friedel and Jimenez, 1971:
67).

65
While it is clearly impossible to ascribe the
transformation from a town to a large city to a single
factor, or a single set of factors, it does appear that the
regional leadership exercised by Cali during the Indepen-
\
dence period, along with its support for the lessening of
Popayn's sphere of influence, led to Cali's clear emergence,
in the early 1800's, as a "first among equals" of the cities
in the Cauca Valley region. This was a formative period in
Colombia's history as a nation, for "the warfare that
characterized the Spanish American Independence movements
was of such intensity and duration (1810-28) that it could
not help but affect the societies of the nations involved"
(Maingot, 1969: 297). At the same time that Cali was
achieving this local predominance, Popayn was in decline, a
decline that tookplace throughout the nineteenth century,
though it was perhaps most pronounced in the middle of the
century, when Popayn's vast territories were divided. As
Whiteford notes,.
As Popayn . was divested of its richer lands, which
became part of the wealth of new or neighboring states,
its fortunes declined drastically. Its rich and fertile
valleys became the state of Valle del Cauca, its mines,
which once supported the aristocracy in a life of royal
wealth, passed to the states of Nario and Antioquia,
and even its mountainous southerly regions of unexplored
but potential riches were turned over to the state of
Huila. Popayn was left to rule a decimated state,
small in size, and composed principally of rolling hills
and unexplored mountains. The shock of loss, the feel
ing of impoverishment . led to a paralysis, an
inactivity, which deterred and impeded the full and
active exploitation and development of those resources
and potentialities which did remain. The result was
stagnation. . Increasingly, [Popayn] became
isolated . and traffic with the outside world

66
dwindled at the very time when other cities were
expanding their commerce and increasing their relation
ships with other regions and other nations. Popayn was
superseded by Cali as the principal city of southern
Colombia . (Whiteford, 1964: 11-12).
Colombia is a country of extreme regionalism, and
each of the main regions seems to focus on an important
urban center.
Today at least four principal regions are significant in
terms of population and resources. Each also has a
major urban center. These regions are: the eastern
cordillera, centered on Bogota; the department of
Antioquia and its southern extension, Caldas, centered
on Medellin; the Valle del Cauca in southwestern Colombia
formerly focused on Popayn, now on the economically and
demographically burgeoning Cali; and the Atlantic
coastal region, once with Cartagena as its principal
city, but with Barranquilla now dominant (Dix, 1967: 21)
Thus Popayns decline left a socioeconomic void in southern
Colombia, a void that Cali began to fill.
Yet regional leadership alone cannot account for
Cali's development as an industrial city. Other factors,
such as a rich agricultural hinterland, la violencia, which
drove many southern Colombians from their rural homes to the
safety of the cities, the port of Buenaventura and the
development of Cali as a transportation nucleus, and foreign
investment must surely have been important. Another factor
contributing to Cali's eventual rapid urbanization is that
"Valle was more 'urbanized' and unified than most regions
because many of its 16th-century village nuclei had sur
vived . ." (Friedel and Jimenez, 1971: 67). One factor
that has probably not been important in Cali's rise to
prominence is the Catholic Church. Unlike many large Latin

67
American cities, Cali was not a religious center of impor
tance, and only in 1964 was it made an archdiocese.
The Growth of the City
The reconstruction of the demographic history of Cali
is difficult. There are no census figures for the first two
hundred and fifty years of its existence, and figures for
all except the 1938, 1951, and 1964 censuses leave much to
be desired. Of course, even the 1938, 1951, and 1964
censuses have shortcomings, though they become progressively
better. Those figures that are available are given in
Table 2.
This table shows that, at the outbreak of the Wars
of Independence in the early nineteenth century, Cali was
still a relatively small city which grew very slowly for
nearly a century. With the exception of the 1840s, when
"Calis growth spurt . seems explainable by an influx of
freed slaves and the Cauca tobacco boom" (Friedel and
Jimenez, 1971: 67), the average annual growth rate until
1893 was considerably less than one per cent. From 1893 to
1905, Cali grew rapidly, at an average growth rate of nearly
seven per cent per year. Much of this growth is probably
attributable to the coffee boom, for "it developed an
internal market, creating a large class of small independent
farmers in Aritioquia, Caldas, and Valle . [and] brought
prosperity to . most of the nations cities" (Friedel
and Jimenez, 1971: 72-73). From 1905 to 1912, the citys

TABLE 2
GROWTH OF CALI FROM 1793 TO 1964
Year
Inhabitan
1793
6,548
1797
5,690
1807
7,192
1836
8,000
1851
11,848
1870
12,743
1893
14,000
1905
30,740
1912
27,747
1918
45,525
1928
122,847
1938
101,038
1951
284,186
1964
637,929
Source for 1793, 1797, 1807:
Arboleda, III, 1956: 120, 154, 207
Source for 1836:
Friedel and Jimenez, 1971: 62.
Source for other years:
McGreevey, 1967(7). ("The data
presented here are derived entirely
from published sources available at
the University of California
Library at Berkeley.")

69
population declined, for unknown reasons.1 From 1912 on,
the city entered into a period of growth that has not yet
ceased.2 This growth stems from several important factors.
In 1915, the Pacific Line railroad linked Cali with the
port of Buenaventura, and, via the newly-opened Panama
Canal, Europe and the eastern coast of the United States,
and "soon these two cities x^ere the major coffee shippers
from Caldas, Valle, Tolima, and southern Antioquia" (Friedel
and Jimenez, 1971: 74). The transportation link with the
port of Buenaventura, the coffee boom, and the relatively
large population base in the hinterland around Cali probably
all played a role in the incipient industrialization that
began in Cali around 1920. At the same time, Cali was
becoming the commercial center of Valle, and this too con
tributed to its steady growth during the twentieth century.
Around 1950, another factor leading to great popula
tion growth added its force to the factors of burgeoning
industrialization and commercial vigor that were already at
work. This was la violencia, which was to be a significant
factor in Cali's growth for the next fifteen years.
1 It is entirely possible that the census figures are
in error, and that no decline took place. While the 1912
census figures appear to have some validity, there is a
possibility that the 1905 figures may be inflated.
2While the figures in Table 2 show a population
decline between 1928 and 1938, it is probable that there was
a steady increase in the population between 1918 and 1938.
The 1928 population total is almost certainly highly
inflated, which would account for both a too-steep rise from
1918 to 1928 and a decline from 1928 to 1938.

70
"La violencia . is a general term which . [is] used
to refer to banditry, kidnappings, and homicides, partic
ularly in rural areas" (Payne, 1968: 91). Dix notes that
"in the years between 1948 and 1964, la violencia took
between 100,000 and 200,000 Colombian lives, perhaps more
than in all of the country's nineteenth-century internal
strife, and was responsible for an undetermined number of
maimed and wounded" (Dix, 1967: 362). While few authorities
agree on the exact number of lives lost in la violencia, the
magnitude of the loss was certainly great enough to cause
huge numbers of rural dwellers to flee to the sanctuary of
the larger cities, t\/hich were relatively free of the vio
lence. Cali received a large share of these migrants,
because la violencia was especially pronounced in southern
Colombia and the province of El Valle, in which Cali is
located. The following account indicates the extent and
impact of this violence:
Between March 19 and 22 [1955] in El Valle, two
brothers were assassinated by pistol fire; a coffee-
roaster was killed by stab wounds and his place of
business sacked; a man was shot and killed by "long-
range" fire; the body of another was found dead of bul
let wounds on a lonely road; and a hacienda owner was
killed by seven bullets fired at close range. Total in
El Valle killed by persons unknown, seven. In these
same days, many people fled for safety from the district
of Monteloro (El Valle); a Cali newspaperman was
threatened with death because of stories he had written
about the violence; panic spread through the area
(Fluharty, 1957: 271).
Clearly, migration from country to city in Colombia
"is intensified by.the violent fighting between Conservative
and Liberal villages, which has scared thousands of country

71
people into the safety' of the city . (Powelson, 1964:
30). La violencia, then, is one of the chief causes of
recent migration to Cali. Another is the "city's rapid
industrial growth [which] has given it a sort of El Dorado
reputation that exerts a magnetic effect on peasants who are
tired of the meager existence of the countryside" (Holt,
1964: 165). Yet one should probably not overestimate the
magnitude of the industrial pull on these rural peoples, for
the land-tenure system and the agrarian reform laws have
undoubtedly had a strong influence in "pushing" many rural
dwellers out of the countryside. As Smith notes, other
forces leading to migration are also at work, such as more
modern transportation and communication, educational
improvements and aspirations, social legislation, and social
ferment among the masses (Smith, 1970: 109). In fact, the
causes of migration are complex and intertwined, and
specific causes for individual migrants often cannot be
ascertained.
What can be ascertained, at least for the recent
period of Cali's history, is the effect of migration on the
city's growth. The Cali Oficina de Planeacin Municipal
estimated that approximately 43 per cent of Cali's growth
during the 1951-1964 period was attributable to migration,
while a report prepared for CELADE assumes "that 62.3 per
cent of Cali's urban growth was derived from in-migration in
recent years" (McGreevey, 1965: 6). Probably the most
accurate estimates of migration to Cali are those based on

72
sex and age distributions made by McGreevey. He found that
101,132 migrants came to Cali in the 1938-1951 period, and
constituted 67 per cent of the adult population in 1951; and
that 210,232 migrants came to Cali in the 1951-1964 period,
and constituted 58.9 per cent of the adult population in
1964 (McGreevey, 1965: 14). Most of the migrants "were of
working age on arrival and the majority (53.9 per cent in
the first period, 54.3 per cent in the second) were female"
(McGreevey, 1965: 16); "census figures in Colombia . .
indicate that older people tend to stay in the rural areas"
(Beyer, 1967: 207). McGreeveys figures, cited above,
indicate that while the total numbers of migrants were
increasing, the percentage of the total population of the
city that was of migrant origin was decreasing. Given the
size of the city, which in the early 1970s has reached per
haps one million people, this is almost inevitable.
Increasingly, natural increase (the importance of which has
tended to be underestimated by social scientists) should
account for the largest part of the city's growth. Further,
la violencia has ceased to be a major cause of migration from
rural areas, although sporadic violent incidents still
occur. In fact, it is probable that la violencia seriously
depopulated some rural areas in Colombia, so that the
ultimate rural source of migrants is not nearly as fertile
as it was in the past few decades.
While the origins of the migrant stream to Cali were
in the rural areas, evidence from recent Latin American

73
migrant studies (Browning and Feindt, 1971; Leeds and Leeds,
1967; Morse, 1971b; Beyer, 1967) indicates that rural
dwellers migrate to small towns, and their offspring then go
on to the larger urban areas. Thus migrants to urban areas
are considerably more "urbanized" than had at first been
realized. There is some evidence that this may be the case
with Cali (though the extreme migration induced by la
violencia may have altered "normal" patterns of migration).
McGreevey notes that
migrants to the city have a lower rate of unemployment
than do native-born Caleos. While native-born Caleos
made up less than 20 per cent of the labor force, they
contributed 25 per cent of the unemployed population.
. . there can be little doubt that the migrants con
tribute more to production than they use up in consump
tion, at least as compared to the native-born population
(McGreevey, 1965: 12).
Whatever the role of the migrant in an economic
sense, there can be no doubt that migration in' a demographic
sense has made Cali one of the largest cities in Colombia
and Latin America. This demographic growth
is one of the key determinants of change in physical
pattern . Moreover, the "components" of population
growth (for example, net migration versus natural
increase) may exert an influence on spatial patterns; in
general, growth via migration will probably be more
conducive to change (Schnore, 1965: 381-382).
Cities in Colombia and Latin America
Table 3 shows the population of the Cali municipio
for the years 1905, 1918, 1951, and 1964 in relation to
the other ten largest municipios in Colombia on these
dates. From this table, it is evident that Cali in 1964

TABLE 3
POPULATION OF ELEVEN LARGEST MUNICIPIOS, 1905-1964
Municipio
1905
1918
1938
1951
1964
Bogot
100,000
143,994
330,312
648,324
1,697,311
Medellin
54,916
79,146
168,266
358,189
772,887
Cali
30,740
45,525
101,038
284,186
637,929
Barranquilla
40,115
64,543
152,348
279,627
498,301
Cartagena
9,681
51,382
84,937
128,877
242,085
Bucaramanga
20,314
24,919
51,283
112,252
229,748
Manizales
24,656
43,203
86,027
126,201
221,916
Pereira
19,036
24,735
60,492
115,342
188,365
Cucuta
15,312
29,400
57,248
95,150
175,336
Ibagu
' 24,566
30,255
61,447
98,695
163,661
Palmira
26,406
27,032
44,788
80,957
140,889
Source: McGreevey, 1967 (?): Table I

75
has clearly become the third largest city in Colombia.
While Cali grew at an annual average rate of 8.3 per cent
between 1938 and 1951, and 6.3 per cent between 1951 and
1964, Colombia grew at an annual average rate of 2.1 per
\
cent for the 1938-1951 period, and 3.3 per cent for the
1951-1964 period. No other major Colombian city grew as
fast as Cali in the 1938-1951 period, and only Bogota among
the major cities exceeded Calis rate of growth in the
1951-1964 period.
During the recent period of rapid growth (1938-1964),
Cali has steadily increased its share of the total national
population from 1.2 per cent in 1938 to 3.6 per cent in
1964, as can be seen in Table 4.
TABLE 4
GROWTH OF CALI IN RELATION TO
THE GROWTH OF COLOMBIA:
1938-1951, 1951-1964
Percentage of Colombia's
Year Cali Colombia Population in Cali
1938
101,038
8,701,816
1951
284,186
11,548,172
1964
637,929
17,484,508
1.2
2.5
3.6
Source: Departamento Administrativo Nacional de
Estadstica, 1967: Tables 3 and 4.
While some, such as Schnore, have contended that the popu
lation growth of the city is closely connected to the popu
lation growth of the national population (Schnore, 1971: 38),

76
it is apparent that Cali's growth has run well ahead of
national population growth during this period. This seems
due to the pronounced effect of migration on Cali's growth.
As migration declines in importance as a factor in Cali's
growth, as it now seems to be doing, and natural increase
becomes a more predominant factor, it might be expected that
the rate of Cali's growth will conform more closely to that
of Colombia.
National urban structure is usually examined either
by the concept of urban primacy or by the concept of a
"normal" urban hierarchy, often termed the "rank-size rule."
Both of these are useful in exploring the structure of
cities in Colombia, and each will be examined in turn.
Morse summarises the ways in which urban primacy is
usually conceived:
Urban primacy has various definitions. Some refer to
national pyramids of cities, ranked by population size,
culminating in a primate city which is by one or another
criterion abnormally large. Looser definitions emphasize
concentrations of functions and services. Interest
attaches to the phenomenon because of the suspicion that
primate cities may be dysfunctional, parasitic, and
symptomatic of underdevelopment (Morse, 1971b: 36).
One of the most cited studies of urban primacy is that of
Mehta (1964). In this study his measure of primacy is "the
percentage of the population of the four largest cities
residing in the largest city of the country" (Mehta, 1964:
141). The study, using circa 1955 data, ranked 87 countries
in terms of the primacy of their urban structure. Twenty-one
of these countries were in Latin America. Of these 21

77
countries, Colombia las ranked 21; it had the lowest level
of primacy of all the Latin American countries listed (all
of the countries in South America were listed, except Guyana
which was not an independent country in 1955). Of the 87
countries included on the total list, Colombia was ranked 80
(Mehta, 1964: 141). Clearly, Colombia is not dominated by
one large city, as are so many of the Latin American
countries.
Yet Colombia is highly regionalized, and it may be
that there is a tendency for regional primacy to exist.
Although there are few studies of regional primacy, it seems
reasonable that one could combine the already-tested measure
of primacy used by Mehta with a recent unpublished regional
ization of Colombia (Hollingsworth and Webber, 1968). How
ever, the regionalization devised by Hollingsworth and
Webber must be modified to fit the purposes of this study.
Their scheme delineated twelve sociocultural regions in
Colombia (Costa Atlntica, Los Santanderes, Cundinamarca-
Boyac, Medio Magdalena, Grupo Paisa, Costa Pacifica, Valle,
Alto Magdalena, Cauca, Nario, Llanos, Otros). However, for
this study, three of the regions (Medio Magdalena, Costa
Pacifica, and Llanos) can be eliminated, because they do not
contain one of the largest cities in the country, which are
the cities for which adequate data are available. The nine
remaining regions are combined into four larger regions,
which I term southern Colombia (including Valle, Alto
Magdalena, Cauca, and Nario), the "Paisa" group (including

78
only the Grupo Paisa), highland Colombia (including Los
Santanderes, Cundinamarca-Boyac, and Otros), and the
Atlantic Coast (including only the Costa Atlntica). It
should be noted that two of these neiv regions are the same
as the Hollingsworth-Webber regions, and the other two
regions appear to have some basis in fact--all of the parts
of the southern Colombia region (Valle, Alto Magdalena,
Cauca, and Nario) send sizable numbers of migrants to Cali,
while all of the parts of the highland Colombia region (Los
Santanderes, Cundinamarca-Boyac, and Otros) send sizable
numbers of migrants to Bogota. The four largest cities in
each of these regions are listed in Table 5. The measure of
primacy used in this table is the percentage of the popula
tion of the four largest cities residing in the largest city
of the region.
The results of Table 5 are somewhat surprising.
While the mean level of primacy for the 87 countries in the
Mehta study was 59.8, the mean level of primacy for the
four "regional cities" in Colombia was 62.0. If the median
rather than the mean Is used, then the median level of
primacy for the 87 countries in the Mehta study was 60.0,
while the median level of primacy for the four "regional
cities" in Colombia was 59.5. Thus there does not appear to
be a high level of regional primacy in Colombia, contrary to
what has been suggested: "Colombia is highly regionalized;
a city like Medellin might be said to have primacy at the
departmental level" (Morse, 1969: 486 [footnote 43]).

79
TABLE 5
PRIMACY OF URBAN STRUCTURE: FOUR REGIONS
OF COLOMBIA, 1964
Population of
Each of the Measure,
Four Largest Cities Largest Cities of
Region
in the Region*
in the Region
Primacy
Southern Colombia
Cali
Ibagu
Palmira
Pasto
637,929
163,661
140,889
112,876
60.5
"Paisa Group
Medellin
Manizales
Pereira
Armenia
772,887
221,916
188,365
137,222
58.5
Highland Colombia
Bogot
Bucaramanga
Ccuta
Barrancabermej a
1,697,311
229,748
175,336
71,096
78.1
Atlantic Coast
Barranquilla
Cartagena
Montera
Cinaga
498,301
242,085
126,329
113,143
50.9
It is interesting that all of the fifteen largest cities
in the country are included in this list; Barrancabermeja
ranks 27 in size among Colombian cities.
Source: Departamento Administrativo Nacional de
Estadstica, 1967: Table 6.
Another way to examine national urban structure is
by means of the "rank-size rule." This is a theoretical
model of the distribution of cities by size, xMiere "the
population of each city tends to be in inverse proportion to
its rank by order of size . the second, third, and
fourth largest city might be expected to have one-half,
one-third, and one-quarter the population of the largest

80
city, and so forth" (United Nations Commission for Latin
America, 1969: 194). If the actual population of the
largest cities in Colombia and the "expected" population of
these cities (based on one-half, one-third, one-quarter,
etc., the population of the largest city) are compared, as
is done in Table 6, it is found that there is a rather good
"fit" between the actual and the "expected" population.
Thus Colombia conforms rather well to the idea of an urban
TABLE 6
RANK-SIZE DISTRIBUTION OF COLOMBIAN CITIES, 1964
City Actual Population "Expected" Population
Bogot
1,697,311
1,697,311
Medellin
772,887
848,655
Cali
637,929
565,770
Barranquilla
498,301
424,328
Cartagena
242,085
339,462
Bucaramanga
229,748
282,885
Manizales
221,916
242,473
Pereira
188,365
212,164
Cucuta
175,336
188,590
Ibagu
163,661
169,731
Source: Departamento Administrativo Nacional de
Estadstica, 1967: Table 6.
hierarchy, theoretically indicating that there is a rather
well-balanced structure of cities in Colombia, without an

81
overwhelming predominance of just one or two cities, as is
so often the case in Latin America.
An interesting theoretical discussion of the rank-
size distribution of cities is provided by Vaparsky, when
he examines regions in Argentina for both primacy and rank-
size distribution (Vaparsky, 1969). In this study he
insists that regions must be drawn not on the basis of
geographic or political boundaries, but on the basis of
ecological systems. This has been the intent of the
Colombian regionalization presented above. Vaparsky also
observes that "primacy and rank-size rule are not mutually
exclusive models" (Vaparsky, 1969: 584). Thus, as Morse
notes, "primacy depends on the level of closure or self
containment of an area (i.e., proportion of interactions
beginning and terminating within the system) and rank-size
distribution upon the level of internal interdependence or
interaction of an area" (Morse, 1971b: 43). Since the
rank-size rule appears to apply to all cities in Colombia,
while there is a very low level of primacy, the Vaparsky
model would lead us to expect both a high level of closure
and high interdependence. Colombia, with its extreme
regionalization, undoubtedly does have a high level of
closure, whereby most interactions beginning within the
region terminate within that region. Interdependence is the
interaction that takes place among the units in a region, so
that "low interdependence means relative isolation of the
units from each other in the area" (Vapasky, 1969: 585).

82
While this is not the place to test the level of interaction
within the various regions of Colombia, it does appear that
there is a high level of regional interaction, at least with
in the southern Colombia region, with which the author is
most familiar. Therefore, Colombia appears to "fit" the
Vaparsky model, to have both high closure and high inter
dependence, with a rank-size distribution which generally
applies to all the cities.
Turning from the structure of cities in Colombia to
the level of urbanization, the facts shoii that Colombia has
become an urban rather than a rural nation. In 1938, the
first year for which urban-rural data were available, 30.9
per cent of the Colombian population was urban; this rose to
38.9 per cent of the population being classed as urban in
1951. By 1964, the date of the most recent census, 52.8 per
cent of the Colombian people were urban, which means that
these Colombians were living in places of 1,500 or more
inhabitants (Webber, 1973: Table 1).
In Table 7, Colombia is compared with other Latin
American nations in terms of per cent urban. As can be seen
in the table, Colombia is one of a growing number of Latin
American countries which have crossed the threshold from a
predominantly rural to a predominantly urban population.

83
TABLE 7
URBANIZATION OF THE LATIN AMERICAN POPULATION
Country Date of Data Per Cent Urban
Uruguay
1963
80.8
Chile
1970
76.0
Venezuela
1970 (E)
75.7
Argentina
1970 (E)
74.3
Cuba
1971 (E)
60.5
Mexico
1970
58.7
Brazil
1970
55.9
Peru
1971 (E)
53.2
Colombia
1964
52.8
Panama
1970
47.6
Nicaragua
1968 (E?)
44.7
Dominican Republic
1970
39.8
El Salvador
1971
39.4
Ecuador
1970 (E?)
38.3
Paraguay
1970 (E?)
35.7
Bolivia
1970 (E)
35.0
Costa Rica
1963
34.5
Guatemala
1964
33.6
Honduras
1969 (E?)
32.2
Guyana
1970 (E)
29.5
Haiti
1970 (E)
16.2
Trinidad and Tobago
1970
12.4
E = estimate
E? = estimate of questionable reliability
Source for all except Argentina, Bolivia, Haiti:
United Nations, 1972: Table 5.
Source for Argentina, Bolivia, Haiti:
Beyer, 1967: 223. (Estimates of the Inter-American
Development Bank.)
Growing Industrialism -- The Economic
Base of the City
Prior to the twentieth century Cali was a small,
rather plebeian town whose economy was based almost entirely
upon agriculture, and especially upon the raising of cattle.
Other activities which were beginning to center in Cali were

84
the tobacco and sugar interests. Tobacco made its presence
felt in the city before the middle of the nineteenth cen
tury, and the sugar industry began shortly thereafter.
In 1864 . the first major enterprise in commercial
agriculture was initiated in Valle: the planting of a
relatively large hacienda in sugar cane and the
installation of steam-powered sugar mill by a Russian-
American immigrant to Colombia, James Eder. His
successful example was followed by the Caicedo sugar
mill in the early 1900's, and later by others (Posada
and Posada, 1966: 52).
There were also a few other small commercial ventures which
dealt with the Cauca Valley area, as the smaller cities in
the region were beginning to look to Cali for commercial
leadership.
In 1915, the city of Cali was linked with the
Pacific port of Buenaventura by the railroad. With the
opening of the Panama Canal at nearly the same time, the
city had an outlet to the rest of the world. Suddenly there
was a market for the produce of the Cauca Valley, and as
the transportation network in the Cauca Valley steadily
improved, Cali became the hub for the accumulation and ship
ment of this produce, and the center for the concentration
of the wealth that was derived from these activities. This
stimulated the beginnings of industrial expansion, from
about 1925 to 1930. While the worldwide depression subse
quently slowed industrial growth, after 1930 "several types
of government investment took place, especially in trans
portation, communications, and electric energy facilities,
which generated industrial activity" (Dow, 1971: 32-33).

