Front Cover
 Table of Contents
 Back Cover

Title: Jamaica journal
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00090030/00057
 Material Information
Title: Jamaica journal
Series Title: Jamaica journal.
Abbreviated Title: Jam. j.
Physical Description: v. : ill. (part col.) ; 31 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Institute of Jamaica
Publisher: Institute of Jamaica.
Place of Publication: Kingston
Publication Date: November-January 1987-1988
Frequency: semiannual
Subject: Periodicals -- Jamaica   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: Jamaica
Dates or Sequential Designation: Began with Dec. 1967 issue.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00090030
Volume ID: VID00057
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 01797964
lccn - 75027862
issn - 0021-4124

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Table of Contents
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    Back Cover
        Page 69
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Full Text



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Treasures of Jamaican Heritage

J~ai.cuan ~BanI&~

rior to 1942, commercial banks in Jamaica were
empowered to issue their own bank notes. The
notes illustrated here were issued by the Colonial
Bank (see inside back cover) in 1840 and 1883.
They are particularly interesting as they are pay-
able in three different currencies simultaneously British
pounds, Spanish dollars and local pounds. All three currencies
were legal tender in the island up to the late nineteenth

The notes are in the collection of Barclay's Bank P.L.C.



Jamaica Journal is published on
behalf of the Institute of Jamaica
12-16 East Street, Kingston, Jamaica.
by Institute of Jamaica Publications
All correspondence should be
addressed to:
IOJ Publications Ltd.
2A Suthermere Road, Kingston 10,
Telephone: (809) 92-94785/6
Olive Senior
Assistant Editor
Maxine Patricia McDonnough
Diane Browne
Sales Representative
Jackie Foster

Support Services
Faith Myers Secretarial
Eton Anderson Accounting
Design and Production
Camille Parchment
Patsi Smith
Back issues: Most back issues are
available. List sent on request. Entire
series available on microfilm from
University Microfilms, Ann Arbor,
Michigan 48106, U.S.A.

Subscriptions: J$50 for four issues
(in Jamaica only); U.S.$15, U.K.
Retail single copy price: J$15 (in
Jamaica only); overseas U.S.$5 or
U.K.3 post paid surface mail.
Advertising: Rates sent on request.
Index: Articles appearing in Jamaica
Journal are abstracted and indexed
in Historical Abstracts, America:
History, and Life, and Hispanic
American Periodicals Index (HAPI).
Vol. 20 No. 4 Copyright @ 1987
by Institute of Jamaica Publications
Limited. Cover or contents may not
be reproduced in whole or in part
without written permission.

Vol. 20 No. 4

November 1987 January 1988

History and Life
23 The Victoria Jubilee Celebrations of 1887 in Jamaica
by Kathleen Monteith

32 Advertisements for Clothes in Kingston 1897-1914
by Glory Robertson

40 The Birth and Growth of the Jamaica Tourist
Association 1910-1914
by Frank Taylor


1' CE"M UM

Xmas & New Year Cards
| Millinery Show Now On. ,

Andreas Oberli
COVER: "The Flood" by Albert Artwell (Collection: Liz Delisser)
heralds the exciting world of the Intuitives which is explored by
Gloria Escoffery in her article beginning on page 10.

46 Malaria: Past Scourge or Continued Threat?
by S.C. Rawlins, Peter Figueroa and Marcia Mundle

51 Robert Jackson, M.D., 1750-1827: Sometime Doctor in
Jamaica and a Bold Crusader of his Day
by E.M.M. Besterman

The Arts
2 Vic Reid, In his Own Words. An Interview
by Edward Baugh

19 Poems: The Gate, Autumn, Away from Home
by Rachel Manley

Regular Features
10 Art: A Personal Response to "Fifteen Intuitives" at the
National Gallery
by Gloria Escoffery

57 Music: Music in Festival
by Pamela O'Gorman
63 Books and Writers
Reviews: Sistren's Lionheart Gal
by Herman I. McKenzie
Monica Frolander-Ulf and Frank Lndenfeld's
A New Earth
by Edwin S. Jones
P.I. Gomes's Rural Development in the
by Elsie LeFranc
Literary Magazines
Briefly Noted
50 Contributors



Vic Reid,

In His

Own Words

An Interview

Conducted by

Edward Baugh

Vic Reid: O.K., here goes. Born in
Kingston. Rae Town. Grew up there.
Went to school in Kingston: Conver-
sorium, Kingston Tech. Conversorium.

Edward Baugh: Yes, unfamiliar.
Central Branch.
I see, that's what they called it before it
was called Central Branch?
I think it was always called Central

The Hon. Victor Stafford Reid, O.J., novelist,
short-story writer, biographer, poet, journalist,
died 25 August 1987 at the age of seventy-
four. He was one of the pioneering giants of
West Indian fiction, and one of the very few
West Indian writers who have achieved inter-
national acclaim while always remaining 'at
home'. His books are: New Day (New York:
Knopf, 1949; London: Heinemann, 1950,
1973; Kingston: Sangster's, 1970; Cha-
tham, N.J.: Chatham Bookseller, 1972), The
Leopard (New York: Viking, 1958; London:
Heinemann, 1955; New York: Collier, 1971;
Chatham, N.J.: Chatham Bookseller, 1972),
Sixty- Five (London:Longman, 1960), The
Young Warriors (London: Longman, 1967),
Peter Of Mount Ephraim (Kingston: Jamaica
Publishing House, 1971), The Jamaicans
(Kingston: Institute of Jamaica, 1976, 1978),
Nanny-Town (Kingston: Jamaica Publishing
House, 1983), The Horses of the Morning
(biography of N.W. Manley, Kingston: Carib-
bean Authors, 1985). He was the recipient of
two Canada Council fellowships (1958,1959),
a Mexican Escritores award (1959), a Guggen-
heim fellowship (1960), a gold Musgrave
Medal of the Institute of Jamaica (1976), and
the Norman Manley Award for Excellence
(1981). The title of Officer of the Order of
Jamaica was conferred on him in 1980.
Following is a shortened version of an
interview conducted at Reid's Norbrook Road
apartment in June 1981.


U, -

,, t!z

Branch, but it was [also] called The
Conversorium, which was sort of the
church hall for Kingston Parish Church,
and we all grew up in Kingston Parish
Church sort of thing, you know.

But what was the meaning of this word

You should tell me that; I mean it is real

What? A place where people meet to ex-
change ideas?

It ought to be that, it ought to be that,
. . and now a lady who is also a city
gal, tells me that at the earthquake,
when parish church was destroyed, they
had services in this building, the old
Conversorium building, it was officially
the church hall, and they builtthe church
back, and so it remained the Conver-
sorium, a place for concerts and great
dances, man. When I was in my twenties,
our first dances, we used to go there, big
orchestra ...

This was part of Kingston Parish Church

It was in that sense, in that sense, be-
cause this was where, like when they had
the Annual Anglican synod, it used to
be held in the parish church, all the pas-
tors used to be robed down there, you
know. And it was a great factor in my
life because I was altar boy and choir-
boy and all those things. So you got
hours off from school to go to church
for any function they having, get a bob
each time, which was a shilling, in case
you don't know about this.

Oh yes, I know . So at the Conver-
sorium then, were you conscious of
any kind of particular literary interest
even then?

This is why I mentioned it. Actually,
Eddie, it's terrible to admit this; I began
writing when I was about ten, eleven
years old.

What sort of things?

S. I wrote a hell of a long composition
on the discovery of Jamaica. I made my-
self into a sailor aboard the Nina, writ-
ing back home you see, and the publish-
ing end of it was that after my teacher
then was Olga Banks1 well, she got
hold of this thing and she said it was too
good to be kept. So she called her
Daddy, who was the headmaster, and
showed it to him. So he assembled the
whole school of 800 pickney and read

this composition by V.S. Reid. My first
S. .And then growing up and living in
Rae Town, the Institute of Jamaica was
a focal point. I began reading, you
know, and I used to go there, read a lot,
share the books. They had one small
iron shelf which was the entire children's
library of Jamaica, which I quickly read

Can you remember any of the sort of
things that were on that shelf?
A whole heap of them. Robert Louis
Stevenson, of course, and a great series
called the McGlusky series.

Yes. You ever heard of that guy?

No. The author is McGlusky?
No, the character. I can't remember the
author's name. Fantastic fellow, man,
was a sailor you know.


That's the best part of my life. And
then now my first real job was on the
sugar estate.
Which one is this?
Went to Frome, just around the riot
times. Before that I did things like sales-
man, salesmanning . but the first real
job, I spent about ten years on the sugar

What years would these have been?
1937 to I went to England in 1937,
hoping to get a job in a publishing house,
for I wanted to get into books you
know. In those days there was no possi-
bility of getting into books out here....
Anyway, I came back and I went to
work at Frome . and then I was
transferred to Monymusk, closer home.
The pickneys were just about being
born. So at Monymusk now, I was
working as what they then called a sec-
tion clerk; you were in charge of the
books of a whole section, a hell of a lot
of work. And I decided that this is not
my line because I couldn't stand this
office stuff and so on, so I decided to
write a book, and in about 1940 I wrote
a book, a full length novel, about
60,000 words . . I wrote this book,
which I thought was quite good, and I
had a reading from Edna, Edna Manley
. . and she sent me a long critique on
it, which was so very good you know.
This was the first encouragement I got.
I must tell you this: except for Olga
Myers, no schoolteacher looked at you

as a person with any sense at all to say
you can make a living off of writing.
Quite impossible. It was arithmetic, that
sort of stuff. Anyway, after that I began
writing short stories and there I really
enjoyed myself, dozens of them.

That novel wasn't published?

But the encouragement of Edna would
have spurred you to go on with writing?
I guess you would have written anyway.
Exactly. Edna's thing was very very
good you know; this was a full length
novel. I hadn't written any real short
stories before, but after that I decided
the thing to do to get published at all
in Jamaica then the publishing game
was held down by DeLisser who was
doing his Planter's Punch, and nobody
could have broken into that and so I
started writing short stories. I wrote for
the Gleaner, and out of that, in 1946
or '47, Michael DeCordova, who was
editor of the Gleaner, wrote and offer-
ed me a job. So I grabbed it with both
hands. Came back to town. Then I be-
gan what I used to call my one-a-week
phase, a short story per week sort of
thing ...
But you were a reporter apart from ...
Reporter and feature writer.
I am just becoming aware that you had
all these short stories in the Gleaner, be-
cause I only know the few that were
collected in this or that anthology. But
there is obviously a lot to go back and
dig up.
A lot. I wish I could find them. And
there [was] a thing called The Caribbean
Post. This was a monthly magazine put
out by Percy Miller and Aimee Webster.2
Caribbean Post?
It was on the format of The Saturday
Evening Post, and this was really good
because in there I really wrote .... And
then I began writing for BBC and so
forth ... .And there was one particular
thing that has been put into Life and
Letters a thing on St Elizabeth.3 I love
that thing still; it was done all over the
place . . Then this was how New
Day first saw the light. Because when
Herring, Robert Herring4 came out
here, I had heard that this fellow was
coming out and I was doing feature sto-
ries on the harbour and so on, shipping
and all sorts of things, and I met this
fellow on board some ship and we began
talking . . I must tell you about New
Day. It is really fantastic. I am a stupid

patriot, and I hated the idea that they
were talking about Bogle and Gordon
as being criminals and so forth, and I
used to read up the Council minutes,
and the Commission reports on 1865.
And I said the only thing you can do
S. .is to do a novel on it. But then I
wanted to do a novel in dialect; but
what kind of audience you will get for
a dialect novel? I mean we start talking
to ourselves, you know. So I decided
I would formulate a way of stylizing the
dialect, keeping the atmosphere, keep-
ing the syntax as much as possible ....
So I began doing this thing in dialect.
My colleagues laughed at me at the
Gleaner, said you must be mad. Any-
way, I had written about 20,000 words
by the time Herring came out here, and
he came up we were living at Dunoon
Road, so I invited him, 'come and have
a drink' . . I showed him these manu-
scripts; he was taken by them. So he
took them back and he published an ex-
cerpt in Life and Letters, and within
two weeks I got a cablegram from
Knopf and [they] asked me if I had the
novel. So I cabled right back and said,
yes I didn't have a damn thing yes,
novel ready. And they said, send the
first 10,000 words. I packaged it up and
sent it to them, and they gave me a con-
tract on that. So that meant I had to
finish the book.

So am I right in saying that the impetus,
the first sort of thing that triggered off
New Day was the reaction to the tradi-
tional view of Gordon and Bogle? But
where would you have been reading this
The Gleaner's history.5

Oh, the history of Jamaica?
The Gleaner's history was the one. Now,
I saw his biography and it really got me
upset. Because at that time nobody
knew anything about Bogle and Gordon.
And so one day I decided that the thing
to do was to go to Stony Gut, and I pro-
ceeded to Stony Gut. Took a bus out to
Morant Bay and walked up hill to find
this bloody Stony Gut. I found a
track it was. So I went up to this Stony
Gut and started asking if anybody here
named Bogle. Not a soul. One little old
lady acknowledged the name Bogle, be-
cause at that time the name Bogle was
anathema. And so I couldn't get any real
strong information. This little old lady
gave me a few things. Anyhow, she did
take me to the old chapel site. I spent
several hours there, me one in this damn
dark, forested place, full of duppy ...

Anyway, so I decided to do the book
. . and then after that, now what hap-
pened? I stuck with the newspapering
and I went into magazines, I joined
Spotlight, '52, '53, I think it was. . .
Evon [Blake] was the big fellow there.
. . Anyway, I began writing for them,
and this I completely and thoroughly
enjoyed. I love newswriting, that kind
of background stuff. And I spent some
time there and then Fairclough6 asked
me to come. Fred [Wilmot] was then
editing Public Opinion and Fred and I
decided we are going to swop jobs .. .so
I said to Fairclough I will take over
Public Opinion and Fred went down to
Spotlight. And I was withPublic Opinion
for about two years ... and while I was
there I also did things like founding a
magazine called The Sugar Workers,
which was a monthly magazine dealing
with the sugar estates, and this went
very well for a couple of years. And I
also even began, perhaps the first P.R.
office in Jamaica ...

What was it called?
Just V.S. Reid Associates.

But that didn't last long though?
No, I came off of that, I didn't like the
damn thing. But then the Mau Mau
began, and here again this is where I got
really angry because the newspapers -
you see, working on a newspaper for
many years, and out here I was corres-
pondent for a number of foreign news-
papers I was the man in the Carib-
bean for the London Daily Express -
and I used to read these stories about
Africa and the Mau Mau, as if the British
were all angels and the Africans were
beasts. So again that stirred my interest.
S. .And I decided it was about time
somebody did a novel. . I was living
at Gordon Town, big old house, three-
storey house we had on the river bank,
and it almost hung over the river. When
you looked through the window, you
heard the river night and day, you look-
ed through the window, it was like you
really were in Africa. And I remember
we had a big room, long room this
was a big wooden house and I fixed
up the room with a bar and lounge, and
those were my real drinking days a lot
of guys used to come up and so on. And
one day I sat at the window and I said
the thing to do is to write this novel
about the Mau Mau, so I decided to
write The Leopard. And then, Eddie, I
began my African research. For about
a year I steeped myself in Africa. I read
everything I could get hold of about

Africa, everything. I searched every
book in the Institute, came up to your
place, the university, anywhere. And
then I began writing and I did The
Leopard. It was reviewed so magnifi-
cently in every paper in the world. You
know, suddenly the whites themselves
began saying to themselves, it is about
time somebody I remember one, the
London Times said this particular phrase:
'Many books have spoken for the whites
in Africa; this one speaks eloquently for
the black people.' And you know, it
was really satisfying.

Did you have any difficulty getting that
novel published?
Yeah. I don't think people realise the
conspiracy of silence we have among
the foreign publishers. There are times
when you make a breakthrough, but
quite frequently they will deliberately
keep you out, and you know people,
most people I suppose, but Jamaicans
I know about, they have this tendency
not to believe that these things happen.
You sort of sorry for them and say poor
idiots keep out things, and I had to
do a lot of footwork, and I did what I
am doing right now with a novel which
is just finished, which I know I am
going to have difficulty [with] because
it deals with the sort of problems been
happening around, and I think it is a
positive, exciting novel, but I know I am
going to have a little botheration.

It is a contemporary setting, is it?
Oh yeah, contemporary and the next
five years. Anyway, that [The Leopard]
was published and the translations were
many; even the Russians 'stole it' of
course. One day, about in 1963, I was in
London and I decided, now this is too
much now, and I walked into the Russian
embassy. Jan was in London at the
time, Jan Carew, and we were talking
and Jan said, 'Yes man, yes man'. I
walked into the Russian embassy and I
said, 'Look, you published a novel of
mine in one of your literary magazines
and my name is so and so . .. 'The guy
listened to me, he said, 'Yes, yes, I will
see what I can do', and about a year
after I got a cheque for something like

Really, that was nice of them.
At least they did something.Then around
that time ... I was very put out that my
pickneys growing up and there were no
books in schools about Jamaicans ...
So I thought I would do another book
on the same '65 situation; called it

Sixty-Five. This is a very interesting
thing that I use very often, but I must
tell you again. At that time I decided to
go back to Stony Gut. By this time Bo-
gle was a national hero. And I decided to
go back to Stony Gut and have another
look around. And I went to Stony Gut
- road get in and so now, you know,
and the name Bogle becomes 'Any-
body here name Bogle?' You waan see
Bogle, man!

If I could go back a little; well, various
things actually. One, I wanted to ask
you more about what made you think
of doing New Day in the dialect, because
that must have been a daring thing then,
and merely to have got the idea was ...

I tell you why, Eddie. I am a Kingston
boy, but I used to go down to the
country every year for two weeks dur-
ing summer at my old lady's people and
the old man's people in St Ann and in
Manchester. And there is where I knew
the beauty of the dialect, the rhythm
and the power of it . And when I
understood the dialect -of the dialogue,
you know I said that this ought to be
done in some way . . But again, my
private opinion is I don't believe in the
heavy dialect. Because what's the use of
us just talking to each other; we want
spread the thing, and people find it
difficult to read real dialect, I mean who
aren't Jamaicans.

Another thing I want to ask you is if
you could tell me something more about
your connection and the connection of
your writing with the kind of political,
national you know, the late thirties,
early forties thing .. and then the con-
nection with Manley that kind of

When the '38 riots, I remember when
Busta was arrested I was then twenty-
five years old and I was in town for
holidays or something. Anyway, the
evening he was released from Rae Town
jail we lived quite close to the prison
- crowds lined the streets. When I stood
up outside the prison gate, you know,
and watched these guys coming out, I
remember saying to myself, 'At last
we have won a battle'. Just by the fact
that they were let out of prison. And
the great hope then was that here is
our big chance, because we were all
nationalists some of us were reds, a
few were reds; I myself was Jamaican-
steeped, all through. And the hope was
that here we would have two edges, two
leading edges Busta and Manley. Man-

ley was the darling of us all because he
was an intellectual; Busta was the pile-
driver who would do things like, well
you know all that Busta did. But you
knew that here was a man who had the
kind of animal courage that was re-
quired in those days. Plus the fact that
I said to myself that Busta looking
white would be very helpful because
they would hardly touch him; and this
happened of course, as you know, with
the St William Grant situation. They
lick down St William Grant and never
touched Busta nah lick the white
man! And so we thought they would
run in tandem, you know. I don't think
we knew Busta enough then. We knew
that they were two leading bulls, but
we thought he would be satisfied with
the union and Manley would have been
satisfied with the political party ....
There is a book which I hope will be
out in the not distant future, a bio-
graphy of Manley [The Horses of the
Yes, I meant to ask you about that,
because I know you had been work-
ing on it for years. What's the situation
with that?
That book has been finished; it's a long
book. It has been read by a number of
people ....
Is there a.real likelihood of its coming
out soon?
Keep your fingers crossed on that one.
When you said Rae Town jail, that's
what would be the General Penitentiary?
In those days it was called Rae Town
You were telling me about the hope ...
The hope of these two guys. . Well,
Busta got knocked down during the
war; they interned him and so on with
the rest of the guys, and then Manley
took over the union and did some re-
markable work, some good cloak-and-
dagger stuff. By that time, of course, I
was then just about coming back to
town and so I got into the swing of
things, and socialism seemed, still
seems, done sensibly, to be the hope
of a country like Jamaica. Because I
think we are only fooling ourselves to
believe that the real rampant capitalism
will really attempt to actually solve all
the problems, for the poor man going to
have a pretty rough time all the same.
Anyway, when that crack came and
they separated, I realized that things
mash up, you know, because we have
these two guys really clashing at each
other, and we were sort of caught in the

middle. So that was it.
But to what extent were you involved
with or exchanging ideas with other
people of the early forties at the time?
Writers I mean, like Roger Mais and
that kind, because one hears about a
sort of amorphous group around Drum-
blair,8 that kind of thing.
Well, what we had, I suppose what we
had, [were] two factors. We had the
Drumblair end, which was almost an
arty-arty gathering.
A sort of salon?
Almost that, although I do not sub-
scribe to the accusation that Edna
had a school, because with people
rambunctious like us you couldn't
have a school. I was hardly a part of
that group, but what was happening at
that time I had just joined the
Gleaner, and my literary life was
things like meeting with Roger Mais
up at Bruce's at Cross Roads, Bruce
had a beautiful long bar; then Roger
and Albert Huie were sharing house
across from Bruce's ..

So Mais shared a house with Huie. I had
no idea of this.
What was happening was that Roger
was then working hard on, I think it's
Brother Man and he was then painting
at the same time, and Albert Huie was
of course a painter. It used to be a
place where you would go and you
talk and so on, and then we would go
over to Bruce's for the long talks and
the drinking.
And Huie would be involved in these
Huie would be. Huie was not much of
a bar person; it was mainly the writers.
Now who were the writers? Basil Mc-
Farlane used to be around, Claude
Thompson . . And then of course we
had the Press Club, which was very
active at Water Lane.
What were your literary influences? I
mean, forget about at age ten with Ste-
venson and McGlusky and so on, I
mean as an adult writer now, could you
name any and say, well ...
Lawrence was the man that fired me a
good deal, not D.H. Lawrence of
I see, the poetic prose thing, I see, yes.
I loved the guy . Seven Pillars Of

Yes, I can see that now.
Lawrence was really the guy, and Con-


rad very strongly. The sea contact, and
then I was sort of a sea person. I became
a mountain person later, but I grew up
on the waterfront, swim across the har-
bour sort of thing. That's my sport, you
know. I am a very good swimmer -
even though I say so myself, swim and
dive and all sorts of things. When I got
the gold medal at the Institute, I was
telling them when we talked, that I am
perhaps the only member of the library
who for a number of months used to
change his books by canoe. The reason
being that they were then reconstruct-
ing Tower Street; they were trying to
asphalt Kingston and it was very diffi-
cult walking along Tower Street to get
out to East Street, and since I had ac-
cess to canoes, I just borrowed some-
body's canoe and row round King Street,
park me canoe and change me book
and come back.
Yes .... Lawrence, Conrad...
Later on I liked Hemingway, but
Hemingway was a bit of a poser. You
never get that sense in Conrad's writings,

/ 'V

sense of posing, and certainly not in
Lawrence. In the case of The Leopard,
for instance, I decided that I would use
two syllables, [unless] I can't do better,
because I really believe writing must
flow and it is difficult to flow if you at-
tempt to put three-pronged rocks all
over the river. Make it flow, and now
and again you jut up an exclamation
point of a rock, say; eddy the water a
little bit and head forward again. I write
in rhythms. I can't play a note of music
but I have a great record library and I
believe that even the rhythm of the
typewriter enhances the rhythm of the
writing, and I believe in rhythm in
writing . . I deliberately made The
Jamaicans into a symphony, moving up
to the great climax ... and then a short
coda afterwards ....
Do you think it would have made any
difference to your life as a writer if the
circumstances had been different? You
know, if you had come up in a society in
which the writer was more ...
I am sure it would have made a differ-

ence. I remember when I was living in
Mexico, where writers are almost adu-
lated. I remember a Mexican fellow at
the University of Mexico, I used to talk
to him almost every day, and he said to
me, 'You know, if you were ever Mexi-
can, we would first of all find a sinecure
somewhere, find something for you,
maybe an Embassy somewhere'.. .This
brings me back to another thing. You
can make a point of this because I am
very proud of this: that we have these
buildings down at Portmore, Port
Henderson -

It's named after Parboosingh, isn't it?
Karl Parboosingh Residential Centre.

And that was your brainchild, was it?
Completely. And the idea is to give the
writers, the painters, the musicians,
everybody, a chance of spending, two,
three, six months there to do work....
What does this come under?
National Trust [Commission] ....
Many years ago, before Port Henderson

The author (fifth from right) with his wife
Monica beside him at the autograph party at
the Myrtle Bank Hotel organized by Evon
Blake of Spotlight magazine and Sangster's
Bookstore to launch New Day in March 1949.
Standing around the table are (from left),
Evon Blake, Edna Manley, Dr Frazier, Mrs
Ferdie Sangster (behind), the Reids, Mrs
Frazier, Gerald Fletcher, manager of the
Gleaner and Ferdie Sangster. Artist Albert
Huie is at extreme left.

Right: Vic Reid the journalist (right) at a his-
toric press briefing looking at the future site
of the University of the West Indies c.1948.
At centre is Sir Thomas Taylor who became
the first vice chancellor of the university and
second from right is Hugh Springer, the first
registrar. The others are journalist Ivorall
Davis (left) and two unidentified reporters.

~hIL U

was even restored, Karl and I had the
idea of making an artists' colony out
there and bringing down people from all
overseas and so on, to come and stay
here, pay their money and stay, just like
those you have up in Martha's Vineyard,
et cetera . .. And then when Karl died
and I wanted to get rid of this stupid
idea about hotel out at Port Henderson
... I asked Michael [Manley] if hewould
agree if I made it into a residential artists'
centre. He said yes, and I said alright,
we going call it Karl Parboosingh in
memory of Karl ....
One of the things that I like about your
work is the love of the place, the phy-
sical place .... I think one of the things
it does for Jamaicans is give them words
for that delight in the beauty of the
countryside. This obviously is a big
thing with you.
It is perhaps the greatest thing. There is
a line I use in The Jamaicans where Juan
de Bolas says, 'Love for this country
will destroy me'. Now I have that extra-
ordinary feeling of that's why I can't
live outside the mountains, you know.
Look behind you there. I can't live out
of sight of them; I feel like I just want
to hug them up . . Then the other
thing now is it is extremely personal
- writers, from the false Frank Yerby
type of writer up to now, they have
found it exceedingly difficult to des-
cribe a black girl. They find it exceed-
ingly difficult, and I have been, parti-

cularly in The Jamaicans, I have been
going out to establish certain words,
certain formats, certain descriptions,
in how to get at the beauty of the
black woman . because you know we
grow up on this blue-eyed-blonde civili-
zation and we keep on thinking in those
terms. And it is to get our writers to get
a physical description of course you
can describe a person's attitude, a per-
son's character and so on, but that's not
enough; it's to get people to be proud
of themselves. The whole reason for my
writing, the whole reason, is to have the
black people proud of themselves and
their history. That's my whole reason,
and I have no apologies. That's what I
am after. I know that eventually we will
come off of that, but right now, in our
formative times we just coming down
out of the trees, so to speak I think
we have to decide, to make people get
to know and be proud of themselves.
So you say that that statement of aim
covers all your writing so far?

Tell me: when you were at Frome in the
late thirties, did you actually see the
famous riot?
No. That reminds me of the proper
date. I went down before, came back
up here, and then I went actually on the
job about a week after the riots. I think
that is roughly it. That's why I was here
when Busta was released.

What about your relationship with Nor-
man Manley. I know you have written
a book10 but I haven't seen it.
S.. He was a great guy. I will tell you -
he was one of the first people, when I
mentioned doing New Day in a stylized
dialect, he was extremely excited about
it. One day we were up in the robing
room at the Supreme Court building, in
1947 or '46.
What were you doing there, a reporter
or what?
Well I was working with the Gleaner,
but I just went up to see him. We used
to have good long talks, and then I used
to give him a blow-by-blow account of
the book, and he was extremely encour-
aging, and in the Commission part,
when the questions and answers, you
know, I wrote out this thing first and
said, 'Alright now, you read it and if it
doesn't sound like a legal commission
.. .' And he said, 'It sounds exactly
like a legal commission'. I said, 'Good'!
And we used to meet regularly. In
those days we used to meet at people
like, at various houses, South Camp
Road, Foster-Davis' house.11 It was
a regular meeting place for most of us.
When you say most of us though, who
would that be?
It was almost Drumblair South. The sort
of people who would go and visit Drum-
blair, and Foster-Davis used to have that
kind of...