At the same time in the early 1930s, "because of protection
to agriculture . agricultural production gained
impetus" (Posada and Posada, 1966: 52).
The Second World War and its aftermath led to a
\
boom in manufacturing production, and "For the first time
large industrial establishments and the consequent large-
scale production started to replace the smaller establish
ments" (Dow, 1971: 33). Foreign capital, which had flowed
into Colombia during the 1925-1930 period, but had been
severely curtailed during the depression (Lipman, 1969:
26), again began to pour into Colombia.
In the most recent decades, agriculture in the Cauca
Valley region has advanced rapidly. One of the world's most
efficient and modern sugar factories, La Manuelita, is
located in the municipio of Palmira, near Cali. The wide
spread use of tractors is most prevalent in the
department of El Valle del Cauca, whose rich, productive
and level lands, after 400 years of use in a very rudi
mentary pastoral culture, rapidly are being transformed
into sugar-cane, rice, and cotton plantations. . .
it is here that the mechanized system of agriculture is
making the most headway (Smith, 1967: 233) .
Thus the years after World War II in Colombia were
marked by both industrial growth and the rapid expansion of
large-scale commercial agriculture in the Valle region. It
is the growth in both of these vital sectors of the economy
that made the rapid growth of the city of Cali possible.
Yet at the same time this agricultural "modernization"

86
hardly touched a large part of the agricultural potential,
so that much of the rural area is still rather backward.
The result is that agriculture in the Cauca Valley
today is unevenly developed, and the contrasts are
stark. It is highly mechanized and productive for a
small group of large owner-operator and tenant-operator \
wealthy farmers; it is extremely backward, even primi
tive for the vast majority of the owners of small and
medium-sized farms, located especially in the hills
(Posada and Posada, 1966: 52).
One of the most important factors that is presently
at work in the Cauca Valley stimulating agricultural
development and also greatly aiding industrial growth is
the Autonomous Regional Corporation of the Cauca Valley
(CVC). Rather like the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) in
the United States, this decentralized, administratively
autonomous agency was established in 1954 "for the purpose
of promoting the unified development of the natural resources
of the Upper Cauca River Valley in Colombia" (Posada and
Posada, 1966: 11). The specific goals of the CVC are to
render "a series of public services, such as generation,
transmission, and distribution of electric power; the promo
tion of agricultural and industrial enterprise; and cooper
ation in the development of programs in education, public
health, and community action" (Posada and Posada, 1966: 63).
By the late 1960s, the CVC had had success with three pro
grams: "(a) Supplying electric power for the entire region,
as a result of which its industrial development has
obviously increased; (b) land reclamation (flood control,
irrigation, and drainage), and (c) raising the standard of

87
living of the rural population by disseminating modern and
improved methods of production" (Posada and Posada, 1966:
97) .
Perhaps the most crucial project for the growth of
industry in Cali is the supply of energy. Indeed, one of
the most useful indicators of modernization is per-capita
energy consumption. "Even though the surprising industrial
development of Valle during the past two decades [1945-
1965] cannot be attributed to electricity alone, it is
evident that the supply of a greater volume of electric
power has been an element basic to this development" (Posada
and Posada, 1966: 106). One study noted that between 1956
and 1958 electrical production increased from 77,569,000 to
83,157,000 kilowatt hours (Pendleton, 1965: 44). Another
study reported that
the electric power potential of Valle is excellent and
relatively easy to harness. The total installed
capacity of the Cauca Valley region in 1955 was 75,000
kilowatts, of \tfhich 49,200 was from hydro sources and
25,900 thermal. But the rapid expansion of population
and industrialization led to an estimate made in 1955 of
an increase in demand for power of 150,000 kilowatts by
1965. However, these estimates of demand have been
periodically revised upward as the progressively
increasing population growth rate invalidates previous
estimates in demand (Posada and Posada, 1966: 46).
While more recent estimates of energy demand are not avail
able, it is apparent that the demand has been rapidly grow
ing. Now under construction in the Valle region by a
Mexican construction company is "one of the largest dams in
South America. When its finished, it will supply power for
the 900,000 residents of Cali, and most of the other people

88
in southwestern Colombia" (The Wall Street Journal, March
23, 1973: 9).
The industrial establishments that already exist in
Cali are impressive, giving credence to Calis claim to
being an "industrializing" city. One mid-1960s study claims
that there are in Cali "80 large factories ranging in pro
duction from textiles to cement. . [and] approximately
32 per cent of the working population . [is] engaged in
production" (Pendleton, 1965: 44). Yet much of this
industrial establishment is controlled by outsiders. In
1956 Hagen found that of 44 large industrial firms in Valle,
17 were founded by Antioqueos, 9 by persons of foreign
origin, 8 by Vallecaucanos, 7 as branches of foreign firms,
and the remainder by other Colombians (Hagen, 1962: 64).
Foreign control of manufacturing, especially North
American, is large. A leading figure associated with
the local association of manufacturers estimates that 40
per cent of local manufacturing is foreign-owned, and
even this estimate may be low. Among the companies
represented are: Alcan, Colgate-Palmolive, Gillette,
Goodyear, Grace, Home Products, Quaker Oats and Squibb.
The French, Germans, Swiss and Swedes have also made
investments in Cali. The Lebanese have been active in
the textile industry and some have remained as permanent
residents. Since World War II, there also has been a
large immigration of Central Europeans, particularly
Germans, into small business, including trade, optics,
baking, hotels, and other services (Blasier, 1966: 397).
Within Colombia, Cali ranks third as an industrial
center behind Bogota and Medellin. A departmental breakdown
in 1959 showed that Cundinamarca (and principally the city
of Bogot) had 28.9 per cent of the total factory employment
in Colombia, Antioquia (and principally the city of Medellin)

89
had 24.9 per cent, Valle del Cauca (and principally the city
of Cali) had 16.1 per cent, Atlntico (and principally the
city of Barranquilla) had 10.0 per cent, and all other
departments liad 20.1 per cent of the total factory employ
ment in Colombia (Dix, 1967: 23). By 1964, there is some
evidence that Calis industrialization had groxrn in relation
to Bogot and Medellin. Table 8 shows this evidence, in the
form of the economically active population by departments
engaged in industrial activity (Industrias de Transforma
cin).3 Though they are not precisely comparable, if one
compares the Dix figures for 1959 with the 1964 census
figures (column d), it appears that Cali's industrial
establishment is increasing with respect to the industrial
establishments of Bogot and Medellin.4 Thus Cali is
clearly an industrial city, and is assuming greater impor
tance as an industrial center in Colombia. Surely the
ecology of the city will be affected by the importance of
this activity.
Topography and Transportation
Colombia is divided by the western, central, and
eastern ranges of the Andes Mountains. Between the western
and the central ranges is the Cauca River Valley, and
3Unfortunately departmental rather than city data
must be used; city data are not available.
4These figures must be used with caution, as
Industrias de Transformacin may include people employed in
home craft shops, as well as factories.

90
TABLE 8
ECONOMICALLY ACTIVE POPULATION ENGAGED IN
INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY, BY DEPARTMENTS, 1964
Department
Economically
Active
Population
(a)
Economically
Active
Population
Engaged in
Industrial
Activity
(b)
Per Cent
of (b)
in (a)
(c)
(b) as a
Per Cent
of the
Colombia
Total of (b)
(d)
Bogota, D.E.
and
Cundinamarca*
910,068
154,344
17,0
23.5
Antioquia
658,845
100,789
15.3
15.4
Valle del Cauca 529,544
100,336
18.9
15.3
Atlntico
193,287
45,818
23.7
7.0
Rest of
Colombia
2,842,381
254,674
9.0
38.8
Colombia
Total
5,134,125
655,961
12.8
(100.0)
*These two are combined so that they will be comparable to
the Dix figures presented above.
Source: Departmento Administrativo Nacional de Estadstica,
1967: Table 34.
between the central and eastern ranges lies the Magdalena
River Valley. Cali is located at the bottom of the eastern
slope of the western range of the Andes at an elevation of
3,200 feet, and just three degrees north of the Equator. To
the north, east, and south of Cali is the broad and
extremely fertile Cauca River Valley. Because its flat
valley plain is so big, stretching for more than a hundred
miles, and with a breadth at times reaching twenty miles, it

91
is capable of supporting a very large population, much
larger than the 82 inhabitants per square kilometer who
inhabited the department of Valle del Cauca in 1964.
Most of the city lies on the flat plain of the Cauca
Valley, though some barrios climb into the foothills, and
are located on steep terrain. In the field survey of Cali
barrios, it was found that 78 per cent of the barrios were
located on level terrain, 8 per cent were on gently sloping
terrain, and 14 per cent were on steep slopes, ridges, or
hilly terrain. Recent growth has generally extended the
city further outward into the valley, rather than higher up
the mountainsides. The Cali River flows through the city
roughly from west to east, and is perhaps the most dominant
line of demarcation within the city, often serving as a
dividing line between "better" and "poorer" residential
areas before it joins the Cauca River at the edge of the
city. Except for the barrios rising into the foothills, the
topography generally is not a constraining factor on the
areal distribution of activities in Cali.
The bus is the primary method of transportation for
the vast majority of the people, except for the more
affluent Caleos who possess automobiles or make extensive
use of taxis. Busses run into virtually all areas of the
city, except for a few of the barrios rising up steep hill
sides, and are a relatively cheap method of transportation.
As in most growing cities, the busses are generally extremely
crowded, though somehow they manage to accommodate those
who must use them.

92
The street system of Cali has lagged considerably
behind the rapid population growth of the city. While the
main streets in all areas are generally paved, and most
streets in the older areas of the city are paved, the field
survey shows that fully tiro-thirds of all the barrios in the
city have mostly dirt streets. These streets are terribly
dusty during dry seasons, in places become impassable
during wet seasons, and are a source of great annoyance and
despair to the housewives in these areas.
Connecting the city with the outside world is a new
and spacious jet airport, and a modern railway station. The
road south from Cali to Popayn is new and modern, cutting
;vhat used to be an arduous trip to a mere few hours. The
highway north from Cali linking it with Palmira, Buga,
Cartago, Tulu and other towns in the Cauca Valley is good.
Beyond the Cauca Valley the highway system is not nearly as
good, because the rugged mountainous terrain makes road
construction a monumental task. The road from Cali to
Bogot is still difficult, and the 88-mile road from Cali to
the Pacific port of Buenaventura, while filled with spectac
ular vistas and passages through several small waterfalls,
is fairly rugged. Yet this all-weather road to Buena
ventura does handle the constant stream of trucks that link
Cali to the Pacific Ocean. Aside from these main roads,
paved highways are virtually absent.

93
Glass Structure
Examining the stratification system in Cali is at
best a difficult task, because "comparatively little is
known about the social stratification and class structure of
Colombian society" (Smith, 1967: 328). The procedure which
is adopted here is to show the percentage of the population
of Cali which resides in the various classifications of the
barrios delineated by socioeconomic status. As explained in
the previous chapter, "one" designated a barrio as upper
class, "two" as middle class, "three" as lower middle class,
"four" as working class, "five" as working lower class, and
"six" as impoverished lower class. A class breakdown given
in this manner is not without precedent, as a recent study
of the middle class in Cali employed an areal definition of
the middle class "because residence is generally closely
associated with ecological position as well as general
social characteristics" (Pendleton, 1965: 47). Yet an
areal breakdown of class is somewhat misleading, because
even though the barrios are relatively homogeneous in their
social characteristics, it is nonetheless clear that there
are varieties of social position within each barrio that
cannot be accounted for with this approach. To be sure,
many of these differences will cancel each other out, but
one cannot know to what extent this "cancelling out" will
occur. Another well-taken objection to such a procedure is
raised by Smith, who states that "the Colombians I know who

94
reside in what would be judged to be middle-class
residential districts, in homes that our sociological
scales would identify as dwellings of those of the middle
class, are the descendants of those who were unchallenged
members of the upper class (Smith, 1967: 342). Bearing
these objections in mind, Table 9, which shows an areal
breakdown of social class in Cali in 1964, is presented.
This table shows that only about two per cent of the popu
lation of Cali belonged to the upper class in 1964, and
about fifteen per cent belonged to the middle classes. The
remainder were either working class or lower class. This
preponderance of the people in the lower classes is not
TABLE 9
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION IN CALI, 1964
rrio
Class
Per Cent of i
Population
1
Upper
2.1
2
Middle
6.5
3
Lower Middle
8.6
4
Working
14.8
5
Working Lower
53.0
6
Impoverished Lower
13.1
Other*

1.2
Total
100.0
*Other barrios refer to rural agricultural barrios and
specialized barrios, xvTiich often contain institutional
groups, such as the jail, mental hospital, military
barracks, etc.
Sources: Oficina de Planeacin Municipal, "Distribucin. .
Field Survey of Cali, 1967-1968.

95
unusual for a city in Latin America, especially a city which
has had so much of its population growth recently. Whether
the middle classes are growing cannot be ascertained by this
table, although at least one observer believes these classes
are growing in Cali. "The growth of trade and commerce, the
construction of new public and parochial schools, and
expanding public employment have contributed to a sharp
increase in the ranks of the middle class" (Blasier, 1966:
395).
One important component of social class position is
income. A recent study examined the income distribution in
Cali in 1965, and found that only ten per cent of Cali's
employed xrorkers received 54.8 per cent of individual
income, while the lowest eighty per cent of the employed
workers received only 32.5 per cent of individual income
(Nelson, Schultz, and Slighton, 1971: 143). Because the
per capita income for Colombia in 1970 was only about three
hundred dollars, it is clear that the working and lower
classes have meager financial resources. While these
income data are not directly comparable with the data
presented in Table 9 above, it is readily apparent that
there is a large proportion of the population in the lower
classes, and a relatively small proportion of the population
in the middle and upper classes. By all indicators, Cali
is a city of predominantly lower and working-class people.

96
The Image of the City
While it is undoubtedly important to examine
various social indicators, such as population growth, class
structure, economic data, and historical precedents to
begin to understand the dynamics of the city, it is also
useful to try to understand how the city's inhabitants feel
about their city, and the impressions they hold. The sum
total of these various impressions is referred to as the
"image" of the city. This image can be ascertained by
having a respondent draw maps of the city, or describe the
most important or memorable parts of the city, or asking
him to make value judgments about key aspects of the city.
Armando Velasco, a faculty member at Cali's
Universidad del Valle, has over a period of several years
had his architecture students interview nearly two hundred
fairly-well-educated Cali residents. These residents were
asked to give either a brief description or a sketch of the
city of Cali indicating those things that, in their opinion,
stood out most clearly for a person not very familiar with
the city. The three most important aspects that were
indicated by these residents were the bull ring, the Plaza
Caicedo (the main plaza, the center of the city), and the
"Olympic Village" (a sports complex containing the soccer
stadium, a coliseum, and a huge swimming pool). These pre
dominant images confirm that Cali is a city of great sports
enthusiasts, supporting two professional soccer teams, Cali

97
and Amrica, both of which generally field strong teams
challenging for the Colombian championship. Other aspects
of the city which the respondents felt were important were
"La Ermita" church, Avenida Colombia, the railroad station,
the Cali River, the hill with three crosses overlooking the
city, the hill with a huge cement statue of Christ over
looking the city, and the park surrounding the water
reservoir (Velasco, 1967: 51-54). The city is, for the
residents, a mosaic of elements which are not clearly tied
together.5
In his review of studies of the spatial structure of
Latin American cities, Schnore notes that vital information
concerning population growth rates, topography, transporta
tion, class structure, and the economic base of the city is
often missing (Schnore, 1965: 362-364). In this chapter,
information pertaining to these subjects has been presented
at some length, in the hope that this information will
enlighten the examination of the ecological structure of
the city of Cali which follows in the next chapter.
5"Es decir, la ciudad no es para ellos un conjunto
articulado de edificios, barrios, vas, reas industriales
y lmites naturales, sino un mosaico de elementos sin
vinculaciones muy claras entre s" (Velasco, 1967: 53).

Chapter V
THE ECOLOGY OF CALI
In this chapter, the structure of the city of Cali
is examined, using the areal unit of the barrio as the
basic unit of analysis. The intent of this examination is
not to describe the interaction of individuals within
neighborhoods, or barrios, but to describe the way these
barrios, as larger indicators of individual differences,
comprise the structure of the city of Cali. The independent
variables that will be assessed to determine the effect that
they have on the structure of the city are land use, recent
growth, population density, socioeconomic status, and
transportation.
Land Use
The field survey of Cali ascertained the percentage
of developed land in each of the barrios devoted to
residential, commercial, and industrial functions.
Specialized and rural-agricultural barrios were not included
in this percentage breakdown, but are presented as separate
categories. During the field survey, the assignment of
percentages of land use for each function (residential,
98

99
commercial, industrial) in the barrio was made on the basis
of field observation and subsequent estimates by the author.
While the field schedule for each barrio listed percentage
categories for each function (50-100%, 10-501, 2-10%, Very
Slight), the author has written in specific estimated per
centages (5%, 10%, 15%, 20%, 25%, 30%, 40%, 50%, etc.)
wherever the barrio had more than the residential function;
i.e., wherever there was commercial and/or industrial
activity, as well as residential. (See chapter 3 for an
examination of the field schedule.)
Figure 1 shows the barrios of the city of Cali. In
this figure, and future figures, the barrios are numbered,
with the numbers denoting the same barrio in all figures.
In the discussion of the material presented in the figures,
barrios are referred to by number rather than by name, for
the sake of simplicity of discussion and clarity of figure
presentation. The names of the numbered barrios (some of
the barrios have several names and some share the same
name) are listed in Table 11, near the end of the land-use
section of this chapter. In figure 1, the solid heavy lines
denote major arterial highways, and the Cali River, which is
designated (Rio Cali) in the figure. These highways and
the river are included in all the figures, as an aid to
understanding.
Figures 2 and 3 show the land usage of Cali barrios.
Two figures of land usage have been prepared because
industrial" barrios generally contain some commercial

100

101
functions, and the use of a single figure would have made it
difficult to portray the complexity of these relationships.
In addition, the use of a second land-use figure permits
greater detail through the presentation of various levels of
commercial activity.
Figure 2 shows rural-agricultural, specialized,
commercial, and residential barrios; and industrial barrios,
divided into those barrios with more than forty per cent of
their developed land devoted to industry, and those barrios
with ten to twenty per cent of their developed land devoted
to industry. (None of the barrios was rated as having
thirty per cent of its developed land devoted to industry.)
Residential barrios are those which have seventy per cent or
more of their developed land devoted to residents, either
single-family or multiple-family dwelling units, and do not
contain ten per cent or more industrial activity. However,
it is critical to note that in the discussion of variables
other than land usage in subsequent sections of this chapter
(recent growth, density, socioeconomic status, family
status, and transportation), all barrios will be treated as
"residential," because in all of the one hundred and thirty-
one barrios studied (all barrios except rural-agricultural
and specialized barrios) there was a substantial residential
population.
Figure 3 shows the level of commercial land usage in
Cali barrios in 1968. In figure 3 and most subsequent
figures rural-agricultural and specialized barrios are not

102
LAND USE IN CALI 1968

103
COMMERCIAL LAND USE IN CALI BARRIOS 1968
FIGURE 3
SCALE IN MILES
l
1
COMMERCIAL ACTIVITY
NEGLIGIBLE
5% 15%
20%
30%
40% OR MORE
UNACCOUNTED AREA

104
discussed; only the remaining one hundred and thirty-one
residential barrios are examined.
Examination of figure 2 shows that rural-
agricultural barrios tend to be near the periphery, and are
clustered primarily in the southern and ivestern parts of the
city. It is apparent, however, that residential barrios do
not always grow outward from the center of the city (which in
this study is defined as the geographical center of barrio
8), filling up vacant (i.e., generally "rural-agricultural")
land as they spread. Rather these residential barrios often
jump over rural-agricultural land, and develop areas some
what detached from the built-up portions of the city. Thus
city barrios are often surrounded by vacant land waiting to
be filled in by future growth. Rural-agricultural barrios
are prime candidates for this future growth, and recent dis
cussions by the author with several students who have
visited Cali in 1973 indicate that at least nine of the
fourteen rural-agricultural barrios (44, 61, 76, 90, 93,
100, 128, 131, 156) have experienced substantial residential
development within the past few years. Those five rural-
agricultural barrios (119, 126, 127 133 140) wrhich do not
appear to have experienced substantial recent growth are all
on the western (mountainous) edge of the city, giving
support to the contention in the previous chapter that most
of the city's growth was outward on the flat plains of the
Cauca River Valley rather than climbing up the steep moun
tainside on the western edge of the city.

105
Specialized barrios, as might be expected, do not
exhibit any particular pattern, being scattered throughout
the city. There is, however, a notable absence of
specialized barrios within the main commercial area and the
industrial area of the city. Although land value data are
not available, this undoubtedly reflects the relatively high
cost of location within the industrial and commercial areas,
and the relatively extensive amounts of land required by
most of the specialized barrios, such as the air base, the
water works, the army base, the municipal park, the horse-
racing track, and the country club.
Industrial barrios occupy a very distinct area,
spreading out east of the commercial center of the city.
With only one exception (barrio 36), all of the barrios with
ten per cent or more of their developed land devoted to
industry are in this area. Separating this industrial
activity from the middle-class and upper-class residential
areas to the north is the Cali River. While this river is
neither wide nor navigable, it does form a distinct line of
demarcation. The industrial area, while containing sub
stantial residential areas interspersed throughout it,
stretches to the open lands near the eastern boundary of the
city, where some future industrial development will
undoubtedly occur. Bifurcating the southeastern part of the
industrial area is the air base. While industrial activity
is beginning to grow around this large specialized activity,
the author heard persistent rumors from local residents

106
during the field survey that the base would eventually be
closed and the land turned over to industrial activity. It
proved impossible to confirm these rumors. The southern
edge of the industrial area has no obvious line of demarca
tion; it blends into the working-class residential barrios
which are prevalent in that part of the city. Just outside
the boundaries of Cali, in the municipio of Yumbo, north
east of the center of the city, is another cluster of
industrial activity. While this area is not included in the
study of the ecology of Cali, it is interesting that this
industrial area developed in a location that makes it almost
an extension of the industrial area of Cali. Informants
during the field survey claimed that industry developed in
this area out of a desire for the lower tax rates of Yumbo.
The one "industrial" barrio (barrio 36) which is
outside the industrial area is located north of the com
mercial center of the city, in an upper-class residential
area. The industries in this area are in modern,
aesthetically-pleasing buildings, and are extensively land
scaped. There are no heavy industries, although there is an
electric-generating plant. The main plants are Coca-Cola of
Colombia, Carvajal and Company (a large printing and office-
supply concern), Editorial Norma (a printing concern), and
several pharmaceutical companies, such as Merck, Sharp, and
Dohme. None of these industries requires substantial
numbers of blue-collar workers.

107
Table 10 lists the percentage of developed land for
each of the industrial barrios estimated in the field survey
to be devoted to industrial activity. Interestingly, the
two barrios which the field survey determined had the
highest level of industrial activity are two of the three
barrios which are named "industrial." Barrio 62 is called
"Industrial" and barrio 46 is called "Zona Industrial." One
other barrio, barrio 60, also used the word industrial,
being called either "Flora Industrial" or "Calima."
TABLE 10
INDUSTRIAL BARRIOS IN CALI. 1968
Barrio
62
46
45
48,
54,
60
49,
51
50,
5 2,
55,
59,
63,
74
15,
16,
17,
22,
36,
57
Per Cent Industrial
80
70
60
50
40
20
10
The other land uses shown in figure 2 are residence
and commerce. Residence will be discussed in subsequent
sections of this chapter, and will not be treated here.
Commerce will be discussed through an assessment of figure 3
Turning to figure 3 one finds that the areal distri
bution of commercial activity presents a more complex pat
tern than does industrial activity. The highest mapped
level of commercial activity, forty per cent or more, is
found in the heart of the city. This activity is centered

108
in barrio 8, which comprises what the residents of the city
would call the "downtown" area. This "downtown" area
surrounds the Plaza de Cayzedo, which is the original
central plaza of the colonial city of Cali. This plaza is
one of the key elements in the residents' image of the city.
A high level of commercial activity lies to the east of
barrio 8, in barrios 13 and 14. These barrios form a link
between the central commercial area and the industrial area
and have a good deal of industry-supporting commerce. To
the south of barrio 8, in barrios 9, 10, 11, and 12 is the
remainder of the area of intensive commercial activity of
Cali. This is an old part of the city, and the commercial
uses of the area are as varied as the imagination can con
ceive, though there are fe\tf "upper-class" commercial
activities, such as fine shops, in this area. Generally,
this is the commercial area that supports the working-class
people of Cali.
Separating the commercial center of the city from
the upper-class and middle-class barrios which lie to the
north is the Cali River. That commerce which has crossed
the river from the commercial center to these well-to-do
areas is generally geared to more affluent patrons. Here,
in barrios 34, 35, 36 and 37, one finds many of the finer
shops in the city, and the newer and more modern commercial
ventures, such as a small shopping center that is built
around a Sears department store in barrio 37. Also in
barrio 37 is the social security hospital, and there are
several good private clinics in this and surrounding barrios

109
To the east of the commercial center of the city,
roughly equalling the industrial area, is a wide dispersion
of commercial activities. Many of these activities are
geared to the support of industry and of the workers who
V
must pass through the area during their journeys to and
from work. This area is also somewhat older than the exten
sive working-class areas to the south, which have perhaps
not yet been in existence for a sufficient length of time
for significant levels of commerce to have developed.
To the west of the city center is"some commerce
which stretches from the commercial center along several of
the main streets, especially Calle Quince and Avenida
Roosevelt. This commerce is geared to the support of the
middle-class and lower-middle-class barrios in the area.
Many private schools and other facilities, such as the uni
versity hospital, the Universidad del Valle, and the
"Olympic Village" sports complex are located in this part of
the city. (After the field survey was completed, some of
the Universidad del Valle was moved to a newr location in
barrio 131 in the southern part of the city, where there
was more room for expansion.)
Two areas which are not explained by any of the
above discussions of commercial activity are barrio 81 on
the southeastern edge of the city and barrios 134, 136, and
138 on the western edge of the city. All of these barrios
have several things in common--they are small barrios which
are somewhat older than the huge lower-class and working-class

110
barrios which are next to them, and they are located at
some distance from the center of the city. Because of large
population concentrations (wore than thirty thousand people
in the immediate vicinity of both barrio 81 and barrios 134,
136, and 138) and distance from central city commerce, it
is apparent that some commerce has developed.to service the
day-to-day needs of these people. More specialized needs
are still filled in the commercial center. Indeed, it is
somewhat surprising that more extensive commercial activities
have not yet developed in these areas. Perhaps the recency
of so much of the growth has not allowed for commercial
development and thus the smaller, somewhat older barrios
have supplied what commercial activity can be found in the
area. If this is the case, then we may be seeing the begin
ning of two new commercial centers of activity. Yet, for
all the population growth in these areas, commercial
activity remains low.
An assessment of commercial activity throughout the
city shows that, in relation to population growth, most
commercial expansion appears to have taken place in middle -
class and upper-class residential areas, such as those to
the north of the commercial center, and along main traffic
arteries to the west of the center. Relatively little
commercial expansion seems to have occurred within the
burgeoning lower-class and working-class residential areas.
This finding is in accord with Amatos study of elite
residential barrios of Bogot, where he showed that "new

Ill
commercial area construction is observed to have moved in
the direction of the higher and middle socioeconomic group"
(Amato, 1968: 217). Cali conforms to this pattern.
One of the most difficult aspects of the examination
\
of land-use patterns in a city is the attempt to determine
the proportion of the city occupied by each acti\rity. This
is very useful knowledge, because it can be used to compare
the city in question with other cities for which data are
available and thus help to determine the levels of city
development and functional specialization.
Very little is known about proportions of various
land uses in Latin American cities, although there is a good
deal of information about cities in the United States
(Niedercorn and Hearle, 1964: 105-110), which can be used
for comparison with Cali. In this study a procedure has
been devised which will alloitf the estimation of the propor
tion of the developed land of Cali devoted to commercial,
industrial, residential, and public activities. It should
be stressed that these are probably somewhat crude estimates.
For each barrio, the percentage of land devoted to specific
activities was estimated during the field survey. These
estimates are presented in Table 11, where R refers to
residential activity, C to commercial activity, RA to a
rural-agricultural barrio, I to industrial activity, and S
to a specialized barrio. A letter followed by a number
refers to the percentage of the developed land in the barrio
devoted to that activity. (Thus R90 CIO means that ninety

112
per cent of the barrio is residential while ten per cent is
commercial.) If a letter is given without a follov^ing
number, this means that one hundred per cent of the
developed land in the barrio is devoted to that activity.
The percentage for each activity for each barrio is then
multiplied by the amount of developed land in the barrio to
determine the developed land devoted to each activity. The
land devoted to each activity in all the barrios is then
totaled, and divided by the total developed land in the city
to determine the percentage of developed land devoted to
each activity. For public activity, land devoted to
specialized barrios will be used. However, it is recognized
that some land in other-than-specialized barrios is devoted
to public use, for such purposes as schools, public build
ings, and plazas. Based on the observations made during the
field survey, it is estimated that five per cent of the
total developed land area of Cali is devoted to these pur
poses. One additional public use, roads and highways,
accounts for a significant proportion of the developed land
in a city. For Cali, it is estimated that twenty per cent
of the developed land of the city is devoted to such pur
poses. Land data are taken from a mimeographed compilation
of the Cali Municipal Planning Office, "Distribucin de la
Poblacin Por Barrios, Areas y Densidades N. Edificios y
Manzanas 1964" (no date). In a few instances, missing
data were estimated by the author. Names and numbers of the
barrios are given, as well as the socioeconomic classifications

113
TABLE
11
Barrios
CALI BARRIOS, NAMES, ESTIMATED PERCENTAGE OF
LAND USE, AND SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS, 1968
Land Use
1
El Pen
R90
CIO
2
San Antonio
R
3
San Cayetano
R
4
Los Libertadores
R90
CIO
5
Sector Acueducto
S
6
Nacional
R
7
La Merced
R70
C30
8
San Pedro
C90
RIO
9
El Calvario
C80
R20
10
San Pascual
C60
R40
11
San Bosco
C40
R60
12
Santa Rosa
C40
R60
13
El Hoyo
C50
R50
14
El Piloto
C50
R50
15
San Nicols
R60
C30
110
16
Obrero
R80
CIO
110
17
Sucre
R70
C20
110
18
Alameda
R90
CIO
19
Bretaa
R9 5
C5
20
Junn
R
21
Guayaquil
R9 5
C5
22
Bellcazar
R80
CIO
110
23
M.M. Buenaventura
R
24
Bosque Municipal
S
25
Terrn Colorado
R
26
Aguacatl
R
27
Santa Rita
R
28
Santa Teresita
R
29
Arboledas
R
30
Bellavista
R
31
Normanda
R
32
Juanamb
R
33
Centenario
R
34
Granada
R70
C30
35
Versalles
R8 5
C15
36
Santa Mnica
R85
C5
110
37
San Vicente
R80
C20
38
Chipichape
S
39
La Campia La Paz
R
40
El Bosque
R
41
Menga
R
42
La Flora
R
43
Prados del Norte Vipasa
R
44
Acopi
RA
45
Santander
160
C20
R20
46
Zona Industrial
170
C20
RIO
SES
fO t-O K> ts) O t NHNNHHPUlHPHWON i lnlnl/l-WWtnUi-^UUn*-t>UUnWWOi I -P> W W

114
TABLE 11 (Continued)
Barrios Land Use SES
47
Urb Salomia
R
48
Salomia
150
R50
49
Las Delicias Manzanares
140
R60
50
Porvenir
R65
120
C15
51
Jorge Isaacs
140
R40
C20
52
Ftiraa La Sultana -
Berln
R70
120
CIO
53
San Francisco
R
54
Bolivariano
150
R4 5
C5
55
Popular
R75
120
C5
56
La Isla
R
57
Valencia
R80
110
CIO
58
Marco Fidel Surez
R
59
Olaya Herrera Evaristo
Garca
R7 5
120
C5
60
Flora Industrial Calima
150
R50
61
Sena
RA
62
Industrial
180
RIO
CIO
63
El Troncal
R7 5
120
C 5
64
Las Americas
R
65
Chapinero
R85
C15
66
A. Girardot
R
67
Santa Mnica Popular
R
68
Uribe Uribe
R
69
Primitivo Crespo
R
70
Simn Bolvar
R
71
Saavedra Galindo
R
72
La Floresta
R
73
Benjamn Herrera
R85
C15
74
Municipal
R7 5
120
CS
75
Base
S
76
Agrcola
RA
77
Alfonso Lpez
R
78
Agrcola Ro Cali
R
79
Alfonso Lpez
R
80
Puerto Nuevo
R
81
Puerto Mallarino
R70
C30
82
El Angel del Hogar
R
83
El Troncal
R7 5
120
C5
84
Villa Colombia
R
85
La Base El Guabito
R
86
E.E.M.M.
S
87
El Trbol
R9 5
C5
88
Chapinero
R8 5
C15
89
La Nueva Floresta
R
90
Urb. Departamental
RA
91
Panamericano
R
92
San Judas
R
93
El Guabal
RA
94
Las Acacias
R
95
Santa Elena
R90
CIO
5
4
cncncn i f^int/iuiQ'Ounuiui i i inuit/unuiwui-Mnuunwi i CMn o -P C> O' O' uun vi -P

115
TABLE 11 (Continued)
Barrios
Land
. Use
96
La Libertad
R
97
Cristobal Coln
R
98
Colseguros
R90
CIO
99
El Dorado
R
100
Paso Ancho
RA
101
El Prado
R
102
Aguablanca
R
103
El Recuerdo
R
104
Matadero Crcel
S
105
20 de Julio
R
106
Villanueva
R
107
La Fortaleza
R
108
El Jardn
R
109
Boyac La Esperanza
R
110
Independencia
R
111
Periquillo
R
112
Unin Vivienda Popular
R
113
Santa Mnica Popular
R
114
El Rodeo
R
115
La Nueva Floresta
R
116
El Trbol
R9 5
C5
117
El Paraso Sindical -
Bello Horizonte
R
118
Cao Cauquita
R
119
Caavralej o
RA
120
El Refugio Guadalupe -
La Cascada
R
121
Borrero Sinisterra
R90
CIO
122
Caldas Buenos Aires -
Lourdes
R85
C15
123
Asilo de Locos
S
124
Cuarteles aples
S
125
Melndez La Esmeralda
R
126
El Jordn
RA
127
Agrcola
RA
128
Agrcola
RA
129
Club Campestre
S
130
Ciudad Jardn
R
131
Ingenio Melndez
RA
132
Caas Gordas Calles Las
Chuchas
R
133
La Buitrera
RA
134
El Mango Venezuela
R90
CIO
135
Cementerio
S
136
Belisario Caicedo
R90
CIO
137
Silo
R
138
El Cortijo
R70
C30
139
Lleras Camargo
R
140
Monaco
RA
141
Santa Isabel
R
142
Hospital Universitario -
Buen Pastor
S
O' cn O' tn i tn i t-1 1M1 i i i in i i in w n i O' in wuiO'-f'OunaiuunlnO'i i viw-f i -f^Wlnin

116
TABLE 11
Barrios
143 Urb. Aristizabal Tejares
144 San Fernando Viejo
145 Miraflores
146 San Fernando Nuevo
147 3 de Julio
148 El Cedro
149 Champagnat
150 Hipdromo
151 Eucaristico
152 Colseguros
153 El Lido
154 Nueva Granada
155 Tequendama
156 Sin Urbanizar
157 Unidad Venezolana
(Continued)
Land Use
SES
R
1
R90 CIO
2
R90 CIO
2
R90 CIO
2 \
R80 C20
3
R80 C20
3
R90 CIO
3
S
-
R
3
R90 CIO
3
R
2
R
3
R
9
RA
-
R
4
of the barrios, based on the field survey of housing, under
the heading SES. These data, which will be examined later
in this chapter, are included here in the interest of
parsimony of data presentation.
The percentage of developed land devoted to each
activity is presented in Table 12.
TABLE 12
PERCENTAGE OF DEVELOPED LAND DEVOTED
TO VARIOUS USES, CALI, 1968
Type of Use Percentage of
Developed Land
Industrial 6.2
Commercial 6.1
Public (Specialized Barrios) 16.4
Other Public 5.0
Roads and Highways 20.0
Residential 46.3
Total
100.0

117
Comparison of these data with land-use data for large cities
in the United States gives interesting results. In a study
of land-use trends in forty-eight large United States cities,
(thirty-five of the forty largest cities in the United
States were included in this study), it was found that 39.0
per cent of the developed land was devoted to residential
activity, 10.9 per cent to industrial activity, 4.8 per cent
to commercial activity, 25.7 per cent to roads and highways,
and 19.7 per cent to other public activities (Niedercorn and
Hearle, 1964: 106). In industrial activity, Cali clearly
has not yet reached an industrial level obtained by the
average large United States city. Yet Cali has reached
sixty per cent of that level, and these land-use data thus
appear to confirm the thesis that Cali is well on the way to
becoming an industrial city. In comparing levels of com
mercial activity, cities in the United States have less
developed land (4.8 per cent) devoted to that activity than
does Cali (6.1 per cent). This is apparently due to the
large-scale consolidation of much commercial activity in the
United States, with relatively few small family businesses.
In Cali, on the other hand, there is a very large number of
small neighborhood establishments, leading one to suspect
that the higher amount of developed land devoted to com
mercial activity in Cali is a result of the less-intensive
nature of the commercial process. As industrialization
proceeds to consume a larger share of the developed land of
the city, land devoted to commercial activity is likely to

113
decline, because an increasing percentage of the commercial
goods will be mass-produced and sold in larger, more inten
sive retail establishments, and a decreasing proportion of
the goods will be produced and retailed by small "home"
establishments -- i.e., one "bread factory" can probably
supply more households with bread than perhaps a hundred
home bakeries.
If the public land in specialized barrios in Cali is
combined with the "other public" category, Cali has 21.4 per
cent of its developed land in public activity. This is
nearly the same as the 19.7 per cent in public activities
in cities in the United States. These cities in the United
States have 25.7 per cent of their developed land in roads
and highways, while Cali is estimated by the author to have
20.0 per cent of its developed lands in roads and highways.
The remainder of the developed land in Cali, 46.3 per cent,
is devoted to residential purposes. For the cities in the
United States, 39.0 per cent of the developed land was
devoted to this activity. The difference may be attribut
able to the large proportion of suburban residences in the
United States. Virtually all the people in Cali live within
the city boundaries; there is almost no suburbanization of
residences.
To summarize the discussion of land-use patterns in
Cali, it is clear that there is a good deal of functional
specialization in land use. Witness the clear and distinct
central commercial area, and the rather clearly-defined

119
industrial area. Obviously there is not a "low incidence of
functional differentiation" in land-use patterns, as Sjoberg,
has posited for the preindustrial city (Sjoberg, 1960: 96).
At the same time, we see in Cali some very modern commercial
functions, such as small shopping centers and such large
retailers as Sears, alongside much more traditional commer
cial ventures, such as sidewalk vendors and retail activities
in the front room of a family's residence. In commercial
activities in Cali, we see "the transition between the most
primitive form of marketing and the most modern" (Hoyt,
1963: 451). Overall, Cali appears to have passed well
beyond the land-use level of a preindustrial city, and to be
approaching land-use levels of industrial cities.
Barrio Development: The Physical
Growth of the City
The growth of the barrios of Cali is shown in figure
4. In 1797, the city consisted of just four barrios in the
area that today is the commercial center of the city
(Arboleda, III, 1956: 154). By 1880, the slow rate of
population growth had brought settlement to parts of just
four more barrios, and by 1930 there was settlement in four
teen additional barrios. Data for 1880 and 1930 were taken
from maps in the Cali Municipal Planning Office. By 1951,
the city evidenced substantial growth, with forty-five new
barrios having been added since 1930. Data for the 1930-
1951 period were taken from an undated mimeographed

120
THE GROWTH OF THE BARRIOS OF CALI

121
compilation of the Cali Municipal Planning Office, "Com
parativo Por Sectores de Poblacin, Areas y Densidades,
Cali, Aos 1951-1964." By the time of the field survey in
1968, the number of barrios had grown to one hundred and
fifty-seven.
Until 1951 growth appears to have occurred in a
rather compact manner. In each of the time periods prior to
this date, growth remained concentrated in the area surround
ing the existing city, and virtually circled this older
area. Growth roughly resembled a series of concentric rings
and development by and large did not leave open, undeveloped
areas scattered throughout the area of development. This
"ordered" pattern of growth broke down in the 1951-1968
period, perhaps because of the enormous pressure of burgeon
ing population increase, and barrios were settled in areas
that were not contiguous to previous development, so there
came to be undeveloped, open-land areas interspersed throug-
out the areas of recent development. As the pressures
toward city migration induced by la violencia cease to be a
major factor, as has been the case in the last few years,
and the rate of growth of Cali becomes somewhat more normal
Ci.e., four to five per cent per year rather than more than
eight per cent per year), one might expect that the next
decade or two will see a return to a more ordered pattern of
growth that would include a "filling in of those areas that
were bypassed in the desperate rush for a place to live in
the 1951-1968 period.

122
This desperate rush for a place to live was most
typified by the squatter settlements which became a
pronounced aspect of the growth of most large Latin American
cities. In few cities was the impact of these squatters as
\
overwhelming as in Cali, for the enormous migration induced
by la violencia brought large waves of migrants to the city.
The ordered processes of city growth were unable to cope
with these migrants insofar as finding adequate housing was
concerned.
Squatter settlements usually take the form of illegal
land invasions, in which a group of people, sometimes
numbering in the hundreds and occasionally in the thousands,
move onto land at some agreed-upon time and immediately
construct shacks with whatever material is available. Where
it is possible, these squatters try to settle on public
land, land that is owned by the government. These invasions
are generally well-organized, and contrary to common
mythology, are not necessarily communist-inspired. Indeed,
evidence shows that these squatters are far from the dregs
of society, being better educated, more ubanized, and less
given to criminal activity than most reports would have us
believe (Mangin, 1967: 21-29).
Indeed, research involving squatter settlements
indicates that, far from being the "cancerous sores" that
many claim should be bulldozed into oblivion, with their
inhabitants removed to "modern" housing, these settlements
are perhaps the most viable, economic, and psychologically-

123
appealing ways of housing poor but hopeful residents that
Latin American cities such as Cali have (Turner, 1968: 44-
45). The author first became acquainted with research
undertaken by John Turner of the Harvard-M.I.T. Joint Center
for Urban Studies during his field work in Cali in 1967-
1968, and feels that this research, along with the work by
William Mangin of Cornell University, has been among the
most important of all recent urban research in Latin America.
As research with hope for human betterment it is unparalleled.
At last poor urban dwellers have research that takes their
own hopes and aspirations into account, and builds solutions
based on this enormous pool of desire for self-improvement.
Briefly, Turner argues that rather than destroying
squatter settlements, governments should support them. This
support should take the form of paved streets, water,
sewers, electricity, schools, and health centers. Housing,
which is by far the most expensive aspect of dealing with
poor urban dwellers, should be left to the devices of the
dwellers themselves. That these dwellers can provide their
own housing has been amply demonstrated time and again
throughout Latin America, and in Cali. Further, the govern
ments of most Latin American nations, Colombia included,
simply do not have the financial resources to provide ho;is-
ing (Turner, 1968: 44-45). As an extension of Turners
argument, it seems plausible that as the government provides
these environmental supports, and leaves housing to the
residents, the environmental support projects could employ

124
many of the squatter settlement residents, and serve as job-
apprentice programs. Thus not only would the government be
providing support services, but some of the cost of build
ing these projects would be returned to the squatter settle
ment residents themselves, perhaps to be used in improving
their housing, and the residents would at the same time have
acquired some job skills.
Field observation in Cali overwhelmingly demonstrates
that literally thousands, perhaps tens of thousands, of
poor squatter families have dramatically improved their
housing over the years through their own devices. The
author has visited countless such homes, and perhaps a
short account of one such visit in El Rodeo (barrio 114)
will convey some of the processes involved. The family came
to El Rodeo as part of a squatter invasion in 1962, and
immediately put up a one-room shack made with a few bamboo
poles, cardboard, and a sheet of corrugated steel on the
roof. Within a few months the family had converted this
shack into a two-room bamboo wattle-and-daub home, and had
begun plans for improvements. Over the next five years
brick walls and a cement roof for an eventual second floor
were added, and the home was expanded to four rooms. In the
few months before my visit, the family had added two glass
windows to the front, and a cement patio and patio wall with
an iron gate. Flowers bloomed in profusion from empty-can
pots on the patio, and the home was now a far cry from a
squatter shack. It had become a solid working-class home,

125
and represented a considerable investment by the family.
They were very proud of what they had achieved, but were sad
that the city had been so slow in providing needed services.
The street in front of the house was still not paved in
1968, and the dust and nuid that this brought into the home
was of great concern to the seora.
In Cali the poor people know that they must rely on
their own devices for any basic improvement in their living
conditions. While there is much that the government can and
must do to help, it would be a great tragedy if this desire
for self-improvement were extinguished. The squatter settle
ments, which make up a large part of the recent growth of
the city, must be looked upon with hope and with support,
rather than as blights to be eradicated.
Ascertaining precisely what proportion of recent
city growth is attributable to squatter settlements is an
impossible task, given the data available. However, some
rough estimates can be made, though one of the difficulties
in estimating the proportion of the city's population that
is made up of squatters is that original squatter invasions
may later be recognized by the city and made legal, and then
many other residents may move into the barrio. Thus the
process in a sense becomes routinized and legitimized.
Among the barrios of Cali, at least twelve (barrios
25, 52, 63, 77, 78, 82, 83, 114, 137, 139) have been docu
mented as having their origins in squatter invasions
(Campbell, 1966?: 1-3). In 1964, these barrios made up

126
sixteen per cent of the city's population. However, there
are parts of other non-squatter-established barrios that
have been invaded by squatters, and other squatter barrios
that were not documented by Campbell. The field survey
indicated that thirty-five barrios, in addition to those
listed by Campbell, have inhabitants who probably squatted
in the barrio. These barrios comprise an additional twenty-
four per cent of the population of Cali. However, it was
apparent during the field survey that only a portion of the
dwellers in these barrios were squatters. If one used a
rough estimate that fifty per cent of the people in these
barrios were squatters, this would mean twelve per cent of
the total population of the city. This twelve per cent,
plus the sixteen per cent of the population in the Campbell
barrios, brings the total of squatters in Cali to twenty-
eight per cent. While this is admittedly a rough estimate,
it is in accord with an estimate for Cali made by Charles
Abrams, who stated that Cali "has a squatter population that
makes up about 30 per cent of the total figure" (Abrams,
1964: 13).
If we accept roughly thirty per cent as the squatter
population of Cali in the 1960's, it can be shown that
squatters made up a substantial portion of the 1951-1964
population increase in Cali. In 1951, Cali had 284,000
people. By 1964, 354,000 additional people had been added,
to reach a population of 638,000. This 1964 population
includes 191,000 squatters, thirty per cent of the total
population. If one assumes that ninety per cent of these

127
squatters were residing in barrios established after 1951
(the two barrios that are major exceptions to this are 25
and 56), then 172,000 squatters were in these newly-
established barrios. These people comprise half of the
\
people added to Calis population in the 1951-1964 period.
While this, again, is a rough estimate, it is readily appar
ent that barrios inhabited by squatters made up a substantial
portion, perhaps half, of the 1951-1964 growth of the city.
In addition to squatter settlements, there are other
groups which have contributed to the recent tremendous
gro;vth in the number of barrios in Cali. Of the ninety
barrios which were added to Cali in the 1951-1964 period,
thirteen were lower-middle-class or middle-class barrios,
indicating rather substantial growth among the middle
classes during this period of Calis history. There were
only sixteen lower-middle-class or middle-class barrios in
Cali existing in 1951, and only three additional upper-class
barrios were added by 1964. Thus, in terms of barrio growth,
the lower working-class people added the greatest number of
barrios, both absolutely and relatively, followed by the
barrios added by lower-middle-class and middle-class people.
Upper-class barrios grew the slowest, both absolutely and
relatively. Thus Cali had a greater proportion of lower and
working-class barrios in 1964 than had been the case in 1951.
Among the lower-class andworking-class people of
Cali, squatter settlements were not the only means of
obtaining a home site. Some new immigrants managed, one way
or another, to legally purchase plots for a home. Others

128
banded together in associations which had as their objective
eventual home ownerships.
An example of such an association in Cali is the Central
Pro-Vivienda de Colombia, a virtually spontaneous organ
ization of 3,850 lower-class family heads who each pay
about twenty cents a week to a common fund for acquiring'
residential land and urban services. The Central is
governed by its own general assembly, board of directors
and governing committee. Its objectives include: legal
acquisition of land for individual home ownership;
assistance in home construction; studies to determine
the greatest needs of the poor classes and the ability of
each family to pay for its land; solidarity of homeless
persons without attention to political, religious or
racial considerations; exertion of pressure to bring
down land prices near the city; encouragement of cooper
ation and self-help among the poor and defense of the
nuclear family; resistance to the creation of new slums
and the "invasion" of private lands (Morse, 1962: 490).
Obviously, there are many ways in which barrio
development can occur. The growth of the number of barrios
in Cali between 1951 and 1964 was based on many of these.
Yet, the existence of a barrio does not mean it is fully
populated. This dimension, the dimension of population
density, also is a factor affecting the structure of the
city, and it is to this factor of density that we turn now.
Density of the Barrios
Figure 5 shows the density of the residential
barrios of Cali in 1964, in terms of inhabitants per hectare
(one hectare equals approximately 2.47 acres). Data for
this figure were derived from a mimeographed compilation by
the Cali Municipal Planning Office, "Comparativo por Sectores
de Poblacin Areas y Densidades, Cali, Aos 1951-1964 (no
date).