Vic Reid (below) manning the Gleaner airport desk around 1952;
right:receiving the gold Musgrave Medal of the Institute of Jamaica
from Dudley Thompson.

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This was the music-teacher lady, Mar-
jorie Foster-Davis?

We would meet there, but most of our
meetings were daytime meetings, and I
would even go up to his chambers some-
times, and sit down and chat. He had a
great liking for me.

So would NW actually be at the Foster-
Davis place?
Yeah, man. And I didn't have a car in
those days and then he would drop me
up where the hell we were living
then? We were living at the corner of
Grosvenor Terrace and Constant Spring
Road, and . sometimes I go to coun-
try with him. He had this great style of
chatting the whole way . and he is
going to make a speech, say; and about
five miles before you reach there, he
settles down in his seat, not a word after
that, not a word for five or six miles,
then when he reaches the place, man, he
is ready .... We had a great relationship
We quarrelled like hell too, you know. I
remember one night at Drumblair -
that's why I went to Africa one night
at Drumblair, the Rastas something
happened in the day, man, hell popping
'bout town, and I was up at Drumblair
with Edna, about three or four of us.
We had supper and Norman came in
after supper, about 9 o'clock. He was
angry, you know, at what was happen-
ing and because of my own hang-ups,
because I was for the Rastas, because
I know where the real Rastas were com-
ing from. I wasn't for anybody go wor-
ship Haile Selassie, but the fact is that
the Rastas needed a black god, needed
a black thing to look on, and the back-
to-Africa, you know, while it was just
symbolic to us, to them I could under-
stand their feelings. And I lit into him,
tore into him about it man, and after
the first tearing-in he kept quiet, and me
one a lash. I leave there in a huff, vex no
hell. Next day he called me and said, 'I
want you to go with Dr Leslie to lead a
thing to Africa'.12 I said, 'Yes, boss.' ..

You say you are going to do your auto-

Yes. You know, to grow up in Kingston
in those days, especially around Rae
Town you see, Rae Town is a peculiar
place. You had, down on the beach, al-
most 'great houses', you know. A few of
them are still skeletal down there all
of them are skeletal now. But anyway,
you had that: a few lawyers, lots of
Jews. And then the next street, Rae
Street, was a sort of middle class area,

and then up to Potter's Row these
beautiful peculiar names was a lower
middle class area. They never had labour-
ers really; it was artisans, so called lower
middle class, and the upper crust . .
Coming along Tower Street now, you had
a whole heap of white people, prison war-
ders, and that side were all English. You
had no black Jamaican warder officer,
you know. No, no, not even one. Same
you never had any black police officers.
The highest we ever had was about one
sergeant-major. So when you come
along there, you turn lily white, on the
right hand side. You cross over, then
you come to St Michael's school and
then you get into a peculiar in a way
it must have been a ghetto, but we
never thought of that being a ghetto.
It wasn't a ghetto; it was really, again,
artisan type, along Tower Street. Full
of life, vivid, full of gusto. Some great
fights, almost but not quite gang war-
fare, because they were individuals.
Plenty brick fights and so on. But very
kind and nice people.

And you go down now towards Water
Lane and the bottom where the fishing
types are. Every yard have him net,
every yard, and on the beach of course
you had what you call the Mamalucie
seaside and the Breezy Castle seaside,
with King Street beach, and all these
were fishing beaches. And of course
the prison, with the prisoners, who used
to march in long processions along
Tower Street, flanked by a few ward-
ers a great group of maybe 200 of
them marching going out to the west
.... And not even one escaped you
know, or attempted to escape.

And I remember coming from school,
sometimes we take the Avenue tram-
car that passes along, and we would buy
cigarettes and break it in half, and we
know the prisoners are marching along,
and we would flick a piece out, and the
guy all of them barefooted, you know
- the guy just pick up the piece of
cigarette in his toes, flick it back and
catch it, and gone. And the great char-
acters you used to have. We had at least
a dozen characters, whose names now
and again Ranny Williams used to men-
tion a few of them, Ranny was a west-
end man, but he knew a little about
the east. But all these characters, espe-
cially the police fighters, fight the police,
all fists, not bloody knife they were
all great characters. Then in the midst of
all this it was a very Roman Catholic
area, incidentally in the middle of all
this you had people like Father Semmes,

who was the grandson of the American
Admiral Semmes, and he was the parish
priest for the east; and you see him
coming down with the Holy Host, man,
with his head down, going down the sea-
side go give communion, through all this
business going on.

But just to describe that social scene of
that time and that place would take
quite a few pages.

I am really looking forward to it.

1. She was then Olga Myers and later be-
came Mrs. Banks.
2. The first number of The Caribbean Post
appeared in January 1946. The magazine
lasted for about five years. Aimee Web-
ster (now Mrs Aimee Webster Delisser)
was managing editor and Percy L. Miller
literary editor.
3. "The Awful Red Time" (an article on
the effects of drought in the Pedro
Plains), Life and Letters, Vol. 57, No.
128 (April 1948), pp. 36-39.
4. Robert Herring was editor of Life and
5. The Gleaner Geography and History of
Jamaica. The first edition was published
c. 1914. It has gone through several
editions and was for many years a stand-
ard text in elementary and secondary
6. O.T. Fairclough, publisher of Public
Opinion and one of the founders of the
People's National Party.
7. "The Naked Buck", unpublished. An
extract, bearing the same title, was pub-
lished in Focus 1983, ed. Mervyn Morris
(Kingston: Caribbean Authors, 1983),
pp. 261-268.
8. Drumblair the home of Norman and
Edna Manley.
9. Bruce's was a famous bar and patty
'place' which stood at the corner of
Retirement Road and Half Way Tree
10. The Horses of The Morning: About the
Rt. Excellent Norman Manley, QC, MM
S. (Kingston: Caribbean Authors,
11. This was the home of Ernest Foster-Davis
and his wife Marjorie, which stood at
6 South Camp Road.
12. Reid refers to this incident in a footnote
to The Horses of the Morning, p.491.
The delegation, which visited several
African countries, was led by Dr L. C.
13. A verse-autobiography, "The Kingston
Chronicles". Two extracts have been
published: in Jamaica Journal, vol. 19,
no. 1 (Feb April 1986), pp 32 38, and
in The Sunday Gleaner, Easter Day

A Personal Response To
"Fifteen Intuitives" at the National Gallery

By Gloria Escoffery

among the leaves familiarly
lions are sleeping
-Dennis Scott, "Fetish".
N owadays it is almost obliga-
tory to applaud when our in-
tuitives are exposed en masse
at the National Gallery. Nevertheless
there are still pockets of overt or covert
resistance in art circles among those
who believe that this promotion of what
they regard as the dregs of our culture
- sanctioned when it comes to roots
reggae dims the hard-won sophisti-
cation of the visual arts mainstream and
sets us back a couple of decades in our
bid to enter the exclusive club of first
world culture as a fully paid up member
rather than as a charming exotic. Even
among those who would hesitate to
question the accreditation conferred
by Curator David Boxer let alone the
dictum of those American critics who
apparently had eyes only for the intui-
tives at the time of the comprehensive
Smithsonian (SITES) exhibition of
Jamaican art 1922-1962 I think I
can detect some glazed eyes, which
indicate a morbid state of inattention.
David Boxer's enthusiastic, penetrat-.
ing and informative lecture on the intui- g
tives, which has been reproduced in the
catalogue of the "Fifteen Intuitives"
show, will open a few minds to the idea <
that the intuitives (like other serious 1
artists) deserve to be carefully assessed. ,
Sad to say, however, there is no second
chance for that spontaneous lifting of 3
the spirit which the viewer who ap- 2
preaches the exhibition with an innocent
eye may experience in response to this
massive array of insistent, proliferating
vibrant forms and colours.
Even as I write I am aware that I must
raise my guard to ward off the left hook
of those cognoscenti who will remind
me that as E.H. Gombrich has author-
itatively demonstrated there is no
such thing as a truly innocent eye.1

Birth Livingstone (Ras Dizzy),
Seller. 1986.
Enamel on cardboard. 21 x 16".
Collection. Andreas Oberli

Mallica 'Kapo' Reynolds,
Pim Rock, Lady Rock. 1984.
Oil on hardboard. 18 x 31%".
Collection: Hon. Hugh Hart and Mrs Hart.

Everald Brown,
The Messenger. 1983.
Oil on canvas. 21 x 34".
Collection: Wallace Campbell.

Gaston Tabois, Coffee Reaper. 1985.
Oil on plyboard. 16% x 18'".
Private collection.

Very well, I concede that in our eclectic
age it is hardly possible for any reason-
ably well-educated viewer to approach
works of art with esthetic antennae
unencumbered by the ifs and buts, whys
and why nots, of intellectual debate.
But in using this term I am merely mak-
ing a plea for viewers to take advantage
of the esthetic canons of our time; and
to enjoy, without prejudices, the beauty
of these works which, at the most super-
ficial level, have the merit of being sup-
remely decorative. As Dr Boxer has
pointed out in his explanation of the
genesis of the term 'intuitive' used in
its current connotation, such labels exist
within a historical context, deriving their
specific connotation usually from the
felt need to correct an imbalance.

Paradoxically, innocence may have
to be acquired by effort. First there must
be a process of self scanning to locate
the blockages that prevent us from sur-
rendering in general to pleasurable situa-
tions, or the prejudices that censor some
segments of the national psyche as retro-
gressive. Once these are removed the
cataracts fall from our eyes and we can
stand eyeball to eyeball with the intui-
tives. We may even admit that part of the
pleasure lies in discovering that the lions
amidst the leaves are ours.

In stressing the importance of inno-
cence I may be accused of finding a way
to reintroduce the label 'naive'. Many of
these artists are naive, in the sense of
unworldly, of never having travelled, even
through the pages of books, though quite
as exposed as everyone else to the mass
culture of our media-swamped society.
Some, at least during some phases of
their production, are like gifted children
before they begin to falsify their vision
for the benefit of parents and teachers.
But the intuitives are by no means stul-
tified children. Many of them have sur-
vived emotional stress beyond the adult
norm, pushing them in some instances
over the brink of insanity; they have
passed through crises of self-encounter
and degradation into states of spiritual
exaltation where we can not always fol-
low them. This does not remove them
from us; nor does it guarantee artistic
quality. The mainstream artist may have
taken a larger bite of the apple and have
more seeds to spit out in the process of
finding himself. But the intuitive, once
'discovered', is subject to commercial
temptations and tests of integrity far
more pressing. His very survival is at
stake and he may not understand the
importance of persevering in a world

which seems to value other approaches
so much more. The 'esthetic certitude'
commended by Rex Nettleford in his
introduction to the "Intuitive Eye" cata-
logue, believe me, is no cinch.

I have no intention of attempting a
moral/esthetic evaluation with grades
awarded for integrity or defection on a
scale of one to ten. Like other artists,
each intuitive has something particular
to tell us. He operates between para-
meters of style and content determined
even more by his temperament than by
the particular circumstances of his life.
Let us try to discover how this process
works, how in some instances, the ab-
stract element reinforces conscious,
figurative references to an environment
we share including the literary world
of the Bible, which is part of our com-
mon heritage on the imaginative level.

For the viewer who values art in pro-
portion to its immediate power to
communicate by presenting recognizable
persons, places and things, the best
approach would be to pass rapidly
through the foyer to the salon where
artists Kapo, Tabois and Hoilett are
The poles of experience between
which Kapo (Mallica Reynolds) moves
are already very familiar, and so is his
'vocabulary' that is, the way he depicts
trees, people, houses and so on. In his
works, there is always an element of rit-
ual, whether he celebrates the orderliness
of domestic life or describes the carefully
prepared ceremonies of Revivalism, with
its emphasis on spirit possession. In a
canvas appropriately titled Comfort Yard
a homely washday scene rises above the
level of pure genre by reason of the so-
phisticated wit and coherence with which
every detail contributes to a dominant
concept. Observe the way that that self-
righteous, geometric little house beneath
its frilly canopy of trees takes its place
as the acme of desirability, the focal
point of attention. On the left of the
diagonal path one lady unselfconsciously
carries on with the job of getting out
the weekly laundry. On the other side,
forming the base of a compositional
pyramid which points towards the house,
another cheerfully flutters her hand at
an imaginary passerby (the picture
viewer of course) thereby drawing atten-
tion to the house. Being depicted some-
what larger than the other, I take it the
second lady is the mistress, or at least
the senior matron of the household. To

take just one other composition in the
present selection, Pim Rock, Lady Rock:
the title may be a bit of an enigma until
the joke dawns; for here too the design
more than reinforces it carries the mes-
sage, which lies in the analogy (distinctly
erotic) between the boulder forms and
the two statuesque ladies, one bath-and
the other birthday-suited. There is
more, of course; for instance the sugges-
tion of deep mystery conveyed by the
band of forested hillside in the back-

Gaston Tabois, another artist who
has long established rapport with the
Jamaican public, may likewise confi-
dently rely on an unwritten contract
which guarantees acceptance, for in-
stance, of his 'naive' representation of
interior floor space, in Architects at Work.
Meanwhile he surreptitiously advances
the frontiers of the 'naive' into the do-
main of the sophisticated by studies
from life which emphasize to a
'superreal' degree such pictorial elements
as cast shadows and carefully delineat-
ed volumes. In the Coffee Reaper he
uses just such means to present formal
analogies and antitheses which in fact
deliver the 'message'. The round shadows
of the berries on the reaper's palm mimic
the berries and draw attention to the
coldly observant eyes of the birds, more
especially the one in the top left corner
which diagonally faces the frowning
farmer. Who is responsible for those
holes in the leaves so similar to the
beady eyes of the birds? Who will win
in this contest against time to bring in
the harvest? So taken up are we with
those conundrums that we scarcely
notice the sophistication of the devices
by which they are conveyed.

David Boxer has perceptively noted
the fear of death which is the obverse of
Tabois's cheerfulness. The PensiveNude
a more seductive Yadwiga -2 is the
universal artist's answer to the melan-
choly question posed by Gerard Manley
Hopkins's 'Leaden Echo':

How to keep is there any, is there
none such, nowhere known some
bow or brooch or braid or bracelet,
lace latch or catch or key to keep
Back beauty, beauty, beauty .. from
vanishing away?

Local poetic tradition offers another
vivid equivalent to the visual poetry of
Tabois's surrealistically bright landscapes
Dennis Scott's image of the "Sudden
Tree".a A sense of disaster warded off
by the freezing of a moment in art per-

William 'Woody, Joseph
Venus. 1985.
Cedar Height: 22"
Private collection.

William 'Woody' Joseph,
Aniretta. 1986.
Cedar. Height: 173"
Collection: Andreas Oberli.

Lester Hoilett, Bajie. 1987.
Cedar. Height: 19". Collection: The Artist.

John 'Doc' Williamson,
Bull Calf. 1981.
Alabaster. Height: 14"
Private Collection.

vades Tabois's Rich Man Poor Man ( a
theme inspired, he says, by the televi-
sion serial). What would happen if the
bull caught up with the dog or that merry
stream should flood the house of the
poor man on its brink? These are ques-
tions one must not ask.

Tabois appears to have an encyclo-
pedic turn of mind; he wishes to cover
the ironies of as wide a variety of expe-
rience as possible people at work and
at leisure; dwellings at river's edge or
high and dry on concrete foundations;
the man's eye as against the bird's eye
view of coffee cultivation. He is our dis-
interested moralist, our Jamaican Brue-

Sculptor Lester Hoilett is less inter-
ested in man's multifarious relationships
than in exploring in his wood carvings
modes of feelings turned inward on the
self. David Boxer has recorded the reac-
tion of many viewers that'every piece he
carves is a self portrait'. This is true in
the sense that when Hoilett attempts
portraiture he concentrates on superfi-
cial peculiarities as in Screw Face, or
Bajie with the large bump on his jaw.
But he misses deeper insights that we
get, for instance, from William Joseph's
gallery of invented characters. Such
stereotypes as Prophet and Deacon say
more about the frustration of not being
able to communicate than about the ful-
filment of a communicator's mission.
The explosive gesture of the prophet's
arms, for instance, appears disjointed;
it may spring from the torso but not
from the solar plexus. Hoilett does, how-
ever, produce some beautiful formal
simplifications, notably Olga and Black
Man Pickney. In the latter he has tender-
ly caught the unity of a family group.
For me his masterpiece is still the Slave
Lady of 1984, which is the epitome
of self-contained dignity in a hostile

Once more outside in the foyer, the
viewer enters a world where neo-expres-
sionism and rampant symbolism dispel
all comfortable certainties. This is to
the least extent, perhaps, true of Brother
Everald Brown who, at least in some of
his works, adopts a style not so far from
the descriptive/symbolic medium of
Kapo. Even when his freewheeling scrib-
bles with people reduced to calligraphic
squirls take him to the brink of abstrac-
tion, he remains accessible to the con-
ventional viewer who has walked by the
Daleys with only a supercilious glance.
If it is difficult to follow him into his

visionary phase, at least respect is due;
moreover his gentle colours radiate a
sort of calm which seems to hover in the
air in the vicinity of his paintings. Then
too we are overawed by his versatility,
ingenuity and craftsmanship. Turning
from his paintings to the single wood
carving, The Farmer, very much in the
tradition of Dunkley and the older Miller,
we cannot help wishing he had time to
produce more works in this medium. As
for the musical instrument for four
people, incorporating drum, guitar, harp
and rhumba box and at the same time
elegant as any clavichord designed for
an eighteenth century drawing room -
surely this deserves mention in the
Guinness Book of Records, quite apart
from its esthetic quality.

Almost imperceptibly, Brother Brown
steps across the threshold of description
into abstract meanings inherent in nature,
but discovered only through contempla-
tion. Actually my favourite piece in this
show The Messenger belongs in the
earlier category. Here the houses, shops,
balmyard, assorted villagers and animals
are clearly delineated, peopling a hilly
landscape in which the tussocky trees
take second place. Wedged between con-
vincing wooden shops, at the heart of
the village, sits the turbanned mistress
of ceremonies, considerably larger than
the other people, as befits her status.
Careful study reveals a wealth of detail,
much of it tinged with humour. Perhaps
Brother Brown considers these folk rit-
uals just a little childish; this does not
diminish the love with which he des-
cribes each house, man, woman, pick-
ney, cow and dog. By the time he comes
to paint Christmas in the Woods all this
humanistic detail has vanished. The key
transitional work is, of course, the 1984
Mysteries of the stone; here the artist
includes himself, a very black man wear-
ing a figured shirt not unlike but dis-
tinctly more formal in design than the
background landscape, which erupts
into fantastic shapes. (One recalls the
transformations of landscape in some of
Carl Abrahams's works). These are the
cryptic messages which come to him in
strange tongues in his visions.

Leonard Daley, whom I once referred
to as the 'wild man' of the intuitives,4
has no such straight line to the divine,
but he too paints dreams and maps of
life, arrived at by process of free associa-
tion working on details the eye casually
picks up (a process recommended by
Leonardo da Vinci). His stimulus may

be the pitchy-patchy surface of the actual
ground on which he paints, often sheets
of battered plywood or buckling tarpau-
lin which for a time formed the walls of
his makeshift shack. Some of these 'can-
vases' are painted on both sides, so that
they have to be hung like banners in
mid-space; probably the chief objection
to his works in the mind of the conser-
vative viewer is that art ought to be
more respectful of place and time.
Should these bits and pieces of 'trash'
be honoured by exposure in our national
gallery? More important, will they sur-

There is no place in Daley's mind for
such considerations. He produces not
for the purpose of pleasing or astound-
ing a line of museum viewers stretching
into infinity but to exorcise his own
demons; or, simply to make his dwelling
more cheerful and habitable. To unravel
the meanings in any one of these works
would be a lifetime job for any psycho-
logist. My reaction to them is one of
spontaneous delight. They look stun-
ning from a distance, especially from
the balcony level above. Also, if one
gets up close to them, the birds, beasts,
serpents, people, begin to unlock them-
selves from the melee and reveal their
identities as nightmarish or comic pre-
sences. Take for instance the rooster
on the back of the tigon (?) in Pick-
pocket. It did not disclose itself to me
till, sitting down to write, I looked again
at the black and white reproduction in
the catalogue. Daley sometimes includes
people he knows, like the Rasta man
who found his way into the verso of
Alpha and Omega 'because he was a
problem'. We all know the guy; he may
well also be our problem. Daley's im-
provisations are often very witty wit-
ness the erotic symbolism of the hole in
the plywood ground of the painting It
Could be a Surprise Amanda. Words
are sometimes more important to the
non-literate than to those who can so
easily put pen to paper and produce
symbolic equivalents of ideasand spoken
syllables. Daley gets some assistance in
this line; his assistant must be a true
spiritual brother because the calligraphy
of the many inscriptions perfectly har-
monizes with the design.

It may be a relief, after the emotional
density of Daley, to turn to the sculp-
tures of William 'Woody' Joseph. His
sculptures have been around for some
time now, so the more conventional
viewer may have come to the realization

Charlie Bird, St Andrew House. 1987.
Enamel on plywood. 20% x 35%"
Private collection.

Arthur Thompson, G.P. 1987.
Oil/enamel on hardboard. 50 x 30%".
Collection: The Artist.

Allan 'Zion'Johnson,
The Gospel is True. 1981.
Enamel on plywood. 10x 14%"
Private collection.

William Rhule,
Healing the Sick. 1981.
Acrylic on hardboard. 24 x 24':
Private collection.

Leonard Daley, Pickpocket. 1984.
Mixed media on plywood. 38% x 46".
Private collection.

that technique designed to bring out the
grain and individual character of various
woods is not all there is to wood carving.
This may be sacrificed to certainty in
the development of forms so that the
sections of a sculpture come together
in harmonious and dynamic relationship
- never mind the fact that some are red
ochred to a hue resembling terra cotta.
Let us skip the search for African reten-
tions and consider Woody merely as a
finder of the appropriate medium for
his individual, very Jamaican view of
life. There is no question about the
identity of those heads and full-length
figures he christens Bredda Bobbie,
Aniretta, or Samuel And His Wife . .
whatever. They are people we know,
and they are also organically alive, with
graceful contrapuntal movements and
clearly articulated divisions. My favour-
ites are Venus, a village charmer aware
of her beauty but not stuck up about it;
wedge-headed Cephas, peering out at
the world with anxious short-sighted
eyes; Gina the church sister, blouse
modestly buttoned up at the neckline.
Woody's angels have the air of having
been brought to light in order to illus-
trate mankind's lovable idiosyncracies.
My choice would be the 1983 Angel
with the squared-off halo, wings meet-
ing in front like the bow of a child's
party frock.

For some people art should be no
more disturbing than a bland postcard
record of 'sights worth seeing'. Those
who approach the landscapes of young
newcomer Charlie Bird assuming that
this is all he has to offer, are in for
a surprise. His views of Devon House,
Port Royal, Parish Church, Fort Augusta
and the like, may have originated in the
wish to put a good face on things and
earn some ready cash; but if so, sensibi-
lity has triumphed over vulgarity. There
is genuine lyrical tenderness in his hand-
ling of palm leaves against playfully
cloud-filled skies, organic writhing of
tree trunks, lush patterning of flora and
fauna; and all the other natural forms
that vigorously complement the care-
fully documented architectural detail of
his public buildings. As in the world of
Tabois there is an audible pulse of life:
Lovers occupy a park bench, worshippers
cluster at a church gate, shaming the
impious cyclists who hunch over their
handlebars and speed past, hoping not
to be noticed by their womenfolk. In
the garden of a suburban mansion the
gardener carries on with his job -his ser-
pentine hose incidentally echoing the
other curves, including the circles of the

decorative wrought iron balustrade and
the stone-wreathed flower beds. De-
mands of status cause the buildingsto be
just a fraction too obtrusively light-toned
in relation to the settings, but otherwise
nature prevails over architecture. This is
altogether a carefree world, though the
sombre walls of Fort Augusta hint that
there may be a more grim reality within.
After this respite the viewer may be
somewhat strengthened to cope with
the abstract and abstruse order which
battens down the lives of the dispos-
sessed and underprivileged, as depicted
by neighboring newcomer Arthur
Thompson. In Thompson's habitat
there are no carefully ruled lines, but
the basic concept is architectural. Exor-
cising the gremlins from the life of one
who, he says, has passed through four-
teen years of injustice from the time he
was orphaned in childhood, Thompson
has, in G.P. 1986, reconstructed the
general penitentiary from the inside out.
Here at the bottom, is the front en-
trance. These layers divided by a sprawl-
ing red roof are the various blocks and
here at the top is the back double secur-
ity gate. The message is formally con-
veyed in angry criss-crosses of bars and
windows, behind which peering eyes are
scarcely distinguishable. That ominous
bird-like figure about halfway up is the
'figure of authority . wearing a dark
coat because it is night'. And there is
the 'trafficer' looking out, i.e. the man
who brings in goods to trade with the
prisoners illicitly and the man in the
corner who cleans the latrines. What a
gesture of liberation from the clang
of the gates at nightfall, and the terrible
Thompson's ghetto world is one in
which a man must construct his own
space or perish for want of air. In an-
other large layered picture, painted on
what looks like an opened out carton,
he has 'built' what he says should really
have been titled 'a Macro city', not
House with Stream. Within this citadel,
which is not too far from reality to be
unrealizable, he treads in imagination
pleasant walkways and woodlands,
crosses bridges and enjoys a stream.
Everyone has his rightful 'quarters'
here, even the yardboy. It is not easy
to survive in this world. Even the
Peacemaker in Intruders displays
anger as the 'rudies' rush in, with no
respect for 'the young lady taking a
sun bath by the swimming pool round
her quarters'. Surely such situations call
for a David to quell the Goliath of evil
and violence. Thompson provides one.

A dream of peace sustains Thompson.
'No matter how a man is facing tribula-
tion, it cool off after a while'. Harmony
within the beneficence of nature is the
answer. With amazing intuition Thomp-
son has summed up this feeling in a few
abstract symbols representing stream,
man, bird, trees. 'Man' signifies man in
general, and so is logically represented
by two men side by side and for a
wonder not fighting. This small work
is titled Stream, Bird, Man.

The graffiti scream of Thompson's
Apartheid reminiscent of Kariuki's
Freedom Fighter in the 1986 national
show provides an interesting link with
the section devoted to Roy Reid. This
artist's familiar role as the champion of
the underdog is seen here to have taken
on a new universality. No longer does he
appear as recorder of such events as the
Orange Street fire. Instead he has moved
into a mythopaeic phase, dramatizing
the contest between good and evil by
creating a dread demon in the person of
Ratman. Against Ratman he sets the
cumulative powers of the righteous, per-
sonified as the 'Bright Star People'.

In Ratman, the personification of
predatory and ruthless violence, Reid
has brought to life a new folk person
who is probably more real to the gener-
ation of ghetto 'yout' man' than the
wily and humorous Anancy. Ratman is
brilliantly represented in three episodic
compositions: Surprised by Ratman,
Ratman Plays with an Egg, and Ratman
Dances. As if sated with evil, Reid then
sets about depicting the forces of good
in our society. He recognizes the spiritual
energy generated through our popular
religions which bring people of good
will together.

The energy released through the pro-
cess of possession is not necessarily
benevolent, mind you. In a major work
titled The Mystical Order Under Cover,
man, woman and beast seem to be al-
most sliced asunder by the effort to
control the writhing spirit under cover
of the white sheet. The unity and disci-
pline of the Bright Star People must not
be underestimated, however. That white
robed phalanx of women at the water's
edge in Gathering by the River leave not
a chink in their rigid ranks for the devil
to squeeze through, and their uncount-
able heads extend way'dp to fhe top
edge of the painting. This corporate
energy is well organized, witness the
ranking according to height and the way
the three musicians, in a distinctly hie-

Roy Reid,
Ratman Plays With an Egg. 1986.
Oil on hardboard. 21 x 12".
Collection: The Artist.

Roy Reid,
Ratman Dances. 1986.
Oil on hardboard. 21 x 12".
Collection: The Artist.

Roy Reid,
Surprised by Ratman. 1985.
Oil on canvas. 62 x 24.
Collection: Andreas Oberli.

Roy Reid,
Gathering by the River. 1984-86.
Oil on canvas. 42 x 32".
Private collection.

Errol McKenzie,
The Young Lion with the Head of the Eagle. 1986-87.
Cedar. Height: 19". Private collection.

rarchical arrangement, actively take on
the leadership role. Liberty of imagina-
tion is not, however, totally understood
by the faithful. This idea is beautifully
encapsulated in the astonishment of the
Bright Star People as a small boy leaps
over their heads (Jumping Over People's

Roy Reid's paintings are 'meaty'. On

the opposite side is an artist whose
imagination is like the flying angels that
so often alight in the streets of his fabu-
lous cities. This is, of course, the ever
eye-delighting Allan 'Zion' Johnson, an
artist apt to be underestimated because
he is so prolific and not always at his
best. Zion is an indefatigable inventor of
decorative motifs under guise of build-
ings, flowering trees, roosters, donkeys,

painted signs, etc., etc. He also experi-
ments with different colour harmonies,
always lyrically threaded and looped
throughout by means of a white line.
It would be out of the question to de-
mand that his roof lines be straightened
or his Russian onion domes transferred
from New York to Moscow. Only the
most insensitive viewer, surely, could
stand before a design gem such as The

Gospel is True and deny its mysterious
quality of spirituality. Zion is always
feeling his way into new motifs and
subjects. In the religious narrative line
he has recently tried a crucifixion; also
he shows a solemn Solomon Triptych in
which David at his harp somewhat sug-
gests an entertainment staged for the
benefit of tourists and featuring some
reggae star. We smile with him and not
at him . and why not? Should art
always be deadly lacking in humour?
In transit to the room featuring Ras
Dizzy, Errol McKenzie and Albert Art-
well, we pass by two artists who, though
charming, do truth to tell, seem some-
what lightweight if compared with, say,
Kapo, Tabois, Brother Brown, Roy Reid,
'Woody' Joseph and, yes, indeed, Daley
and Thompson. What is it about the
work of sculptor John 'Doc' Williamson
and painter William Rhule that causes
this sense of too much left unsaid? They
are both quite expert at what they do,
but their meanings somehow do not
take us much deeper into the abyss of
human life, or for that matter transport
above it as Zion does.

'Doc' Williamson at times has done
wood carvings, but the works on view
here are all in his favourite medium, ala-
baster. He handles alabaster with great
expertise, especially in his Bull Calf
which has a special lustre, as if there
were precious gems just beneath the
surface. This is indeed a gentle, lovable
beast, unlikely to grow up to be the ter-
ror of even the most timorous matador.
And so even when Doc chooses a subject
like The Sacrifice of Isaac there is no
sense of impending disaster; one knows
that the obliging animal is there, waiting
to take the blow. His race horse (shown
in two episodic sculptures) is not so
compliant however. Pressed too hard it
simply lowers its head and abandons the
jockey to his fate. The family group,
that favourite Jamaican theme, is dealt
with by Doc Williamson with great affec-
tion, and without the fierce pride that
appears in the Hoilett version.
William Rhule, the direct antithesis
of neo-expressionist Daley, is by tem-
perament our naive Piero della Francesca.
With a supremely sure eye for balance
of colour and line, and a distinctively
cool palette, he presents narrative ar-
rangements in which the figures are care-
fully disposed against a white ground.
Truly here, 'less is more'; that is as long
as sustained interest in each detail in-
forms the delicate brushstrokes by which
he delineates each leaf, each ackee,

each blade of grass. But sometimes, as
in the recent Healing the Sick perhaps
because he was working on a grainier
ground, the fine details are sacrificed,
only the colour pattern remains, and
that is not quite enough. In two works,
Swimmers and Landscape, Rhule aban-
dons the all over light background for
rhythmic bands of less limpid colours.
The effect is almost as if these works
were produced by a different artist. Is
this good or bad? Rhule needs to per-
severe, realising that his 1981 master-
piece, a triptych showing episodes in the
Life..of Christ, may be just a stepping
stone to greater things, provided he is
prepared to work his way through the
roadblocks, even occasionally making
a mess and producing some quite horrible

One artist with an impeccable sense
of design which he puts at the service of
biblical narrative is Albert Artwell. A
diligent producer, perhaps because he
has found a good market for his works,
Albert Artwell has perfected his own
stylized system for handling space in a
flat, across the board arrangement of
figures, animals, houses, etc. Dramatic
impact is assured by means of a number
of clever devices. Take for instance his
picture of Judas Betraying Christ. How
effectively the amazement of Christ and
his followers is conveyed by the back-
ward tilt of their bodies, which con-
trasts with the vertical stance of Judas
and the two white soldiers. Layering is
of course a familiar 'naive' device, and it
is frequently used by Artwell. He also
sometimes divides the composition ver-
tically, as in the sensitive and beautiful
Tobacco Farmers where the farmer
obligingly grows in size to keep up with
the growth of the tobacco plant. Here is
something unusual for Artwell, a purely
secular subject. His biblical scenes are
full of phenomena such as gashes of
orange lightning. In The Flood, he has
produced a most convincing illusion of
rain falling and creating menacing and
gloomy haze. The truth is that he is a
profound observer of nature, though
he only uses her effects in a stylized
Birth Livingstone (better known as
'Ras Dizzy') on the other hand, consults
nature only perfunctorily. The birds and
flowers he paints are entirely his own
joyful inventions. Many small children
have this faculty for creating a rival
imaginary universe, but unfortunately it
disappears at an early age. Truth to tell
it is difficult to describe or categorize

Ras Dizzy's works except as belonging
to a particular series of flowers, birds,
horse racing scenes, or market women.
The colour in every instance is rich and
gorgeous so that reproduction in black
and white does him a disservice. As indi-
viduals his personages convey a sense of
anxiety, especially concentrated in the
eyes, as in the Seller of 1986, a lady
with obsessive pompoms down the front
of her narrow dress, who appears to
cower for shelter beneath the basket of
fruit on her head. The hands of his peo-
ple are never shown. It is as if he fears
the violence of which hands may be ca-
pable. The self-confidence of persons
constantly under emotional stress is fre-
quently bolstered by role-playing. A role
which has produced two magnificent
space-filling Ras Dizzy alter egos is that
of cowboy and/or sheriff. This is played
out in two paintings titled Derval Scott
a Sheffield Cowboy and Birch Lincoln,
Star Marshall of Dodge City.

If the works of Ras Dizzy leave the
viewer admiring but speechless, the
same might also be said of Errol Mcken-
zie,a new 'find' who joins the intuitive
sculpture fraternity. He produces obses-
sively convoluted 'biomorphisms' 5 with
titles like The Heart of the Man Cut
from the Vine, The Entrails of the
Wicked and Two Roots of the Human
Being Heart, the symbolism of which
he explains in great detail to anyone
he thinks capable of understanding or
willing to listen. Having myself got com-
pletely lost listening to him I shall leave
it to the viewer to try to figure them


1. E.H. Gombrich, Art and Illusion, Phaedon
Press, 1960; The Image and the Eye,
Phaedon Press, 1982.
2. Henri Rousseau's famous 'muse'
3. Dennis Scott "The Sudden Tree", Uncle
Time. University of Pittsburgh Press, 1973.
The sudden tree has begun to bloom,
killing whatever passes,
Whipping birds out of the air
"Fetish" appears in Dread Walk, London:
New Beacon, 1980.
4. Jamaica Journal 20: 1.
5. See David Boxer's explanation in the
"Fifteen Intuitives" catalogue.

Gloria Escoffery, O.D., artist, poet,
journalist, teacher, is our regular art

Appreciating our environment

egril a name that conjures a thou-
sand delights of white sand, warm
blue water, peace and relaxation, an
escape from the stresses and tensions
of modern day life. Still one of Jam-
aica's bastions of basic, simple plea-
sures, Negril remains a restful haven
for both the foreign and local visitor.
But the rapid growth of the tourism sector in recent years
with its expanding opportunities carries an inherent danger
which one must be quick to recognize and minimize. One ac-
cepts the inevitability of the developmental process but one
seeks to manage it so that the movement is one of harmony
with the whole environment.
Negril, in recent years, has both benefited and suffered
from the effects of this phenomenon. Construction is pro-
ceeding at a rapid pace in tandem with the destruction of the
existing natural vegetation. The removal of grasses, shrubs and
trees along the beachfront, for example, presently threatens
beach stability and if not controlled, could adversely affect
the very resource on which the Negril tourist industry is based.
At Bloody Bay in Negril, the Petroleum Corporation of
Jamaica completed the construction of a cottage complex in
December 1986. The complex comprises ten two-bedroom
wooden cottage units which are all elevated and made of pre-
fabricated Jamaican pine. Nestled amidst stately royal palms,

the design reflects a rustic, cabin-type accommodation which
blends in and becomes a part of the whole environment. Land-
scaping further enhances the natural environment with the
planting of vegetation and emphasises the cabins as a natural
link between the wetland and the beach.
The cabins are so located as to take advantage of the natural
breezes and lighting. In line with PCJ's commitment towards
efficient energy use, the cabins also reflect this corporate com-
mitment with the use of ceiling fans and solar water heaters.
Furniture for the complex is simply designed and has been
crafted locally.
The Negril Cabins symbolize an emerging national con-
sciousness of the need to work within the parameters of nature.
It reflects the desire to control the momentum of progress so
that it does not disrupt the environment and create problems
for future generations.
The Negril Cabins are a part of the Negril environment.

Shaping the future today
in everything we do


By Rachel Manley


Don't turn back at the garden gate;
It's late, and the afternoon is tired
And waits to take you home.
No need to say goodbye,
Parting is only
The marking of a book's page
To which you will return.
All of the years we shared
Belong to us,
A story that we told
And cared about enough
To keep with us.
Yes, time will fall away,
Moment by moment,
But the garden gate remains
Shut, but not locked,
At the edge of memory.
Come back to see me
When you have the time:
Bring this soft afternoon
And do not leave behind
A note of birds'song.
Let the gentle wind
Unfold each page
From where you had to leave.
Truly believe
That I could take no journey
Further than
The landscape that we painted
With our lives.

Know, without sorrow,
That the edge of night,
The last line of the page,
Only saves the day,
Shelters the story.
Boundaries do not kill,
They just contain.
Tears you take into the night
Will not flow back to me.
I am here, locked
In the laughter, in the life
Of your remembrance.
Don't turn back at the garden gate.


It is not till the end of autumn
that the leaves give up; that they
let go their mouthless souls, jumping
from fire through a tree's window.
it's been one helluva carnival!
Men in beige coats wait winterly
at the edge of the forest to interview
the leaves; they will just have
to wait, but like death they are good
at being inevitable. Meantime
the bonfire gallops through the trees
eating them like supper; and a woman
dances flamenco, brittle and dry,
with quick heels, and her gossip
is clever, cruel as fine fingers.
She wears a red rose in her hair
and the rose laughs at the bull
in her man full of Sangria. Were you
invited to autumn? That bitch is
in there, so damned beautiful that
she betrays everything! Only
the return tickets of the sun
unfurl her skirts, and fold her
thoughts along passage-ways behind
her into secrets.... She waits exquisitely
at the moment when the music
must dance for her instead, and
the sound you hear cannot be
the castanets, but the journey
of the leaves as they hustle home
along the road.


The days were too heavy
to pack and carry, so
I have not brought them along ...
but this does not stop them
linking their arms into years.
These afternoons wait for their tribute
of freshly baked bread in a bag;
count their achievements by the
number of letters answered.
A long time is time
when the sun leans the other way,
and the colic wind howls...
I stand at the top of my shadow
In dread of its unfamiliarity
Fierce and first-born ...
like a cat in its curiosity
fascinated, impaled by
its inevitable tail.
I have found the sky from which
many things fell... like York Pharmacy
was, but all of the time,
hot dogs red as hell; a place
where the coupons make sense
and your money will really come back
if you're not satisfied. And I am not.
I have come to the guarantor ...
everything works, and everything fits;
Thy kingdom comes first. They say
mine comes third, for the days
were too heavy to carry, so everyone
took turns, and the sun stayed
with us all the time ... like memory
it kept us real, and it kept us back.



Not everyone knows that
Jamaica's largest producer of
alumina and the largest milk
producer are one and the same
company: Alcan.
That's because Alcan
diligently restores mined land,
and uses it for agricultural
operations. In fact, most of
Alcan's 30,000 acres are under
agriculture, employing over three
hundred Jamaicans.
In 1986, besides producing
over 4 million quarts of milk,
Alcan also supplied a large
percentage of Jamaica's beef,
as well as making a significant
contribution to the horticultural
and agricultural output.
Alcan provides Jamaica with
more than just alumina. Alcan
-. means
jobs for
S.- 'T Jamaicans,
-- produce for
for export
to benefit



Alcan Jamaica Company l,
Quietly Achieving Important Goals

Member of the Private Sector Organization of Jamaica



all the way.


rr ~ >

The Victoria Jubilee Celebrations

of 1887 in Jamaica

By Kathleen Monteith

T he year 1887 was the fiftieth year of Queen Victoria's
reign over the British Empire. The 'Victoria jubilee'
was marked by lavish celebrations in Britain and her
far-flung colonies including Jamaica. The tangible legacies
of those celebrations in Jamaica include the Victoria Jubilee
Hospital, Queen Victoria's statue, the Jubilee Market (as the
Solas Market was renamed for the occasion), and a water
fountain in Westmoreland donated by a Mr Sadler.
Other forms of celebration were more ephemeral balls,
church services, military parades and parochial events.
The celebrations underscored the loyalty and respect of
the Jamaican populace for the monarch for at the same time
they highlighted the social, political and economic difficul-
ties taking place within the colony. These were reflected in
the types of proposals put forward for the commemoration
of the jubilee and the refusal of some to take part. The ar-
rangements for the celebrations also brought to the fore the
dualistic nature of the Jamaican society a hierarchical
structure based on race and class. It can therefore be conclu-
ded that from the enthusiasm displayed by all classes during
the celebrations, the monarchy served as a unifying force in
Jamaican colonial society.

Background to the celebrations
The Victoria jubilee celebrations took place against a

background of political and social crises throughout the
British West Indies. By 1880 there was much agitation by
the propertied white inhabitants of Jamaica for a return to
some form of representative government as it was felt that
crown rule was not in the best interests of the island. Crown
rule had been instituted in 1866 following the Morant Bay
'rebellion' when the Jamaica Assembly surrendered its powers
in order to safeguard its interests against the demands of the
black peasantry. Critics of crown colony status stated that
the cost of government had risen unnecessarily since 1866
while there was a continuous falling off in receipts.

Economic changes
The sugar industry was in decline. With the institution of
the bounty system which favoured beet sugar from Europe,
it appeared that Britain had abandoned her West Indian
colonies and had no more interest in their economic wel-
fare. Following the massive dumping of European beet sugar
on the British market in 1884 there was a dramatic fall in
sugar prices and the importation of West Indian sugar by
Britain fell from 3.7 million cwt. in 1870 to 800,000 cwt.
in 1900. During the same period imports of raw beet rose
from 1.7 million cwt. to 10.5 million cwt. and of refined
sugar (mainly beet) from 1.7 million cwt. to 19.2 million
cwt. [Saul 1958 p.5]. Attempts to find alternative markets
in the U.S.A. for British West Indian sugar proved futile,

mainly as a result of the British government's objections to
the terms.
Jamaican sugar manufacturers attempted to reduce pro-
duction costs or to cut production altogether. Between 1869
and 1896, the number of sugar estates fell from 266 to 146.
By 1880 production of sugar was only 17,000 long tons,
falling to 13,000 long tons by 1888. While in 1832 sugar
exports represented 59.2 per cent of total agricultural ex-
ports, by 1890 this had fallen to 14.7 per cent. Some of the
slack was taken up by an increase in other export crops part-
ly due to the rise of a peasantry. As sugar estates declined
more and more persons were forced to become full-time
small-scale cultivators and by the end of the century, more
and more land was being broken up into small holdings. Ex-
ports of crops such as coffee, logwood, arrowroot, fustic,
honey and coconuts grew steadily, but it was in banana pro-
duction that the peasantry was really afforded new oppor-
tunities. In 1884 exports totalled 1.8 million stems; by 1901
it was 11 million. [Higman 1985 ;table xiii/12].

Political crises
The period leading up to the jubilee was also marked by a
spirit of dissatisfaction with the political system, with the
conduct of imperial interests, and some insecurity regard-
ing the increasing growth and potential of the black peas-
ant population. Hence, the system of government came
under increasing attack. The Morning Journal said it re-
garded the Legislative Council as 'a sham, and there is no
purpose to be served by rendering that sham even greater
than it is. The country is governed by one man; whose will
is, and ever will be supreme, whether he be "advised by a
council of 10 or 13" [Sires 1954 p.69]. The government
was also criticized for taxing the merchant and planter classes,
while the proceeds were spent on health and education,
which benefited the black population. Though it was not
true that the burden of taxation rested on the white plant-
er and merchant classes, the Colonial Standard editors sug-
gested that more taxation be placed on the black peasantry
since they were the ones who were benefiting more from
government expenditure.
In 1884 Lord Derby conceded a constitutional change in
Jamaica in response to the political deadlock which resulted
from the Florence affair.1 According to Will, 'although fal-
ling short of Representative Government, the constitutional
change modified the existing system of Crown Colony
Government. It seemed to offer the promise of further con-
stitutional advance'. In the new Legislative Council there
were to be four ex-officio members plus five other appoint-
ed persons. There would also be nine elected members with
the following qualifications; a clear annual income of 150
from the ownership of land or 300 from business, or the
payment of direct taxes or export duties of at least 10 a
However, there were some who did not see the new con-
stitution as 'a promise of further constitutional advance'.
Recorded in the Jamaica Handbook of 1884 is an address
sent to the governor, Sir Henry Norman, from 'a private
meeting of gentlemen' held in Kingston to consider the des-
patches of the secretary of state for the colonies. The ad-
dress stated that 'a large number of persons look upon the
proposed new Legislative Council as differing little from the
old, the only difference in fact amounting to this, that there
is to be in it an unofficial elected minority, with special

powers in matters of finance so fettered as to be practically
useless . ..' [Jamaica Handbook 1884 p.479]. On 17 January
1884 at another public meeting held in St Ann, opposition
to the new constitution was voiced. The resolution passed at
the meeting declared that 'the whole scheme is an elaborate
attempt to impose upon the people a shadow of power .. ..
and viewed it as 'an insult and wrong'. At a public meeting
in Kingston on 23 January 1884, a resolution opposing the
political constitution was passed on the grounds that '...
the despotic power of Crown Government will not be re-
moved nor will the people of this island obtain a substantial
power in matters of finance or an effective part through their
elected Representative in managing its affairs . this meet-
ing hereby records the emphatic protest against the Crown
also possessing power to usurp at pleasure that control over
taxation and expenditure which ought only to be exercised
by the Representative of the people'. [Jamaica Handbook
1884, p.480].

Proposals for the celebration of the
Victoria jubilee
Despite the grievances surrounding the political consti-
tution and the problems of the sugar industry, Jamaicans
remained clearly loyal to and respectful of the British mon-
archy. This was apparent in the decision taken to commemo-
rate the queen's silver jubilee.
On 14 October 1886, the Hon. Wellesley Bourke moved
the following motion in the Legislative Council:
that this council desirous of joining in the national rejoicing on
the approaching Jubilee of Her Most Gracious Majesty, will be
glad if His Excellency, the Governor would consider the sub-
ject and propose some plan for a local celebration, or a means
of locally marking an event so pleasing to the whole British
Empire; and that this Council will be prepared to vote the
necessary sum. [Feurtado 1890].
The motion was seconded by the Hon. William Malabre.

It was agreed that the jubilee celebrations should take 'a
two-fold shape; in the form of ceremonies and rejoicings, and
in the inauguration of a permanent institution'. The institu-
tion proposed by the governor was a lying-in hospital at
which nurses would also be trained. The governor told the
council he had been informed that:
one of the most crying evils of the community is the absence
of trained nurses to attend women in childbirth. The absence
of a proper number of such nurses is stated to be the cause of
much mortality amongst infants, and of suffering amongst
both mothers and children ... [Feurtado 1890 p.97].
He added that the existing institution for the training of
nurses depended largely upon voluntary contributions and
had to be given up owing to the lack of support. Trained nur-
ses were few in number and they were also too old for active
Though there had been improvements in the general state
of the health services following the constitutional change in
1865, such services were still far from satisfactory. Under the
public medical service established in 1869 a government
medical officer was appointed to each of forty medical dis-
tricts into which the island was divided. With a salary between
200 to 300 per annum being offered, it was hoped that
sufficient doctors would be induced to settle in the districts.
However, as Gisela Eisner [1961 p.341] found out, 'the num-
ber of doctors outside the Public Medical Service were slow
to increase and in 1921, there were still as many as 6,129
persons for each doctor'.

The governor was right in stating that there was a high
mortality rate. The registrar general's returns showed that
deaths from all causes in 1887-8 were 13,676; the birth and
death rates were 36.0 and 25.2 per thousand respectively.
Nearly one-third of all deaths registered in Kingston occur-
red in infants under one year. Diarrhoea and other infantile
diseases also ranked high. It was against this background that
the governor invited support for a specialised institution to
be connected to the Kingston Public Hospital, to be called
the Victoria Jubilee Hospital. The proposal was not without
its detractors.
The Colonial Standard, representing planter interests,
averred that according to 'the best professional authority, the
high rate of infant mortality occurs at a later stage than that
which is affected either by the absence or by the presence of
trained nurses'. Such an institution, it stated, would serve as
'a sort of refuge for the immoral and depraved members of
the gentle sex'. According to the Standard, the great mortal-
ity among children 'is caused by gross, culpable negligence of
disreputable mothers of the class that would furnish the
majority of the inmates of a Lying-in-Hospital'.
Despite such objections the governor's proposal was adopt-
ed by the Legislative Council, as 'no other proposal has
taken definite shape or is in the opinion of the Committee
more worthy of support'. [Jamaica Handbook 1887 p.526].
It was proposed that the Institution would be financed by
government after an initial sum was raised by public sub-
scription. This amounted to 1,700. The Legislative Council
voted 2,300 in 1889, which made up the required sum of
4,000 for the establishment of the institution. In 1892,
the Victoria Jubilee Hospital was opened for the training of
nurses in midwifery [Nursing in Jamaica 1972 p.8].
Other proposals
Other proposals for celebrating the jubilee were primarily
intended to stimulate economic activity and probably reflect-
ed the anxiety over the economic and political conditions of
the times. Thus those ideas which were thought to be too ex-
pensive and 'lacking in foresight' were roundly criticized and
The Jamaica Post of 17 March 1887 reported three pro-
posals. These were: to erect a monument in honour of the
queen on the Race Course; to install a peal of bells in the
Kingston Parish Church; and to establish the 'Victoria Or-
phanage'. The newspaper in an editorial rejected all three,
and suggested that proposals should take into consideration
the trade depression in Jamaica. Thus, a monument in honour
of the queen was 'not businesslike' since it could not generate
any income in the long run nor benefit the island generally.
It was suggested that such a proposal should best be left un-
til after the queen died. As for the second proposal, the
paper argued that it should be left up to the congregation to
erect its own bells. There were not enough wealthy people,
the paper claimed, to finance the third proposal, for an or-
phanage, and Jamaica could not bear such a cost. 'An orphan-
age only flourishes in large cities, where the greatest wealth
and civilization are found side by side with the deepest
misery and degradation; of the latter we have too much, of
the former, little enough'. It was seen as costly to establish
and maintain an institution which did not seek to promote
industry and commerce, but which would more than likely
call for an increase in taxation. The newspaper advocated the
erection of docks:

3---- "-j S'.~l ~JY~


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TUESDAY, JUNE 28, 1887.
"The Jnbilee Market,"
AT 10.80 O'CLOCK A.M
Gates open at 9.30 a.m.

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Give us docks, we say ..and the prosperity of our island is
assured. The Panama Canal will yet be an accomplished fact
and if Kingston has docks when it is opened they will pour
wealth on our shores, which are well nigh deserted at present.
At another time we intend to advocate the extension of the
railway in accordance with the Honourable W.B. Espeut's plan
as forming a most fitting memorial of the Queen's Jubilee
[Jamaica Post 17 March 1887].
Other proposals reflected agricultural interests. The
Colonial Standard suggested the establishment of 'Victoria
Model Farm', to be eventually self-supporting. Such a farm
would have 'the effect of reclaiming or saving a vast number
of criminals in posse'. It would thus also 'have in time, the
effect of reducing the enormous sums, which the colony has
to spend in supporting a large constabulary force and an
expensive judicature'. As a result, 'a benign atmosphere of
intelligence, industry and moral sentiment, would prevail,
which would help to chase away the foul miasma of indo-
lence, ignorance and crime that poisons the moral nature of
so large a portion of our population'. [9 June 1887] Thus
for the Colonial Standard the model farm would have a dual
purpose; promoting industry and 'civilizing' the vast major-
ity of the population. It is clear that the Colonial Standard
saw in the establishment of a head centre farm with its 'affili-
ated subordinates', a way of inducing the labouring peasantry
to work on estate farms. In the same issue it stated:
one great advantage of the scheme is that the people would
learn to regard labour as a thing no longer to be ashamed of.
The knowledge thus obtained, together with the habits of in-
dustry and order acquired, would lead them to experience new
wants and to feel the restless stir of new ambitions.
According to the newspaper, the farm would include a
dairy farm, vegetable gardens, cultivations of coffee, cacao,
sugar, annatto, as well as 'every description of valuable minor
products, poultry, small stock, bee-keeping and every branch
of the multifarm agricultural industry'. It also suggested that
the farm should be located in Kingston 'as it would be within
reach of a good market from the large city population, the
shipping in the Harbour and the military and naval establish-
ment' [Colonial Standard 18 February 1887].

Refusal to take part in the celebrations
The political and economic difficulties and divisions of
Jamaica were reflected in another way; by the refusal of some
to take part in the celebrations. This was the position adopt-
ed by Col. G.W. Dawkins whose letter to a May Pen meeting
explaining his absence was reported in the Daily Gleaner [24
March 1887]. Col. Dawkins reportedly said:
that he could not. .. take part in commemorating Her Majesty's
Jubilee; that though he willingly admitted her many amiable
and notable qualities as an individual and sovereign, that her
reign has been a glorious one and one marked by many improve-
ments, but he could not refrain from pointing to the decline of
the island during the last 50 years, more especially with respect
to the sugar industry, he referred to the injurious effects of the
Bounty System; reviewed the form of government, denounced
the judicial system, and held up the press as an illustration of
decadence on the social advancements of the island.
The sugar interests, here represented by the Colonial
Standard and by Col. Dawkins, clearly reacted to the depres-
sed state of the sugar industry in Jamaica, though in different
ways with respect to the jubilee celebrations; Col. Dawkins
adopted a stance of protest while the Colonial Standard
sought to improve the situation the way it thought best.

The celebrations

The 28 and 29 June were the days chosen for the cele-

bration of the queen's silver jubilee. These celebrations re-
flected the 'dual-cultural character' [Patterson 1973 p.287]
of the Jamaican society of the late nineteenth century. Ac-
cording to Philip Curtin [1970], in the post-emancipation
period, the 'two Jamaicas'developed during slavery continued
to grow further apart in terms of a separate caste and race,
separate economics, separate religions and separate cultures'.
Thus, the forms which the celebrations took represented, on
the one hand, the 'Afro-Jamaican cultural system' and, on
the other, the 'European-oriented cultural system'. For in-
stance, market concerts throughout the island reflected the
cultural orientation of black Jamaica while special services
in the orthodox Christian churches reflected the cultural
orientation of white and brown Jamaica.
However, while the celebrations demonstrated the exis-
tence of 'two Jamaicas', it also showed that it was possible
for the two to come together and express their loyalty to the
monarchy, though for different reasons.
The celebrations also indicated the preoccupation with
racial distinctions which pervaded the Jamaican society.
Curtin [1970 pp. 172-3], states that: 'the question of race
was beneath the surface of every Jamaican problem, inter-
mingling with other issues and making all solutions more
difficult. As time passed, it became increasingly serious, since
many conflicts and unsolved problems could be translated
into racial terms and so act again at the next stage as a bar to
mutual understanding.'

Participants in the celebrations

The black population
The black population participated extensively in the festi-
vities. On Monday night, the eve of the celebrations, 'a con-
course of persons paraded the streets' [Gall's News Letter
2 July 1887]. Several places were illuminated, and bands
formed processions, marching through the streets followed
by crowds of people. It was also reported that during the
week prior to the celebrations, 'visitors were coming into
the city from even the most distant parts of the island, but on
Monday they came in droves'. The railway facilities proved
inadequate even though as Gall's News Letter [2 July 1887]
stated, during the celebrations 'over 40 miles of railway were
brought into . requisition and contributed so much in the
way of cheap, comfortable and speedy travelling to those
coming from the western side of the island, that there ought
to have been many converts made to the policy of general
railway extension'.
The day before the celebrations began, the trains from
Porus and Ewarton 'were so crowded that cattle-waggons,
luggage-vans, and everything in the shape of a car had to be
pressed into the service. At every station, the numbers in-
creased, with the result that hundreds had to be left behind'.
[Gall's News Letter 2 July 1887]. It was estimated that
1,700 passengers came into Kingston on Monday and over
600 on the morning of the Jubilee [2 July 1887]. A large
number also came into Kingston by sea, and overland on
foot. 'Droves of peasantry' came on foot from the hills of
St Andrew, St Thomas, St Ann, St Mary and Portland. The
Colonial Standard [6 July 1887] stated that Kingston re-
ceived from the country areas 'an influx of between 15,000
to 20,000 people, representing nearly half of the permanent
population, for the Jubilee Celebrations'.