DENSITY OF RESIDENTIAL BARRIOS,
CALI 1964
129
300 399
400+
UNACCOUNTED AREA

.13 0
Close inspection of figure 5 reveals that, in very-
general terms, densities decline as one moves from the
center of the city (defined as barrio 8) to the periphery.
There are, however, many barrios, and several areas, that
are exceptions. To the west of the center of the city, on
the periphery, barrios 136, 137, and 138 show high densities
Barrio 91, southwest of the center of the city, has rela
tively high density. Barrio 25, northwest of the city
center and on the periphery of the city, has relatively high
density, as does barrio 82, on the periphery southeast of
the city center.
Strikingly, the center of the city and the areas
immediately surrounding it do not have the highest densities
except for barrios_ 3 and 6. To the south and east of the
center of the city, roughly approximating a good portion of
the working-lower-class and industrial areas, are the parts
of the city with the largest areas of high density.
Other parts of the city conform to the generaliza
tion that densities are lower the further one goes from the
center of the city. The southwest area of the city, which
is the part of the city furthest from the center, has almost
uniformly low densities. The barrios to the northeast of
the city center that lie at the greatest distance generally
have low densities. But these conformities to the general
ization of density declining with distance from city center
do not mask the clear picture conveyed by figure 5: dis
tance from city center is secondary in importance to some
other factor in the determination of density. This finding

131
is amply demonstrated when one examines the relationship
between density and the socioeconomic status of the barrio.
Table 13 shows this relationship.
TABLE 13
DENSITY OF BARRIOS BY SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS,
CALI, 1964
Socioeconomic Status
of Barrios
Density
(Inhabitants/Hectare)
1 Upper 12
2 Middle 74
3 Lower Middle 125
4 Working 133
5 Working Lower 215
6 Lower 225
This table demonstrates the consistent inverse
relationship between density and socioeconomic status. The
lower the socioeconomic level of the barrio, the higher the
density. When figure 5 is examined from the standpoint of
socioeconomic status, it is clear that this is the factor
that often (but not always) overrides the factor of distance
from city center. The conclusion arising from the examina
tion of the spatial distribution of barrios by density is
that two main factors exert an influence, socioeconomic
status and distance from city center. The influence of the
former (socioeconomic status) seems to predominate in those
barrios that are fully settled, while the influence of the
latter (distance from city center) seems to predominate in
those areas that are in the process of settlement, and are
not yet fully inhabited. This means that, for the developed

132
city, socioeconomic status predominates over distance from
the city center in the determination of density.
These findings pose some interesting contrasts with
other research. Berry reports that
the negative exponential decline of phenomena with
increasing distance from the city center is nowhere more
apparent than in urban population densities. Regardless
of time or place, this is the pattern to be found; in
some four hundred cases examined so far there are no
exceptions (Berry, 1965: 419).
Given the nature of the data reported above, this statement
seems somexvhat overemphatic. Yet Berry did include studies
from both the Western and the non-Western \rorld, and in
another study pointed out that Min the West central densities
rise, then fall; in non-Western cities they register a con
tinual increase" (Berry, Simmons, and Tennant, 1963: 401).
If Cali is a non-Western city, then this statement
would not apply. If the central part of the city is defined
as those 22 barrios which existed in 1930, then density
figures show that only nine of these barrios registered
increases in population density in the 1951-1964 period. If
the four barrios (7, 8, 13, and 15) which comprised the
original colonial city are considered the central area, then
the figures show that three of these barrios experienced
declines in population in the 1951-1964 period, and the
other barrio maintained the same density. In this respect
Cali seems to conform more closely to the pattern posited
for Western cities, where central densities first rose and
then fell.

133
Perhaps these studies by Berry (cited above), by
dealing exclusively with the factors of density and dis
tance, have not uncovered the effect of other factors upon
urban population densities, such as socioeconomic status.
In this respect, although it is true that in a very general
sense densities decline with distance from city center in
Cali, this finding by itself would overlook the influence
of other factors, and is thus only part of the reality. Or,
perhaps, the finding reported in this study is a phenomenon
that has only become noticeable within the past decade, after
the period about which Berry reported.
There is evidence, however, that the findings reported
in this study are not isolated ones. Breese, in examining
urbanization in developing areas, commented that
one of the most noticeable features of large Indian
cities is their combination of very high population
density in relatively small areas and relatively low
population density over other large areas. ... In
addition to the small area-high density, low density-
large area contrast, these same large Indian urban areas
are also marked by burgeoning areas of temporary settle
ment, usually either in or near the Old City, or at the
periphery of the urban area (Breese, 1966: 56).
Cali seems to conform to some degree to this pattern. There
is high population density in some small, often peripheral
areas, while there are large areas with low population
densities. Unlike these Indian cities, however, Cali has
few areas of temporary settlement; the squatter areas, with
the exception of those few from which squatterswere forcibly
evicted, are very clearly intended by their residents as
areas of permanent settlement.

134
In his study of Latin American cities, Harris sup
ported the findings concerning density reported in this
study, noting that "in Latin American cities the areas with
the highest population densities are often found on the
peripheries of the urban centers rather than in the tradi
tional central core of the city" (Harris, 1971: 38).
The most closely-related study is Amatos examina
tion of population densities and socioeconomic class in
Bogot. His population density data clearly indicate
that the "elites" live in areas of least population
concentration and that the middle socioeconomic groups
live in areas of maximum concentration. The lower income
groups on the other hand, live in areas of middle-range
population densities (Amato, 1969: 67).
It is curious that Cali and Bogota, within the same country,
exhibit different density patterns, although there seems a
probable explanation for this phenomenon. In Cali, there is
a great deal of level land available for the expansion of
the city, so that urban land values are not greatly affected
by the growing population. This is not the case in Bogot;
land there is somewhat scarcer. As a result, in Amato's
study, "if density scores are standardized in terms of dis
tance from the center city, the socioeconomic groups arrange
themselves on a seven-class scale from upper income groups
to lower groups, strictly according to class rank, indicating
the relative economic advantage of each class for obtaining
low-density living at varying distances from the center
city" (Amato, 1969: 73). Thus in Bogot, as in Cali, when

135
distance is standarized, there is an inverse relationship
between socioeconomic status and population density.
In terms of population density, Cali assumes a
stance somewhere between the Western and non-Western cities
reported in the literature. Central city density changes
over time seem similar to those of Western cities, while
high peripheral densities in some parts of the city are more
similar to those of non-Western than Western cities. The
inverse relationship between population density and socio
economic status is a phenomenon common to both Western and
non-Western cities.
The Spatial Distribution of
Socioeconomic Status
The close association between socioeconomic status
and density reported in the previous section of this chapter
leads us to a consideration of socioeconomic status. Socio
economic status in this study has been determined through a
field study of housing in all the 131 residential barrios
of the city. Each of the barrios was classed on a scale
ranging from one to six, as reported in the third chapter
of this study. "One" designated a barrio as upper class,
"two" as middle class, "three" as lower middle class, "four"
as working class, "five" as working lower class, and "six"
as impoverished lower class. Figure 6 shows the spatial
distribution of barrios by socioeconomic status.

136
THE DISTRIBUTION OF RESIDENTIAL BARRIOS
BY SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS, CALI 1968
FIGURE 6
SCALE IN MILES
LOWER CLASS
WORKING LOWER CLASS
WORKING CLASS
LOWER MIDDLE CLASS
MIDDLE CLASS
UPPER CLASS
UNACCOUNTED AREA

137
Examination of the areas occupied by barrios in each
of the socioeconomic levels indicates that the city of Cali
is characterized by a clear pattern of socioeconomic organ
ization. All of the older (pre-1951) upper-class areas of
Cali are north of the Cali River, lying between the Cali
River and the mountains. Of the new (post-1951) upper-class
barrios, barrio 143 is to the west of the city center, and
is probably best considered as an extension of the upper-
class areas to the north. Barrios 130 and 132 are spacious,
very low-density areas far from the city center in the most
southern part of the city, near the Cali-Popayn highway.
North Americans would probably refer to these areas as
suburbs, although they are officially parts of the city.
Indeed, some of the people living in these two barrios are
North Americans. The most southern part of barrio 120 has
some upper-class homes, although the barrio as a whole is
rated middle class, and barrios 119 and 140, though still
essentially devoted to agriculture, do have a few scattered
upper-class homes.
Outside the city, higher up the mountains, there are
scattered settlements of homes of the well-to-do. By and
large, however, these are not suburbs, nor are they "primary
residential areas. Rather they are vacation or "summer"
homes of the well-to-do, and most of these families have
their main residences within the city of Cali.
Indeed, in Cali all socioeconomic levels reside
within the boundaries of the city. There is not yet any

138
evidence of the suburbanization that is so common in the
United States, and as long as a good deal of city land
remains vacant, it does not appear that any substantial
suburbanization will take place in the near future. In fact,
a good share of barrio 131 is still operated as a sugar
plantation, with extensive cane fields within city boundaries.
In general, the upper-class areas occupy two parts
of the city. One forms a sector north of the center of the
city, and the other is on the southern "end" of the city.
Future upper-class development likely will take place in
areas adjoining these sectors, or in the foothill areas
lying between them. Thus even future upper-class development
is likely to be within a "band" of the city running along
the foothills. In no case does there appear to be any
evidence of upper-class barrios developing on the flat lands
of the Cauca River Valley.
The spatial organization of middle-class barrios is
similar to that of upper-class barrios. Of the fourteen
middle-class barrios, seven are clustered in a band north
east of the center of the city, between the Cali River and
the foothills, and seven are southwest of the center of the
city, again on or near the sloping land of the foothills.
No middle-class barrios are located in the extensive and
heavily-populated areas east and southeast of the center of
the city.
Lower-middle-class barrios are clustered south and
west of the center of the city, and are near the center.

139
The two exceptions are barrio 26, to the northwest of the
center of the city, and barrio 39, to the north.
Taken together, upper-class, middle-class, and
lower-middle-class barrios occupy a wide band of the city,
stretching from northeast to southwest. In the northeast,
the Cali River separates this land from the working-class
and lower-class barrios to the south and east. Of the seven
teen residential barrios in Cali north of the Cali River,
only two are working-class or lower-class barrios, barrios
25 and 157. In the southwest, the upper-class, middle-
class, and lower-middle-class barrios occupy a fairly large
area relatively near the center of the city which is not
demarcated by any natural boundaries, although the area is
surrounded by some vacant land, which is, in all probability
the area of the city where future middle-class and lower-
middle-class expansion will occur.
The working-class barrios of the city, except for
the four barrios which comprise the "working class" com
mercial area of the city (barrios 3, 4, 11, and 12), are
scattered to the south and east of the center of the city.
The only exception is barrio 157 (mentioned above), which is
a large public housing project in the midst of a middle-
class area of the city. It is not readily apparent why
these barrios are so scattered, although perhaps this is due
to a factor of time--most of the working-class barrios are
somewhat older than the lower-working-class barrios which

140
surround them, and thus their residents have had more time
to improve their homes and their socioeconomic status.
The lower-working-class barrios are by far the most
prevalent in the city, including fifty-nine of the one
hundred and thirty-one residential barrios of the city and
over half the city's population. Most of these barrios (all
but eight) are located in a wide "wedge" of the city stretch
ing east and south of the center, on the flat land of the
Cauca River Valley. The eight other barrios lie south and
west of the center of the city. Two of these (barrios 6 and
30) bifurcate the upper-class and middle-class band of
barrios, three others (barrios 134, 136, and 138) are adja
cent to the largest mountainside slum area in the city
(barrios 137 and 139), and the other three are .along the
Cali-Popayn highway to the southwest of the center of the
city. These latter three barrios may well be more a reflec
tion of rural than urban socioeconomic organization, as most
of this area of the city is still in the beginning stages of
development and reflects more of a rural than an urban way
of life.
The lower-class areas often referred to as tugurios
in Colombia are widely scattered, although twrelve of the
fifteen barrios are located in the working-class and lower-
working-class "wedge" to the east and south of the center of
the city. There are two general groupings of lower-class
barrios within this wedge. Five barrios are just south of
the Cali River, across from middle-class barrios, and either

141
within or adjacent to the industrial area of the city. The
other seven barrios within this "wedge" area are all near
or on the periphery of the city.
The other three lower-class barrios are on the
steep slopes or ridges of the mountains, barrios 25, 137,
and 139. Barrio 25 is relatively old (pre-1951), in rough
terrain, and quite difficult to reach, which may explain its
lack of attraction for more affluent Caleos. Barrios 137
and 139, the largest lower-class area in the city in terms
of population, developed essentially at the end of the band
of upper-class, middle-class, and lower-middle-class barrios.
In general terms, the spatial organization of socio
economic status shows a clear pattern. Running from south
west to northeast near the mountains are the upper-class,
middle-class, and lower-middle-class barrios. Running south
and east of the center of the city is a large "wedge" of
working-class, lower-working-class, and lower-class barrios.
Although some barrios are exceptions, this pattern is rather
distinct. To the southwest of the city center, in the "arm"
of the city roughly bordering the Cali-Popayn highway, the
low level of development has not yet allowed any clear pat
terns of socioeconomic organization, although it is appar
ent that a new upper-class area is developing at the tip of
this "arm."

142
The Spatial Distribution of
Family Status
In the review of the literature, it was shown that
the two factors that have been found to be most fundamental
in the spatial distribution of social organization were
socioeconomic status and family status. In the previous
section of this chapter housing was used to portray socio
economic status. In this section we shall examine two indi
cators of family status, number of family members and number
of family units per housing unit. These two indicators are
graphically portrayed in figures 7 and 8.
Figure 7 shows the mean number of family members for
each of the residential barrios of Cali. The pattern which
emerges is that those barrios with the fewest members per
family are closest to the center of the city (barrio 8),
while those barrios with the most members per family are
farthest from the center of the city. Indeed, the pattern
indicates that the more family members, the farther the
barrio is from the center; this pattern holds for each of
the five categories shown in the figure. Table 14 shows the
relationship. In this table, the distance of each barrio
from the city center (the geographical center of barrio 8)
was measured by drawing circles on a map with radii at one
mile intervals from the city center. If the geographical
center of the barrio was within the circle with a radius of
one mile from city center, the barrio was listed as being
one mile from city center; if the geographical center of the

143
THE DISTRIBUTION OF RESIDENTIAL BARRIOS
BY FAMILY SIZE. CALI 1964
FIGURE 7
UNACCOUNTED AREA

144
THE DISTRIBUTION OF RESIDENTIAL BARRIOS
BY NUMBER OF FAMILIES PER HOUSING UNIT,
CALI 1964
FIGURE 8
o 1.0
1.3 1.4
1.5 1.6
1.7 +
UNACCOUNTED AREA

145
TABLE 14
MEAN DISTANCE OF BARRIOS FROM CITY CENTER, BY MEAN
NUMBER OF FAMILY MEMBERS PER BARRIO
Mean Number of Family
Members per Barrio
Mean Distance of Barrios
from City Center, in Miles
0 4.4
4.5 4.9
5.0 5.4
5.5 5.9
6.0 +
1.77
2.11
2.43
2.49
2.67
barrio was outside the circle with a radius of one mile but
inside a circle with a radius of two miles, then the barrio
was listed as being two miles from city center; if the
geographical center of the barrio was outside the circle with
a radius of two miles but inside a circle with a radius of
three miles, then the barrio was listed as being three miles
from city center; etc. All of the barrios were so classi
fied by distance from city center, with none of them lying
within a circle with a radius of more than six miles from
the center of the city. The distances from city center of
all of the barrios in each category (of mean number of
family members per barrio) were then averaged, to determine
the mean distance from city center of each category of
barrio. A clear concentric pattern emerged. The greater
the mean number of family members per barrio, the greater
the mean distance of barrios from city center.
Caution should be exercised in the use of these data
on number of family members, because the definition of

146
family on the 1964 Colombian census form is quite broad.
The form notes that all persons who spent the night before
the date of the census in the dwelling should be counted.
This includes the head of the family and his spouse,
\
unmarried children (including the recently-born), married
children and their families, other relatives, guests,
boarders, servants, and others. The category of servants
is the one which may differentially weight the members-per -
family averages for the various socioeconomic levels; there
are undoubtedly more servants per family in upper-class and
middle-class barrios than there are in lower-working-class
and lower-class barrios, but data are not available to
determine the numbers involved. One might surmise, ho\vever,
that servants do not constitute a large portion--even of the
households of the middle and upper classes, if the pattern
in Colombia is reasonably similar to the pattern in Brazil.
For Brazil, Smith notes that "servants living in the homes
are not particularly numerous, but because of their presence
in the households of those of the upper and middle socio
economic classes, their visibility is especially great"
(Smith, 1970: 193). Overall, 1.4 per cent of all Brazilian
households headed by persons aged 30-39 is composed of
employees (Smith, 1970: 195).
The members per family classified by socioeconomic
levels of the barrios are shown in table 15. From this
table it appears that the upper and middle-class families
are slightly larger than families in the other socioeconomic

147
levels. However, servants undoubtedly add to the size of
the upper and middle-class families, so apparently the
average family size in Cali shows little variation by socio
economic level.
TABLE 15
MEMBERS PER FAMILY OF BARRIOS BY SOCIOECONOMIC
STATUS, CALI, 1964
Socioeconomic Status of Barrios
Members per Family
1 Upper 5.7
2 Middle 5.7
3 Lower Middle 5.3
4 Working 5.5
5 Working Lower 5.3
6 Lower 5.3
Figure 8 shows the spatial distribution of resi
dential barrios by number of family units per housing unit,
which is the second of the two measures of family status
utilized in this study. Again, as in the case of the number
of members per family, there is a clear relation between the
pattern of this indicator of family status and distance from
the center of the city. Those barrios which have the fewest
family units per housing unit tend to be furthest from the
center of the city, and those barrios which have the most
family units per housing unit tend to be nearest the center
of the city. Table 16 shows this relationship. In this
table, distance from city center was measured in the same
manner as in table 14. Again, as in table 14, a clear

148
TABLE 16
MEAN DISTANCE OF BARRIOS FROM CITY CENTER
BY MEAN FAMILY UNITS PER HOUSING UNIT
Mean Family Units Mean Distance of Barrios
per Housing Unit from City Center, in Miles,
0 1.0
2.91
1.1 1.2 2.71
1.3 1.4 2.18
1.5 1.6 2.15
1.7 + 1.68
concentric pattern is shown. The smaller the number of
family units per housing unit, the greater the mean distance
of barrios from city center.
There were few multi-family dwelling units to con
fuse the issue. There were only two large multi-family
housing projects for the middle and lower classes, and these
were in barrios 54 and 157. There were also a few residential
hotels and apartments in middle and upper-class areas, such
as barrios 28, 33, and 37. Of all the barrios in the city,
only barrio 157 is not dominated by single-family dwellings;
barrio 157 has four dwelling units for one hundred and
sixty-two families.
The number of family units per housing unit in
relation to the socioeconomic level of the barrios is shown
in table 17. This table shows that, except for the lower
class, the number of family units per housing unit increases
as one goes from upper-class barrios to working-lower-class

149
TABLE 17
FAMILY UNITS PER HOUSING UNIT OF BARRIOS
BY SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS, CALI, 1964
Socioeconomic Status
of Barrios
Family Units per
Housing Unit
1 Upper
2 Middle
1.1
1.1
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.3
3 Lower Middle
4 Working
5 Working Lower
6 Lower
barrios. Lower-class barrios are an exception, probably
because of the temporary nature of many of their dwellings,
which are simply too small to hold another family. When
another family arrives, it is more likely to put up its own
temporary abode than it is to move into the dwelling of
friends or relatives.
Now that the data have been presented, we can examine
the structure of the city of Cali in a more comprehensive
manner than has yet been done in this study. This is the
subject of the concluding section of this chapter.
The Structure of Cali
The structure of a large city such as Cali is
affected by numerous factors which have exerted their
influence over a period of time. Thus time is itself a
factor. In Cali, more than four hundred years have elapsed
since the city was founded. During most of this considerable

ISO
period of time Cali remained a small town, and its struc
ture, unaffected by rapid growth, probably changed very
slowly. Only with rapid growth during the twentieth century
did substantial change begin. One aspect of this change
stands out. This is the change from a pattern where the
rich and important people lived clustered around the central
plaza to a very different pattern. It is the purpose of
this study to describe this different pattern.
The scant literature describing the structure of the
Latin American city, reviewed earlier in this study, shows
that a plaza-centered pattern for the residences of the rich
was virtually universal. Everywhere, however, this pattern
appeared to be at one stage or another of breakdown. Here
the literature becomes sketchy. In some cases, this break
down is seen as a shift to the North American pattern, where
the more well-to-do live on the periphery of the city and
the poor live in the center. In other cases, this shift to
a North American pattern is questioned but no clear alterna
tive for an emerging "new" pattern is advanced. This, then,
is the boundary of knowledge about the structure of the con
temporary Latin American city. What are the characteristics
of this new pattern (if indeed it can be called a pattern),
and how is this pattern evolving?
One cannot generalize a specific case study, as is
undertaken here for Cali, to all the cities in Latin America.
Yet as a large, rapidly-industrializing, non-capital city in
the second most populous Spanish-speaking country in South

151
America, Cali may be fairly typical of a growing number of
cities, and the examination of its structure may provide
clues for the examination of the structure of some other
cities in Latin America.
The recency of much of the growth of Cali is of
paramount importance for its structure. The rapidity of
Calis growth has led to a somewhat disorganized pattern in
the peripheral parts of the city, and especially in the
southern "arm. Yet, even with this complication, it is
apparent that the growth has occurred within the framework
of certain forces, for the city exhibits marked regularities
in a number of respects. First, the growth has spread out
wards from the center and, except for the most recent period
has filled in the areas closest to the center of the city
before moving further outward; the growth has occurred all
around the center, except for the mountainous areas on one
side. This first force is the tendency to locate as close
as possible to the center of the city. Unlike people in the
United States, most Caleos do not have their own means of
transportation, and must locate within the bounds of public
transportation. The result is a relatively compact city,
where the furthest part of the city is only about six miles
from the center.
A second force affecting the pattern of city growth
relates to the availability and advisability of locating in
certain areas. While little understood, this force is
apparently of some consequence in the spatial distribution

152
of various socioeconomic levels. Vacant land may be avail
able in a number of areas on the edges of the settled parts
of the city, but squatting in certain areas (i.e., near the
well-to-do and powerful) is likely to be much more difficult
than squatting near other squatter settlements. The force
operating in this case is one of like socioeconomic levels
being attracted, for a variety of reasons, to each other.
Thus growth, in and of itself, can lead to socioeconomic
"clustering" even without other factors.
But other factors are involved in the determination
of the structure of the city, and one of these is land use.
Of paramount importance in the examination of land use is
the finding that in Cali there is a rather clear degree of
functional differentiation. The industrial function
occupies a quite distinct sector of the city, and the com
mercial function, while occurring in many areas of the city,
is clearly concentrated in the central core. This finding
contrasts sharply with one of the basic aspects of the pre
industrial city as characterized by Sjoberg, where there is
a "low incidence of functional differentiation" in land-use
patterns (Sjoberg, 1960: 96).
Another of the characteristics of Sjoberg's pre
industrial city is the existence of "certain finer spatial
differences according to ethnic, occupational, and family
ties" (Sjoberg, 1960: 95-96). Nowhere in Cali were such
spatial differences observed. While color differences do
exist in the racial composition of the populace of Cali,

153
(although data are not available to examine these differ
ences) color generally manifests itself in socioeconomic
rather than ethnic levels of organization. This is not to
say that color differences have no effect; they do.
V
Generally, however, the darker ones skin, the lower ones
socioeconomic level. Thus the clustering that does occur is
that of socioeconomic rather than ethnic differentiation.
Occupational clustering is virtually non-existent in Cali,
which sharply distinguishes Cali from cities such as
Calcutta (Berry and Rees, 1969) and Cairo (Abu-Lughod, 1969).
The third basic contrast between preindustrial and
industrial cities that was posited by Sjoberg was "the pre
eminence of the 'central' area over the periphery, especially
as portrayed in the distribution of social classes" in the
preindustrial city (Sjoberg, 1960: 95); and "the pre
industrial city's central area is notable also as the chief
residence of the elite" (Sjoberg, 1960: 97). In Cali, few
members of the elite live in the central area of the city.
The commercial function, however, is still dominant in the
central area of the city, although there is some evidence
that noncentral commercial nuclei are starting to develop.
In this aspect of land use, Cali still carries, in its
ecological organization, remnants of the patterns established
there earlier in its history, when it had been a small pre
industrial city. For Cali, the decentralization of the
commercial function seems to be the last aspect of a pre
industrial city to change. From the standpoint of the

154
dynamic, processes involved in the change from a preindus
trial to an industrial city, this is interesting, for little
is known about the temporal sequences of the change.
In general, Cali does not conform to the three basic
land use patterns posited by Sjoberg to characterize the
preindustrial city. In the Sjoberg use of the term, Cali
does not evidence preindustrial patterns of ecological
organization.
Sjoberg also focuses on the industrial as well as
the preindustrial city (Sjoberg, 1965) He notes that
"industrial cities, in contrast to preindustrial ones, are
more likely to revolve about a commercial and/or industrial
focus than around a religious --governmental complex"
(Sjoberg, 1965: 229). Cali certainly fulfills this cri
terion. Its religious importance is negligible, and while
it is the capital of the department of El Valle del Cauca,
it is not a governmental center of much importance. Impor
tant governmental matters are handled in Bogot. The
economic life of Cali is dominated by industry and commerce.
Sjoberg also characterizes the industrial city as
exhibiting "a high degree of specialization in land use,"
(Sjoberg, 1965: 229) a characteristic to which Cali has
already been shown to conform, and a tendency of the upper
and middle socioeconomic groups "to reside beyond the city's
core, leaving the central area to various low-status groups,
and elements of the elite as well" (Sjoberg, 1965: 229-230).

155
Again, Cali conforms to this generalization. In sum, Cali
appears in this context to be an industrial city.
While an examination of land use in Cali allowed a
comparison with theoretical formulations of preindustrial
V
and industrial cities, an examination of socioeconomic status
and family status allows a comparison of Cali with Western
and non-Western city structures, as derived through studies
of social area analysis and factorial ecology. It is this
latter task that the study now pursues.
Figure 6 showed that socioeconomic status varied
sectorially. Each socioeconomic level occupied a distinct
sector of the city, conforming to the city structure pos
tulated by Homer Hoyt. Among socioeconomic levels, it was
clear that the more advantaged lived at lower densities, and
that there was an inverse relationship between density and
socioeconomic status.
The sectorial distribution of socioeconomic status
agrees with the findings of Berry and Rees (1969) and
Anderson and Egeland (1961). In these studies, and in the
study of Cairo by Abu-Lughod (1969), it appeared that
Western cities would have more pronounced levels of differ
entiation than non-Western cities, so that the clear emer
gence of a sectorial distribution of socioeconomic status
was a characteristic of Western cities. Cali in this
respect is Western.
The dynamics by which such a sectorization develops
are poorly understood. Amato, in analyzing elite residential

156
areas in Bogot, discusses two factors causative to elite
location, external environmental forces such as climate and
topography, and the availability of services such as com
munication and transportation (Amato, 1968: 251). A third
factor probably ought to be added, and that is the tendency
for like groups to congregate, and unlike groups to remain
separated. While data are not available to test such an
assumption, this does appear to be a psychological factor of
some importance in Cali.
In Cali, it appears that upper-class residents have
consciously sought to locate in the higher part of the city,
along the foothills. These locations are not subject to the
flooding that periodically plagues the flatter areas of the
city., and are slightly cooler, lying at a higher elevation.
The steeper slopes, occupied by lower-class barrios 25, 137,
and 139, are not desirable residential locations because of
the steepness of the terrain, and the constant danger of
landslides. Thus these locations are left to those of the
lower class who are economically and politically unable to
compete for the more desirable locations.
Unlike many of the large cities in Latin America,
Cali is not severely limited in its supply of residential
land. Except for the mountains along one side of the city,
topography is not an influencing factor. Thus Cali, more
than most other large cities in Latin America, shows what
happens to the structure of the city when the normal forces
of growth and development are allowed to run their course,

157
without the confounding factor of difficult topographical
features. For many cities in Latin America this is not
true; many of these "cities show in a striking manner the
effect of topography on the form and direction of city
growth" (Hoyt, 1963: 452).
The second factor involved in residential location
is the availability of services, especially transportation.
In Cali, transportation means cars, taxis, and busses for
the more well-to-do; and busses for the poor. Roads there
fore become the key transportation arteries.
In the literature it has been suggested that the
"elites may be seen to have moved ... in the direction of
rapid transportation arteries" and to have "arranged them
selves contiguous to these arteries or very close to them--
generally in a sector pattern" (Amato, 1968: 253).
Pealosa suggests that arterial accessibility is a major
determinant of ecological patterns in the transitional city
(Pealosa, 1967: 221-229). (The transitional city is at a
stage between the preindustrial and the industrial.) In
three small transitional Mexican cities, Pealosa found that
families of higher socioeconomic status are found
primarily along arterials and importantly but to a some
what lesser extent, in the vicinity of the plaza. The
more industrialized the city, the more characteristic is
this pattern. The more industrialized the city, the
more dispersed are the residences of the rich and com
fortable from the central plaza (Pealosa, 1967: 226).
In Cali, a city that has been shown to be far more
industrial than preindustrial, examination of the relation
ship between arterial highways (shown in figure 1 by heavy

158
black lines) and the socioeconomic level of the barrios
indicates that the higher the socioeconomic level of the
barrio, the greater is the likelihood that the barrio will
be bordered by an arterial highway. Table 18 shows this
relationship.
TABLE 18
BARRIOS BORDERED BY ARTERIAL HIGHWAYS,
BY SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS, CALI, 1968
Socioeconomic Status
of Barrios
1 Upper
2 Middle
3 Lower Middle
4 Working
5 Working Lower
6 Lower
Per Cent of Barrios
Bordered by Arterial
Highways
100
93
73
61
44
27
Unlike the Mexican cities studied by Pealosa, Cali no
longer has any significant number of upper or middle-class
families in the vicinity of the plaza. These families
reside almost exclusively along arterial highways.
If the accessibility of transportation is a value
sought by everyone, then it stands to reason that those
areas of the city that provide the greatest accessibility
will be most sought-after. The upper and middle classes,
with their greater economic and political resources, would
obtain the choicest areas, and the lower classes would be
left with the least desirable areas. In this sense, the

159
sectorization of the city by socioeconomic levels may have
been helped by development along transportation arterials,
as suggested by Hoyt in his sector hypothesis. Thus
arterial accessibility does appear to be a factor in the
development of the socioeconomic structure of the city.
Family status is the second major influence in
determining the structure of the city. In the review of the
literature, family status was shown to vary concentrically
for Western cities (Anderson and Egeland, 1961; Timms, 1971;
Rees, 1972). For non-Western cities, and for cities some
where in the transitional stage between preindustrial and
industrial, it appeared that the family status factor had
not yet clearly emerged as a separate dimension of urban
differentiation, being intertwined with socioeconomic status,
ethnic status, and other factors such as "life-style''; in
such cities there appeared to be less-clearly delineated
factors of intra-urban differentiation (Abu-Lughod, 1969;
Berry and Rees, 1969).
In Cali, the two indicators of family status examined
both revealed a rather clear concentric pattern. A compari
son of the two indicators of family status with socio
economic status revealed that there was a weak relationship
between socioeconomic status and family units per housing
unit, and no definite relationship between socioeconomic
status and members per family. Thus, though there may be
some small degree of relationship between socioeconomic
status and family status, it is clear that these two factors
are by no means intertwined; each of these factors explains

160
a separate dimension of urban differentiation. In this
sense Cali is more Western than non-Western, and more
industrial than preindustrial or transitional.
Cali in the late 1960s has passed through the
transitional phase from preindustrial to industrial in terms
of the structure of the city. The quiet, plaza-centered
colonial town of yesterday is no more. A modern industrial
city has grown rapidly from the colonial past, changing its
structure to a form that would be almost unrecognizable by
a Caleo of several decades ago.

Chapter VI
CONCLUSIONS
This study has described the patterns of land use,
population density, socioeconomic status, and family status
in Cali, Colombia. This description has utilized the areal
unit of the barrio for the presentation of the data.
These data show that there is a substantial degree
of functional specialization in land use in Cali, as
evidenced by a clear and distinct central commercial area
and a rather sharply-defined industrial area. At the same
time, there are still a number of traditional commercial
functions, such as sidewalk vendors, scattered throughout
the city. While an assessment of land use showed Cali to be
more an industrial than a preindustrial city, it was clear
that the commercial function was still in the process of
changing from a preindustrial to an industrial level of
organization, allowing a glimpse of the dynamic processes
involved in the transition from a preindustrial to an
industrial ecological structure.
While the density of the population of Cali declined
from the center of the city to the periphery, level of
socioeconomic status appeared to have a greater influence on
161

162
density than distance from city center. As a result, some
of the poorer peripheral areas of the city had higher
densities than more central areas. In this respect Cali
was more like non-Western cities such as Calcutta than
Western cities. At the same time, central city densities in
Cali are now declining, which is more characteristic of
Western than of non-Western cities. Like the examination of
land use, the examination of density afforded a glimpse of
the city in the process of change in its ecological struc
ture .
The analysis of the spatial distribution of socio
economic status and family status showed that socioeconomic
status varied sectorially and family status varied concen
trically. This confirms the findings of previous studies in
social area analysis, and adds a Latin American example to
the widening body of research exploring the dimensions of
urban social differentiation.
The clear sectorization of socioeconomic status and
concentric distribution of family status in Cali, indicative
of a rather pronounced level of urban differentiation, is
more characteristic of industrial than it is of preindustrial
cities. Thus, while land use and density data showed that
Cali does not totally conform to the characteristics of
industrial and Western cities, it is clear that Cali is much
closer to these theoretical city types than it is to non-
Western and preindustrial cities. If this were not the case,

163
then the differentiation of socioeconomic status and family-
status areas would have been much less clearly defined.
In theoretical terms, the shape of the city described
in this study conforms much more closely to the sector
hypothesis of Hoyt than it does to the concentric zone
theory of Burgess or the multiple nuclei theory of Harris
and Ullman. As Hoyt hypothesized, the city of Cali has
upper-class neighborhoods that moved outward toward the
periphery of the city in an axial fashion, and middle-class
neighborhoods that developed beside them. These areas
occupied high ground away from flood areas, and grew in the
same direction for a long period of time. The Harris and
Ullman theory, suggesting a group of nuclei rather than a
central core, was not confirmed in Cali, nor was the Burgess
theory, which suggested that each concentric zone of the
city had certain characteristics distinguishing it from the
other zones. Consequently those studies of the ecology of
the Latin American city which have suggested that the peri
pheral zone of the city would eventually contain the rich
and the center of the city the poor are not confirmed. The
evidence does not show that Cali is moving in the direction
of what often has been assumed to be the North American
pattern of city structure.
But the evidence does confirm the theory of social
area analysis, which holds that, for the industrial city,
and to a lesser extent for the preindustrial city, three
factors (socioeconomic status, family status, and ethnic

164
status) pretty well "explain" urban social differentiation.
In Cali the factors of socioeconomic status and family status
do describe the basic structure of the city, and allow an
assessment of such intervening factors as topography and
transportation accessibility.
Cali is essentially an industrial city. It does not
"fit" the characteristics of the preindustrial city as
posited by Sjoberg, and it conforms to the patterns of spatial
organization found for Western industrial cities, where socio
economic status is distributed sectorially and family status
is distributed concentrically.
In comparing Cali with cities in other parts of the
world one must exercise caution. In North America, for
example, massive suburbanization accompanied by declining
central city populations has altered the manner in which the
ecological patterns developed, based as they were on the
assumption of the growth of the city. Thus the focus in
North America may come to be the metropolitan region rather
than the city itself. In Cali massive suburbanization is
still far in the future, if indeed, in the different socio
cultural context, such trends ever do develop.
In several ways Cali is advantageous as an example
of a city in Latin America. Cali is in Colombia, which "is
almost as diverse socially and culturally as Brazil, and in
many ways is more representative of Spanish America in
general than is any other one of the eighteen nations in the
group" (Smith, 1970: xvi) The topography in Cali, unlike

165
that in so many other Latin American cities, is not a
particularly constraining factor, so the normal processes of
structural development can occur in an unimpeded fashion.
Finally, Cali is at a developmental stage that has just
passed beyond the transitional to the industrial. We can
still "see" some of the dynamic processes involved in this
change, such as lower central densities along with still-
high peripheral densities, and a centralized commercial
area with the incipient development of additional commercial
nuclei.
Whether Cali is typical or atypical of cities in
Latin America remains to be determined. Only subsequent
research can provide the comparisons that are now lacking.
But it is apparent that the methodology utilized in this
study is applicable in the Latin American context, and
indeed describes urban social differentiation in Cali rather
clearly.

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Eric Armin Wagner was born May 31, 1941, at Cleveland,
Ohio. In June, 1959, he was graduated from Bedford High
School in Bedford, Ohio. In June, 1964, he received the
degree of Bachelor of Arts with a major in International
Studies from Ohio State University, and immediately enrolled
in the Graduate School of the University of Florida. From
1964 to 1966 he held a University of Florida fellowship, and
in 1966-1967 worked as a graduate assistant in the Department
of Sociology. In September, 1967, he began work as a
research and teaching assistant at the Universidad del Valle
in Cali, Colombia. In June, 1968, he received the degree of
Master of Arts with a major in Political Science from the
University of Florida. From September, 1968, to the present
he has been a faculty member in the Department of Sociology
and Anthropology at Ohio University in Athens, Ohio.
He is a member of the American Sociological Associa
tion, the Rural Sociological Society, the Population Associa
tion of America, the North Central Sociological Association,
the Latin American Studies Association, and the Midwest
Association of Latin American Studies.
179

I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
vJosph S. Vandiver, Chairman
E Sociology
Professor
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
\
T~ Lynn" Smith
Professor of Sociology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Professor of Sociology

I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Benj
Profes
Gorman
of Sociology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Wlter'7A. Rosenbaum
Associate Professor of
Political Science
This dissertation was submitted to the Department of
Sociology in the College of Arts and Sciences.and to the
Graduate Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment of
the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
December, 1973
Dean, Graduate School

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24
populations within the great majority of the cities so
far analysed appears to be reflection of no more than
three or four underlying dimensions of differentiation.
A factor interpreted as socio-economic status or social
rank appears to be effectively universal-! A-set of
factors which index differences in the family types
characteristic of the population is also generally appar
ent. Factors relating to the ethnic composition of the \
population and to its mobility characteristics occur
rather less frequently"! but still sufficiently often to
warrant their inclusion as general differentiating
dimensions. Although specific factors relating to the
peculiar characteristics of the populations concerned
may occur in any city, the basic pattern is organized
around a small number of dimensions (Timms, 1971: 55).
Thus it seems clear that three or four basic factors differ
entiate among areas of the city--at least in Western
industrialized cities.2
Unfortunately, little is known about the factorial
ecology of cities in relatively unindustrialized countries.
The only examples available are those of Calcutta (Berry and
Rees, 1969) and Cairo (Abu-Lughod, 1969). There are no
known published studies of the factorial ecology of a Latin
American city, though there is apparently a Brazilian study
in preparation (Rees, 1972: 283).
In the study of the factorial ecology of Calcutta,
it was found that one of the factors, a land use and familism
gradient, "is the direct equivalent of the Shevky-Bell urban
ization (family status) dimension" (Berry and Rees, 1969:
489). Nine other factors were also discovered (two tradi
tional commercial communities, substantial residential areas,
2With the exceptions of Cairo, Egypt, and Calcutta,
India, the factorial ecologies examined by Rees and Timms
were of Western industrial cities.


31
In'Mexico City Hayner found that the original plaza-centered
structure (which'he felt was similar to Hansen's description
of Merida) was breaking down, with many of the better homes
moving toward the periphery. This movement he attributed to
\
increasing industrialization and commercialization; he felt
it was leading in the direction of the typical North
American city structure, where the traditional pattern of
status declining from the center of the city was reversed.
"One wonders whether under the influence of increasing popu
lation and modern means of communication and transportation,
all other large Latin-American cities are assuming an
ecological pattern similar to that of cities in the United
States" (Hayner, 1945: 295-304). In a related study
supporting the findings for Mexico City, Hayner found that
crime generally decreased as one went outward from the
center of the city. At the same time, the four worst slums,
all of which were new, were on the periphery (Hayner, 1946:
428-438). Thus while the upper class has left the center of
Mexico City for the periphery, many elements of the tradi
tional ecological structure persist in the face of
modernization.
Though ecological studies generally deal with fairly
large cities, there is evidence both pro and con that the
traditional pattern may be found in smaller communities as
well. In San Luis Jilotopeque (Guatemala) Gillin found that
the ladinos, and thus the better residences, clustered


178
White, R. Clyde.
1932 "The Relation of Felonies to Environmental Factors
in Indianapolis." Social Forces 10 (May): 498-509.
Whiteford, Andrew Hunter.
1964 Two Cities of Latin America: A Comparative Descrip
tion of Social Classes. Garden City, New York:
Doubleday § Company, Inc.
Willhelm, Sidney M.
1962 Urban Zoning and Land-Use Theory.
Free Press of Glencoe.
New York: The
Wirth, Louis.
1925 "A Bibliography of the Urban Community." Pp. 161-
228 in Robert E. Park, Ernest W. Burgess, and
Roderick D. McKenzie (eds.) The City. Chicago:
The University of Chicago Press.
Wirth, Louis.
1938 "Urbanism As a Way of Life." The American Journal
of Sociology 44 (July): 1-24.
Zorbaugh, Harvey W.
1929 The Gold Coast and the Slum, a Sociological Study of
Chicago's Near North Side. Chicago: The University
of Chicago Press.


30
center and lowest on the periphery of the city, to a North
American pattern, where status increased as one went out
ward from the center toward the periphery. Yet the tradi
tional pattern was still very dominant.
In general, status declines with distance from the
center. As the periphery of the city is approached the
ratio of thatched houses becomes higher, rents are
lower, and individuals wearing the traditional costume
of the lower class are seen more frequently (Hansen,
1941: 31).
This traditional pattern in Latin America is closely
associated with the "plaza plan" of colonial Spanish towns.
In these towns the social and geographic center of the city
was an open square, which generally was surrounded by a
cathedral, a city hall, and possibly another governmental
building or two. Adjacent to these was the market and a few
commercial enterprises, and the homes of the more important
personages. As one went further outward from the plaza,
social status declined. This structural organization was
composed of blocks which were usually laid out in a grid
fashion.
The next studies were those undertaken by Hayner in
Mexico City and Oaxaca. He chose these two cities to
illustrate contrasts between the "old" colonial Mexico and
the "new" modern Mexico. In Oaxaca he found that the "old"
patterns still persisted.
In the cities of Mexico . the better homes were in
the past characteristically located near the central
plaza, and the least desirable areas were on the per
iphery. Oaxaca still exhibits this plaza-centered
structure (Hayner, 1944: 91).


84
the tobacco and sugar interests. Tobacco made its presence
felt in the city before the middle of the nineteenth cen
tury, and the sugar industry began shortly thereafter.
In 1864 . the first major enterprise in commercial
agriculture was initiated in Valle: the planting of a
relatively large hacienda in sugar cane and the
installation of steam-powered sugar mill by a Russian-
American immigrant to Colombia, James Eder. His
successful example was followed by the Caicedo sugar
mill in the early 1900's, and later by others (Posada
and Posada, 1966: 52).
There were also a few other small commercial ventures which
dealt with the Cauca Valley area, as the smaller cities in
the region were beginning to look to Cali for commercial
leadership.
In 1915, the city of Cali was linked with the
Pacific port of Buenaventura by the railroad. With the
opening of the Panama Canal at nearly the same time, the
city had an outlet to the rest of the world. Suddenly there
was a market for the produce of the Cauca Valley, and as
the transportation network in the Cauca Valley steadily
improved, Cali became the hub for the accumulation and ship
ment of this produce, and the center for the concentration
of the wealth that was derived from these activities. This
stimulated the beginnings of industrial expansion, from
about 1925 to 1930. While the worldwide depression subse
quently slowed industrial growth, after 1930 "several types
of government investment took place, especially in trans
portation, communications, and electric energy facilities,
which generated industrial activity" (Dow, 1971: 32-33).


152
of various socioeconomic levels. Vacant land may be avail
able in a number of areas on the edges of the settled parts
of the city, but squatting in certain areas (i.e., near the
well-to-do and powerful) is likely to be much more difficult
than squatting near other squatter settlements. The force
operating in this case is one of like socioeconomic levels
being attracted, for a variety of reasons, to each other.
Thus growth, in and of itself, can lead to socioeconomic
"clustering" even without other factors.
But other factors are involved in the determination
of the structure of the city, and one of these is land use.
Of paramount importance in the examination of land use is
the finding that in Cali there is a rather clear degree of
functional differentiation. The industrial function
occupies a quite distinct sector of the city, and the com
mercial function, while occurring in many areas of the city,
is clearly concentrated in the central core. This finding
contrasts sharply with one of the basic aspects of the pre
industrial city as characterized by Sjoberg, where there is
a "low incidence of functional differentiation" in land-use
patterns (Sjoberg, 1960: 96).
Another of the characteristics of Sjoberg's pre
industrial city is the existence of "certain finer spatial
differences according to ethnic, occupational, and family
ties" (Sjoberg, 1960: 95-96). Nowhere in Cali were such
spatial differences observed. While color differences do
exist in the racial composition of the populace of Cali,


63
divided the lands and devoted themselves to cattle raising
rather than to intensive tillage of the soil. "Less than a
generation sufficed for the Spaniards to convert the once
intensively tilled bottom lands [of Indian times] into . .
pastures" (Smith, 1967 : 66) .
Unlike many of today's largest Latin American
cities, which early acquired political importance, Cali was
completely overshadowed by Popayn, about seventy miles to
the south, and it long remained a minor town in the social,
economic, and political sense. Cali did not emerge as a
major Latin American city until the twentieth century.
During the colonial period, all of the important affairs
were handled by Popayn. It was Popayn which became "the
capital of an intendencia which stretched from Ecuador to
the Caribbean . ." (Whiteford, 1964: 9), and it was
Popayn which was granted a charter and a coat of arms, and
became "the seat of a university, and an important center in
the hierarchy of the church" (Whiteford, 1964: 10).
Throughout the colonial period, Cali was of very
secondary importance to Popayn, and was not much more
"important" than several other small towns in the Cauca
Valley, such as Buga, Cartago, Anserma, and Tulu. Indeed,
much of the colonial history of Cali is replete with the
economic and political marginality of the town, with refer
ences to commercial decline (ca. 1580) (Arboleda, I, 1956:
92), economic prostration (ca.. 1618) (Arboleda, I, 1956:
167), litigation over boundaries with neighboring towns,


Ill
commercial area construction is observed to have moved in
the direction of the higher and middle socioeconomic group"
(Amato, 1968: 217). Cali conforms to this pattern.
One of the most difficult aspects of the examination
\
of land-use patterns in a city is the attempt to determine
the proportion of the city occupied by each acti\rity. This
is very useful knowledge, because it can be used to compare
the city in question with other cities for which data are
available and thus help to determine the levels of city
development and functional specialization.
Very little is known about proportions of various
land uses in Latin American cities, although there is a good
deal of information about cities in the United States
(Niedercorn and Hearle, 1964: 105-110), which can be used
for comparison with Cali. In this study a procedure has
been devised which will alloitf the estimation of the propor
tion of the developed land of Cali devoted to commercial,
industrial, residential, and public activities. It should
be stressed that these are probably somewhat crude estimates.
For each barrio, the percentage of land devoted to specific
activities was estimated during the field survey. These
estimates are presented in Table 11, where R refers to
residential activity, C to commercial activity, RA to a
rural-agricultural barrio, I to industrial activity, and S
to a specialized barrio. A letter followed by a number
refers to the percentage of the developed land in the barrio
devoted to that activity. (Thus R90 CIO means that ninety


140
surround them, and thus their residents have had more time
to improve their homes and their socioeconomic status.
The lower-working-class barrios are by far the most
prevalent in the city, including fifty-nine of the one
hundred and thirty-one residential barrios of the city and
over half the city's population. Most of these barrios (all
but eight) are located in a wide "wedge" of the city stretch
ing east and south of the center, on the flat land of the
Cauca River Valley. The eight other barrios lie south and
west of the center of the city. Two of these (barrios 6 and
30) bifurcate the upper-class and middle-class band of
barrios, three others (barrios 134, 136, and 138) are adja
cent to the largest mountainside slum area in the city
(barrios 137 and 139), and the other three are .along the
Cali-Popayn highway to the southwest of the center of the
city. These latter three barrios may well be more a reflec
tion of rural than urban socioeconomic organization, as most
of this area of the city is still in the beginning stages of
development and reflects more of a rural than an urban way
of life.
The lower-class areas often referred to as tugurios
in Colombia are widely scattered, although twrelve of the
fifteen barrios are located in the working-class and lower-
working-class "wedge" to the east and south of the center of
the city. There are two general groupings of lower-class
barrios within this wedge. Five barrios are just south of
the Cali River, across from middle-class barrios, and either


99
commercial, industrial) in the barrio was made on the basis
of field observation and subsequent estimates by the author.
While the field schedule for each barrio listed percentage
categories for each function (50-100%, 10-501, 2-10%, Very
Slight), the author has written in specific estimated per
centages (5%, 10%, 15%, 20%, 25%, 30%, 40%, 50%, etc.)
wherever the barrio had more than the residential function;
i.e., wherever there was commercial and/or industrial
activity, as well as residential. (See chapter 3 for an
examination of the field schedule.)
Figure 1 shows the barrios of the city of Cali. In
this figure, and future figures, the barrios are numbered,
with the numbers denoting the same barrio in all figures.
In the discussion of the material presented in the figures,
barrios are referred to by number rather than by name, for
the sake of simplicity of discussion and clarity of figure
presentation. The names of the numbered barrios (some of
the barrios have several names and some share the same
name) are listed in Table 11, near the end of the land-use
section of this chapter. In figure 1, the solid heavy lines
denote major arterial highways, and the Cali River, which is
designated (Rio Cali) in the figure. These highways and
the river are included in all the figures, as an aid to
understanding.
Figures 2 and 3 show the land usage of Cali barrios.
Two figures of land usage have been prepared because
industrial" barrios generally contain some commercial


113
TABLE
11
Barrios
CALI BARRIOS, NAMES, ESTIMATED PERCENTAGE OF
LAND USE, AND SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS, 1968
Land Use
1
El Pen
R90
CIO
2
San Antonio
R
3
San Cayetano
R
4
Los Libertadores
R90
CIO
5
Sector Acueducto
S
6
Nacional
R
7
La Merced
R70
C30
8
San Pedro
C90
RIO
9
El Calvario
C80
R20
10
San Pascual
C60
R40
11
San Bosco
C40
R60
12
Santa Rosa
C40
R60
13
El Hoyo
C50
R50
14
El Piloto
C50
R50
15
San Nicols
R60
C30
110
16
Obrero
R80
CIO
110
17
Sucre
R70
C20
110
18
Alameda
R90
CIO
19
Bretaa
R9 5
C5
20
Junn
R
21
Guayaquil
R9 5
C5
22
Bellcazar
R80
CIO
110
23
M.M. Buenaventura
R
24
Bosque Municipal
S
25
Terrn Colorado
R
26
Aguacatl
R
27
Santa Rita
R
28
Santa Teresita
R
29
Arboledas
R
30
Bellavista
R
31
Normanda
R
32
Juanamb
R
33
Centenario
R
34
Granada
R70
C30
35
Versalles
R8 5
C15
36
Santa Mnica
R85
C5
110
37
San Vicente
R80
C20
38
Chipichape
S
39
La Campia La Paz
R
40
El Bosque
R
41
Menga
R
42
La Flora
R
43
Prados del Norte Vipasa
R
44
Acopi
RA
45
Santander
160
C20
R20
46
Zona Industrial
170
C20
RIO
SES
fO t-O K> ts) O t NHNNHHPUlHPHWON i lnlnl/l-WWtnUi-^UUn*-t>UUnWWOi I -P> W W