The city's tramway system also proved inadequate. Thou-
sands wanted to get to the military review at Up Park Camp
on the second day of the celebrations. The Colonial Standard
[2 July 1887] reported:
There were ten cars on Orange Street and four on the East-
line and the rush for them was so great that Mr. Barber found
it unsafe to proceed, there were about seventy-five in each car,
sitting on the laps of others, on the handrail and the platforms;
the Springs were flattened completely and the brakes became
useless and notwithstanding the entreaties of Mr. Barber and
other gentlemen, the passengers refused to alight; consequent-
ly, the mules had to be taken away and the cars left on the
line. The result was 1/2 hours of traffic being lost.
The loyalty of the Jamaican masses to the queen was also
borne out in other ways. People greeted each other with:
'A happy jubilee', 'God bless the queen' and 'Happy returns
of the day'. To many black Jamaicans during the nineteenth
century, the British monarchy, and Queen Victoria especial-
ly, was a symbol of freedom from oppression. Queen Victoria
ascended the throne in 1837, one year before the abolition
of slavery. Thus as Philip Curtin [1970 p.125] states: 'there
was a genuine affection for the Queen, who stood as a pro-
tective symbol and the source of their liberation from
slavery'. But the black Jamaican's belief in the symbolic pro-
tection offered them by the monarchy was evident even be-
fore Victoria's accession. During the revolutionary upheaval
of 1831 the slaves believed that freedom would come 'as
soon as King William send(s) them their free paper'. It was
also widely believed that the king's troops would not fight
the slaves in their revolt against the white planter class, since
they were only claiming their rights. Instead, these troops
would fight with them. [Reckord 1968 p.111] The identi-
fication with the monarchy as a 'protective symbol' in the
post-emancipation period was also borne out in the events
which led up to the 1865 rebellion, notably the petition sent
to the governor appealing for protection from the local
police in the name of the queen:
We, the petitioners of St Thomas-in-the-East, send to inform
your Excellency of the mean advantages that has been taken
of us from time to time, and more especially this present time,
when on Saturday, 7th of this month, an outrageous assault
was committed upon us by the policemen of this parish, by
order of the Justices, which occasion an outbreak for which
warrants have been issued against innocent person, of which we
are compelled to resist. We therefore call upon your Excellency
for protection, seeing we are Her Majesty's loyal subjects ....
[Curtin 1970 p.1971.

The white population and their concept of loyalty

The participation of the white population in the celebra-
tions was obvious since they were the ones who were in
charge of its organisation and who had moved the motion in
the Legislative Council to have such celebrations. [Feurtado
1890 p.3]. For white Jamaicans, the political life of Jamaica
and its future development were seen as an integral part of
the empire; 'the future of the political life of the island is
shadowed forth in the loyalty, the consciousness of political
identity with the interests of the empire' [Colonial Standard
22 June 1887] Hence the 'achievements' during the reign
of the queen were in the interest of Jamaica and thus all the
more reason for the celebration of such a 'glorious reign'.
These 'achievements' were highlighted in several newspaper
articles. Among these 'memorable events' were the emanci-
pation of the slaves and the two reform bills. Pride was also
taken in Britain's 'success' in the Afghan, Indo-China, Bur-
mese and Russian wars and in the putting down of the Indian

For the Jubilee!
2@. 6d. per pair.
Gent.'s White Kid Gloves at 3s per pair

rIVHE Jubilee Service to be held by th(
Spanish and Portuguese Jewish Co grr
gaticn, in honor of the 50th Anniversary u.
Her Most Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria'!
Reign, will take place at their
on Tuesday the 28th June, instant, at 1)
o'clock a. m.
A collection will be taken up during th<
service in aid of the Jubilee Fund.


rT.TB31 LJ~ 1"-. !

Juvenile Demonstration,
Z8Tu JUNE, 1887.

'rfi SCHOOL, with their banners, will
LIform in Duke Street one long procession
a d, headed by the Band, will march to the
'Bicycle Rink on the Race Course where the
children will be arranged to fox m three sides
of a square. The assembled children will be
reviewed by the Governor and will sing
And other Pieces.

Admission to the Enclosure ............3d
,, ,, ,, North & South] Stands by
ticket......... 6d each
,, ,,' Grand Stand by ticket
Is each.
N 6 change will be given. Tickets to be had
HNr NOTE.-No persona other than those
ng part in the Demonstration will be
"ll6wed within the Bicycle Rink. The South
,antranoe to Enclosure will be reserved for the
.r9Ou iDi H. H. KILBURN.
Secretary Committee in charge
_,_ iof the Juvenile Demonatration.

Mutiny. Other 'achievements' referred to were the develop-
ments of steam and telegraphy and the discovery of the
North-West passage. In addition:
For fifty years Queen Victoria has been the royal imperson-
ation of all that good men associate with order, liberty, love
of country and national greatness. She has been the type of
symbol of what is most worthy and worshipful in respect of
every royal quality . we celebrate the Jubilee for the simple
reason that Victoria is our Queen and that she has been our
Queen for fifty years. [Colonial Standard 22 June 1887].

The 'Two Jamaicas'
The two divergent conceptions of the monarchy empha-
sized the schism within the Jamaican society, that is, the divi-
sion between black and white. This division manifested it-
self in the various social institutions which developed both
during and after the period of slavery.
One of the social institutions which developed during slav-
ery and which eventually came to be dominated by blacks
was the internal marketing system. Orlando Patterson
[1973] states that around the 1760s, white settlers in King-
ston constituted the majority of sellers in the Kingston mar-
ket. However, 'by the last years of the eighteenth century,
even the Kingston market seemed to have been dominated by
the Negroes, at least in numbers, 10,000 of them being esti-
mated to have attended it every Sunday morning'. Patterson's
description of a market scene [pp. 229-30; quoting Foulks]
indicates the socializing function of the institution:

The market itself was all noise and bustle and wild, extra-
vagant gestures . . In the midst of this seeming chaos a
few, too exhausted after their long walk, lay on the ground,
dust-covered and fast asleep. Amidst the throng there were al-
ways a large number of coloured and black belles, mainly
from the town, all dressed to kill 'having apparently no object
but to display their persons and their tawdry dresses' . .
Brothers, sisters, temporary 'wives' and 'husbands', aged friends
and weekend lovers are all intently looking for each other.
When they meet, especially the old women with their 'chints
pelisses and closely bound handkerchiefs', the gossip 'which
refinement has not taught them yet to dignify with the more
appropriate name of scandal', begins at once .... As the day
advances these conversations yield to the more important
bustle of traffic.

Markets no doubt continued to provide these functions in
the post-emancipation period; hence the organization of
market concerts throughout the island during the jubilee
celebrations. In Kingston, on the first day of the celebra-
tions, a concert was held at the Victoria Market where a band
provided music for dancing. There was no playing of the
gumbay or tamboo drums and thus no john canoe dancing.
Instead, tunes such as 'Federal', 'Jubilee', 'Spirit of the
Fleet', 'Britannia', the 'Pride of the Queen' and 'God Bless
the Prince of Wales' were played, to which the quadrille and
other European-oriented dances were done. It was thus evi-
dent that during the celebrations, the dominating class's
culture and influence overshadowed the culture and customs
of the black population.A special concert was also held at the
Solas market, which was renamed the Jubilee Market upon
its re-opening by the governor. This market had been badly
damaged by the hurricane of 1886.
Another form of celebration was the holding of church
services throughout the island; it was probably in the area of
religion that the 'two Jamaicas' was most apparent. Curtin
states that despite the differences in religious and social out-
look displayed by the Baptist, Methodist and Anglican

churches, none of them was able to gain the confidence of
black Jamaicans to any great extent during the late nineteenth
century. The post-emancipation period had seen an initial
growth in the missionary churches but they soon suffered
great losses in attendance as a result of competition from
Afro-Christian churches which offered reinterpretations of
Christianity closer to the religious beliefs and social realities
of the black community. It was reported, for instance, that
in 1846, Native Baptist congregations in the parish of Vere
were much larger than all the congregations of the Euro-
pean churches together. In 1860, half of the church-going
population were Native Baptists. Also providing competi-
tion to the missionary movement were the practices of myal-
ism and obeah. [Curtin 1970 p.165].

Apart from enabling black Jamaicans to express aspects of
their African heritage such as shell-blowing, drumming and
dancing, some of the Native Baptist churches sought to ad-
dress the problem of poverty among the black population in
a way which the orthodox churches could never do, or re-
fused to do. Thus, as Ken Post [1978 p.142] states, 'In the
late nineteenth century, the Native Baptist tradition continued
to link race with revivalist religion, and both with the reaction
against poverty.' An important manifestation of this was
Wood and Bedward's Jamaica Native Baptist Free Church
established in 1889.
Thus, the more orthodox Christian churches in Jamaica
in the late nineteenth century remained primarily the do-
main of white and brown Jamaicans. Hence, the church ser-
vices organized in commemoration of the queen's jubilee
reflected the 'European-oriented cultural system' of the
society. The principal service was the state service held at the
Kingston Parish Church. At this service, every other
denomination including the Jewish community was repre-
sented. In attendance as well, were representatives of the
army, the judiciary and the civil service. The service was
headed by the governor; and his status as the represent-
ative of the queen in the island was probably more pro-
nounced on this occasion, as his seal was marked on either
side with a royal crown, worked in scarlet and gold.
Another event of European Jamaica was the governor's
ball. It did not form part of the main body of the cele-
brations and was held on 30 June. It was attended 'by
the guests from all parts of the country, representing the
beauty, fashion, intelligence and worth of the colony'.
[Colonial Standard 2 July 1887]. The ball reflected divi-
sion within the society as well, since it was generally attend-
ed by the white and a limited number of the brown elite,
thus indicating the class, caste and racial divisions within the

Other Activities
Other activities to commemorate the jubilee were en-
joyed by everyone. These included the review at Up Park
Camp when the West India Regiment, a detachment of the
marines, the artillery, and mounted rifles of the troops were
inspected by the governor. 'Commemorative' trees were also
planted throughout the island, including those planted by the
governor and his wife in the Half Way Tree area. Other trees
were planted in the Victoria Park in Falmouth, Trelawny.
Other activities included the laying of the foundation stone
for a proposed school-house at Morgan's Bridge in Westmore-
land and the installation of a drinking-trough and fountain
donated by a Mr Sadler for public use in Westmoreland.

80 PRO(


: I

For the poor, the celebrations brought largesse. The
committee responsible for the programme of celebrations
had suggested that 'all indoor paupers of every class in the
island should be served with a good dinner on the 28th of
June'. It also recommended that 'some addition should be
made to the weekly allowances of all indoor paupers in
money, clothing or otherwise, to mark the occasion ..
[Feurtado 1890 p.104]. Thus, dinners were provided for in-
mates of various poorhouses around the island. A large num-
ber of persons other than paupers were also provided with
'bread, bun, beef and lemonade'. Rice and sugar were also
distributed. Paupers in some parishes were provided with
clothing and extra money. It was also reported that 500
school children in Westmoreland received six-pence each.
Sporting activities were also arranged in St Catherine, horse
races were held at the Bodies Common, while at the Drax Hall
Common in St Ann a series of games and athletic events took
Though it was considered impractical to organize rejoicings
in every parish, the parish councils were invited to arrange
demonstrations on their own account with the aid of a por-
tion of 700 set aside for disbursement among the parishes.
The St Ann Parish Council had decided that their jubilee
celebrations would be held one week after the one in Kingston,
'so that the parishoners . could double the expression of
their loyalty and increase their own pleasure. The St Ann's
contingent to Kingston was large as the sale of the railway
tickets at Ewarton indicated. Their enjoyment in town seem-
ed only to have whetted the desire for enjoyment in the
country, for in proportion to population, probably no local
demonstration was so successful as that of this parish' [p. 197].


It is evident that the Victoria jubilee celebrations reflect-
ed the economic and political problems being experienced by
Jamaica in the late nineteenth century. This was brought out
in the proposals put forward for the commemoration. Most
of these centred around suggestions of ways to improve the
economic life of the country. Commercial and agricultural
interests were reflected in these proposals.
The political and economic problems were also reflected
in another way: by the refusal to partake in the celebrations.
This stance of protest was adopted by Col. G.W. Dawkins
who was a substantial sugar estate owner at the time.
The celebrations also gave indications of the racist mental-
ity within the Jamaican society. Black Jamaicans were gen-
erally considered inferior by white and brown Jamaicans,
incapable of looking after themselves and needing to be
brought under the 'civilising influence' of white Jamaica. The
rejection by the Colonial Standard of the governor's proposal
for a lying-in hospital and the advocacy of the Victoria
Model Farm is an example of this belief.
The comment that no 'riotous excess' accompanied the
celebrations also indicated racial fears in the society: some
newspapers expressed a sense of relief that no racial violence
occurred. The Evening Express noted 'the absence of riot
under excitement and of criminal offenses under the op-
portunities afforded by such an occasion'. [Feurtado 1890
p.206]. The Nineteenth Century also reported on 'the state
of soberness which was maintained by everyone; it was con-
duct, we might say, never before witnessed .. .' [Feurtado
1890 pp. 206-7]. According to the Jamaica Post,'... it was

certainly most remarkable that in this land where rum is one
of the staple products, only one or two in the immense
crowd were drunk and these one or two were not natives'.
[Feurtado 1890 p.209].
Despite these problems, the country clearly displayed its
loyalty and respect towards the monarchy. This was indicated
by the vast numbers of people who came into Kingston for
the celebrations. It is in this respect that it can be stated that
the monarchy functioned as a unifying force among the
Jamaican people. This is in light of the 'dual-cultural' nature
of the Jamaican society which was divided in terms of race,
caste, culture, religion and economy. The unifying role of the
monarchy within Jamaica in effect indicated its dependence
upon the 'Mother Country' on another level.

1. The Florence was a schooner carrying arms and ammunition
which arrived in Kingston in 1877. The governor ordered that
the ammunition be detained until a bond could be given for
its legitimate disposal. The owner brought suit against the
governor and was eventually awarded damages of 6,700. The
treasury paid part of this sum and the rest was voted by the
Jamaican Legislative Council. Asa result, six unofficial members
of the council resigned which, along with other vacancies, left
Jamaica without representation for the inhabitants of the


CURTIN, Philip D., Two Jamaicas, The Role of Ideas in a Tropical
Colony 1830-1865 (1955), New York: Atheneum, 1970.
EISNER, Gisela, Jamaica 1830-1930, Manchester, 1961.
FEURTADO, W.A., The Jubilee Reign of Her Most Gracious Majesty
Queen Victoria in Jamaica, Jubilee Celebrations in Jamaica
1887, 1890.
Handbook of Jamaica, 1884-5; 1887.
HIGMAN, B.W., "Abstract of Caribbean Historical Statistics", Mona:
University of the West Indies, Department of History, rev. ed.,
September 1985.
Nursing in Jamaica: Blueprint for Progress. Nurses Association of
Jamaica Blue Paper on nursing education and practice and
socio-economic status of nurses, Kingston: NAJ, 1972.
PATTERSON, Orlando, The Sociology of Slavery (1963), Kingston:
Sangster's Book Stores, 1973.
POST, Ken, Arise Ye Starvelings The Jamaica Labour Rebellion of
1938 and its aftermath, The Hague: Institute of Social Studies,
Martinus Nijoff, 1978.
RECKORD, Mary, "The Jamaican Slave Rebellion of 1831", Past and
Present, No. 40, 1968.
SAUL, S., "The British West Indies in Depression", Inter-American
Economic Affairs, Vol. 12, 1958.
SIRES, Ronald V., "The Jamaica Constitution of 1884", Social and
Economic Studies, 3: 1, June 1954.
WILL, H.A., Constitutional change in the British West Indies 1880-
1903 with special reference to Jamaica, British Guiana and
Trinidad, Oxford University Press, 1970.

The Colonial Standard; Daily Gleaner; Gall's News Letter; Jamaica
Despatch; Jamaica Post: all January July 1887.

10 reasons why


Coffee is the best

1. The making of this fine brand starts high in
the mountains under ideal conditions.
2. The sun-ripened coffee berries are picked
by expert hands just when they reach their
peak of perfection and are ruby red.
3. Only the best are selected berry by berry,
for processing by Salada.
4. The beans are carefully roasted to produce
a superior flavour and aroma the extra
rich taste of Mountain Peak.
5. The team at Salada Foods are seasoned
coffee producers with over 30 years
experience in producing this fine brand.
6. We maintain high standards and pride in
our work at whatever cost.
7. Our special equipment ensures that the full
flavour and richness are retained before
being vacuum-sealed for hygienic purity
and wholesomeness.
8. Our Quality Control Department does
just what the name implies before and after
packaging, even after the products are

delivered because we want our coffee to
taste extra good, everytime.
9. Mountain Peak is 100% pure Jamaican
Coffee and is available in six convenient
10. We guarantee that the mellow taste of
Mountain Peak coffee can be enjoyed in
every cup that's made.

; PAK j
j ^d1 Ja

MOUNTAIN PEAK Instant Coffee Salada"



Western Terminals Limited is a modern breakbulk
port facility sited on 26 acres of land, three miles
from downtown Kingston, Jamaica's capital city.
The company is a member of the Shipping
Association of Jamaica.

The Channel is 1,500 feet wide, 34 feet deep, and
has a turning basin with a radius of 2,000 feet.

Four lateral berths totalling 2,425 feet with
maximum depth of over 30 ft. including a Roll-on/
Roll-off container Berth. Four hurricane-proof
concrete warehouses totalling 154,400 sq. feet.
460,000 sq. feet of paved open storage *
Container Storage Area. Cold Storage Facilities.
Various mobile cranes, three-ton and heavy fork-
lifts for handling all types of cargo Bunkering
facilities: Bunker "C", Marine Diesel and Blended
fuels. Fresh water outlets for delivery at a rate of
200 tons per hour.

Wharf Company to set up modern operations at
Newport West. In fact, Newport West became a
reality with the opening of WESTERN
The Company has an enviable reputation in care and
safety of Cargo Handling.

WESTERN TERMINALS has taken the Ports of
Kingston and the Caribbean into the Port
Computer Age. The Port of Kingston has made great
strides in Computer Applications, thanks to the
pioneering role of WESTERN TERMINALS, -
Newport West (Port Bustamante) providing a
vital link with the rest of the world.

Western Terminals


Advertisements for Clothes in

Kingston 1897-1914

By Glory Robertson

I t is only recently that fashions
have been designed specifically
for the young and for the mass
market. In the past, great ladies who
used to be the makers of fashion dres-
sed to convey the idea of leisure. The
introduction of more practical clothes
went hand in hand with the entry of
middle-class women into the work
force and the general emancipation
of women. Men's more sombre dress
also indicated social position although
the elite male had shed the more decora-
tive elements of his apparel consider-
ably earlier than women.
A study of fashion can provide
the social historian not only with indi-
cators of status and the age of the
wearer but may also show how
slavishly it can be copied without
regard to commonsense or climate.
For instance, some items worn in
Jamaica in the Edwardian period may
cause the historian to wonder at the
necessity for both pith hats and el-
bow-length kid gloves.
From the very inception of ad-
vertisements their purpose and credi-
bility have been subject to contro-
versy. Samuel Butler held that 'the
most important service rendered by
the press is that of educating people
to approach all printed matter with
distrust'. On the other hand, Thomas
Jefferson is reputed to have said, 'Ad-
vertisements contain the only truth
to be relied on in a newspaper'. In any
event, advertisements for clothes cer-
tainly furnish a commentary on many
of the customs, attitudes and condi-
tions of everyday life of the public
which they were designed to woo.
A search of the December news-
papers in the period 1897-1914 for
illustrated advertisements of clothes
worn in Jamaica at that time re-
vealed some other aspects of the shop-
ping scene. December papers were
chosen for study because it seemed

Ladies' Directoire Costumes.

i vA ? V frnint ('tr ,'t s and what lady isn't '*
y'1 yh, :apq wl'ltl'irtt*, the nter.-ary t,,uhl .f
,hli'ga;cie will In- r,,,-e than onlMailv intrir-
.letled ill thltI'xclusiv'( ,ollc'tano ,f D)iriecto-ir
S('stumes to tbe seen here.
Smart affairs ,if white muilin lu av-ili.l
dtcifralted with embroider. will charm and
delight the eye; Iut w~I; t otsttnishev.. yi
More than all is the reaSnM;ble prric yo',r "
goo reading these items.
Ladies' directiirc c.stiinu-.', similar to
illustration, of white n i tin, fine emhtrid-
ered panel, tucked skirt, fine t uked blouse
White lawn costume. rich embridered
1anel, lace yoke, tucked sh~Ives and skirt
All over embroidered 'direetoire dress,
very stylish 30s, 35s, 36s.
All over muslin eminoidered cortume
,louse and skirt. new styles made uip with
line val imsertons, good value 21s.
S(Costume of wide embroidery flouncing.
Blouse and skirt attached, very rich design
Costume of white muslin, blouse trimmed
embroidery and lace, skirt tucked 1Ls.
White Muslin Costumes.
Skirt with two large tucks on hem.
Blouse trimmed tucks of embroidery inser-
tion straps. Long sleeves with high tucked
cuffs 9s lId.
W tM got miatin cortumes, blouse and skirt, trimmedl-emnlmidery atnd
ertis on blouse in pink, sky, helio.
rdytri 8 tucks at hem 20s.
Wt siot muslin costumes, tr aimed white embroidery on blouse and 'sirt
-ifc --------

likely that the shops would put out
their best advertising for the Christ-
mas season and for the Kingston races.
The races took place before Christ-
mas, usually about 11-13 December,
and were such important events that
some large business places closed at
half-day for all three days.
This report, it must be emphasized,
is based on scanning for illustrations

and not onia detailed examination of
every clothing advertisement that
appeared. Most of the examples used
were taken from the Daily Gleaner.

Fashionable Imports
One of the features of a number
of these advertisements was the claim
that the goods were from the fashion-
able centres of London and Paris. For

4 Illustrations from the National Library of Jamaica

Hand3/ per Pair.
Pn II Postage 1- extra
;v Sewn 3 / up to 3 Pairs. U
At this remarkably low price we are supplying the most fashionable Models in Finest Glace, or
Patent Leather, Silk-lined Fancy Shoes. Thece can he obtained in Bl;.ak or Tan, beautifully Beaded
or triminied with Fancy Ornaments. Similar quality Shoes are being ,)ld in L.adiing \Vest End Shops
at more than double the price wevv charge L Evcrv; pair sold is guaranteed Real Hand Sewn
Money Returned if Goods not approved. ILLUSTRATED UST, POST FREE, FROM
(Dept. '
We supply Ladies' Stockings, Lisle Thread or Cash-
mere, of finest quality, to match colbur of shoes, at
Ef. pair, usu;lly sold at 2/11 and 3/6 per pair.

The Bee Hive

Requiitsl or [hie I li I
-i -

ails me -i
Skl:. slm II. F

EEflin, leUSS Ic
r is
Xmas & New Year Cards
.. ... EST VLUE iN TO ..
Millinery Show Now On.
i fle I- r tb, V .
Don't forget-Our Soda Fouatain..

example, Hurcomb's at 112 Harbour
Street had a stock 'personally select-
ed by Mrs Hurcomb in Paris and
London'. The following year Pawsey's,
also on Harbour Street, received 'an
excellent selection of London cut ready-
made clothing' for men, youths and
boys and their ladies' hats were 'the
choicest creations' of Paris and Lon-
don. The tailoring department of
Metropolitan House, one of the leading
shops, claimed that they were 'repre-
sentative of the latest English and
American styles'.1 In 1899, empha-
sizing their millinery for the races,
they assured the public that 'the ten-
dency of fashion has been very care-
fully studied by our firm' and in
1903 they had hats 'from the prin-
cipal showrooms of Paris and Lon-
don. Confections in black, white and
cream fancy straw and ... in the large
Italian shapes so becoming this sea-
son'. In 1907, they had 'England's
choicest goods . plus the captivat-
ing styles from Paris and America's
leading productions in the dry goods


line'. Two years later they offered hats
which were, it was said, the 'dernier
cri' from Paris, 'no two are alike'.
In 1900 a choice selection of un-
shrinkable flannels for everyday wear
at the Jamaica Sports Depot, 106 Har-
bour Street, were from 'one of the
best manufacturers in England'. At the
Beehive, another major shop, at the
corner of Harbour and Church Streets,
'all Departments [were] crowded with
the pick of the London and foreign
markets'. In 1912, Sherlock and Smith
on King Street claimed to have 'every
effective and becoming style intro-
duced by the leading London and Paris-
ian houses'. Pinnock's of 106 Har-
bour Street had 'the most fashionable
headdress of the season and universally
worn in London'. J. Few's Central
Store had received counter samples
from five of the largest Luton hat
manufacturers who supplied the big-
gest shops of London's West End.
'No two alike, 360 different' styles.
Few's had 'bought the whole lot at a
ridiculously low figure' and were sel-
ling at one-third of the London price.
Since these had been counter samples,
we may assume that some at least were
shop soiled, and also that they were
the last season's styles, being replaced
in the London shops by the new goods
coming in.2
Of course, these statements cannot
be taken at face value but it is interest-
ing that the claim was made. Even
when there was no assertion of high
fashion, there was an awareness of
origin. The hats at Kempson's Lon-
don Warehouse, 31 King Street, were
'all new and fresh and they come from
the manufacturers at Luton'. The Can-
adian Warehouse, 29 King Street, pro-
mised 'an easy walk through life' with
Canadian shoes, and in 1900 reported
that a big strike among Canadian
shoemakers 'may delay some orders'
but they had already received the bulk
of their Christmas supplies. The Jam-
aica Sports Depot offered Austrian
boots and shoes. 'Genuine pith hats...
the coolest wear for hot weather'
were imported 'direct from Calcutta'
by Lascelles DeMercado. The Premier
Boot and Shoe Warehouse of 16 Church
Street was selling American and
English makes. T.D. Lacy, 117 Water
Lane, a tailor who also operated a
boot and shoe store, stocked 'cele-
brated' Austrian shoes which seem
to have been the usual types of the
period, for example, kid and glace
court shoes, canvas court shoes, ox-
fords, gents' balmorals (which were a



type of boot laced up the front) and
other boots. The Progressive Shoe
Store, 101 Harbour Street, had English,
American and Austrian boots and
We are still following fashions set
elsewhere but we no longer emphasize
their 'foreignness'. This is probably
partly because of the change in atti-
tudes in Jamaica since those colonial
days. Also the actual garments in the
shops nowadays are more than likely
made in Jamaica or other Caricom
Mail-Order Shopping
A few foreign firms appealeddirectly
to the Jamaican public by mail-order
shopping. Egerton Burnett of an ad-
dress in Somerset, England, claiming to
be holders of twenty-two warrants as
suppliers to royalty, advertised their
pure wool materials that would not
'turn a bad colour by exposure to
sun, rain or saltwater' They had nu-
merous other fabrics in 'a vast variety
of shades and prices, including spe-
cially light weights for warm climates'.
Ladies' ready-made costumes were pri-
ced from sixteen shillings and men's
suits from thirty-five shillings, 'Special
terms for the colonies'. They also made
suits to measure, supplying samples
of materials, price lists and self-meas-
urement forms post-free.

In 1905, W.S. Thomson of Hamer-
ton, London, advertised their 'Gra-
ciosa' brand of corset which 'cannot
break at the waist, hip section made in
two parts'. Master's Stores of Rye,
England, under a headline 'Have your
suit made in England' offered suits
'made to your own measurements ....
Our method of mail-order tailoring is
worked on the most up to date prin-
ciples which ensure a perfect fit no
matter how many thousand miles you
may be away. And you can rely on
obtaining the latest English fashions'.
Their samples and self-measurement
forms were also sent post-free. Suits
were priced from thirty shillings up.
An illustrated list of shoes could be
obtained post-free from the Parisian
Stores of 110 Great Portland Street,
London, your money back if the
goods were not approved. Curzon Bros.
of 60-62 City Road, London, also
supplied self-measurement instructions,
measuring tape and samples of ma-
terials. The suits would be made within
seven days, at prices ranging from
twenty-three shillings and sixpence to
forty-five shillings.