126
sixteen per cent of the city's population. However, there
are parts of other non-squatter-established barrios that
have been invaded by squatters, and other squatter barrios
that were not documented by Campbell. The field survey
indicated that thirty-five barrios, in addition to those
listed by Campbell, have inhabitants who probably squatted
in the barrio. These barrios comprise an additional twenty-
four per cent of the population of Cali. However, it was
apparent during the field survey that only a portion of the
dwellers in these barrios were squatters. If one used a
rough estimate that fifty per cent of the people in these
barrios were squatters, this would mean twelve per cent of
the total population of the city. This twelve per cent,
plus the sixteen per cent of the population in the Campbell
barrios, brings the total of squatters in Cali to twenty-
eight per cent. While this is admittedly a rough estimate,
it is in accord with an estimate for Cali made by Charles
Abrams, who stated that Cali "has a squatter population that
makes up about 30 per cent of the total figure" (Abrams,
1964: 13).
If we accept roughly thirty per cent as the squatter
population of Cali in the 1960's, it can be shown that
squatters made up a substantial portion of the 1951-1964
population increase in Cali. In 1951, Cali had 284,000
people. By 1964, 354,000 additional people had been added,
to reach a population of 638,000. This 1964 population
includes 191,000 squatters, thirty per cent of the total
population. If one assumes that ninety per cent of these


113
decline, because an increasing percentage of the commercial
goods will be mass-produced and sold in larger, more inten
sive retail establishments, and a decreasing proportion of
the goods will be produced and retailed by small "home"
establishments -- i.e., one "bread factory" can probably
supply more households with bread than perhaps a hundred
home bakeries.
If the public land in specialized barrios in Cali is
combined with the "other public" category, Cali has 21.4 per
cent of its developed land in public activity. This is
nearly the same as the 19.7 per cent in public activities
in cities in the United States. These cities in the United
States have 25.7 per cent of their developed land in roads
and highways, while Cali is estimated by the author to have
20.0 per cent of its developed lands in roads and highways.
The remainder of the developed land in Cali, 46.3 per cent,
is devoted to residential purposes. For the cities in the
United States, 39.0 per cent of the developed land was
devoted to this activity. The difference may be attribut
able to the large proportion of suburban residences in the
United States. Virtually all the people in Cali live within
the city boundaries; there is almost no suburbanization of
residences.
To summarize the discussion of land-use patterns in
Cali, it is clear that there is a good deal of functional
specialization in land use. Witness the clear and distinct
central commercial area, and the rather clearly-defined


Chapter I
INTRODUCTION
The internal structure of the city in Latin America
is poorly understood. Though a number of investigations of
this topic have been published, most indicate merely that
the traditional, plaza-centered structure of the city in
Latin America is changing in the direction of the North
American city pattern, where status rises as one goes from
the center toward the periphery of the city. The gross
generality of this finding seems much too inadequate for the
actual complexity of city structure that one finds in Latin
America. Further, this finding seems to be rather culture-
bound, implying that the "ideal" North American pattern of
city structure tvi 11 be attained as Latin American societies
"modernize."
Through a fortuitous set of circumstances, the
author was afforded the opportunity to examine the structure
of a city in Latin America. Appointment as a graduate
assistant in the University of Florida--Universidad del
Valle Joint Project in History, Political Science, and
Sociology, supported by a grant from the Rockefeller Founda
tion, enabled him to spend the 1967-1968 academic year in
1


Chapter VI
CONCLUSIONS
This study has described the patterns of land use,
population density, socioeconomic status, and family status
in Cali, Colombia. This description has utilized the areal
unit of the barrio for the presentation of the data.
These data show that there is a substantial degree
of functional specialization in land use in Cali, as
evidenced by a clear and distinct central commercial area
and a rather sharply-defined industrial area. At the same
time, there are still a number of traditional commercial
functions, such as sidewalk vendors, scattered throughout
the city. While an assessment of land use showed Cali to be
more an industrial than a preindustrial city, it was clear
that the commercial function was still in the process of
changing from a preindustrial to an industrial level of
organization, allowing a glimpse of the dynamic processes
involved in the transition from a preindustrial to an
industrial ecological structure.
While the density of the population of Cali declined
from the center of the city to the periphery, level of
socioeconomic status appeared to have a greater influence on
161


156
areas in Bogot, discusses two factors causative to elite
location, external environmental forces such as climate and
topography, and the availability of services such as com
munication and transportation (Amato, 1968: 251). A third
factor probably ought to be added, and that is the tendency
for like groups to congregate, and unlike groups to remain
separated. While data are not available to test such an
assumption, this does appear to be a psychological factor of
some importance in Cali.
In Cali, it appears that upper-class residents have
consciously sought to locate in the higher part of the city,
along the foothills. These locations are not subject to the
flooding that periodically plagues the flatter areas of the
city., and are slightly cooler, lying at a higher elevation.
The steeper slopes, occupied by lower-class barrios 25, 137,
and 139, are not desirable residential locations because of
the steepness of the terrain, and the constant danger of
landslides. Thus these locations are left to those of the
lower class who are economically and politically unable to
compete for the more desirable locations.
Unlike many of the large cities in Latin America,
Cali is not severely limited in its supply of residential
land. Except for the mountains along one side of the city,
topography is not an influencing factor. Thus Cali, more
than most other large cities in Latin America, shows what
happens to the structure of the city when the normal forces
of growth and development are allowed to run their course,


6
condition," on the basis of class, space, and time, and
with divisions of "poverty," "industry," and "religious
influences" (Pfautz, 1967: 47-50). In the process of this
analysis Booth discussed several of the ideas which were
later to receive much attention by the Chicago school of
urban ecology, such as the centralization of urban functions
(Pfautz, 1967: 99-102), residential segregation and
succession (Pfautz, 1967: 90-96), concentric rings with dif
ferent types of population (Pfautz, 1967: 54-55, 78-79),
and the "separation between place of residence and place of
work" (Pfautz, 1967: 106-107). Indeed Booth was a pre
cursor of modern urban ecology, as Pfautz notes: ". . con
tained in his classic survey are both theoretical and
methodological contributions that make it one of the prin
cipal antecedents of the research methods and interests
informing the rise of an empirical sociology of the city in
America in the twenties . ." (Pfautz, 1967: 6).
Robert E. Park was certainly aware of Booths work,
but did not seem to credit it with much of a contribution
beyond the descriptive level. "It was not, however, Booth's
statistics, but his realistic descriptions of the actual
life of the occupational classes . which made these
studies a memorable and permanent contribution to our know
ledge of human nature and society" (Park, 1929: 46).
Robert Park was more a social theorist and less an
empiricist than Charles Booth. In fact, Park's writings
were relatively devoid of substantive research findings.


56
those of Caplow. In one of his brilliant reviews of recent
research on Latin American urbanization, Morse talks of
Latin America as an area "where conspicuous consumption
motivates the upper class" (Morse, 1969: 498), where "For
\
many observers urban shanty towns are the most spectacular
visible hallmark of the social composition of a Latin
American city (though the mansions of the rich run them a
close second)" (Morse, 1969: 488). Whiteford, in talking
about the upper class in Quertaro, Mexico, noted that "A
large house was one of the most important symbols of social
position" (Whiteford, 1964: 69-70). In Popayn, Colombia,
Whiteford implied that external appearance also distinguished
lower class homes.
In Popayn, as in Quertaro, .they [the .lower classes]
lived in crowded, inadequate, unsanitary rooms scattered
throughout the city, or were concentrated in various
undesirable areas on its peripheries. In the Barrio
Alfonso Lpez Viejo . houses were small, poorly
built, and almost totally without utilities. Most of
them were built of unplastered, unpainted adobe blocks
and, of 240 houses, 116 had only one window, and 65 had
no windows at all; 134 had no running water, 188 had no
toilets, and 191 consisted of three small rooms or less
(Whiteford, as quoted in Smith, 1967: 367).
In the Dotsons study of Guadalajara, Mexico, which was
commented on previously in this study, they came to the
"conviction that five types of housing, sufficiently dis
tinct to be differentiated quickly by external appearance,
exist in this city" (Dotson and Dotson, 1954: 369).
Faris, in reviewing the work of urban ecologists in
the United States, noted that


TABLE OF CONTENTS
acknowledgments iv
LIST OF TABLES viii
LIST OF FIGURES x
ABSTRACT xi
CHAPTER
I. INTRODUCTION 1
II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ON ECOLOGY 4
The "Classical" School of Urban Ecology. ... 4
Social Area Analysis 18
The Ecology of the Latin American City .... 27
III. PROCEDURES OF INVESTIGATION 39
Definition of the Problem 39
Collection of the Data 42
Field Schedule 42
Nature of the Data 46
Presentation and Interpretation of the
Data 60
IV.CALI: FROM COLONIAL TOWN TO INDUSTRIAL
CITY 62
The Growth of the City 67
Cities in Colombia and Latin America 73
Groining Industrialism--The Economic Base
of the City 83
vi


69
population declined, for unknown reasons.1 From 1912 on,
the city entered into a period of growth that has not yet
ceased.2 This growth stems from several important factors.
In 1915, the Pacific Line railroad linked Cali with the
port of Buenaventura, and, via the newly-opened Panama
Canal, Europe and the eastern coast of the United States,
and "soon these two cities x^ere the major coffee shippers
from Caldas, Valle, Tolima, and southern Antioquia" (Friedel
and Jimenez, 1971: 74). The transportation link with the
port of Buenaventura, the coffee boom, and the relatively
large population base in the hinterland around Cali probably
all played a role in the incipient industrialization that
began in Cali around 1920. At the same time, Cali was
becoming the commercial center of Valle, and this too con
tributed to its steady growth during the twentieth century.
Around 1950, another factor leading to great popula
tion growth added its force to the factors of burgeoning
industrialization and commercial vigor that were already at
work. This was la violencia, which was to be a significant
factor in Cali's growth for the next fifteen years.
1 It is entirely possible that the census figures are
in error, and that no decline took place. While the 1912
census figures appear to have some validity, there is a
possibility that the 1905 figures may be inflated.
2While the figures in Table 2 show a population
decline between 1928 and 1938, it is probable that there was
a steady increase in the population between 1918 and 1938.
The 1928 population total is almost certainly highly
inflated, which would account for both a too-steep rise from
1918 to 1928 and a decline from 1928 to 1938.


60
relegated to the more remote sections (Smith and
McMahan, as quoted in Schnore, 1965: 381).
Presentation and Interpretation of
the Data
This study is essentially descriptive. Data per
taining to density, growth, land use, socioeconomic status,
and family status are mapped. Mapping has been chosen as
the method of data presentation because it seems the most
comprehensive and the easiest to understand. Tables are
used as a supplementary method of data presentation whenever
they seem appropriate.
Several approaches are used in interpreting the
results. The first, and most important, is a "common sense"
approach, whereby the various maps are examined carefully to
see if any obvious patterns or configurations appear.
The second approach is inspired by that used by
Anderson and Egeland (1961) in their study of the spatial
aspects of social area analysis. Barrios of the city are
marked off, ranging from the center to the periphery, and
are examined for differences in family status. Details of
the procedure are presented when it is utilized.
The third and final approach is to determine if
barrios of high socioeconomic status show a greater relation
to major arterial streets than do barrios of low socio
economic status. The procedure adopted here, to be
explained when it is used, is inspired by the Pealosa study
(1967).


145
TABLE 14
MEAN DISTANCE OF BARRIOS FROM CITY CENTER, BY MEAN
NUMBER OF FAMILY MEMBERS PER BARRIO
Mean Number of Family
Members per Barrio
Mean Distance of Barrios
from City Center, in Miles
0 4.4
4.5 4.9
5.0 5.4
5.5 5.9
6.0 +
1.77
2.11
2.43
2.49
2.67
barrio was outside the circle with a radius of one mile but
inside a circle with a radius of two miles, then the barrio
was listed as being two miles from city center; if the
geographical center of the barrio was outside the circle with
a radius of two miles but inside a circle with a radius of
three miles, then the barrio was listed as being three miles
from city center; etc. All of the barrios were so classi
fied by distance from city center, with none of them lying
within a circle with a radius of more than six miles from
the center of the city. The distances from city center of
all of the barrios in each category (of mean number of
family members per barrio) were then averaged, to determine
the mean distance from city center of each category of
barrio. A clear concentric pattern emerged. The greater
the mean number of family members per barrio, the greater
the mean distance of barrios from city center.
Caution should be exercised in the use of these data
on number of family members, because the definition of


TABLE 3
POPULATION OF ELEVEN LARGEST MUNICIPIOS, 1905-1964
Municipio
1905
1918
1938
1951
1964
Bogot
100,000
143,994
330,312
648,324
1,697,311
Medellin
54,916
79,146
168,266
358,189
772,887
Cali
30,740
45,525
101,038
284,186
637,929
Barranquilla
40,115
64,543
152,348
279,627
498,301
Cartagena
9,681
51,382
84,937
128,877
242,085
Bucaramanga
20,314
24,919
51,283
112,252
229,748
Manizales
24,656
43,203
86,027
126,201
221,916
Pereira
19,036
24,735
60,492
115,342
188,365
Cucuta
15,312
29,400
57,248
95,150
175,336
Ibagu
' 24,566
30,255
61,447
98,695
163,661
Palmira
26,406
27,032
44,788
80,957
140,889
Source: McGreevey, 1967 (?): Table I


112
per cent of the barrio is residential while ten per cent is
commercial.) If a letter is given without a follov^ing
number, this means that one hundred per cent of the
developed land in the barrio is devoted to that activity.
The percentage for each activity for each barrio is then
multiplied by the amount of developed land in the barrio to
determine the developed land devoted to each activity. The
land devoted to each activity in all the barrios is then
totaled, and divided by the total developed land in the city
to determine the percentage of developed land devoted to
each activity. For public activity, land devoted to
specialized barrios will be used. However, it is recognized
that some land in other-than-specialized barrios is devoted
to public use, for such purposes as schools, public build
ings, and plazas. Based on the observations made during the
field survey, it is estimated that five per cent of the
total developed land area of Cali is devoted to these pur
poses. One additional public use, roads and highways,
accounts for a significant proportion of the developed land
in a city. For Cali, it is estimated that twenty per cent
of the developed land of the city is devoted to such pur
poses. Land data are taken from a mimeographed compilation
of the Cali Municipal Planning Office, "Distribucin de la
Poblacin Por Barrios, Areas y Densidades N. Edificios y
Manzanas 1964" (no date). In a few instances, missing
data were estimated by the author. Names and numbers of the
barrios are given, as well as the socioeconomic classifications


177
Timms, Duncan.
1971 The Urban Mosaic: Towards a Theory of Residential
Differentiation. Cambridge, England: Cambridge
University Press.
Turner, John C.
1968 "Nueva Estrategia de la Vivienda Urbana." Revista
de la Sociedad Interamericana de Planificacin 2
(September): 44-45.
United Nations.
1972 Demographic Yearbook, 1971. New York: United
Nations Publishing Service.
United Nations Commission For Latin America.
1969 "Urbanization and Distribution of Population by Size
of Locality." Pp. 189-197 in Gerald Breese (ed.)
The City in Newly Developing Countries: Readings on
Urbanism and Urbanization. Engle\vrood Cliffs, New
Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc.
Van Arsdol, Maurice D. Jr., Santo F. Camilleri and Calvin F.
Schmid.
1961 "The Generality of Urban Social Area Indexes." Pp.
236-243 in George A. Theodorson (ed.) Studies in
Human Ecology. New York: Harper 8 Row, Publishers.
Vaparsky, Cesar A.
1969 "On Rank-Size Distributions of Cities: An Ecological
Approach." Economic Development and Cultural Change
17 (July): 584-595.
Vaughan, Denton R.
1970 Urbanization in Twentieth Century Latin America: A
Working Bibliography. Austin, Texas: Institute of
Latin American Studies, Population Research Center,
The University of Texas at Austin.
Velasco, Armando.
1967 "La Imagen De Cali." Revista de la Sociedad
Interamericana de Planificacin 1 (September): 51-54.
The Wall Street Journal.
1973 March 23: 9.
Webber, Irving L.
1973 "Major Trends in Urbanization in Colombia in the
Twentieth Century." Southeastern Conference on
Latin American Studies, Knoxville, Tennessee: April.
Mimeographed.


157
without the confounding factor of difficult topographical
features. For many cities in Latin America this is not
true; many of these "cities show in a striking manner the
effect of topography on the form and direction of city
growth" (Hoyt, 1963: 452).
The second factor involved in residential location
is the availability of services, especially transportation.
In Cali, transportation means cars, taxis, and busses for
the more well-to-do; and busses for the poor. Roads there
fore become the key transportation arteries.
In the literature it has been suggested that the
"elites may be seen to have moved ... in the direction of
rapid transportation arteries" and to have "arranged them
selves contiguous to these arteries or very close to them--
generally in a sector pattern" (Amato, 1968: 253).
Pealosa suggests that arterial accessibility is a major
determinant of ecological patterns in the transitional city
(Pealosa, 1967: 221-229). (The transitional city is at a
stage between the preindustrial and the industrial.) In
three small transitional Mexican cities, Pealosa found that
families of higher socioeconomic status are found
primarily along arterials and importantly but to a some
what lesser extent, in the vicinity of the plaza. The
more industrialized the city, the more characteristic is
this pattern. The more industrialized the city, the
more dispersed are the residences of the rich and com
fortable from the central plaza (Pealosa, 1967: 226).
In Cali, a city that has been shown to be far more
industrial than preindustrial, examination of the relation
ship between arterial highways (shown in figure 1 by heavy


149
TABLE 17
FAMILY UNITS PER HOUSING UNIT OF BARRIOS
BY SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS, CALI, 1964
Socioeconomic Status
of Barrios
Family Units per
Housing Unit
1 Upper
2 Middle
1.1
1.1
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.3
3 Lower Middle
4 Working
5 Working Lower
6 Lower
barrios. Lower-class barrios are an exception, probably
because of the temporary nature of many of their dwellings,
which are simply too small to hold another family. When
another family arrives, it is more likely to put up its own
temporary abode than it is to move into the dwelling of
friends or relatives.
Now that the data have been presented, we can examine
the structure of the city of Cali in a more comprehensive
manner than has yet been done in this study. This is the
subject of the concluding section of this chapter.
The Structure of Cali
The structure of a large city such as Cali is
affected by numerous factors which have exerted their
influence over a period of time. Thus time is itself a
factor. In Cali, more than four hundred years have elapsed
since the city was founded. During most of this considerable


showed that Cali does not totally conform to the character
istics of industrial and Western cities, it is clear that
Cali is much closer to these theoretical types than it is
to non-Western and preindustrial cities. If this were not
the case, then the differentiation of socioeconomic status
and family status areas would have been much less clearly
defined.
In theoretical terms, the shape of the city
described in this study conforms much more closely to the
sector hypothesis of Homer Hoyt than it does to the con
centric zone theory of Ernest Burgess or the multiple nuclei
theory of Chauncey Harris and Edward Ullman.
Further research is needed before the findings of
this study can be applied to other cities in Latin America
and the developing world.
Xlll


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138
evidence of the suburbanization that is so common in the
United States, and as long as a good deal of city land
remains vacant, it does not appear that any substantial
suburbanization will take place in the near future. In fact,
a good share of barrio 131 is still operated as a sugar
plantation, with extensive cane fields within city boundaries.
In general, the upper-class areas occupy two parts
of the city. One forms a sector north of the center of the
city, and the other is on the southern "end" of the city.
Future upper-class development likely will take place in
areas adjoining these sectors, or in the foothill areas
lying between them. Thus even future upper-class development
is likely to be within a "band" of the city running along
the foothills. In no case does there appear to be any
evidence of upper-class barrios developing on the flat lands
of the Cauca River Valley.
The spatial organization of middle-class barrios is
similar to that of upper-class barrios. Of the fourteen
middle-class barrios, seven are clustered in a band north
east of the center of the city, between the Cali River and
the foothills, and seven are southwest of the center of the
city, again on or near the sloping land of the foothills.
No middle-class barrios are located in the extensive and
heavily-populated areas east and southeast of the center of
the city.
Lower-middle-class barrios are clustered south and
west of the center of the city, and are near the center.


96
The Image of the City
While it is undoubtedly important to examine
various social indicators, such as population growth, class
structure, economic data, and historical precedents to
begin to understand the dynamics of the city, it is also
useful to try to understand how the city's inhabitants feel
about their city, and the impressions they hold. The sum
total of these various impressions is referred to as the
"image" of the city. This image can be ascertained by
having a respondent draw maps of the city, or describe the
most important or memorable parts of the city, or asking
him to make value judgments about key aspects of the city.
Armando Velasco, a faculty member at Cali's
Universidad del Valle, has over a period of several years
had his architecture students interview nearly two hundred
fairly-well-educated Cali residents. These residents were
asked to give either a brief description or a sketch of the
city of Cali indicating those things that, in their opinion,
stood out most clearly for a person not very familiar with
the city. The three most important aspects that were
indicated by these residents were the bull ring, the Plaza
Caicedo (the main plaza, the center of the city), and the
"Olympic Village" (a sports complex containing the soccer
stadium, a coliseum, and a huge swimming pool). These pre
dominant images confirm that Cali is a city of great sports
enthusiasts, supporting two professional soccer teams, Cali


120
THE GROWTH OF THE BARRIOS OF CALI


107
Table 10 lists the percentage of developed land for
each of the industrial barrios estimated in the field survey
to be devoted to industrial activity. Interestingly, the
two barrios which the field survey determined had the
highest level of industrial activity are two of the three
barrios which are named "industrial." Barrio 62 is called
"Industrial" and barrio 46 is called "Zona Industrial." One
other barrio, barrio 60, also used the word industrial,
being called either "Flora Industrial" or "Calima."
TABLE 10
INDUSTRIAL BARRIOS IN CALI. 1968
Barrio
62
46
45
48,
54,
60
49,
51
50,
5 2,
55,
59,
63,
74
15,
16,
17,
22,
36,
57
Per Cent Industrial
80
70
60
50
40
20
10
The other land uses shown in figure 2 are residence
and commerce. Residence will be discussed in subsequent
sections of this chapter, and will not be treated here.
Commerce will be discussed through an assessment of figure 3
Turning to figure 3 one finds that the areal distri
bution of commercial activity presents a more complex pat
tern than does industrial activity. The highest mapped
level of commercial activity, forty per cent or more, is
found in the heart of the city. This activity is centered


54
de Planeacin Municipal, "Estratificacin Socio-Econmica
. .," n.d.; Oficina de Planeacin Municipal, "Distribucin
de la Poblacin . .," n.d.). These indicators were
assigned point values (0, 5, or 10), and the classifications
were delineated on the basis of point totals. (Unfortunately,
some of these data were missing, which made it impossible to
use these data directly.) When the results of the field
survey were compared with this classification, the similar
ities were striking. Of the one hundred and thirty-one
barrios to be used in the examination of residential
ecology, only sixteen were classified differently by the two
methods, and in not a single instance was the difference
greater than one.2 Of these sixteen barrios, thirteen were
classified lower and three higher. The reason for this
deviation, generally, was the tendency for a few extremes to
differentially weight the RS rankings of the Cali Municipal
Planning Office. In a few cases the difference was a result
of different time periods; the Municipal Planning Office
data were gathered several years prior to the field survey.
In the field survey, it should be noted that the
general housing characteristics used to classify the barrios
according to socioeconomic status were supported by much
informal data on such things as education, occupation, and
2 It should be noted that not all of the one hundred
and thirty-one barrios had been classified by the Municipal
Planning Office Data were unavailable for eight of these
barrios.