Robinson and Cleaver of Belfast, Ire-
land, suppliers of linens for household,
dress, and underwear, devoted special
care and personal attention to colonial
and foreign orders. They had developed
their business 'on the lines of supplying
genuine linen goods direct to the public

Tiaor mrie


Style and Fit at


E. Bonitto's,
Temple of Faston
83 King Street,
Tr: 1!'1, '-. r.1 1. D
fI l; , ; ,. l ,


=- '4'--l ~C

--- -------------...

Ladies' Necessary

Ready to Wear Slight Aera-

0 Specially t Effected on the

Co idered Premises free
SConsid ered. I
-AT "--
THE FIRST STORE. Extra Charge. o
Full White! LUnd((rlwirts, w'th 19 inch flounce carrying three inserions (f Iteal
inen 'Porcbn lace three inches wte, with four inch 1i .,-, .
fot to match : the fliounce unllrdn(dat hhas gathered t fri
deep. Three piz7s -small ani medium..... .lO bd, laree.....11
OrIwi an inmertio of fine torchon, lce 1: iicheF wide followed h1y
pi n tucks, the two repeated In( tile garlment finished at foot wn h
matchingTorchon Edging 3 inches wide. Small and medium....6s,
large ............. 7s etc., etc.

A Larger Stock of these Goods than ever before held.
ITrv 87 KING=

at the lowest nett prices'. But the most
interesting of these foreign advertise-
ments was from Madame Baum's Hair
Emporium, 486 8th Avenue, New
York City, who supplied 'real colored
people's hair. Wigs our specialty'. They
also had braids, plaits and puffs. In
another advertisement they described
themselves as 'the only importers and
manufacturers of real colored people's
hair . . We absolutely guarantee
our hair to stand combing and wash-
ing and to retain its color and crimp'.

Some Kingston shops also offered
mail-order facilities to customers from
the country. Pawsey's had an illustrated
catalogue of boots and shoes 'to enable
you to order without trouble'. The
same firm, in advertisements in 1899
and 1903, promised that orders re-
ceived by post would be despatched by
return. Other firms promising prompt
attention to orders by post were S.
Louis Joseph of the Premier Boot and
Shoe, T.D. Lacy, the London Store
at the corner of King Street and Water
Lane; and the First Store, 87 King
Street, which promised in 1909 that
'Letter orders will not be neglected
however great the rush'.
The London Store assured mail-
order customers in 1910 that money
would be refunded if any article did
not meet with their approval. The

measurement forms to country cus-

Bulk Shipments
Another trend, especially in the ear-
ly part of the period, was the offer of
supplies in bulk and the inclusion of
information on the shipping by which
the goods were brought. In 1897, the
Royal Mail Steamship Medway brought
'400 pieces new cotton dress fabrics,

this season's designs' and other goods
for Hurcomb's. In 1899 the Premier
Boot and Shoe Warehouse advised the
public that they had received forty-six
cases of boots and shoes from five
named ships. On the same page Kemp-
son's, wholesalers and retailers, had
just opened twenty-five cases of mer-
chandise. D'Azevado's 112 Harbour
Street had received seventy-five cases
of boots and shoes for ladies, gents,
girls, boys, infants and twenty-five
cases of brown and white canvas shoes.
Cover received 110 cases of merchan-
dise by the steamship Atrato. Metropol-
itan House received by RMS Trent
'our trimmed millinery for the races
and Christmas. We shall open up the
cases on Monday'. The Royal Mail
steamships brought 'large shipments
fortnightly' to this shop and 'added to
which there are our regular weekly
supplies from the United States of
America'. The Louvre on Harbour Street
had received by RMS Tagus 'which
arrived on Friday last, six cases of the
latest styles [of hats] from a Luton
manufacturer. These we opened up
yesterday afternoon'.

Garment Manufacturing

Tailoring Establishments

Ready-mades were most often for

* .- $

'r Ii.f In

S,:.* Ca. Cr,

tailoring department of Metropolitan
House in 1900 sent patterns and self-
measurement forms on application.
They were still doing so in 1909 and
added that their materials were un-
likely to be seen in any other shop
- ... 'cases where other stores display
cloth like ours are as rare as hen's
teeth'. The Beehive and the Sports,
33 King Street, were other shops
which offered samples and self-



.. 4




;i .
i i

'! ?


r. ~r


- --- ---~L~L

&amok CAored Peopie,
HB O Ha, 'ai
K^ aBH Rtc, J.I -lj~jen .^.-^H-s r1

... n *( .i.. aTd
e. a1 wap I.r Icl La w
The .lit Ir-tnlOl H
arnn. lunrs nAUs K-Unmt, *
489 ll.P-n "Ong, l uri !'7' y
-... .i i'lr-ft 'U N. Yoik H

men. Jamaica had no garment manu-
facturing industry at this time so ready-
to-wear clothing was imported, but
some big shops also had tailoring and
dressmaking departments to supply cus-
tom-made clothes from cloth bought in
the shop. In 1898, Pawsey's had ready-
made male garments 'of London cut'
including office 'sacs'. (The sac was a
coat rather like that of today's lounge
suit. Originally regarded as an informal
garment, by this period it was largely
taking over from the frock coat for busi-
ness wear.) The Beehive advertised
boys', youths' and gents' ready-made
clothing and claimed that tailoring was a
specialty there. Kempson's in 1899 had
received 'cases of gents' ready-made
clothing, suits, sacs, pants, all sizes'. The
tailoring department of the Jamaica
Sports Depot in 1899 recommended
customers to order early 'for our two
cutters Messrs. Vernon and Turner are
already very busy'. Their wholesale
department sold tweeds, venetians, coat-
ings, khaki drills, shirts, straw hats and
ready-made clothing. Cavendish House,
87 King Street, in 1904 had a sale of
boys' ready-mades for two weeks.Other
shops advertising ready-mades were the
JamaicaWarehouse, 31 Port Royal Street,
Hurcomb's and Pinnock's.

There were also the tailors. Henri-
ques and Abrahams, 58A King Street,
offered suits made to measure in four
hours. Tweeds, flannels, coatings, series,
venetian, drill, crashes and duck were
among the materials from which the
customers could choose. Ryan and Co.
of the Woollen Store, Coronation

Building, corner King and Tower Streets,
had a reputation for tailoring. H.B.
Green, art tailor at 18 Princess Street,
had 'devoted his time for several years
to a careful study of the art and science
of cutting . from books of the Lon-
don School of Art. He is therefore able
to defy competition in style and fit'. E.
Charles Fisher, tailor of 21 King Street,
offered custom-made suits consisting of
sac, vest and pants, in all wool blue
serge, Scotch tweed, flannel and linen.
Morning coats, essential for very for-
mal occasions, were also made. E.N.
Rogers, tailor, 'late of Bridgetown, Bar-
bados', who in 1899 advertised his re-
moval to larger premises at 117 Water
Lane, had tweeds, coatings, series, etc.
to select from and promised faithful
'reproduction of English and American
styles'. He had a telephone (No. 291)
which was unusual. T.D. Lacy, art tailor,
specialized in 'clerical suits, ladies'
costumes and [riding] habits'. At Tur-
ner and Brathwaite 'high class tailors
no. 18 Church Street . ladies' habits
and men's riding breeches [were] a
specialty'. A novel touch was supplied
by Fred R. Evans, high class clothes-
maker of 17 Church Street, who aimed
an advertisement specifically at young

We can't afford to sell shoddy cloth
irt to boys, because "ur business would
sUon fall from grace.
If ycur boy delights in sliding down
Ihp banni ter ard occasionally to "shin
up"' a t'ee, we believe our boys'
tclthes ill stand the racket more
Cffecluallv tha, any other you could
Jird in a dav's hunt over the city.
We haven't got to force you to take
n~s y re sty'e-- store that boasts our
stoik d< es not neel to.
SEn lish sailor suitp are the choice of
many (but there are others), and if
your boy prefers a German one, rest
-ssure'i hat won't affect the "entente
cordial "
There are eome natty sailor costumes
for girls too.
Boys' Blue Serge German sailor suits

,, l;1li serge norfolks............12s
,, Verona serge suits.............1Os
,, White drill suits ...............8s
,, Crash sailors................4s Gd
,, Buster Brown suits in white drill
.......... .... .... ...... ... .. 8s
,, Buster Brown suits in brown drill
............................. 9s 6,t
,, Crash sailor suite............. 4a
,, White drill sailors..............7s
Galatea straw hats......... a, 2s 2 6d
Swirls' Blue serge sailor costumes 12s 6d
,, Cream serge ,, ,, ....16s
,, White drill ,, ,, ....128
,, Striped galatea costumes......9a
,, Brown linen sailor costumes..l a
L.,v..' tan, girls' sailor blouses..... 2s

Dressmaking Establishments

In the December advertisements scan-
ned for 1897-1914 no ready-made dresses
were mentioned, but they did exist, for
Metropolitan House advertised ladies'
dresses 'as illustrated' and white net
tunics 'can be worn over any colour
foundation . .for evening wear'. How-
ever, the items most frequently adver-
tised were blouses and skirts, with an
occasional mention of costumes, that is,
an outfit of coat and skirt, and also of
dust coats for motoring and the races.
Hurcomb's had cycling skirts and ladies'
ready-made 'shirts with fashionable turn-
over collars and cuffs' in 1897 and new
shirt waists in white Japanese silk in
1903. Pinnock's had a small assortment
of costumes. Pawsey's thought it tactful
to say that the ladies' underwear depart-
ment selling camisoles, chemises, com-
binations and corsets had lady assist-
ants. No one else said this but it seems a
reasonable assumption that they all had.
A.H. Morales, 27 King Street, had 150
dozen ladies blouses along with ready-
to-wear underclothing. Bonitto Brothers
of the Fashion House had 'white Indian
linen and muslin embroidered American
shirt waists. As all ladies are aware there
is something in the cut of American






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shirtwaists which makes them fit'.3
Rust and Co. of 114 Harbour Street
had among other things 'white Irish
linen skirts . perfect fit and cut' in
lengths of 38, 40, 42, 44 inches at
eight shillings to eighteen shillings. The
First Store in addition to skirts and
blouses had costumes, white and
coloured, and dust coats in linen, al-
paca and natural silk.

In 1905 Pawsey's advertised that they
were the only dry goods store with a
dressmaking staff. If this were true, they
did not remain so for long as by 4 Dec-
ember the Beehive announced that they
had engaged the services of Mrs Gough,
'the only English dressmaker and coutu-
rier in Kingston of the Scientific Dress
Cutting Association in London', to take
charge of their dressmaking department
to be opened on 14 December. By 22
December they announced that the
department was indeed open and their
cutter 'ready to reproduce' the latest
from London, New York and Paris.
Tourists were specially invited to see the
stock of linen in the store and their
ready-to-wear garments suitable for the
tropics. By the next year the Beehive
had been obliged to move the tailoring
and dressmaking departments to 'fine
new buildings' at 109 Water Lane be-
cause they could not accommodate the
'large dressmaking business they have
built up in the small space available up-
stairs of the store'. In the new building
they were installing 'for the comfort of
our patrons, Toilet, Wash and Brush Up
and Waiting Rooms which will contain
every convenience for the ladies and pri-
vacy has been specially considered in
the construction of the rooms'. The
opening date for these facilities was to
be 2 January 1907. Metropolitan House's
dressmaking department was in 'perfect
readiness to cope with the enormous
holiday trade'.

By 1907 Mrs Gough was advertising
on her own at 37 South Parade and so
must have left the Beehive. Miss Robert-
son of 106 Harbour Street, a milliner,
made a specialty of children's hats. She
also had ready-to-wear ladies' skirts.
Miss Brett, an English milliner at 18
Church Street, later branched out into
dressmaking and also had jewelled combs
'very pretty for evening wear'and'Elbow-
length kid gloves black and white'.

The General Shopping Scene
Other interesting aspects of the King-
ston shopping scene came to light in this
survey of December newspapers. Five of
these will be mentioned in conclusion.

1. A hint of business practices was
given in four of the advertisements which
were seen. This was the prevalence of
cash transactions. Pinnock and Co. trad-
ed for cash only; their system of one
price 'had been strictly maintained for
56 years'. That they bought for cash
was again emphasized in another ad-
vertisement that their Christmas goods
for 1900 were all bought 'for cash on
the spot'. Kempson's London Ware-
house had '100 cases of new goods
lately opened for the season and all
bought for cash'. Nathan, Sherlock and
Co., owners of Metropolitan House, also
reckoned that buying for cash not credit
was one of the reasons for their success:
'. the fact of our senior [buyer] being
on the spot and buying for us entirely
for cash, thus securing for us bottom
prices, highest discounts, best quality,
newest goods'.
2. Some indication of the volume of
shopping was given by Pinnock's adver-
tisements of a record day on New Year's
Eve in 1898 'unequalled in the 56 years
of our trading in Jamaica. The following
is an accurate record of customers serv-
ed in each department compiled from
the salesmen's checks for the day:
General drapery and
boot department 1,191
Bazaar 375
Grocery 933
Restaurant 577
3. John Cassis at 10 and 12 Church
Street had been bootmaker for three
governors, Musgrave, Norman and Blake.
In 1897 he was listed as an importer of
foreign leather goods and manufacturer
of handmade leather. The only other
bootmaker noticed was Randolph and
Co., Boot and Shoe Makers, dealers in
leather imported and native at 115 Water
Lane. However, there is no question
that the majority of footwear supplies
were imported.
4. Sasso and Miller, at 81B King
Street appealed in 1908: 'support native
work . nightdresses, camisoles, chem-
ises, embroidered blouses . all made
in our island by competent hands'.
5. Amid the abundance of imported
goods, G.S. Chamberlain, panama and
jippi jappa hat maker, wholesaler and
retailer, 197 Tower Street, in 1909
struck one export note. He offered to
send hats 'shipped by parcel post to any
part of the world'.

The striking differences between the
shopping scene at the turn of the cen-

tury and today raises questions as to
why those changes have come about.
Mail-order shopping is no longer a
feature of advertisements and one may
perhaps assume that the growth in the
Jamaican ready-to-weargarment industry
and of larger shops in the country towns
has made mail-orders from Kingston
or abroad less necessary. It is also easier
for the middle classes (to whom these
advertisements were addressed) to travel
to Kingston to do their shopping than
it was in horse and buggy days. But why
have the large shops dropped their dress-
making departments? Advertising bulk
supplies perhaps served the purpose of
keeping country shopkeepers informed,
as many of the Kingston shops were
wholesale as well as retail establish-
ments. The tendency to name the ship
transporting the goods presumably ser-
ved the purpose of assuring the public
that the goods on display were new for
the racing and Christmas seasons and
not stocks the shops had had from
earlier in the year. These may seem to
be fair assumptions but must remain
assumptions till further research is done.
The question of business credit has been
barely touched on. The existence dur-
ing the period covered by these ad-
vertisements of Lebanese or Syrian ped-
lars and the later rise of this small group
to predominance in the whole range of
dry goods shopping in Kingston has not
been touched on at all. A close study
of the fascinating subject of shops and
shopping in Kingston is yet to be under-


1. Metropolitan House was at 98-100 Har-
bour Street which was Kingston's main
street at that time. The shift to King
Street was made after the 1907 earth-
quake. No attempt has been made to
record changes of addresses for any of the
shops mentioned in this article.
2. There was no address given with this ad-
vertisement, but two directories of 1911
and 1916 give it as South Parade. (A
commercial handbook compiled by Char-
les L. Burrowes, Kingston: Gleaner, 1911,
and Commercial handbook and business
directory compiled by Mortimer C. De-
Souza, Kingston: DeSouza, 1916).
3. None of the Bonitto Brothers advertise-
ments which were seen in 1906 had an ad-
dress. After the earthquake Rudolph E.
Bonitto's Temple of Fashion was on King

Newspapers consulted were the Daily Gleaner,
Gall's News Letter, Daily Telegraph; most of
the examples used were taken from the



Jamaicds future is secure when we

work for our mutual security.

No one need seriously worry aboutJamaica's future as long
as there are people of worth and character. With persons in TEL:
commerce and agriculture, and thIe countless'numbers of M UTUAL
hardworking Jamaicans who continue to fuel the engine of
economic growth, we can face the future with confidence. BED U[ [Riu]T
Mutual Security Bank is playing its part. We understand all BANK
about the challenges you face in thle financial world, the goals f l
you set yourself, and the help you need to achieve them.
Check on us. It will be to our mutual benefit. And mutual se ec rity.
curity. Moving ahead to keep you ahead.

These Sltean, r. hr,v
bee specially hil.h
For the .eritIc .en
accommodation for
ClIss Puarangers at
Moderate Fares

Sea Passage
10 to 12 Days.

The Birth and Growth of the

Jamaica Tourist Association 1910-1914
By Frank F. Taylor

To Jamaica-the New Riviera.

By the Matnuifkcntly Appointint Stac.i e er- t the

mprrial 3iret rst nbia Itail rriticr (0f7..



A voyage to JAMAICA offers exceptional attractions to TOURIS'TS
and those seeking health. The island possesses great natural beauty,
and its warm, healthy climate is recommended by the medical
faculty. Polo-playing, yachting, golf, tennis, riding and driving
are particularly good. Excellent shooting and fishing.

T'IE l A.\i.I MI '-;Ai\ fi0 IIO -.. "C ONST\ Nr -I' Ik\. AND ITI.I \INK
I'kRlOVI D \(\LWl; )ATll-N1N A 1F\ON.\HN A I ll >

Colonial House, 4, St. Mary Axe, Baldwin o, Mo Street,, Mosly S

A tourist resort, which does not advertise its
attractions intelligently and persistently, is like
a horse that winks in the dark the horse
itself knows that it is winking, but no
other living creature in the world does
Anon; quoted in Jamaican Guardian 16 Jan. 1909.

In 1891 Jamaica hosted an International Exhibition
[JAMAICA JOURNAL 18:3]which was expected among
other things, to propel the 'take-off' (today's termin-
ology) of the tourism business that had begun to get under-
way during the second half of the nineteenth century [Sinclair
and Musson 1890; Musson and Roxburgh 1891; Booth 1985].
For the occasion of the exhibition, the first modern hotels
went up, inspired by passage of the earliest incentive legis-
lation to promote tourism the Jamaican Hotels Law of
1890 [Law 27 of 1890]. Under this law, all building materials,

furniture and fittings imported for the erection and equip-
ment of hotels built within a maximum of one year from
the date of enactment of the law, were to be allowed in duty
free. The government also pledged to guarantee the principals
and interest on an aggregate of 150,000 of any debentures
or certificates that the hotel companies might issue to
cover the estimated cost of their undertakings. The state
(through the person of Governor Sir Henry Blake) rather
than private individuals had been the main motivator behind
the exhibition as a medium for promoting Jamaica abroad.

1 ... ,

i. ,
Imperial Direct West India Mail rs. "Port Kinssion."'

But, the occasion having come and gone, the ad hoc com-
mittee formed for that purpose disbanded, and no organi-
zation was left to sustain the momentum generated by the
exhibition, or to explore means of extracting the maximum
advantages from the possibilities opened up by the fair.
There was no body to maintain Jamaica before the gaze of
the globetrotter. Nine years later, at the end of the nine-
teenth century, the island was still bereft of either a tourism
policy or a tourism agency, though since 1893 the advis-
ability of these had been urged by 'An Old Jamaican':

Advertising is as essential in this respect as it is to the Manu-
facturer or Merchant who desires to introduce his class of
wares to the buyer . .. If we are to expect results, such as we
hope for, we must spend a little money; articles on Jamaica
must be published not only in New York, but throughout all
the Northern States. Advertising of a more direct character
must be resorted to; a bureau of information must be estab-
lished, presided over by one capable of talking Jamaica . .
(Emphasis added) [Letter, Colonial Standard 1 Sept. 1893].

If in typical laissez faire fashion the colonial government
insisted that the business of selling the island to overseas
travellers was 'one-best left to private enterprise' [Jamaica
Daily Telegraph and Anglo-American Herald, 18 Feb, 1904]
the latter in true colonial style had to confront myriad diffi-
culties in cooperating towards this end for, as Ragatz [1977,
p. 12] once observed of local behaviour with respect to an
earlier historical period, 'the interests of all were the interests
of none'. There were elements like the Jamaica Daily Tele-
graph and Anglo-American Herald that even felt that there
was no need for an organised tourist bureau in such a small
colony. According to this view, the proposed bureau could
achieve little that could not be accomplished by the pub-
lication of pamphlets or leaflets. Jamaica's supreme need
was not so much for a tourist bureau to supply information
about interesting places for the tourists to visit, but greater
comforts for guests good boarding houses and sanitoria,
more modern hotels, etc. and cheaper and better means of
domestic transport, if tourism were to get fully off the
ground. 'Until the accommodation and conveyance questions
are settled satisfactorily the proposed Tourist Bureau will be
of little or no use either to the colony or its visitors', the
daily reiterated [10 Feb. 1904].

All told, that preoccupation was literally a case of putting
the cart before the horse. Already, another tabloid warned, a
number of tourists had found it fit to complain of 'the extra-
vagant booming' of Jamaica abroad. Though the island was
attractively advertised on the overseas markets, when the visi-
tors got there it was only to find that the representations re-
garding facilities were not borne out in practice. 'What is
more ridiculous than inviting people to come to dinner and
setting before them a dish of herbs'? The Leader [2 Jan.
1904] enquired.2 Kingston, the capital, had no theatre and
altogether offered little to relieve the boredom of the visitor.
Jamaica needed to get its house in order before inviting
guests, the paper asserted.
With the lack of enthusiasm for the idea of a tourist
bureau among a significant part of the population, it is not
surprising that the gestation of such a body was a tardy pro-
cess; it was almost two decades after the 1891 exhibition
that it came into being.
The first attempts to form a tourist bureau date from
around mid-1903, when a public meeting was held at the
Merchants' Exchange to devise practical methods for regu-
lating and protecting tourist traffic. The participants unani-

mously agreed that this business was 'one of the greatest
importance to the material welfare of the island'; further,
that a tourist board should be established under regular man-
agement with a paid executive director.3 This meeting also
discussed means of financing the office. Finally, it passed a
resolution that the chairman be requested to appoint a fifteen
man committee (with power to add to their number) to con-
tinue the work begun in drafting a plan for the formation of
a tourist association.

In February 1904, the Merchants' Exchange convened an
even larger meeting in Kingston [Jamaica Daily Telegraph
and Anglo-American Herald 10 Feb. 1904], impelled by a
deepening sense of urgency regarding the advancement of
tourism. For in 1903 a disastrous hurricane had severely af-
fected the banana and tourist trades of the colony, laying
bare the frailty of its economic order. 'Tourists can only
come here', the tabloids pointed out, 'if there are the steam-
ships to bring them; and the hurricane has had the effect of
putting the overwhelming majority of the fruit steamers out
of service'. ibidd., 2 Feb. 1904].

Under the pressure of economic dislocation, and spurred
by the suffering engendered by the temporary rupture of ex-
ternal communications, the value of tourism was said to have
become 'thoroughly appreciated'. But was a promotional
bureau of primary importance in the resuscitation and devel-
opment of the holiday business on the island? Or were infra-
structural reforms the sine qua non? Although the meeting of
February 1904 opted for the former, and despite the con-
crete proposals put forward, the momentum was lost as
nothing constructive was undertaken: 'This is Jamaica all
over. A big outcry . great bustle and excitement... mar-
vellous and impracticable projects . and then silence as un-
broken as that of the grave' ibidd. 16 March 1904].

Half a decade was to elapse before interest in the subject
was reactivated, and not till September 1910 did an organi-
zation emerge. Remarking on the macro-economic and social
significance of the birth of this institution, the Telegraph and
Guardian proclaimed with some jubilation '. . we shall not
be surprised if, in future years, the 15th of September, 1910,
will be looked upon as the beginning of a new era in the his-
tory of the tourist trade of the colony' [17 Sept. 1910].

The main functions of the Jamaica Tourist Association
were to publicize the colony abroad and provide inform-
ation to prospective visitors as well as to holidaymakers
during their actual sojourn. To secure the active involvement
of as many people as possible, membership was in the name
of individuals rather than of firms [Telegraph and Guardian,
3 Nov. 1910]. There was no entrance fee but there was an
annual subscription of twelve shillings [ibid.]. At annual
general meetings, members elected a committee which
included a president, treasurer and secretary charged with
taking care of business for the coming year. The bye-laws of
the Association made it clear that any committee member
who failed to attend six consecutive meetings (held on a
monthly basis) would forfeit his office [Telegraph and
Guardian, 8 Sept. 1911].

Perhaps the first compelling task of the Association was a
campaign to recruit members and thereby gain funds. The
president issued a circular which appealed to the population
in a simple, straightforward manner, inviting its practical
sympathy and support.

V ISs_*tC^ : ..*i^* y

:;,-ToinormISt'Dnaation Bureaul,
'TT /\ T T` i-t

The Association appeals to the whole island of Jamaica and not
to Kingston alone . .. The coming of the tourists will make for
the greater prosperity of the Island, a prosperity in which all will
share. I trust that you will become a member of the Association
and persuade your friends to join . [Jamaica Times 5 Nov.

But five months after its inception there were only 100
members; six months later a mere 120. The president for
one was quite disappointed, because in his view, there ought
to have been at least 400 on roll by then [Telegraph and
Guardian 13 Feb. 1911, 18 Aug. 1911].

The headquarters of the Jamaica Tourist Association was
in downtown Kingston and was 'well-equipped' with refer-
ence books on Jamaica and the entire West Indies. Picture
postcards, pamphlets, folders and other bits of information
were displayed at the office, and steamship information was
supplied. The ordinary routine at headquarters entailed
answering all enquiries personally or by mail; this was usually
enough to keep the secretary and his assistant busy. Inform-
ation was supplied free of charge. It is perhaps an index of
the growing volume of work that by April 1913, it was found
necessary to establish branch information offices at Port
Antonio, Montego Bay and Mandeville. By the end of the
period under review, the Association had acquired represen-
tation in Canada and the United Kingdom [JTA Guide 1914].

Naturally one of the first acts of the Jamaica Tourist

0:. .... ] I GSTON.
. .-o . .



---C..LLh --
Jippi Jappa, nr Ladies and nt emen.
8 '^' J'anmaaica P:res'ervses.



.a V' .B o-h ~< s l-It



Jamaica Tourist Association.

For the convenience of visitors the .Jamaica Tourist
Association has established branch offices at the under-
mentioned -resorts in Jamaica :-
Montego Bay, at the store of Messrs C. M. Clark & Co.
Port Antonio, at the store of Messrs. Jackson, Pine & Co.
Mandeville, at the Mandeville Hotel and at the store of
Mr. A. E. Sampson.
Mr. A. E. Aspinall, Secretary of the West India Com-
mittee, 15 Seething Lane, London, has kindly consented
to act as the Association's Representative in England.
Through the courtesy of Mr. Lewis W. Clemens,
President of the Canadian Travel Club, a branch office
has been opened at 1392 King Street, West, Toronto.
Mr. Clemens will at all times be willing to give full
information about the Island, its resources, and also
its claims as a health and pleasure resort.


Association was to make its existence and functions known
to the visitor. To this end, framed placards were hung in rail-
way stations, stores, and other public places inviting visitors
to make use of the Association's office for information about
the island. A large number of printed postcards were sent
abroad to steamship offices and tourist agencies, with a re-
quest that when intending visitors wrote for information
about Jamaica, they would, along with their literature, send
a card inviting the recipient to write to the Association's
office in Jamaica for data on the island [Telegraph and
Guardian 18 Aug. 1911]. Thanks to this mode of adver-
tising, it was claimed that the Association was in receipt of
enquiries from prospective visitors and settlers from all parts
of the world and on all subjects [JTA Annual Report,
Jamaica Times 24 Oct. 1914].
To climax its first year in operation, the Association issued
an illustrated guide book to the island. It was a handy little
publication, was well printed and contained a map. The
places likely to be visited by the tourist, as well as bits of the
island's history and some of its legends were all mentioned.
Five thousand copies of the guide book were published, and
these were distributed free of cost exclusively to visitors to
the island and to people abroad. This guide book was the
first in a series of annual publications by the Association. In
the edition which followed for the tourist season 1912-13,
7,500 copies were published, and 10,000 for 1914 -1915.

The Association also issued other publications. For the
tourist season 1913-14, for example, 10,000 illustrated leaf-
lets entitled "Come to Jamaica" were printed and distributed
overseas. With the object of assisting the visitor in the island,
an equally large number of a leaflet entitled "Welcome to
Jamaica" was printed for distribution among visitors on
incoming steamers at Port Royal. It offered helpful inform-
ation on such subjects as customs procedure, porterage, the
rates of 'buses' and taxi-cabs, and contained a list of hotels
and boarding houses. According to the president of the Asso-
ciation, this leaflet was much appreciated by the visitors

The Jamaica Tourist Association brought its attention to
bear upon such questions as the licensing of motorcars plying
for hire, the provision of signposts along country roads, and
the preservation of natural beauty spots along public thorough-
fares [Jamaica Times 26 April 1913]. Beginning in 1913,
the Association instituted a daily weather report service
between Jamaica and North America, which proved 'distinct-
ly successful' in impressing the tourist with the contrast in
weather conditions. The Special Weather Report Service
operated during the months of January to March and was
arranged with the Direct West India Cable Company Limited.
Special cables giving the temperature and weather con-
ditions in New York, Montreal and Halifax were sent daily
to Jamaica and published in the local press and the weather
conditions in Jamaica were cabled each day to New York
and published in the New York Herald and New York Sun.
The cost of this service in 1914 was 20. Of this amount
18.6.6. was subscribed by the merchants and other people
in Kingston and 1.13.6 was paid by the Association [JTA
Annual Report, Jamaica Times 24 Oct. 1914].

Nor was the Association intent on selling Jamaica only
as a winter resort. Opportunities for developing a summer
traffic were readily seized and even academic institutions ab-
road were tapped as a potential source of visitors through the
circulation of literature among students and teachers re-
commending Jamaica as a place to pass their vacation [Jam-
aica Times 7 Sept. 1912]. When therefore, a party of English
school teachers visited the island in August 1914, 'the best
efforts' of the organization were involved so that their stay in
the colony might be 'as instructive and enjoyable as possible'
[JTA Annual Report, Jamaica Times 24 Oct. 1914]. The
idea was to iron out some of the fluctuations in the infant
industry, since from the very start, seasonality had been a

Overseas, the association took advantage of opportunities
to advertise the island in various exhibitions. In 1912, for ex-
ample, the Association sent exhibits to the Travel and Va-
cation Exhibition in New York and to the Toronto Exhibition
[Jamaica Times 7 Sept. 1912]. Jamaica's exhibits included
large framed photographs of some of the island's beauty
spots, and a specially decorated album that contained pic-
tures of its principal hotels and boarding houses. There was
also a fairly large map showing the motor roads and places
of interest seen en route, the latter being represented by in-
set views. Participation in expositions of this kind was no
doubt instrumental in drawing attention to the island, there-
by advancing its claims for international recognition as the
ideal vacationland.

In order to finance its work, the Jamaica Tourist Asso-
ciation depended heavily on members' subscriptions, but the

yield was far from satisfactory, given the size of its member-
ship and their tardiness in paying. In 1914, for example, al-
though seventy-three new members joined the Association
and paid the required subscription, this merely brought to
seventy-six the total of members in good financial standing
[JTA Annual Report, Jamaica Times, 24 Oct. 1914]. From
the inception of the Association the government voted it
around 300 in the annual estimates. This amount was con-
sidered by the Association 'totally inadequate' for the ef-
fective advertising of the island, and in 1911 it requested
2,000 [Jamaica Times 13 Jan. 1912]. This, however war
rejected by the government. That the Association failed to
do more during these years was evidently because its re-
sources were very meagre.
The ability of the Jamaica Tourist Association to under-
take as much as it did with so little at its disposal was essen-
tially owing to the dedication and enthusiasm of its first
president and in subsequent years its secretary E. Astley
Smith. Smith was a merchant-proprietor in Kingston whose
speciality was the sale of sports equipment. Perhaps it was in-
dicative of the conviction that he entertained in Jamaica's
potential as a tropical island resort that almost a decade be-
fore the founding of the Association, he set up on his own
initiative a private agency to cater for some of the interests
of visitors. Smith's 'Tourist Information Bureau' was merely
a room in his store set aside for the purpose. There he had on
sale picture postcards, guides, curios and other items and
gave information to visitors free of charge [Advertisement,
Daily Gleaner, 25 February, 1901]. He also organised ex-
cursions and tours for small parties wishing to visit various
parts of the country. Smith also kept a register of hotels and


lodging-houses in Kingston and its neighbourhood. Com-
plaints received were noted in this register, and boarding
houses and hotels with black marks against them were warn-
ed [Letter, Jamaica Daily Telegraph, 17 March 1904]. It
was the good fortune of the Jamaica Tourist Association to
have had such a man at its helm during the critical first years
of its existence.
Yet, while Smith and his associates busied themselves sel-
ling Jamaica to people abroad, selling the idea of tourism to
locals was a far different proposition and one in which they
faced great obstacles. Infant though the industry was, already
with the development of tourism the masses of sable hue in
Jamaica had begun to feel the sharpening sting of racial pre-
judice [see Taylor 1975]. One Chas. Bowlan even had the
patent misfortune of literally feeling its sting on his cheek.
This incident occurred when Simeon Grant, a visiting Ameri-
can who had stopped off in Jamaica on his way to Colon,
somehow got it into his head that Bowlan's laughter, as
Grant happened to be passing by, was directed at him. 'You
d---d half-starved Jamaica nigger', Grant snarled as he
drew his revolver and forthwith let fly with his fist. [Jam-
aica Times 25 April 1908]. This affair, however spectacular,
was but an extreme manifestation of the new tribulation that
black Jamaicans were called upon to undergo with the ges-
tation of tourism. Figuratively speaking, this community as
a whole was invited to turn the other cheek and to forgive
over seventy times seven the transgressions against it by the
tourists. For tourists, in the words of one of these very itiner-
ants, were always 'prying into back yards, photographing
many things and many human types, and often in too much
of a hurry to request permission or explain the motive'
[Johnston 1910 p.279]. With the patience of Job, black
Jamaicans braced themselves to face the future in this tropi-
cal isle of Eden. Black feelings on the matter of tourism
development were made clear by one observer in this
Tourists! Cou yah sah! Dem is a confusion set of people. What
we want dem for? - An what good dem going to do? All
dem idle buckra drive and ride over de mountains in dem
buggy and harse wit all dem 'surance, and look down upon we
poor naygurs. True dem say dey brings we money, but when
time we eber see it? All de storekeepers dem in Kingston and
de big tabern-keeper, dem is de one dat get de money out of
dem .... An when de tourists come up to de country and see we
working in de ground, dem is not goin' to do anything fa we,
but take pitcha and laugh at we. Chu! me bredder, only de
buckra dem will profit [The Leader 5, Feb. 1904]


1. Quoted from correspondence between Mr A. Smith and the
government on the subject of a tourist bureau for Kingston.
2. For contemporary criticisms of tourism development strategies
see, for example, The Hotels Scheme Examined . Supple-
mented by Remarks on the Railway by a business-man (Jamaica
1893) p.10
3. Royal Jamaica Society of Agriculture and Commerce and Mer-
chants' Exchange. Twentieth Annual Report of the Council, for
the Year Ending 31st May 1903. Presented at a general meeting
held on Thursday, the 29th September 1904. Jamaica: Colonial
Publishing Co. 1904.

4. Subsequently quoted in Pullen-Burry (1905) p. 30.

BOOTH, Karen, "When Jamaica Welcomed the World: The Great
Exhibition of 1891", Jamaica Journal 18:3, 1985.
Jamaica Tourist Association, Guide, 1914-15, Kingston: Mortimer C.
DeSouza, 1914.
JOHNSTON, Harry, The Negro in the New World, London: Methuen
and Co., 1910
MUSSON, S.P. and ROXBURGH, T. Laurence (comps.) The Hand-
book of Jamaica 1891-92, Jamaica: 1891.
PULLEN-BURRY, Bessie, Ethiopia in Exile, Jamaica Revisited, Lon-
don: T.F. Unwin, 1905.
RAGATZ, Lowell J., The Fall of the Planter Class in the British
Caribbean 1763-1833. A Study in Social and Economic History,
New York: Octagon Books, 1977.
SINCLAIR, A.C. and MUSSON, S.P. (comps.) The Handbook of Jam-
aica 1890-91, Jamaica 1890.
TAYLOR, Frank F., Jamaica The Welcoming Society: Myths and
Reality, Jamaica: Institute of Social and Economic Research,
UWI, Working Paper No. 8, 1975.


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\Past Scourge or Continued Threat?

i By S.C. Rawlins, Peter Figueroa, Marcia Mundle
Until a few decades ago, malaria was one of the commonest
causes of sickness and death in the world. The global incidence
in the 1940s and early 1950s was estimated at 300 million
cases annually with at least three million deaths.
Doctors from the time of Hippocrates had observed that
/ the disease did not occur in the hills and attributed its cause to
noxious vapors exuded by low-lying marshes, hence its name
S(= bad air). In the seventeenth century Jesuit missionaries in
the Americas discovered from the Peruvian Indians the use of
/\ quinine (derived from Cinchona bark) as a cure for individual
/ cases. But large-scale eradication and control was not possible
An anopheline, the mosquito which until the discovery, in the late nineteenth century, that the
transmits malaria (above)
characteristicattitude(below). Anopheles mosquito was the carrier of the parasite which causes
malaria. This paved the way for the introduction of preventive
measures which focused on destroying the breeding places of
the mosquito in malaria-prone areas. The World Health
Organization (WHO) mounted a successful international malaria
eradication campaign beginning in 1956. Jamaica was one of
the participating countries in which malaria was wiped out.
But, as our medical contributors warn in this article,
complacency could lead to a resumption of malaria
Table 1
wo decades after eradication of malaria in several Carib- Annual Death Rates Due to Malaria in Jamaicaa
bean countries, cases of this disease are still occurring.
There have been instances though few and brief Year No. of Deaths due to No. of Deaths due to
of renewed transmission in Grenada, Dominica, the Bahamas Malaria Malaria per 100,000
and one case in Trinidad. Countries such as Belize, Suriname,
Guyana, Haiti, the Dominican Republic and Venezuela are 1882 14 2.3
currently endemic with malaria; most other Caribbean coun- 1892 105 15.2
tries report only imported cases. This leads us to ask, what is 1902 201 26.8
the significance of imported cases to renewed transmission 1912 535 63.9
of the disease? With the passing of the twenty-fifth anni- 1922 371 43.0
versary of the eradication of malaria, we are attempting to 1932 545 51.1
critically review the case of malaria in Jamaica to identify 1942 593 48.3
factors which are important in its perpetuation locally, 1952 724 49.7
and to determine the probability of propagation resump- 1962b 0 0
tion of the disease. We hope this will also serve to inform
members of our society who are too young to recall this
horrible scourge. a. Data from Boyd and Aris [1929] and Anon [1965].
Malaria in Jamaica b. Data in 10 year intervals; 1962 was the year after eradication.
Malaria, variously referred to as ague intermittent and
a, v y r d t a a i a the disease. Thus, in 1882, only 14 deaths were recorded as
remittent fever, was rampant in Jamaica during the nine- being due to malaria.
teenth and first half of the twentieth centuries, as it was in
all tropical countries. While the numbers of deaths due to There was a seasonal pattern to the disease. Minimum
malaria varied from 400 to 700 annually between 1903-63 numbers of cases coincided with the peak of the early wet
(Table 1) with a mean death rate of around 50 : 100,000, season in May and the numbers rose gradually to reach a
the numbers in the last century appeared to be lower. This maximum at the height of the major wet season in Novem-
may have been an effect of poor definition and recording of ber. Cases also varied according to topography. For example,

in 1928-9 the highest parasite rates in children were found
in those on the southern coast at altitudes of less than 500
ft. Between 500-1500 ft., parasite rates were low, and above
1500 ft. elevation, there were no cases. It should be borne in
mind, however, that the vast majority of the population and
most of the economic activity occurs in the lower altitudes.

The Malaria Eradication Campaign

December 1986 marked twenty-five years since the end of
the attack phase, indicating the complete interruption of
transmission and thus eradication of malaria in Jamaica.
After a preparatory phase in 1957, the malaria eradication
'attack' phase started in January 1958, and was based on resi-
dual house spraying with dieldrin once yearly. When it was
found that Anopheles albimanus, the principal vector, had
developed resistance to dieldrin, there was a shift to DDT.
Residual house spraying with DDT was applied twice yearly
thereafter until December 1961.
The objective of these adulticide treatments was not to
kill all Anopheles in the island, but the infected ones, and to
suppress the total population over a period long enough for
the cessation of transmission. As a result, the last case of in-
digenous P. falciparum malaria was seen in June 1961 and a
few P. malariae cases identified later in the same year.
In all these activities, very little data were available on
the reduction of biting or breeding rates of Anopheles sp.

Indeed, the effectiveness of the anti-Anopheles effort was
measured indirectly by the reduction of malaria cases. We
will examine in a limited way below, the factors infected
hosts, mosquito vectors and environment which may con-
tribute to a resumption of malaria transmission in Jamaica.

Materials and Methods
During July-September 1986 data on the breeding of
Anopheles sp. were collected from 7 parishes in the north-
east and south of Jamaica high and low rainfall areas res-
pectively. Streams, ponds and microdams known to be rich
in vegetation were surveyed. A total of 39 sites were visited
and any Anopheles sp. larvae collected were identified in the
laboratory. Data were also collected from the records of
the Epidemiological Unit of the Ministry of Health, on para-
site-positive cases imported since 1970.

Figure 1B shows the summary of the sites examined in this
survey for Anopheles sp. larvae in 7 parishes of Jamaica
(total population: 2.2 million). Only 1 positive site was found
in the St Andrew area: A. albimanus was found breeding in
Hope Botanic Gardens. However, data generated by rou-
tine searches by the Kingston and St Andrew Corporation
health unit have indicated that anopheline breeding in the

1270 1270

1 70

55 N
1 01 62 2 9 0

91010 1905

H aoover
Fi- 1- St James
Fig 1A Isohytes (in mm) of mean annual precipitation of Jamaica --

Man Manchester
Clar Clarendon
St Cath- St Catherine
St And St Andrew

Fig. 1 B A survey of some Anopheles breeding sites
in parts of Jamaica

Distribution of Malaria (1950s)



area ranged from 115 per 10,055 sites examined (1982) down
to 6 per 1,756 sites (1985). In St Thomas, all 4 sites yielded
A. albimanus, and in Clarendon, St Catherine, St Elizabeth
only this species of Anopheles was found. In Manchester,
A. albimanus and A. grabhamii were detected, and in Port-
land A. vestitipennis plus the other 2 were also seen.

FIg. 2

T. Ta .i.
Z ZGmbh
Gh GhmN

Nic. UNK


1978 1980 1982 1984 1986

170 1972 1974 1976

Fig. 2 Imported malaria cases reported in Jamaica by year and country
of origin 1970-86

Figure 2 shows the apparent origin of parasite-positive
cases of malaria detected in Jamaica over the last 16 years.
Annual numbers of cases varied between 0 and 7, with a
mean of 3.1 imported cases per year. The years of highest
incidence were 1975 (7) and 1986 (8). Most of the more dan-
gerous cases (falciparum malaria) originated in Haiti (6),
while 5 were from Nigeria. India was the commonest source
of vivax (benign tertian) malaria.

Aside from Anopheles breeding at Hope Gardens identified
in the present study, the Kingston and St Andrew Public
Health Department reports between 76-116 breeding sites
identified each year between 1982-4. There are also anec-
dotal reports of Anopheles breeding in atypical sites such as
a cemetery and even long-standing pot holes in downtown
Rural population. The converse situation is seen in rural
environments. Some illegal immigrants are likely to settle in
environments such as Portland, St Thomas, St Mary on Jam-
aica's N.E. coast. But it is precisely areas such as Portland
which may have very high Anopheles breeding and biting rates
- the parishes of St Thomas and Portland had highest para-
sitaemia and enlarged spleen rates in children in 1958-9. Thus
while some immigrants may not have malaria symptoms and
record low parasitaemias at the time of entry, their settling
in an area with a high incidence of A. albimanus could con-
stitute a high risk of resumption of transmission, due to
recrudescent or true relapse of malaria.

General. The resumption of malaria transmission in Jamaica
from imported cases, probably by the local A. albimanus
seems a distinct possibility. Moreover, in some parts of Jam-
aica, resumption could result from old recrudescent/relapse
cases. P. malaria is known for its long chronicity in man;
for instance, in Grenada 58 cases were detected some 16
years after the end of the malaria eradication campaign.
Small countries like Jamaica can ill afford to revert to the
pre-eradication situation where annual death rates due to
malaria ranged from 65:100,000 (1911-15), through 50:
100,000 (1952), down to 1:100,000 in the year of eradi-
cation. Given an average of 50 malaria deaths : 100,000
population 1900-1950, this could translate to 1,100 deaths
in today's population of 2.2 million if falciparum malaria
still stalked the land. Economically, Jamaica could be hard
hit. It is amazing, for instance, how brittle sensitive indus-
tries such as tourism could be if there were reports of active
malaria transmission.


Anopheles species. The high degree (62 per cent) of
Anopheles sp. present in the sites examined in east and
south Jamaica is a matter of concern, especially since 92 per
cent of these happened to be A. Albimanus which was con-
sidered to be the principal vector of malaria in Jamaica be-
fore the disease was eradicated in the island.

Malaria cases. Our data indicate that over the last 16
years, our imported cases have not been reduced, but have
increased slightly in the last 7 years. The greater the number
of imported cases, the higher is the probability of local trans-
mission, as was demonstrated in Dominica, Grenada and the
Bahamas a few years ago and last year in Trinidad. A good
example of this was an outbreak of P. vivax malaria last
year in non-endemic San Diego, California, where clusters
of 29 cases were detected.

Urban population. Most legal immigrants to Jamaica from
endemic areas and thus possible reservoirs of infection are
likely to remain in urban areas, since most of them from
Asia, Africa and the Americas are students or professional
The low population of breeding Anopheles sp. in any ur-
ban population such as Kingston (700,000) makes it unlike-
ly that transmission will resume in such a focus. However,
local transmission in an urban setting cannot be ruled out.

We are grateful to the Epidemiology unit of the Ministry
of Health for the data shown in Figure 2.

ANON, Register of malaria eradication of Jamaica, PAHO/WHO,
ANON, WHO Expert Committee on Malaria, 17th Report. Tech.
Report Ser. 640., Geneva, WHO, 71 pp., 1979.
ANON, 10 year review of malaria control in the Caribbean, CAREC
11, No.4. 1986.
BELKIN, J.N., HEINEMANN, S.J. and PAGE,W.A.,The culicidaeof
Jamaica, Bull. Inst. Jamaica. Sci. Ser. No. 20, 1970.
BELLE, E.A., GRANT, L.S. and GRIFFITHS, B.B., "The isolation of
Cache Valley Virus from mosquitoes in Jamaica", W.I.M.J.
BOYD, M.F. and ARIS, F.W., "A malaria survey of the island of Jam-
aica, B.W.I." Am. J. Trop. Med. Hyg. 9, 1929.
ELLIS, M.E., "Vivax malaria acquired in Trinidad, a malaria freearea,"
B.M.J. 292, 1986.
JOHNSTON, N.M., "Malaria evaluation", Jamaica Pub. HIth., 25.
L.M. and DRAPER, C.C., Am. J. Trop. Med. Hyg, ,29: 1980.
TURLEY, J., "Plasmodium vivax malaria San Diego County,
California, 1986", MMWR 35, 1986.




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Edward Baugh is professor of English
at the University of the West Indies,
Mona. His publications include Derek
Walcott: Memory as Vision (1978) and
Critics on Caribbean Literature (ed.).

Rachel Manley, currently living in
Canada, has been involved in theatre
and worked as an executive with the
Caribbean Broadcasting Corporation in
Barbados. She has published two
books of poetry: Prisms (1972) and
Poems 2 (1978).

Kathleen Monteith is currently pur-
suing a masters degree in the Depart-
ment of History, University of the
West Indies, Mona.

Glory Robertson is a professional
librarian at the main library, Univer-
sity of the West Indies, Mona. Miss
Robertson, a former editor of the
Jamaican Historical Society Bulle-
tin, is compiling a pictorial record of
clothes in Jamaica.

Frank Taylor is a lecturer in the
Department of History, University of

the West Indies, St Augustine, Trini-
dad. Dr Taylor has carried out exten-
sive research on Jamaica's tourist
industry which has served as a base
for several articles and a forthcoming
book which will look at the social
and economic history of the industry.

Samuel Rawlins is senior lecturer and
consultant parasitologist in the Depart-
ment of Microbiology, University of
the West Indies, Mona. Peter Figueroa
is the epidemiologist at the Ministry
of Health and Marcia Mundle is a
scientific officer entomologist at the
Ministry of Health.

Edwin Besterman is an honorary con-
sultant cardiologist in the Department
of Medicine, University of the West In-
dies. He was formerly consultant car-
diologist at St Mary's and Hammer-
smith Hospitals, London. His involve-
ment in medical history includes mem-
bership of the Harveian Society, Osler
Club and Historical section of the Wor-
shipful Society of Apothecaries in


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Robert Jackson, M.D.1750-1827

Sometime doctor in Jamaica and a bold crusader of his day

As a collector of maps and books on Jamaica and an
amateur medical historian, I was interested in a recent-
ly acquired book, A Treatise on the Fevers of Jamaica
S. .published in 1791 by one Robert Jackson. It was reputed-
ly the first medical work on Jamaica, but the Bibliographia
Jamaicensis shows it to be the fourth such publication. Know-
ing nothing of the author, I made some enquiries that have
revealed him to be a fascinating character, obviously little
known. Therefore I feel that his place in Jamaican, medical
and army history should be more widely recognized.

Early Years
Jackson was born in Scotland, a farmer's son. In adoles-
cence he spent three years working with a surgeon in the
small Scottish lowland town of Biggar. He then went to
Edinburgh to join medical classes. In order to pay for these,
f- he went on two whaling expeditions as 'surgeon'; yet he still
failed to graduate. At the age of twenty-four he came to Jam-
aica to act as assistant to a Dr King in Savanna-la-Mar and re-
mained there for the next four years. This practice included
some British troops stationed nearby, which probably led to
his decision to join the British army in America, then at war
with the rebellious colonies.
After embarking for America, he found that he lacked the
necessary papers and had to return to Kingston to collect
these. The next ship due to leave for America was berthed at
Lucea, on the other side of the island. Through lack of funds,
SJackson had to walk from Kingston to Lucea, a unique hike
'at that time for a European. He refers to this in his book
to refute the belief that no European could exercise in the
In America, his lack of money and medical qualification
made it difficult for him to get an army post. Eventually
a fellow Scot, a Colonel Campbell, appointed him as surgeon's
% mate in charge of a regimental hospital. This grand name in
Practice was a turf hut in which soldiers lay on their army
> blankets eating normal army rations of salt meat and rum.
Jackson soon changed this diet to one more suitable for
the sick. Subsequently he saw action at Yorktown and at


8 By E.M.M. Besterman

Cowpens where his commander's horse was killed. Jackson
immediately gave his own horse to him and was then prompt-
ly captured by the Americans. As a prisoner he tended both
British and American wounded, tearing up his shirt for use as
bandages. Colonel Washington was so impressed that Jackson
was included in the next exchange of prisoners. Later, when
Cornwallis was retreating, the British wounded were in a
building riddled by fire and Jackson volunteered to tend
them. He was again captured but was soon freed and walked
to New York from where he sailed for Ireland.
He made his way to Edinburgh in 1782 and then walked
400 miles to London. On this walk he experimented with
various diets to find the most suitable for use by marching
troops. Soon peace came temporarily to Europe and in 1783
Jackson told his friends 'he was going to take a walk'. He
proceeded to cover 5,000 miles of Europe on foot over the
next seven months. He started in Paris, then travelled to
Switzerland, Germany and Italy. He returned to South-
ampton with only four shillings and in such threadbare
clothes that he was mistaken for a Methodist preacher and
subjected to ridicule. From London he walked 450 miles
to Perth in Scotland, and then toured the Highlands learn-
ing Gaelic. Eventually he reached Edinburgh again and mar-
ried the niece of an officer he had known in New York. She
was well-to-do and Jackson's money troubles were over. He
then went to Paris to resume his medical studies and also to
learn Arabic. He took his M.D. in Leyden in 1786 and return-
ed to Britain to practice medicine in Stockton-on-Tees in the
north of England.
In addition to practicing, he pursued his studies of the his-
tory of medicine, reading works in the original Latin, Greek
and Arabic as well as contemporary languages. He rightly
eschewed translations knowing how erroneous these could be
(and still are). This background knowledge is amply demon-
strated in his book on the fevers of Jamaica by many rele-
vant references to the views of Hippocrates, Erasistratus,
Galen, Avicenna and many others. However it should be
remembered that near deification of these worthies and their
works had virtually ossified medicine and precluded any ad-
vances in ideas for some fifteen hundred years. New con-
cepts in medicine based on actual observations were initiated

/ ,'. C,

by William Harvey's description of the circulation of the
blood in 1628. The eighteenth century saw a blossoming of
new medical ideas in Europe, based on clinical observations,
and Jackson was a true student of this new approach to

Jackson's book on Fevers
Jackson's A Treatise on the Fevers of Jamaica with obser-
vations on the Intermittent Fever of America and an Appen-
dix containing some Hints on the Means of Preserving the
Health of Soldiers in Hot Climates was published in London
in 1791, Philadelphia in 1795 and in German at Leipzig in
His voyage to Jamaica had introduced him to a new idea
for the possible treatment of fevers which forms one of the
chief medical advances in this work. Hitherto the usual treat-
ment of fevers was to encourage sweating in blankets, use of
strong purgatives, blood letting and cupping. This resulted
only in the survival of the fittest who could endure both
disease and treatment. The captain of his ship related to Jack-
son an episode in 1761 when many of his crew with fever
had jumped into the water in Havana harbour, where they were
anchored. A few drowned, he admitted, but the rest had
benefitted. Jackson put cold water treatment of fevers to the
test as soon as he arrived in Jamaica with dramatically
beneficial results. During his practice in Savanna-la-Mar and
later in America, he made careful observations and notes of
his patients' illnesses. He later found and acknowledged that
many of his original observations of fevers and his deductions
had been anticipated by Hippocrates' studies of fevers in the
Greek islands two thousand years earlier. Today such hum-
bling experience is usually ignored by contemporary medical
authors in their eagerness to publish.
His observations on fevers noted differences not only
between Jamaica and America, but between various parts of
Jamaica and in the same places at different times of the year.
Up to then, the origins of fevers were attributed to 'exhala-
tions and miasmas' arising from swampy, moist ground.
Jackson noted the additional factor, namely heat from the
sun, to explain the increased prevalence of fever in the
summer compared with winter. In addition he shrewdly

observed that there must be yet another factor to explain
completely the cause of these fevers. Today we know that
the mosquito was this last unknown factor he sought in his
researches on fevers, mostly due to malaria, from his descrip-
tions. He also noted the debilitating effects of endemic fevers
and cites an army experience when he visited Petersburgh,
Virginia. Here, to live to the ripe old age of twenty years was
a rarity. This town lies on the Appomattox river, and many
times Jackson noted the increased perils from fevers when
soldiers camped by rivers. An interesting rider to this observa-
tion was that Jackson noted the risk to be less at a river's
mouth where salt water mixed with the fresh; and even less
when camping at the sea-side. Saline obviously inhibits pro-
pagation of fever vectors. Returning to the treatment of Jam-
aican fevers, he found that the new fever bark (quinine) was
of less value than cold bathing, whereas in American fevers
'the bark' was highly effective. This difference is difficult to

In describing yellow fever in Jamaica, Jackson mistakenly
believed this was first seen in Jamaica in this hemisphere. In
fact it had been recorded in Barbados in 1647. However, he
did contribute new ideas; he observed that newly arrived
Africans rarely suffered from yellow fever whereas those
resident for a long time in North America and Europe
were susceptible. Similarly, Europeans on arrival in Jamaica
were at great risk, but if they survived two years they were
rarely infected. This is a good lesson in acquired immunity
to a disease endemic in West Africa. Yet further original ob-
servations were made on soldiers of the British army in
America. Although Peruvian bark (quinine) corrected acute
fevers, it failed to cure the underlying disease, as fevers still
recurred. A clinical trial that would delight a modern epi-
demiologist compared the benefits of 'the bark' in a Hessian
(German) regiment taking no quinine with British regiments
using 'the bark'. The former regiment lost one-third of its
men, the latter, one-twentieth through fevers. As Jackson
emphasized, all these men were in similar armed service and
foreigners to America : 'comparable populations' in modern
statistical terms.
He then proceeded to prescribe for the health of soldiers
in hot climates in his book, and here the vitriol began to flow

L^ ^ v p

from his pen. He pointed out that in the British army no one
had ever profited from previous experience and military ex-
peditions had failed owing to sickness and neglect of the
troops. He blamed the inattention of both commanders and
army authorities. He cited totally inadequate physical exer-
cise, poor diet and absence of plans for dealing with epidem-
ics. Furthermore, in relation to the West Indies: totally unfit,
undisciplined, new recruits of 'gross and full habits' were sent
here directly with consequently heavy loss from disease and
none from battle. Previously this was attributed solely to the
tropical heat. In addition to a lack of previous training of raw
recruits, Jackson stressed the total lack of exercise on the
long sea voyage to Jamaica. He contrasted French and
Spanish soldiers whom he described as abstemious and fit.
Some of his suggestions for improvements in the British
army are of interest : substitution of coffee for rum at
breakfast, 'spare' meals regularly inspected by officers, and
daily medical checks by the surgeon. He even ventured to
suggest abandoning the hot uniform and made sensible alter-
native suggestions of headgear and cotton clothing. He right-
ly admitted such changes as unlikely 'in the present rage
for military show'. The excuse for lack of exercise was the
belief that Europeans could not perform in the heat. Jack-
son refuted this by reference to the activities of the plant-
ers in Jamaica, the activities of the armies of the Roman
Empire and his own walk from Kingston to Lucea. He achiev-
ed this journey in three days carrying baggage as heavy as
a soldier's knapsack. Later in 1783 he walked twenty-five
to thirty miles daily in southern France in midsummer with
temperatures like those in Jamaica. 'Sloth and indolence are
the bane of the soldier, exercise and action the best preserv-
ers of discipline and health'.
Jackson concluded his book by detailing the inadequacies
of the army's medical staff in damning detail. Medical ap-
pointments were made by the military commanders without
any consideration of merit or experience. (He forgot that his
own appointment had been made in this manner).