93
Glass Structure
Examining the stratification system in Cali is at
best a difficult task, because "comparatively little is
known about the social stratification and class structure of
Colombian society" (Smith, 1967: 328). The procedure which
is adopted here is to show the percentage of the population
of Cali which resides in the various classifications of the
barrios delineated by socioeconomic status. As explained in
the previous chapter, "one" designated a barrio as upper
class, "two" as middle class, "three" as lower middle class,
"four" as working class, "five" as working lower class, and
"six" as impoverished lower class. A class breakdown given
in this manner is not without precedent, as a recent study
of the middle class in Cali employed an areal definition of
the middle class "because residence is generally closely
associated with ecological position as well as general
social characteristics" (Pendleton, 1965: 47). Yet an
areal breakdown of class is somewhat misleading, because
even though the barrios are relatively homogeneous in their
social characteristics, it is nonetheless clear that there
are varieties of social position within each barrio that
cannot be accounted for with this approach. To be sure,
many of these differences will cancel each other out, but
one cannot know to what extent this "cancelling out" will
occur. Another well-taken objection to such a procedure is
raised by Smith, who states that "the Colombians I know who


116
TABLE 11
Barrios
143 Urb. Aristizabal Tejares
144 San Fernando Viejo
145 Miraflores
146 San Fernando Nuevo
147 3 de Julio
148 El Cedro
149 Champagnat
150 Hipdromo
151 Eucaristico
152 Colseguros
153 El Lido
154 Nueva Granada
155 Tequendama
156 Sin Urbanizar
157 Unidad Venezolana
(Continued)
Land Use
SES
R
1
R90 CIO
2
R90 CIO
2
R90 CIO
2 \
R80 C20
3
R80 C20
3
R90 CIO
3
S
-
R
3
R90 CIO
3
R
2
R
3
R
9
RA
-
R
4
of the barrios, based on the field survey of housing, under
the heading SES. These data, which will be examined later
in this chapter, are included here in the interest of
parsimony of data presentation.
The percentage of developed land devoted to each
activity is presented in Table 12.
TABLE 12
PERCENTAGE OF DEVELOPED LAND DEVOTED
TO VARIOUS USES, CALI, 1968
Type of Use Percentage of
Developed Land
Industrial 6.2
Commercial 6.1
Public (Specialized Barrios) 16.4
Other Public 5.0
Roads and Highways 20.0
Residential 46.3
Total
100.0


86
hardly touched a large part of the agricultural potential,
so that much of the rural area is still rather backward.
The result is that agriculture in the Cauca Valley
today is unevenly developed, and the contrasts are
stark. It is highly mechanized and productive for a
small group of large owner-operator and tenant-operator \
wealthy farmers; it is extremely backward, even primi
tive for the vast majority of the owners of small and
medium-sized farms, located especially in the hills
(Posada and Posada, 1966: 52).
One of the most important factors that is presently
at work in the Cauca Valley stimulating agricultural
development and also greatly aiding industrial growth is
the Autonomous Regional Corporation of the Cauca Valley
(CVC). Rather like the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) in
the United States, this decentralized, administratively
autonomous agency was established in 1954 "for the purpose
of promoting the unified development of the natural resources
of the Upper Cauca River Valley in Colombia" (Posada and
Posada, 1966: 11). The specific goals of the CVC are to
render "a series of public services, such as generation,
transmission, and distribution of electric power; the promo
tion of agricultural and industrial enterprise; and cooper
ation in the development of programs in education, public
health, and community action" (Posada and Posada, 1966: 63).
By the late 1960s, the CVC had had success with three pro
grams: "(a) Supplying electric power for the entire region,
as a result of which its industrial development has
obviously increased; (b) land reclamation (flood control,
irrigation, and drainage), and (c) raising the standard of


64
such as Buga (c£. 1668-1680) (Arboleda, I, 1956: 283, 304),
the economic difficulty of the city because of Mla
decadencia de la ganadera" (ca. 1690) (Arboleda, I, 1956:
317), which was a repeated theme (ca. 1753) (Arboleda, II,
1956: 82-83), "La ganadera iba siempre en desmedro," (ca.
1754) (Arboleda, II, 1956: 265), restriction of municipal
autonomy (ca. 1739) (Arboleda, II, 1956: 113-114), prohibi
tion of foreign commerce (ca. 1745) (Arboleda, II, 1956:
121), economic depression (oa. 1770) (Arboleda, II, 1956:
360), the prohibition against sending cattle beyond municipal
boundaries (ca. 1788) (Arboleda, III, 1956: 66-67), and a
boundary dispute with Cartage (ca. 1791) (Arboleda, III,
1956: 109). Taken together, these references give a pic
ture of a colonial town that was important only in its local
area, and not in the wider region. Concern was devoted
almost exclusively to local matters, and it was not until
the 1800s, with the outbreak of the cry for independence,
that Cali began to assume some regional importance, when the
city demanded the division of the province dominated by
Popayn, and hosted a meeting of representatives from cities
in the area for this purpose (Arboleda, III, 1956: 285-310).
Cali early rebelled against the Spanish, while Popayn was a
Spanish stronghold. "On the outbreak of the independence
war Buga, Cartago, Caloto, Toro, and Anserma were all quick
to join Cali in a 6-city federation to challenge the power
of absentee Spanish landlords" (Friedel and Jimenez, 1971:
67).


46
Nature of the Data
The basic unit of analysis involved in the study of
Cali, Colombia, is the barrio. Although the term barrio is
often used in Latin America to mean "neighborhood," it is
more properly viewed as a geographic administrative unit of
the city. As a geographic unit, the barrio has generally
been given a name for either historical or administrative
purposes. The older barrios of Cali, a few of which go back
nearly to the founding of the city in 1536, were often named
after the churches which were located there. Examples of
this are San Pedro, El Calvario, San Pascual, and San Bosco.
Some of the newer barrios were named after the housing
developments that were built in them, such as Unidad
Venezolana and Prados del Norte-La Merced (popularly known
as Vipasa). Other barrio names reflect the informal terms
used by the residents of the barrio, such as Popular, Unin
Vivienda Popular, and Obrero, or were named after various
personages, such as Jorge Isaacs, Marco Fidel Surez, Simn
Bolvar, Alfonso Lpez, and Lleras Camargo. Obviously,
there is great variety in the sources of names for the
barrios.
People were almost universally aware of the barrio
in which they lived. This was especially true of the poorer
classes; for them, the barrio served as an extended neigh
borhood. This is important for this study, because it
indicates that the barrio is more than an administrative-


36
in a particular area, or sector, of the city. As a result,
the periphery of these cities is not becoming upper class.
Only one segment of the periphery may be tending toward
upper-class residence. Witness the findings of some of the
various studies. In Mrida, Hansen found the "invasion of
Santa Ana by upper-class persons from the center" (Hansen,
1941: 31). (Santa Ana is a barrio in the northern part of
Mrida.) In Sucre, the Hawthorns found that "An estimated
ten percent of exceptions to the rule that upper and middle-
class houses stand near the plaza include a group of houses,
newer than most buildings in the city, which stand separately
in an area well away from the center, near a park" (Hawthorn
and Hawthorn, 1948a: 22-23). In La Paz, Leonard found that
"with the increase in number of privately owned automobiles
and better public transportation, the white, and upper
class, families are moving on down the valley, where they
can secure more space as well as escape" (Leonard, 1948:
454) In Guatemala City, Caplow reports that '¡the develop
ment of the last half-century has followed the plan of an
expanded center trailing suburbs in one direction ..."
(Caplow, 1949; 124). As reported previously, in Guadalajara
the Dotsons found "the best housing forms a sector running
westward from the center to the edge of the city" (Dotson
and Dotson, 1954: 370).
Another line of evidence is available to sho;v that a
shift toward the North American pattern of higher status
residences on the periphery may be misleading. This is a


18
Social Area Analysis
Criticisms of the "classical" school of urban
ecology, some of which were reviewed in the previous section
of this chapter, dominated urban sociology in the United
States during the pre-World War II and World War II period.
There were few new developments in the study of urban struc
ture during this time. It was an era of consolidation,
refining what was known and filling in gaps in empirical
research.
A major breakthrough in the study of urban structure
came in 1949, when Eshref Shevky and Marilyn Williams pub
lished The Social Areas of Los Angeles: Analysis and
Typology (1949). Although not without criticism, this study
and a later one by Eshref Shevky and Wendell Bell, Social
Area Analysis: Theory, Illustrative Application and Compu
tational Procedures (1955), which elaborated upon the theory
and methodology involved in social area analysis, stimulated
a great deal of research on the social structure of the city.
The dimensions and breadth of this breakthrough are still
not known in the early 1970s. New studies in social area
analysis (now often referred to as "factorial ecologies")
are being published regularly.
The major difference between "classical" ecologists
and social area analysts is that the former looked at the
way social organization was spatially evidenced in the city
while the latter examined the way that areal units were


commercial function was still in the process of changing
from a preindustrial to an industrial level of organization,
Cali was more an industrial than a preindustrial city.
While the density of the population of Cali declined
from the center of the city to the periphery, level of socio
economic status appeared to have a greater influence on
density than distance from city center. As a result, some
of the poorer peripheral areas of the city had higher
densities than more central areas. In this respect Cali was
more like non-Western than Western cities. At the same time
central city densities in Cali are now declining, which is
more characteristic of Western than of non-Western cities.
Like the examination of land use, the examination of density
afforded a glimpse of a city in the process of change in its
ecological structure.
The analysis of the spatial distribution of socio
economic status and family status showed that socioeconomic
status varied sectorially and family status varied concen
trically. This confirms the findings of previous studies in
social area analysis, and adds a Latin American example to
the widening body of research exploring the dimensions of
urban social differentiation.
The clear sectorization of socioeconomic status and
the concentric distribution of family status in Cali, indi
cative of a rather pronounced level of urban differentiation
is more characteristic of industrial than it is of pre
industrial cities. Thus, while land use and density data
Xll


THE SOCIAL ECOLOGY OF CALI, COLOMBIA
By
ERIC ARMIN WAGNER
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL
FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1973


73
migrant studies (Browning and Feindt, 1971; Leeds and Leeds,
1967; Morse, 1971b; Beyer, 1967) indicates that rural
dwellers migrate to small towns, and their offspring then go
on to the larger urban areas. Thus migrants to urban areas
are considerably more "urbanized" than had at first been
realized. There is some evidence that this may be the case
with Cali (though the extreme migration induced by la
violencia may have altered "normal" patterns of migration).
McGreevey notes that
migrants to the city have a lower rate of unemployment
than do native-born Caleos. While native-born Caleos
made up less than 20 per cent of the labor force, they
contributed 25 per cent of the unemployed population.
. . there can be little doubt that the migrants con
tribute more to production than they use up in consump
tion, at least as compared to the native-born population
(McGreevey, 1965: 12).
Whatever the role of the migrant in an economic
sense, there can be no doubt that migration in' a demographic
sense has made Cali one of the largest cities in Colombia
and Latin America. This demographic growth
is one of the key determinants of change in physical
pattern . Moreover, the "components" of population
growth (for example, net migration versus natural
increase) may exert an influence on spatial patterns; in
general, growth via migration will probably be more
conducive to change (Schnore, 1965: 381-382).
Cities in Colombia and Latin America
Table 3 shows the population of the Cali municipio
for the years 1905, 1918, 1951, and 1964 in relation to
the other ten largest municipios in Colombia on these
dates. From this table, it is evident that Cali in 1964


160
a separate dimension of urban differentiation. In this
sense Cali is more Western than non-Western, and more
industrial than preindustrial or transitional.
Cali in the late 1960s has passed through the
transitional phase from preindustrial to industrial in terms
of the structure of the city. The quiet, plaza-centered
colonial town of yesterday is no more. A modern industrial
city has grown rapidly from the colonial past, changing its
structure to a form that would be almost unrecognizable by
a Caleo of several decades ago.


72
sex and age distributions made by McGreevey. He found that
101,132 migrants came to Cali in the 1938-1951 period, and
constituted 67 per cent of the adult population in 1951; and
that 210,232 migrants came to Cali in the 1951-1964 period,
and constituted 58.9 per cent of the adult population in
1964 (McGreevey, 1965: 14). Most of the migrants "were of
working age on arrival and the majority (53.9 per cent in
the first period, 54.3 per cent in the second) were female"
(McGreevey, 1965: 16); "census figures in Colombia . .
indicate that older people tend to stay in the rural areas"
(Beyer, 1967: 207). McGreeveys figures, cited above,
indicate that while the total numbers of migrants were
increasing, the percentage of the total population of the
city that was of migrant origin was decreasing. Given the
size of the city, which in the early 1970s has reached per
haps one million people, this is almost inevitable.
Increasingly, natural increase (the importance of which has
tended to be underestimated by social scientists) should
account for the largest part of the city's growth. Further,
la violencia has ceased to be a major cause of migration from
rural areas, although sporadic violent incidents still
occur. In fact, it is probable that la violencia seriously
depopulated some rural areas in Colombia, so that the
ultimate rural source of migrants is not nearly as fertile
as it was in the past few decades.
While the origins of the migrant stream to Cali were
in the rural areas, evidence from recent Latin American


103
COMMERCIAL LAND USE IN CALI BARRIOS 1968
FIGURE 3
SCALE IN MILES
l
1
COMMERCIAL ACTIVITY
NEGLIGIBLE
5% 15%
20%
30%
40% OR MORE
UNACCOUNTED AREA


133
Perhaps these studies by Berry (cited above), by
dealing exclusively with the factors of density and dis
tance, have not uncovered the effect of other factors upon
urban population densities, such as socioeconomic status.
In this respect, although it is true that in a very general
sense densities decline with distance from city center in
Cali, this finding by itself would overlook the influence
of other factors, and is thus only part of the reality. Or,
perhaps, the finding reported in this study is a phenomenon
that has only become noticeable within the past decade, after
the period about which Berry reported.
There is evidence, however, that the findings reported
in this study are not isolated ones. Breese, in examining
urbanization in developing areas, commented that
one of the most noticeable features of large Indian
cities is their combination of very high population
density in relatively small areas and relatively low
population density over other large areas. ... In
addition to the small area-high density, low density-
large area contrast, these same large Indian urban areas
are also marked by burgeoning areas of temporary settle
ment, usually either in or near the Old City, or at the
periphery of the urban area (Breese, 1966: 56).
Cali seems to conform to some degree to this pattern. There
is high population density in some small, often peripheral
areas, while there are large areas with low population
densities. Unlike these Indian cities, however, Cali has
few areas of temporary settlement; the squatter areas, with
the exception of those few from which squatterswere forcibly
evicted, are very clearly intended by their residents as
areas of permanent settlement.


83
TABLE 7
URBANIZATION OF THE LATIN AMERICAN POPULATION
Country Date of Data Per Cent Urban
Uruguay
1963
80.8
Chile
1970
76.0
Venezuela
1970 (E)
75.7
Argentina
1970 (E)
74.3
Cuba
1971 (E)
60.5
Mexico
1970
58.7
Brazil
1970
55.9
Peru
1971 (E)
53.2
Colombia
1964
52.8
Panama
1970
47.6
Nicaragua
1968 (E?)
44.7
Dominican Republic
1970
39.8
El Salvador
1971
39.4
Ecuador
1970 (E?)
38.3
Paraguay
1970 (E?)
35.7
Bolivia
1970 (E)
35.0
Costa Rica
1963
34.5
Guatemala
1964
33.6
Honduras
1969 (E?)
32.2
Guyana
1970 (E)
29.5
Haiti
1970 (E)
16.2
Trinidad and Tobago
1970
12.4
E = estimate
E? = estimate of questionable reliability
Source for all except Argentina, Bolivia, Haiti:
United Nations, 1972: Table 5.
Source for Argentina, Bolivia, Haiti:
Beyer, 1967: 223. (Estimates of the Inter-American
Development Bank.)
Growing Industrialism -- The Economic
Base of the City
Prior to the twentieth century Cali was a small,
rather plebeian town whose economy was based almost entirely
upon agriculture, and especially upon the raising of cattle.
Other activities which were beginning to center in Cali were


5
foundation for this area of inquiry. But Park had his
precursors, and brief mention must be made of them.
Among the earliest ecological studies were the
nineteenth-century studies of M. de Guerry de Champneuf in
France (Elmer, 1933: 63-70) and Henry Mayhew and Joseph
Fletcher in England (Levin and Lindesmith, 1961: 14-21).
M. de Champneuf studied the spatial distribution of crime,
relating the levels of crime to French departments (Elmer,
1933: 63-70). One of Mayhew's works, The Criminal Prisons
of London, included a shaded ecological map of London, show
ing the density of the London population (Levin and
Lindesmith, 1961: 17). Fletcher's book, Summary of Moral
Statistics of England and Wales, was "centered around a
series of 12 ecological maps in the appendix of the volume
and an ecological map in the frontispiece colored to
represent what we might call 'natural areas' in England and
Wales" (Levin and Lindesmith, 1961: 19). Unfortunately for
the historical reputations of their authors, these empirical
studies were soon overshadowed by the social philosophizing
of Comte and Spencer, and were essentially forgotten by
later students of urban ecology.
Perhaps the most important of the precursors of
Robert Park was Charles Booth, whose monumental seventeen-
volume Life and Labour of the People in London had great
influence in late eighteenth-century England. This work
classified the people of London according to "social


40
upon the dimensions of socioeconomic status, family status,
and ethnic status; these dimensions seem to be the major
determinants of urban social structure.
While "classical ecologists see "natural areas" as
\
the means by which to investigate city organization, social
area analysts see the dimensions of socioeconomic status,
family status, and ethnic status as the means by which to
investigate city organization. These two approaches study
the city from different directions. One starts with the
areas, and groups the areas to show patterns of organization.
The other starts from the opposite side, and examines dimen
sions of organization, to be able to group areas. If this
reasoning is correct, both approaches should add to our
understanding of the structure of the city.
The implication of this reasoning for the study of
Latin American cities is that one should be able to find the
same general patterns of city structure that have been found
by the "classical" approach by using a social area analysis
approach. That is, while previous students of the structure
of Latin American cities have used natural areas to show
patterns of organization, a study examining dimensions of
organization ought to emerge with comparable results. Carry
ing this logic one step further, it also seems that one
could use aspects of both of these approaches, and expect
results comparable to previous studies. In other words,
areal analysis and social organization both have important
organizing and analytical functions, and it is important to


76
it is apparent that Cali's growth has run well ahead of
national population growth during this period. This seems
due to the pronounced effect of migration on Cali's growth.
As migration declines in importance as a factor in Cali's
growth, as it now seems to be doing, and natural increase
becomes a more predominant factor, it might be expected that
the rate of Cali's growth will conform more closely to that
of Colombia.
National urban structure is usually examined either
by the concept of urban primacy or by the concept of a
"normal" urban hierarchy, often termed the "rank-size rule."
Both of these are useful in exploring the structure of
cities in Colombia, and each will be examined in turn.
Morse summarises the ways in which urban primacy is
usually conceived:
Urban primacy has various definitions. Some refer to
national pyramids of cities, ranked by population size,
culminating in a primate city which is by one or another
criterion abnormally large. Looser definitions emphasize
concentrations of functions and services. Interest
attaches to the phenomenon because of the suspicion that
primate cities may be dysfunctional, parasitic, and
symptomatic of underdevelopment (Morse, 1971b: 36).
One of the most cited studies of urban primacy is that of
Mehta (1964). In this study his measure of primacy is "the
percentage of the population of the four largest cities
residing in the largest city of the country" (Mehta, 1964:
141). The study, using circa 1955 data, ranked 87 countries
in terms of the primacy of their urban structure. Twenty-one
of these countries were in Latin America. Of these 21


127
squatters were residing in barrios established after 1951
(the two barrios that are major exceptions to this are 25
and 56), then 172,000 squatters were in these newly-
established barrios. These people comprise half of the
\
people added to Calis population in the 1951-1964 period.
While this, again, is a rough estimate, it is readily appar
ent that barrios inhabited by squatters made up a substantial
portion, perhaps half, of the 1951-1964 growth of the city.
In addition to squatter settlements, there are other
groups which have contributed to the recent tremendous
gro;vth in the number of barrios in Cali. Of the ninety
barrios which were added to Cali in the 1951-1964 period,
thirteen were lower-middle-class or middle-class barrios,
indicating rather substantial growth among the middle
classes during this period of Calis history. There were
only sixteen lower-middle-class or middle-class barrios in
Cali existing in 1951, and only three additional upper-class
barrios were added by 1964. Thus, in terms of barrio growth,
the lower working-class people added the greatest number of
barrios, both absolutely and relatively, followed by the
barrios added by lower-middle-class and middle-class people.
Upper-class barrios grew the slowest, both absolutely and
relatively. Thus Cali had a greater proportion of lower and
working-class barrios in 1964 than had been the case in 1951.
Among the lower-class andworking-class people of
Cali, squatter settlements were not the only means of
obtaining a home site. Some new immigrants managed, one way
or another, to legally purchase plots for a home. Others


119
industrial area. Obviously there is not a "low incidence of
functional differentiation" in land-use patterns, as Sjoberg,
has posited for the preindustrial city (Sjoberg, 1960: 96).
At the same time, we see in Cali some very modern commercial
functions, such as small shopping centers and such large
retailers as Sears, alongside much more traditional commer
cial ventures, such as sidewalk vendors and retail activities
in the front room of a family's residence. In commercial
activities in Cali, we see "the transition between the most
primitive form of marketing and the most modern" (Hoyt,
1963: 451). Overall, Cali appears to have passed well
beyond the land-use level of a preindustrial city, and to be
approaching land-use levels of industrial cities.
Barrio Development: The Physical
Growth of the City
The growth of the barrios of Cali is shown in figure
4. In 1797, the city consisted of just four barrios in the
area that today is the commercial center of the city
(Arboleda, III, 1956: 154). By 1880, the slow rate of
population growth had brought settlement to parts of just
four more barrios, and by 1930 there was settlement in four
teen additional barrios. Data for 1880 and 1930 were taken
from maps in the Cali Municipal Planning Office. By 1951,
the city evidenced substantial growth, with forty-five new
barrios having been added since 1930. Data for the 1930-
1951 period were taken from an undated mimeographed


Chapter II
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ON ECOLOGY
The literature dealing with urban ecology is
enormous and varied. It would not be feasible even to list,
let alone to discuss, ail of the sociological research in a
work of the present scope. Therefore, the approach will be
to trace the general development of the three aspects of
urban ecology which are of primary concern to this study:
(1) the "classical" school of urban ecology, focusing on
the concept of the "natural area"; (2) the more recent (post-
World War II) emphasis on social area analysis; (3) the
findings of those few studies which discuss the ecology of
the Latin American city. While disciplines other than
sociology, such as geography and anthropology, are becoming
involved in urban ecology, sociology moved first in this
area, and this study will draw primarily upon sociological
interpretations of urban ecology.
The "Classical" School of Urban Ecology
There is no one totally accepted "beginning" for the
"classical" school of urban ecology, though Americans gener
ally consider the writings of Robert Park to have been the
4


167
Bell, Wendell.
1961 "The Utility of the Shevky Typology for the Design
of Urban Sub-Area Field Studies." Pp. 244-252 in
George A. Theodorsen (ed.) Studies in Human
Ecology. New York: Harper 6 Row, Publishers.
Berry, Brian J.L.
1965 "Research Frontiers in Urban Geography." Pp. 403-
430 in Philip M. Hauser and Leo F. Schnore (eds.)
The Study of Urbanization. New York: John Wiley
§ Sons, Inc.
Berry, Brian J.L. and Philip H. Rees.
1969 "The Factorial Ecology of Calcutta." The American
Journal of Sociology 74 (March): 445-491.
Berry, Brian J.L., James W. Simmons and Robert J. Tennant.
1963 "Urban Population Densities: Structure and Change."
The Geographical Review 53 (July): 389-405.
Beyer, Glenn H.
1967 The Urban Explosion in Latin America: A Continent
in Process of Modernization. Ithaca, New York:
Cornell University Press.
Blaster, Cole.
1966 "Power and Social Change in Colombia: The Cauca
Valley." Journal of Inter-Amori'can Studies 3 (July)
386-410.
Breese, Gerald.
1966 Urbanization in Newly Developing Countries.
Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc.
Breese, Gerald (ed.).
1969 The City in Newly Developing Countries: Readings on
Urbanism and Urbanization. Englewood Cliffs, New
Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc.
Browning, Harley and Waltrout Feindt.
1971 "The Social and Economic Context of Migration to
Monterrey, Mexico." Pp. 45-70 in Francine F.
Rabinovitz and Felicity M. Trueblood (eds.) Latin
American Urban Research, Volume I. Los Angeles:
Sage Publications.
Burgess, Ernest W.
1925 "The Growth of the City: An Introduction to a
Research Project." Pp. 47-62 in Robert E. Park,
Ernest W. Burgess, and Roderick D. McKenzie (eds.)
The City. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press


28
since Latin America has such a long and rich urban tradition.
From the methodological standpoint it is not so surprising,
since data on subareas of the city in Latin America are
exceedingly difficult to obtain.
\
Though neither the Aztec nor the Inca was an urban
civilization, both had cities of some size. This city tra
dition, coupled with the Spanish proclivity to found cities,
led to an emphasis on the city in colonial Spanish America.
This emphasis was certainly not urbanization, but did lead
to a city-directed and controlled society, and indeed a
city-oriented society. As Gakenheimer points out, this
orientation affected both Spaniards and Indians.
There is evidence that arriving Spaniards expected to be,
and insisted upon being, city d\^ellers. ... a person
attracted to America by the promise of great opportunity
was not apt to isolate himself, by becoming a country
dweller. ...
This attitude of the Spanish population was complemented
by that of the Indians, for a special aspect of Inca
culture was its amenability to urban living. . the
complex social and economic organization which character
ized the Inca Empire and the rigid social controls
exerted on the population made adjustments to urban life
fairly easy for the Indians (Gakenheimer, 1967: 35-36).
Jorge E. Hardoy provides a succinct outline of the
stages involved in urbanization in Latin America. The first
is "the precolonial urban culture of the Aztecs and Incas,"
which provided the basis for the second stage, "the deter
mination by the Spanish of the territorial pattern of founda
tion, on the basis of the regional and urban infrastructure
of the indigenous culture and the distribution of the
Indian population" (Beyer, 1967: 57-58). The third stage


32
around the plaza (Gillin, 1945: 1-14). In Pichtaro (an
Indian village in Mexico) Stanislawski found the opposite.
The anatomy of the town indicates its difference from
Hispanic settlements. There is far less concentration
of activities. . There is little difference in
quality between a house on or near the plaza and a house'
at the outskirts. In fact, the two chief officials of
town at the time that this inquiry was made lived at one
extreme corner of the village. They both agreed that
one place was as good as another for ones home
(Stanislawski, 1961: 350-351).
This provides some evidence for the supposition that a dif
ferentiated ecological structure does not exist unless there
is a heterogeneous population (as is generally true in a
city). In San Luis Jilotopeque there was class heterogeneity
in Pichtaro there was homogeneity.
The Hawthorns, who lived in Sucre, Bolivia, in 1941-
1942, investigated the internal structure of that city in
connection with a study of social stratification. They
found that high-status residences were clustered near the
center of the city, and low-status residences were on the
periphery.
Sucres social classification of itself recognizes very
clearly this distribution of residences and holds them
to be symbols of social ranking. Whoever occupies a
permanent town residence well away from the plaza--as
far away as four blocks--is breaking a prime social rule
for membership in the top social ranks and needs to be
certain of his secure place. In general, suburbio
retains the meaning of the lower class area"; the middle
and upper class development of the suburbs has not pro
ceeded as far as in the majority of Latin American
cities (Hawthorn and Hawthorn, 1948a: 23).
Leonard, studying La Paz, Bolivia, emerged with
conclusions strikingly similar to those of the Hawthorns.


27
socioeconomic status varies sectorially, family status
varies concentrically, and ethnic status shows a tendency to
cluster in particular parts of the city. Thus it may be
said that the "classical" models of urban ecology (Burgess
concentric zone theory, Hoyt's sector theory, and Firey's
"sentiment and symbolism" approach) were each capturing a
basic dimension of urban social differentiation.4
The Ecology of the Latin American City
Neither a factorial ecology nor a social area
analysis (sensu stricto)5 of a Latin American city has yet
been published. What we know about the internal structure
and social differentiation of the city in Latin America
comes from a few descriptive studies based on the "classical"
theories of urban ecology. However, Schnore points out that
most of these descriptive studies were not originally under
taken to study the ecology of the city, but came about as a
"byproduct" of other studies (Schnore, 1965). From the
historical standpoint this paucity of research is surprising,
4This conclusion has been tentatively reached by
Berry and Rees (1969: 459) and Anderson and Egeland (1961:
396-398).
5Rees defines social area analysis (sensu stricto)
as "the type of analysis proposed by Shevky and outlined in
Shevky and Bell (1955). Some seven census variables are
used to construct three indices: social rank (economic
status), urbanization (family status), and segregation
(ethnic status). The terms in parentheses are Bell's, the
preceding terms Shevky's" (Rees, 1972: 324).


CHAPTER
Topography and Transportation 89
Class Structure. . 93
The Image of the City 96
V. THE ECOLOGY OF CALI 98
Land Use 98
Barrio Development: The Physical
Growth of the City .119
Density of the Barrios 128
The Spatial Distribution of
Socioeconomic Status 135
The Spatial Distribution of Family Status. . 142
The Structure of Cali 149
VI. CONCLUSIONS 161
BIBLIOGRAPHY 166
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 179
vix


159
sectorization of the city by socioeconomic levels may have
been helped by development along transportation arterials,
as suggested by Hoyt in his sector hypothesis. Thus
arterial accessibility does appear to be a factor in the
development of the socioeconomic structure of the city.
Family status is the second major influence in
determining the structure of the city. In the review of the
literature, family status was shown to vary concentrically
for Western cities (Anderson and Egeland, 1961; Timms, 1971;
Rees, 1972). For non-Western cities, and for cities some
where in the transitional stage between preindustrial and
industrial, it appeared that the family status factor had
not yet clearly emerged as a separate dimension of urban
differentiation, being intertwined with socioeconomic status,
ethnic status, and other factors such as "life-style''; in
such cities there appeared to be less-clearly delineated
factors of intra-urban differentiation (Abu-Lughod, 1969;
Berry and Rees, 1969).
In Cali, the two indicators of family status examined
both revealed a rather clear concentric pattern. A compari
son of the two indicators of family status with socio
economic status revealed that there was a weak relationship
between socioeconomic status and family units per housing
unit, and no definite relationship between socioeconomic
status and members per family. Thus, though there may be
some small degree of relationship between socioeconomic
status and family status, it is clear that these two factors
are by no means intertwined; each of these factors explains


37
phenomenon well known to all students of the city in Latin
America; it is the pervasiveness of the squatter settlement.
In Brazil it is called f avela.; in Argentina, banda de
miseria; in Peru, barriada. In Colombia it is tugurio.
But whatever the name, its characteristics are the same:
It is the rudest kind of slum, clustering like a dirty
beehive around the edges of any principal city in Latin
America (Schulman, 1966: 30).
Clearly, peripheral slums do not conform to the North
American concentric zone pattern. Just as clearly, there
are upper-status residential areas moving to the periphery.
This does not mean, however, as some of the studies men
tioned have implied, that these upper-status areas will
eventually replace the slums on the periphery. The current
rapid growth of these slum areas indicates that they are
likely to be with us for a long time, and will not be
readily displaced. As a result, a theory of residential
differentiation that gives only a part of the periphery to
upper-status residences seems to be called for.
Though it does not provide such a theory, one recent
study does agree with this interpretation, and calls for a
modification of existing theory: ". . it is suggested
that a refinement of the model (of inverse-concentric
circles and its reverse) is called for, that previous studies
bear re-examination, and that future studies ought to be
conceived in terms of the modification reported here"
(Pealosa, 1967: 229). This study of three small cities
in the Mexican state of Guanajuato showed that


Dr. Irving Webbers wife, Lois, helped the writer in many
ways while he was in Colombia. Others, including J. Selwyn
Hollingsworth, David Coombs, Lawrence Hlad, Hugh Bloemer,
and Robert Shelly, helped in many ways.
Last, and most importantly, the writer is obligated
to the many people in Cali who were generous with their
time, and always willing to help. Especially valuable were
the members of the Rojas family, and Mercelitas, to whom the
writer owes much.
Were it not for the support of all of these people,
the project could never have been realized. Yet the
responsibility for the project must remain with the writer
alone.
v


132
city, socioeconomic status predominates over distance from
the city center in the determination of density.
These findings pose some interesting contrasts with
other research. Berry reports that
the negative exponential decline of phenomena with
increasing distance from the city center is nowhere more
apparent than in urban population densities. Regardless
of time or place, this is the pattern to be found; in
some four hundred cases examined so far there are no
exceptions (Berry, 1965: 419).
Given the nature of the data reported above, this statement
seems somexvhat overemphatic. Yet Berry did include studies
from both the Western and the non-Western \rorld, and in
another study pointed out that Min the West central densities
rise, then fall; in non-Western cities they register a con
tinual increase" (Berry, Simmons, and Tennant, 1963: 401).
If Cali is a non-Western city, then this statement
would not apply. If the central part of the city is defined
as those 22 barrios which existed in 1930, then density
figures show that only nine of these barrios registered
increases in population density in the 1951-1964 period. If
the four barrios (7, 8, 13, and 15) which comprised the
original colonial city are considered the central area, then
the figures show that three of these barrios experienced
declines in population in the 1951-1964 period, and the
other barrio maintained the same density. In this respect
Cali seems to conform more closely to the pattern posited
for Western cities, where central densities first rose and
then fell.


20
planner and the social scientist. By use of the typology,
sociologists and others should be able to undertake compara
tive studies of cities at one point in time, or test the
conditions of change at several points in time (Shevky and
\
Bell, 1961: 232-234). Finally, "in addition to its use as
a frame for the manipulation of available statistics such as
crime rates, suicide rates, and others, the typology can be
used as a frame for the design and execution of field
studies" (Shevky and Bell, 1961: 234).
This latter contention was elaborated upon by Bell
(1961) in a subsequent study. In examining social participa
tion by type of neighborhood in San Francisco, he found that
by specifying social areas or neighborhoods, he could
generally account for differences in social isolation. Thus
"the Shevky method of analysis of census tract data provides
a frame within which detailed investigations of the social
relations in sub-communities within that city can be
designed and executed (Bell, 1961: 251). Specifically,
Bell stated that "the typology can be used as a device for
the selection of neighborhoods for intensive study, . .
provides an integrative frame for urban sub-area field
studies through conceptual articulation and integration with
a large mass of ordered data . [and] is adapted to the
analysis of the combined or independent effect of personal
and unit characteristics on dependent variables" (Bell,
1961: 251-252).


169
Firey, Walter.
1947 Land Use in Central Boston.
Harvard University Press.
Cambridge, Mass,
Firey, Walter.
1961 "Sentiment and Symbolism as Ecological Variables."
Pp. 253-261 in George A. Theodorsen (ed.) Studies
in Human Ecology. New York: Harper § Row,
Publishers.
Fluharty, Vernon Lee.
1957 Dance of the Millions: Military Rule and the Social
Revolution in Colombia, 1930-1956. Pittsburgh:
University of Pittsburgh Press.
Ford, Richard G.
1950 "Population Succession in Chicago." The American
Journal of Sociology 56 (September): 156-160.
Friedel, Edward and Michael F. Jimenez.
1971 "Colombia." Pp. 61-76 in Richard M. Morse (ed.),
with Michael L. Conniff and John Wibel The Urban
Development of Latin America 1750-1920. Stanford,
California: Stanford University Center For Latin
American Studies.
Gakenheimer, Ralph A.
1967 "The Peruvian City of the Sixteenth Century." Pp.
33-56 in Glenn H. Beyer (ed.) The Urban Explosion
in Latin America: A Continent in Process of Modern
ization. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University
Press.
Gillin, John.
1945 "Parallel Cultures and the Inhibitions to Accultura
tion in a Guatemalan Community." Social Forces 24
(October): 1-14.
Hagen, Everett E.
1962 On the Theory of Social Change.
Dorsey Press.
Homewood, Illinois
Hansen, Asael T.
1934 "The Ecology of a Latin American City." Pp. 124-
142 in E.B. Reuter (ed.) Race and Culture Contacts.
New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co.
Hansen, Asael T.
1941 "Merida." Pp. 19-35 in Robert Redfield The Folk
Culture of Yucatn. Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press.


151
America, Cali may be fairly typical of a growing number of
cities, and the examination of its structure may provide
clues for the examination of the structure of some other
cities in Latin America.
The recency of much of the growth of Cali is of
paramount importance for its structure. The rapidity of
Calis growth has led to a somewhat disorganized pattern in
the peripheral parts of the city, and especially in the
southern "arm. Yet, even with this complication, it is
apparent that the growth has occurred within the framework
of certain forces, for the city exhibits marked regularities
in a number of respects. First, the growth has spread out
wards from the center and, except for the most recent period
has filled in the areas closest to the center of the city
before moving further outward; the growth has occurred all
around the center, except for the mountainous areas on one
side. This first force is the tendency to locate as close
as possible to the center of the city. Unlike people in the
United States, most Caleos do not have their own means of
transportation, and must locate within the bounds of public
transportation. The result is a relatively compact city,
where the furthest part of the city is only about six miles
from the center.
A second force affecting the pattern of city growth
relates to the availability and advisability of locating in
certain areas. While little understood, this force is
apparently of some consequence in the spatial distribution


49
generally nonresidential barrios. These include the water
reservoir, a municipal park, railroad repair yards, an air
force base, the water aqueduct and plant, the main prison, a
psychiatric hospital, army barracks and base, a cemetery, a
country club, a sugar mill and fields, the university
(Universidad del Valle) and the university hospital, a
women's prison, and a race track (horse races). There are
twelve such specialized barrios. Although a number of other
barrios were heavily commercial or industrial, in every case
they contained a sizable residential population as well, and
therefore will be included in the study of residential
ecology.
The second type of eliminated barrio consists of
"rural-oriented" areas that have recently been included in
the statistics for the city of Cali. There are fourteen of
these barrios. None has a population in excess of eight
hundred, and all but two have a population of less than
three hundred. These barrios were eliminated because it was
felt they were not representative of urban social structure,
but of rural social structure; their inclusion could have
seriously biased findings oriented to urban residential
differentiation. In the field work, it was patently obvious
that these people were not oriented to the city. Virtually
all of them were engaged in agricultural occupations, and
had lived there for a long time. The rapid growth of the
city boundaries, which often extended far beyond the area of
settlement, had simply included much of the rural hinterland


BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Eric Armin Wagner was born May 31, 1941, at Cleveland,
Ohio. In June, 1959, he was graduated from Bedford High
School in Bedford, Ohio. In June, 1964, he received the
degree of Bachelor of Arts with a major in International
Studies from Ohio State University, and immediately enrolled
in the Graduate School of the University of Florida. From
1964 to 1966 he held a University of Florida fellowship, and
in 1966-1967 worked as a graduate assistant in the Department
of Sociology. In September, 1967, he began work as a
research and teaching assistant at the Universidad del Valle
in Cali, Colombia. In June, 1968, he received the degree of
Master of Arts with a major in Political Science from the
University of Florida. From September, 1968, to the present
he has been a faculty member in the Department of Sociology
and Anthropology at Ohio University in Athens, Ohio.
He is a member of the American Sociological Associa
tion, the Rural Sociological Society, the Population Associa
tion of America, the North Central Sociological Association,
the Latin American Studies Association, and the Midwest
Association of Latin American Studies.
179


163
then the differentiation of socioeconomic status and family-
status areas would have been much less clearly defined.
In theoretical terms, the shape of the city described
in this study conforms much more closely to the sector
hypothesis of Hoyt than it does to the concentric zone
theory of Burgess or the multiple nuclei theory of Harris
and Ullman. As Hoyt hypothesized, the city of Cali has
upper-class neighborhoods that moved outward toward the
periphery of the city in an axial fashion, and middle-class
neighborhoods that developed beside them. These areas
occupied high ground away from flood areas, and grew in the
same direction for a long period of time. The Harris and
Ullman theory, suggesting a group of nuclei rather than a
central core, was not confirmed in Cali, nor was the Burgess
theory, which suggested that each concentric zone of the
city had certain characteristics distinguishing it from the
other zones. Consequently those studies of the ecology of
the Latin American city which have suggested that the peri
pheral zone of the city would eventually contain the rich
and the center of the city the poor are not confirmed. The
evidence does not show that Cali is moving in the direction
of what often has been assumed to be the North American
pattern of city structure.
But the evidence does confirm the theory of social
area analysis, which holds that, for the industrial city,
and to a lesser extent for the preindustrial city, three
factors (socioeconomic status, family status, and ethnic


109
To the east of the commercial center of the city,
roughly equalling the industrial area, is a wide dispersion
of commercial activities. Many of these activities are
geared to the support of industry and of the workers who
V
must pass through the area during their journeys to and
from work. This area is also somewhat older than the exten
sive working-class areas to the south, which have perhaps
not yet been in existence for a sufficient length of time
for significant levels of commerce to have developed.
To the west of the city center is"some commerce
which stretches from the commercial center along several of
the main streets, especially Calle Quince and Avenida
Roosevelt. This commerce is geared to the support of the
middle-class and lower-middle-class barrios in the area.
Many private schools and other facilities, such as the uni
versity hospital, the Universidad del Valle, and the
"Olympic Village" sports complex are located in this part of
the city. (After the field survey was completed, some of
the Universidad del Valle was moved to a newr location in
barrio 131 in the southern part of the city, where there
was more room for expansion.)
Two areas which are not explained by any of the
above discussions of commercial activity are barrio 81 on
the southeastern edge of the city and barrios 134, 136, and
138 on the western edge of the city. All of these barrios
have several things in common--they are small barrios which
are somewhat older than the huge lower-class and working-class


LIST OF TABLES
TABLE
1 Population Range of Cali Barrios Used in
Studying Residential Ecology T 51
2 Growth of Cali from 1793 to 1964 68
3 Population of Eleven Largest Municipios,
1905-1964. 74
4 Growth of Cali in Relation to the Growth of
Colombia: 1938-1951, 1951-1964. ....... 75
5 Primacy of Urban Structure: Four Regions of
Colombia, 1964 79
6 Rank-Size Distribution of Colombian
Cities, 1964 ...... 80
7 Urbanization of the Latin American
Population 83
8 Economically Active Population Engaged in
Industrial Activity, By Departments, 1964. . 90
9 Social Stratification in Cali, 1964. ...... 94
10 Industrial Barrios in Cali, 1968 107
11 Cali Barrios, Names, Estimated Percentage of
Land Use, and Socioeconomic Status, 1968 . 113
12 Percentage of Developed Land Devoted to
Various Uses, Cali, 1968 116
13 Density of Barrios by Socioeconomic Status,
Cali, 1964 . 131
14 Mean Distance of Barrios From City Center, By
Mean Number of Family Members Per Barrio . 145
15 Members Per Family of Barrios by Socioeconomic
Status, Cali, 1964 147
viii


97
and Amrica, both of which generally field strong teams
challenging for the Colombian championship. Other aspects
of the city which the respondents felt were important were
"La Ermita" church, Avenida Colombia, the railroad station,
the Cali River, the hill with three crosses overlooking the
city, the hill with a huge cement statue of Christ over
looking the city, and the park surrounding the water
reservoir (Velasco, 1967: 51-54). The city is, for the
residents, a mosaic of elements which are not clearly tied
together.5
In his review of studies of the spatial structure of
Latin American cities, Schnore notes that vital information
concerning population growth rates, topography, transporta
tion, class structure, and the economic base of the city is
often missing (Schnore, 1965: 362-364). In this chapter,
information pertaining to these subjects has been presented
at some length, in the hope that this information will
enlighten the examination of the ecological structure of
the city of Cali which follows in the next chapter.
5"Es decir, la ciudad no es para ellos un conjunto
articulado de edificios, barrios, vas, reas industriales
y lmites naturales, sino un mosaico de elementos sin
vinculaciones muy claras entre s" (Velasco, 1967: 53).


176
Shevky, Eshref and Wendell Bell.
1961 "Social Area Analysis." Pp. 226-235 in George A.
Theodorson (ed.) Studies in Human Ecology. New
York: Harper § Row, Publishers.
Shevky, Eshref and Marilyn Williams.
1949 The Social Areas of Los Angeles: Analysis and
Typology. Los Angeles: University of California
Press.
Sjoberg, Gideon.
1960 The Preindustrial City: Past and Present. New York
The Free Press.
Sjoberg, Gideon.
1965 "Cities in Developing and in Industrial Societies:
A Cross-cultural Analysis." Pp. 213-263 in Philip
M. Hauser and Leo F. Schnore (eds.) The Study of
Urbanization. New York: John Wiley § Sons, Inc.
Smith, T. Lynn.
1967 Colombia: Social Structure and the Process of
Development. Gainesville, Florida: University of
Florida Press.
Smith, T. Lynn.
1970 Studies of Latin American Societies. Garden City,
New York: Doubleday § Company, Inc.
Stanislawski, Dan.
1961 "The Anatomy of Eleven Towns in Michoacn." Pp. 348
355 in George A. Theodorson (ed.) Studies in Human
Ecology. New York: Harper 8 Row, Publishers.
Sweetser, Frank L.
1969 "Ecological Factors in Metropolitan Zones and
Sectors." Pp. 413-456 in Mattei Dogan and Stein
Rokkan (eds.) Quantitative Ecological Analysis in
the Social Sciences. Cambridge, Mass.: The M.I.T.
Press.
Thomlinson, Ralph.
1969 Urban Structure: The Social and Spatial Character
of Cities. New York: Random House.
Tiebout, Charles M.
1958 "Hawley and Duncan on Social Area Analysis: A
Comment." Land Economics 34 (May): 182-184.
Timms, D.
1965 "Quantitative Techniques in Urban Social Geography."
Pp. 239-265 in Richard J. Chorley and Peter Hagget
(eds.) Frontiers in Geographical Teaching. London:
Methuen.


10
(1954) found that differentiation in metropolitan areas
decreases with distance from the center of the city, though
it does not decrease in a straight line.
Along with Park, McKenzie, and Burgess, Louis Wirth
had great influence in the Chicago school of urban sociology,
though he did not deal as directly with urban ecology as did
these other men. However, in "A Bibliography of the Urban
Community," which Wirth wrote for Park, Burgess, and
McKenzie's The City, he devoted a section to the ecological
organization of the city (Wirth, 1925: 187-195). In this
section he defined the ecological organization of the city
as "the spatial distribution of population and institutions
and the temporal sequence of structure and function following
from the operation of selective, distributive, and competi
tive forces tending to produce typical results wherever they
are at work" (Wirth, 1925: 187). This appears to the
writer to be one of the most comprehensive definitions of
urban ecology to be offered by a member of the Chicago
school. Louis Wirth also reiterated the usefulness of the
concept of the natural area, and defined it.
Plant ecologists have been accustomed to use the
expression "natural area" to refer to well-defined
spatial units having their own peculiar characteristics.
In human ecology the term "natural area" is just as
applicable to groupings according to selective and cul
tural characteristics (Wirth, 1925: 188).
Perhaps Louis Wirth's best-known contribution came
in his classic study of "Urbanism As a Way of Life" (1938).
In this article he delineated three highly useful variables.


148
TABLE 16
MEAN DISTANCE OF BARRIOS FROM CITY CENTER
BY MEAN FAMILY UNITS PER HOUSING UNIT
Mean Family Units Mean Distance of Barrios
per Housing Unit from City Center, in Miles,
0 1.0
2.91
1.1 1.2 2.71
1.3 1.4 2.18
1.5 1.6 2.15
1.7 + 1.68
concentric pattern is shown. The smaller the number of
family units per housing unit, the greater the mean distance
of barrios from city center.
There were few multi-family dwelling units to con
fuse the issue. There were only two large multi-family
housing projects for the middle and lower classes, and these
were in barrios 54 and 157. There were also a few residential
hotels and apartments in middle and upper-class areas, such
as barrios 28, 33, and 37. Of all the barrios in the city,
only barrio 157 is not dominated by single-family dwellings;
barrio 157 has four dwelling units for one hundred and
sixty-two families.
The number of family units per housing unit in
relation to the socioeconomic level of the barrios is shown
in table 17. This table shows that, except for the lower
class, the number of family units per housing unit increases
as one goes from upper-class barrios to working-lower-class


59
which we are using in this study (number of family members)
(Abu-Lughod, 1969: 202-203).
Data relating to the growth of the barrios and their
density are used to support the discussions of socioeconomic
status and family status. These data, obtained from the Cali
Municipal Planning Office, are based on the 1951 and the 1964
Colombian censuses (Oficina de Planeacin Municipal, "Com
parativo Por Sectores . ."). Also supporting the dis
cussion of socioeconomic status and family status are data
relating to the distribution of various land uses in the
city of Cali. These data were obtained through the field
survey.
Finally, information concerning major arterial
streets will be offered, on the assumption that residential
location in Latin American cities is and has been determined,
at least in part, on the basis of the accessibility of
transportation. Smith and McMahan make this explicit.
One who has visited South American cities can hardly
have failed to notice that the worst slums frequently
are on the very outskirts of the communities and that
Rio de Janeiro's favelas, the miserable quarters in
which a large share of the Negroes live, are spread over
the hills Ttfhich overlook the city. Such observations
suggest that the availability and cost of transportation
are basic factors in determining the ecological pattern
of any city.
The abundance of rapid, cheap, and convenient transpor
tation, and especially the automobile, seems largely
responsible for the fact that in [North] American cities
generally the most undesirable residential districts are
those nearest the center, whereas the most desirable are
at the greatest distance from the downtown areas. On
the other hand, in Buenos Aires, Santiago de Chile, Lima,
and other such cities, where the automobile is still a
luxury, residences of the least privileged classes are


134
In his study of Latin American cities, Harris sup
ported the findings concerning density reported in this
study, noting that "in Latin American cities the areas with
the highest population densities are often found on the
peripheries of the urban centers rather than in the tradi
tional central core of the city" (Harris, 1971: 38).
The most closely-related study is Amatos examina
tion of population densities and socioeconomic class in
Bogot. His population density data clearly indicate
that the "elites" live in areas of least population
concentration and that the middle socioeconomic groups
live in areas of maximum concentration. The lower income
groups on the other hand, live in areas of middle-range
population densities (Amato, 1969: 67).
It is curious that Cali and Bogota, within the same country,
exhibit different density patterns, although there seems a
probable explanation for this phenomenon. In Cali, there is
a great deal of level land available for the expansion of
the city, so that urban land values are not greatly affected
by the growing population. This is not the case in Bogot;
land there is somewhat scarcer. As a result, in Amato's
study, "if density scores are standardized in terms of dis
tance from the center city, the socioeconomic groups arrange
themselves on a seven-class scale from upper income groups
to lower groups, strictly according to class rank, indicating
the relative economic advantage of each class for obtaining
low-density living at varying distances from the center
city" (Amato, 1969: 73). Thus in Bogot, as in Cali, when


70
"La violencia . is a general term which . [is] used
to refer to banditry, kidnappings, and homicides, partic
ularly in rural areas" (Payne, 1968: 91). Dix notes that
"in the years between 1948 and 1964, la violencia took
between 100,000 and 200,000 Colombian lives, perhaps more
than in all of the country's nineteenth-century internal
strife, and was responsible for an undetermined number of
maimed and wounded" (Dix, 1967: 362). While few authorities
agree on the exact number of lives lost in la violencia, the
magnitude of the loss was certainly great enough to cause
huge numbers of rural dwellers to flee to the sanctuary of
the larger cities, t\/hich were relatively free of the vio
lence. Cali received a large share of these migrants,
because la violencia was especially pronounced in southern
Colombia and the province of El Valle, in which Cali is
located. The following account indicates the extent and
impact of this violence:
Between March 19 and 22 [1955] in El Valle, two
brothers were assassinated by pistol fire; a coffee-
roaster was killed by stab wounds and his place of
business sacked; a man was shot and killed by "long-
range" fire; the body of another was found dead of bul
let wounds on a lonely road; and a hacienda owner was
killed by seven bullets fired at close range. Total in
El Valle killed by persons unknown, seven. In these
same days, many people fled for safety from the district
of Monteloro (El Valle); a Cali newspaperman was
threatened with death because of stories he had written
about the violence; panic spread through the area
(Fluharty, 1957: 271).
Clearly, migration from country to city in Colombia
"is intensified by.the violent fighting between Conservative
and Liberal villages, which has scared thousands of country


Privies Observable: Yes No
Health Centers: Private Public None
Dont Know
Drugstores: Observed No Observed
Electricity: Observed Not Observed
Telephones in Barrio: Yes No Don't Know
Public Residential
Sidewalks: 95-100% 50-95% 10-50% 1-10%
None
Streets: Paved: Good Fair Poor
Gravel: Good Fair Poor
Dirt: Good Fair Poor
Residence: (where possible, in percentages)
House Type: Modern Colonial "Stucco
"Poor" Temporary
Houses Not Completed
House Sizes: Very Large Large Medium
Small Very Small
Maintenance: Excellent Good Fair Poor
Terrible
Building Material: Ornamental Stone or Brick Pebbl
in Stucco _____ Stucco Bamboo
Cardboard Wood Other
Yard Decoration: Shrubbery, Flowers, Lawn Extensive
Some A Very Small Bit of
Decoration None
Maids Observable: Yes No