Army Appointment
On the strength of this book Jackson surprisingly obtain-

.. p

ed an army appointment after the outbreak of war with
France in 1793, and hoped to return to the West Indies. His
mentor, John Hunter, died and a new army medical board
overruled many of Hunter's decisions including Jackson's
appointment. The members of the board were apparently
of no great medical distinction and little military experience
according to Howell [1911]. They demanded certain quali-
fications for army surgeons (including recognition by the
Royal College of Physicians) that Jackson did not have,
thus disbarring him. Fortunately the personal intervention of
the Duke of York enabled Jackson to be appointed despite
the opposition of the board. (This Duke of York became
commander-in-chief and is remembered in the song of his
marching ten thousand men up the hill and down again.)
Jackson was posted to Holland instead of the West Indies,
to serve in the retreating British army with its many casual-
ties. He eventually reached the West Indies in 1795 when
posted to Santo Domingo to supervise the troops and their
medical facilities. From there he visited the United States
where he was the guest of General Morgan (whose prisoner
he had once been) and was gratified to find his book a stand-
ard work there.

Later Years
In 1798 Jackson returned to Stockton-on-Tees to civilian
practice and published another book on fevers and army
discipline. He still opposed the monopoly of the Royal
College of Physicians in medical appointments and the cor-
ruption in the army medical board. Despite this, he was re-
called by the army to various hospital posts where his medi-
cal reforms caused more conflict with the board. This body
made serious allegations about Jackson which he was able to
refute, but which led to his resignation from the army and
his return to Stockton-on-Tees. He proceeded to write more
works, the most significant being A Systematic View of the
Formation, Discipline and Economy of Armies (1804). His
other publications pointed out deficiencies in the army
medical service, and hardly endeared him to the medical
board. A series of events then ensued to magnify grievances
on both sides of the dispute, including an insinuation that
Jackson was not medically qualified. (His diploma had been

lost in the fiasco of the Dutch campaign). Following this un-
fair accusation by the board, Jackson chanced to meet Keate,
the surgeon general, in the street and proceeded to cane his
shoulders. Jackson was charged with assault and jailed for
six months. He was soon avenged when the failure of the
Dutch expedition came to public attention. In 1810 a parlia-
mentary enquiry resulted in the dissolution of the army
medical board and its replacement by a director general. The
latter then asked Jackson to return to the West Indies as
medical director. He accepted the post and was based in the
Windward and Leeward Islands. In the meantime he had
pursued his interest in his treatment of fevers first proven in
Jamaica. He had published An Exposition of the Practice of
A ffusing Cold Water on the Surface of the Body for the Cure
of Fevers in Edinburgh in 1808.
He eventually retired as inspector general of army hospitals
in 1815. In 1817 he published A Sketch of the History and
Cure of Febrile Diseases, more particularly as they appear
in the West Indies among Soldiers of the British Army. In
1819 he helped in a yellow fever epidemic in Cadiz, Spain.
At seventy-seven years of age he volunteered to work in
Portugal but died the same year.
The British soldier in the West Indies was indebted to
Jackson for being stationed in the hills instead of the ports.
He laid down improved army medical staffing to ensure
better care for the sick soldier, and started public health
measures. Many reforms in diet, physical training, and
maintenance of fitness are due to him. In all he published
twenty-three pamphlets and books. His obituary notice in
the Gentleman's Magazine reads: 'If superior talent unremit-
tingly devoted for the greater part of half a century, to re-
lieve the miseries of suffering humanity can entitle a man to
the gratitude of his countrymen, no man deserved it more
than Dr Jackson'.


Bibliographia Jamaicensis, 1902.
Dictionary of National Biography to 1900, Oxford University Press.
HOWELL, H.A.L., Journal of the Royal Army Medical Corps, 1911.
JACKSON, Robert, A Treatise on the Fevers of Jamaica, etc. Phila-
delphia, 1795.

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Music In Festival

By Pamela O'Gorman

he twenty-fifth year of Indepen-

dence seemed an appropriate oc-
casion for taking a look at some
of the music in Festival to see what
changes, if any, had taken place over
the last few decades and also to see if
the music that it now throws up gives
any insight into our present human con-
dition. Music is a wonderful indicator of
psychological states of mind and exist-
ing mores and I approached my task
with eager anticipation (and slight tre-
pidation), having not been present for
the Festival celebrations for some years.
I must confess, at the outset, to a
deep emotional attachment to the Festi-
val movement. As an adjudicator from
the late sixties to the early seventies, I
travelled the length and breadth of the
country. It was Festival that gave me a
comprehensive introduction to Jamaican
highways and byways, an appreciation
of Jamaican country folk and a lifelong
attachment to Jamaican culture. And I
emerged from the experience with the
conviction that, despite its imper-
fections, Festival is one of the best
things that has ever happened to Jam-
aica. Joyce Campbell, the performing
arts co-ordinator, stated at one of the
sessions, 'Festival is a "people" move-
ment; it belongs to the people and is
one of our greatest achievements since
Independence.' How true those words
The early days were heady days, as
the movement brought to the atten-
tion of the nation treasures of Jamaican
folklore and custom that would have
remained undiscovered but for the
vision of people like Edward Seaga who,
as Minister of Welfare and Culture,
'made it all happen'; and those dedi-
cated people who worked in the field,
some of whom such as Joyce Campbell
and Lee Binns are still with the move-
ment, working with as much energy

as they did almost twenty-five years ago.
(Bari Johnson with eighteen years of
experience behind him, is a comparative
The Festival movement, when it
started, was young, brash and clearly
dedicated to the advancement of Jam-
aican culture in all its forms. It used lo-
cal adjudicators, eschewing the tradi-
tional practice of importing experts
from abroad (a move that immediately
led to a loss of credibility in some quar-
ters) and it encouraged the partici-
pation of people from all walks of life,
at every level of society. This is what
distinguished it from all preceding,
similar movements. The Festival move-
ment has always had its finger on the
pulse of the people and has given the
people what they want. This is what
helps to give it such tremendous author-
ity and cultural significance.

Classical Music
An uneasy relationship has always
existed between the Jamaica Cultural
Development Commission (organizers of
Festival) and classical music. Unfortun-
ately, when the new Festival Office2
was established in 1963 its officials
ignored the old Festival movement
which had been devoted mainly to clas-
sical music and had built up a great deal

of experience in planning and organi-
zing over many years of activity. Long-
standing members whose help and ad-
vice might have been called upon felt
hurt and alienated at being ignored and
from then on the classical section of the
new Festival never commanded the sup-
port of those music teachers who could
have given it the early impetus it need-
ed. Just the same, many of our leading
classical artistes such as Willard White
gained their first exposure in JCDC
Festival competitions.
Over the years, teachers and con-
testants have habitually expressed lack
of confidence in the ability of some lo-
cal adjudicators (a suspicion not entire-
ly without foundation) and adjudicators
and contestants have complained of the
conditions under which they have had
to work and compete, respectively. Bad
instruments, noisy halls, long hours
and too many contestants to be judged
in too short a time have all militated
against an art form that, by nature, de-
mands quietness and concentrated listen-
A few years ago JCDC and the Music
Teachers Association embarked on a
collaborative exercise in which the old
practice of importing adjudicators from
abroad albeit Jamaicans was re-
vived. It attracted wide support. Since

Recorder ensemble from Vauxhall Secondary


then, this collaboration has broken
down over the question of timing -the
MTA wants the competition in Novem-
ber, separate from the rest of Festival
- JCDC in June/July when all other
events are taking place.
This year's removal of support by the
established music teachers is a retro-
gressive step, for it serves once more
to place classical music in a social vacu-
um, removed from the realities of Jam-
aican life, accessible only to a small
minority of parents and teachers. What
a pity that some modus operandi can-
not be worked out between the Music
Teachers Association and JCDC that
would be of benefit to both organi-
zations. After all, in the absence of radio
programmes and recordings, Festival
presents one of the few opportunities
for children of school age to hear and
learn classical music in any shape or
form and thus helps to protect it, in
some measure, from becoming a totally
foreign language; and from having those
children who excel at it being regarded
as freaks.
In this year's Festival award concert,
in which only gold medal lists participated
there were two school bands from St
James, one piano solo, one percussion
ensemble, one recorder ensemble, two
violin solos, a duet, and numerous classi-
cal choirs from all over the country.
This tells a story of its own. St James
schools such as Montego Bay High and
Herbert Morrison Comprehensive have
somehow always managed to raise the
funds to start wind bands and to attract
teachers from abroad, some of whom
have done excellent work. The small
number of instrumental solos(especial-
ly piano which is taught extensively)
points to the non-involvement of the
private music teachers, especially those
whose competence could lift the whole
standard of the competition to a new
level. The two violin students were from
St Hugh's High School and were excel-
lently taught. The percussion and re-
corder ensembles and choirs indicate
the support that Festival continues to
enjoy from music teachers in schools. It
is noteworthy that no less than ten gold
medals were awarded to the younger
choirs (Twelve and Under and Nine and
Under) and they came mainly from
country areas such as St Elizabeth,
Westmoreland, Manchester, St Catherine,
and Clarendon.
The young school choirs are as capti-
vating as ever. Children at this age have
no acquired prejudices and are blessed-



Primary school choirs from (top to bottom): Naggo Head, Excelsior, Black River and Alpha.

ly free of self-consciousness. They sing
their classical songs with total involve-
ment and intense concentration. The
teachers do an excellent job in simul-
taneously instilling discipline yet draw-
ing every ounce of expressivity from the
children. Their conducting gestures re-
flect this: Leonard Bernstein himself
could not lead the New York Philhar-
monic more dramatically than some of
the teachers conducting "Grandfather
Clock" and "The Handsome Butcher".
Taken as a whole, classical music in
Festival is much as it has always been.
This includes the choice of songs both
for solos and choirs which, in some cate-
gories, has not changed in the last twen-
ty years. (Is the Festival office still try-
ing to dispose of old stock?)

However, there were a few entries
that brought a welcome breath of Carib-
bean freshness into the proceedings.
One was the percussion ensemble from
Excelsior Primary School which, thank-
fully, dispensed with the old, stiff British
percussion band of yesteryear and re-
placed it with relaxed, syncopated ar-
rangements of songs, complete with
body movement. Another was the re-
corder ensemble (Eighteen and Under)
from Vauxhall Secondary School whose
excellent arrangements by the teachers
introduced the opportunity for impro-
vization. Yet another was a presentation
of a classical song, "The Circus", which
was brought to new life with the addi-
tion of costumes and movement; and,
finally, the treble boys' choir of Betha-
bara All Age School, whose choice of
song, "La Bamba", a syncopated song
of Latin-American lineage, proved that
boys' choirs do not have to lose their
purity when they sing music outside the
bloodless repertory of the choirboy tra-
In their own individual way, these
teachers and children were bringing to
classical music a warmth and freshness
of approach that breathed new life into
some old fossils.

This year, the folk section was as
captivating as ever. Musical performance
has improved over the years, largely be-
cause of the realization that good folk
singing requires matched tone (not
necessarily 'good' tone in the European
sense), clear diction and perfect ensem-
ble. For this we have to thank perform-
ing groups such as the Jamaican Folk
Singers and the University Singers.

The schoolteachers have been quick
to learn that lesson and pass it on.
The visual aspect has also improved
and the colourful costumes which are
financed by private sponsors are an un-
failing delight. Only in the younger age
groups does movement now tend to de-
tract from musical quality, simply be-
cause primary school children do not
have the lung capacity to move ener-
getically and sing effectively at the
same time particularly in ring games.
(It was interesting to note some Ameri-
can importations in the ring games, such
as "Skip to My Lou" and "I'm a Bow
Legged Chicken From A Knock-Kneed
Hen". No comment.)

One of the newer, more exciting
classes is 'creative folk' which offers
an opportunity for original songs to be
created in the folk idiom. The three en-
tries in this class were all noteworthy.
Clydesdale Primary School from St
Ann did a patriotic song entitled "Jam-
aica, Jamaica" on a call-and-response
pattern, Alpha Primary presented "Pol-
ice de-yah" composed by the music
teacher and Brown's Town Secondary
School Teachers from St Ann did "Tri-
bute to Marcus Garvey". Thus music-
making can relate more to present-
day life which is what it should do.

The most musically and visually
exciting presentations came in the
traditional religious music class. The
Hertford Cultural Group of Portland
who performed Pocomania thankfully
resisted the temptation to go for cheap
laughs and approached their task with a
respectful exuberance and an attempt at
authenticity. For me the most unforget-
table musical presentation of the

whole national concert, however, was
that of Manchester High School per-
forming "Rivers of Babylon" with au-
thentic Rastafarian drumming, beautiful
singing and movement and memorable
costuming. It was a gripping and drama-
tic presentation, not only because of the
hypnotic Rasta drumming underpinning
the harmonized voices and the highly
stylized movement, but also because of
the mood, atmosphere and depth of
feeling it evoked. One emerged from a
moment when time stood still with the
realization that Rastafarian music like
Rastafarian art, is one of the greatest
and most significant cultural manifesta-
tions to have emerged in Jamaica this
century. It is artistic expression rooted
in adversity and sustained by faith
whose deep resonances are constantly
renewed by a musical symbolism that
has been created out of genuine spirit-
ual need. It is music for survival and as
such carries a certain ritualistic power
whose effect is riveting.

The other outstanding performance
in the folk section was Gerreh by the
Cambridge Cultural Group from St
James. The accompaniment was provi-
ded by a percussion band of compelling
rhythmic drive, consisting of four one-
gallon plastic containers held under the
arm and played with sticks, a length
of two-inch PVC pipe played as an aero-
phone,3 a pairof maracas, a pair of 'shut-
pan' lids banged together, and a grater.
The Ministry of Education is exploring
the use of computers for music-making
in schools. What better results do we
hope to produce at such enormous ex-
pense while we ignore the resource-
fulness and vitality of our folk tradi-


Manchester High's "Rivers of Babylon ".

In the early days gospel music was
admitted into Festival largely as a form
of concession to performers who, in the
absence of a gospel category, entered it
in classical or folk 'own choice' clas-
ses. Among adjudicators, it met with a
great deal of resistance in the beginning
and was tolerated, rather than welcom-
ed, as some bastard child that had sud-
denly appeared on the doorstep expect-
ing to be admitted into the family. It
was never denied a place but its legiti-
macy remained in question.

Today the situation is quite differ-
ent. Gospel is one of the most popu-
lar categories in Festival. It is com-
posed by Jamaican authors and record-
ed on 45 rpm discs (with a Version on
the reverse side) and the best ten en-
tries are selected for the national
finals. Gospel is also included in the
performance category.

Locally, the term gospel can cover
any idiom. The classification is deter-
mined by the words, rather than the
music; and most often the only Jam-
aican feature about it is the national
predisposition towards religion and
some local colour in the lyrics.

In the composition category, this
year's entries covered every musical
idiom from calypso, American pop,
'sweet' ballads, country-and-western,
white gospel, to Eastern-Caribbean jump-
up. The most noteworthy omissions
were any form of Jamaican popular
music or gospel music derived from
black America. In fact, gospel music
in Jamaica is white music, rather than
black. It leans towards melodiousness
more than any other local music. Its
performance style and its barbershop
harmonies are predominantly white

There were a few exceptions, of
course. Adina Edwards composed and
sang, with a refreshing black vocal
timbre, a song that leant towards the
Revival/Poco idiom and employed im-
agery suffused with traditional baptis-
mal associations:

Let the waves come over me
Let it wash me through and through;
Let the tossing billows around me
Dash me as I go.
When I am tempted to do wrong,
And Satan tempts me so,
Lord give me the sunshine in my soul.

One of the most outstanding and
catchy songs was composed by Collin
Waite. Over a calypso harmonic pro-
gression and an up-tempo calypso dance
beat, the melody of the chorus progres-
sed with compelling forward drive to-
wards the climax:
Jesus is always there
Jesus is always there ...
When trials and sorrows multiply
Don't look below, just look up high
'Cos Jesus is always there.

Just the same the verse to this very
non-Jamaican chorus revealed its nation-
al origin despite the chosen idiom:

When his disciples were comforted
By the storms upon the sea,
They did not know what to do ...
They looked around them
And thought a duppy was coming;
But Jesus himself was there ...

These homely touches keep appear-
ing, reminding us that the composers
are, indeed, Jamaican. And examples

Cambridge Cultural Group performing "Gerreh"
on home-made instruments,

Gospel singer Daphne Tomlin of Clarendon.

such as Roger Ward's "Give God the
Praise" prove that American importa-
tions do not have a monopoly on banal-
Now Johnny was a reckless sinner
Yes in Sin Land he was Mr. Big;
But when he fell into hot water
He said, 'Oh Lord, if you save me
A' give yu a pig'.

In the performance category of the
national finals, we again heard every

musical idiom from country-and-western,
through black (ish) gospel to a cowboy
yodelling song. Only one performer,
Daphne Tomlin of Clarendon, placed
her feet firmly on the floor and let
forth in a glorious deep black voice that
rang with the fervent address of the
true gospel singer. The other outstand-
ing performance was that of the Wol-
mer's Prep. School choir the girls
dressed in white with red sashes, the
boys with red ties which sang "Get
All Excited" with beautiful voice col-
our and appropriate movement. (Note,
however, that gospel has now reached
the primary schools).
Clearly, the most pervasive and per-
suasive musical influences in this coun-
try today come, not through foreign
TV and radio, but through religion.
Proclaiming the name of Christ, they
gain immediate acceptance and are
given immediate legitimation, both in
the individual mind and by the com-
munity. (I am inclined to think that
many people who reject white Ameri-
can pop, or country-and-western bal-
lads will accept the same music with-
out mental or emotional reservation if
the words are religious). The threat of
cultural colonization comes, not so
much from Dallas and Rituals which ap-
peal to the fairly limited sectors of the
population which own TV sets, but
through the hundreds of white-control-
led, fundamentalist religious sects that
descend on us from North America and
command mass audiences.
As a firm believer that human nature
demands some kind of ritual directed
towards God in order to lift religious
worship on to a plane above that of
everyday life, I regard this de-sacrali-
zation of religious music as disturbing
as the gutter-level reggae and dub with
which the country is being currently
Religious musical expression is be-
coming a commodity to be performed,
judged, valued and sold just like any
other commodity in our product-
dominated, materialistic nation. It is
not directed towards God, but towards
a paying audience that no doubt derives
a sense of self-satisfaction from the be-
lief that He is looking down from above
and approving the whole thing.
One cannot help but compare this
mayhem with the ritualistic, God-
directed religious expression of Rasta-
farianism that appeared in the folk
section of Festival to realize the true
difference between the two forms of

religious expression one of which in-
vests man with human dignity, the other
of which reduces him to craven church-
It will be very interesting to see which
music will be heard most often in the
new religious radio and TV channels
that are to be opened next year.

Most of the entries in this year's
popular song competition were worthy
of the occasion of the twenty-fifth anni-
versary and the champion was an out-
right winner! This is in pleasing con-
trast to last year's competition which
was of such unrelieved mediocrity as to
be a national embarrassment.
Perhaps the most noteworthy over-
all feature of this year was the improve-
ment in melody-writing, an art which
has been gradually sinking under the in-
fluence and popularity of dub. But with
a newly-established competition for
dub, separate from popular song, com-
petitors have realized, no doubt, that a
song, is a song, is a song. Dub is some-
thing else.
There were no less than six songs
this year which were interesting as
melodies: Joe Ruglass's "Leggo di
Music", Roy Richards's "A It This",
Tommy Ricketts's "Get Up And Dance",
Norma Lara's "Mento D.J. Jam" (not
surprising considering it was a straight
calypso sung by Lord Laro), Wayne
Armond and Desmond Jones's "My
Home Town", and Roy Rayon's winner,
"Give Thanks and Praises". In most of
them the bass was de-emphasized (in

some there was not even a bass riff!) and
interest was centred on the words and
the melodic line.
This certainly shows an interesting
shift. In fact, out of the entries chosen
for the national finals, the only song
which was written in classic reggae style,
lying firmly outside the world of func-
tional European harmony and placing
emphasis on the bass riff, the rhythmic
interplay of the instruments and the use
of a call-and-response format, was "My
Home Town" which was composed by
two members of the famous Chalice
A few of the songs such as "Get Up
And Dance" and "Sweet Sweet Jamaica"
had a strong mento feeling, "My Home
Town", a Revival beat. Call-and-response
patterns, either straight or inherent,
were also to be found in the choruses
of "My Home Town", "Leggo Di Music",
"A It This", "Sweet Sweet Jamaica"
and Paul Henry's "Celebration Time".
Roy Rayon's "Give Thanks and
Praises" was an unrivalled winner, for
many reasons. First, because of the
words, which are rooted in Jamaican
folk song ('the road was rocky bnd the
hills were steep') and in biblical lan-
guage whose cadence and vocabulary
have suffused Jamaican speech for
Give thanks and praises we are twenty-
Though the road was rocky and the
hills were steep,
Still we survived.
We put we faith and trust in the Father,
He's keeping us alive,

K i AN. *lLf/. h :; I 1 ',T 1 fY
Wolmer's Prep School choir performs '"Get all Excited".

So give thanks and praises we are

How good and how pleasant it is that
we can live in harmony;
That all races, colour and creed can live
in peace and unity;
Jamaica our homeland given from our
Father's hand
To Him we give the glory and praise

So give thanks and praises we are
Though we did walk through the valley
of the shadow of death
Still we survive.
With our hands in the hand of the
Our country will stay alive
So give thanks and praises we are

So put you hand ina di air an praise
For wi pretty little island praise Him,
For the love in di nation praise Him,
Let all the people praise Him, praise
Him, praise Him
Wheel .....

Let's remember those who
struggled for us,
Our heroes true and brave.
They gave their lives in service for us,
Now we are free and no more slaves.
Remember Marcus Garvey, Sam
Sharpe, Gordon, Nanny,
Busta, Bogle, Manley did fight so
we are free

Second, it won because of the music.
Here I must confess that the first time I
heard the song, my eyebrows involun-
tarily rose in astonishment. The song,
is pure country-and-western melody and
guitar accompaniment, with an overlay
of 'clap hands' rhythm and some call-
and-response in the second verse. The
melody even contains two modulations
to the dominant key, which shows the
extent to which it is rooted in European
tonality. Now, this is no different from
what has been happening in Revival
and Pentecostalism for many years:
Sankey and Moody hymns from North
America are worked over and emerge
as Jamaican Revival by the addition of
rhythmic variation and accompaniment
and Jamaican vocal timbre and attack.
It just came as something of a shock
to find this still happening, in a national
popular song competition, in the year
"Give Thanks and Praises" is a first-
rate song. Its sentiments were exactly
right for this year's celebrations, and it
preserved a strong Jamaican identity
despite 'borrowings.' from other cultures.
In fact, it might be viewed as a meta-
phor for Jamaican society as it really
is: a mixture of African and European
elements that add up to something quite
I think it is fair to conclude that the
influence of religion is presently strong-
er and more widespread than it has been
for some decades. The pros and cons of
this phenomenon cannot be argued
here; what we must constantly be aware

of is the extent to which religious im-
ports are penetrating our musical cul-
The latent problem that addresses
all of us who are not entirely enamour-
ed with the idea of a global village
whose inhabitants are reduced to a bor-
ing conformity, is not foreign influence
in itself so much as the degree to which
widespread acceptance of that influence
can make us lose touch with our own
heritage. On the other hand, a strong
sense of cultural self-worth enables us to
absorb foreign influences and change
them into something identifiably our
This year's Festival showed us ex-
amples of both phenomena. What I find
most interesting is that secular pop
music has the strength and vitality to
transform an imported cultural style
into something Jamaican. The same cul-
tural self-confidence and self-esteem are
not as apparent in gospel. Why?


Altogether it was a first-rate Festival
worthy of the twenty-fifth year of In-
dependence, for which Clover Thomp-
son, the executive director, and her staff
should be congratulated. At many levels,
musical expression revealed a dynamic
national consciousness that should allow
us to move forward into the future with
And Festival is likely to remain an
unrivalled catalyst for re-awakening the
traditional voices and clarifying for
Jamaicans and visitors just what it means
to belong to 'The Rock'.


1. The author wishes to acknowledge the
cooperation and assistance given by
Joyce Campbell and Bari Johnson in
providing information and material for
this article.
2. The present Jamaica Festival move-
ment was created in 1963 with the
formation of what was then called 'The
Festival Office In 1968 its name was
changed by Act of Parliament to the
Jamaica Festival Commission. In 1980,
again by Act of Parliament, it became
the Jamaican Cultural Development
3. 'Aerophone' is a general term applied
to any instrument whose sound is pro-
duced by setting an enclosed column
of air in motion; in this particular case,
by blowing through closed lips.

Pamela O'Gorman is Director of the
Jamaica School of Music and our regular
music columnist.


By Herman I. McKenzie

Lionheart Gal: Life Stories of Jamaican
Sistren, with Honor Ford Smith, Editor
London: the Women's Press, 1986, xxxi,
298 pp.

T these engrossing accounts can be
read simply as sad, moving, depres-
sing, but sometimes funny and
even uplifting stories which just happen
not to be conventional works of the
imagination. As a 'general reader', I
would like to join what I expect to be
an increasingly large number of people
who will share their enthusiasm for
particular delights, e.g.:
- The invitation of,
As January step in me mek up me mind
to run way. Me say me a go look work.
("The Emancipation of a Household
From me born till now, me never really
understand Mama. Ah doubt if she ever
understand me either. ("Di Flowers
The compact expressiveness of:
Me nerves get shock. Me mind start
fluctuate. Me start cry night and day.
Me couldn't sleep. Me bawl go straight
a di doctor for a so me haffi get rid a di
pressure. When me look and consider
how ame one and di pickney, when me
member how Psycho go way lef
everything pon me one, me start fret
worse. Me say me no waan come home
one day and hear seh me son start fire
gun or dem rape me daughter. Me pack
me two sinting dem inna two big barrel
dat if anytin di first attack me get, me
can draw di barrel and run. Me deh-deh
no know what a clock a strike, till me
borrow some money and me bredda
help me fi find a house. Me run way lef
me new brand house and go back
inna di landmissis system. ("Veteran
by Veteran")

For me, above all, the whole of
"Rock Stone a River Bottom No Know
Sun Hot", with its unsparing child's-eye
view of the other side of matrifocality,
the costs of being a 'strong' woman:

Yuh know weh happen to she? She did
feel seh she would a live forever, so
Craig wouldn't waan no faada. She

could a never know seh she would a
dead. . Me madda never tell me
'thanks' yet. She never tek notten from
me. She always a gimme. All dem lickle
tings rest pon me mind when me mem-
ber how she used to say, 'Be indepen-
dent, fi yu pon yu own.

But the literary critics can do this so
much better, and it is therefore prob-
ably more useful for me to explore
some of the ambivalent responses of the
social scientist, to the editor's claim
that 'within each story there are differ-
ent emphases such as work, housing,
relations with men and children; so that
taken together, they are a composite wo-
man's story, within which there are
many layers of experience'.

The collection, therefore, while its
mode of presentation (and appeal)
places it firmly within the arts, suggests
conclusions that challenge social scien-
tists to consider both the problems as
well as potential contributions, not to
say advantages, of this approach.

This review was prepared in conjunc-
tion with lectures on Caribbean women,
and I have recommended Lionheart
Gal to my students as vividly conveying
the human meaning of generalizations
about such topics as women's roles, the
sexual division of labour, and gender
relations. It usefully complements such
studies as George W. Roberts and Sonja
Sinclair's Women in Jamaica ,or the re-
cently published Women in the Carib-
bean (Social and Economic Studies,
June and September 1986).

For example, the way in which girls
share the burdens of 'my mother who
fathered me' is well illustrated by:

Me a di biggest gal so me hardly get fi
go a school. When Mama gone a work a
me response fi everything in di house.
Me did haffi carry Sonia, Desmond and
Vanessa go a Miss Katie school every
day. Me go fi dem at lunch time. Carry
dem back after dem done nyam. Wash,
clean, iron. All dem tings deh. If me go
a school Monday, me cyaan go fi di
rest a di week. Mama say she no have
no lunch money. Sometimes she say,
me no fi go because dis one sick or dat
one sick. Me also response fi cooking.

Similarly for women's occupations:
Mama say she used to work hard inna
Westmoreland, weh she come from.
She tek all axe and fall tree when she
young. ( .... ) In Kingston, she do of-
fice helper and domestic work. If she
stop work fi a period a time, she find
something else fi do. She keep fowl and
she used to have a little shop. She have
a kerosene pan and she used to bake
toto into it and sell it to school child-
ren. She used to cut up coconut to
mek drops and grater cake. She used to
fry scaveech fish and sell it. She never
work permanent, but she keep up same

Male oppression and exploitation are
abundantly documented, and the men
on the whole are a 'useless' bunch, a
last (often desperately unsatisfactory)

Sometime when yuh no have notten
and yuh have di pickney dem and dem
look to yuh fi food and fi shelter, yuh
haffi do sometings weh yu no really
waan fi do, just fi survive. Sometimes a
better yuh cyaan do, mek yuh tek cer-
tain man. Sometime yuh really in need.
A man might use dat fi ketch yu. Yuh
might know a so it go, but yuh in need.
Yuh want it, so yuh haffi tek it.

T CD-) ( n-,

(On the other hand, relationships with
older kinsmen are sometimes marked by
genuine tenderness. As one woman
reports of her grandfather:
Me did love Mass Luther Mac and me'd
a follow him to di devil batty . . Me
grandfaada sing wid me, dance wid me
and treat me like me and him is friend.
If him tink bout anything, him always
ask, 'Gal, what yu haffi say bout dat?'
Him tell Ananse story and whole heap
a odder story. Him even mek a lickle
swing under di house bottom fi me.)
There are methodological doubts,
however, which make me feel that per-
haps it is wiser to view these stories as
illustrative of generalizations previously
arrived at by other means, rather than
as providing an independent basis for
such generalizations about women in
Jamaica. For even if we grant that these
stories add up to 'a composite woman's
story', the search for 'a throughline for
each story' results both in the freshness
and verve of the book, and a lack of
comparable information on important
aspects of these women's lives.
One problem, from the point of view
of standard research technique, is the in-
volvement of the editor-researcher in (to
an unclear extent) 'constructing' the
stories. These Sistren are, in any case,
'conscious' and highly articulate women,
members of a theatre collective, who
have been involved for some time in
shaping their shared experiences for pre-
sentation on the stage. All this may well
have influenced the selection of experi-
ence and incident for these reminiscences
- especially since, according to the
editor, 'I constructed each interview
around three questions: How did you
first become aware that you were op-
pressed as a woman? How did that ex-
perience affect your life? How have you
tried to change it?'
This has assuredly contributed to the
vividness and readability of the stories
and they have been enhanced thereby;
but at the same time their very excel-
lence prompts only reluctant agreement
(overcautious? male? pedestrian social
science?) with the editor that, 'The
women who speak in these stories are
not unique. The stories are representative
experiences of ordinary women speak-
ing about the effort of making some-
thing of their lives and reflecting con-
cerns which are common to many
women in their society.'
Yet, for me, that these are possibly
a rather special minority of women in
Jamaica is not really a problem. For it
might be argued that the very unusual-
ness of the sample at least allows for a

fuller representation of, and thus more
information about, a subgroup of Jam-
aican women who would usually be
little treated in the sort of routine socio-
logical inquiry that seeks to chart the
most common features of women's lives
in this country. The experiences of
women who are breaking out of tradi-
tional definitions of 'woman's place' at
least reveal some of the potentials for
change in Jamaica today.
Indeed I think that the indispensable
contribution of a work such as this is to
remind us of the rich variety of exper-
ience which is inevitably reduced when
we try (as we must) to generalize about
people in society. These stories refuse to
be domesticated by a theoretical frame-
work; contradictions and complications
are there for all to see, thus pointing the
way to future research. And Lionheart
Gal II?
Herman I. McKenzie is a senior lecturer
in the Department of Sociology, Univer-
sity of the West Indies, Mona, Jamaica.

By Edwin S. Jones
A New Earth: The Jamaican Sugar Worker's
Cooperatives 1975-81
Monica Frolander-Ulf and Frank Lindenfeld
New York: University Press of America, 1985
pp. 225

Agrarian co-operatives have come
to represent a key instrument of
socio-economic development and
worker self-management, especially in
post-colonial states. However, the extent
to which they can become successful is
highly dependent on the quality and
rate of the social mobilization process
underpinning them, the style of their
institution-building process and the
degree to which they anticipate manage-
ment requirements. But equally import-
ant for the development and reproduc-
tion of successful co-operative systems,
is the quality of scholarly studies they
attract. Such studies become important
when they are sound in theoretical in-
tegrity; when they empirically diagnose
causes and patterns of success and
failure and when, also, they compre-
hend the factors critical to the survival
of these policy instruments. A New
Earth must be judged by these criteria.
The book details the 'enormous
difficulties faced by the Jamaica sugar
workers' co-operatives . and the nu-
merous internal and external obstacles
placed in their path'. Additionally, it
claims to 'shed light on the issue of

third world economic development'
(p. 1). It acknowledges a biased per-
spective one 'sympathetic to the sugar
workers', but sufficiently 'critical' so as
'to point to lessons that may be of help
to others in establishing and maintaining
such co-operatives' (p. 5).
This is a highly descriptive and lop-
sided account of the processes of for-
mation and management of the sugar
workers' co-operatives. It is lopsided in
its emphasis on micro details without
any sustained attempt at analysing
structures and processes. The avoidance
of basic theoretical concerns has served
to inhibit comprehension of the full
dynamics of co-op life and has invited
dangerously simplistic solutions to cer-
tain problems. These weaknesses are
embodied, for example, in the treatment
of 'mobilization' within the context of
'democratic socialism' as the organi-
zational and philosophical foundations
of the co-op process.
Whilst fully appreciating the salience
of a mobilization approach to success-
ful co-op development, the authors have
treated the phenomenon (pp. 34-59)
largely as a descriptive category. Here,
therefore, no serious attempt is made to
outline a theory of social mobilization.
Yet there are analytical and practical
advantages to be gained from such an
outline. For one thing, it would help to
give order to the material used. Beyond
that, it would at least, aid the design of
relevant consciousness-raising strategies;
determine appropriate organizational
imperatives and dictate the most suitable
ideological messages and symbols to be
manipulated in a particular context. In
consequence of their preferred approach,
the authors have focused mainly on
patterns of resistance to mobilizational
efforts, not on what are the building-
blocks necessary for successful efforts.
Further, they are led to the limited and
limiting conclusion that mobilizational
failures are simply attributable to
ideological vagueness and political vacil-
lation. Notice, moreover, that failure is
blamed mainly on the apparatus of the
Another problem of analysis relates
to the treatment of democratic social-
ism as theory and process. Elaborated
mainly on pp 134-5, its principal identi-
fying features merely embody 'concepts
of class alliance and the mixed economy'.
Elsewhere, of course, the mobilization
content of process is described. Other
major concepts of 'democratic socialism',
among them, commitment to democra-

tization and egalitarian distributive
policies; diversification of production,
trade and diplomatic arrangements; new
patterns of institution building, etc. are
either only recognized in a disembodied
way or are broadly ignored. All these
concepts have meaning for the co-
operative process its production strat-
egy, its internal distribution of power
and the structuring of its relationships
with 'external' social forces.

In this context too, explanation of the
'limits' of PNP reform initiatives hardly
goes beyond themes of 'vague' policies
and difficulties associated with internal
right/left ideological disputes. A more
comprehensive analysis would take into
account problems linked to the character
of the clientelic political system, the
reality of structural dependency and the
orientations of the traditional apparatus
of the state among other things.
There are other areas of weakness,
most congregated in a disappointing
Chapter 6 "A Development Strategy
that Failed". The quasi-comparative
Nicaragua-Jamaica discussion is super-
ficial in scope and ignores the vastly
differing conditions and circumstances
of their contexts. Virtually all the great
opportunities to 'draw lessons helpful
to third world development strategies'
were missed under the caption, 'Co-
operatives in the Context of the Wider
Society' (pp. 179-181). For here,
the discussion is unrealistic in its as-
sumption about reproducing Chinese and
Yugoslavia-type co-operative approaches
in Jamaica or elsewhere. It is also con-
tradictory in the claim that it was
'favourable political climate that strong-
ly recommended the co-operative ex-
periment' in Jamaica, whilst concluding
that 'the co-operatives were held back
by ambivalence of the government'
(p. 180).
A New Earth is also parsimonious in
its identification of the successful
dimensions of the sugar co-operatives.
Successful processes are as important
as the failed ones in providing 'lessons
that may be of help to others in estab-
lishing and maintaining such co-opera-
Too, the study is built partly on the
methodology of 'participant observation'
which is imperfectly exploited. There
has been no documented attempt to
broaden the data base through even a
basic attitude survey of co-operators
on major issues. Such an approach would

test or refine findings by Carl Stone, re-
ported in Social and Economic Studies
(27:1, March 1978) and on which the
authors have drawn liberally. On the
question of methodology as well, one
is left to wonder whether the apparent
over-reliance on the views, opinions
and observations of one key actor, Joe
Owens, might not itself constitute a
special complicating factor to an already
acknowledged biased perspective.
Although a mostly accurate summary
is given of the JLP efforts and motiva-
tions to demobilize and then liquidate
the sugar co-ops (and other structures of
popular, participation created under the
PNP regime of democratic socialism,
1974 -80), hardly any mention is made
of the central role of the International
Monetary Fund (IMF) in reinforcing,
if not determining, such efforts and
motivations. This lack is rather unfor-
tunate, given the pivotal role that the
IMF has come, during the last decade,
to play in influencing development po-
licies in the Third World generally. There
are 'lessons' to be learnt from an under-
standing of IMF motivations and the
actual policy strategies they promote.
That is why discussion of the role of
the IMF appears absolutely necessary.
A few factual errors also beset the
work and reflect on the diligence exer-
cised on the research side. In error, for
example, is the claim (p. 100) that
Desmond Leaky, himself an active PNP
politician (and a parliamentary secre-
tary), was the permanent secretary in
the Ministry of Agriculture.
To be sure, the work is positive in
some fundamental respects. It represents
a contribution to the growing literature
on the Jamaica co-op experience (in this
case, from the perspective of sociology
and anthropology). It is rich in micro
details. It identifies and itself represents
gaps to which future research -efforts
might usefully respond. Its descriptive
and non-technical style is highly readable
and would be attractive to the mass
public to whom it is mainly dedicated.
Above all, the book is most explicit in
its broad identification of problems
associated with the sugar co-operative
movement. In this regard it has outlined
a broad framework within which rele-
vant solutions may be sought. Precisely
because the authors have concentrated
on identification of problems, some of
these should be summarised. They are
worker suspicion and indiscipline; over-
bureaucratization; the oppositional

mentality from external social forces;
failure to precisely anticipate what are
the requirements of sound co-operative
management; partial mobilizational ap-
proaches, etc.
On balance, the work is positively
lop-sided; conscious of the need to
celebrate certain advances in worker
self-management, but inarticulate on the
processes by which to extend those
advances. The basic research under-
pinning it is incomplete, and, accor-
dingly, its lessons that would engender
and maintain successful co-op processes
are themselves limited. In a word, it fails
to fulfil the promises mentioned at the
outset of this review.

Edwin S. Jones is a senior lecturer in the
Department of Government, University
of the West Indies, Mona, Jamaica.

By Elsie LeFranc

Rural Development in the Caribbean
P.I. Gomes (ed.)
Kingston: Heinemann Educational Books
1985,246 pp.

Publication on rural and agri-
cultural development will always
be welcomed because although,
as Gomes correctly notes, academics have
for some time now been addressing the
issues, policy makers and those in the
relevant development and funding agen-
cies have only recently appeared willing
to seriously focus their attention on
them. Consequently, the study of this
sector, its problems and possible solu-
tions itself remains underdeveloped.
The stated purpose of this collection
of essays is to demonstrate and justify
the need for an 'integrated and integral'
approach to rural development. The
various contributions to the volume are
intended to provide us with analyses
and data on the structural causes of un-
derdevelopment, as well as on what the
editor refers to as 'location-specific' and
'symptomatic aspects'. Out of this should
come not only an appreciation of the
need for such a development approach,
but also some understanding of the
strategies that would follow from this
The essays are of uneven quality in
terms of both the quality and originality
of the data and analyses presented. Mar-
shall's article on peasant development is
still one of the most important con-
tributions to the study of the history
of the peasant-plantation conflict since

it was first published in 1968. A few
others such as Sleeman, Craig, Mclntosh
and Manchew, and Durant-Gonzalez
provide, respectively, some useful in-
formation on the growth of an inde-
pendent planter-merchant elite in Bar-
bados and Martinique, the system of
political patronage in Trinidad, nutri-
tional deficiencies and obesity in some
territories, and the social and economic
functions of higglering in Jamaica. Also,
Henderson and Patton give a competent
summary of the necessary components
of the kind of extension service needed
in agricultural development in the Carib-
bean region. On the other hand,
Gomes's examination of plantation
dominance and rural dependence is
sketchy; Acosta and Casimir attempt to,
but do not really locate a 'counter-plan-
tation' system in the system of metayage
in St. Lucia; and Thompson's examina-
tion of Grenada's failures to achieve self-
reliance adds little to what is already
Generally speaking, this collection of
essays do not take us beyond the work
of other writers in these subject areas.
There are no explanations of rural pover-

ty that have not already been put for-
ward by earlier writers on plantation
economy. And there is very little infor-
mation and data that are not already
available. But perhaps even more se-
riously, it is not at all clear how most of
the articles really relate to the editor's
stated concerns. Pemberton does attempt
to examine the linkage between the
plantation economy and peasant eco-
nomic behaviour with a view to identi-
fying the implications for the develop-
ment process. However, his explanation
of the 'lack of dynamism' lapses into the
kind of circularity that usually encour-
ages despair on the part of the policy-
maker. Apart from this, the editor does
not pull the articles together in such a
way as to draw out the theoretical link-
ages anticipated, or to identify the
sought-after mechanisms and strategies
for development.
In addition, the editor has now ap-
parently discovered 'integrated rural
development'. He seems unfortunately
unaware of the debate that has gone on
over the past seven to eight years in
respect of this particular approach.
There have after all been actual at-

tempts at implementation (including
territories within the region), many of
which have been followed by the usual
reviews, evaluations and modifications.
Among the problems which this approach
commonly identified, are the admini-
strative nightmares, organizational dif-
ficulties and political in-fighting that
inevitably seem to plague the attempt to
simultaneously pursue a wide variety of
While it is never really fair to criticise
a writer for what he may not have set
out to do, it may be sometimes neces-
sary to suggest some of the things
that no longer need to be done. Thus,
the challenge is not now one of defining
and justifying this particular orientation
to rural development, it is one of identi-
fying feasible mechanisms and strategies
for its implementation in particular
socio-economic environments. Unfor-
tunately, it is a challenge recognized, but
not met, by this volume.

Elsie LeFranc is a senior lecturer in the
Department of Sociology and Social
Work, University of the West Indies,
Mona, Jamaica.


est Indian literature con-
tinues to be well served by
those stalwart pioneers Bim
and Kyk-over-al. The latest issue of Bim
(no. 69, December 1985) contains a
well-balanced mix of poetry, short
stories and literary criticism, as well as
articles on two nicely contrasting figures
from New World history: "Estevan: the
First Great African Explorer in the
Columbian Era", and the linguist Doug-
las McRae Taylor, "A European Leader
in Caribbean Culture". The loyalty
that Bim has elicited from its writers is
suggested by the presence in this issue
of such early contributors as Geoffrey
Drayton, Harold Marshall, Edward
Brathwaite and lan McDonald.

McDonald's poetry also appears in
Kyk, no. 35 (October 1986), of which
he is co-editor. The poetry in this issue
seems stronger than the prose fiction.
Among the articles, Elaine Campbell's
"Report from Curacao", on contem-
porary women writers from that Dutch
Caribbean island, is (like one or two of
the articles in Bim, no. 69) welcome evi-
dence of the continuing interest of these
magazines in promoting, in the English-
speaking Caribbean, an interest in the


literature of the non-English-speaking
This interest is also unequivocally
declared by the world's first journal
devoted to criticism of West Indian liter-
ature the Journal of West Indian
Literature, published by the English
Departments of the University of the
West Indies and edited by Mark Mc-
Watt. The focus is to be on 'articles that
are the result of scholarly research in
the literature of the English-speaking
Caribbean', but articles on the literatures
of the non-English-speaking Caribbean
will also be considered, 'provided such
articles are written in English and have a
clear relevance to the themes and con-
cerns of Caribbean literature in English
or are of a comparative nature'. To set
an example, the first two numbers of
JWIL (October 1986 and June 1987)
carry articles on French Caribbean liter-
ature, among articles which deal with
established as well as little-known West
Indian writers, including Martin Carter,
Wilson Harris, Mervyn Morris, Lorna
Goodison, Eliot Bliss and the late Victor
The New Voices, a young cousin of
Bim and Kyk, edited and published in
Trinidad by Anson Gonzales, also con-
tinues to do well. The recent double
issue (March-September 1987) 'cel-

ebrates 15 years of introducing new
writers and encouraging those who are
A promising new outlet for writers is
The Caribbean Writer, published by the
Caribbean Research Institute of the
University of the Virgin Islands and
edited by Erika J. Smilowitz. The first
number (Spring 1987) contains poems
(including two new poems by Derek
Walcott, who is a member of the ad-
visory board), short stories and book re-
views. The title may be a bit misleading,
since many of the contributors are not
Caribbean writers. However, some of
them, like Joseph Bruchac, editor of
The Greenfield Review of New York,
have a deep interest in the Caribbean as
well as great talent.
Kunapipi, a journal of Common-
wealth literature, edited by Anna Ruther-
ford at the University of Aarhus, Den-
mark, has published a "Special West
Indian Issue" (vol. 8, no. 2, 1986).
There are articles on Wilson Harris, Or-
lando Patterson, Jean Rhys, Derek
Walcott and Indo-Caribbean fiction,
interviews with Olive Senior and Wilson
Harris, and creative writing by Olive
Senior, Edward Baugh, Lorna Goodi-
son, Frederick D'Aguiar, Madeline
Coopsammy and Nicolas Guillen.

These brief notes on books
received do not preclude a longer

Street, Paul Edwards, David
Daniell, Frances M.Mannsaker,
Abena P.A. Busia, Kenneth
Parker and David Dabydeen.



The Caribbean Slave: A Biological
Kenneth F. Kiple
Cambridge : Cambridge
University Press
1984, 274 pp.
Focuses on the black bio-
logical experience in the
Caribbean from the sixteenth
century to the late nineteenth
century. Looks at thechanging
disease environment after the
arrival of the Spaniards;condi-
tions in West Africa; the con-
sequences of the middle pas-
sage and the health of the
slave in the West Indies.
The black presence in English
David Dabydeen (ed.)
Manchester: Manchester
University Press
1985, 214 pp.

Ten essays examine the depic-
tion of black people in English
Literature from Shakespeare
to contemporary fiction.
Contributors include Ruth
Cowhig, lan Duffield, Brian



^** C

I u uyoen eiror I

Secret Lives
Imruh Bakari
London: Bogle-L'Ouverture
Publications Ltd.
1986, 67 pp.

A collection of twenty-four
poems which focus on the
theme of West Indian migra-
tion to Britain, exploring the
psychological links between
the migrant and his Afro-
Caribbean past and his at-
tempts to deal with the new
problems which have to be
faced in the 'mother country'.

Jamaica's Master Potter

Baugh: Jamaica's Master Potter
Cecil Baugh, Laura Tanna
Kingston: Selecto Publications
1986,98 pp.

Documents Cecil Baugh's life
and work, moving from his
childhood in Bangor Ridge,
Portland to his world war I
years in Africa, his role in the
founding of the Jamaica
School of Art and his travels
throughout theworld. Baugh's
great influence on the develop-

ment of art in Jamaica is re-
vealed through excerpts from
interviews with fellow artists
and students. Over 100 photo-
graphs with sixteen pages in
full colour showing some of
Baugh's finest work.

EKB: His published Prose and
Poetry 1948-1986
Doris Monica Brathwaite
Kingston: Savacou Cooperative
1986, 140 pp.

An annotated bibliography
covering just under forty
years of Edward Kamau
Brathwaite's published works
including recordings. Divided
into ten sections: Poetry/
Books; Literary Criticism/
Articles; Literary Criticism/
Books; History and Aesthetics;
Anthologies and Collections;
Anthologies and Periodicals;
Bim/EKB; Caribbean Voices/
EKB; Sunday Gleaner/EKB;

Days and Nights in the Magic
Faustin Charles
London: Bogle-L'Ouverture
Publications Ltd.
1986, 64 pp.
Third volume of poetry by a
Trinidadian writer now living
in London. The thirty-five
poems reflect varied elements
of West Indian history and
folklore while evoking the
'spirituality and magic' of the
Caribbean landscape.

W 0 M EN 0 THE

/ .
:- \\

Women of the Caribbean
Pat Ellis (ed.)
Kingston: Kingston Publishers
1986, 165 pp.
A comprehensive survey of
the issues affecting Caribbean
women. The twenty-three es-
says look at: women and his-
tory; women and education;
women and culture and women

and development. The authors
are from various territories
in the region.

Child of the Sun
Cecil Rajendra
London: Bogle-L'Ouverture
Publications Ltd.
1986, 62 pp.
The seventh volume of poetry
by controversial Malaysian
poet Cecil Rajendra. The
forty-five poems focus on the
Third World experiencewhere
starvation, poverty, war, poli-
tical chicanery and ignorance
are day-to-day realities.

Sometimes Towards Eden
Sandra Riley
Miami, Florida: Island Research
1986, 271 pp.
The fatal conflict between
two powerful women Nan-
ny leader of the Maroons and
Ann Bonney reformed lady
pirate is the subject of this
novel. The violence of the
Maroon Wars during the first
half of the eighteenth cen-
tury provides the setting for
the confrontation between
Afro-Jamaica and white Jam-
aica as symbolized by the
main characters of the novel.

Black Women in the Church:
Historical Highlights and
Janet O. Spencer (compiler),
Celia T. Marcelle and
Catherine Robinson (eds.)
Pittsburgh: Magna Graphics Inc.
1986, 196 pp.
Profiles the lives of 130 black
women who were instrumen-
tal in establishing and nurtur-
ing churches during the in-
fancy of the Church of God.
Histories of women from the
U.S.A. dominate but a few
from the West Indies and
Britain are included.

The growth and development of
political ideas in the Caribbean
Denis Benn
Kingston: Institute of Social and
Economic Research,
University of the West Indies
1987, 237 pp.
Traces the growth and devel-
opment of major political
ideas which have emerged
in the Caribbean since the
end of the eighteenth cen-
tury. Focuses on the English-
speaking territories and the
ideas of writers and politicians
such as Edward Long, Bryan
Edwards, Eric Williams, J.J.
Thomas, C.L.R. James, Cheddi
Jagan, Marcus Garvey, and
Walter Rodney.
Class, Status and Social Mobility
in Jamaica
Derek Gordon
Kingston: Institute of Social and
Economic Research,
University of the West Indies
1987, 59 pp.
Analyses social mobility in
Jamaica and its impact on the
class structure
Fight for Freedom
Carey Robinson
Kingston: Kingston Publishers
1987, 178 pp.
A history of resistance to slav-
ery over the 200 years from
early settlement to emanci-
pation in 1834. Disputes the
view that the end of slavery
was brought about solely by
British abolitionists and shows
how the slaves were instru-
mental in attaining their free-

Color, Sex and Poetry
Gloria T. Hull
Bloomington, Indianapolis:
Indiana University Press
1987, 240 pp.
A biographical study of three
female poets of the Harlem
Renaissance Angelina Weld
Grimke, Alice Dunbar-Nelson
and Georgia Douglas Johnson.
'Relying on unpublished let-
ters, diaries, and manuscripts,
this study provides fresh data
for a radical re-assessment of
these important authors and of
the Harlem Renaissance itself'.

A-Z of Industrial Relations
Practices at the Workplace
George J. Phillip
Kingston: Kingston Publishers
1987, 122 pp.
A useful reference tool for
both management and work-
ers. Offers solutions to famili-
ar problems at the workplace.

Uorlit 1-1. -([*(at.

.: the $15.00
'. h in Jamaica only

jamaicans -:
VICTOR U.S.$5.75
STAFFORD Post paid overseas
"Invaluable as THE JAMAICANS is
for the Jamaican, it is equally so,
and as instructive for the non-
Jamaican West Indian reader.
Little is known outside of the Caribbean of the part played by the
Jamaican guerilla Juan de Bolas in the adventure which established
the English in Jamaica. THE JAMAICANS is the great novel which
provides a magnificent tale of these times.

Institute of Jamaica Publications Limited
2A Suthermere Rd., Kgn. 10, Jamaica, Tel: 92-94785-6.

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iN N national Commercial
Bank, Harbour
Street, Kingston
stands on the site of
the second and oldest surviving
commercial bank in Jamaica,
the Colonial Bank which
was opened 15 May 1837, 150
S years ago. The original structure
was razed in the great fire of
Kingston in 1882 and the second
partially destroyed 25 years
later in the 1907 earthquake.

The existing building
which dates to 1910 was
built in neoclassical style.
Characteristic features are the
domed central ceiling and the
marble based pillars which
taper upwards to the
intricately detailed Greek
ionic capitals. These capitals
support the beams of the
ceiling which are decorated
by delicately stylized plant
forms. The classical style is
further represented on the
exterior facade by the use of
shorter Tuscan columns and
wrought iron grill work to
form a colonnade.

While the style of the
exterior has remained un-
changed since 1910, the
interior has undergone
periodic renovations, the
most recent by Harold
Morrison Associates in 1987.
Emphasis was placed on
""i creating a harmonious
mixture of the old and new
while maintaining a comfort-
able environment for banking
staff and customers. The plan
is based on the use of the
main central area as a public
space separated from the
working area by a marble clad
counter finished with brass
nosing, in keeping with the
material originally used in the
bank. The main area is high-
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fixture and acts as a culmin-
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by the covered entrance and
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*, ~


Glimpses of Jamaica's Natural History

Momordica charantia

Cerasee is a common tropical weed that
is widely used in folk medicine as a 'bush tea'
- despite its bitter taste. Bitter cerasee can
cure nearly everything' avers Louise Bennett
in her celebrated poem "Folk Medicine". A
West Indian Medical Journal article on 'Medi-
cinal Plants of Jamaica" (1953, 2 233) lists
it as 'One of the most widely used medicinal
herbs of Jamaica' And the folk song "Helena"
Look good pon cerasee Helena
De leaf an de vine and de berry
Come know cerasee, for oh cerasee
A it cure you bad pain a belly.
Cerasee belongs to the Cucurbitaceae farn ly
which includes pumpkin, chocho and cucum-
ber; all members of this family are (c mbing or
trailing plants with coiled tendrils. Cerasee
climbs on hedges, fences, trees, or anything
within reach or creeps on the ground, and can
be seen growing almost everywhere after rains.
Flowers and fruits appear on the cerasee'
vine almost all year round, though the parts
used for 'tea' are the aerial parts, dry or fresh,
free of large fruits. The leaves are cut
into five to seven lobes and the flowers are a
bright yellow. When ripe, the warty fruit
breaks into three fleshy valves exposing seeds
enclosed in a red aril. The green fruit is cd.ile
and is called goo-fah or bitter me:on by,
Chinese-Jamaicans. The fruit is also known as
carilla. The mature fruit is 8-15 cm. long nar-
rowing at both ends.
Cerasee 'tea' is used for colds and fevers,
stomach aches, constipation in children and as
a general tonic.

A, male flower. B. female flower. C, cross-section of ovary. D, fruit. E, seed.
F. G, face and side view of embryo. H, vertical section of seed.

Natural History Division, Institute of Jamaica


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